^^ 
 
 t 
 
 i! 
 
 
 f!lff 
 
 r^t 
 
 \¥i 
 
 iWUf^ ) 
 
 ra=
 
 LOUISBOURG 
 FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO ITS FALL 
 
 1713-1758
 
 i§^)^iJ^ 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited 
 
 LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA . MADRAS 
 
 MELBOURNE 
 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 NEW YORK • BOSTON ■ CHICAGO 
 DALLAS • SAN FRANCISCO 
 
 THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. 
 TORONTO
 
 J 
 
 o
 
 LOUISBOURG 
 
 FROM ITS FOUNDATION 
 TO ITS FALL 
 
 1713-1758 
 
 BY 
 
 J. S. MCLENNAN 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED 
 ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 
 
 1918
 
 COPYRIGHT
 
 
 TO THE MEMORY 
 OF MY SON 
 
 HUGH M<^LENNAN 
 
 BORN IN CAPE BRETON, JANUARY ZJ, 1886 
 WHO, A STUDENT AT THE BEAUX-ARTS, PARIS, ENLISTED 
 IN AUGUST I9I4 IN THE CANADIAN FIELD ARTILLERY, 
 AND WAS KILLED IN ACTION NEAR YPRES, APRIL 2J, I915 
 
 I DEDICATE THIS BOOK
 
 PREFACE 
 
 LouisBOURG, as the seat of French power on the coast of the North Atlantic, 
 occupied, during the few years of its existence, a unique position. 
 
 Contrasts between the progress of Canada and that of adjacent British 
 colonies frequently have been made. It has been overlooked that the people of 
 Louisbourg successfully met the competition of their neighbours in the greatest 
 industry in which both were engaged. Its development illustrates the action of 
 economic forces many years before the statement of their laws by Adam Smith 
 met with general acceptance. The captures of the town, both in 1745 and 1758, 
 connect its history with the general course of events, which, slowly preparing in 
 the preceding years, culminated in the latter half of the eighteenth century 
 with such far-reaching consequences to France and the British Empire. 
 
 This work is intended to present in detail the economic and administrative 
 history of the colony, as well as to bring that history into harmony with the 
 wider outlook on the events of the time which has been taken by other writers, 
 notably M. Richard Waddington,' Mr. Julian Corbett,^ and M. La Cour-Gayet.^ 
 
 A study of original documents and contemporary writings having verified 
 the soundness of their views, I have, in many cases, referred to their works rather 
 than to sources less easily accessible. While I have tried to make complete my 
 acknowledgments as well as the verification of their citations, 1 am aware that 
 the former may not be complete, and that my text may even contain, without 
 acknowledgment, phrases from works I have so constantly consulted. 
 
 There are gaps in the narrative here presented. They are, by intention, 
 only the leaving out of events or incidents, often picturesque, which are dealt 
 
 ^ Le RenTenement des alliatices, and La Guerre de Sept Arts, ^ England in the Seven Tears' War, 
 
 •* La Marine ntilitaire de la France sous Louis Xy. 
 
 vii
 
 VI 
 
 iii LOUISBOURG FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO ITS FALL 
 
 with fully in the works of Parkman, Wood, and others, which it is fair to assume 
 are familiar to all who will read this book. 
 
 Some of the views presented differ from those usually taken of this period 
 and the events herein dealt with? The relative success of the French fisheries, as 
 compared with those of New England ; the lack of efficiency and armament in 
 British outposts, and the slackness of some of their officers ; the origins of the 
 expedition of 1745, and the importance of Pepperrell in securing its adoption by 
 the legislature of Massachusetts, are instances in which the views presented differ 
 from those I held in beginning the study of the original documents. 
 
 Again, it may be pointed out to those who may feel that it was unnecessary 
 to include in the narrative the statement that Wolfe's forecasts at Halifax were 
 inaccurate, that his despondent views only set forth more brightly the indomitable 
 spirit of the man. It has also seemed desirable to deal at some length, as the 
 writer is familiar with local topography, with the site and sequence of events on 
 the 8 th of June, when the force under Wolfe's command gained a landing. 
 There was nothing in the conduct of the war up to that time to lead us to 
 believe that, had the attack been repulsed, the expedition might not have failed. 
 
 The concluding chapter contains an analysis ot the causes which led to the 
 weakness of the French Navy at a time when efficiency might have averted the 
 gravest disasters to the colonial empire of France. In this chapter, to avoid 
 repetition, is contained some elucidations of the naval operations at Louisbourg 
 which demand attention as a basis for a sound understanding of these events. 
 
 It may be added that as the documents in the Archives Nationales which 
 deal with the affairs of the colony are arranged in chronological order in their 
 respective series, it has not been thought necessary to cite all references to 
 documents so easily found ; nor for English readers to give the original text 
 as well as a translation for passages quoted from French writers. I have used 
 contemporary forms of spelling, usually that of the document on which the text 
 ■ is based; and I have, whenever possible, quoted the words of an eyewitness 
 rather than given my own version. While this course has some obvious dis- 
 advantages it is hoped that it has added materially to the accuracy of the views 
 presented. 
 
 I most gratefully acknowledge much help cordially given by many people.
 
 PREFACE ix 
 
 Earl Grey made it easy for me to obtain access to collections. Dr. A. G. 
 
 Doughty of the Dominion Archives, and Monsieur Charles de la Ronciere of 
 
 the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, both historians, the latter the author of a 
 
 monumental history of the French Navy, not yet completed, have aided me with 
 
 advice. Mr. H. P. Biggar of the Canadian Archives has placed freely at my 
 
 disposal his knowledge of the libraries and archives of Europe. Viscount 
 
 Falmouth has sent me copies of Admiral Boscawen's unpublished letters of 1755. 
 
 Admiral the Hon. Horace Hood, R.N., has had prepared for me a chart showing 
 
 the position of Boscawen's larger ships in June 1758. Colonel Stopford Sackville 
 
 has had copied for me Cunningham's letter now in the Archives of Drayton 
 
 House. Mr. H. P. Duchemin of Sydney has aided me in the final revision. 
 
 Miss Alice J. Mayes of London has been an accurate and intelligent searcher for 
 
 me in the Record Office and other depositaries in London. Mr. Herbert 
 
 Putnam of the Congressional Library has given me the copy of a rare map ; 
 
 and from the officials of many libraries and archives in Canada, the United 
 
 States, England, and France I have received much courteous assistance in my 
 
 researches. 
 
 J. S. MCLENNAN. 
 
 Petersfield, 
 Sydney, Cape Breton, 
 Canada. 
 
 P.S. — This book was printed in the spring of 19 14, for publication in the 
 following September. The outbreak of war led to its being held over. The con- 
 tinuance of the war makes it improbable that, within the near future, there will be 
 a more fitting time than the present for its appearance ; for the events dealt with 
 in it influence those which are now occurring, and the views as to the importance 
 of naval power stated in it are being confirmed on every sea. 
 
 In the interval since it was printed changes have occurred. The Earl Grey 
 and Admiral the Honble. Horace Hood have ended splendid careers of public 
 service, and Sir Julian Corbett has had his contributions to naval history recognised. 
 
 J. S. M^L. 
 
 The Senate, Canada, 
 June 1918.
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 1. Veiie de la Ville, 1731. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, C !'• 
 
 2. Carte de I'lsle Royale .... 
 
 3. Plan du Havre. By L'Hermitte, 1716 (Marine, Paris) 
 
 4. Projects ot Fortification, Verville, 1717 
 
 5. Captain Young's Map, 1716 . 
 
 6. Louisbourg, 1734 
 
 7. Environs, 1738 (Marine, Paris) 
 
 8. Satirical Print, 1755 . 
 
 9. Boscawen's Ships, June 5, 1758 
 
 10. Coast near Landing Place 
 
 11. Coromandiere Cove, 191 2 
 I 2. First Landing 
 
 14. [-Attack and Defence in Three Stages. 
 
 16. The Prudent and Bienfaisant in Louisbourg Harbour, 1758 
 
 17. Demolition of Fortifications (British Museum) 
 
 18. View of Louisbourg in 1766 (British Museum) 
 
 19. Louisbourg Medals ..... 
 
 530 
 
 IN POCKET AT END OF BOOK 
 
 PLANS 
 
 1 A and I B. Plan of Siege of 1745. 
 
 2 A and B, 3 A and B. Plans of Siege of 1758. 
 
 From Section Hydrographique, Marine, Paris. 
 
 APPENDIX VII 
 
 Statement of the movements of His Majesty's ships employed in the siege of Louisburg, 
 1745, with remarks upon weather, etc. 
 
 XI
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The foundation of Louisbourg was the result of a crisis in French colonial 
 development. Before the readjustment of territory arranged by the Treaty 
 of Utrecht, April 1713,^ France possessed the fairest colonial empire the 
 world had seen. India knew her fleets and her factories. She held, on the 
 seaboard of America, from the Arctic to what is now the State of Maine. 
 Her influence was paramount from the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the 
 Mississippi, in the vast backlands of the continent, to the westward of the 
 Alleghanies. The West Indian islands belonging to her were the most 
 prosperous of European settlements in those seas. At Placentia in Newfound- 
 land she had an establishment, founded about 1660, which served as a base 
 for her fisheries, and although weak as a place of arms, it was yet strong 
 enough to resist English attacks and to send out expeditions which captured 
 St. John's, the principal seat of the rival power. 
 
 Wars between England and France had gone on with brief intermissions 
 from 1689 to 1 71 3. The War of the Spanish Succession, in which Europe 
 formed a coalition to resist the pretensions of the Great Louis, had left France 
 exhausted. Many treaties, signed at Utrecht, settled the terms of the peace, 
 but certain clauses in the one between France and England alone concern 
 this narrative. It was agreed that the French should evacuate Placentia, 
 retaining certain fishing rights on the coasts of Newfoundland ; that Acadia, 
 unhappily with indeterminate limits, should be yielded to England, but that 
 France should hold with full sovereignty the islands lying in the Gulf of 
 the St. Lawrence and its outlets. The most important of these was Cape 
 Breton. 
 
 The first position taken by the English negotiators was that France should not 
 be allowed to fortify the island. This was, however, yielded. Although England, by 
 previous ownership, or this Treaty, thereafter held the littoral of North America from 
 Hudson's Bay to the Spanish territory of Florida, the belief survived in New England 
 
 1 Cf. Les GranJs Traite's de Louis XIF, Vast, Paris, Picaril, 1893. 
 
 B
 
 2 STRATEGIC VALUE OF CAPE BRETON 
 
 for a generation that these terms were the result of the purchase of the English 
 plenipotentiaries by French gold.^ 
 
 Acadia was the earliest of European settlements on the northern coast 
 of America. Its history had been an extraordinary one, made up of neglect 
 at home, internal strife by rival proprietaries in its forests, and frequent 
 harryings of its struggling settlements by English colonists. These began 
 with the foray of the Virginian Argal in 1613, and only ceased in 17 10, when 
 it was captured by New England forces, supported by an English fleet. So 
 pitiful is its story that it is a cause for wonder that its chief place, Port Royal, 
 survived, and that there, and at other settlements, lived about 2400 Acadians 
 on lands so fertile that they excited the cupidity of the invaders. 
 
 The pastoral prosperity of these people made them self-supporting. They 
 contributed little to the trade of France ; therefore the relinquishment of 
 Acadia, which so inadequately fulfilled the purpose for which colonies were 
 established, the enrichment of the mother-country, would not justify describing 
 the consequence in America of the Treaty of Utrecht as making a crisis in 
 French colonial affairs. That expression is made accurate by two conditions 
 which were of vital importance : for one affected her retention of Canada, 
 the most extensive of her dependencies ; the other, the prosecution of a trade, 
 not only important from its own profits, but indirectly from the commerce 
 of which it was the source, and the military - advantages of its permanent 
 prosperity. 
 
 Newfoundland and Nova Scotia being in the hands of England, Cape 
 Breton was a sentinel in the gateway of the St. Lawrence,^ through which 
 passed the traffic of Canada — through which, in event of new hostilities, attack 
 on that colony would be made. The value of Cape Breton, as a naval base 
 to protect Canada and French commerce in the Western Ocean, is so obvious 
 that it need not be more than mentioned. 
 
 The trade of such importance was that of the North Atlantic fisheries. 
 It had been vigorously followed, at all events, from the beginning of the 
 sixteenth century ; Portuguese, Basques from the Spanish side of the Bidassoa, 
 those of their French ports, Bayonne and St. Jean de Luz, the fishermen 
 of Bordeaux, of Normandy, as well as West Country English, visited the 
 teeming waters of the western coasts of the North Atlantic. New England, 
 too, about the mid-seventeenth century, turned, with far-reaching effects on 
 her people, from the demoralizing fur trade. 
 
 ^ Douglass Summary, London, 1760, vol. i. p. 3. 
 
 ^ The distinction between naval and military forces was of later date than this time. Macaulay, with his usual I 
 
 brilliancy and wealth of illustration, states the relation of the sea and land forces which continued in France until I 
 
 later than the fall of Louisbourg (Macaulay's Hisr. En^. vol. i. chap. iii.). ll 
 
 ' The Strait of Belle Isle was not used at this time. " 
 
 'I
 
 ITS ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE 3 
 
 " The two pursuits had very little in common. One partook of the departing barbarism, 
 the other was a sure harbinger of the incoming civilisation. The one, lusty in its 
 occasional prosperity, lean in its certain periods of scarcity, bred the lazy lounger of the 
 trading-post, half-savage, half-pinchbeck citizen. The other, an uncertain chance combined 
 with industry, made the hardy fisherman and bold sailor of the New England coast." ^ 
 
 The thrift of her people saved from the harvest of the sea the beginnings 
 of that wealth which the enterprise of their descendants has made so potent 
 in developing the resources of this continent. In early times, after providing 
 for sustenance, they exploited the land as subsidiary to the fisheries, and the 
 traffic over seas of which they were the origin. First fishing, then coasting, 
 then deep-sea voyages, the building of vessels for these trades, the providing 
 cargo for them from their other industries, mark the course of New England's 
 early economic development. It is fitting that a golden codfish hangs in the 
 legislative chamber of Massachusetts, to remind the representatives of her 
 people of the origin of their prosperity. 
 
 The importance of the fisheries was of more than colonial significance. 
 The direct returns of the enterprise were large, and at the beginning of the 
 eighteenth century were mostly the fruits of voyages made from Europe. 
 " While many finny fellows have finer tissues and more exquisite flavours, 
 few survive time, endure salt, and serve daily use as well as the Cod." These 
 qualities opened for it large markets among the Catholic countries of Europe, 
 as well as the Mahometan people of the Levant. Trade in other commodities 
 followed that in fish, with proportional benefits to the nation, so that all 
 interested in its prosperity set a high value on an industry the indirect 
 advantages of which were so widespread and conspicuous.- 
 
 The industry was fostered, also, by statesmen as a " nursery of seamen." 
 France, but a few years before, owned a navy which, under Tourville, had 
 withstood the combined fleets of England and Holland.^ Her naval decline 
 was still incipient, so the reserve of seamen employed in her fisheries was a 
 i prime factor in its encouragement.'' " As these cost the King nothing in 
 time of peace, and are immediately available for his ships in time of war, and 
 are no less skilled in handling a vessel on dangerous coasts than intrepid in 
 combat," the commercial value of this industry was enhanced by its military 
 importance. 
 
 ^ Weedcn's Econcmic afiJ Social History of Neiv Er.gland, vol. i. p. 129. 
 
 ^ As the fisheries of the French increased, English writers expressed alarm over this aspect of the situation. Weeden 
 has a score of allusions to the importance of this trade. 
 I ^ " Of Maritime powers France was not the first. But though she had rivals on the sea, she had not yet a superior. 
 
 I Such was her strength during the last forty years of the seventeenth century, that no enemy could singly withstand her, 
 1 and that two great coalitions, in which half Christendom was united against her, failed of success " (Macaulay, vol. i. 
 I chap. ii.). •* Shirley about 1745 estimated the number as 27,000.
 
 4 VALUE OF COMPARISONS 
 
 The experience of a century had shown that an establishment near the 
 fishing grounds was essential. Boat as well as bank fishing was important. 
 Vessels required a port in which they could refit in security. The taste of 
 certain markets demanded a fish which had to be dried on shore. The necessity 
 of selecting a site for this establishment, and removing to it the people of 
 Placentia, required by the Treaty to be evacuated, so that no delay should 
 imperil one of the most productive industries of the kingdom, was the crisis 
 with which Pontchartrain, Minister of Marine, was confronted. 
 
 Before going on to recount in outline the progress of the colony which was 
 carried on under his administration and that of his successors, for colonial afl^irs 
 were in charge of this Ministry, it is fair to caution the reader that a narrative 
 dealing only with the affairs of one colony is quite untrustworthy as a ground 
 for condemning men or systems. The basis for such a comparison is only sound 
 when it embraces knowledge of what was happening in other establishments 
 where conditions were not essentially different. 
 
 The perusal of the scores of volumes of documents dealing with the affairs 
 of Louisbourg leaves an impression that the administrators of that colony must 
 have been corrupt and inefficient beyond all men then in similar positions ; that 
 the Minister was indifferent to its fortunes; that its soldiers were ill-fed and 
 clothed, its fortifications ineffective, its people drunken, its growth trifling, the 
 establishment more likely to perish from its own corruption than to require 
 formidable armaments for its capture. 
 
 Corruption was also charged against officials in the English colonies. 
 Ill-clothed soldiers in Nova Scotian winters kept watch wrapped in their 
 blankets. On the eve of a war foreseen for years, one writes of an English 
 outpost, " Canso lyes naked and defenceless " ; another, of Annapolis, the chief 
 seat of English power in the province, as so weak, that even the cow of the 
 neutral Acadian found its moat and ramparts practicable for assault. The 
 consumption of spirits during the colonial occupation of Louisbourg shows that 
 drunkenness was a vice the ravages of which were not confined to the French ; 
 while the failure of the English colony of Georgia, founded not long after 
 Louisbourg, proves that disappointing results followed enterprises under other 
 flags than the white standard of the Bourbons. This introduction is not the 
 place for these illuminating comparisons. It must, however, touch on some 
 general considerations which will make more intelligible the narrative of the 
 events which took place in Louisbourg. 
 
 France applied to her colonies the same paternal system of administration 
 as at home. Colbert thus stated in one of his letters the principles on which a 
 sound colonial administration was founded : 
 
 I
 
 PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION 5 
 
 "Apply your industry and knowledge of affairs to these three points, the complete 
 expulsion of foreigners, liberty to all French, and cultivate with care, justice, and good 
 order." i 
 
 Such was the standard Colbert set. Unmodified as an ideal, it guided the 
 policy of successive ministers. " 
 
 But, while they wished the colonies to develop along these lines, other 
 considerations modified this desire. No foreigner should live in them, nor were 
 French heretics welcome. One of the advantages of the colony was that to it 
 might be sent those whose presence in France was a disgrace to their families or 
 a danger to the community.^ It was in the sands of Louisiana that the frail 
 grace of Manon ceased from troubling her generation. In its commercial 
 development passion for working to a plan, often conceived with foresight and 
 elaborated with intelligence, imposed on its people regulations which checked 
 their enterprise. Its authorities were ordered to undertake elaborate schemes 
 for development, beyond their ability and their resources to carry out. 
 
 Trades and occupations were regulated ; the wages paid, and the prices 
 of commodities produced, were determined by enactments, which, in one form 
 or another, had the force of Royal authority. France with this system had 
 reached, in the years immediately preceding this period, a commanding 
 position, not only in military affairs, but in arts, manufactures, and ship- 
 building.^ Her industries still retain the direction, and in instances the 
 eminence, they attained in the earlier years of Louis's reign before Louvois 
 became more powerful in his councils than Colbert. A system which produced 
 such results, one akin to that under which modern nations are making great 
 progress, had unquestioned merits. These are, however, most conspicuous in a 
 country of settled conditions, of regular economic development. Among the 
 ever-changing circumstances of a new settlement, regulations made by the best 
 intentioned of bureaucrats were hampering to the settlers. The system accounts, 
 in part at least, for the centrifugal tendency of the people of the French 
 colonies. The energetic and the enterprising went to the confines of colonial 
 civilization to escape rules which fettered their activities. This tendency is most 
 marked among the coureurs du bois of Canada. It is also seen in Isle Royale, for 
 Ingonish soon became, after Louisbourg, the principal place in the colony. 
 This was attributed by the authorities to the absence there of any settled 
 administration. Distance, the lack of supervision, the personal interest of 
 
 ^ Colbert, Deuhampi^ p. i6i, 
 
 - Cf. Mims, Colbert's M'c;t Inimn Policy, Yale Historical Press, 1912. 
 
 ^ Instances were not uncommon in Louisbourg. 
 
 ■> Even when, at a later time, England was destroying her naval power, supremacy in shipbuilding had not passed from 
 France. It was acknowledged in the saying current in the rival service, " The French to build ships, the English to 
 fight 'em."
 
 6 PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION 
 
 officials, however, made it easy to ignore instructions from the home authorities, 
 of which the rigid observance was unpopular, inconvenient, or unprofitable.^ 
 
 These regulations have sometimes been described as if the intention of the 
 authorities was to gratuitously vex and annoy the colonist. There is abundant 
 evidence that the intention was to help him. The dependence of English 
 ministers on parliamentary majorities, of which the members of trading 
 constituencies were a part, made a care of the commercial interests of the 
 country indispensable. Their French contemporaries were also zealous in doing 
 all they could to promote trade. Suggestions were made of means by which 
 the volume of business could be increased or more effectively carried on. The 
 early history of Cape Breton furnishes these examples. In 1687 coal was 
 taken from the island to France and tried in the royal forges ; a little earlier 
 (1681) trade with the West Indian colonies was considered ; while a scheme for 
 establishing an entrepot at which seagoing ships would exchange cargoes with 
 lighter vessels, the former, thus relieved from the tedious voyage to Quebec, to 
 have time for two voyages a year instead of one, was favourably looked on by 
 Colbert.'^ Coal from Cape Breton was made free of duty, as at a later date 
 were its other principal products. 
 
 The Council of Commerce founded by Colbert in 1664, the scope of which 
 was greatly extended in 1 700, did much to promote French trade and to relieve 
 it from regulations which fettered it. Many volumes of its deliberations are 
 extant.' In these it is rare to find a case in which the decision is not in favour 
 of the trader. An English writer in 1745 ascribes to its fostering "the Steps 
 by which the French Commerce and Colonies, from being inferior to ours, have 
 risen to a dangerous Superiority over us, in less than half a Century." * 
 
 The decisions of this body and the enactments of all contemporary 
 authorities were dominated by a theory which has had some influence to within 
 memory of the living, namely, the conception that colonies were entirely for 
 the benefit of the mother-country. It was stated as follows by the writer 
 of a memorial on the settlement of Cape Breton : " Colonies are necessary 
 only as they are useful to the states from which they take their origin ; they 
 are useful only in as much as they procure for these states new advantages and 
 solid means of extending their commerce." When the interests of the 
 French merchant clashed with those of the colonist, the latter had to give way.* 
 There does not seem to be any evidence that the French had, as had in a misty 
 
 1 "A des distances aussi grandes, quelle peut etre I'dnergie des loix de la m^tropole sur les sujets, I'obirssance de3 
 sujets 1 ces loix ? " (Raynal, Is/es Franioises, p. 3). The same disregard was shown in the English colonies. Of. Channing, 
 History of the U.S. vol. ii. chap. viii. 
 
 * Ar. Col. B, vol. I, p. 137. Other references are B, vol. 13, pp. 59 and 67, and MSS. Oue. vol. i, pp. 243, 276. 
 
 s Ar. Nat. F. 12. 
 
 ■* State of tie British ami French Trade Compared, London, 1745, quoted in "Two Letters on Cape Breton," 
 London, 1746. 5 instances of this occur in the history of Louisbourg. Cf. p. 49.
 
 ILLICIT TRADE 
 
 7 
 
 instinctive way the English, the foreshadowing of the Imperial idea of mother- 
 country and colony, sharing burdens and mutually adapting production to a 
 common profit. We do not find in their administration anything to correspond 
 to the permitted competition on equal terms of the cheaply built colonial ship 
 with English vessels/ nor the prohibition of growing tobacco at home, for the 
 advantage of the southern colonies. 
 
 There followed from this theory the prohibition of trade with foreigners. 
 In this regard the system broke down. Communities in which trade was of 
 paramount importance evaded and defied those enactments, which interfered 
 with profits. A course of illicit trade which could scarcely be called smuggling, 
 so open and well known it was, contributed to the prosperity of every European 
 establishment over seas. Louisbourg did much trade with New England. The 
 condition in these British colonies is thus described : 
 
 " The existing records of original transactions are few and scattered, yet enough remains 
 to show clearly that the commercial business of New England went forward under different 
 forms in the several governments, but always towards one end. That end was money and 
 profit, parliamentary law and Crown administration to the contrary notwithstanding. The 
 interesting letter cited from Gilbert Deblois, a Boston official, to Samuel Curwin, a 
 prominent merchant of Salem, reveals the practice of Boston and Salem in handling 
 imported merchandise which had escaped the King's duties : 
 
 "Bos. Aug. 6, 1759. 
 "Sam. Curwin, Esq., 
 
 "Sir: I shall Esteem it a fav. you'l take an Opp^ to Inform all your 
 Merchts. & Others, Concerned in Shipping up Wine, Oyl, Olives, Figs, Raisins, &c., 
 that I am Determined Publickly to Inform the Collector of this Port, of any those Articles 
 I can find out, are on board any Vessell Commanded by or under the Care of Captain 
 Ober, in order they may be Seized. I shall not Concern myself ab' any other Coaster, let 
 'em bring up what they will, but this Capt. Ober has Cheated me in such a manner (tho 
 to no great Value), that I'm determined to keep a good look out on him, therefore would 
 have all those Concern'd in that Trade, Regulate themselves accordingly, & if they will 
 Risque any such Prohibetted Goods in s"^ Ober= Vessell, they must not (after such notice 
 of my Design) think hard of me, as what I may do will be to punish s'^ Ober and not them 
 — I have just told s"^ Ober that I would send this notification to Salem and w'' Certainly get 
 his Vessell & Cargo Seized sooner or Later. 
 
 I am S'- 
 
 Your hble Serv' 
 
 Gilbr. Deblois. 
 
 " P.S. I'm a lover of Honest Men, therefore dont be Surprised at the above, as I look 
 upon Ober to be a great Cheat. 
 
 " Pray destroy this when done with." 
 
 "Answered Aug' 13th." 
 
 1 In 1724 sixteen shipbuilders of the Thames complained to the King that their trade was injured and their 
 workmen emigrating on account of the New England competition (Weeden, vol. ii. p. 573). (For a brief, lucid statement 
 of the English position, the reader is referred to Cambridge Madern Hislory, vol. vi. ch. ii.)
 
 8 THE FRENCH IDEAL 
 
 "The honest candour of the energetic Deblois in visiting vengeance on Captain Ober 
 —who had offended the official— is as astonishing as it is naive. Here a public officer 
 deliberately warns a community of respectable law-breakers that they will suffer the 
 penalty due any and all transgression, if they presume to ship their goods by a particular 
 and prescribed captain. 'They must not (after such notice of my Design) think hard of 
 me, as what I may do will be to punish s'^ Ober and not them.' Debauched public 
 sentiment and corrupt official practice was never more plainly manifest in an individual 
 action. If we had Ober's counter idea of honesty and cheating, then eighteenth-century 
 public morality would stand out in full relief." ^ 
 
 These practical and effective modifications of a parental system of 
 administration, and the exploitation of colonies for the benefit of the merchant 
 of the home ports, fitted in with the practice of others than the trading classes. 
 Offices were bought, and the fees attached to them made their salaries com- 
 paratively unimportant. The command of a British regiment which long 
 served in Nova Scotia was computed to be worth ,£4000 a year. Prize money 
 stimulated the commanders of King's ships, as booty the privateersman, nor did 
 the commanders in the French navy disdain the profits of trade for which they 
 carried a store of goods. 
 
 Nevertheless the splendid spirit of the seventeenth century which rings out in 
 Lescarbot's address to France " was not entirely dead. The letter of instructions 
 to each new Governor of Isle Royale brings to his notice that the sole purpose 
 of the King in colonization was the promotion of religion. This purpose so 
 far held good, that, notwithstanding the enormous disadvantages at which the 
 prohibition of the sale of drink placed the French trader competing for the 
 trade of the natives, that prohibition was enforced. It also finds an expression, 
 for example, in the letter of the Minister Pontchartrain to the officials of Isle 
 Royale in which he says : "Nothing can contribute more to the success of the 
 establishment, nor draw down on it more effectively the blessings of Heaven, 
 than good order and the repression of license." ^ Nevertheless, it was in the 
 main true of France, as of her rivals, that " the period is one of peace, uneventful, 
 almost undisturbed ; its chief crisis due to stock-jobbing ; its chief disputes about 
 currency ; its chief victories those of commerce ; its type, if not its hero, the 
 business man." * 
 
 Such was the general spirit of the times, the general principles on which 
 the new colony was to be governed. 
 
 The island had long been known. It was possibly a land-fall of the first 
 explorers. The Basques, who were among its earliest fishermen, claimed that 
 
 ' Wcedcn, p. 660. 2 Lescarbot, Clmmflair. Society, vol. i. p. 12. ^ June 4, 1715, B, 37, f. 226. 
 
 * Cambridge Modern History, vol. vi. p. 40.
 
 ' l.iVladame>rr^' 
 
 De^fS J Y Jl"" 'ijlluicul ^J 
 
 To face page 9.
 
 PROJECTS FOR SETTLEMENT 9 
 
 long before Columbus their ancestors had visited its ports. It seems to owe 
 its name to the town which stands at the place where the Adour once flowed 
 into the Bay of Biscay.^ Traders visited it for traffic with the Indians, and 
 during each season the fishermen carried on their industry on the adjacent banks. 
 Each nationality kept to its own ports for mutual help and protection, and the 
 names of the principal harbours show this usage. Until 1713 Louisbourg was 
 known as English Harbour (Havre a I'Anglois) ; as late as the last generation 
 deeds described lots as situated on the shores of " Sydney or Spanish Bay " (Baie 
 des Espagnols), and a favourite patroness of the French gave her name, St, 
 Anne, to the port frequented by the fishermen of that nation. Certain it is 
 that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it was constantly visited by 
 European fishermen. In 1629 rival and ephemeral settlements were made on 
 it by Lord Ochiltree for England, and Captain Daniel for France. About 
 twenty years later Nicholas Denys of Tours had settlements at two places on 
 Cape Breton, St. Peter's and St. Anne's, so well established that traces of them 
 had not in a half-century of abandonment been obliterated by the wilderness. 
 
 Little was known of it ; even Its shape, that of a closed hand, with the index 
 finger pointing to the north-east, is inaccurately given in all the earlier maps. 
 Its strategic and commercial possibilities drew attention to it long before its 
 resources were known. In 16 13 it was proposed as the seat of a Viceroy 
 controlling French interests in it and Newfoundland." Under Colbert, in 
 addition to the efforts to develop its trade already cited, a project was submitted 
 which looked towards using the coal of the shores of Sydney harbour, the refining 
 there of West India sugars, and the building of ships with the oak which grew 
 to the water's edge. 
 
 With the beginning of the eighteenth century interest in it was heightened. 
 The Ste. Maries officers in the colonial troops asked for a grant of the island in 
 1700.^ Memorials flowed in to the Minister. He asked a report from Raudot, 
 Intendant of Canada, on its settlement, which Raudot sent on in 1706,^ and 
 followed by other papers on the subject. About simultaneously with his first 
 report, an anonymous memoir was sent to Pontchartrain. Raudot shows in his 
 dealing with the question not only the capacity of the experienced administrator, 
 but also of the political thinker. His estimate of the required outlay of the 
 proposed establishment was not materially exceeded for many years after the 
 foundation of the colony. Long before Adam Smith published his book, he 
 recognized the advantages of freer trade. He thus concluded his first memoir : 
 
 * Ducer6, Lei Corsaires. 
 - Bn. Nat. MSS., Moreau, 781. 
 ^ Arch, de la Fn., Carton 3, No. 130. 
 
 •■ This paper contains so much that is valuable about Cape Breton, as it was then thought to be more important 
 than later acquired knowledge of its resources, that a precis is given later, p. 23.
 
 lO 
 
 PONTCHARTRAIN'S ACTION 
 
 « If it is desired to establish this Island so that its commerce shall flourish, it is necessary 
 to open to it intercourse with all the ports of France, of Spain, of the Levant, of the French 
 West Indies and of New England." ^ 
 
 One is inclined to ascribe the difficulties of the establishment on Cape 
 Breton to the incapacity of Pontchartrain, as his defects have been kept alive for 
 readers of memoirs in the scathing pages of St. Simon. For five or six years 
 no project concerned with the American colonies had been placed before him 
 more fully. He was apparently not only interested, but convinced of the 
 advantages to France of the colony, and deferred action only until the end of 
 the war. Before the Treaty was concluded he was aware that Placentia was to 
 be ceded, and therefore that the establishment on Cape Breton was essential. 
 He had warned his colonial subordinates to prepare for the change. 
 
 When the time for action came, Pontchartrain took the ground that he was 
 inadequately informed, and secured the sanction of the Council for his scheme. 
 It passed an order that a vessel should be sent with certain officers from the 
 garrison of Placentia, who with L'Hermitte, major and engineer of that place, 
 should select the most suitable port. This, the Minister states in his letter of 
 instructions, must be good, easy for ingress, exit, and defence ; that the fisheries 
 shall be abundant and near ; that there shall be plenty of beaches and space for 
 curing ; that there shall be good lands near ; but that the excellence of the port and 
 the fishing is of prime importance.- 
 
 This policy was carried out ; Placentia was handed over to the English, the 
 inhabitants and the movable property transferred to Cape Breton, but as the 
 English were not ready to take possession,^ Costebelle^ the Governor and part 
 of the garrison had to remain there until the transaction was completed, and 
 until preparations were made for receiving the inhabitants in their new homes. 
 
 This disturbing of their organizations for the prosecution of the fisheries 
 led to appeals from the people of the fishing ports of France to have an 
 arrangement made with England by which they could carry on in Newfoundland 
 that industry during 17 14. Pontchartrain, however, informed, among others, the 
 Bayle and Jurats of Siboure and of St. Jean de Luz that this was impossible, 
 and described to them Isle Royale in attractive colours. St. Ovide de Brouillant ^ 
 was in France in the spring of 1 7 1 3 and received instructions to go at once to 
 
 ^ Raudot's paper is summarized by Charlevoix and in Brown's History of Cape Breton. 
 
 - B, vol. 35. ^ English Documents in CO., Grants and Warrants, vol. 15. 
 
 ■* Philippe Pasteur de Costebelle, Lieut, at Placentia, 1692 j Capt. 1694 j Lieut, de Roi, 1695 j Governor Placentia, 
 1706 J Chev. de St. Louis, 170S ; Governor Isle Royale, 1714 ; died Nov. 16, 1717. 
 
 ^ Ste. Ovide de Brouillant, nephew of de Brouillant, Governor of Newfoundland and Acadia, entered the naval service as 
 Garde-Marine in 1689. He went to Newfoundland in 1691 and took part in the defences and attacks of the local war 
 until 17 10, in which year he served on the frigate La VaUur^ received two wounds, and spent some time in prison in 
 England. Passing to Isle Royale in 1713 as King's Lieutenant, he succeeded Costebelle as Governor in 1717, and retired 
 with a pension of 3100 livres in 1738,
 
 I7I3 TAKING POSSESSION ii 
 
 La Rochelle and embark on the Semsiack,^ commanded by Lieut. Meschin,- 
 then a young officer whose service in the navy was to extend in all over sixty 
 years. Ste. Ovide was to command the expedition. On her also were to 
 embark the officers and men of the Acadian Companies who had been at Oleron 
 near Rochelle since their surrender in 1 710 at Port Royal. 
 
 In his course Pontchartrain gave some weight to the representations of 
 Villien, an officer of long experience in garrison at Port Royal in Acadia, who 
 represented that the troops from this place, familiar with local conditions, should 
 form part of the garrison ; that some Acadians, for the same reason, should be 
 sent, and that great care in choosing a site should be exercised, as mistakes had 
 been made both in Canada and in Louisiana which had proved costly to the 
 King and discouraging to the inhabitants ; a frank criticism which is not unique 
 in correspondence of the Navy Department. 
 
 The officers who embarked in France were four in number, with two cadets, 
 two servants, and fifteen soldiers. At Placentia the Semslack took on board 
 L'Hermitte, de la Ronde Denys, de la Valliere, and twenty-five soldiers, some 
 officials, women, and children, the meagre stores which the Minister had ordered 
 to be sent, and sailed from Placentia on July 23. Pontchartrain ordered 
 her to proceed after Placentia to Quebec. Vaudreuil the Governor, and 
 d'Alogny, commander of the troops in Canada, had been ordered to select 
 from the troops under their charge forty or fifty men, some of them skilled 
 axemen, but all steady, strong, handy, and industrious. These men, under 
 command of two officers who were serving in Canada, De Rouville and Pt^an, 
 were to form part of the new garrison. The Semslack could not get to Quebec 
 in time ; Begon the Intendant therefore chartered from Boularderie — a name we 
 shall continually meet — a vessel in which he, a retired naval officer, was trading, 
 on which these troops and some provisions were carried to Cape Breton. 
 
 The ordinary sources do not give any account of the voyage of the Semslack, 
 but the declaration of taking possession indicated generally their course, and that 
 the Quebec detachment had joined them before they arrived. This declaration 
 runs as follows : — 
 
 In the year 17 13 and the and day of September, we, Joseph Ovide de Brouillant, 
 King's Lieutenant at Plaisance, Knight of the Military Order of St. Louis, commanding 
 His Majesty's ship Se?nslack with M. L'Hermitte, Major and Engineer, La Ronde and 
 
 ' The Semslack was a vessel of 270 tons, captured from the Dutch in 1703, and used by the French as a freighter 
 and fire-ship. Her crew and armament on a peace footing was 100 men and 14 guns, in war 140 men and 28 guns, half of 
 which were six and the others four pounders. She was described as an ordinary sailer, and disappears from the Navy 
 Lists in 1718 (Arch. Nat. Marine, 11, and B 5, Marine 3). 
 
 ' Jeremie de Meschin, born in 1674, entered as Garde-Marine at Rochefort in 1687, promoted Enseigne in 1700, 
 commanded a fire-ship in 1711, but did not reach the full grade of Capitaine de Vasseau until 1738. He saw much 
 service. He died in 1757 {Dktionnaire de la Nohlaie, La Chenaye-Debois, vol. x., Paris, 1775).
 
 12 
 
 THE CHANGE OF NAMES 1713 
 
 Rouville, Captains, and other officers named below, have seized and taken possession of the 
 Island of Cape Breton, situated in the entrance to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, following the 
 orders which we have thereon from His Most Christian Majesty, dated the 20th day of 
 March of the present year, to place there the inhabitants of Plaisance, St. Pierre, and other 
 places which have been ceded by the treaty of peace to the Queen of Great Britain. 
 
 We declare and testify to all whom it may concern, to have found on the said island 
 but one French inhabitant and twenty-five or thirty families of Indians, and that the said 
 Island of Cape Breton was ceded about eighty years ago to Messieurs Denis of Tours, who 
 established there two forts, one in the Bay of Ste. Anne's and the other at Port St. Peter 
 near the Strait of Canceau, of which we have still found traces, and after having visited 
 all the ports in the said Island of Cape Breton which have been indicated to us, we believed 
 and decided that we could not make a better choice for the present than that of Port St. 
 Louis, formerly known as English Harbour, in which port we have this day landed the 
 troops, the munitions of war and provisions which we have left under the orders of Sr. 
 L'Hermitte. Signed by Decouagne, De Lavalliere, De Laperrelle, P6an Delivandiere, de 
 Pensens, La Ronde Denys, de Rouville, Duvivier, f. Dominique De Lamarche (Recollet), 
 L'Hermitte, St. Ovide de Brouillant. 
 
 The Semslack sailed back to France with St. Ovide on board, and arrived 
 in the first part of December at the Isle d'Aix.^ He made his report to the 
 Minister, and the tentative name of Port St. Louis, which they gave to Havre 
 a I'Anglois, was changed to Louisbourg." Ste. Anne's was to be called Port 
 Dauphin ; St. Peter's, Port Toulouse ; and the whole island, Isle Royale.^ 
 
 The little band of 116 men, 10 women, and 23 children, the founders of 
 Louisbourg, were left on the thickly wooded shores of that harbour with an 
 inadequate equipment and an unknown wilderness before them. 
 
 The supplies were four fishing boats and their gear, four herring nets and a seine ; six 
 cannons from St. John's, balls, masons' tools and picks, two hundredweight of resin, a forge 
 and bellows, and the King's mules and the horses from St. John's ; from Quebec three 
 hundredweight of flour, ten barrels of peas, one barrel of Indian corn, forty pairs of snow- 
 shoes, 150 pairs of mocassins, one deerskin, 1000 planks, thirty shovels, eighty little axes, 
 300 pounds of tobacco, three barrels of tar, and six cows. Costebelle added to this a kw 
 pounds of steel and sixty axes, all he could obtain in Placentia. An ample list had been 
 made out for supplies from France, but were apparently only partly shipped. The Minister 
 ordered specially 100 axes from a maker, one Bidard, near Bayonne, as he had the reputation 
 of being a specially good workman.* 
 
 They made their encampment at the Barachois, formed by a little brook, 
 directly across the south-west arm of Louisbourg harbour from the site on which 
 the town was afterwards built.^ They made some rough preparations for shelter, 
 and began thereafter the task which lay before them. The first thing which 
 
 1 Marine, B=, f. 235. 2 Arch. Col. B, vol. 36. 
 
 3 The importance of the illegitimate children of the King is shown in the honour done to the Comte de Toulouse, 
 the son of Madame de Montespan. * Arch. Col. B, 35. f. 230. 
 
 ' The advantages of the beaches on the latter side caused some of the people to settle there at once.
 
 I7I4 THE FIRST WINTER AND SPRING 13 
 
 was done was to cut through the woods a road to the Mire, along the banks of 
 which was the most available supply of timber. At this they were working early 
 in October, and later the detachments were sent into the woods to cut timber 
 for the proposed buildings, in particular the barracks, which L'Hermitte had 
 at once designed. A detachment of troops under Duvivier was placed at the 
 head of the river, and that of Rouville about twelve miles lower down. Duvivier 
 was in a poor district, and a month was wasted before L'Hermitte visited the 
 encampment and moved him to a more favourable place. The inexperience of 
 most of the officers told against their effectiveness. L'Hermitte wished for four 
 or five like Rouville, and while he considered all the soldiers good, the Canadians 
 proved particularly valuable. On the other hand, he says that only five men 
 in Duvivier's detachment knew how to saw, and that had it not been for a 
 small quantity of steel sent by Costebelle, they would have been without axes ; 
 but in spite of all these disadvantages they got out more timber than they were 
 able to transport in the next season to Louisbourg. 
 
 The season was a bad one ; winter set in early, the men suffered from 
 scurvy, and as early as December they had to kill the cattle sent from Quebec. 
 Three of their horses, the spoils of the capture of St. John's, succumbed ; and 
 out of twenty-one head of cattle with which they began, only two were alive 
 in the spring, which this year reached almost the extreme limit of the island's 
 climatic unsatisfactoriness. Snow was on the ground, and drift-ice off the coast, 
 as late as the end of May. The first vessel to arrive, the Hercule, was in the 
 icefields for twenty days, and a small vessel laden with provisions for the troops 
 at Mire was wrecked on her voyage. 
 
 La Ronde Denys, Couagne, who was an engineer, and Rouville had been 
 sent to examine Port Dauphin and to explore the country. They came back 
 with a good report, having examined the fertile lands on the Bras d'Or about 
 Baddeck, and found them suitable for settlement. 
 
 In the interval L'Hermitte worked over his plans for fortifications, and 
 submitted them to Vaudreuil and Begon, the Governor-General and Litendant 
 of Canada, who arrived at Louisbourg on the 20th of May and remained there 
 until the 7th of June. He discussed with them on the ground the simple system 
 of isolated forts which he proposed to build. He received from the Minister 
 instructions that the works should be built solidly, and, in his trouble, bitterness 
 of heart showed through the respectful phrases of his reply. There was 
 neither building stone nor lime, and as the vessels had brought no supplies, his 
 many workmen were ineffective, for he had neither nails nor iron, and only 
 eighteen bad axes and twelve picks. He also was without funds, and found that 
 the Indians would not work without pay. 
 
 While this work was going on steps were taken towards the removal of
 
 14 THE ACADIANS 1714 
 
 the Acadians to Isle Royale. By Article XIV. of the Treaty of Utrecht, they 
 were entitled to remove from Acadia with their personal effects within one year. 
 Queen Anne, to mark her recognition of Louis XIV. having released, at her 
 request, French Protestants from the galleys, gave special permission to those 
 who left the country to sell their lands.^ 
 
 The twenty-four hundred Acadians affected by these provisions were the 
 descendants of about sixty families brought from Western France in 1633-38, 
 and of one hundred and twenty or thirty men who settled in the colony 
 between that time and its cession to England." The earliest settlers were 
 familiar with the reclamation of marsh lands by dyking as practised in their 
 native districts. They found conditions favourable to this system on the shores 
 of the Bay of Fundy, " the Coasts whereof and the banks of the adjacent Rivers 
 abound with Salt Marshes, which by the Force of a Rich Soil, constantly 
 recruited with marine Salts, and so, not to be impoverished, by constant 
 Tillage, produce large crops of English grain, with little labour to the 
 Husbandman." ^ 
 
 The waters of this bay are indeed a fountain of perpetual youth, for some 
 of these lands, never fertilized but by the deposits of its tides, still bear most 
 abundant crops within dykes built by the French, and in the work of bringing 
 in the marshes which is now going on about the Isthmus of Chignecto no 
 change has been made from the methods of the Acadian pioneers. As land of 
 this extraordinary fertility could be obtained for the most part by co-operative 
 dyking, and yielded its crops with a minimum of labour, the Acadian was 
 indisposed to attack the adjoining forest to obtain land relatively poor. Their 
 settlements, except as determined by the seat of Government, were therefore 
 at points where these advantages could be obtained. Vetch, who governed 
 Annapolis for three years, says they had five thousand black cattle " and a great 
 number of Sheep and Hoggs," indicative of a fair degree of prosperity. The 
 name of Port Royal had been changed to Annapolis Royal, and there, Francis 
 Nicholson, who had seen a varied service in all the colonies from Virginia 
 northwards, had charge of Acadia as Governor-General and Commander-in- 
 Chief of all the forces in that province and in Newfoundland. His Lieutenant- 
 Governor was Thomas Caulfield, and these two, with a very small military and 
 civil establishment, administered a British colony, none of the people of which 
 were British subjects. The French Court was extremely anxious to accomplish 
 the removal of its former subjects to French territory. The Ministerial 
 correspondence contains many letters to Vaudreuil, to the other Canadian 
 officials, and to the priests of Acadia, asking for their help to incite the xlcadians 
 
 ' N.S. Arch. vol. i, p. 15. - Hannay, History of Acadia, p. 290. 
 
 ' Siirley Memoirs, 1747, p. 3.
 
 I7I4 THE MISSION TO ANNAPOLIS 15 
 
 to take advantage of their treaty rights.' The efforts made went further. 
 Baron de St. Castin received much praise for not having availed himself of a 
 leave of absence, but instead spent the winter among the Acadian Indians with 
 whom he was allied by ties of companionship and blood, in an effort to induce 
 them to move to Isle Royale. In this he was not successful, but he received 
 praise for having kept alive their unfriendly feelings against the English, and 
 these good offices doubtless led the authorities to condone his behaviour in the 
 previous winter by which he had scandalized the nuns In Quebec.^ 
 
 L'Hermitte, on the 23rd of July 17 14, addressed a letter to Nicholson, 
 quoting the terms of the treaty by which the Acadians might withdraw. His 
 orders were that should he learn that the Acadians were hindered in taking 
 advantage of these privileges he should send an officer to confer with Nicholson, 
 to whom was addressed the Queen's letter^ granting the additional concessions. 
 He goes on to say that several Acadians had informed him that Caulfield had 
 refused permission to certain who wished to leave, and in consequence he sends 
 to him Captain La Ronde Denys, bearing the orders of the King, to discuss the 
 matter with him, and trusts that Nicholson has no other views than carrying out 
 the wishes of his Sovereign, concluding with a request that they should mutually 
 return deserters for the benefit of each colony. A few days later St. Ovide also 
 writes that he Is sending Captain de Pensens with L'Hermitte's letter, and asks 
 Nicholson to discuss these questions with the two officers. 
 
 They set out from Louisbourg on two vessels, both of which had arrived 
 at Annapolis before July 23, for on that day they write to Nicholson beginning, 
 " We de la Ronde Denys and de Pensens, Captains of Companies Franches de 
 la Marine, which His Christian Majesty maintains at Isle Royale, sent by 
 Monsieur St. Ovide de Brouillan, Lieutenant du Roy of the said Island to 
 represent to Monsieur de Nicholson General de la Nouvelle Ecosse et Isle de 
 Terre Neuve " the rights which Her British Majesty has been pleased to accord 
 to the inhabitants of the said country, and as the intention of His Most Christian 
 Majesty Is to maintain them, we beg the General to give attention to the 
 following articles. These were : a request that he would cause to be assembled, 
 first the inhabitants of Port Royal, thereafter those of the other settlements, and 
 appoint a British officer who with one of them would hear and register the 
 decisions of the Inhabitants as to remaining in Acadia or leaving ; that those 
 who decide to go shall have a year from the time permission Is given, during 
 which time they may live without molestation from the authorities, carry away 
 all their personal property ; build vessels for this purpose ; that there shall be 
 no obstacles to bringing in French rigging for such vessels ; that the General 
 
 1 I.R. Series B, vols. 35 and 36. ^ A.N. C", (Canada), vol. 33, f. 265. 
 
 3 June 13, 1713.
 
 1 6 LA RONDE'S ADDRESS 1714 
 
 should publish in all inhabited places permission for them to sell their lands, for 
 the English to buy them, and that if within the year they cannot sell, they shall 
 have the right to give a power of attorney to some one to act for them until 
 buyers are found ; and finally, that justice shall be done to those who have 
 suffered at the hands of Vetch and Colonel Hobby in the time between the 
 capitulation and the treaty of peace. To this they add a postscript, saying 
 that as one of them must return at once to give a report, they beg that he will 
 assemble the inhabitants no later than Sunday the 25th. 
 
 This was immediately taken into consideration by the Council, and, as an 
 answer, a copy of the minutes was returned. The assembly of the inhabitants 
 was granted, Major Mascarene and Lieut. Bennett were appointed to go with 
 the French envoys to the other settlements and carry out the negotiations in the 
 same way as at Annapolis, and to arrange with Denys their time of leaving and 
 the means of transport ; the Governor would not fix the time when the year 
 of grace was to begin, but would submit the matter to the decision of Her 
 Majesty, as well as all the other points raised, except the last, on which he asked 
 for all available information, and promised full justice. 
 
 The proclamation calling together the inhabitants was issued and the 
 meeting held on the feast-day of St. Louis at the fort of Annapolis. The 
 Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and the principal officers of the garrison were 
 present, as were two missionaries, the Fathers Justinien and Bonaventure, and 
 Father Gaulin the priest. La Ronde Denys alone represented France as 
 De Pensens was unwell. A list was made of the inhabitants present, they 
 numbered nine hundred and sixteen, represented by one hundred and sixty-nine 
 heads of families.* They encircled the officers in the square, and heard read to 
 them Nicholson's order for the meeting and the Queen's letter, both of which 
 were translated for them, and the latter formally compared with La Ronde's 
 copy. Then, invited by Nicholson, La Ronde made his propositions. If his 
 letters indicate his oratorical style he was a fervid speaker, careless of grammar, 
 and not altogether accurate as to facts.- He, on this occasion, went beyond his 
 instructions in the promises he made to the Acadians. He spoke of the goodwill 
 of the King who would furnish to them vessels for their transport, provisions 
 for a year to those who needed them, freedom from duties on all their trade for 
 ten years, and added a promise which was of great importance to them, for the 
 Acadians disliked the land system of Canada, that there would be no seignories, 
 but that they would hold their lands direct from the King. Nicholson added that 
 he was ready to receive any complaints of bad treatment. La Ronde thanked 
 
 , ' 151 men, 165 women, 325 boys, 275 girls. 
 
 ' L'Hermitte said of him that his flatteries and lies would trouble the universe. The Minister wrote to Beauharnois 
 May iS, 1728 about La Ronde Denys then serving in Canada, "Of all the officers in the colony he is t))e least deserving 
 of consideration " (B, vol. 53).
 
 I7I4 RESULTS OF MISSION 17 
 
 him in the name of all the inhabitants for " the civil, upright and frank manner " 
 in which he had acted with them, and then by his permission they went to 
 La Ronde's lodgings and there one hundred and forty-six of them signed " avec 
 toute la joie et le contentment dont nous sommes capables " the document by 
 which they pledged themselves to live and die faithful subjects of Louis and to 
 migrate to Isle Royale. 
 
 Fifteen embarked immediately on the Marie Joseph and went to Cape 
 Breton with De Pensens. Of these only one of those whose age is given 
 was under forty, and as regards social status they were about equally divided 
 between those who had a trunk and those who had their property in bags.-' 
 Charles D'Entremont, Sieur de Pobomicou, his wife, son, and daughter, went 
 on their own vessel with a crew of two, and four passengers. The details 
 bear out Vetch's statement that these first emigrants were of no very great 
 substance. 
 
 The transaction at Annapolis being thus concluded, La Ronde Denys and 
 the two British officers went to Minas, where the inhabitants met them, were 
 numbered, and one hundred and thirty-nine agreed to go to Isle Royale. 
 [Population : 139 men, 140 women, 306 boys, 289 girls ; total, 874 ; heads of 
 families, 145.] At Cobequid seventeen signed. [Population : 20 men, 20 
 women, 52 boys, 44 girls ; total, 136 ; 21 heads of families.] La Ronde Denys 
 then told the English officers that everything had been done to his satisfaction. 
 They set sail together and the vessels parted company in the basin of Minas on 
 September 8, La Ronde on the St. Louis, having with him several inhabitants, 
 one of them with a substantial quantity of grain. 
 
 These transactions were carried out with great formality, certified copies 
 of all documents were interchanged, and there was no disagreement between the 
 parties. Nicholson wrote civilly to L'Hermitte and St. Ovide, and both 
 Governors sent a report of these events to the home authorities. In the accounts 
 of the meetings at Cobequid and Minas, there is no mention of the priests 
 having been present. The proportion of signers at these two meetings was even 
 greater than at Annapolis, so that the inhabitants did not require the direct 
 presence of their leaders to make them follow wishes, which, however, these 
 leaders had previously many opportunities of making known to them. In any 
 community so simply organized that it contains no great landed proprietors and 
 few, if any, lawyers or professional men, whether the religion of that community 
 be Roman Catholic or Protestant, the Influence of the clergymen in all matters 
 Is great. It seems to have been so in New England at that time ; those who 
 knew Cape Breton a generation ago, know its force then, and that in civil 
 affairs the dictum of a Presbyterian divine was as potent as that of a priest. It 
 
 1 The live stock they took with them was twelve sheep, three bullocks, a covir and a calf.
 
 i8 OTHER ACADIAN VISITORS lyn 
 
 is inevitable that such power should exist ; its justification is in the results which 
 follow its exercise. 
 
 The mission of La Ronde was highly successful. With a few exceptions 
 all the people he saw agreed to go to Isle Royale. No obstacle was put in their 
 way, and the outcome would seem to have depended entirely on the French 
 authorities carrying out the promises which had been made on their behalf. 
 The population of Beaubassin and the other settlements about the isthmus of 
 Chignecto were not visited by La Ronde and Mascarene.' 
 
 While but a score or so of Acadians accompanied the Envoys on their 
 return to Isle Royale, certain others more enterprising had previously gone 
 there. Two brothers from the head of the river at Annapolis, anxious about 
 their destiny, " which they could not ascertain in that country," ^ started in a Biscay 
 shallop towards the end of May, and coasted along the shores of Nova Scotia 
 to Isle Royale. On the eighth day they arrived at St. Peter's and Isle Madame, 
 then they spent a day at Louisbourg, another at Mordienne (Port Morien), the 
 following at St. Anne's, where a Canadian had already settled and the fisheries 
 were being successfully prosecuted. Returning, they called at L'Indienne 
 (Lingan), abounding in coal and oysters, with one inhabitant ; at Menadou 
 (Mainadieu), and came back to Louisbourg on June 15. There they remained, 
 building a house for M. Rodrigue, lately King's pilot at Annapolis, until 
 August 12, and then proceeded along the coast, through Canso, home by 
 Bale Verte. They give a fair picture of Louisbourg, with what they describe 
 as a large fort which was being built, many cannons landed on the shore, ninety- 
 three from Placentia, vessels making a good catch of cod, two King's ships 
 about to sail for Placentia. Reports were abroad that the Char en te would 
 shortly arrive with supplies, and also the Affriquain from Quebec with 
 
 ' The authorities for this episode are to be found at Ottawa (M. ^^), and Record Office ; B.T.N.S. vol. i, has the 
 English version. The population is based on a table prepared for me at the Canadian Archives, which may be condensed thus : 
 
 Men. 
 
 Women. 
 
 Boys. 
 
 Annapolis. 
 
 Girls. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Heads 
 
 of Families 
 
 15' 
 
 165 
 
 325 
 
 MiNAS. 
 
 275 
 
 916 
 
 
 .69 
 
 '39 
 
 140 
 
 306 
 
 CoBEQ^UID. 
 
 289 
 
 874 
 
 
 145 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 52 
 
 Beaubassin. 
 
 44 
 
 157 
 
 
 21 
 
 55 
 
 58 
 
 136 
 
 102 
 
 351 
 
 
 56 
 
 365 
 
 383 
 
 819 
 
 710 
 
 2277 
 
 
 391 
 
 A total population of 2277, which with 123 at outlying points makes 2400. One third of the signers of the declarations 
 were able to sign their names ; out of 302 heads of families all but 100 signed with a mark. 
 2 B.T.N.S. vol. 2, 66.
 
 I7I4 ARRIVALS FROM PLACENTIA 19 
 
 Vaudreuil on board. They saw there a Boston trader with boards, salt, and 
 general merchandise ; and on their way home passed another from Cascoe Bay, 
 with the same cargo. All these facts they swore to in a declaration made before 
 Nicholson on their return, but this document is silent as to their destinies. 
 
 Another Acadian, one Arceneau, adventurous enough to voyage in a canoe 
 from Baie Verte to the Baie de Chaleurs, and then in a shallop to Louisbourg, 
 makes the same report of good fishing not only on the Cape Breton coast but 
 among the many Basque vessels in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.' L'Hermitte, 
 authorized to place people on the land at the King's pleasure, gave, up to the 
 end of August, permission to twenty-four Acadians to settle on a little river 
 near St. Peter's. Another party was also sent there, but without any definite 
 promise of land, as L'Hermitte wished to have them as settlers at Port Dauphin. 
 After Vaudreuil's second visit in October a party of Acadians was sent under 
 the leadership of De Couagne to inspect the lands on the Bras d'Or, but 
 they did not approve of them, and the officials thought that their secret desire 
 was to go to the Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island). The comparison from 
 a farming standpoint of the best lands in well-wooded Isle Royale, and the 
 meadows which they had reclaimed, or which lay ready for reclamation, along 
 the Bay of Fundy, was so obviously to the disadvantage of the former, that it 
 demanded a genuine loyalty to consider emigration. A council was held at 
 Louisbourg on October 16, at which Vaudreuil and the Recollect Missionary, 
 Felix Pain, were present, with Costebelle and the new Commissaire-Ordonnateur, 
 Soubras. Regret was expressed that the promises made to the Acadians had 
 not been kept, and they were specifically renewed for another year. 
 
 Costebelle had remained at Placentia. He was advised in the autumn of 
 17 13, that to avoid the hardship of moving in the inclement season the 
 evacuation was off until the spring, and at the close of the year issued a 
 proclamation to the people announcing the cession of the island and the necessity 
 for removal to Cape Breton. The English expedition to take possession of 
 Newfoundland, two regiments under the command of Colonel Moody, had 
 been driven into Vigo and had spent the winter at Lisbon, and only arrived in 
 Newfoundland the next year. During the season the guns and stores were 
 transported to Cape Breton. On July 23, 1714, Costebelle himself left on the 
 Heros, and in the autumn the inhabitants straggled over in their own boats. 
 The weather was bad, some were lost, and all suffered in this difficult voyage. 
 
 Thus the year ended. Some building was done, but L'Hermitte was in 
 despair about the ineffectiveness of the troops, the lack of care of the King's 
 stores, the use by private individuals of the building material he had gathered, 
 
 ^ These voyages in small boats may stand to the credit of the Acadians against the many bad reports given of them 
 bv the French authorities.
 
 20 POPULATION OF LOUISBOURG 1714 
 
 and the evils of divided authority. Soubras, the newly appointed Commissaire- 
 Ordonnateur, complained of the bad effects of drink ; of the gambling and 
 mutinous soldiery, who, nevertheless, were better paid, fed, and clothed than any 
 troops he had ever seen ; and of the ineffectiveness of L'Hermitte. The soldiers 
 had not received the bonus for their v/ork which had been promised. This had 
 not only made it exceedingly inef^^"ective, but had aggravated them to the point 
 of mutiny, and they had begun that excessive indulgence in drink with which 
 the authorities were powerless to cope. 
 
 It had been intended that the troops should winter in Baie des Espagnols, 
 but the necessary arrangements were not made, and in December it was decided 
 to place them at Mir^, where the cabins left standing from last year could be 
 utilized. Sickness prevailed, and the first death noted at Louisbourg is that ot 
 M. Du Vivier. On the other hand the fishing had been excellent, fourteen or 
 fifteen vessels had engaged in it, fewer than would have been the case had there 
 not been a scarcity of salt in France. As it had been bad in Newfoundland, it 
 gave the newcomers a favourable impression of the country, arduous as had 
 been the struggle with the elements by which they reached it. 
 
 The population in January 1715 numbered about 720, exclusive of unmarried soldiers, 
 but including military and civil officers. It was arranged by habitations, and with few 
 exceptions they were the people from Placentia (men, 118; women, 80; children, 170 ; 
 servants, 39 ; fishermen, 300). Incidentally this document throws light on the way of life 
 in the colony. The Governor, Costebelle, whose salary was 4000 livres, lived alone. His 
 establishment consisted of a secretary, one woman and two men servants, and seventeen 
 fishermen. St. Ovide had with him his wife, three children, and three men servants, a 
 gardener, cook and valet, and he employed thirteen fishermen. Soubras kept a bachelor 
 establishment with two young officers, Fontenay and P^an, and had ten fishers. L'Hermitte 
 had a clerk and eight fishers, and his household arrangements were looked after by his wife 
 and one servant. St. Marie had twelve fishers and seven men on his boat (batteau), but 
 La Ronde, Rouville, Legondez, and other officers did not fish.i 
 
 The merchants who flourished at Louisbourg, and whose names reappear 
 from time to time in the scanty records of its commerce, for the most part 
 came this year, and already had formed establishments, the largest of which 
 were those of Berrichon, Rodrigue, and Daccarette, respectively of twenty- 
 nme, twelve, and nineteen men. There were among the women five widows 
 of the official class, the most recent being Madame Du Vivier, who had 
 arrived with her children from France only a short time before her husband's 
 death, and eight others, of whom three had fishing establishments, two of them 
 of importance, one with twelve and the other with thirteen men. The widow 
 Onfroy of St. Malo claimed that she was the first to send vessels to Cape 
 
 1 I.R.G. 466.
 
 I7I4 ITS PROSPECTS 
 
 21 
 
 Breton, and with such satisfactory results that the fleets of St. Malo and 
 Grandville imitated her.^ This much is certain at this early time, that the 
 fishing was largely done by Basques. The Acadian explorers of this year 
 mention only Basque vessels on their voyages in the gulf and on the coasts 
 of Cape Breton. 
 
 The new establishment was amid surroundings which might appear 
 unfavourable, and while it was inadequately supported by the home authorities, 
 its personnel could not have found Louisbourg relatively unsatisfactory. Most 
 of the officers had been a long time in Placentia, and although Costebelle 
 places both towns " in the most sterile deserts of America," in climate and 
 other conditions the comparison is not against Isle Royale. Rouville and 
 his Canadians were now in a less severe climate than Quebec, and the nucleus 
 of the population were fisher-folk from Newfoundland, skilled in an art which 
 they began at once to practise under conditions which they found, allowance 
 being made for the unsettled condition and high prices of a new colony, not 
 unfavourable. With an Acadian population drawn to Isle Royale, as seemed 
 probable, its position would be strong. Colonel Vetch, unlikely to overvalue 
 the Acadians, thus expresses the advantage to France of the conditions which 
 they expected to find the next year (17 15) in Cape Breton : 
 
 " And as the accession of such a number of Inhabitants to Cape Breton will make it 
 at once a very populous Colony ; (in which the strength of all the Country's consists) So it 
 is to be considered that one hundred of the French, who were born upon that continent, 
 and are perfectly known in the woods, can march upon snowshoes, and understand the use 
 of Birch Canoes, are of more value and service than five times their number of raw men, 
 newly come from Europe. So their skill in the Fishery, as well as the cultivating of the 
 soil, must inevitably make that Island, by such an accession of people, and French, at once 
 the most powerful colony the French have in America, and of the greatest danger and 
 damage to all the British Colony's as well as the universal trade of Great Britain."' 
 
 One, Jethro Furber, who declared vaguely that, being on a voyage, probably 
 smuggling, he took refuge in Louisbourg, gives an interesting picture, closely 
 tallying with that of the Acadians, of the new settlement, " with forty vessels 
 loading and six sail of men-of-warr in its harbour, commodious enough for 
 five hundred sail of shipps," its fishing so good that the boats twice daily 
 brought in their loads, and its people elated that " ye English gave them a 
 Wedge of Gold tor a piece of silver." ^ 
 
 These testimonies seem to justify entirely the view taken in the first 
 appeal for funds for Louisbourg which Pontchartrain makes to the King's 
 Treasurer : 
 
 ' Arch. Col. B, 36. - Nova Scotia Archives, vol. i, p. 6. 
 
 ' An affidavit signed at Kingston in Jamaica, April 20, 171 5 (B.T.N. S. vol. 2).
 
 22 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 "The English are well aware of the importance of this post, and are already taking 
 umbrage in the matter. They see that it will be prejudicial to their trade, and that in 
 time of war it will be a menace to their shipping, and on the first outbreak of trouble they 
 will be sure to use every means to get possession of it. It is therefore necessary to fortify 
 it thoroughly. If France were to lose this Island the loss would be an irreparable one, and 
 it would involve the loss of all her holdings in North America." i 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 ANONYMOUS MEMOIRS OF 1706^ 
 
 This anonymous memoir is worthy of attention, as it is written by one 
 who had been on the ground, and sets forth what he conceived to be the 
 advantages of the proposed colony and its resources. In passages which have 
 not been reprinted he refers several times to the visit of the fleet of the 
 Chevalier du Palais to Baie des Espagnols in 1692, and writes of that port as 
 an eye-witness. It is probable that he was an officer in that squadron. 
 
 The memoir begins with a statement as to the purpose of colonies, the 
 solid advantages of the mother-country and the extension of its commerce. On 
 these principles the southern colonies are useful, as they produce commodities 
 which, otherwise, France would have to buy from foreigners, and trade with 
 them employs many ships and men who consume French products and produce 
 revenues to the State. Even Canada is important for its furs, and the home 
 consumption and exportation of beaver hats. 
 
 The proposed colony is important for the commerce in cod, one of the 
 most important in the kingdom, for it uses much salt, sustains many seamen 
 and fishers and their families, pays heavy taxes, and the new establishment would 
 place it entirely in the hands of the French. It has, moreover, the advantage 
 in extreme healthfulness over those of the West Indies. 
 
 Cape Breton is selected as the seat of the colony, as it has advantages in the 
 extent of the commerce which can be carried on with all parts of the world, the 
 excellence of its ports, the mildness of its climate and its salubrity, the fertility 
 of its soil, and the excellence of its fisheries. 
 
 Then follows a description of the island and its ports, great importance 
 being given and a plan attached of Baie des Espagnols (Sydney), which the 
 writer thinks the best in the island, not only as a harbour, but from its situation, 
 as from it roads could easily be made to all the other principal ports, and thus 
 easy intercommunication be given to the settlers. 
 
 1 Arch. Col. B, vol. 37, f. 26, 1/2. 
 2 Arch. Col. C^', Amerique du Nord, vol. 8, in which are also Raudot's Memoirs.
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 23 
 
 The land is highly praised on account of the trees it produces — elm, maple, 
 ash, beech, and birch, the same as Canada, and therefore presumably will produce, 
 as Canada does, good crops. Its climate, he points out, will improve as it is 
 cleared, as it is the retention of the snows and the shading of the ground by 
 the primaeval forest which make Canada so much colder than corresponding 
 latitudes in Europe — the prevailing view among scientists of the time. 
 
 Then follows a description, which subsequent exploration has materially 
 modified, of the possibilities of the country, its timber, tar, pitch, its gypsum 
 and marble and other stones, its " porphire qu'on a trouve fort beau a la Cour ou 
 feu M. le Marquis de Louvois en fit apporter," its coal and its furs, and, above 
 all, its advantageous position for the fisheries, thus dealt with by the writer : 
 
 Productions exterieures de l'Isle du Cap Breton 
 
 Elles se renferment toutes dans la seule pesche des molues, il ne s'agit pas icy d'en 
 donner le detail ny la description, le Sieur Denis y a satisfait dans son histoire naturelle de 
 I'Amerique Septentrionale avec toute I'exactitude qu'on s^auroit d^sirer, il n'est question 
 que de faire voir ainsy qu'on se Test proposd qu'on ne retirera jamais tous les avantages des 
 pesches qu'en les rendant s^dentaires, et que ce n'est que dans I'lsle du Cap Breton qu'on 
 peut executter avec succez une enterprise de cette importance. 
 
 La pesche des molues se fait en deux manieres, I'une avec des vaisseaux sur les bancs 
 de terre neuve au large des costes de Canada, I'autre k terre et sur les bords de la mer, par 
 la premiere, on salle dans les vaisseaux les molues comme on les tire de la mer, ce qu'on 
 appeile les poissons verds qui n'est autre chose que la molue blanche dont il se fait une si 
 grande consommation a Paris ; par la Seconde, on fait secher les molues sur les cotes de la 
 mer apres les avoir salldes, et c'est ce qu'on appelle le poisson sec ou vulgairement merluche, 
 qui se debite par tout le monde et dont on ne fait presqu'aucun usage a Paris, faute d'en 
 connoitre le m^rite. 
 
 Tous ceux qui ont &rit des peches sedentaires, ou qui ont travaille a les ^tablir jusques 
 a present n'ont pense qu'a la peche seche, on se propose de faire voir icy qu'on en peut 
 faire de mesme de la pesche verte, pourvu qu'on en fixe I'etablissement dans I'lsle du Cap 
 Breton, la preference luy en doit appartenir par le droit de sa situation elle est comme assise 
 au milieu des mers les plus poissonneuses, et dans le centre de tous les bancs, sur lesquels 
 les vaisseaux de France ont accoutum6 de faire la pesche, par consequent Ton y peut faire 
 I'une et I'autre pesche et les rendre I'une et I'autre sedentaires dans cette Isle. 
 
 L'exp^rience en d&ide, de tems immemorial, les vaisseaux ont fait la pesche seche sur 
 les cotes du Cap Breton, le Forillon, i'lsle plate, I'lndiane, Niganiche, Achpe Le Chadie, 
 carceaux, le havre a I'Anglois et la Balaine qui en dependent, ne sont jamais sans vaisseaux 
 en temps de paix ils y font ordinairement leur pesche complette, a moins de quelqu'ac- 
 cident, c'est une marque certaine que la morue y est abondante, mais ce n'est pas a dire 
 pour cela qu'il n'y en ayt precisement que dans ces endroits la quand on les disigne icy en 
 particulier comme des lieux de pesche, c'est que de la maniere que les vaisseaux ont fait la 
 pesche jusques a pr&ent, ils n'ont pratique que ces endroits la que parce qu'ils ne trou- 
 voient pas a se mettre a Fabry ailleurs, et que la petitesse de leurs chaloupes de pesche ne
 
 24 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 permettoit pas aux pescheurs de s'en Eloigner beaucoup, pour chercher la molue ailleurs 
 ainsi on a parl6 a cet 6gard comme s'il n'y en avoit eu qu'au Forillon, k Niganiche, au 
 Havre k I'anglois, et coetera, et point du tout ailleurs ; mais ce seroit une erreur de le penser 
 ainsi, la molue est aussy abondante par tout le reste des costes de I'lsle que dans ces endroits 
 Wquentez, on en trouve ^galement partout ailleurs. 
 
 Ainsy d^s que la pesche sera devenue sddentaire, et qu'elle ne se fera plus que par les 
 habitans de I'lsle, il ne sera plus question de s'assujettir aux endroits ou les vaisseaux peuvent 
 seulement se mettre a I'abry, pendant le temps de la pesche les habitans pouvant pecher 
 indifF^remment sur toutes les costes, les couvriront de leurs chaloupes, et feront deux fois 
 plus de poisson que celles de France par cette raison, et parce qu'^tant sur les lieux ils 
 commenceront plustost et finiront la pesche plus tard, si les chaloupes ordinaires ne leur 
 suffisent pas ils auront des barques de toutes grandeurs avec lesquelles ils iront au large sur 
 les bancs poissonneuses ou ils trouveront toujours k charger ; les vaisseaux de France ne 
 peuvent pas faire la mesme chose faute de barques qu'ils ne peuvent pas aporter aussi 
 facilement que de petites chaloupes. 
 
 Et c'est par le moyen de ces barques que Ton se propose de faire voir icy que la pesche 
 vert peut devenir s6dentaire aussi bien que la sesche, c'est un fait constant que la plus part 
 des vaisseaux de France viennent faire la pesche verte sur le banc a verd, sur le banc de 
 Saint Pierre, sur ceux de I'lsle de Sable et meme jusque dans le golfe de Canada. C'est un 
 autre fait, encore plus constant, que tous ces bancs sont a port& de I'lsle du Cap Breton et 
 qu'elle en est environn^e, il seroit done par consequent plus facile aux habitans de I'lsle qui 
 seroient sur les lieux de faire cette pesche avec leurs barques, qu'aux vaisseaux de France 
 qui ont huit cent lieues, et de grands frais k faire, et de grands risques a courir pour s'y 
 rendre. 
 
 On peut dire de mesme de la pesche verte du grand Banc, les habitans du Cap Breton 
 qui n'en seroient qu'^ quatre vingt lieues, la pourroient faire avec plus de facility que les 
 vaisseaux de France qui font sept cent lieues et de grands frais pour s'y rendre, ces vaisseaux 
 qui peschent au large et hors de la vue de la terre, sont obligez de sailer la molue telle que 
 les pescheurs la tirent de la mer, ils en peschent de quatre sortes, de grandes, de moyennes, 
 de petites, et de plus petites qu'ils appellent " Raquet," sur ce pied la lorsqu'ils retournent 
 en France, ils emportent de quatre sortes de poissons, qui ont chacun leur prix a la vente, 
 outre que c'est un embaras que de concilier ces difFiJrents prix, il arrive souvent que se 
 trouvant plus de petit et de raquet, que de grand et de moyen, celuy des deux premieres 
 qualitez ne se vend pas avantageusement. 
 
 II n'en seroit pas de mesme, si la pesche verte ^toit s^dentaire, quoy que les habitans 
 du Cap Breton fussent obligez de sailer dans leurs barques toutes les molues telles qu'ils les 
 tireroient de la mer, ainsi que les pescheurs de France, ils seroient n6anmoins les maitres 
 d'en faire le tirage dans leurs barques memes, de n'habiller au verd que le grand et le moyen 
 poisson, et de r^server tout I'inf&ie.ur pour mettre au sel, par ce moyen les cargaisons de 
 poisson verd seroient uniformes, les ventes en seroient plus faciles et plus avantageuses, et la 
 ■qualite du poisson beaucoup meilleure. 
 
 La pesche s^che y trouveroit aussi son avantage, comme il n'y a que le moyen et le 
 petit poisson qui puisse sdcher, il arrive souvent qu'on pesche autant de grandes molues que 
 de petits, on a regret de jetter les grandes a la mer, on risque de les faire secher, on con- 
 somme beaucoup de sel k les sailer, parceque d-tant fort epoisses elles pourriroient si on y
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER T 25 
 
 ipargnoit le sel, la moindre pluye, le moindre brouillard y met la corruption et I'on est 
 oblig6 de les jetter apres avoir perdu beaucoup de sel et de terns a les soigner, cela n'ar- 
 riveroit plus si la pesche verte dtoit sddentaire, on ne risqueroit plus de faire secher le grand 
 poisson, on le salleroit au verd et rien ne seroit perdu. 
 
 On en a un exemple dans la pesche qui se fait a I'lsle Percde a rembrochure du fleuve 
 de Saint Laurens, il y vient ordinairement sept ou huit vaisseaux en temps de paix, il y a des 
 Basques et des Normands, les Normands ne veuUent point de poisson sec, les Basques n'en 
 veullent point de verd, ils s'accommodent ensemble, les Normands prennent le grand poisson 
 des Basques, et les Basques resolvent des Normands deux petites molues pour une grande, 
 ainsi toute le monde est content et cela d6truit en m^me temps I'opinion de quelques 
 particuliers qui prdtendent que le grand poisson qui se pesche sur les cotes n'est pas aussi 
 bon que celuy du grand Banc, si cela estoit, les Normands qui s^avent leurs int^rets et qui 
 n'aportent ce poisson verd au havre que pour Paris, ne se chargeroient pas d'une marchandise 
 dont ils ne trouveroient pas le d^bit, si done les grandes molues de I'lsle Percee sont bonnes 
 a mettre au verd, a plus forte raison celles qui se peschent dans toute le golfe de Canada, sur- 
 tout autour des Isles de la Madelaine et de Brion, ou elles sont commun6ment d'une grandeur 
 prodigieuse, fort grasse et d'une meilleure qualite. 
 
 En rendant ainsy sedentaire la pesche du poisson verd et celle du poisson sec, il n'y 
 aurait plus a I'avenir que de grandes molues vertes et par consequent de la meilleure qualite, 
 tout le poisson seroit pareillement de la quality propre pour les difKrents pays ou le commerce 
 s'en fait, on en feroit le tirage au Cap Breton, Ton y tiendroit des magazins assortis de chaque 
 quality ou les vaisseaux trouveroient leurs charges de grandes molues vertes pour France, de 
 petit poisson sec pour Marseille et pour le Levant, de grand poisson sec pour I'Espagne et le 
 Portugal, et de moyen poisson sec pour le Royaume, au lieu que jusques a pr&ent, ces 
 vaisseaux ont 6ti obligez de n'emporter que ce qu'ils peschoient, et comme ils le peschoient. 
 
 On jugera par ce detail de I'^tendue des productions ext^rieures de I'lsle du Cap Breton, 
 quoy qu'elles ne soient que d'une espece, on peut dire sans exag^ration qu'on en pourroit 
 faire avec le temps un commerce de plus de deux vaisseaux tous les ans, qui tiendroient en 
 mouvement tous les peuples de cette Isle, et leur donneroient les moyens de subsister ais6- 
 ment de leur travail, joint aux productions de leurs terres, il s'agit a I'heure qu'il est de 
 trouver dans cette grande Isle un endroit capable de recevoir un Etablissement de cette 
 importance et dont on en puisse faire le chef lieu, apres quoy on fera voir les avantages que 
 le Roy, I'Etat et le commerce en pourront retirer. . . . 
 
 Le chef lieu de l'Etablissement 
 II y a deux raisons principalles de I'etablir dans la Baye aux Espagnols. 
 
 Premierement : 
 La bont6 de son Port et de ses Rades ; 
 
 Secondement : 
 
 Les communications qu'elle a avec tous les autres ports de I'lsle et meme avec I'Acadie par 
 le Labrador. 
 
 On voit par le plan que le Pilote Jean Albert en a lev^ en 1692, et par la description
 
 26 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 qu'il en donne dans son Journal qu'il est difficile de trouver un endroit plus commode et 
 plus avantageux pour le commerce, le Sieur de Montdgu, Capitaine de Wgate dit dans son 
 journal de la mcme ann^e qu'il a sond6 toute cette Baye et que c'est un des plus beaux ports 
 qu'on s^auroit voir, la description qu'on en a desja donn^e en marque assds tous les avantages 
 pour qu'on puisse convenir que cet endroit mirke la preference de cet Etablissement. 
 
 On peut entrer et mouiller dans ses rades la nuit comme le jour, on en peut sortir de 
 meme, on est h. couvert dans son port des plus mauvais terns et des ennemis, il y a partout 
 six, sept, huit et neuf brasses d'eau dans ses rades, dans son port, et mcme j usque tout aupres 
 de terre, les fonds sont de sable vazeux, il n'y a aucuns roshers qui puissent endomager les 
 cables et les anchres, les vaisseaux peuvent charger commoddment partout, on pourroit batir 
 la ville principalle entre les deux bras qui partagent la Baye a une lieue de son entree ; la 
 situation en seroit avantageuse et magnifique, il ne seroit n^cessaire de la fortifier que du 
 cost6 de la terre, on peut a peu de frais la mettre en deffense contre tous les efforts des 
 ennemis, on pourroit encore la placer avec les memes avantages entre la Riviire aux cerfs 
 et le bras gauche de cette Baye, la longue digue qui paroit dans le plan en fait un port tr^s 
 spacieux, tres assur6 et tres commode, c'est sur quoy il seroit difficile de se determiner sans 
 etre sur les lieux. 
 
 Cette ville deviendroit en peu de terns considerable et d'une grande ^tendue, les 
 magazins seuls pour recevoir les poissons, les productions du pays, les sels, les appareaux de 
 pesche, aussi bien que les marchandises de France, de Quebec et d'ailleurs, occuperoient 
 beaucoup de terrain, I'abord d'un grand nombre de vaisseaux, le mouvement continuel d'une 
 infinite de barques et de chaloupes y atireroient beaucoup de marchands et d'artisans, la 
 campagne surtout des environs se peupleroit de bourgs et de villages, on cultiveroit la terre 
 avec d'autant plus de soin que les grains et les denrees y trouveroient un prompt debit par la 
 consommation qui s'en feroit dans le lieu meme et par le transport qui s'en feroit au dehors, 
 on n'y verroit ny pauvres, ny faineans, on y trouveroit toujours de I'occupation, jusqu'aux 
 femmes et aux enfans qui y seroient employez k laver, a tourner, a porter et a preparer le 
 poisson sur la grave et sur les vignaux, tout le peuple seroit pescheur, ou laboureur, ou artisan, 
 les bourgeois et les marchands seroient occupez de leur commerce, les communications que 
 cet endroit a d'ailleurs par terre avec les autres ports de I'lsle et mesme avec I'Acadie par le 
 Labrador, seroient seules un motif de luy donner la preference de I'Etablissement principal, 
 dont il s'agit de faire voir les avantages dans les articles suivans. 
 
 Les Avantages de get Etablissement 
 
 Premierement. 
 II rend le commerce des pesches certain de casuel qu'il a toujours ete jusques h. present. 
 
 Secondefnent. 
 
 li ruunit tout ce commerce dans la seule main des Fran9ois a I'exclusion des Anglois 
 qui I'usurpent depuis longtemps. 
 
 Troisiimement. 
 
 II devient le Boulvard et le magazin des colonies de Canada, de I'Acadie et de 
 Plaisance.
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 27 
 
 ^uatri^mement. 
 
 II sera I'entrepost et le refuge des vaisseaux qui reviennent des grandes Indes, des 
 Indes Espagnoles, des Isles de I'Amerique et de tous ceux qui frequentent les mers 
 de Canada. 
 
 En parlant avec ordre de ces quatre avantages principaux, on en decouvrira una 
 infinite d'autres particulieres qui font d'autant mieux juger du m^rite de cet Etablissement. 
 
 Premier Avantage. 
 
 De la maniere que I'on a fait la pesche du poisson sec jusques a present, on a hxh 
 oblig^ de faire partir les vaisseaux de France des le mois de Mars, pour arriver aux cotes 
 de Canada dans la saison que la molue commence a s'en aprocher, les mers sent rudes 
 et les vents violens dans les mois de Mars et d'Avril a cause de I'Equinoxe, souvent ils 
 sont contraires pour sortir jusques bien avant dans le mois de May, quand ces vaisseaux 
 partent trop tard, ils n'ont pas le temps de faire leur pesche quand ils partent ass& tost, 
 ils trouvent des tourments a la mer, ils d^matent, ils perdent une partie de leurs sels 
 et de leurs vivres, ils relachent, la d^pense de leur ^quipement est perdue pour les marchands 
 ou pour les assureurs. 
 
 Les vaisseaux qui partent pour le poisson verd, n'ont pas a la v6rit6 les m^mes risques 
 hi courir, parce qu'ils peuvent sortir dans la belle saison, mais ils ont a essuyer sur le grand 
 Banc les coups de vent les plus violents qui les empeschent de pescher, qui souvent les 
 obligent de d^barquer, et quelque fois de relAcher en France en quelque dtat que soit 
 leur pesche. 
 
 Suposans les uns et les autres de ces vaisseaux heureusement arrivez au lieu de leur 
 destination, si le poisson n'est pas abondant, si les grands vents les empeschent de pescher, 
 si les pluyes empeschent de s^cher le poisson, s'ils perdent leurs chaloupes par quelque 
 tempeste, comme il arrive ass& souvent, s'ils manquent de vivres, s'ils sont jettez a la 
 coste par le mauvais temps ou incommaudez sur le grand Banc, on peut compter que 
 dans les uns ou les autres de ces cas, leur pesche est notablement interrompue, si celle 
 n'est pas tout a fait perdue. 
 
 En quelque saison que ces vaisseaux partent pour la pesche, ils ont une longue et 
 rude travers6e a faire avant que d'arriver aux cotes de Canada ou sur le grand Banc, 
 personne n'ignore que les vents sont presque toujours contraires pour ces voyages, les 
 vaisseaux qui font le poisson sec demeurent pres de quatre mois a la coste et ne mettent 
 guere moins de huit mois a tout leur voyage ; ceux qui font le poisson verd ne sont pas 
 si longtemps dehors, mais ils sont toujours exposez, ainsi ces voyages qui sont toujours 
 longs content beaucoup aux marchands, qui souvent sont trop heureux de retirer une 
 partie de leurs avances, bien loin d'y trouver du profit. 
 
 On n'obtient que rarement pendant la guerre des Equipages pour la pesche, les 
 vaisseaux des particuliers auxquels on en accorde sont en proye aux Corsaires Anglois 
 de Boston, aussy bien sur le grand Banc que sur les cotes de Canada, tous les vaisseaux 
 pris a risle Percde, a Bonnaventure, a Gasp(§, au Cap Breton et sur le grand Banc pendant 
 la derni^re guerre, ne le prouve que trop, mais quand le peu de vaisseaux qui sortent pendant 
 la guerre pour la peche des molues reviendroit a bon port, ce poisson estant rare est toujours
 
 28 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 si cher dans le Royaume, qu'on n'en sfauroit trouver la consommation enti^re, sans etre 
 
 k charge au public. 
 
 Tous ces inconveniens cesseroit si les pesches devenoient sWentaires, ce commerce 
 seroit aussy florissant en temps de guerre que pendant la paix, les marchands n'en feroient [sic] 
 plus les avances, il n'y auroit presque plus de risques k le faire, les vaisseaux ne partiroient 
 plus k I'dquinoxe de Mars, assurez de trouver a I'Etablissement la pesche toute faite par 
 les habitans, ils ne mettoient plus a la mer qu'en May, Juin et Juillet dans une saison 
 si belle, ils ne risqueroient plus de perdre leurs sels, leurs vivres, leurs marchandises, ny 
 de relacher ; leur navigation seroit heureuse, ils ne prendroient que des Equipages ordinaires, 
 et des vivres qu'autant qu'il leur en faudroit pour se rendre a I'Etablissement, ils ne feroient 
 plus la d^pense d'embarquer les chaloupes ny les autres appareaux de pesche, ils chargeroient 
 entierement de marchandises et de choses k la v^rit6 n6cessaires a la pesche, mais ce ne 
 seroit plus pour la consommer par eux-memes en faisant la pesche comme autrefois, ce 
 seroit un pur commerce, et pour revendre aux marchands de I'Etablissement qui les 
 payeroient en poisson tout fait et en d'autres eftets ; ils passeroient en quarante jours de 
 France k I'c'tablissement, ils n'y s^journeroient qu'autant qu'il seroit necessaire pour 
 d^charger et recharger, ils repasseroient en France en vingt jours et pourroient faire 
 tout le voyage en trois mois, ils pourroient en faire deux par an ; ceux qu'on destineroit 
 pour les Isles de I'Amdrique, pour le Mexique, pour I'Espagne, le Portugal, la MWiterranee 
 ou pour le Levant feroient trois fois leur fret dans la meme ann6e de France a I'Etablisse- 
 ment, de la dans les pays Etranges, et des pays Strangers en France, ils prendroient des 
 vivres a I'Etablissement pour leur retour, en quelqu'endroit qu'ils le fissent, ils y trouveroient 
 des mats, des vergues, et d'autres pieces s'ils en avoient besoin, ils pourroient mesme s'en 
 garnir entierement sans autre d^pense que de les couper quelque difficult^ qu'il y eust 
 d'obtenir des Equipages en este, pendant la guerre ils en auroient au pis aller vers la fin 
 d'aoust que les vaisseaux du Roy ont continu6 de desarmer, alors ils partiroient en flotte 
 sous I'escorte de deux ou trois frigates de Sa Majest^ qui les conduiroient a I'Etablissement 
 et les rameneroient en France, par la le commerce de la pesche ne seroit jamais interrompu, 
 parce qu'il se feroit par les habitans du lieu, qui comptans sur Tarrivte de la flotte 
 pr^pareroient le poisson en I'attendant. Sa Majeste en recevroit toujours les droits et 
 la molue seroit k bon march6 dans le Royaume en guerre comme en paix. 
 
 DeuxUme Avantage. 
 
 La pesche s6dentaire que les Anglois ont ^tablis a la coste de I'Est de I'Isle de Terre 
 Neuve depuis quarante ans est une usurpation formelle de leur part, cette Isle apartient 
 sans contredit a Sa Majest^ suivant le partage de I'Amerique Septentrionale entre la 
 France et I'Angleterre, le peu d'attention qu'on a eue pour une affaire de cette consequence 
 a donn6 lieu a la possession que les Anglois en ont prise, il paroit par de bons m^moires 
 qu'ils y chargent tous les ans plus de cent vaisseaux de poisson sec. 
 
 La pesche qu'ils font encore avec les barques de la cote de Baston sur celles de 
 I'Acadie est une autre usurpation, ils n'en peuvent pas contester la propri^t^ a la France 
 puis qu'ils I'ont rendue plusieurs fois par des traitez de paix, mais quoy qu'ils n'y trafiquent 
 plus avec les habitans, ils ne discontinuent pas pour cela d'y faire la pesche des molUes qu'ils 
 portent s6cher sur leurs costes, le peu d'oposition qu'ils y trouvent de la part des Francois
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 29 
 
 n'est pas capable de les en empecher, ils font encore par cette pesche au moins la charge de 
 cent vaisseaux de poisson sec tous les ans. 
 
 Comme les Anglois ne consomment presque point de poisson sec en Europe, ils le 
 portent en Espagne, en Portugal et jusques dans le Levant ou ils le vendent en concurrence 
 avec les Francois qui devroient estre seuls maitres de ce commerce. 
 
 II n'y a que I'Etablissement propose qui puisse en donner I'exclusion aux Anglois, 
 s'ils trouvent la cote de I'Acadie occup& par les Barques et les chaloupes des habitans du 
 Cap Breton on peut compter que d'eux-memes ils ne s'y prc^-senteroient plus, ainsy meme 
 en pleine paix, sans recommencer la guerre, sans effusion de sang, sans aucune d(5pense, Sa 
 Majest6 n'usant que de son droit, peut oster pour jamais aux Anglois un commerce usurp6 
 qui a forme et qui soutient encore aujourd'huy leur Colonie de Baston, ainsy qu'ils en 
 conviennent eux-memes. 
 
 II ne seroit pas si facile de leur oter celuy de la cote de Terre Neuve, comme les 
 Anglois en ont pris une espcce de possession, il semble qu'on ne pourroit les en chasser 
 qu'en tems de guerre, mais pour lors la chose seroit fort ais6, si quelques Canadiens venus de 
 Quebec a Plaisance, ou il y a plus de deux cens lieues par mer, ont ruind ces dernieres 
 annees toute la cote angloise, fait le degat de leur sel, bruli leurs chaloupes, et leurs 
 maisons, les habitans du Cap Breton qui seroient en bien plus grand nombre, qui auroient 
 un interest particulier de detruire cette cote, et qui n'auroient que trente ou trente-cinq 
 lieues de mer a traverser pour se rendre a Plaisance, seroient en etat de les harceler si 
 souvent qu'ils les forceroient enfin d'abandonner pour jamais un pays sterile qui ne produit 
 rien et qu'ils n'occupent que par raport a la pesche qui y est tres abondante. 
 
 Suposant done les Anglois exclus de ces peches, comme cela seroit sans doute lorsque 
 I'Etablissement du Cap Breton seroit forme, ce commerce doubleroit chaque annee en 
 faveur de la France aussi bien que les droits des fermes de Sa Majeste, la chose park 
 d'elle-mSme. 
 
 Trohi^me Avantage. 
 
 Si Ton considere avec attention la progression des Anglois dans leurs Colonies de la 
 Nouvelle Angleterre, on aura lieu de trembler pour celle de Canada, il n'y a point d'ann^e 
 qu'il ne naisse parmy eux autant d'enfans qu'il y a d'hommes dans tout le Canada, en peu 
 d'annees ce peuple sera dangereux et redoutable, et le Canada ne sera gueres plus peupl6 
 qu'il n'est aujourd'huy, soit douceur de climat qui favorise la culture de leurs terres, la 
 progression de leurs bestiaux, et qui leur permet de naviguer en tout tems, soit Industrie 
 particuli^re, il est certain que leurs colonies sont Stabiles de ce c6te-la comme I'Angleterre 
 meme. 
 
 II est encore tems de prevoir et de prdvenir les suites inevitables de cette superiority 
 des Anglois, on ne doit pas douter qu'elle ne leur inspire enfin quelque jour, le dessein de 
 se rendre maitres du Canada et par 1^ de toute PAm^rique septentrionale, quoy que le 
 Canada ne paroisse pas fort important a ceux qui ne le connoissent pas a fond, il est certain 
 neantmoins que la France perdroit avec ce pays-la le commerce des castors qui ne laisse pas 
 d'etre necessaire et considerable par sa circulation celuy des originaux et des pelleteries qui 
 se d^bitent dans le Royaume et chez les Etrangers et de quelques autres effets qu'on en 
 pourroit titer, mais on doit adjouter a cela qu'il est de la gloire et de la pi6t6 du Roy de ne 
 pas laisser tomber un si grands pays entre les mains d'une nation her^tique, jealous du
 
 30 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 commerce des Fran9ois et qui commenceroit a 6touffer dans les coeurs de ses sujets et des 
 sauvages les semences de la Religion. 
 
 En perdant le Canada la France perdroit encore les pesches des molues, les Anglois 
 pour s'en assurer se fortifieroient dans tous les endroits avantageux, ils couvriroient ces mers 
 et le grand Banc de leurs vaisseaux, la navigation en seroit fermee aux Fran9ois, les matelots 
 diminueroient de la moitid- dans le Royaume, on seroit obligd de racheter la molUe des 
 An<rlois, les Francois perdroient la consommation des sels et des efFets propres a la pesche, et 
 Sa Majest<5 les droits que luy aportoit un si grand commerce, le mal seroit trop grand pour 
 que Sa Majeste le pllt souffrir, et ce ne pourroit etre que par des d^penses prodigieuses et 
 par la guerre ouverte qu'on pourroit rentrer dans la possession de ce qu'il est ais^ de ne pas 
 perdre en occupant le Cap Breton. 
 
 Cette Isle est le clef du Canada et de toutes les cotes de la Nouvelle France, en la 
 fortifiant les Anglois ne pourront plus rien entreprendre de ce c6t6-la, ils ne s'aviseront 
 jamais d'entrer dans le profondeur du Golfe de Saint Laurens pour monter jusqu'a Quebec, 
 pendant qu'ils auront derriere eux un poste de cette importance. 
 
 L'Acadie et Plaisance ne seroient pas moins en surete par cet Etablissement, le nombre 
 et la valleur de ses habitans, leur experience au fait de la navigation et des armes dont ils 
 feroient un exercise continue!, les mettroient en peu de tems en 6tat de tout entreprendre, 
 de faire trembler les Anglois jusques dans Baston, et de desoler toutes leurs cotes en temps 
 de guerre. 
 
 Le Cap Breton seroit encore le magasin general de tous ces pays, les habitans y 
 trouveroient les marchandises, les elTets et leurs secours dont ils auroient besoin en Change 
 des vivres, des denrees et des autres choses qu'ils y apporteroient de Quebec et d'ailleurs. 
 
 ^uatriime Avantage. 
 
 Tous les vaisseaux qui reviennent des Isles de I'Am^rique, du Mexique, du Perou, de la 
 Mer du Sud et mesme des grandes Indes sont obligez par la disposition des vents de venir 
 chercher les hauteurs de Canada, et de passer a la pointe m^ridionale du Grand Banc de 
 Terre Neuve pour retourner en Europe ; il arrive ass6s souvent que la plus part de ces 
 vaisseaux manquent ou de vivres ou d'eau, ou de bois, qu'ils sont ddmatez, qu'ils ont des 
 voyes d'eau ou que leurs Equipages sont malades, il y a encore pres de sept cens lieues de la 
 en France, oh. ils ne sont pas en estat de se rendre sans estre . . . 
 
 Tous les vaisseaux pescheurs et ceux qui passent au Cap Breton en allant a Quebec 
 s'y refugieront dans la necessity la navigation de Canada ^tant des plus rudes, surtout en 
 revenant de Quebec dans I'arriere saison, les equipages et les passagers des vaisseaux qui 
 auroient le malheur de faire naufrage dans le golfe de Canada pourroient trouver leur 
 salut dans cet Etablissement. . . . 
 
 The writer then takes up objections to his project and concludes. 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 L'Etablissement propos6 r^unit toutes les pesches dans la main des Francois, en donne 
 I'exclusion absolue aux Anglois, deffend les colonies de Canada, de Terre Neuve et de 1' Acadie 
 contre tous leurs efforts, empeschent [^/V] qu'ils ne se rendent maitres de tous ces grands pays, 
 er par la mesme de toutes les pesches, il ruine leur colonic de Baston en les en excluant et
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 
 
 31 
 
 sans leur faire la guerre, il est le refuge des vaisseaux incommodez qui frdquentent ces 
 mers, ou pour la pesche ou pour les voyages de Canada, il devient le rendez-vous et 
 I'entrepost des vaisseaux des Indes, des Isles de I'Amdrique, de la Nouvelle Espagne, il 
 augmente le nombre des matelots, il facilite le commerce de Canada et favorise le debit 
 de ses grains et de ses denr^es, il fournira les arceneaux de Sa Majest^ de mats, de vergues, 
 de bordages, de planches, de pieces de construction, de bray, de goldrons, d'huiles de 
 poisson, de charbon de terre, de platre et mesme de molUes pour les victuailles des dquipages, 
 les Strangers qui ont accoutume de fournir tous ces effets n'emporteront plus I'argent 
 du Rovaume, il augmente la domination de Sa Majest6, le commerce de ses sujets, les 
 droits de ses fermes, et la consommation de sels et des denrees du Rovaume, e'en est assez 
 pour faire voir que cet Etablissement est enfin devenu d'une necessity indispensable, 
 et qu'il est terns d'y mettre efficacement la main. 
 
 II ne reste plus qu'a donner dans un m^moire particulier les moyens de former a peu 
 de frais un Etablissement de cette importance. — A Paris le trentieme Novembre 1706. 
 
 NoN SIGNi. 
 
 Note. — This document, with the exception of some changes in punctuation, and the 
 correction of a iew mistakes obviously those of a copyist, is printed verbatim. The 
 soundness of its views as to the importance of Cape Breton, the stability of New England, 
 the previsions of danger to French rule from its people, merit the attention of the reader.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The declaration of the taking possession of Isle Royale stated that the selection 
 of Louisbourg was provisional. The reports made and the plans submitted in 
 person by St. Ovide to the King secured his approval, which was transmitted to 
 L'Hermitte, with orders to place the fort on the point and the town behind it. 
 This led to complaints from the latter that his plans had been modified and his 
 views inaccurately stated by St. Ovide. 
 
 These instructions were definite ; but a discussion arose at once as to which 
 should be made the principal place of the three settlements which were thought 
 of These were Louisbourg, Port Dauphin, and Port Toulouse. Each of them 
 had many advantages, which were dealt with in many letters and memorials. 
 Costebelle wrote to the Minister expressing his opinion, that great attention 
 should be given to Port Toulouse, without claiming that it should be the seat of 
 government, and asked a hearing for Meschin, Commander of the Semslack, 
 who had revisited Louisbourg. When Meschin sought an audience with 
 Pontchartrain he was sent on by him to Raudot the younger, who had been 
 promoted from Quebec to the position of Intendant des Classes (Service Rolls). 
 The Minister wrote to the latter that he would discuss the matter with him after 
 his interview with Meschin. 
 
 Other letters also were sent to Pontchartrain. Rouville and La Ronde, in 
 thanking him for their appointments on this pioneer expedition, gave their views 
 on the three ports. The latter was enthusiastic over Port Dauphin, where they 
 could do more work for ten thousand livres than for two hundred thousand in 
 Louisbourg. Trees twenty-eight to thirty-eight inches in diameter and seventy 
 feet long abound ; there is an abundance of oak, and not an inch of ground which 
 is not fit to cultivate. He concluded by saying that New England is not worth 
 one-tenth part of Cape Breton, but that he has seen with his own eyes how 
 flourishing is the British colony, where every year they build fifteen hundred 
 vessels.^ 
 
 Costebelle repeated his first impression that they were working uselessly at 
 
 ' These are exaggerations which go far to justify L'Hermitte's opinion of La Ronde. See note, p. i6. 
 
 32
 
 I7I4 CONFLICTING ADVANTAGES 33 
 
 Louisbourg, and that Vaudreuil, St. Ovide, and Soubras agreed with him, if their 
 thoughts corresponded to their language. L'Hermitte tried to confine his 
 expression to a statement of the advantages of the different places, but in sending 
 his requisitions for material and men he added an estimate that it would take 
 eight to ten years to build the forts at Louisbourg at a cost, even without the 
 artillery, of eight or nine hundred thousand livres. 
 
 Bourdon, an experienced officer, whose map of Cape Breton was being used, 
 was sent out with de Saugeon, the officer in command of the Affriquain, who 
 was unfamiliar with these waters. Bourdon, too, submitted a memoir on this 
 vexed and important question.^ The advantages of Louisbourg, in his summing 
 up the various views, were the ease of access, the excellent fishing close at hand, 
 and, while the beaches were less in extent than at Port Dauphin, this was 
 compensated for by the excellent sites found at various adjacent outports. The 
 Port Dauphin beaches were less useful, as they were shut in by the high hills, 
 the name of which has descended from the romance of Les Quatres Fils d'Aymon 
 to Smith's Mountain. Port Dauphin was more easily fortified, the land was 
 fertile, but the fishing grounds were several leagues from the port, and therefore 
 required larger boats. Port Toulouse was not then seriously considered, nor does 
 the name of Bale des Espagnols often appear, notwithstanding the anonymous 
 memoir of 1706. Its wide entrance would be difficult to fortify, and it was 
 distant from the fishing grounds. Louisbourg, moreover, had the advantage of 
 not freezing over, and of being less incommoded by the drift ice in the spring, 
 although this was not dwelt on and was perhaps unknown to the pioneers. 
 Bourdon points out in his memoir that the fisheries are the sole object of care, 
 that the only grain they need to grow is for poultry and fodder, as their 
 requirements of wheat would make a commerce with Canada. He thus disposes 
 of the agricultural superiority of Port Dauphin, enforcing this view by the fact 
 that the Acadians would not go there, as they were seeking for meadows. He 
 also takes up various questions as to the forts ; says that L'Hermitte's are too 
 costly, and proposes in their stead two fortifications, one on the island and one 
 on the point, which, giving protection against a sudden attack, would, as peace 
 is likely to last, be all that is required. He concludes that, for ease of living, 
 every one would prefer Port Dauphin, but, for public interest, Louisbourg is 
 comparably better. The weight of local authority was against him. It was 
 supported by the merchants of France, while the Court was dismayed at the 
 amount of money which Louisbourg would require. 
 
 Instructions were sent out to Costebelle and Soubras that Port Dauphin 
 should be made the principal place ; that they, the staff, and the larger part of 
 the garrison, four companies, should be established in that place ; that St. Ovide 
 
 ' C" I.R. vol. I, p. III. 
 
 D
 
 34 PORT DAUPHIN CHOSEN 1715 
 
 should command at Louisbourg with two companies, and De Pensens, aide- 
 major, should go to Port Toulouse. These instructions arrived in due course, 
 but Costebelle, advised by a private letter of the decisions before they came to 
 hand, had already taken action. In June he sent L'Hermitte to lay out 
 the work at Port Dauphin. Rouville also went there, and again merited the 
 praises of his superiors, by doing with his sixty men effective work in building 
 a storehouse, bakehouse, and forge. In September they were engaged on the 
 barracks, which were substantial, as it was proposed that they should serve 
 afterwards as an hospital, and Costebelle, who was on the ground, hoped that 
 these would be finished before winter. 
 
 Port Toulouse, preferred by the Acadians, was allotted a garrison of forty 
 men under De Pensens, and a small fort for the purpose of giving confidence to 
 the new settlers was laid out by Couagne. The value of this place had been 
 considered small on account of the shallow entrance of its harbour, but 
 soundings proved that there were three channels with deep water — two of 
 four and a half, and one of three fathoms. Meschin and his pilot went with 
 Costebelle from Port Dauphin to Port Toulouse, by the Bras d'Or Lakes, and 
 confirmed the information. The channels were crooked, but could be made 
 safe by buoys, which in time of war could be removed, making the harbour 
 "easy to friends, inaccessible to enemies." 
 
 Louisbourg was so neglected that Soubras urged Costebelle to send to 
 Port Toulouse, St. Ovide and most of the Louisbourg garrison, as no work 
 could be done at the latter place during the winter. L'Hermitte's part of this 
 work was tentative, for he had been superseded by Beaucour, who arrived in the 
 autumn, and he had experienced the bitterness of receiving the Minister's 
 strictures on his slowness before the letters arrived promoting him to the post of 
 Major at Three Rivers. Thereafter in the more settled conditions of Canada 
 he did good work, until, returning from France on the Chameau in 1725, his 
 long career in the public service ended in her shipwreck a fe^ miles from 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 The Acadian situation was not easy ; although Vaudreuil, Costebelle, and 
 Soubras had signed a memoir begging the Court to do the impossible by sending 
 a vessel, nothing more was accomplished than sending some of the gear for their 
 boats.' Part of it was delivered, but very (qw of them had come to Isle Royale. 
 Early in the year 171 5 news came to Louisbourg that Nicholson had in the 
 autumn told the Acadians that those of them who intended leaving must go at 
 .once and not wait until the spring. The King instructed the French 
 ambassador to ask permission to send a ship for them, and the request having 
 been made, time was being lost in waiting for a reply, and the action of the 
 
 ' Vol, I, 107, October 16, 1714.
 
 1715-16 THE ACADIAN SITUATION 35 
 
 French Government was thus hampered. The solution was left to the local 
 authorities ; they were to avail themselves of any of the three vessels which had to 
 come out — the Semslack, the Affriquain, or the Mutine — and send one of them 
 for the Acadians. 
 
 Father Dominique de la Marche, who was Grand Vicar of the Bishop of 
 Quebec, had been sent on a mission to the Acadians at Port Toulouse, where he 
 met representatives of prosperous families of Minas who were there, the results 
 of which he stated in a letter, September 7. In it he recounts the position 
 and fidelity of the Acadians, and states that promises solemnly made through 
 the missionaries as well as the envoys. La Ronde and Pensens, had not been 
 kept, and urges that a vessel should be sent, as he fears further delay. 
 Although Costebelle was absent at Port Dauphin, a council was held the same 
 day, at which Soubras, St. Ovide, Villejouin, Renon, Ste. Marie, de la Perelle, 
 officers of the garrison, met the missionary. They decided that they must have 
 some pretext for sending a vessel, either the disavowal of the Indian hostilities 
 against the English or replacing a missionary. They decided that de Pensens, 
 a favourite with the Acadians, and de la Perelle, who spoke English, should go 
 on the Mutine (Captain de Courcey), which should be provisioned for bringing 
 back the Acadians ; but that if they could not make them come, or if opposition 
 was offered, they should return. The Mutine started on the voyage, but, meeting 
 heavy weather and contrary winds, returned to Louisbourg without having 
 reached Annapolis. 
 
 In August of the following year (i 7 1 6) de la Marche left Port Dauphin, where 
 he was established, and visited Acadia, returning in September. He says that 
 the Acadians were not to blame for not coming, and acknowledges that they 
 were no longer in the mood to come, while Costebelle had made up his mind 
 that they would remain where they were. The authorities wrote to the Minister 
 that the Acadians were to take an oath that the Anglican Church was the only 
 true one, that the Virgin was a woman like any other, that the Pretender was a 
 bastard, and that they would be faithful to the new King ; but this fable, possibly 
 because it was a fable, moved neither the Acadians to leave nor the Ministry to 
 come to their aid.^ 
 
 These are the first of many incidents which mark the care of the French 
 officials to avoid giving offence to the English. Their attitude was defensive ; 
 the instructions sent out to them were to avoid quarrels and not to resent 
 aggressions. The only firm note in many years is La Ronde's letter to 
 Nicholson, in which he states that the King intends to maintain the rights 
 accorded to the Acadians by Queen Anne, the outcome of his preference for the 
 
 ^ " Contenant que la religion Anglicanne est la seule veritable, que la Ste. Vierge est une femme comme une autre, 
 que le Pretendu Prince de Galles est batard, et qu'ils promettent fidelite au nouve.iu Roy" (C" I.R. 2, p. 90).
 
 36 MESCHIN'S FEAST 1715 
 
 grand manner rather than of the Instructions given to him. The garrison of 
 Annapolis, weaker than that of Louisbourg, was powerless to prevent the 
 Acadians removing. They were entitled to leave ; the question of time had 
 not been settled, and, had the policy of France been aggressive or a pacific one 
 administered by strong men, the sending of ships for the Acadians could have 
 been defended as entirely justifiable. But when we take up later in this chapter 
 the conditions in France, the causes of many things which happened in Louis- 
 bourg will be made clear. 
 
 The efforts of the French to prevent the Indians of Acadia from ac- 
 knowledging the sovereignty of England had been successful, and they had 
 largely moved to Antigonish, nearer Isle Royale, without making any settlement. 
 The relations of the New Englanders with the Indians of Acadia had not been 
 friendly. The fishermen who frequented the adjacent fishing-grounds could not 
 dry their catch on shore, as they were driven off by the savages, although solitary 
 Frenchmen lived among them and traded with the English vessels. The Indian 
 hostility was bitter. The Micmacs, finding two dead bodies of their young 
 men, jumped to the conclusion that they had been killed by the English, and 
 in revenge pillaged nine or ten vessels. A vessel of twelve or fourteen guns 
 which was cast away in St. George's Bay was taken and the crew ill-treated, in 
 spite of the efforts of Father Gaulin to protect them. The cause of this outbreak 
 was their belief that all their tribe at Minas was dying of poison administered by 
 the English. A similar case occurred at Beaubassin, and again the crew were 
 protected by Father Felix. Costebelle, referring to these and similar incidents, 
 informed the Minister that pillaging was going on which they tried to prevent. 
 Capon, storekeeper at Annapolis, was sent to Louisbourg in 1 7 1 5 to complain 
 of the action of the allies of the French. An account of this mission is found 
 in Meschin's answer to a charge of wasting His Majesty's stores, brought against 
 him by the purser of his ovi^n ship, who reported that, being a godfather at 
 Louisbourg, he had fired a salute of one hundred guns and wasted powder to 
 the value of 1600 livres. Meschin said in reply that he had proved to the 
 Commandant and Intendant of Rochefort, where the charge was made, that this 
 was untrue. The facts were that Sieur Capon, Commissary-General, had come 
 from Acadia to Isle Royale representing General Neilson (Nicholson) to ask for 
 justice from the Indians, our allies, who had captured some English vessels In 
 the Strait of Canso and pillaged their crews. On which matter, the heads of the 
 Colony not being able otherwise to satisfy the envoy, we had tried to content 
 him with many civilities and feasting (" De le contenter par beaucoup 
 de caresses et de bonne chere"). Meschin contributed to this end by a 
 dinner on board the Semslack, given the third day of Capon's stay, to which he 
 invited the Governor, Soubras, other officers, and the principal Inhabitants to
 
 I7I5 COSTEBELLE'S SUBORDINATES 37 
 
 the number of forty-five. Monsieur Capon desired to drink the health of King 
 Louis, and Meschin felt bound, as a loyal servant, to fire a salute of nine guns ; 
 courtesy demanded an equal number when they drank to King George, then 
 five were fired for the Admiral of France, and an uncertain number for the 
 principal French and English general officers. The hospitable officer was 
 forgiven for having only a general knowledge that the number of guns was less 
 than one hundred. The Navy Board did not make him pay for these feiix 
 de joie} 
 
 The guests of Meschin gathered from miserable quarters. The houses in 
 which they lodged, grouped about the larger dwelling of the Governor, were 
 built of pickets upright in the ground, a meaner type of construction than 
 a log hut. On the other side of the little stream was a temporary battery 
 of twelve guns, and the remainder of the cannon lay on the beach immediately 
 below the Governor's house." The merchants who were bidden came for 
 the most part from the other side of the arm, where they had already established 
 their simple dwellings adjacent to the beaches, where their fish were cured, 
 and the site selected for the fortifications. We have some idea of the military 
 officers who gathered on this occasion, for Costebelle, in a long letter to the 
 Minister treating of various subjects, gives a description of himself and his 
 associates.^ He himself is fifty-four, his passions weakened by years, but his 
 zeal great. He works from daylight till noon ; at dinner they sit long and 
 make decently merry. This is borne out by Soubras, who says that, although 
 Costebelle is despotic, his sociable humour contributes to keep the peace between 
 them. Besides the difficulties of his office, Costebelle is overwhelmed by private 
 debts, and is anxious to get to France to find means to extricate himself. St. 
 Ovide, he says, is devout, and has all the talents of a man of the sword and of 
 a writer, but he exaggerates. Beaucour has talents, and will find plenty of room 
 for their exercise. Ligondez is a good officer, is never too slow, sometimes too 
 lively. La Ronde Denys is also good, independent, energetic, fine, but will be 
 better when age has modified his temperament and he is free from the influence 
 of doubtful relations. Villejouin is good. Rouville, a phcenix for labours. 
 Ste. Marie, Costebelle's brother-in-law, a Provencal, is inclined to be close. 
 
 ^ Ar, Nat. Marine, C, 7, 206. " Young's Map. 
 
 ' " Pour luy dcffiner le cours de ma vie presante il est temps que je luy dire que j'ai atteint I'aage de 54 ans, ou les 
 passions vives et turbulentes s'affoiblessent d'elle meme, il n'y a que celles de mon devoir que se soient fortfie et je n'ay 
 jamais eu tant d'occasion de faire briller mon zelle par la situation oil toutes choses se trouvent aujounl'hui, pour d'accuser 
 juste ^ votre grandeur je lui diray que je suis vigilant a toutte sorte d'heure de point de jour jusque a midy m'occupe le 
 plus, apres quoy je reste assa longtemps 4 table avec Telitte des officiers mais il se commet rien dans nos plus riantes 
 societtes qui tiennent de la Crapule, ni que derrange les fonctions militaires, non plus que les travaux projettes que mes 
 orders ont precMes, nostre honneste gallanterie ne scandalise personne et s'il y a quelque libertinage outre dans le commun 
 du peuple, il n'est tolere qu'autant qu'il m*est inconu. 
 
 " Monsieur de St. Ovide me ressamble assais avec 15 ans de moins, il prie dieu un peu plus longtemps sans adorer 
 plus humblemant que moy sa divine providence" (C^ I.R. vol. i, p 1524).
 
 38 DISCOURAGING CONDITIONS 1715 
 
 Renon also is good, and all the junior officers satisfactory, especially Couagne, 
 who deserves promotion. These descriptions testify to his amiability, but 
 they have to be modified from other sources. Ligondez the Major says : 
 " Rouville's is the only company looked after, that the other Captains think it 
 beneath their dignity to care for their men, and that Villejouin is lazy." Ste. 
 Marie was ordered under arrest by the Minister for allowing a girl to escape 
 from the primitive hut which served as the town prison, and severe reproofs 
 were administered to Villejouin. 
 
 Costebelle was overwhelmed by the condition in which they found them- 
 selves in the autumn. It was against both discipline and effective work. The 
 Semslack and the Mutine had come out, the former with 5000 livres in money 
 and a few stores, costing an equal amount, which were spoiled on the voyage, 
 to meet 180,000 livres unpaid for 17 14, and 450,000 livres allotted to the 
 expenses of this year. The arrival of the Affriquain, which had their supplies, 
 was expected with more and more eagerness, until, when her arrival became 
 doubtful, famine seemed imminent. The provisioning of the outports was put 
 off as late as possible, but as well as they could they worked on. The principal 
 officers and troops were moved to Port Dauphin. The guns brought from 
 Placentia, both English and French, were tested by the Aide-Artillerie of the 
 garrison and the master gunner of the Semslack, and the greater part allotted to 
 Port Dauphin, although only eighteen were taken there in this season.^ 
 
 Civil government went on also. Soubras, new to the colonies, made 
 ordinances regulating the beaches, hospital dues, the prices of fish and the 
 rates of wages, and the entries and clearances of vessels. These provoked 
 remonstrances from the outfitting merchants in France as well as the inhabitants 
 of the town. They also disturbed the Acadians, who, from what a writer calls 
 the republican state in which they had lived, found all regulations irksome. 
 Neither effective work could be done nor good morals preserved with the 
 prospect of famine before the people and the officers. Costebelle had hoped to 
 have the barracks at Port Dauphin finished by the winter, but in the late autumn 
 Soubras found that nothing had been done for three months, as the soldiers, 
 even under de Rouville, the most capable of all the officers, had been building 
 
 LouiUjourg. 
 
 3 of 36 lbs. 
 
 4 .. 24 ., 
 9 ,, '8 .. 
 
 5 '> 12 -. 
 o »» ° n 
 
 14 .. 6 „ 
 
 Fort Dauphin, 
 
 6 of 36 
 
 lbs. 
 
 8 
 
 „ 24 
 
 )i 
 
 12 
 
 „ 18 
 
 „ 
 
 12 
 
 !. 12 
 
 »» 
 
 6 
 
 „ 8 
 
 )f 
 
 6 
 
 „ 6 
 
 *> 
 
 50 
 
 guns 
 
 
 26 
 
 mortars. 
 
 43 guns 
 1 mortar. 
 
 Not only the number but the calibre of the guns sent to Port Dauphin were greatly superior.
 
 1715 THEIR CAUSES IN FRANCE 39 
 
 themselves huts in the woods. The scarcity of provisions was increased by the 
 necessity of supplying the Semslack for her voyage back to France. At the end 
 of the season the authorities, after sending back all the sick and young soldiers, 
 two hundred and twenty in all, about half the garrison, took from the merchants 
 of the town, the ships in the harbour, and even from private houses the pro- 
 visions they could find. Laforest, the clerk who was charged with this duty, 
 says he made many enemies by undertaking this odious task. Costebelle does 
 not hesitate to write to the Minister that the Government plunders those whom 
 it should protect. The condition at Louisbourg, as the declining, although the 
 most populous place, was worst. Its inhabitants were in consternation, and had 
 represented to Costebelle and Soubras that their port was the only one ; the 
 captains of the French vessels also confirmed this view, and held that Louisbourg 
 must be re-established. If, instead of drawing the good men from all the 
 companies for Port Dauphin, St. Ovide had been given a few workmen and 
 the two companies allotted to that place, he could have made it tenable ; as it 
 was he had three captains, one lieutenant, two ensigns, three corporals, seventeen 
 soldiers, five workmen, and one sick carpenter. 
 
 The fishing had been good on the whole, especially at Port Toulouse and 
 Port Dauphin. Sixty-four vessels had come out from France, which had three 
 hundred and eight boats in all. The prediction that the vicissitudes of 1715 
 would tell on the industry the following year was justified by the results, for in 
 
 1716 only twenty vessels came from France. The situation was so bad that St. 
 Ovide wrote that he feared that the pirates who infested these waters, knowing 
 the unprotected condition of the town, might attack it after the King's ships had 
 left. Soubras said the colony by a single repetition of this state of affairs would 
 be ruined, that the officers were as badly oif as the privates, and Laperelle was 
 sent to Court to represent personally their desperate position. 
 
 It is difficult to read the documents from which this narrative has been 
 compiled and not to believe that the wretched state of Isle Royale was owing to 
 incompetence and neglect on the part of the home administration. It is equally 
 difficult to read the accounts of France in the previous score of years, while the 
 kingly sun of the great Louis was descending behind the clouds, all of which tell 
 of hideous poverty, of a stagnant commerce, of an almost naked peasantry 
 suffering from severe winters, from plague and pestilence, of governmental 
 interference which aggravated the miseries of the people, and not to wonder how 
 the ordinary expenses were provided for, how pensions could be allotted or 
 gratuities given to deserving officers, or a new establishment like Louisbourg 
 carried on. 
 
 The exhaustion not only of the public treasury but of public credit was com- 
 plete in the last year of Louis XIV.'s reign. The Navy Board met and made their
 
 40 ROYAL INSOLVENCY 1715 
 
 arrangements for the season's work. The King had approved the appropriation of 
 410,000 1. for Isle Royale, a trifle of 10,000 1. had been asked for the Acadians, 
 but Demar^ts, the Treasurer, had not sent it. Pontchartrain put himself on 
 record as to the importance of Isle Royale, in a passage which has been quoted. 
 No reply was received to this letter. He asks for these funds in March, as the 
 needs are most urgent and the time is short. At the end of the month he 
 takes up the question of overdue bills of exchange for Canada. He brings 
 pressure to bear on the Treasurer, through Monsieur de Nointel, to whom he 
 suggests a lottery, or a tax on lotteries. Meantime, the usual administrative 
 details are being carried on for the officering and provisioning of the ships and 
 providing the cargoes. 
 
 Funds for the navy were so low in these years that it was found impossible to equip a 
 frigate and buy supplies without borrowing fifty to sixty thousand livres from private 
 sources. (Pontchartrain to Desmarets, April 21, 17 13, M. St. M. vol. 50.) 
 
 Lettre de M. des Maretz, ministre des finances, a M. le Comte de Pontchartrain 
 (Versailles, 31 d^cembre 1713), extrait : 
 
 "A l'Es;ard des fonds que vous demandez pour I'Evacuation de Plaisance, et 
 I'Establissem' de I'lsle Royale, Je prendray incessamment les ordres du Roy pour destiner 
 a cette d^pense ceux que sa Majest^ jugera apropos sur les premiers deniers qui pouront 
 estre mdnagez. . . ." (Arch. Nat. Marine, B3, 216.) 
 
 Three weeks later he writes again, expressing surprise and pleasure that one 
 of his Intendants had found means to pay the men who had been working on the 
 ships for Isle Royale, and by the middle of May insists that the money be found ; 
 otherwise, that colony will fail and England will be mistress of the cod fisheries. 
 He is disquieted by the news from the outfitting port of Rochefort, where the 
 long unpaid men refused to work on these ships. Later in the month the 
 Intendant Montholon writes him that merchants will not supply goods without 
 prompt payment. Early in June the Semslack is sent off to show the troops 
 and settlers that the King has not forgotten them, but the evil conditions 
 continue. Other merchants will not sell, even with special assurance of payment ; 
 other workmen refuse to continue in the King's dockyards ; seamen engaged for 
 the voyages of these ships have deserted ; there was no money to be found. His 
 proposal, made in March, to establish a rL&\Y lottery for the benefit of the colony, 
 or to impose a tax, for the same purpose, of 3 per cent on existing lotteries, was 
 not accepted, and the end came on the 21st of August 17 15, three days before 
 the illness of the King began, when the Minister sent orders to the Intendant of 
 La Rochelle to have the Affriqiiain dismantled, as it was too late to send her 
 to Isle Royale. Compared with the early years of other settlements, Annapolis, 
 for example. Isle Royale was not badly off; compared with great monarchies.
 
 lyis ADMINISTRATIVE CHANGES 41 
 
 few of those which have survived ever found themselves more exhausted than 
 was France at this time. 
 
 On September i, 17 15, Louis XIV. died. It is not a necessary part of 
 this narrative to recount the disposition he made for the Regency during the 
 minority of his great-grandson. Parliament was summoned at once ; Orleans 
 triumphed over the legitimized princes and the will of the King, and was made 
 Regent with the power to nominate the Council of the Regency, to whose hands 
 
 I was committed the conduct of affairs. The dissoluteness of Philip Duke of 
 Orleans, the extravagance, the gracefulness of the art of his epoch. Law's 
 marvellous achievements, his stupendous breakdown, are the things which stand 
 out in the popular conception of the Regent's history. They are just elements 
 in that conception, but it is equally true that the Regent is perhaps the most 
 conspicuous instance of modern times of one in a splendid position whose moral 
 corruption made impotent, except for evil, a great capacity for affairs. 
 
 I France saw with relief the ending of the epoch of Louis XIV. Her people 
 
 gladly welcomed the declaration of the Regent that he intended to follow the 
 plans of the Duke of Burgundy, that upright and intelligent grandson of the 
 late King, the docile pupil of Fenelon, whose advent to the throne, until his 
 premature death, had been regarded as the promise of better things. Louis 
 
 i XIV.'s boast that " L'Etat c'est moi " had been as nearly realized as possible, but 
 
 1 it had worked out, in the view of the Regent's supporters, into there being in 
 administrative affairs an absolute ruler in each department Into which the 
 business of the State was divided. The remedy proposed for this was the 
 institution of Councils. The " Seven Councils " proposed by the Duke of 
 Burgundy were established by the Regent. They gave a great subdivision of 
 labour, and a firmer grasp of administration than under the previous system. In 
 the division of affairs under Louis XV. a more logical view was taken by the 
 recognition of the internal affairs of the kingdom as worthy a department, and 
 by the institution, as an afterthought, of a Conseil de Commerce. One historian of 
 the Regency speaks disparagingly of the composition of the Councils, but La Cour- 
 Gayet,^ the historian of the French Navy in the reign of Louis XV., who begins 
 a chapter, " Banqueroute financiere, banqueroute morale, banqueroute politique, 
 c'est sous les auspices de cette triple faillite nationale que s'ouvrit le regne de 
 I'arriere petit-fils de Louis le Grand," and therefore may fairly be assumed to 
 have no predisposition to apologise for the acts of the Regent, says of the Navy 
 Board that it would have been difficult to find eleven better names than those 
 the Regent selected. His only criticism is that Duguay-Trouin was not a 
 member. 
 
 At the head of the Council was the Comte de Toulouse, one of the 
 
 • La Cour-Gayct, Lu Marine miUtairt de la France sou; Louis XV, Paris, iqoz.
 
 42 THE NAVY BOARD 1715 
 
 legitimized sons of the King, Admiral of France, owing his place to his origin, 
 but who, nevertheless, had distinguished himself in command of the French 
 fleet in battle with those of England and Holland at Velez Malaga. D'Estrees 
 was President, and he too had shared in the same battle. St. Simon praises 
 him as honourable, upright, and understanding the Navy. Tess6, Coetlogon, 
 d'Asfeild, and Champigny were officers of merit and brilliant services. Renau 
 was a naval engineer of resource whose invention of the bomb ketch marked 
 a distinct advance in naval warfare, De Vauvr6 an Intendant of the Navy 
 of more than excellent reputation, Ferraud a lawyer. Bonrepaus, a collaborator 
 of Colbert and predecessor of Raudot as Intendant des Classes, had always 
 had a reputation as an unequalled administrator. Pontchartrain was dismissed, 
 although to secure this result his position was promised to his son Maurepas, 
 then a boy of fifteen. A more systematic way of carrying on the affairs of 
 the department was instituted. The regulation for the colonial correspondence 
 was business-like. Instructions were sent out that each letter should deal with 
 one matter only ; ^ subordinate officers were to be no longer permitted to write 
 to the Council as they had to the Minister ; military officers would report to 
 the Governor, civil officers to the Intendant or Commissaire-Ordonnateur, on 
 their private affairs ; officials could write to members of the Board, but should 
 address it only If they were giving information of malversation. 
 
 The documents concerning Isle Royale bear out the views of La Cour-Gayet. 
 Careful agenda for the meetings of the Board were now prepared, business 
 was disposed of promptly, although precedent seemed slavishly followed, 
 marginal notes indicated the reference of many questions to the best- informed 
 officials, such as Raudot and Verville, when he was in France, and all items 
 of importance were brought to the personal notice of the Regent, who gave 
 immediate decisions. Whatever may have been his vices, or the soundness 
 of his views, he attended to the business of Isle Royale. 
 
 ' This was ignored at Louisbourg.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Navy Board took up the direction of affairs with vigour, although they 
 were seriously cramped, by the lack of funds ; for the hope of better things, 
 which the Regent's government inspired, had relieved, only to the slightest 
 degree, the scarcity of money. At the earliest possible time, letters were 
 written to the officials saying that provisions would be sent them from one 
 of the southern ports early in the spring, and that the deplorable conditions 
 of the winter of 171 5 would not be permitted to occur again. This promise was 
 kept, for the first merchant ships arrived on the loth of April 1716, and in May 
 the first provisions sent out had been received. The sufferings of the winter 
 had not been extreme, although conditions must have been far from comfortable. 
 At Port Toulouse they were almost without bread, many of their cattle had 
 died from lack of fodder, and two shipwrecks on Isle Madame had added 
 to the miseries of their situation. To relieve the distress of the inhabitants 
 at Louisbourg, St. Ovide had to supplv them from the stores of the garrison. 
 On the other hand, the supply of intoxicants being reduced to a minimum, 
 the garrison was never in better health. 
 
 The change of administration at home leads naturally to an account of the 
 objects which were sought in the settlement of Isle Royale, the conditions there 
 which affected the attainment of the end aimed at, and the administrative 
 machinery which the Navy Board employed. The narrative of what took 
 place at Louisbourg will show the degree of success its administration attained, 
 as well as the effectiveness of the methods the Board employed. The object 
 was to establish at Isle Royale a flourishing settlement based on its principal 
 industry, the fisheries, and the development of the other resources of the 
 Island, and an entrepot at which the commerce based on these industries 
 might be carried on with France, the West Indies, and Canada. The first 
 encouragement given to this trade before the Board took charge was the 
 remission of the duties on coal coming from Isle Royale (January 29, 171 5). 
 A year later fish and fish oils were also allowed free importation into France, 
 and at a later date again, duties on products of the French West Indies, coming 
 
 43
 
 44 SOURCES OF SUSTENANCE 1716 
 
 by way of Louisbourg, were also removed. The exemptions were each for 
 a term of ten years, but in each case they were, as the time elapsed, renewed.^ 
 
 The sustenance of several hundred people on an island which produced at 
 the time no food for man except its abundant fish and game, was the object of 
 vital importance. Supplies were to be drawn from France and Canada, which 
 was entirely in accordance with the economic policy of the time ; also from 
 Acadia. This trade was on the border-land of the permitted, for although it 
 was a British colony, the fact that its inhabitants were French, who, it was hoped, 
 would remove to Isle Royale, made it politic to encourage this intercourse. On 
 account, however, of the higher state to which agriculture had been developed 
 in New England, and the keenness for profitable trade of its inhabitants, it was 
 not only the surest, but the cheapest source of supply for the nourishment of 
 these French settlers. 
 
 The advantages of this commerce, foreseen by Raudot, were felt by Coste- 
 belle, who wrote proposing that, as far as concerned the products of those 
 colonies, it should be permitted to Isle Royale. The Board, being advised that 
 French merchants would cease to send their vessels to Isle Royale if his view 
 was accepted, decided, instead, to make more stringent rules against all com- 
 mercial intercourse with foreigners. 
 
 The cost of food stuffs from France was very high, the supply in Canada 
 was uncertain, from both the voyage was difficult, and the cost of transportation 
 therefore high ; intercourse with Acadia was dependent on the inaction of its 
 English administration, who complained at a later date that there was often 
 scarcity in Annapolis when Louisbourg was abundantly supplied. The local 
 officials therefore found themselves hampered by the prohibition of commercial 
 intercourse with its most advantageous source of supply. 
 
 The administration of the Colony was nominally part of the government of 
 New France, but the affairs of Isle Royale were directed from the Cabinet of 
 the Minister, and the Governor and Intendant of Canada were advised about the 
 affairs of Isle Royale only in as far as the business of the two colonies was 
 concerned. The connection was kept alive, however, in the phraseology of 
 Royal documents which were addressed to the authorities of New France as well 
 as those of Isle Royale, although the subject-matter concerned the latter 
 colony alone. 
 
 The chief official of the Colony was the Governor, and next to him in rank 
 was, in Isle Royale, the Commissaire-Ordonnateur discharging the functions 
 which, in more important colonies, as Canada, in the provinces of France, and in 
 quasi-dependent states such as Lorraine during the reign there of Stanislas of 
 Poland, were those of the Intendant. 
 
 ' Moreau St. Mery, vol. 50, pp. 27, 43, 54, 576.
 
 i7i6 GOVERNOR AND COMMISSAIRE-ORDONNATEUR 45 
 
 All military matters except the commissariat were under the exclusive 
 control of the Governor, as well as the disposition of any vessels, which, however, 
 he was obliged to supply to the Commissaire-Ordonnateur. Grants of lands and 
 the maintenance of order were common to both, while the administration of 
 justice, the supervision of the hospital, the care of the King's stores, and the 
 providing of supplies belonged exclusively to the Commissaire-Ordonnateur. 
 The Governor represented the military, the Commissaire-Ordonnateur the civil 
 element. There was natural antagonism between the two, and every letter of 
 joint instructions from the Minister inculcated the necessity of harmony. But 
 the distinction between their departments was not easy to draw, and constant 
 friction resulted, although the home administration did all that it could to 
 minimize its causes. Their seats in church, the order in which the sacrament 
 should be administered, their places in processions were regulated. While the 
 easy-going Costebelle had no trouble with Soubras, St. Ovide constantly quarrelled 
 with the three Commissaire-Ordonnateurs who served with him. They quarrelled 
 about precedence, about the realities of business, about its formalities, and while 
 probably no staff of a government or corporation Is free from jealousy or rivalry, 
 these motives are not allowed, under a strong administration, to interfere with 
 efficiency. The conditions at Louisbourg, however, were so bad that, as an 
 instance, the Council writes that the Governor and the Commissaire-Ordonnateur 
 seem to agree only in one thing, that being to hamper the engineer in the work 
 of building the fortifications. Their disagreements reached, in the same year, 
 such a point that St. Ovide, the Governor, and de Mezy, who had replaced 
 Soubras, were informed that if they could not agree, remedies would be proposed 
 to the Regent which would be disagreeable to them both.^ Even so sharp a 
 threat as this did not make things go smoothly for long. But it would be unfair 
 to come to the conclusion that the officials of Isle Royale were entirely occupied 
 in such rivalries. Each in his own department was desirous of doing well, or 
 at least of standing well with the Minister. Each was jealous of the dignity 
 of his office, and feared to secure an immediate benefit to the common weal 
 by making concessions which might diminish the prestige of the position 
 he occupied. 
 
 Verville and Verrler, the engineers of the fortifications, Isabeau and Ganet, 
 the contractors who built them, saw only the necessity of hastening on this work 
 to which they were urged by the home Government. They complained of St. 
 Ovide, who, as military head, was bound to protect the interest of the captains 
 whose soldiers worked for the contractors. The Commissaire-Ordonnateur, 
 equally with the Governor, did not care for this work, being in great part Inde- 
 pendent of them, and the latter having to submit to the outlay for the fortifications 
 
 ' B, vol. 42, f. 480 and 490, July 9, Sept. 20, 1720.
 
 46 THE SUPERIOR COUNCIL 1714-1758 
 
 being kept separate from the current accounts of the establishment. Zeal is not 
 as likely to produce such friction as slackness, but in an isolated community, 
 without a supreme head, so distant that it took months to get a decision from 
 the highest authority, public interest suffered even from the unharmonized zeal 
 of the officials. 
 
 The ordinary course of business was that the Commissaire-Ordonnateur and 
 the Governor wrote joint letters to the Board, and that each addressed it 
 separately, on subjects exclusively in his control ; and that in reply the Board, 
 and afterwards the Minister, wrote in the same way. Sometimes it happened 
 that the Commissaire-Ordonnateur, in another letter, withdrew statements which 
 he had signed in the joint letter in the interests of harmony.^ This corre- 
 spondence and the accounts were taken up at headquarters, analyzed, evidently 
 by well-informed and able subordinates of the Minister, and the replies sent out 
 by the men of war which sailed in the early summer ; so that the normal inter- 
 course was to have letters written in the autumn answered in the following 
 May or June. It is obvious from Ministerial replies that other sources of 
 information than the letters of colonial officials were available. One of these 
 sources was the presence in France of officers of the garrison on leave, who were 
 given the despatches and probably had an audience with the Minister.^ Another 
 unquestionably was correspondence which no longer is available, and a third was 
 the presence in France of officials familiar with the conditions of the Colony. 
 From one or all of these were gathered the statements on which the decisions of 
 the Council and Ministers were made.^ 
 
 A superior council was established in 1717 which consisted of the 
 Governor, the King's Lieutenant, the Commissaire-Ordonnateur sitting as 
 first councillor, two other councillors, a procureur-general, and a greffier. This 
 was a Court of Justice governed by the Coutume de Paris, from which appeals 
 were allowed to Quebec and France, and only after registration by it did 
 patents, proclamations, regulations, and grants of land become effective. There 
 was also established an Admiralty Court * which had charge of shipping, wrecks, 
 and marine police. It was sustained by moderate fees on the shipping of the 
 port, and being under the High Admiral of France, who had certain rights over 
 prizes, confiscations, and wrecks, created a new source of conflict. 
 
 Of greater importance than the " men of the pen," who were officials, 
 Treasurer, clerks, and the like, under the Commissaire-Ordonnateur, were the 
 " men of the sword," the officers of the troops which the French administration, 
 unlike that of England, thought it necessary to keep in an isolated colony even 
 
 ' E.g. Soubras, I.R. vol. 3, f. 186. 
 
 » La Pcrcllc, who went with dispatches in 1721, had an audience with the Regent arranged for him (I.R. 2, 378). 
 » The major of the troops, the Treasurer and officers of the Admiralty wrote annually. The rules of the Board as 
 to correspondence were not strictly observed. 4 Edict of Jan. iz 172-.
 
 1714-1758 THE GARRISON 47 
 
 in time of profound peace. These troops were neither regular regiments of 
 the splendid armies of France nor " Compagnies Franches de la Marine," which, 
 formed in 1690, garrisoned the naval depots of France and served on her 
 King's ships, although in organization and uniform the Louisbourg troops 
 closely resembled the latter corps. They were apparently supplementary 
 companies organized on the same basis, for the total number of the Compagnies 
 Franches ^ is accounted for in other services than that of the Colony. There 
 is some looseness in the way the Isle Royale troops are described. La Ronde 
 and de Pensens announced themselves to Armstrong in 17 14 as captains of 
 " Compagnies Franches." Later these were described as '* Compagnies D6- 
 tach^es," also as " Compagnies Fran9aises." Each company was a separate 
 unit, and the only purely military officer over the company commanders was 
 a major in each garrison to supervise the discipline of the companies in the 
 place. He had so little authority that the supervision was usually ineffective, 
 and a status so uncertain that he had to have at Louisbourg a declaration that 
 he took precedence of the captains of the companies. 
 
 The strength of the garrison of Louisbourg varied from six of these 
 companies to twenty-four in the last years. Each consisted of forty-five men, 
 raised later to sixty, and in i 742 to seventy, not counting the drummer, under 
 command of a captain, lieutenant, enseigne (an enseigne en deux was added, 
 and two cadets a I'aiguilette), two sergeants and two corporals.^ The rations 
 were somewhat better than those of Canada, following in this the custom which 
 had obtained in Placentia, and for the lower grades of the officers the pay also 
 was slightly higher, although Soubras states that it was inadequate.^ The 
 uniform was white with blue facings. At Louisbourg the soldiers were allowed 
 to marry, and apparently it was a perquisite of the married soldiers to keep 
 taverns. 
 
 The pay of the men was small, but they were supposed to carry on the 
 work of the King in building fortifications and similar works, for which they 
 received extra pay. They were also allowed to work for the inhabitants, which 
 added to their income. The fact that they were only paid twice a year, their 
 fondness for drink, their captains supplying them with it, and at a profit to 
 themselves,'' made of these troops an undisciplined and ineffective body, 
 which punishments did not deter from evil courses nor inducements to settle, 
 turn into good citizens. 
 
 The officers began their career early ; they were entered as soldiers at the 
 
 j ' The only account I have found of this body, which deals only incidentally with the troops at Isle Royale, is Let 
 
 Amiemes Troupes de h Marine, by G. Coste, Paris, 1895. 
 
 ' B, 35, f. 786. 3 I R. vol. 2, p. 120. 
 
 * The outfit was inadequate, Soubras pointed out in 1717 that it was impossible that one pair of shoes and stock- 
 ings should last for a year.
 
 48 THE OFFICERS 1714-1758 
 
 earliest age, even utivveaiied, "11 la mamelle," says L'Hermitte, but, counting 
 this an exaggeration, it is known that the sons, six years old, of officers served 
 in the ranks, that is, drew rations and pay. They passed through the various 
 grades reasonably certain of a pension, unless by gross misconduct they forfeited 
 their positions. An early act of the Regency was to fix the age of entrance at 
 sixteen. The commissions in these companies were not confined exclusively 
 to those trained for them. Indeed the militant forces were rather treated as 
 one, whether their service was on sea or land, and there were not infrequent 
 instances of company officers taking a position on board ships, and of sea 
 officers being translated into officers of these companies. The rank of the 
 captain corresponded to Enseigne de Vaisseau, for practical purposes as well 
 as precedence.^ 
 
 The conditions at Louisbourg were bad for the officers as well as for the 
 men, their relations, the superior making pecuniary profit out of the inferior, 
 were demoralizing for both parties, and the permanence of residence for both 
 officers and men added another to the many causes which worked against 
 effectiveness. There were few changes among the officers except by death, and 
 in the quietude of Louisbourg, man after man rose slowly through the different 
 grades, placing his sons in the same service, and passed away without at any 
 moment discharging the serious duties of his profession. Eight company 
 officers signed the declaration of taking possession in 17 13, the descendants of 
 six of them were at the siege in 1745, and in addition to these, many of the 
 earlier officers were represented by sons and grandsons at the second siege. 
 From 1 71 3 to 1744 not more active duty was required of these officers than 
 garrison service in the town, in one of its outposts, or an occasional mission to 
 Quebec or Boston. Thus, owing to the trivial distances they travelled, to that 
 extraordinary genius of the French for dealing with the aborigines, they had 
 neither the training in adventurous journeys nor in the diplomacy which the 
 transforming into permanent allies of new tribes gave to the officer serving in 
 Canada. The glimpses which they got of France in the leave which many of 
 them enjoyed, brought them in touch from time to time with social conditions 
 different from their own. The effect of such visits was transitory. The per- 
 manent pressure on the individual came from the standards of a small place, 
 with its relationships of blood, marriage, and the social and official adjustments 
 which propinquity forces on the members of an isolated community. The 
 fishing which the officers carried on in their own names in 171 7, and not 
 improbably through other parties to a later time, brought them into touch with 
 the bourgeois merchants, marriages took place, and in time we find children of 
 these merchants and of civil officials serving as officers of these companies. In 
 
 ^ St. Ovide in 1732 was made a post-captain in the navy (B, vol. 5-).
 
 1714-1758 REGULATIONS OF TRADE 
 
 49 
 
 every respect the conditions were unfavourable to professional and social 
 development, so that the readiness for service and the zeal we find in many 
 instances is satisfactory evidence of the tough fibre of sound moral qualities. In 
 one instance, that of Joseph de Catalogne, an officer spent his leisure in 
 scientific studies to such effect that his treatise on the magnet gained for him a 
 seat in the Academie des Sciences. Some of these officers had some training as 
 engineers, and although the fortifications of Louisbourg were in charge of an 
 engineer sent out from France, these officials assisted him and were in charge of 
 the fortifications which were built at the outports. The Couange family were 
 in this position, and the work of some other young officers was praised by the 
 authorities, while incidentally it may be mentioned that Lartigue, the King's 
 storekeeper, an amateur engineer, displayed skill during the first siege, and there 
 remains to us an admirable map of the siege of 1758 which is his handiwork.' 
 The garrison was further supplemented by some half companies of the Swiss 
 regiment of Karrer, which was first formed in 17 19, and included in its ranks 
 many deserters from foreign regiments. It was in 1720 transferred to the 
 department of the navy, and thereafter detachments were sent out, not only to 
 Louisbourg, but to the southern colonies of France. One of the advantages of 
 these troops was that they were a relief to those of France, and furnished a larger 
 proportion of skilled workmen than could be found among the recruits for the 
 French companies. 
 
 The industry for which this organization was established, the fisheries, and 
 for the protection of which not only was the garrison maintained but fortifications 
 were built, was carried on both by vessels filled out in France and by merchants 
 resident in Louisbourg and its outports.^ 
 
 A complicated trade of this kind, in which the Government undertook to 
 regulate wages and prices of the product, gave rise to much controversy. The 
 disposition of the local authorities was naturally to favour the merchants and 
 fishermen of the place against their competitors who came out for the season. 
 Regulations were passed against the traders from France remaining all winter, 
 against their selling at retail.^ The French merchants as well as the natives 
 complained of a tax, following the precedent of Placentia, of a quintal of fish 
 from each boat for the support of the hospital. The Board gave way to the 
 representations of the merchants, and it was not till some years later that the tax 
 was imposed. So far did St. Ovide at a later date carry his favouring of local 
 enterprise that the trade with Quebec received a most serious check on account 
 of the regulations that vessels from Canada should not leave port with their 
 cargoes unsold. This placed them at the mercy of a ring of local buyers, so that 
 
 ' Arch, de la M. Sec. Hydro, herein reproduced. 
 - For details of this trade see Chapter XII. ^ Those were disallowed by the Navy Board.
 
 5° 
 
 CHANGES IN OFFICIALS 1716 
 
 the Quebec vessels ceased for a time to come to Louisbourg. Regulations were 
 also attempted to prevent larger vessels from fishing near the port, as it interfered 
 with boat fishing, and, in short, in every one of these early years are to be found 
 instances of flagrant violation of Colbert's maxim, that entire liberty in trade 
 should be allowed to those whom alone the State recognized, its own citizens. 
 
 Under these conditions and with this administration proceeded the develop- 
 ment of the Colony. It was decided, probably on account of the complaints 
 against his regulations, that Soubras should return to Dunkerque. His career 
 had certainly not been marked by success, but his correspondence gives the 
 impression that he was efficient, although not forcefial, for most of the steps he 
 had taken for what he had considered the welfare of the Colony were either 
 disallowed by superior authority or proved ineffective. A petition from the 
 people asking that he should be retained in Cape Breton was forwarded to France, 
 but de Mezy, who was on the retired list as Commissaire-Ordonnateur, was 
 appointed to the position in 17 18. He did not, however, come out until the 
 following year. 
 
 In the summer of 17 16 L'Hermitte returned to Cape Breton and made an 
 expedition to Sable Island, rumours having reached the Court that its settlement 
 might be possible. But then, as now, these shifting sand-banks were but a menace 
 to the navigator. A vessel from Quebec, with a valuable cargo, had been lost 
 there in 171 3, only two of her crew escaping to the Island, whence they were 
 rescued by a New England vessel.^ L'Hermitte also made some plans of Louis- 
 bourg and Port Toulouse and in the autumn returned to Paris. Beaucours, who 
 succeeded him, was apparently not more satisfactory as an engineer, and his 
 estimates, like those of L'Hermitte, were considered excessive. He was moved 
 from headquarters at Port Dauphin to Port Toulouse as major, and the Sieur 
 Verville was sent out from France as engineer in charge of the fortifications. 
 The instructions given to him were to examine the places, to fortify Louisbourg 
 against a sudden attack until the works at Port Dauphin were completed, to 
 prepare complete plans and estimates of cost for the three places, and before 
 returning to France to leave instructions for the preparation of materials. He 
 was advised not to forget that it is not necessary to fortify on so large a scale in 
 the colonies as in Europe. The special grant for this year was sixty thousand 
 livres. 
 
 Verville, to whom these instructions^ were given in June, visited Isle Royale 
 in the autumn and returned to France, where he made a report to the Board. His 
 plans and estimates for the fortifications were accepted and work was begun. ^ 
 
 ^ Among those lost was the Marquis d'Alogny, commantlpr of the troops in Canada. 
 
 ' June 23, 1716, M. St. M. vol. 51. ■'' July 3, 1717. i
 
 I7I7 VERVILLE'S PLANS 51 
 
 The Board directed that the works at Louisbourg, notwithstanding the previous 
 decisions which made Port Dauphin the seat of government, should be first gone 
 on with. At the former place Verville took as the key of his system of fortifica- 
 tions the little hillock which dominates the peninsula as well as the plain of 
 Gabarus lying to the westward, and established there a bastion-redoubt in masonry, 
 which was to contain a barracks for at least six companies and their officers, and 
 was to be protected from a surprise by a ditch and covered way. Other bastions 
 were to be built at the two hills found between this point and the sea ; another 
 on the hillock " E " on the harbour side, where a demi-bastion would protect this 
 end of the works as well as cover by its fire the adjacent waters of the port, the 
 whole occupying a distance of something over one thousand yards (495 toises). 
 
 A heavy battery was to be established at the point " K," which would sweep 
 the upper part of the harbour. These, all of which were to be executed in 
 fascines and connected by earth-works {retranchements de campagne), together 
 with the Island battery, formed the basis of the elaborate system of fortifications 
 which on the same principles and on the same site, were carried out at a very 
 considerable expense by Verville himself and his successors. The map opposite 
 indicates his scheme, and incidentally shows the site of the town to have at that 
 time a considerable number of inhabitants. 
 
 Verville, owing to his character or the confidence he felt in the security of 
 his position, did not confine himself to a narrow interpretation of the scope of his 
 duties. He pointed out the loss of time in the troops travelling about six miles 
 to and fro between the barracks and their work. He examined for himself the 
 shores adjacent to the town, which he had been assured were inaccessible, and 
 found that in five places it was possible to land without wetting his shoe, thus 
 proving unfounded the opinion of St. Ovide and Soubras that the only attack to 
 be feared was by the harbour. He established a battery at " K," afterwards 
 known as the Grand or Royal Battery, which was intended to sweep both the 
 upper part of the harbour and its entrance. It was never of any practical use, as 
 it was exposed on the land side, and as pointed out by Chaussegros de Lery, the 
 engineer of Quebec, a fort on the easterly side, near the site on which the light- 
 house was afterwards built, would have been extremely effective in the defence 
 of the place.' 
 
 In a climate like that of Louisbourg, masonry, which Verville substituted for 
 provisional earthwork and fascines, was not only expensive to build but costly to 
 maintain. The present condition of the earthworks erected along the coast in 
 1757 indicates that the latter system of construction would not only have been 
 vastly cheaper in first cost, but much more permanent, and as the results proved, 
 equally effective when put to the test. In minor matters his observation was not 
 
 1 MSS. Que. vol. 3, p. 267.
 
 52 BEGINNINGS OF COMMERCE 1716-1718 
 
 always accurate. He thought, for example, that the environs of Louisbourg would 
 supply firewood for the town and garrison for a century, and yet within a few 
 years we find the greater part of this supply brought from places as distant as 
 Port Toulouse. But the difficulty of ascertaining the resources of an unknown 
 and heavily wooded country is shown by their considering the value of the 
 discovery of limestone at Canso of sufficient importance to merit a gratuity ; by 
 their bringing this material from Port Dauphin to Louisbourg, and by their 
 establishing a brickyard at Port Toulouse. It is now known that limestone is 
 abundant at Barasois de Mir(!' (Catalone Lake), about six miles from Louisbourg, 
 and on the Mire River, not far from its mouth, is a bed of perfect brick clay.' 
 
 The notes of the Navy Board frequently quote Verville's opinions, or refer 
 matters to him, although he criticized the policy of the Board in encouraging 
 soldiers to settle. The chief outcome of his representations on extra-professional 
 matters was the forbidding of officers to engage in fishing, which was enacted in 
 171 8. He urged this course on the Government on the ground that it was 
 unprofitable to the officers, detrimental to their soldiers, and unfair to the civilians. 
 
 The first year of the settlement (1714) New England vessels came in to 
 trade. St. Ovide bought four of their cargoes, L'Hermitte says, a fact which 
 he deplores, as they can undersell the local merchants ; but similar transactions 
 are not noted in the following two or three years. St. Ovide says four or five 
 vessels came in for wood and water, but that he only allowed them to remain for 
 twenty-four hours, and placed on each a sergeant and two men to prevent illicit 
 trading. In September 17 16 he reports that an English frigate visited 
 Louisbourg to claim eighty deserters from Annapolis. He, mortified that his 
 own cellar was so low that he could not make this little present, allowed the 
 captain to buy from merchants of the town a cask of wine and a keg of brandy, 
 for which molasses was exchanged.^ 
 
 This was the frigate Rose^ twenty guns, cruising from Boston, seeking for deserters 
 from Annapolis (Captain's letters, 1596). She arrived at Louisbourg on the 29th of August, 
 and saluted the fort with eleven guns, which was properlv returned, and after remaining 
 there till the 7th of September left on a cruise to the westw.ird. She was under the command 
 of Lieutenant B. Young. He reports that a French vessel of forty guns, which was the 
 Attlante,2t.TTi\'e.di shortly before his leaving. Lieutenant Young occupied part of his time 
 by drawing a rough map of the port and the operations then going on, which is now 
 preserved in the Colonial Office, London. 
 
 Legitimate trade shows its first beginnings in those years. A vessel from 
 Martinique was wrecked at Isle Madame. Boularderie, who had saved the 
 situation in 17 13 as far as the Quebec supplies and garrison were concerned, 
 
 ' These were used after 1727 (B, 50, t. 599). 2 j r ^a\. i, p. 455. ' B.T.N'. S. vol. 2, p. 96.
 
 
 ^
 
 1716-1718 FAILURE WITH THE ACADIANS 53 
 
 branched out by sending a vessel for molasses for the supply of the settlements.^ 
 The authorities at Quebec had been urged to establish trade with Isle Royale. 
 This was carried on from the first, an important part of it being supplies of 
 flour, peas, etc., for the troops, which were annually sent except in years of 
 scarcity in Canada. The frigate Attlante loaded coal for Rochefort, and the 
 fishing industry was prosecuted by an increasing number of vessels, but the 
 trade which gave the authorities the greatest concern was that with the British 
 colonies. In addition to the New England vessels a constant trade was carried 
 on by way of the Gulf by the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia, a development 
 which was foreseen by Mascarene and Bennett, the officers who had accompanied 
 La Ronde on his visit to these settlements. The profitable business of supply- 
 ing Louisbourg with provisions made New England traders indifferent to 
 regulations, and they took full advantage of this new market." 
 
 The transfer of the Acadians to Cape Breton, so ardently hoped for, the 
 advantages of which were recognized by both the French and English as of the 
 utmost value to the new establishment, became year by year more obviously 
 impossible. One reason, and perhaps the most important, next to the dis- 
 advantages of Cape Breton from their standpoint as compared with Nova 
 Scotia, was that the promises of the French Government had not been carried 
 out ; possibly many of the other reasons alleged by them for remaining, even 
 under distressing conditions, were meant to conceal the real one. The Regent's 
 Council was annoyed at a report to the effect that some of those who had worked 
 for the King had not been paid, a report which Costebelle denied. Soubras 
 described them as a people naturally froward, distrustful, and irresolute,' those 
 of them who had rations too lazy to clear land even for a garden ; the first 
 statement, in connection with Isle Royale, of that disparagement of the colonial 
 fellow-citizen which is so difficult for the European to suppress.'' 
 
 Barrailh, a competent officer, thought that the priests were at the bottom of 
 their trouble, as they could more completely govern these people and live at 
 their ease in Acadia, but that if they were moved to Isle Royale the people 
 would follow them. Verville showed accuracy of observation in stating that he 
 thought the Acadians were of more service to the new colony where they were 
 than if removed, and the last time there was talk of sending a vessel for them 
 was in the instructions given to Barrailh to go in the Charente. These 
 instructions were as usual pacific, and ordered him to take every care to avoid 
 a rupture with the English authorities. He was not sent by the Louisbourg 
 
 ' I.R. vol. I, p. 455. 
 
 = The traders of New England began by claiming that commerce was free to them, possibly a misapprehension as to 
 the terms of the Commercial Treaty of Utrecht. This, however, referred only to the European territories of the con- 
 tracting parties, and, moreover, never went into effect, as its ratification was refused by Parliament. 
 
 ^ "Ce peuple naturellment indociles diffiantes et irresolus." '-R- ^i P- 5-^-
 
 54 COSTEBELLE IN FRANCE 1716 
 
 authorities, but instead, the Acadians were informed that if they came in their 
 own vessels they would receive a welcome. So far a fall from the promises of 
 de la Ronde was followed by an equal abatement in their enthusiasm. De Mezy 
 saw they would not leave a good for a poor country ; Father de la Marche, while 
 sure of their loyalty, had to admit that they would not leave Nova Scotia. 
 Doucette,^ in a letter to St. Ovide, May 15, 1718, took, the view that the 
 agreement might be null and void if the inhabitants of Nova Scotia desired, if 
 not, that speedy orders might be issued to provide for their retirement into the 
 dominions of France. This was an adequate warrant for more effective steps 
 than any of the authorities at Louisbourg took.- Had they removed to Isle 
 Royale, or had France not sought to retain its influence over them, their 
 subsequent history had been less tragic. The danger which Vetch feared^ passed 
 away, for those who did come were a few farmers, many idlers who were 
 supported by the Government, and a certain number ot carpenters, boat-builders, 
 longshoremen, and tavern-keepers, who found in the activities of Louisbourg 
 more profitable employment than Nova Scotia afforded them. It was not until 
 Isle St. Jean was opened up that any considerable number of them again lived 
 under the French Crown. 
 
 Costebelle sailed from Louisbourg on the Attlante on the 12th of October 17 16. 
 Her voyage was so protracted that he landed at Belle Isle no earlier than Christmas 
 Day. A week later he was at Croisic, whence he forwarded the dispatches he 
 had brought, as he was so ill that he could not say when his health would 
 permit him to take horse for Paris.^ His business was to obtain a settlement 
 of various claims he had against the Crown for outlays at Placentia, which 
 included supplies to the King's stores, the sending of a vessel to France and 
 one to Boston with La Ronde in 1711,° in that curious attempt to play on the 
 republican feelings of New England which they had conceived and most un- 
 successfully carried out after it had received the approval of Pontchartrain. A 
 more important item was that of 1 8,000 1. for the entertainment of the English 
 prisoners at his table.'^ The total amount was 71,000,1. but his vouchers were 
 inadequate, and there were outstanding claims against him respecting the spoils 
 of St. John's which came into his possession after its capture." 
 
 Costebelle obtained from the Regent a gratuity of 2000 1., and he remained 
 in France for some months. He visited, in the following August, his birth-place, 
 St. Alexandre, a hamlet on the borders of Languedoc, which from the highlands 
 looks down on Pont St. Esprit and the valley of the majestic Rhone. He 
 
 ^ Doucette was Lieut. -Governor of Nova Scotia from 17 17 to 1726. ^ B.T.N.S. vol. 2. 
 
 ' P. 21. ■* I.R. I, 457. » Mass. Arch. vol. 6. 
 
 ^ The sum seems large, but the Governors apparently entertained constantly. St. Ovide, who in 1717 had not 
 received his salary for 1714, says that at his table were always twenty to twenty-four persons. 
 ' I.R. 5, p. II.
 
 I7I7 HIS DEATH 5^ 
 
 returned to Louisbourg on the Attlante, and on the voyage was so ill that on 
 September 6, 17 17, in a shaky hand, he made his will leaving 500 1. to his servant, 
 the chain on which he wore his Cross of St. Louis to his eldest daughter, and 
 some papers to his brother. The fact that in his will he did not mention his 
 wife, a member of the De la Tour family, a widow whom he had married in 
 1704, at Placentia, indicates his feebleness at the moment and the embarrassment 
 of his affairs. He was an affectionate husband, who knew the heights of married 
 felicity, as he wrote to her : " Sans toi je ne S9aurois gouter que des plaisirs 
 imparfaits," and with tender courage says, " Ne t'embrasse I'esprit d'aucune 
 affaire bonne ou mauvais, ma plus chere amie et laisse-moi supporter les con- 
 tretemps que la fortune peut nous prepare." ^ Though in this same letter he 
 says that he will extricate her from her troubles, this was impossible. He died 
 leaving her in absolute destitution. Her torments at the hands of pitiless 
 creditors, until she left Louisbourg were, says St. Ovide, a harrowing spectacle." 
 
 On the death of Costebelle he was succeeded by St. Ovide, a dithyrambic 
 petition having been sent to the Government asking for his appointment. " Oui, 
 Monseigneur, I'officier et le soldat, le marchand et I'habitant, les pasteurs, et 
 leurs troupeaux, tous elevent leur voix, tous forment des voeux en sa faveur."' 
 The King's lieutenancy, made vacant by his promotion, was given to de 
 Beaucours. 
 
 The work on the fortifications had engaged the attention of the authorities, 
 but up to this time they had been carried on by day's labour under the 
 supervision of the engineer, the force employed being the troops and various 
 artisans sent out from France for this purpose. Verville complained of the 
 extravagance and slow progress made, and the council determined to carry on 
 this construction by contract. The work was put up to tender " a I'extinction 
 de bougie." The successful bidder was a Sieur Isabeau who proceeded to 
 Louisbourg on the first King's ship which went out in the following year, and 
 took over the work.'' 
 
 The Council of the Navy had promised, after the disastrous winter of 1 7 1 5-1 6, 
 that such conditions would not be permitted to occur again ; but after a famine 
 in 17 1 7 so bad that the troops at Port Toulouse were, in the spring, reduced to 
 bread and water.Mn 171 8 conditions were again so desperate, there being in 
 the colony only two hundredweight of bread for four thousand people, that 
 after contemplating sending the entire garrison back to France or Acadia,* 
 
 1 Bib. Nat. N.A. F, 3283. 
 
 2 Madame Costebelle found on presenting her claims to the Regent that Costebelle had taken the gratuity referred 
 in satisfaction of them. She, however, received a pension which she drew for many years. The Alphabet Laffilard says he 
 died in France, but in this seems inaccurate. His effects at Louisbourg were sold in 1720 for the benefit of his creditors. 
 
 3 I.R. vol. 2, f. 217. •» B, 40, f. 5384, June28, 171S. M.R. 2, f. 243. 
 
 6 St. Ovide abandoned the idea of sending them to settlements about Chignccto, as it might give umbrage to the
 
 56 DEVELOPMENT OF LOUISBOURG 1718 
 
 St. Ovide took the step of sending most of it to Quebec for the winter. He 
 thus left in Louisbourg, at a time which the events to be recounted in the next 
 chapter will show was a critical one, only some one hundred and forty-one 
 soldiers. The change, however, in economic conditions was so swift that the 
 next year, October 17 19, Barrailh, who was again out in Isle Royale, says that 
 there were seventy vessels in the island, which made bread, wine, and brandy 
 cheaper in Louisbourg than in France. This is generally confirmed by 
 Bradstreet, an officer of the English garrison at Canso, writing to the Board 
 of Trade in 1725 saying, "he was familiar with Louisbourg, and had found 
 there so many vessels from New England and Nova Scotia that two sheep could 
 be bought there for the price of one at Canso.^ 
 
 The development of the town is seen not only in the increase of its 
 population but by the various regulations which were made from time to time ; 
 on the military side forbidding the erection of any buildings or the planting of 
 trees within a distance of three hundred and fifty toises from the fortifications ; 
 on the commercial, by the regulations against the erection of houses higher than 
 seven feet in the post in order that the free circulation of air, essential to the 
 successful drying of fish, might not be hampered ; on the civil side by forbidding, 
 on account of the danger of fire, the covering of the houses with bark. The 
 town was laid out and a plan made,^ and lands were granted to the people under 
 the condition that within a year and a day the land should be occupied {d'y tenir 
 feu et lieu). 
 
 The streets of the new town were narrow. Outside of Italian cities of this 
 period but few towns were drained, and had it not been for the salubrity of the 
 air of Cape Breton conditions at Louisbourg would have been unwholesome. 
 The fishing industry is not a cleanly one ; the sheep and goats of the people 
 were kept by a public herd, who received soldier's ration and small pay, but the 
 pigs ran at large. An ordinance was passed empowering any one to kill them if 
 they destroyed property. The regulation states that " they damage the drying 
 fish and the poultry, and are even so ferocious that there is danger sometimes 
 for little children." 
 
 The necessity for an hospital was recognized from the first, although the 
 tax proposed by Soubras for its support was disallowed. The treatment given 
 was unsatisfactory to the people. The Bayle et Jurats of St. Jean de Luz and 
 one La Mothe, a merchant representing the people of Louisbourg, appeared 
 before the Board. In the course of their representations they stated that the 
 hospital was useless, as the people went to the ship's surgeons or used Indian 
 
 English. That he contemplated doing so would seem to bear the same construction as La Ronde, Denys, and de Penscns 
 not visiting these settlements in 171+, namely, that there was no doubt in the minds of any of them that they were in 
 French territory. 
 
 * B.T.N. S. vol. 2. 2 The plan ordered in 171S did not finally receive ministerial sanction until 1723.
 
 1714-1730 EXCESSIVE DRINKING t^j 
 
 remedies in place of those supplied by the two local surgeons, and they did not 
 hesitate to say that Soubras turned the funds to his own use. The Board 
 endeavoured to improve matters. They ordered that one of the best surgeons 
 be sent from Brest, as the reports of La Grange and Le Roux, who had come 
 from Placentia, were unsatisfactory. It was also decided to place the hospital 
 in the charge of the Freres de la Charite,^ four of whom had come out in 17 16. 
 
 A conflict of jurisdiction had arisen in ecclesiastical matters. Spiritual 
 affairs in Placentia had been under Recollets of Brittany, and Father Dom. de 
 la Marche had come with the first settlers ; but the Bishop of Quebec, whose 
 diocese included Nova Scotia and Isle Royale, had appointed the Recollets of 
 Paris to this cure. The civil authorities temporized with the matter, and allotted 
 the spiritual care of the Acadians and the services of the King's chapel to the 
 latter, while the general population was served by monks of Brittany, who finally 
 remained in possession of the field." The importance of the Basque element in 
 the population was recognized by sending out a priest of that nationality. 
 
 The chief drawback to the prosperity of Louisbourg was unquestionably 
 drink. It impressed Verville so much that he says, in explaining the in- 
 effectiveness of the work going on, that the troops who should be at work 
 escape daily to roam the woods and to get drunk, far in excess of these 
 European nations who were given to drink. 
 
 Soubras battled with the evil and proposed and tried many expedients. 
 Fines, rewards to informers, and severe punishments of those who would not 
 tell where thev obtained drink, were the obvious measures. He tried also the 
 prohibition of the officers' canteens, in which drink was sold to the soldiers, but 
 found that this simply increased the number of groggeries. He endeavoured to 
 restrict the sale to six of the principal people of the place, but found that these 
 would not act, and he anticipated the Gothenburg system by proposing that the 
 sale should be exclusively in the hands of the Government. In some of these 
 proposals he received the support of the Board, but the result justified Costebelle's 
 view that nothing effective could be done until more settled conditions prevailed. 
 
 The echoes of the Regent's experiments were heard in Louisbourg, and 
 Law's Mississippi Company was imitated in these northern islands. M. 
 Poupet de la Boularderie, formerly an officer in the Navy and in the troops of 
 Acadia, but for many years a trader, was given a grant of that beautiful and 
 fertile island which lies between the great and little entrances to the Bras d'Or 
 Lakes. It still perpetuates his name. His grant also included the opposite 
 southern shore to a league in depth, the island at Ingonish, exclusive beach 
 
 ' This was a religious fraternity founded in 1540 by the Portuguese, St. Jean de Dieu, at Granada in Spain, thence 
 it spread to Italy and in 1601 to France. It was of sufficient eminence to have charge of the hospitals de la Charite m 
 Paris and at Charenton. - Their letters patent were not sent out until 173 1 (B, 55, f. 577).
 
 58 GRANTS OF SEIGNORIES 1718-1724 
 
 rights for one hundred fishers, and the use of the King's ship Le Pnon for two 
 years.' He undertook to place one hundred settlers the first year, fifty the 
 next, and employ one hundred fishermen. He was given command for the 
 King in his lands, and a " safe conduct " for three months, that delightful 
 opposite of the kure de cachet^ which during its currency made its holder 
 superior to all judicial and police mandates. He proceeded vigorously to the 
 development of his grant, first by his unaided efforts, which were undertaken 
 on so great a scale that he contemplated the building of a ship of twelve hundred 
 tons ; but, hampered by the shipwreck of one of his vessels in the St. Lawrence, 
 and the exhaustion of his funds, he turned his grant over to a company of 
 Malouin merchants, with whom he quarrelled." He formed another company 
 in Havre and Rouen, which accomplished little, so that at his death in 1738 it 
 was a question whether the grant of the property would be confirmed to his 
 son.^ There had been obtained for his son in early life a position as a page 
 in the household of Her Royal Highness, the Duchesse d'Orleans. When he 
 had outgrown this position at Court, he obtained a lieutenancy in the regiment 
 of Richelieu, and after a service of seven years obtained a company therein. 
 When the aged Berwick, that able general whom the deposed Stuarts had given 
 to France, led her armies to victory over the Austrians, Boularderie went 
 through the campaigns of Kehl, Phillippsbourg, and Clauzen. Then, through 
 a reverse of fortune, he had to sell his company, but retained the assistance of 
 that grand Seigneur, the Due de Richelieu. The death of his father followed 
 shortly afterwards, and the concessions being confirmed to .him, Boularderie 
 came out to Isle Royale, with the remains of his personal fortune, the proceeds 
 of the sale of a house in Paris. He brought with him husbandmen and craftsmen 
 from Normandy, and according to his own account was most successful. " I 
 have in my employment twenty- five persons, a very handsome house, barn, 
 stable, dairy, dovecot, and oven, wind and water-mills, twenty-five cows and 
 other live stock." ^ He grew wheat, in 1740 he had 150 bbls. of fine wheat 
 and vegetables as in Europe, and had a large orchard and a garden, but disasters 
 befell him in this charming establishment. 
 
 The earlier grants of the islands in the Gulf, St. Jean and the Magdalens, 
 having been finally revoked in 1710, a Count St. Pierre took advantage of his 
 position at Court, that of first Equerry to the Duchesse d'Orleans, to obtain a 
 grant and found a company for the development of these islands. His enterprise 
 was unsuccessful. The merchants of St. Malo protested so vigorously against 
 the exercise by the company of its exclusive fishing rights, and their protection 
 
 ' Feb. 15, 1719, B, vol. 41, f. 565. - Cor. (Canada), C, ii, 64, 1724. 
 
 ^ One account speaks of the older Boularderie as captain in Acadia in 1702, his grant describes him as Enseigne ile 
 Vaisseau. He was given a frigate in 1713 for trading. ■* Derniers Joun de I'Acadic, p. 287.
 
 I7I9 LOUISBOURG CHOSEN AS CAPITAL 59 
 
 by an armed vessel (1722)^ that these rights were curtailed, and notwithstandincr 
 the loan of artillery and an officer, the enterprise was abandoned in 1724 and 
 these islands reunited to the royal domain in 1730, the fear of a seignorial 
 establishment having, in the interval, retarded the settlement of the island by 
 the Acadians.^ M. Ruette DAuteuil, after a stormy career in Canada, where he 
 had been at one time Procureur-General at Quebec, also received a grant of 
 Isle Madame on substantially the same conditions of settlement, but no vigorous 
 efforts were made at colonization. After some years St. Ovide reported that it 
 had also failed, and expressed his disapproval of the system. These companies, 
 like their great prototype, added three to the long list of failures, both French 
 and English, to establish in America the profitable corporate administration 
 of land. 
 
 At last the question of the chief establishment of the colony was to be 
 permanently settled. St. Ovide had been much impressed by the advantages of 
 Port Toulouse on his tour through the island, thus confirming the good opinion 
 it had made on him in 17 14, and now recommended it warmly to the Council, 
 and asked them to hear Rouville, who was in France, and to appoint a commission 
 to make a report on the matter.^ 
 
 This suggestion was supported by two petitions. One, which described 
 Louisbourg as a bottomless pit for funds, was signed by officials ; the other by 
 the principal inhabitants. The latter stated that so soon after coming from 
 Placentia and other places, they were unable to bear the expense of a second 
 moving, but if the King would pay the actual cost, they would gladly go to 
 Port Toulouse, and leave behind the tavern-keepers, who made up two-thirds of 
 the population of Louisbourg.* The reply to these petitions, which reflect, on 
 account of his position, perhaps little more than the personal opinion of the 
 Governor, was in the negative. Louisbourg was made the principal place, the 
 first indication of which had been the mounting of six guns in 17 19. But to 
 mark the decision as final, a medal commemorating its founding and fortification 
 was designed and struck, and in the following year it was placed in the 
 foundation of the King's bastion. Six years had passed in uncertainty. Isle 
 Royale had repeated the mistakes previously made in Canada and Louisiana, 
 against which Villien had warned the Minister without success. However, the 
 question was at last settled, the administration was concentrated there, and was 
 coincident with De Mezy's taking the place of Soubras. The troops were 
 brought together from the outports, with the exception of small detachments, 
 and a renewal of discipline was hoped for, and in some measure attained. 
 
 ' C, II, vol. 12, p. 78. 2 May 1720, I.R. vol. 5, f. 56. = I.R. vol. 4, Jan. 9, 1719. 
 
 * This indicates again the prevalence of drinking, as does an earlier letter of St. Ovide and Soubras, who speak of 
 "Cabaretiers qui ruinent cntierrement la colonnic," Nov. 13, 1717 (I.R. vol. 2).
 
 6o THE TROOPS 
 
 ARCHIVES DU CANADA— ISLE ROYALE. (I.R. vol. i (St.) Ottawa.) 
 
 COMPAGNIES 
 
 II y en a sept a I'lsle Royale dans chacune desquelles, il y a un Capitaine, un 
 Lieutenant et un Enseigne, deux Sergents, deux caporaux, quarante-cinq soldats, et un 
 tambour. 
 
 II leur est dclivrc tous les ans un habillement, une ann6e le grand habillement et 
 I'annee suivante le petit. 
 
 Le grand habillement consiste en un justaucorps, une culotte, deux chemises, deux 
 cravates, un chapeau, une paire de bas et deux paires de souliers. 
 
 Le petit habillement consiste en une veste, une culotte, deux chemises, deux cravates, 
 un chapeau, une paire de bas et deux paires de souliers. 
 
 Ces habillements ne doivent estre d^livr^s qu'aux efFectifs et on conserve le surplus 
 dans les magasins pour les recrues. 
 
 La ration du sergent et du soldat est par jour d'une livre et demie de pain, quatre onces 
 de lard cru ou demy livre de boeuf, quatre onces de legumes, un quarteron de beurre et cinq 
 livres de m61asse par mois. 
 
 Cette ration est plus forte qu'en Canada ou il ne se d^livre au soldat par jour qu'une 
 livre et demie de pain et un quarteron de lard, cette augmentation a et6 accordde k 
 Plaisance a cause du mauvais pays et continue i I'lsle Royale par rapport au nouvel 
 Etablissement, quand le pays sera establi on la diminuera. 
 
 11 est retenu pour I'habillement et ration par mois au Sergent 9 ff. 10 s., au Caporal 
 7 fF. 10 s. et au soldat 7 fF. 10 s. de sorte qu'il reste de solde toute deduction faire, except^ 
 celle des 4 s. pour livre, au Sergent 13 ff. par mois, au Caporal 6 ff. et au soldat 30 s. 
 
 La distribution de I'habillement, des vivres et de la solde regarde le Commissaire 
 Ordonnateur. 
 
 Tout le militaire regarde le Gouverneur de I'lsle et les fonctions de I'un et de I'autre 
 sont les memes que celles du Gouverneur General et de I'lntendant du Canada, 
 
 The Cross of St. Louis 
 
 The correspondence of all the French officers shows an eagerness for the Cross of 
 St. Louis. This order was founded by Louis XIV. in 1693. There had been up to that 
 time only two orders — that of St. Michel, founded by Louis XI. in 1469, and the Saint 
 Esprit, founded by Henri III., 1578-79, the former of which had fallen into such discredit 
 that Henry gave command that none should be admitted to the splendid order he was 
 founding save Knights of St. Michel ; therefrom springs the expression so common under 
 the splendid portraits of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, designating the subject 
 as of " the King's Orders." The restrictions of the Order of Saint Esprit to those of lofty 
 descent left Louis XIV. without means of honouring the many officers who distinguished 
 themselves in his service, so the Order of St. Louis was founded. The King was Grand 
 Master, the Dauphin or heir-presumptive to the throne was a member, there were eight 
 Grand Cross, twenty-four Commanders, who could only be admitted as Knights, and as 
 many Knights as the King might designate. It was reserved to Catholics, officers on sea 
 or land who had served for ten years.
 
 THE ORDER OF ST. LOUIS 6i 
 
 Admission to the order carried pensions of considerable value. As the order was at 
 first constituted the junior Knights, thirty-two had a pension of 800 1. ; forty-eight, 
 1000 1. ; twenty-four higher, 1500 1.; and the highest twenty, 2000 1. ; but in 1719 the 
 Regent increased the number of Chevaliers from 128 to 413, with pensions decreasing 
 from 2000 1. to 200 1. The recipient at his induction Icnelt, swore to serve the King 
 faithfully, and no other sovereign without permission, that he was a Catholic, and that 
 he would live as a good, wise, virtuous, and valiant Knight ; the Governor drew his sword, 
 touched him on each shoulder and delivered to him the order, which he was to wear on a 
 flame-coloured ribbon on his chest. At the death of a Chevalier his Cross was returned. 
 The large number of Chevaliers of the Order led to abuses, and apparently at Louisbourg it 
 came almost to be a question of length of service. In 1749 it was so common in France 
 that, apparently up to that time there had been no danger in representing oneself as 
 belonging to the Order. In consequence an "ordonnance" was issued forbidding the 
 wearing its Cross without authority. '^ The pensions do not seem to have been paid 
 regularly. An interesting list of the Louisbourg refugees at Rochefort about 1763, which 
 gives particulars of the officers, their families, their debts and resources, in no case mentions 
 the pension of the Chevaliers as a source of income, and in the lively conversation of Le 
 Neveu de Rameau reference is made to the destitution of some of the Chevaliers. 
 
 ' Its history in three vols., L'Ordre de St-Louis, has been written by A. Mazas, Paris, i860. A number of the Isle 
 Royal Chevaliers are not noted in the lists he gives. A list of officers of Louisbourg, 1744-63 (Arch. Col. D 4) 
 shows that the Majors, Aide-Majors, and every Captain of ten years' service had received the Cross, usually at the end of 
 that time.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 While fishing was vigorously prosecuted from Louisbourg and its neighbouring 
 outports, the French fishermen at Isle Madame and the ports to the westward 
 came, during these years, in contact with those of New England in the 
 neighbourhood of Canso. English fishermen had freely used the harbours of 
 Isle Royale, but it soon came to pass that both French and English used the 
 port of Canceau, or, in its modern form, Canso, situated on an island separated 
 only by the narrowest of waterways from the mainland of Nova Scotia. The 
 French had frequented it for a century and a half.^ 
 
 In 17 1 7 there were six French and five English fishing stations there. 
 The next year St. Ovide gave orders to the French to withdraw, but was begged 
 by the New Englanders to leave them, as the latter were threatened by the 
 Indians.- In August, George Vaughan, formerly Governor of New Hampshire, 
 was at Canso, and found " all things peaceable and quiet, the French and 
 English fishing with all friendship and love." ^ 
 
 Some of the Canso people had, in June, petitioned the Council of 
 Massachusetts to the effect that the French were using Canso, and had 
 threatened the English with removal.* The petitioners had thought it their 
 duty to represent this state of affairs to the Council, so that the rights of 
 Englishmen might not be infringed. The authorities thereupon sent to Canso 
 Captain Smart of the frigate Squirrel, which had been sent to protect the 
 shipping of North America from pirates. His instructions were to inquire into 
 the truth of the French encroachments. He carried a letter from Shute, 
 Governor of Massachusetts, to St. Ovide, that Shute expected him to 
 " immediately order the French under his command to pull down their Hutts 
 and also not to fish any more upon y't shoar." ^ 
 
 Smart arrived at Canso on September 6, left on the 7th for Louisbourg, 
 where he had a conference with St. Ovide. The accounts of this interview 
 
 ^ A Captain Savalette of St. Jean He Luz was living a little to the west of Canso in 1565. 
 
 ^ The French were inclined to believe the territory was English j English authorities that it was French. I.R. 
 vol. 3, and the Commissioners of Trade to Townhend, March 14, 1721. 
 
 ' CO. 5/867. ■• CO. 5/793. •■' CO. 5/867. Ad. Sec. In Letters, vol. 2542. 
 
 62
 
 ijiS THE CANSO INCIDENT 63 
 
 given, on the one hand, by Smart and Southack,^ and, on the other, by St. 
 Ovide, are irreconcilable. The Squirrel returned to Canso on the i4th.^ On 
 the 1 8th Smart seized every French vessel and all French property he could 
 find, and sailed away to Boston with plunder valued at 200,000 1.^ 
 
 News of this exploit was promptly brought to Louisbourg, where their 
 understanding with Southack and Smart seemed to have been generally held to 
 be satisfactory, for no preparations had been made to deal with the conditions 
 which confronted the authorities. The news was as much a surprise at 
 Louisbourg as the event had been to the fishers at Canso. St. Ovide at once 
 took spasmodic action. He impressed a Malouin trading vessel of thirty guns, 
 armed her, and put on board forty soldiers, under Ste. Marie,* and sailors from 
 other vessels in the harbour to bring her complement up to two hundred and 
 fifty men. Her captain had none of that spirit which made St. Malo la citi 
 corsaire. He and his crew made so many difficulties that the condition 
 bordered on revolt, and by nightfall, when It was Intended she should sail, she 
 was not ready. The weather the next day was bad, and the expedition was 
 abandoned. Such Is the account given in the joint letter of St. Ovide and 
 Soubras,^ but the latter wrote to the Minister disavowing any share in these 
 preparations, and severely blaming St. Ovide, with supreme authority, for not 
 having overcome the difficulties and delays.* 
 
 This action of St. Ovide, so deplorably weak that Soubras says he groans 
 while he writes an account of It, was almost Inevitable with an ordinary man in 
 charge at Louisbourg." Its wretched condition must have been evident to 
 Smart ; they had no cannon mounted, they had no men-of-war, they had no 
 provisions, and their troops had been reduced to one hundred and forty- 
 one men. 
 
 Instead of a warlike expedition, St. Ovide ^ sent Ste. Marie and Laforest, a 
 clerk, to Canso. Laforest was to make on the ground a formal protest, to 
 draw up a careful and accurate account of what had happened, on which. If the 
 facts warranted, the right of reprisals might be based. Ste. Marie was to order 
 the French to withdraw, and to remain on the ground until these instructions 
 were carried out. Ste. Marie was further instructed to tell the Indians to 
 behave, to do justice to the English, and to make the French pay their debts 
 before leaving.'' 
 
 ' Southack was with Smart as a representative of Massachusetts. 
 
 - B.T.N.S. vol. 2 ; I.R. vol. 3. 
 
 ' The subsequent proceedings outside Cape Breton are too lengthy to be here narrated. The whole incident will 
 be dealt with in a monograph now in preparation. 
 
 M.R. vol. 3, Oct. 19, 1718. M.R. vol. 3, Oct. 1718. 
 
 « Some suspicion of the accuracy of St. Ovide's version of what the writer calls the "childish conference with 
 Smart" is implied in Soubras emphasizing the fact that he was not present at these mterviews. 
 
 ' I.R. vol. 3. f. 186. 8 Soubras, Oct. iS, i-iS, I.R. vol. 3, f. 186. » Letter of Oct. 6.
 
 64 RELATIONS WITH THE ABORIGINES 1715 
 
 The part which the Indians of Nova Scotia took in the next incident at 
 Canso makes it desirable to indicate briefly their relations to the European 
 colonists of the Atlantic seaboard. This was one of extreme friendliness to the 
 French and hostility to the English. The Pax Galliai, which for so long 
 existed throughout so large a part of the wilds of North America, is an 
 enduring monument to the sagacity of French administrators, the self-sacrifice 
 of French missionaries, and the savoir-faire of French traders andj fishermen. 
 The effects of this have been indicated by reference to the attacks on the 
 English fishing vessels on the coast of Nova Scotia, the safety which the English 
 fishers found at Canso in company with the French, and the fact that at the 
 same time Frenchmen had no fear of living among these savages along this 
 stretch of the coast on which the English only could land in peril.' 
 
 "Mem'l of Capt. Cvprian Southack to Gov'r Joseph Dudley 
 AND THE Council at Boston, September 15, 171 5. 
 
 "On 30 Ap. 1 7 15 he sailed with 2 sloops ,5c one two mast vessel for a fishing voyage 
 to Nova Scotia. 14th Alav arrived at Port Rosswav 5: landed 17th, vessels sailed on their 
 fishing 1 8th. Welcomed bv Mons. Tarranguer 5: Joseph Aluess. 23rd. Welcomed by 
 the chief captain of Cape Sables & 8 Indian OtEcers. 25th. M. Tarranguer came and 
 threatened to lead lOO Indians to capture all the fishing vessels on the coast. 28th June 
 received news of capture of an English vessel and men. 3rd Julv. Informed of the 
 capture of another fishing sloop bv the Indians, who threatened him with capture and 
 death; saving Costabelle had given to the Indians a great present, nth July. 2 vessels 
 came in and told him of a capture of 7 sail at Port Seigneur, that the Indians were on 
 their way to capture him &: his, would kill him. They refused to carry him, his people 
 5c effects away, unless he first gave them a bill of 500 current money of Boston & £.^'^5 
 to be p'd in Boston. Agreed to. . . . Loss sustained at Port Rosswav — ;^450 & the 
 fishing season. " - 
 
 This condition of affairs has certain causes which are fairly well defined, 
 chief among which is the different attitude of the French and English to the 
 aborigines. The former recognized them as independent allies, not as subjects, 
 acknowledging them as sovereign owners of the land, who permitted the 
 usufruct of it to their allies. Pownall, Governor of Massachusetts, says the 
 English, on the contrary,^ 
 
 "with an unsatiable thirst after landed possessions, have got Deeds and other fraudulent 
 pretences, grounded on the abuse of Treaties, and bv these Deeds claim possession, even 
 to the exclusion of the Indians, not only from their Hunting Grounds (which with them 
 is a right of great consequence) but even fi-om their house and home. . . . Upon these 
 pretences they have drove the Indians off" their Lands : the Indians unable to bear it any 
 
 1 S« »Uo .Vctneau's account of his vo)-age to Cape Breton in :7i4. - B.T.K.S. vol. i, f. -. ' CO. 5/518.
 
 FRENCH SUCCESS 65 
 
 longer told Sir William Johnson that they believed soon they should not be able to hunt 
 a bear into a hole in a tree but some Englishman would claim a right to the property of 
 it as being his tree . . . this is the sole ground of the loss and alienation of the Indians 
 from the English Interest : and this is the ground the French work upon : on the contrary 
 the French possessions interfere not with the Indian's Rights, but aid and assist their interest 
 and become a means of their support." 
 
 The splendid heroism of the French missionaries had made these Indians, 
 as well as those of the tribes of Canada, Roman Catholic, and a passion for the 
 orthodoxy of that church made their savage converts more hostile to the heretic 
 than priests and administrators of French origin. St. Ovide objected to the 
 employment of Swiss troops at Louisbourg, as this toleration of heretics would 
 have a bad effect on the Indians.* Vaudreuil " expresses the French policy in 
 these phrases : " But as Father de la Chasse says, grace among the Indians has 
 often some help from man, and among them worldly gain serves as a channel 
 of doctrine " (" Mais comme me margue le pere de la Chasse la grace parmis 
 les sauvages a souvent de la co-operation de I'homme, et parmis eux I'interet 
 temporel sert de la (sic) vehicule a la foix.") 
 
 The standard form of the " vehicule a la foix " was an annual giving of 
 presents of practical utility to the Indians. These presents were dependent in 
 amount on the number of warriors in the tribe, and consisted of powder, lead, 
 flints, and axes. The occasion of the distribution was an important one for 
 conference, and in the earlier years took place frequently at St. Peter's, but on 
 at least one occasion St. Ovide contemplated going to Antigonish on the 
 mainland of Nova Scotia, but was deterred by the not unreasonable objections 
 which might be made by Phillips.^ 
 
 This system was more potent in keeping the friendliness of their allies 
 than the occasional efforts made by the English to win them over. These 
 efforts were never satisfactory, and the punishments of the Indians for wrong- 
 doings by the English were, as all punishments of that epoch, harsh, and in 
 addition they were humiliating and irritated the Indians. The scalp bounties 
 of the colonies included rewards for the killing of Indian women and children, 
 although a lesser money value was set on the scalp of a woman or child than 
 on that of a man."* The strange conditions, in which we find a benign and 
 devout clergyman praying that the young men who have joined the Mohawks 
 in a scalping expedition against the French and Indians may go in the fear 
 of the Lord, and regarding the bringing in of French scalps as a good omen, 
 were such as made it easy for the French to retain the goodwill and affection 
 of their allies. There seemed to have been no resentment among the Indians 
 
 ^ *' Que Ton ne retient que par des motifs de Religion.'* 
 
 " To Minister, September i6, 1714. ' I72I,I.R. vol. 5. 
 
 ^ Reference to this gruesome subject is made in the Appendix. William's Diary, Parkman MSB., May 1747. 
 
 F
 
 66 THE INDIANS AS ALLIES 
 
 when any of their number were punished by the French. The only important 
 case in Isle Royale was the murder of Count d'Agrain by two Indians in his 
 employment ; ^ the criminals were apprehended and executed, without apparently 
 causing any irritation among the other members of the tribe. 
 
 The attitude of the French Government was throughout consistent. It is 
 indicated in a reply of the Council to a letter of Costebelle - in which he says : 
 " The savages of the French mission on the shores of Acadia are such irreconcil- 
 able enemies of the English people, that we cannot, with our most peaceable 
 speeches, impress them not to trouble their trade." The Council's memorandum 
 of reply was to maintain the savages in this state of mind, namely, " to allow 
 no English settlement in Acadia or fishing on its shores, but this should be 
 done prudently and secretly." This was continued for a generation. St. 
 Ovide was reprimanded for having conveyed to the Indians, at a somewhat 
 later time than this, the impression that the small garrison at Isle St. Jean was 
 to help them in their raids against the English;^ but in 1727 Father Gaulin 
 was suspected of assisting the Indians in making peace with the English, and 
 although he was an old man, broken with years of service as a missionary, 
 the report seriously irritated Maurepas.'* 
 
 The difficulties inherent in such a situation were increased by braggart 
 and turbulent Frenchmen, who threatened the English at Canso and elsewhere 
 on the coast with Indian attacks and made free in their menaces with the 
 names of Costebelle and St. Ovide. All French accounts of expeditions in 
 which the Indians took a part show that they were intractable, capricious allies, 
 following the French leader when his movements suited them ; at other times, 
 when his persuasions and threats failed, making him yield to their views. 
 Therefore, while the correspondence gives the impression that the earlier 
 French authorities were sincere in not encouraging their allies to deeds of 
 violence, and in protecting the victims when these occurred, with such allies, 
 it was inevitably the more humane side of their policy which failed.^ 
 
 The number of Indians in Nova Scotia was small ; an itemized statement 
 makes in 1721 the total number 289 ^' (Isle Royale 36, Antigonish 48, Beaubassin 
 47, Mines 58, La Have 60, Cap de Sable, 40). The following year,' however, 
 in connection with a proposal made by Gaulin the missionary, to remove the 
 Indians to that island in the Bras d'Or Lakes, which is still their rendezvous, 
 the total number of savages bearing arms is spoken of as 265, and the entire 
 Indian population as 838. It seems incredible that so small a number could 
 have caused such widespread dismay among the English, and so seriously 
 
 1 Jan. 22, 1722. - Sept. 9, 1715, I.R. vol. i, f. 336. 
 
 » B, vol. 54, f. 517. ■" March 11, 1727, I.R. B, 50. 
 
 ' See Journals of Marin and Boishebert. ^ I.R. vol. 5, Sept. 15, 1721. 
 
 " I.R. vol. 6, Dec. 27, 1722.
 
 THEIR SUCCESS AT SEA 67 
 
 hampered their operations. In many cases the crew of a fishing vessel would 
 have been as numerous as any of the bands which attacked them. It is to 
 be expected that fishermen on shore would be at a disadvantage when attacked 
 by savages skilled in the ways of forest warfare ; but it is surprising to find 
 that the Indians of Nova Scotia were bold and skilful at sea. In the outbreak 
 of 1722 the Indians captured trading vessels both in the Bay of Fundy and 
 off the coast of Nova Scotia.^ They then cruised on the Banks with the captured 
 sloops, forcing the prisoners to serve as mariners. They threatened to attack 
 Canso, and the fishermen were breaking up the fishery, when Colonel Phillips 
 persuaded them to join him in fitting out two sloops, each with a detachment 
 of troops. In the course of three weeks all the sloops and prisoners, with the 
 exception of four, were recaptured. In one of these encounters fifteen Indians 
 fought for two hours with Phillips' schooner manned by sixty men. Ten 
 of the Indians escaped by swimming ashore. The heads of the other five were 
 cut off and stuck on the pickets of the redoubt at Canso." 
 
 In the next attack, 1725, which they made on Canso, after the first 
 onslaught, the English armed a vessel to go in pursuit of the Indians who 
 were cruising in two of their captures, in which they had taken eight or nine 
 small fishing craft. In another case ^ they took an English schooner from 
 Newfoundland and brought her back to Isle Royale, while from their establish- 
 ment on the Bras d'Or Lakes they made annual excursions in open boats to 
 the Magdalen Islands. The advantages to French industry of these raids 
 is shown by the statement that the capture of one English fishing vessel off 
 Isle St. Jean by Indians^ caused eighty others to leave its waters and return 
 to Canso, and the view of IVIaurepas, that in this he saw no inconvenience, 
 is easily understood. The success of the Indians against the fishermen of New 
 England was probably the chief reason for the contempt for the military skill 
 of the British colonists, expressed up to 1745 by the Louisbourg people. 
 
 Disturbing as had been the exploit of Smart, its effects lasted longer in 
 diplomatic circles than it did at its scene. The French returned, or possibly 
 continued, to fish at Canso. In 1720 Young again visited that port, and says 
 that there were ninety-six English and two hundred French fishermen off Canso. 
 He then went to Louisbourg and saw St. Ovide, who said that he would prevent 
 the French going, as contrary to the Treaty. At the same time it would seem 
 evident that the fishing was held in common, for the English frequented Petit 
 de Grat and other places on Isle Madame,^ which was unquestionably French 
 territory. But while the conditions were not different from those of 171 8, the 
 disturbance of the peace in 1720 came from the Indians. 
 
 1 B.T.N.S. vol. 4, Phillips from Canso, September 19, 1722. ' I-R- ™'- ^' f- ^^■ 
 
 3 I.R. vol. 7, f. 179. '■3,54,5174. = B.T.N.S. vol. 3, f. 20.
 
 68 THE INDIAN ATTACK ON CANSO 1720 
 
 " On ^ the 8th of August 1 720 the port of Canso was attacked by a body of Indians and 
 some fifty or sixty French. About one or two in the morning the Indians sprang on the 
 English fishermen, scarcely giving some of them time to put on their breeches, and making 
 many prisoners, placed them in the house under guard. The remainder were driven into 
 the boats and then the French stepped in and assisted. Everything was pillaged — fish, 
 goods, clothes, bedding and even pockets, the loss being said to amount to about j^ 18,000. 
 The onset commenced at Capt. Richards' Island, which they made the place of rendezvous. 
 The fishing vessels having assembled, one was manned to save Capt. Richards' ship, which 
 was deemed in danger, but after firing on both sides she was forced to retire. 
 
 " During this aftair 2 Englishmen were shot dead in escaping to the boats, & one 
 was drowned. At 2 in the afternoon a deputation went to Louisbourg to represent 
 the grievance, but the Gov'r made light of it, saying any Fr. taken in the act sh'd 
 make satisfaction, but was not responsible for the Indians. 
 
 " In the mean time Capt. Richards had fitted out two small ships, in which he had 
 pursued the assailants & captured six shallops with plunder on board & 15 Frenchmen. 
 Two captured Indians said M. St. Ovide had encouraged them & ordered them to rob 
 the settlem't. 
 
 "One Prudent Robicheau, inhabitant of Annapolis, declared that a rumor had been 
 current in St. Peters that the Indians would fall upon Canso some time in the summer 
 & he had warned 2 Eng. masters bound to Canso. The firing at Canso was heard 
 at St. Peters. He left that place in a shallop, with Father Vincent on board, on the 9th 
 of Aug., & met a shallop with Indians who boasted of having taken Canso & forced the 
 fishermen off their boats, killing i and wounding 4. Thev had much plunder on board. 
 Father Vincent rec'd presents from them & applauded their actions. The Indians stated 
 that 70 Indians in 40 canoes had driven 500 men on to their ships. A master of one of 
 the ships, being set on board his vessel, fired on the Indians & forced them to retire. 
 They seized an Eng. shallop and took some of the plunder in her. 
 
 " Not receiving any assistance from the Gov'r of Cape Breton, they sent Mr. Henshaw 
 to Gov'r. Phillips, and five French prisoners with him. Mr. Henshaw returned with 
 Arms and Ammunition & provisions, accompanied by Major Lawrence Armstrong. 
 The latter was directed to go to Canso & take all necessary measures for restoration of 
 peace & security. He was afterwards to proceed to C. Breton & deliver the letter to 
 the Gov'r demanding restitution to the people & the arrest of the principal actors and 
 their ships, until the decision of the two Courts can be received. To return with the 
 Gov'r's answer, calling at Canso on the way. 
 
 "Gov'r Phillips' Letter to M. St. Ovide, dated 29th Aug. 1720, acknowledged the 
 receipt of St. Ovide's letter in reply to. the deputation from Canso, and informed him 
 that 5 Frenchmen had been captured with some of the Eng. plunder in their possession. 
 From the depositions of these prisoners, copies of wh. are sent to him & also to the King 
 of Gt. Britain, it is evident that the Fr. were not only the framers and promoters of the 
 violation of the peace at Canso, but also the principal actors, the prisoners declaring they 
 were ordered by their Masters, Philibert, Massey, &c., to pillage the Eng. goods, to 
 load the shallops with them, with their Arms in their hands, powder & shot being 
 distributed to the Natives as in a time of war. He stated that one Renaud had previously 
 
 1 B.T.N. S. vol. 3.
 
 1720 THE ROAD OF EQUITY 69 
 
 arranged the onslaught with the natives, & questions whether this could have been done 
 without support from high authority. The Indians who took part had (all but four) 
 come from Cape Breton, where the affair had been openly discussed for 3 mos. previously. 
 He cannot credit the assertions of 2 Indian prisoners that Mr. St. Ovid was the one 
 who encouraged them. Proofs of his desire to preserve the peace demanded his making 
 full restitution for the losses at Canso, & due satisfaction made on the chief actors who 
 with their ships, &c., should be arrested & await the decision of the two courts." 1 
 
 Armstrong went to Louisbourg, where, notwithstanding the peremptory 
 tone of his demands, he was received with politeness. St. Ovide, with the 
 action of Smart and the British authorities before him, was determined to 
 show the " road of equity " to the English in this transaction. He sent 
 De Pensens, who was accompanied by Armstrong, to Petit de Grat, where 
 he examined the French who knew about the affair. It was proved by their 
 evidence that the Indians were destroying the cod and other property, or 
 giving it to them. Arquebel thought it only right to make good his losses 
 through Smart, and therefore took cod. Two other men said the Indians 
 forced them. Another man saw Indians destroying a good sail, asked for it 
 and they gave it to him; and still another had lost by the English in 171 8. 
 The property that had been taken was restored to Armstrong to the value 
 of j^ 1600.- 
 
 As two years had elapsed since the first outrage at Canso, and it was 
 still unatoned for, the English authorities were not in a position to notice 
 this incident,^ in which, granted the fact that the French had such allies as 
 the Indians, the conduct of their local authorities was honourable, straight- 
 forward, and the action that they took towards righting the wrong was all 
 that could be expected of them. 
 
 The view which St. Ovide wrote to the authorities at home as to the 
 reason of the outbreak at this particular time was, that the Indians were 
 incensed by British treatment of their brothers, the Acadians. On the face 
 of it this does not seem probable. It receives some confirmation from Phillips, 
 who reports with bitterness that Lieutenant Washington, one of his officers 
 at Annapolis, went about saying that his severity to the Acadians brought 
 on this attack.^ 
 
 Phillips took prompt action. He sent in the autumn a company to 
 remain at Canso all winter. These he reinforced the following year with 
 two companies, built a small fort, which he armed with cannon borrowed 
 
 ' B.T.N. S. vol. 4, Nov. 20, 1720. 
 
 - The Court approved this action of St. Ovide (B, vol. 44, f. 55-, June 20, 1721)- 
 
 ' The Commissioners of Trade, nevertheless, wrote to the Lords Justices, speaking of the Indian attack as 
 reprisals by the French, and urged that restitution be demanded before satisfaction be given Mr. Hirriberry, the chief 
 victim of Smart (B.T.N.S. vol. 31. Oct. 18, 1720). * N.S. vol. 4, f. 7.
 
 7° 
 
 CANSO A FORERUNNER 1720 
 
 from the vessels, and thereafter held the place, on the ground that it was 
 necessary to protect the fishermen from Indian hostilities. He thus made 
 Canso, on his own initiative, British territory. 
 
 These events at Canso have been set forth in some detail, for they may 
 be regarded as indicating with clearness the course of the future relations 
 of the two peoples in North America, which culminated in the obliteration 
 of French power. On the one hand, there was the commercial aspect ; the 
 people of both nationalities engaged in the peaceful exploiting of the fisheries, 
 which were so rich that both together had ample room, and indifferently used 
 the harbours and waters which belonged to both Crowns. On the other hand, 
 there is the action of the Governments ; that of Massachusetts, energetic and 
 forceful, which took steps on false information, for the French were not on 
 the mainland of Nova Scotia, and in the trouble which followed their action, 
 an unscrupulous naval captain was vigorously supported by the Admiralty. 
 On the French side one marks the leaning on the broken reed of English 
 respect for the law of nations, and a supineness in considering an insult to 
 the French flag in colonial waters as of little consequence. It is not to be 
 wondered at that a writer ^ on French colonial policy, should have a chapter 
 on the contempt for the colonies in the eighteenth century. The history of 
 the French action at Canso would justify the heading of his chapter, as well 
 as the matter he publishes therein. 
 
 Again, no comment is necessary on the significance of the action of the 
 officials. St. Ovide waited for instructions from the Court and supplies from 
 France. Phillips, as ill -equipped as the French Governor, threw a garrison 
 into Canso without waiting for instructions, and, without artillery, made those 
 interested contribute guns from their vessels for its defence. These are 
 examples of the working out of the two systems on which colonies were 
 governed, quite as striking as any found elsewhere in the history of New 
 England and New France. 
 
 ^ Schon, La Politique Cohniale,
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Louis XV. attained his majority on February 17, 1723. The policy of 
 Du Bois, friendly to England, was succeeded by that of Fleury, more widely 
 pacific. Many years of peace were unmarked by any incidents like that of 
 Canso, which with a more spirited Minister would have led to action, the 
 consequences of which might have been felt far beyond the confines of this 
 little colony. 
 
 The immediate effect on it of the King's majority was the substitution 
 for the Navy Board of Maurepas as Minister of the Navy. To his hands, 
 those of a young man of twenty-two, were entrusted the affairs of the vast 
 colonial empire as well as the navies of France.' No striking change took 
 place in Isle Royale in consequence of this change at Court. The definite 
 selection of Louisbourg as the chief place of the colony had improved its 
 position. Its population increased, but to a less degree than that of the 
 outports. The growth was : 
 
 Louisbourg. Other places. 
 I718 . . . .568 815 
 
 1720 . . . .733 I181 
 
 1723 . . . .795 I 102 
 
 1726 .... 951 2180 
 
 The number of places at which settlements were made also increased. 
 In 17 1 8 outside of Louisbourg there were apparently only four places, while 
 in 1726 there were settlements of more or less importance in thirteen other 
 localities, the most important of which was Ninganiche (Ingonish), which did 
 not exist in 1720,- but in 1726 was much larger than any other place, except 
 Louisbourg, and put out more than twice as many fishing-boats as that port. 
 Four years later the number of settlements was eighteen. While Ingonish 
 was a successful competitor in fishing, in general commerce which employed 
 larger vessels Louisbourg quite surpassed any of the outports or, indeed, all 
 of them together. Of the sixty-one vessels which came from France in 1726, 
 
 ' For the character of Maurepas see Chap. XV. G , 467. 
 
 71
 
 72 PIRATES ON THE COAST 1720-1726 
 
 thirty-nine came thither ; of fifty-seven from Canada, the West Indies, New 
 England, and Nova Scotia, atl came to the port of Louisbourg.' 
 
 During these years. Isle Royale, like the northern colonies of Britain, 
 suffered from the ravages inflicted by pirates on the commerce of the high 
 seas. The increase in the number of these freebooters, brought about by 
 the disbanding of the men-of-war's men after the Peace of Utrecht, produced 
 its effects in these waters. It will be remembered that, as evidence of the sad 
 condition of Louisbourg in 171 5, St. Ovide feared that after the leaving of 
 the King's ships it would lie defenceless to the attacks of pirates. 
 
 In the autumn of 1721 the authorities at Louisbourg were dismayed 
 to find that in the town there was no powder or shot, when the pirates were 
 on the coast, and the inhabitants were so badly armed that St. Ovide drew 
 the attention of the authorities to their state. Their condition, in the face 
 of what was real danger, apparently led them to tempt the soldiers to sell 
 their muskets, which the authorities punished with a fine of 200 1. The 
 following year Phillips sent an officer to warn the authorities that a pirate 
 brigantine and schooner were on the eastern coast of Acadia, and had taken 
 ten or twelve vessels.^ A vessel of St. Malo on the coast of Isle Royale was 
 taken by a pirate schooner, her rigging destroyed, her yards broken, and she 
 was ordered to return to France. She reached Scatari after sixteen days, and 
 reported the outrage to the authorities at Louisbourg. Further havoc was 
 done by a vessel of seventy or eighty tons, eight cannon, sixteen swivels, and 
 one hundred and fifty men. In 1720 the ship of Captain Carey, from London 
 to Boston, near the Grand Banks, was plundered by a pirate of twenty-six 
 guns with a consort of ten. The loss was ^^8000. Carey brought in the 
 report that they had destroyed the Newfoundland fishery.' 
 
 So serious was the menace that Bourville, acting Governor after St. Ovide 
 had left for France in 1721, found it necessary to fortify Louisbourg, a town 
 of a thousand people, with a garrison of three hundred against an attack by 
 pirates.^ He mounted seven large guns of twenty-four pounds on the island, 
 seven near the fortifications, and six at the ancient fort, the site of the first 
 settlement. 
 
 Throughout this period, apparently some of the freebooters, whose names 
 have been preserved to history, and throw a lurid glare over modern fiction, 
 left the richer commerce of the West Indies to come northwards to plunder on 
 the coasts of New England, Acadia, and Isle Royale. The force of some of 
 those vessels was so great that it could not have been sent out by the other 
 
 ^ Its people also owned most of the vessels used for coasting. - I.R. vol. 6. p. 22. 
 
 ' Shute to the Lords of Trade, Boston, August ig, CO. 5/S68. 
 
 * Bourville had become Kins Lieutenant in succession to de Beaucours,
 
 1725 WRECK OF THE ' CHAMEAU ' 73 
 
 pirates who also preyed on this commerce. These were outlaws largely from 
 English fishing vessels frequenting the coasts of Newfoundland, who had been 
 turned adrift for insubordination or drunkenness, or had deserted on account 
 of low wages and poor fare. Their head-quarters were at Cape Ray. While 
 possibly the majority of them were English, their rendezvous received accessions 
 from the French and became the " cave of Adullam " of these coasts. Fisher- 
 men stole the boats and gear of their masters, notably from Ingonish. De 
 Mezy's exalted position did not prevent one of his boats being stolen from 
 under his windows. All such malefactors joined the outlaws. They plundered 
 vessels on the Grand Banks and on the coasts of Newfoundland. Although the 
 site of their settlement was known, and the British Government sent out regu- 
 larly vessels to protect its commerce against the pirates, and a joint French and 
 English expedition was contemplated, no steps were taken to break it up. 
 Throughout the whole period of Louisbourg's history, while the freebooters 
 in its immediate neighbourhood disappeared, both French and English men-of- 
 war visited the fishermen on the Grand Banks, for the purpose of protecting 
 them from pirates.^ 
 
 The incident which marked these years was a shipwreck which de Mezv 
 described as the most frightful which he had known in the five and thirty years 
 of his seafaring life.^ 
 
 The rock-bound coast of Isle Royale is, to the eastward of Louisbourg, 
 free for some distance from outlying dangers. Near Cape Breton, its eastern 
 extremity, currents, which are at times impetuous, rush round the low island of 
 Porto Nova and other rocks and shoals, and so make impossible a safe approach 
 to this shore. ^ At this time, August 1725, the inhabitants of these hamlets, 
 some six or eight score, most of whom were at Baleine, took refuge before 
 nightfall of the 25th, in their rude huts ("cabannes"), from an east-south-east gale 
 which blew furiously on this coast, the steep-pitched beaches of which mark 
 the force of the seas. It was ten the next morning before any of them ventured 
 out, and they found in the sea-wrack on the shore the wreckage of a large vessel. 
 Among it were pulleys marked with fleur de lys, which, when this news was 
 brought to Louisbourg on the following day, the 27th, indicated to the 
 authorities that a King's ship had been lost near Baleine. De Mezy himself, 
 de Bourville, Major of the troops, and Sabatier the Comptroller, at once set 
 
 1 The lesser value of the commerce of the North maHe it unnecessary for the pirates to obtain a foothold on this 
 coast, although at more than one place in Nova Scotia and Cape Breton are legends of the buried treasure of Captain 
 Kidd. Rhode Island is the most northern of the colonies whose officials and citizens were accused of complicity in this 
 piracy ; the French certainly had no share in it. See Weeden, fmiim, Channing, vol. ii. 
 
 3 The intimate connection of colonial administration with the Navy is shown in his expression in writing to 3 
 minister who knew his record, " depuis trente cinq ans que je vais a la mer," although in many of these years he served 
 in the colonies. 
 
 3 The small harbours of Grand and Petit Lorambec, and Baleine, alford shelter to only smaller craft.
 
 74 ATTEMPTS AT SALVAGE 1725 
 
 out. They found along the coast, from Grand Lorambec to Baleine, the beach 
 strewn with wreckage, among which was the figure-head which identified the 
 vessel as the Chameau, which, under command of M. de St. James, was carrying 
 supplies, money, and dispatches, together with a distinguished passenger list, to 
 Quebec. The first bodies found were those of Chazel, the newly appointed 
 Intendant of Canada ; the ship's pilot, Chointeau, and one which they believed 
 was that of young de Lages, son of de Ramezav, Governor of Montreal. Papers 
 came ashore, among them the patent of Chazel. These victims were but the 
 forerunners of many. In two days, forty more were found by men of the 
 three detachments which had been promptly formed to make salvage of what 
 came ashore. The wreck was indeed complete ; the ill-fated ship, evidently 
 under sail, had been carried over the outlying reefs. She at once broke up ; 
 part of her starboard side came ashore with the main mast and its rigging ; 
 another part of the same side with the mizzen mast was found nearly a mile 
 farther along the coast. The suddenness of the disaster was made evident by 
 the fact that most of the bodies were undressed. The fury of the sea was shown 
 by the fact that from the live stock carried on her, not even a pig came ashore 
 alive ; " les cochons mesmes qui nagent si bien sont venus morts a la coste." 
 Among the victims who were recognized were two officers of Canada, de 
 Morrion and Pachot, but if L'Hermitte's body was found it was not identified, 
 and De Pensens, who was at one time thought to be on board, had not sailed. 
 The missionary priest at Baleine buried one hundred and eighty ; the total loss 
 was three hundred and ten. 
 
 The authorities acted with effectiveness in this disaster. They advised 
 those of Quebec, and arranged to lend them ammunition and money from the 
 Louisbourg supplies which were coming on the Dromedary. There was no sign 
 of the after part of the ship having come ashore, so it was hoped that some 
 salvage might be made of her guns and treasure, particularly as the rock on 
 which she broke up was covered at low tide by only a few feet of water. De- 
 tachments were kept posted along the shore to save what wreckage they could, 
 their men being promised a share of whatever was found. The next season 
 some soldiers who were skilful divers were sent from Quebec and were employed 
 at the wreck. They were in charge of Sabatier and of young Le Normant, 
 then acting as clerk under his father. They lodged in an abandoned house of 
 Carrerrot, a merchant of Louisbourg. It was roofless, except for one room. 
 It had been occupied by his sister, Madame La Salle, a sprightly lady to whose 
 attractions Le Normant lightly refers, and to whom he and Sabatier sent a 
 message of esteem and gratitude in his letter to " Monsieur mon tres cher P^re." 
 Morpain conducted the actual operations, which were carried on in September, 
 Le Normant whiling away his spare time by shooting when bad weather inter-
 
 1726 PROGRESS IN TRADE 75 
 
 rupted the work. He sent to his father the game which he got, and in his last 
 letter from Baleine ends his requisition for supplies with " five or six days of 
 good weather or an order to return." The latter came in due course. No 
 more striking contrast in circumstances is connected with Louisbourg than that 
 between young Le Normant in Baleine and Le Normant at the head of the Navy 
 in attendance on the King, and belonging to the party of Madame de Pompadour.^ 
 Further search was abandoned, but the wreck left its mark on the colony, 
 although no one connected with it was lost, for almost the latest French maps 
 mark, on the bleak shore of the cove, the cemetery of those of its victims 
 which the sea gave up. It lived in the memory of the French of Isle Royale 
 as the August gale of 1873 is still before the people of Cape Breton, and when 
 two heavy gales in November 1726 swept Louisbourg with great damage, it 
 was vividly recalled to its people. 
 
 Isle Royale was at this time, thirteen years after its foundation, described as 
 a colony beginning to be considerable. Its commerce with the West Indies had 
 by 1726 become important, as had its trade with France and Quebec. Its 
 principal export, after fish, was its coal, followed in value by furs gathered at 
 Louisbourg from Nova Scotia. 
 
 The trade suffered from a scarcity of ready money not seriously felt within 
 the colony, but for example making trade difficult with Quebec, whither the 
 merchants of Louisbourg had to send cash to pay the duties on goods they 
 exported to Canada. 
 
 The regulations which in the earliest stage governed trade between France 
 and her colonies, established by the Edict of 17 16, were irksome. Vessels could 
 sail for the colonies from only a few of the ports of France.- Bonds had to be 
 given that they would return to the port of departure.^ The destination had to 
 be named before leaving, and a certificate produced, after the round voyage was 
 finished, that the vessel had been at the port named. This restricted freedom in 
 seeking markets, and in taking advantage of the triangular trade, which for so 
 long was the normal course of shipping between Europe and America. This 
 was modified by an edict in October 1727,'' which provided that no foreign 
 product, except Irish salt beef loaded at a port of France, should be admitted to 
 Canada or the West Indies, and that none of their products should go directly 
 to a foreign country, with the exception of refined sugars to Spain. Foreign 
 
 1 The value, about 6000 1., of the salvage from the CImmeau was trifling, although she had on board 289,696 1. in 
 cash, for the expenses of Canada (I.R. B, vol. 48, f. S62). 
 
 = e.g. Sables d'Olonne then a fishing port, not, as now, a watering-place, had to apply to the Conseil de Commerce 
 for this privilege. Previously to its being granted its outfitters had to pay local imposts on the goods they sent out, which 
 they brought to their port from Bordeaux (Arch. Nat. F, 12, vol. 75). 
 
 3 Dugard Le Vieux of Rouen was hampered by this regulation, which was modified on his application. The Conseil 
 generally decided in favour of freedom of trade (Arch. Nat. F, 12, vol. 87). 
 
 "* Isambert, Recueil, vol. 26.
 
 76 ILLICIT TRADE 1728 
 
 vessels were not permitted to enter a port in the colonies nor come within a 
 league of them, under penalty of confiscation, and a fine of 1000 1. Officers 
 were ordered to seek them out, and men-of-war and privateers to capture 
 foreigners or French vessels engaged in illicit commerce. An elaborate scale of 
 division of the proceeds of such confiscation was established, the only relaxation 
 on humanitarian ground of the stringency of these regulations being that a 
 vessel in distress could take refuge only in a port where there was a garrison. 
 
 A later chapter ' deals with the lack of balance of the trade which centred 
 at Louisbourg. The defiance or ignoring of the regulations made by distant 
 authorities, enforced in many cases by officials who had a personal interest in 
 illicit trade, was as important a factor in the economic conditions as official 
 regulations. 
 
 If the margin of profit is adequate, any trade will be carried on in defiance 
 of law. Vessels from the British colonies had been permitted to come to Isle 
 Royale from time to time, until, under pressure of necessity in 1726, a pro- 
 clamation was issued permitting the importation from them of building 
 materials, live cattle, poultry, etc., but prohibiting everything else." This opened 
 one door, for the returns of the permitted vessels would indicate that none of 
 them carried full cargoes, the balance of their lading would be contraband goods. 
 Others apparently depended on corruption, and made no colour of being on a 
 legitimate voyage. We have the record of an agreement made in 1724 at Boston 
 between three merchants, — " Johonnot," P. Evarts, Hough, and one Pierre 
 Grouard, — who undertook to sell the lading of the schooner Hirondelle and 
 purchase a cargo of fish and bring back in money or taffetas ' any balance for a 
 commission of 6 per cent. The Hirondelle was seized at Rimouski, suspected 
 of spying. Grouard and others were imprisoned, and were the occasion of 
 charges of official improprieties, and a conflict of jurisdiction.^ While this cargo 
 went to the Gulf of the St. Lawrence there is no reason to believe that a similar 
 method of doing business was not carried on with Louisbourg, and that the 
 merchants named were the only ones in Boston who conducted trade with the 
 French colonies in this fashion. The ledger of one of the most important of 
 them, Mr. Faneuil, contains may entries of transactions with merchants of Louis- 
 bourg. The evidence of Newton, the collector of Customs at Canso, makes this 
 reasonably certain, fori in no year during the period under consideration did the 
 number of vessels declared as from British ports come to as many as he says was 
 the normal number. He wrote, as follows, in speaking of eighteen vessels then 
 in that port : 
 
 "They will without any Restraint Load and carry from thence to several Ports in his 
 
 1 Chap. XIl. 2 1728, I.R. vol. 10, f. 4. 
 
 ^ This is so printed. It unquestionably means taffia (rum). ■* MSS. Que. vol. 3, p. 106, and B, 48 (Canada).
 
 ITS EXTENT y-j 
 
 Majtys Plantations, Brandy, Wine, Iron, Sail Cloth, Rum, Molasses & several other 
 French Commoditys with which there is from 80 to 90 Sail generally Load with in a Year, 
 these Vessels generally carry Lumber, Bricks & live stock there, they commonly clear 
 out for Newfoundland, tho never design to go farther than Lewisburg, often they sell their 
 vessels as well as Cargoes." 
 
 The prosperous farmers of Nova Scotia shared in a simple way in trade with 
 Louisbourg. Their shipments were made mostly from Baie Verte on the Gulf 
 coast, although there are instances of vessels of ten tons making the long voyage 
 from the Bay of Fundy to Louisbourg. Ordinarily they were not interfered 
 with, and Verville's theory that the Acadians were of more value to Isle Royale 
 where they were, than if they had migrated, was borne out. At times Armstrong, 
 then in charge of Nova Scotia, attempted to stop this intercourse, and on one 
 occasion his reply to St. Ovide being unsatisfactory, de Pensens was sent to him 
 to declare that they would arm a ship to prevent him making seizures on the 
 high seas. He desisted in face of this threat, which would have been proved, in 
 the contrary case, to have been empty, for Maurepas refused permission to fit 
 out this vessel.^ 
 
 The entrepot which should flourish by freedom of exchange, foreseen by 
 Raudot, was struggling with the enactments of its rulers to come into existence. 
 The furniture and axes - which New England sent there, the winnowing machines 
 with which Louisbourg supplied Quebec, the rum and molasses, the sail cloth and 
 iron she exported to the British colonies, none of them her own production, 
 indicate his sureness of judgment as to the proper foundation for a flourishing 
 colony situated on Isle Royale. The scanty records of the trade which are 
 available make tenable the hypothesis that had the civil population of Louisbourg 
 been left untrammelled to develop its commercial possibilities, it would have been 
 so prosperous and populous an establishment that its later history would have 
 been entirely different. 
 
 Raudot's views were as far in advance of his time as was the commercial 
 Treaty of Utrecht, the provisions of which waited until the younger Pitt in 1787 
 forced them through an unwilling House of Commons. Maurepas' objections 
 to this trade were held in common with all his contemporaries, and the meftective- 
 ness of his opposition was probably owing to his lack of force rather than a 
 philosophic acquiescence in a state of afl^airs which was theoretically wrong, but 
 practically extremely profitable. In at least one instance he connived m it. 
 When Ste. Marie was pressing, in 1724, for repayment of his expenses, 1893 1., 
 incurred in 171 8-19 in visiting Boston, Maurepas wrote to St. Ovide that 
 Ste. Marie brought back goods presumably to sell, and rejected the claim.' 
 
 In the earlier days of the colony the merchants of France objected to it, for 
 
 1 i.R. vol. 8. 2 „oo in 1740. ' I-R- ™1- 39, B, vol. 48, f. 7'6.
 
 jB LOCAL PROTESTS 1728-1738 
 
 their chief business was the sale of commodities to the new settlers, later they 
 were silent on the subject. The merchants of Louisbourg objected from time 
 to time, notably in 1728, and again ten years later. On the former occasion St. 
 Ovide was accused with full details of carrying on this trade through De Pensens, 
 under the names of Dacarette and Lartigue. It appeared as if Maurepas intended 
 to take some action, for he wrote to De Mezy sending a list of questions about 
 the trade, with the assurance that his reply would be confidential, so that he 
 might not be restrained by the fear of incriminating St. Ovide. ^ De Mezy replied 
 on the 30th of November and the 2nd of December, in some fashion which was 
 satisfactory to the Minister. His replies unfortunately are not extant. St. Ovide 
 contented himself with a short denial. 
 
 In 1738 an anonymous letter was forwarded to the Minister on this com- 
 merce and its abuses.- It was followed by a new attack against Du Vivier which 
 goes into detail. It says he bought the cargoes of two French vessels which he 
 resold ; that he took a cargo of molasses which he sent to Boston in partnership 
 with Faneuil, who had traded with Louisbourg through one Morel ; that they 
 took money from the country, as they sold for cash ; that they put in quarantine 
 a vessel from Martinique on account of small-pox, because two vessels of Du 
 Vivier arrived shortly afterwards ; that Du Vivier forestalled the market by 
 having early news from Quebec ; and they did not hesitate to say that Le 
 Normant was interested in Du Vivier's transactions ; and that they enriched 
 themselves by taking provisions from the King's stores in the autumn, selling 
 them at a high price, and replacing them the following year when they 
 were cheap. 
 
 But however the trade was carried on, it was unquestionably large, profitable, 
 and essential to Isle Royale. The real complaint of its merchants was of the 
 competition of military and civil officials, whose influence and command of 
 information gave them great advantages. The only people to sufl^er were the 
 Admiralty officials, who found their confiscations overruled by the Governor and 
 the Commissaire-Ordonnateur. Ship-owners benefited by full cargoes. None 
 of them were placed at a disadvantage except vessels with letters of marque, which, 
 relying on the edict of 1727, made these captures. 
 
 In trade, like the fishing at Canso before the incursion of Smart, all things 
 were peaceable and quiet, the French and English in defiance of the laws trading 
 " together in all amity and love," a happier state than in the West Indies, where 
 mutual savagery brought on the war between England and Spain. But the 
 protests of Mr. Newton to his Government, the prohibition of Maurepas to his 
 officials, both disregarded, caused less irritation than the gucvcla castas and the 
 pirates of Jamaica. Thus prohibited trade in Northern waters led to a friendly 
 
 ' I.R, B, 52, f, 605, 607. - I.R. vol. 20, f. 311. Sue Appcmlix.
 
 1728-1738 THE LIGHTHOUSE 79 
 
 intercourse between Isle Royale and the sea-ports of the Puritans, not to mutila- 
 tions which inflamed against the Spaniard both the humanity and the patriotism 
 of England.^ 
 
 The fishermen had in the earliest times placed on the knoll of the eastern side of 
 the harbour a beacon to serve as a guide to its entrance. This proved unsatisfactory 
 as the commerce of the port grew, and it was visited by other ships than those of 
 its ordinary trade. The first foreign ship, other than English, which visited the 
 port, was the Spaniard, Nostra Signora de la Toledo, homeward bound from 
 Havana.^ Three years later the Mercury, a ship of the French East India 
 Company, came into Louisbourg with sixty men ill of scurvy, who in the pure 
 air of Isle Royale soon became convalescent. When the project for a lighthouse, 
 to take the place of the beacon, was seriously considered, the difficulty of landing 
 coal for its fire was an objection to the best site. The home authorities proposed 
 on this account placing the light on the clock tower of the citadel, but this 
 project was fortunately abandoned, and the lighthouse was erected on the eastern 
 side of the harbour, where its ruins are still to be seen. It was first lit in 1734, 
 and the statement is that it was visible for six leagues at sea. It was burned on 
 the night of the nth of September 1736, but was immediately rebuilt of fire- 
 proof materials.' 
 
 St. Ovide and De Mezy acted in harmony in only one matter — their efforts 
 to restrict the excessive consumption of intoxicants. Although De Mezy was 
 effective in the steps taken in connection with the Chameau, the laxity of 
 administration in his department shortly thereafter became evident, through the 
 death of Des Goutins the Treasurer. St. Ovide insisted on having particulars 
 of De Mezy's accounts, which he was asked to approve, and of verifying the 
 contents of the Treasurer's chest. It was found empty. Nevertheless, De Mezy 
 took offence at what he considered an interference with his rights. He took 
 high ground in writing to the Minister. He expressed his extreme repugnance, 
 after " thirty-seven years of service, to submitting his documents to a naval 
 officer, who, although meritorious and of easy intercourse, has neither the 
 experience, nor other qualities superior to his in a matter concerning my 
 administration." * 
 
 Maurepas did not accept his views, but replied that he was wrong in putting 
 the blame on Des Goutins when his own accounts, should have been better 
 
 ^ Canjb. History^ vol. vi. p. 24. - August 10, 1726. 
 
 ^ In the new lighthouse the light was supplied trom forty-five "pots" (about twenty-two and a half gallons of oil), 
 fed through thirty-one pipes in a copper circle to the wicks which gave the flame. As this oil was held in an open bronze 
 basin, three feet in diameter, and ten inches deep, there was constant danger of fire. This was provided against by 
 sustaining this ring on pieces of cork, which, if fire took place, would burn through and let the ring fall into the oil where 
 it would be extinguished. No wood was used in the construction of the tower. 
 
 * " A un officer de guerre qui quoique homme de m^rite, et de tris' bonne sociit6, n'a ni I'usage, ni les services, ni 
 autres qualites superieures a moi dans une affaire de mon ministere " (vol. 9, Nov. 24, i/^?)*
 
 8o DE xMEZY CRITICIZED AND RETIRED 1731 
 
 kept.^ De Mezy admitted that his books were not in perfect order, his excuse 
 being that the entire financial business for the year was transacted in the fortnight 
 following the arrival of the King's ship with remittances. He further excused 
 himself by saying that the records were in extremely bad order when he came to 
 the colony, and that it had taken them some time to correct them. This is borne 
 out by the documents themselves. By 1724 they are much fuller, and on the 
 surface appear more accurate than in the earlier years of the colony. 
 
 But the disregard of instructions was evident in more serious ways than 
 book-keeping. De Mezy admitted having disobeyed orders about rations, not 
 without justification, for he says he had given food from the King's stores to 
 four widows who were destitute, but that hereafter he would execute orders 
 without mercy. Without any charge having been made against him, he assures 
 the Minister that the only funds he can touch are those of the extraordinary 
 expenditures 15,000 or 20,000 livres. He was largely responsible for so 
 important an edict as that of October 1727, in reference to Colonial Trade, not 
 being registered or put in force in Louisbourg until October 1730.- Other 
 tangible evidence of neglect of royal instructions was before the eyes of all. An 
 ordinance had been passed establishing the width of the quay, and another 
 forbidding building within 350 toises of the fortifications, yet in a few years 
 one cronier had built a stone house within the prohibited distance, and there 
 were also encroachments on the quay. This took place in so small a town that 
 from any point on the ramparts every house could be seen. That the infraction 
 of regulations, presumably important, could go so far under the eyes of the 
 Governor, the Commissaire-Ordonnateur, and the Engineer, that it required 
 ministerial action to stop it, illustrates the weakness of the system on which the 
 French attempted to administer their colonial empire. 
 
 Whether the complaints of the Minister against De Mezy, founded on 
 these irregularities and his quarrels with St. Ovide, led to the change in his 
 department, which was determined on by Maurepas, is uncertain. De Mezy 
 had completed about forty years in the King's service, and when St. Ovide 
 heard that he was to be succeeded he wrote to the Minister, saying that he 
 trusted he would select a new Commissaire-Ordonnateur of a gentle disposition, 
 with whom the merchants and people could carry on business in comfort.^ The 
 favourable impression the younger De Mezy (usually known as Le Normant) 
 had made, or possibly family influence, led to his succeeding his father.'' He 
 had been in the colony during the greater part of his father's tenure of office, 
 employed first as a subordinate, and then as principal clerk, and during his 
 
 ' B, vols. $z and 53. ^ B, 55/570. ■' I.R. vol. 12, Nov. 25, 1731. 
 
 ■" The Dc Mezys were of the family of that Le Normant who was the husband of Madame de Pompadour, and as 
 a Fermier-General had great influence before she rose to power. Oct. 8, 1733 is the date on which young Le Normant 
 wrote to Mnurepas his thanks. The official appointments were made March 23, 1735.
 
 1733 SICKNESS AND FAMINE 8i 
 
 father's leave of absence had in his place administered the office. He was 
 therefore well fitted by experience for the position. But he began his admini- 
 stration with the same quarrels with St. Ovide as had disturbed the relations 
 between the Governor and his father, and in one of his first important acts 
 he displayed a lack of judgment which seriously imperilled the well-being of 
 the colony. 
 
 In 1732 the Rul>ji czme into port with small-pox on board. Although from 
 time to time there had been regulations establishing a quarantine, once against the 
 plague which raged in Toulon and Marseilles, and at another against a pest in 
 Boston, at this time no precautions were taken, or if taken were ineffective. 
 
 The disease spread throughout the colony and many of all ages died, not 
 only sailors and passengers of the ill-fated ship, but residents of the colony and 
 soldiers of its garrison. The ship, however, proceeded to Quebec, leaving those 
 who were sick on shore, replacing them by sailors taken from the merchant's 
 vessels. Further misfortune followed the survivors, who late in the year were 
 shipped to Quebec on a brigantine which was wrecked at Ingonish. This 
 epidemic was followed by a famine, the cause of which Le Normant explained 
 by the method by which the inhabitants supplied themselves. The earliest 
 vessels to arrive were those of the Basque ports. Their captains lent the 
 provisions of their large crews to the inhabitants. These people counted on 
 returning them by purchases from the provisions brought from Canada. If this 
 supply was short, it had for the greater part to be utilized in returning these 
 borrowings, which the Basques required for their homeward voyage, instead of 
 being retained by the inhabitants for consumption during the winter.' While 
 the Quebec vessels were there in the summer the inhabitants, living on their 
 borrowings, offered only meagre prices, and therefore, De Mezy said, fewer 
 vessels came from Quebec.^ This condition was aggravated, as the Quebec 
 authorities explain, by a local regulation that Quebec vessels should not leave 
 port without selling their cargoes. But whatever were the causes the situation 
 was most serious in the autumn of 1733,^ and with an optimism for which no 
 grounds are shown, Le Normant delayed action. St. Ovide changed from 
 the devotee of Costebelle's description, or justified by the gravity of the situation, 
 says he trusted Providence less than Le Normant ; but it was not until St. 
 Ovide declared that he would send a vessel to the Minister with a statement of 
 their condition, brought about by Le Normant's refusal to supply funds to 
 purchase supplies in New York, that the latter consented to take action.'' Two 
 
 ' I.R. vol. 14, f. 175. 2 -phis is not borne out by the officials' returns which are available. 
 
 2 I.R. vol. 14, f. 126. 
 
 ^ " De vous seul monsieur depend aujourd'huy la conservation ou la perte de cette colonie, que j'alois faire embarquer 
 un officier le lendemain sur un batiment qui devait partir pour France a fin d'informer Mgr." (Nov. 14, 1733, vol. 14, 
 
 f- 77). 
 
 G
 
 82 ST. OVIDE'S PREVISION 1734 
 
 small vessels, under charge of De Cannes and Bonnaventure, were sent late in 
 the year for these supplies, New York being chosen in preference to Boston, 
 where the plague had recently existed, but they did not return before spring, 
 and the colony passed a winter in want, mitigated only by the opportune arrival 
 of one vessel from Quebec and one from New England. 
 
 In 1734, at the beginning of the outbreak of war between France and the 
 Emperor, the unsettled affairs on the continent gave rise to rumours of war 
 with England, and St. Ovide took up the question of their relations with the 
 New England colonies. He points out in a letter in cipher ^ to the Minister 
 that the English, particularly those of New England, dislike the existence of Isle 
 Royale as a French colony. He dwells on the necessity of being advised early 
 of the outbreak of war, as it is important to take the offensive. In another 
 letter he lays before the Minister the steps which they propose to take to protect 
 themselves, which were to complete the fortifications between the citadel and 
 the Dauphin battery, which, although projected from the first had not yet been 
 carried out, and to protect, by chevaux de frise, the quay where a landing from 
 boats could be made. He then gives his opinion of what might occur ; which 
 was, that if England made an attack on Louisbourg it would be by New 
 England militiamen, of whom he had not a high opinion ; that they would be 
 supported by English men-of-war, and that they would come very early in the 
 year in order to prevent the fishermen from France, or vessels of force from 
 entering Louisbourg ; that they would not make their base at Port Dauphin or 
 Bale des Espagnols as apparently some thought, as these points were too distant, 
 but that the landing would be made in Gabarus or Mir6 bays. His plan of 
 campaign, if the King intends the offensive, with all its advantages, is that two 
 men-of-war and a frigate should be sent early in the year with tour or five new 
 companies for the garrison and six hundred regular troops and munitions of 
 war. These, with volunteers from Louisbourg and Indians would make adequate 
 force to take Annapolis Royal, if secrecy and celerity could be attained. He 
 points out, notwithstanding the previous views he had expressed to the Minister, 
 that the Acadians were not to be depended on. He informs him that Annapolis 
 RoyaP is in a wretched condition, a statement quite within the bounds of truth, 
 and that the English in Canso are in such a poor condition that its commander 
 has instructions to abandon the port at the outbreak of war. He intended 
 further to supplement the force with the forty men of the garrison of Isle St. 
 Jean, and the Indians of that island. He also assured the Minister that not 
 only Placentia, but Boston, would easily fall before such an expedition. He 
 
 ' Letters of St. O. to Minister, in particular Oct. 28, 1734 (I.R. vol. 15). 
 
 - 'rhe garrison of Annapolis and Canso was nine companies : 360 officers and men, five at Annapolis, four at Canso 
 (1734, B.T.N.S. vol. 33, f. 361). "Canso lies naked and defenceless" (1734, A. & W.I. vol. 30). Kilby says Canso 
 is so ill-prepared that 100 men could capture it in one hour (1743, A. & W.I. vol. 594).
 
 1738 DEPARTURE OF ST. OVIDE 83 
 
 followed this by a second letter, saying that twenty companies are necessary, 
 part of whom should be commanded by local officers ; repeated earnestly his 
 request for munitions ; and referring to his forty-five years of service, said to 
 the Minister that the experience of the past made him fear for the future. 
 
 These representations, made ten years before the war broke out, so accurately 
 forecast the course of events, that St. Ovide in 1745 might, with a sad satisfac- 
 tion, have recalled to his associates the predictions which he made at this time. 
 St. Ovide hoped, if there was no war, that in the troubled conditions France 
 might again get possession of Acadia by exchange, for it would be of infinite 
 importance to France. He based this hope on the indifi-erence to Nova Scotia 
 of the English Government, as shown by the continuous neglect of that pro- 
 vince from 1710, the year of its capture, to 1734, the time of his writing in this 
 strain. 
 
 General matters of defence probably engaged the attention of the French 
 authorities at this time. Chaussegros de Lery combated an idea, which he says 
 was prevalent in France, that Louisbourg was the highway " ie boulevard " to 
 Quebec and Canada. He said that a naval expedition against Canada would 
 require three squadrons, and that Quebec was more vulnerable by way of the 
 woods. Were it not for the general policy of France in relation to her colonies 
 during this period, it might be thought that the views of Chaussegros had more 
 weight with the IMinister than those of St. Ovide and his successors. 
 
 In 1737 the colony again suffered from famine, but affairs had so far 
 adjusted themselves that St. Ovide was able to go to France in the autumn of 
 1738, leaving, as before, the government in the hands of De Bourville, while 
 Sabatier discharged the duties of Le Normant de Mezy, who was promoted to 
 the Intendancy of St. Dominique, as the first step towards the highest position in 
 the administration of the navy. (As Intendant-General he was practically joint 
 Minister for the few months in which Massiac held the portfolio.) ^ 
 
 St. Ovide does not seem to have thought that he would not return to Isle 
 Royale. Not long before that he had obtained a large grant at the head of the 
 harbour, and more recently a splendid tract of land on the Mire River." In the 
 ordinary course of business, after his arrival in France, he wrote to the Minister 
 about an increase in that garrison, and Maurepas in January said that he would await 
 his suggestions before dealing with the question of promotions.^ But between this 
 time and March the Minister had taken a more hostile and determined attitude 
 than he had yet shown. St. Ovide went, or was summoned, to Versailles, and 
 had a painful interview with Maurepas, who charged him with many faults. The 
 Minister told him that he was acquainted with a transaction in which, it was 
 said, that as far back as 1725 St. Ovide had a pecuniary interest in Ganet's 
 
 1 La Cour-Gayet, pp. 211-217. ^ 1737. B, 65, 451. ' B, 68, f. i.
 
 84 HIS RETIREMENT 1738 
 
 contract for the fortifications.* St. Ovide admitted that the offer of a share had 
 been made to him, but declared that he had declined it. He said the sworn 
 testimony of two survivors of the transaction, Daligrand, a merchant of the 
 town, and Ganet, the contractor, would bear out his statement. De Pensens, who 
 was alleged to be his partner, had died, and the incident had become public 
 through a clause in his will. The Minister does not seem to have been con- 
 vinced by his explanations. The charges have this much prima facie evidence in 
 their support, that it was through De Pensens, St. Ovide was said, in the 
 accusations of 1728, to have carried on his illicit trading.- No further steps 
 were taken, and St. Ovide, bearing his wounds? and the burden of his forty- 
 seven years of service, was permitted to retire with a pension of 3000 livres. 
 
 As a civil administrator he had little success, but the evils of his administra- 
 tion seemed to be as much due to the lack of discipline and inspection as to the 
 personal faults of the man. His quarrels with both De Mezys, his slackness at 
 the time of Smart's attack at Canso, the reiterated reports, some of them circum- 
 stantial, which were made of his complicity in illegal trade, were, beyond occasional 
 reproofs and exhortations to amend his ways, ignored by Maurepas. During the 
 whole period no report by an independent person seems to have been made on 
 the condition of the colony. Those familiar with affairs can well picture the 
 slackness and abuses which would exist in a distant establishment, uninspected 
 for nearly a generation, from which no report of irregularity received more than 
 a rebuke from the central administration. This laxity is the more astonishing as 
 both the colonies and the navy were under the direction of Maurepas, and 
 although the correspondence contains remarks on Louisbourg in the reports of 
 the voyages^ there is nothing to show that the Minister ever sought information as 
 to conditions in the colonies from the captains of the ships he annually sent out. 
 Whether this slackness was the result of indifference, incompetence, or hopeless- 
 ness, the results were a demoralized administration and a stunted development. 
 
 ' St. Ovide, April 4, vol. 21, p. 290. - B, 52, f. 605. Cf. Appendix. 
 
 3 These wounds were a shattered shoulder-blade received in an attack on St. John's, Newfoundland, and three others 
 received in action. * Arch. Nat. Marine, B''.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 The connection of St. Ovide with Isle Royale began when he landed with the 
 one hundred and forty founders of Louisbourg in 17 13. Four years later he 
 became its Governor. By the time of his retirement he had seen most of the 
 little harbours along the coast become fishing establishments, and the civil 
 population of the island grow to something over thirty-eight hundred, and the 
 commerce, which had begun with the few vessels which the people of Placentia 
 had brought with them, increase to a fleet of great importance. In 1738 seventy- 
 three vessels came from France, forty-two from New England and Acadia, and 
 twenty-nine from Canada and the West Indies. At the latter date some fifty- 
 four vessels of the inhabitants were engaged in coasting and trading, besides sixty 
 odd schooners and one hundred fishing-boats which pursued the staple industry 
 of the coast, cod-fishing. The value of this industry was about 3,000,000 livres, 
 and the overseas commerce of the island, one year with another, was about an 
 equal amount. Shipbuilding was established in the island and was carried on on 
 the Mire as well as at Louisbourg, although many vessels were brought from New 
 England. A little later the British authorities complained that " in the fall, 
 after the British guard-ship has left Canso, the French go to Pictou, build vessels, 
 and cut some of the finest mast timber in the world and take it to Louisbourg in 
 the early spring." ^ 
 
 The project of fortifications as originally laid down was finished. Beginning 
 at the water front on the harbour side, the Dauphin bastion and spur protected 
 the principal approach to the town, and swept the water front of the harbour. 
 Between it and the King's bastion ran an ascending curtain wall to the height on 
 which the citadel was placed. Across its opening on the town side stood a 
 stately stone building, the Chateau St. Louis, of four stories with slated roof. 
 The only entrance was across a draw-bridge thus described by a New England 
 observer : 
 
 " The entrance is by a large gate over which is a draw-bridge over a small ditch through 
 the whole building, in passing which on the left hand the door opens into a King's 
 
 1 CO. %\". Cf. Appendix. 
 85
 
 86 THE PRINCIPAL BUILDINGS 1738 
 
 Chappell, on the right hand into a dungeon, one of wliich has a greater resemblance of 
 Hell than the other of Heaven." ' 
 
 The Citadel contained, on the southern side, the apartments of the 
 Governor and the King's Chapel, which served as parish church ; the other 
 half was occupied by the barracks. The whole work was the Bastion du Roy, 
 the centre of the system of fortification. Between this and the sea coast were 
 the Queen's bastion and the Prince's half-bastion. These works by 1735 were 
 in an advanced state, although but a few guns were mounted, for at this time 
 the defence of the town depended on the island battery, protecting the mouth 
 of the harbour with a battery of twenty guns broadside to the narrow entrance, 
 and on the shore of the harbour, facing its entrance, the Royal battery completed 
 with its towers and with its guns mounted. After that date there was taken up 
 by the Engineers the fortifications of the eastern part of the town as shown in 
 the plans. 
 
 There is some material to make a picture of the town. Monsieur Verrier, 
 the Engineer, whiled away the hours of the winter of 173 1 in making a drawing 
 of the town from the harbour side ; another from the sea, drawn by Bastide, 
 shows it substantially as St. Ovide left it ; but in the way of description little 
 exists, except the few references to the condition of the people, given by Don 
 Antonio d'Ulloa, a Spanish man of science and captain in her navy, who was 
 at Louisbourg in 1745 under circumstances to be recounted later.* 
 
 Verrler's view is confirmed by the written description, and by those which 
 are found ornamenting some of the maps, notably that of the first siege. The 
 houses were built for the most part in wood on stone foundations, and were 
 from eight to eleven feet in height ; but some of them had the first story in 
 stone, the upper in wood. This description and Verrier's view would seem to 
 indicate that the restrictions as to height had been disregarded, but justify 
 D'Ulloa's description. The hospital would, in the general coup d" ceil, go far to 
 redeem the appearance of the town, for it dominated it as the Chateau of St. 
 Louis the citadel, and their slender fleches, so characteristic of French archi- 
 tecture of the period, would, from sea, have been a guide as certain and as visible 
 as the lighthouse. It is also characteristic of the methods of the two peoples, 
 that there seems to have been in all the British colonies no buildings so imposing 
 as those which the French Government thought suitable for this little establishment. 
 
 Beginning at the water front near the Dauphin gate, the principal entrance 
 to the town, the first buildings were the King's store-houses, and lodged in the 
 space between this and the inner angle of the King's bastion were the dwellings 
 
 ' CO. Ad. Capt.iins' Letters, No. 2655. 
 
 * B.N. Geo. C, 18,830. Brit. Mus., King's, 119, 95 A. A facsimile is in the Archives at Ottawa, and another in 
 the possession of the writer is given as a frontispiece j of the former, Bastide's view is opposite.
 
 1738 HOUSES OF THE PEOPLE 87 
 
 of four military officers. Next on the water front were the establishments of 
 some merchants, and the official residence of the Commissaire-Ordonnateur, which 
 De Mezy had built for himself in stone at a cost of 20,000 1. Next to this 
 house was one belonging to Madame Rodrigue, widow of one of the principal 
 merchants in the place, which was 22 feet square on a piece of land 44 x 150 
 feet, which Bigot certified in 1739 to be worth 55001.^ This family, like many 
 others of the merchants, were well off, " fort a leur aise," enriched by their 
 commerce with Europe and America ; their prosperity all founded, to the 
 amazement of D'Ulloa, on their single product the cod of Isle Roy ale, which he 
 states is the best from American waters. 
 
 Next to these came the Chapel and Convent of the Recollets, and then 
 along the water front some properties belonging to the civil staff. About the 
 centre of the town the Sisters of the Congregation had made a somewhat 
 improvident bargain, as it was regarded at the time, in buying from De Beaucours 
 a lot on which they established their convent and school. So large a part of the 
 town was occupied by government buildings and the properties of the military 
 and civil staff, that the working population must have been placed along the 
 shores of the harbour, on which one still sees the foundations of many buildings. 
 Verrier, the Engineer, had a lot on the corner of the Rue d'Estrees and Scatarie 
 running through to the newly opened Rue de I'Hopital, where his principal 
 neighbour was Cailly, Lieutenant of the Swiss, who had bought from the heirs 
 of Baron de L'Esperance the adjoining property. On this Verrier had built 
 his modest habitation, not much exceeding, he says, the estimated cost of 6000 1.^ 
 This consisted of a ground floor, which held a kitchen, and annexed thereto a 
 scullery and a room for a servant, a dining-room, a principal bedroom, and two 
 small closets, and in the attic his study, and some small bedrooms for his family. 
 The only other description of a house is that of Delaforest, who came to Louis- 
 bourg in 17 14 as clerk, and in 1728 had risen to be Procureur in the Admiralty 
 Court. This he had to demolish because it was under the little hill which was 
 to be occupied by the Dauphin bastion. The house was 50 feet long, 15 
 wide, built with pickets and was covered with boards. The principal room was 
 15 feet square, with two large glazed windows looking out on the harbour, 
 and a glazed door opening out to the garden. It had two cabinets, each 
 with a window, a kitchen 15 by 14 with two windows, all of them with a 
 loft over. There was a lean-to store-house, 15 by 12, against the gable 
 of the house, a court of 30 by 70 in front surrounded by pickets. and with 
 a large gate. At the back was a garden of 60 feet square, also fenced in, 
 which was in an excellent state as it had been well manured. 
 
 The normal increase in the population was good. In 1726 it had been 
 
 1 Ulloa, vol. ii. p. 140. - Its cost was 28,945 1., for which St. OviHe was reprimanded.
 
 88 OTHER INHABITANTS 1738 
 
 951, in 1734 it was Iii6, and in 1737 was 1463. They were a fruitful people. 
 There were 157 families, in which the wife was resident, in 1737, and the 
 number of children 664. The custom of sending women to the colonies did 
 not affect Isle Royale. Many Canadians had come and married immigrants 
 from France, while Acadia supplied all the marriageable maidens the growth 
 of the population required. 
 
 These figures include neither the garrison nor the official classes, nor 
 apparently the ecclesiastics, of whom there were five Brothers of Charity at the 
 hospital, three Recollet monks, and five Sisters of the Congregation. The 
 daughters of some of the officers were sent to Canada or to France for their 
 education, but after the establishment of the Nuns at Louisbourg their school 
 seems to have provided adequately for the education of the young people of 
 the place. There does not seem to have been, however, any school for boys, 
 and yet they all seem to have written fairly well, and show no more inaccuracy 
 as regards grammar and spelling than the majority of young New Englanders 
 of the time. 
 
 The population also had become, with the growth of the town, somewhat 
 more complex. There was a gardener in the town, a Master of Hydrography, 
 and the ladies of the town had the choice of two dressmakers. One Marie 
 Paris, born in Louisbourg, apparently had the larger establishment, for with 
 her lived three sisters and a maid ; while the widow Radoub, who belonged to 
 St. Malo, lived by herself, and, if her name had any significance, exercised a 
 humbler form of the art. Nor was the gardener the only person who promoted 
 the amenities of life ; one Simon Rondel had come from Namur to carry on 
 his profession as a teacher of dancing. 
 
 The earlier disapproval by the authorities of having negroes in Cape Breton 
 had broken down through the intercourse with the West Indies, and several of 
 the families had negro servants brought from the French islands.' They were 
 baptized, and in the majority of the cases the godfather and godmother were 
 sons and daughters of the officers of the garrison. 
 
 The three bells for the chapel in the citadel were blessed and baptized as 
 St. Louis, St. John, and St. Anthoine-Marie, the last being named for Sabatier, 
 who was acting at the time, 1733, as Ordonnateur, and for Madame Bourville, 
 wife of the King's Lieutenant. The bells for the Recollet church in town were 
 also baptized, with De Lort, a merchant of the town, as godfather, and Marie, 
 the wife of Despiet, an officer of the garrison, as godmother. 
 
 The illegitimate children of the town were cared for by people of 
 position taking the responsibility of godfather and godmother to these un- 
 fortunates. These were not numerous, considering the fact that it was a large 
 
 ' St. Ovide to the Minister, Nov. 27, 172+, vol. 9.

 
 1738 THE ENVIRONS 89 
 
 garrison town, frequented by fishermen for six months of the year, and was the 
 home of families from which the husband was often absent. Practically the 
 full number is known owing to the necessity for baptism among Roman 
 Catholics. 
 
 In the environs the twenty-five years of settlement had developed the 
 country, as is shown on a contemporary map. A road " on which two 
 carriages could drive abreast," still passable except for the bridges, had by 1738 
 been opened through to the Mire, which it reached opposite Salmon River. 
 On the beautiful meadows which form its banks, St. Ovide had his concessions, 
 and in his neighbourhood were settled some few retired soldiers. 
 
 The Sieur Jean Milly, a principal merchant of Louisbourg, had an 
 establishment not distant from that of the Governor. It is probable that these 
 were the two estates which were described by Gibson, who led a party to the 
 Mire in 1745.^ 
 
 " We found two fine farms upon a neck of land that extended near seven miles in 
 length. The first we came to was a very handsome house, and had two large barns, well 
 finished, that lay contiguous to it. Here, likewise, were two very large gardens ; as also 
 some fields of corn of a considerable height, and other good lands thereto belonging, besides 
 plenty of beach wood and fresh water .... The other house was a fine stone edifice, 
 consisting of six rooms on a floor, all well finished. There was a fine Vail before it, and 
 two fine barns contiguous to it, with fine gardens and other appurtenances, besides several 
 fine fields of wheat. In one of the barns there were fifteen loads of hay, and room 
 sufficient for three score horses and other cattle." 
 
 Living people have seen the brick floors of a large byre with the bones of 
 many cattle on it on the southern side of the Mire, near Albert Bridge. The 
 properties of M. de Catalogne and the Fathers of Charity ran along the Mire 
 River and shore of the bay, into which it empties, and Lagrange, a sergeant, and 
 Boucher, the Engineer, owned the lands behind the Lorambecs, and caused much 
 dissatisfaction to the fisherfolk by refusing permission to cut the wood necessary 
 for their flakes. The description of these farms would indicate that this 
 outflow of enterprise and population would come from a more thriving town 
 than the official letters described. Scarcity of food is a serious thing, but 
 satisfaction, with her offspring comfort and energy, treads close on the heels of 
 supply. It was only after St. Ovide's time that the accounts indicate stagnation 
 from want. 
 
 The officers were approximately of the same social grade, and that noble. 
 They were of different origins : some, as Bourville, were Normans ; the Du 
 
 ' This identification is not certain. Gibson's distances seem all inaccurate, but Milly was the only known proprietor 
 likely to have so important an establishment, unless St. Ovide had built after his absence, which is not likely. The 
 direction by which the scout marched, west-north-west, prevents these being those of the Ptres de la Chariti and 
 Catalogne. There is some evidence that Du Vivier had in 1745 a farm on the Mire.
 
 90 THE MILITARY CIRCLE 1738 
 
 Chamboti and Dangeac families, as well as St. Ovide, were from the south-west 
 
 provinces of France ; the PereJles were Parisian, and the Canadian connection 
 
 was kept up by D'Ailleboust, after the younger Rouville, born in Isle Royale, 
 
 had returned to Canada ; while the families of De Cannes and De la Tour were 
 
 Acadian. Catalogne, a Protestant of Beam, who had been admitted to the 
 
 Catholic Church, had come to Isle Royale after a distinguished service as 
 
 Engineer in Canada, apparently possessed of some means, for he not only bought 
 
 property in the town, but an extensive tract of land along the slopes of that lake 
 
 which was then known as the Barachois de Mire and is now called by his name. 
 
 Among this little group of people marriages were frequent. It might 
 
 almost be said that they were all connected. Villejouin, for example, came to 
 
 Isle Royale in 17 14, dying there four years later. After a widowhood of ten 
 
 years, his wife married D Ailleboust, connected with the Perelles ; their son married 
 
 a De Gannes-Falaise, whose mother was a De la Valliere ; while another sister 
 
 married Couagne, an officer. La Valliere intermarried with the Rousseau 
 
 Souvigni, and a daughter of the latter family became the wife of Chassin de 
 
 Thierry, the grandson ot an Ecuyer de la Bouche de sa Majeste (Louis XIV.). 
 
 The daughters of the De la Tour family married, as might be expected ; Jeanne 
 
 was the wife of Rousseau Souvigni, but the brother, judging from the names of 
 
 his two wives, married among the bourgeois, and so on through the list. The 
 
 older Catalogne came to Louisbourg as a married man, and one of his four 
 
 daughters married before she was of age a De Gannes-Falaise. While these 
 
 were socially correct marriages, others went outside of their own class. The 
 
 young Baron de I'Esperance, an officer of the Swiss companies, married a 
 
 Demoiselle Rodrigue. Young Bois Berthelot married a Des Goutins. Two of 
 
 the descendants of the Baron de la Poterie married Daccarettes of the superior 
 
 bourgeoisie. A D'lle la Valliere, apparently after a hasty courtship, for the 
 
 vessel was not long in port, married Fierrot, a lieutenant of a ship of the East 
 
 India Company which in 1744 called at Louisbourg. Another sister, Barbe, 
 
 married Delort, a merchant of the town, an alliance more unusual than the 
 
 military men marrying the daughters of merchants. The Dangeac family 
 
 apparently married into the bourgeoisie in the second generation. The first 
 
 to serve in the colonies was the older Gabriel, who began his career in 1685. 
 
 He was transferred to Cape Breton, where he died in 1737. His son served in 
 
 Isle Royale, became Governor of St. Pierre, and died in 1782 after fifty-seven 
 
 years in the King's service. He made at Louisbourg in 1735 a misalliance 
 
 which enhanced the vigour of his race, for there are letters extant from his two 
 
 daughters, one aged ninety-four, and another, Charlotte, aged eighty-nine, 
 
 written in 1830. As these old ladies, when Queen Victoria was in her teens, 
 
 could have boasted that their grandfather was alive when Charles the Second
 
 1738 THE SWISS COMPANIES 91 
 
 reigned in England, it illustrates the extraordinary space of time which can be 
 covered by three generations. 
 
 As somewhat unwelcome members of this community came, in 1721-22, 
 two detachments of the Swiss Regiment of Karrer, raised by the King to 
 supplement the naval troops. The officers and men were Protestants, but, 
 notwithstanding the friction at first, they adjusted themselves. Some of the 
 non-commissioned officers married ; and the elder De I'Esperance, a Baron of 
 the Holy Roman Empire and son of the Lieut.-Colonel of the regiment of the 
 Duke of Wurtemburg, was admitted to the Catholic Church and married 
 Margueritte Dangeac, a step which he represents as costing him his patrimony. 
 
 Complaints were made that the Swiss troops held tenaciously to their 
 privileges as Protestants, but the example of De I'Esperance was followed by 
 not an inconsiderable number of his men, mostly among those who were married 
 and were householders. Other cases occur. A native of " Hampcher," an English 
 Calvinist, a Dutch Lutheran, and one "Gyleis," an Irish Anglican, made their 
 peace with the dominant Church, while here and there occur entries in the 
 register which indicate that the French wandered into New England colonies. 
 Couples remarried after .living in Massachusetts, children born in New England 
 were baptized, all this showing the benign influences of mutually profitable trade, 
 and a zeal on the part of the Recollets or their parishioners, which, like the 
 care of the negro and the unfortunate, give fairer impressions of the community 
 than we get from some reports of scandalous conduct. 
 
 The high-sounding names of these officers did not imply any great 
 splendour in their way of life. All of these families, by the census of 1734, 
 except that of the Dangeacs, had two servants. In food they had good 
 material to work with. Fish and game were abundant.^ Voltaire somewhere 
 draws a comparison between the splendid equipages of Lima and their absence 
 in Louisbourg ; a more significant indication of the modesty in life in Isle 
 Royale is that although every year one or more men-of-war visited it, remaining 
 usually several weeks in port, none of their officers married into its families, 
 while many daughters of planters in Martinique and St. Domingo became the 
 wives of naval men." 
 
 Costebelle was in financial difficulties, but in his time he occupied the first 
 position in the colony. The returns of his goods sold at auction in 1720 for 
 the benefit of his creditors give some details. The first article offered was a 
 yellow satin dressing-gown lined with blue taffeta. It was followed by a scarlet 
 coat embroidered in gold, a suit of coffee-coloured cloth lined with silk and 
 
 1 The latter was cared for, for twice at least the shooting of partridges was prohibited. Forest fires, however, which 
 also made fuel dear, were their greatest enemy. 
 
 - Among them, two M'Carthys, obviously Irish, and presumably Jacobites, who were in the French Navy, became 
 rich by such alliances.
 
 92 PUBLIC REJOICINGS 1738 
 
 embroidered in silver, which, bringing ninety livres, made it less valuable than 
 another cloth suit, bordered with gold, which brought one hundred and seventy 
 livres. Twenty-one shirts were sold and nine cravats. In silver there were 
 apparently only ten table spoons and forks, and two silver candlesticks, his 
 table service being made up by three dozen pewter plates and fourteen dishes, 
 while there were only eight table-cloths and three dozen napkins, which would 
 indicate either a meagre supply for the position he occupied, or that not all of 
 his household goods were then disposed of. The proceeds of this sale were 
 distinctly less than those of a ship's captain who died in port and whose 
 personal effects, in which were twenty-four gold buttons, brought 1600 francs. 
 
 But there were brighter sides to life in Louisbourg than these details of 
 circumscribed conditions and narrow incomes. It was permanent, for there 
 were very few changes in the garrison or civil officials. There were the 
 pleasures of the chase for those who cared for them.* Gaming was common 
 and excessive in the later years of the town, and with its prevalence in France 
 it probably at all times passed away many hours for society.^ The town 
 appealed to a New England chaplain, who writes of the fine walk along the 
 ramparts.^ 
 
 They had public celebrations which kept them in touch with events in 
 Europe, and made it evident that Isle Royale was a part of a great kingdom. 
 A Te Deum was sung for the restoration to health of the King in 1721, and 
 another for the birth of a Princess in 1728, but the greatest entertainment was 
 at the time of the rejoicing for the birth of the Dauphin.* On the 26th of October 
 1730, at daybreak, there was a salvo of artillery, another during the Te Deum at 
 High Mass, and a third with a discharge of musketry at nightfall. Bourville, 
 the acting Governor, gave a dinner to eighty military officers, followed by a ball. 
 De Mezy, at his house, had a dinner of twenty-eight for the civil officers and 
 the principal merchants, and the following days gave two dinners of sixteen for 
 the captains in port, and of twenty to the staff, his house being too small to 
 entertain, at one time, all whom he wished. The festivities closed by the 
 officers of the garrison giving a feast for eighty, followed, like that of De 
 Bourville, by a ball. No such rejoicings seem to have taken place in Louisbourg 
 since Meschin's dinner in 1716, whereat the tally of salutes was lost in the 
 mists of his exuberant hospitality. 
 
 Cape Breton has weather as dreary and disappointing as well can 
 be conceived. There are weeks in autumn when a dull earth meets a leaden 
 sea, in winter when the ground is white, the sea sombre. In spring the sea 
 
 * Le Normant's bag one morning at Balcine was forty birds. 
 
 ^ Verrier's picture of the town designates by the local standard a rather imposing house on the Rue du I^ort as " le 
 billard." We have no indication as to whether this was a club or a public place for the game. 
 s William's Journal. « Vol. ii, f. 21.
 
 1738 THE CLIMATE OF LOUISBOURG 93 
 
 is white and glistering with drift ice, the land dreary with dead vegetation. 
 In early summer sea and land are dank with fog, and at any time occur gales 
 of wind which are always blustering and often destructive. Although by 
 the accounting of the meteorologist the difficult or unpleasant conditions 
 predominate, the good weather so far surpasses in degree the bad, that, the 
 latter past, it seems but naught. On fine days the moorland is a sheet of 
 glowing russet and gold, the rocks are so noble a background, for the most 
 pellucid of seas, the clouds which hang in the overarching blue are so 
 monumental in shape, the line of coast which dies down to the eastern horizon 
 is so picturesque in outline, that they, seen through an air sparkling, limpid, 
 exhilarating in the highest degree, make of Louisbourg a delight which must 
 have appealed to its people in the past, as it does to the visitor of to-day. 
 Above all, when the inhabitant reached the turning-point of his promenade at 
 the ramparts, he looked out over an ocean which stretched unbroken to southern 
 polar ice. That ocean was the only highway of important news. On it 
 mysterious sails appeared in the offing and pirates plundered. Each ship 
 which worked in from its horizon might bring tidings of adventure or of 
 consequence to the onlooker or the community. With such a prospect life 
 might be hopeless but it could not be permanently dull.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Maurepas had contemplated improving the administration of Isle Royale 
 before matters had come to a head with St. Ovide. On his dismissal, the 
 Minister acted in the best interest of the colony, for from the applications for 
 the position of Governor he selected Isaac Forant,^ a captain of the ship of the 
 line. He offered the place to him privately, so that in the event of his 
 declining, the choice of a successor would not be more difficult. Forant did 
 not consider the position worthy of his rank, as Isle Royale was only a 
 dependency of New France, and the Governor-Generalships of New France, 
 St. Domingo, Martinique, and Louisiana were held by naval officers of his own 
 standing. After the intimation to him that it was the King's wish that he 
 should go, he made no further difficulties, and set sail on the 'Jason for 
 Louisbourg, where he arrived early in September 1739.'^ 
 
 For the first time the colony was placed under a new administration, for 
 on the same ship was the new Commissaire-Ordonnateur, belonging to a family 
 distinguished in the magistracy, but untried in colonial administration.^ He 
 had been principal clerk at Rochefort, and began, as the associate of Forant, a 
 colonial career which for ever links his name, Fran9ois Bigot, with the darker 
 passages of the latest years of French rule in Canada. 
 
 The ample instructions to Forant and Bigot indicate that the Minister was 
 familiar with the condition of affairs at Isle Royale, but do not disclose whether 
 the self-reliance which these officials displayed was the result of instruction or 
 of personal qualities. The contrast between their administration and that of 
 St. Ovide shows clearly how far a system may be modified by the character of 
 the men it employs. St. Ovide and both the Le Normants constantly quarrelled. 
 
 ^ Isaac Louis Forant was the son of Job tie Forant, Premier Chef d'Escacire des Armies Navales. He passed 
 through the ordinary course of naval instruction and promotion, in the course of which he visited Louisbourg and other 
 ports in American waters beginning in 1724. In this year he made charts of the Grand Banks, A. N. Marine, C', 108, 
 and B*, 48. The Habitant says that the family was of Danish origin and left their country on account of their 
 religion. 
 
 ^ His commission was dated April i, 1739. 
 
 ^ His father was a councillor of the Parliament of Bordeaux, akin to Puysieulx, Minister of Foreign Affairs, so that 
 the son entered the King's service in 1723 under favourable auspices. 
 
 94
 
 1739 FORANT AND BIGOT 95 
 
 They lacked initiative, and found, when they did make decisions, that these were 
 frequently overruled. The merchants, fishers, and officers of the Admiralty 
 complained of their acts. Their official reports to the Minister seem, at times 
 to have been intentionally inaccurate. The new officials took up their duties in 
 harmony, with vigour and self-confidence, and seem to have had no hesitation in 
 laying before the Minister the exact condition of affairs under their charge. 
 
 Immediately after his installation Forant, calling together the troops at 
 Louisbourg, which consisted, including the garrison of the outports and Isle 
 St. Jean, of eight companies of sixty men and one hundred Swiss, told them 
 that any complaints that any of them might make would be carefully considered 
 and justly dealt with. His report on them was far from satisfactory. 
 
 "With the utmost sincerity I may say that I have never seen such bad troops. We 
 would not keep one hundred soldiers, if we discharged all those who are below the 
 regulation height. But without regard to stature and physique I believe that it is better 
 to discharge invalids, who are pillars of the hospital and occasion much expense and are of 
 no use whatsoever, as well as rascals who not only are incorrigible, but are even capable of 
 leading others into vicious ways. ... It is better to have fewer men than to have them 
 of this character." ^ 
 
 He deals severely with the conditions in which the troops live. In the 
 stately barracks their quarters were wretched. They slept two in a bunk, and 
 Forant immediately requested for them a supply of mattresses and bedding, for 
 the hay on which they slept was changed but once a year, and, therefore, was 
 so infested with vermin that many preferred to sleep during summer on the 
 ramparts. Notwithstanding such conditions and the relations of the men with 
 their officers, so low a standard had the soldiers, that, in response to his 
 invitation, no complaints were made. 
 
 He then called together the officers of the garrison in his apartment, and 
 laid before them the complaints of their conduct which had reached the Minister. 
 These were, that not all the troops were carried on the rolls ; that verbal leave 
 of absence was given to the soldiers, so that it was said privates had been twelve 
 or fifteen years in the colony and had never mounted guard ; that new recruits 
 had to buy unnecessary clothing, which the officers supplied from the uniforms 
 of the soldiers who had died in the hospital ; that their canteens encouraged 
 the soldiers to drink ; and that the officers obtained provisions in excessive 
 quantities from the King's store. The officers seemed much affected by these 
 charges, and assured him that they were not so bad as they had been represented. 
 They instituted on the spot certain reforms, and he closed the interview by 
 saying that the best way to discredit the bad impressions of the past was to see 
 that in the future no grounds for complaint should occur. 
 
 1 I.R. vol. z6.
 
 96 THEIR IMPROVEMENTS AND PLANS 1739 
 
 Forant on his previous cruises had visited Louisbourg and was familiar 
 with its requirements. Knowing its dependence for defence on artillery, he had 
 provided in France a vi'ooden cannon to serve as a model. He brought it with 
 him on the Jason, mounted it in the barracks, and thereafter gun drill took 
 place every Sunday. This he did as preliminary to the establishment of an 
 artillery company, the necessity of which he urged on the Minister as the troops 
 were unskilled in serving artillery. 
 
 The unsettled state of affairs in Europe directed the attention of Forant 
 and Bigot to the military condition of Louisbourg. They wrote that in a time 
 of peace it was suffering from the scarcity of provisions,' and in time of war a 
 privateer or two in the Gulf and the Strait of Canso could reduce them by 
 famine, unless there were more ample stores. It was necessary to send out more 
 guns with their equipment, and to remount those already on the ramparts, as 
 their carriages had decayed. They pointed out that it would be inadvisable to 
 attempt the preservation of guns by dismounting them for the winter, as, if they 
 were attacked, it would be very early in the year before they could get them 
 remounted. Forant wrote to urge the Minister to begin the war by attacking 
 Acadia. With two frigates, two hundred regular troops, two thousand muskets 
 for the Acadians, whom the English would probably disarm, the expedition under 
 his command, he would answer for the result. Acadia joined to Isle Royale 
 would make a flourishing colony," and desiring secrecy he wrote in his own hand 
 a letter,^ displaying his eagerness for attack : " I have the honour to say only, 
 that in the situation in which we find ourselves we require fewer forts and less 
 outlay to attack than to defend ourselves." ^ The principle was sound ; when 
 war came it was, however, the enemies of Isle Royale who acted on it. 
 
 The garrison needed strengthening. He pointed out, as St. Ovide had 
 often done, that it was inadequate to do more than ordinary duty, but he could 
 get on with the increase of two or three companies and the artillery company. 
 He begged the Minister not to be deterred by the expense of more barrack 
 accommodation, for he could provide for eight more companies by giving up his 
 own house, and utilizing for himself that of Verrier, who was to go to France 
 the following year. 
 
 Bigot was not less active, on his side, in carrying out the Minister's 
 instructions. He introduced a system of supervision of the King's stores which 
 was, in his view, called for in a country where officials owned boats, and in 
 consequence had crews to feed, and were interested in other commercial ventures 
 
 ^ Vnuiireuil, who commanded the yaion^ had supplied several vessels with provisions which they could not obtain 
 in the town. 
 
 ^ Nov. 14, vol. 21, f. 72. ' Nov. 16, f. 86. 
 
 * " J'ay I'honneur de vous dire seulcment que dans la situation oil nous nous trouvons il nous faut moins de fortes (?) 
 et de dcpances pour ataquer que pour nous defandre."
 
 1739 BIGOT'S EFFORTS TO PROMOTE TRADE 97 
 
 which they had more at heart than the uiterest of the King. He estabhshed 
 an office at the warehouse to supervise the distribution of stores, and made an 
 attempt to introduce the contract system in the purchase of supplies. His first 
 effort, asking tenders for molasses for three years, was unsuccessful, on account 
 of the high price asked by the merchants, who feared war. During the course 
 of the war with Spain the French merchants had enjoyed the benefit of Spanish 
 markets for fish over those of England, but its ending would throw them open 
 to competition with England. This caused Bigot to look to the West Indies 
 for an extension of the trade in fish, and he suggested to the Minister the 
 imposition of a duty on salt beef to promote in these islands the consumption of 
 cod, if it would not hurt the commerce of France. 
 
 He promoted experiments for the manufacturing of fish-glue, which seemed 
 to be successful. He was the first persistent friend of the Cape Breton coal 
 trade, which seems to have languished, for he at once sent a sample to France, 
 and, as it again proved good, he continued in later years his attempts to develop 
 this important industry. He supported his case by pointing out that the coal 
 mines of Cape Breton supplied New England, and that their produce would be 
 two-thirds cheaper in France than the coal which the King was then buying. 
 
 While their letters of instructions had carefully defined their respective 
 duties, Forant and Bigot seemed to have worked in entire harmony and acted 
 together on matters which, strictly, were exclusively entrusted to one or the other 
 of them. Bigot gave his opinion on military matters, and we find not only a 
 desire to secure the best interests of the traders ot the place on the part of Bigot, 
 but that he associated Forant in his dealings with these matters. Le Normant 
 had left an elaborate memoir dealing with the fisheries, which for some years had 
 been unprofitable. He proposed in it various remedies. Bigot and Forant, 
 before making any report on the matter, called together the principal traders of 
 the place, and discussed the subject with them. They also called a general 
 assembly of the inhabitants and arranged with them the rates to be established 
 for wintering boats in the little harbour, which had been made in the Barachois 
 de Lasson. 
 
 The business of the colony went on in a satisfactory way. Twelve vessels 
 had been built in Isle Royale during the year, eight had been bought from New 
 England, and Bigot urged on the Government to give the same shipbuilding 
 bounty, 5 1. a ton, as was given in Quebec. The Minister was informed in 
 relation to foreign trade that only one English vessel had come, which was sent 
 by Armstrong, Governor of Nova Scotia, with a little flour, the proceeds of 
 which had been exchanged for French goods. Permission had been readily 
 granted for this trading, as Forant and Bigot were desirous of placating 
 Armstrong on account of the missionaries of Acadia. The abundant crops of 
 
 I
 
 98 DEATH OF FORANT 1740 
 
 Isle St. Jean, where there was now a considerable Acadian population, encouraged 
 there the further clearing of land. 
 
 They secured, by employing these judicious methods, a willing acceptance 
 of their proposed regulations before they were issued, and in the only case of 
 conflict of jurisdiction, Forant asserted his supremacy over the officials of the 
 Admiralty so tactfully that there was no friction about this matter, nor over the 
 release by him and Bigot of a vessel from the western shore of Newfoundland, 
 which the Admiralty officials had condemned on technical grounds. 
 
 There was no disagreement between them when it came to the consideration 
 of a most important proposal made by Beauharnois and Hocquart to establish 
 a warehouse at Louisbourg which, kept permanently supplied, would prevent the 
 famines to which the colony had throughout its existence been exposed.^ They 
 said, with sound judgment, that if the storehouse were the King's every one 
 would depend on it, while if it belonged to a company it would ruin commerce. 
 
 The following year, 1740, was opening with plans for further development 
 when the career of Forant was cut short, in the Inclement spring of Louisbourg, 
 by an attack of pneumonia, to which he succumbed on May 10, after an illness 
 of thirteen days. He was buried, at Bigot's instance, and in spite of the criticism 
 of some of the military, in the chapel of the citadel, Bigot considering that his 
 position as Governor entitled him to this unusual honour. His eulogy of his 
 late associate was handsome. Forant knew character, he recalled to better 
 courses his subordinates who had fallen away, was upright, and inspired by a 
 sense of justice which was all-important in an establishment full of cabals. Bigot 
 begged that a successor like him should be sent out. Forant testified in his will I 
 to his high opinion of Bigot, for the latter was made his executor; and in the 
 disposition of his property showed his interest in the colony where he had ruled 
 so short a time by bequeathing a fund for the education of eight daughters of 
 officers in the Convent of the Sisters of the Congregation. After a short 
 interval this bequest was made effective. 
 
 The few months in which they administered the colony were too short to 
 show many results, but the harmony with which they worked, the intelligence 
 with which they grasped the situation, their interest in trade, their conciliatory 
 attitude to the people, make it reasonable to believe that had Forant been 
 appointed at the time St. Ovide became Governor, and ruled as long, the 
 condition of Louisbourg would have been very different. 
 
 Bourville again took charge. At different intervals he had served six years 
 in all as acting Governor. He now unsuccessfully applied for the position. 
 While he discharged its duties he continued to make plans for defence, and 
 representations of the needs of the place in the same strain as his predecessors. 
 
 ' Vol. 21, p. 23.
 
 1740 
 
 DU QUESNEL APPOINTED 
 
 99 
 
 He arranged to put, in event of attack, the fishermen and sailors at the outlying 
 batteries, and reserve his troops, unfamiliar with artillery, for the defence of the 
 walls. The successor to Forant chosen by Maurepas was Du QuesneV who 
 hurriedly left France for his new post, where he arrived on November 2, 1740, 
 and at once assumed the duties of the position. 
 
 When Du Quesnel was installed the defence of the town at once occupied 
 his attention. He stumped forth to inspect the work, for he was one-legged, 
 a cannon-ball having carried away one leg and shattered the other when he was 
 on the Admiral's ship in the action off Malaga in i 704. He found the works 
 of the town in good condition, agreed with the view expressed in one of Forant's 
 latest letters (February 8), that the royal battery was unsatisfactory on account 
 of the lowness of the embrasures on the landward side, important in a place 
 where a surprise was more to be feared than a regular attack. He repeated the 
 complaints of St. Ovide, Forant, and Bourville, that the garrison was inadequate.- 
 He asked for fifty more Swiss, as some of the troops knew not their right hand 
 from their left. Their supply of arms was short, and Bigot joined him in asking 
 for fifteen hundred more muskets, that the inhabitants might be armed. ^ 
 
 Du Ouesnel and Bigot represented that the supply of powder should be 
 kept up to its present quantity, so that the five tons they had recently received 
 would be available for privateers should war break out. They asked for six 
 twelve-pound guns of the new model, which had commended itself to Du Quesnel. 
 
 ' Jean Baptiste Louis Le Prevost, Seigneur du Quesnel, de Changy Pourteville et d'autres lieux. I have found little 
 about his professional advancement. He was made captain, October 1731, and had evidently been in the West Indies, 
 for his wife was Mademoiselle Giraud de Poyet, daughter of the Lieutenant de Roi at Martinique. The Hahiiant says, 
 *' Poor man, we owe him little j he was whimsical, changeable, given to drink, and when in his cups knowing no restraint 
 or decency. He had affronted nearly all the officers of Louisbourg. and destroyed their authority with the soldiers. It 
 was because his affairs were in disorder and he was ruined that he had been given the government of Cape Breton." 
 There is no evidence in other sources to confirm this view. 
 
 - An analysis of the guards made in 1741, after the troops had been increased by So, shows how they 
 were disposed ; 
 
 Guards and Reliefs — 
 Citadel, King's Bastion 
 Queen's Bastion 
 
 Port Dauphin Gate 
 Maurepas Gate 
 Store-house, Treasury 
 Hospital Battery 
 Artillerymen 
 In Hospital 
 Royal Battery . 
 Island Battery . 
 At Port Dauphin 
 At Port Toulouse 
 Isle St. Jean 
 
 A total of 651, while the whole force was 
 
 10. With the Island Battery ungarrisoned, 
 
 combatant force. Bourville wrote in August 1740 that 556 men could not fill the posts (vo! 
 ^ They had in store only five hundred at this time. 
 
 94 
 94 
 76 
 
 76 
 
 103 
 16 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 41 
 
 certainly left no effective 
 23, p. 71).
 
 loo PLANS OF DU QUESNEL 1740 
 
 These cannon were intended for the defence of the town ; but in addition they 
 asked for a supply of guns and shot, for the same purpose as the extra supply of 
 powder, the use of privateers.^ 
 
 The condition of affairs continued so threatening that he asked the officers 
 who had received permission to go to France (Verrier, Cailly, Commander of 
 the Swiss, De Pensens, and Sabatier) to remain at their posts, to which they all 
 cheerfully consented. He also took up a scheme of attack after consultation 
 with Du Vivier, Du Chambon, the senior officer being at Isle St. Jean.^ They 
 discussed Forant's plan of attack on Annapolis. They emphasized the necessity 
 of sending the two men-of-war for which he asked at the same time as the 
 Basque fishermen who left France in February. They called the Minister's 
 attention to the fact that, as the English would probably not remain passive, 
 and Louisbourg would be their objective if they took the field, that the defences 
 of that place should not be weakened. Du Vivier presented an alternative 
 scheme to that of Du Quesnel. It was to select two hundred men of the 
 Louisbourg troops, who were to proceed late in the autumn to Acadia, and lie 
 hidden in the forests until snow made travelling possible. Then, reinforced by 
 the Indians and Acadians, the latter being induced to join the expedition by the 
 payment of lavish prices for their provisions and supplies, these forces should 
 rush the feeble defences of Annapolis over its snow-filled ditch, and overpower 
 its small garrison.^ They would require for the expedition two hundred troops, 
 eight hundred muskets, two hundred haversacks, and 40,000 1. in cash. These, 
 if the plan was approved, the Minister was asked to send. 
 
 While these military matters, being of the most vital concern, were en- 
 grossing the attention of the authorities, the ordinary commercial business of 
 the colony was being carried on. The energy of the administration in the 
 colony seemed to have been reflected in the bureau of the Minister, for the 
 reports from Isle Royale now received a more careful examination than they had 
 in the past. Bigot's attention was called to the fact that although the catch of 
 fish in 1739 was valued at 3,061,4651., and in 1740 at 2,629,9801., seventeen 
 more vessels had come from France in the latter year. These either had 
 returned not fully laden or had bought English cod. Bigot dealt with the 
 matter with his accustomed openness.^ He admitted that smuggling went on. 
 
 ^ They asked for 6 of six pounds with 900 shot, 24 of four pounds with 4500 shot, and copper ladles for hot 
 shot (I.R. vol. 22, p. 215). As the letter of the Habitant is the most generally known contemporary account of 
 these years it may be pointed out that in reference to sending out privateers, as well as in other matters, the actions 
 of the local officials, of which the writer complained, were known to and encouraged by the Minister. 
 
 - Letter, December i, 1740. ^ Five companies each of 31 men. 
 
 * He further points out that the captain's personal ventures are not included in returns, nor those of the exports of 
 Ingonish, the most important place after Louisbourg. I have found no evidence that the practice was different this year 
 than at previous times, and hazard the surmise that it was the case with which the excuse passed scrutiny that opened to 
 him the possibilities of enriching himself by improper means.
 
 I74I BIGOT AND ILLICIT TRADE loi 
 
 The new England vessels brought mostly tar, pitch, and planks, and in return 
 bought rum and molasses, for which there would be an inadequate outlet if it 
 were not for this trade. He informed the Minister that Sieur Lagarande, the 
 richest and most charitable merchant of Ingonish, was concerned in this contra- 
 band trade, but that the principal place where it took place was at Petit de Grat. 
 This could easily have been prevented by efficiency on the part of the officer at 
 Port Toulouse, Du Bois Berthelot. A boat to watch this commerce which was 
 carried on with Canso should be kept, but that unless manned and officered 
 from a man-of-war, it would be useless. Somewhat later he pointed out that 
 French and English vessels were accustomed to meet at Martengo,^ a port to 
 the westward of Canso, where they exchanged cargoes without molestation from 
 either French or English officials. The new vigour in the home administration, 
 or confidence in Bigot's representations, is shown by the removal, when these 
 reports were received, of Du Bois Berthelot from Port Toulouse, and by the 
 authorization given to Bigot to arrange with D'Aubigny, captain of the man-of- 
 war on the station in 1741, for the proposed coast-guard, for which a barge of 
 thirteen oars was sent out. This searching statement of the actual state of 
 affairs, the proposal of remedies, and the immediate acceptance of the sugges- 
 tions by Maurepas, are without counterpart in the previous history of Isle 
 Royale. 
 
 The first dispatch received in July by the Louisbourg authorities intimated 
 to them that the political situation was unchanged, that only through necessity 
 would the King be drawn into war, but if France should become involved, the 
 two men-of-war which the King proposed to send to American waters would 
 be dispatched to Louisbourg to protect the fisheries, and carry out plans 
 Maurepas had previously sent them. He referred them also to his instructions 
 to Forant, and with a confidence for which his own acts had given little ground, 
 expressed the view that while the English might make an attempt on Louis- 
 bourg, the reports he had received led him to the opinion that it would be 
 without success. Instead of establishing two more companies he increased the 
 eight already at Louisbourg by ten men each, sent fifty more Swiss, and enough 
 recruits to bring all the companies up to their full strength of seventy men. 
 Fifteen thousand pounds of powder, eight hundred muskets, and some cannon- 
 ball were shipped out with them. Du Quesnel accepted these supplies, only as 
 an instalment of what was necessary. They had, he reported, in their armoury, 
 not a pike, pistol, or sword, and needed mortars as much as small arms. They 
 were, however, doing all they could. Satisfactory progress was being made on 
 the fortifications.^ They had increased the number of workers by bringing in 
 
 1 I.R. vol. 23, p. 17. 
 2 The transfer of this work from Ganet to Muiron, the new contractor, was made without loss of time.
 
 I02 PREPARATIONS FOR WAR 1741 
 
 the soldiers from the outports, while abolition of Monday as a holiday, and 
 their efforts to prevent the soldiers getting drunk on rainy days, made the work 
 more effective. The population was divided into militia companies of fifty men 
 each, and Verrier projected a small bastion on the landward side of the Royal 
 Battery ^ to overcome the weakness of that fortification. The only disquieting 
 reports received, except those from headquarters, were rumours which reached 
 them from the West Indies of depredations on French commerce by English 
 privateers, and the appearance off the port of a suspicious vessel. They sent 
 out Morpain, the port captain, in search of her. He cruised along the coast 
 and entered the smaller harbours without any result. 
 
 The Swiss had always giveii some trouble in their dealings with the 
 Governor, as they were tenacious of the privileges granted to their regiment 
 the Karrer, possibly because the Louisbourg detachment included its leading 
 company, " la compagnie Colonelle " ; but this year Cailly, their captain, made 
 the most serious disturbance by refusing, on a question of precedence, to assemble 
 his men when ordered by Du Quesnel. His refusal was formal and in writing, 
 so that Cailly was dismissed ; but his wife having made intercession for him 
 with Du Quesnel, the latter brought his influence to bear on the Minister, which 
 led to Cailly's reinstatement." 
 
 The necessity of pushing on the works, and of safe-guarding the morals, 
 not only of the troops, but of the people of the town, led the authorities to 
 make, after a long interval, efforts to limit the sale of drink. St. Ovide had 
 never found the settled season which Costebelle thought was necessary before 
 it could be effectively dealt with. Du Quesnel and the captains agreed that 
 the canteens which they had kept, and were a considerable source of profit to 
 the company commanders,' should be suppressed. He noted that Du Vivier 
 had never kept one, having taken the course of giving his men a little money 
 when they wished to divert themselves, an indication of his being well off; the 
 result possibly of those commercial ventures of which the merchants of Louis- 
 bourg had complained. They dealt with the public sale of drink by regulations 
 which prohibited traffic in it to any who were capable of earning a livelihood in 
 some productive employment. Those who engaged in it must have a licence 
 and display a sign ; they were forbidden to sell to soldiers on duty or working, 
 to sailors and hired fishermen who were supplied by their masters, or to any one 
 during the hours of divine service, and after the retreat had been beaten ; the 
 penalty for an infraction of any of these rules being the confiscation of their 
 Supply and a fine of lool. Further efforts to improve the morals of the place 
 
 ' This was not built. - Vol. 23, 60, 72. 
 
 ^ Du Quesnel says that they must shut their eyes to the profit which the officers make from supplying their men, 
 as the pay of a captain, 1420 1. is too little. He also speaks well of Du Chambon, who succeeilcii him, as he never engaged 
 in trade, he was poor.
 
 1742 SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS 103 
 
 were made by the Minister sending from the West Indies a negro to apply the 
 rack to criminals.^ 
 
 The influence for good exerted by Forant was losing its effect. Du 
 Quesnel said that things were slipping back into bad ways, that his efforts to 
 right them had made him unpopular, but that he carried with him the best of 
 the officers and citizens. He praised Bigot, who, he added, had no other object 
 than the good of his service. The Minister showed his confidence in them in 
 the most satisfactory way. Du Quesnel received an indemnity of 5000 1. for 
 the expenses of his removal to Isle Royale, and Bigot, making his request with 
 a statement that he had never expected to ask for anything but advancement, 
 says he was compelled, by the expenses of living at Louisbourg, to solicit an 
 increase in his salary. The Minister sent to him an additional 1200I. with 
 a commendation of his zeal. Somewhere in the man were the potentialities of 
 the Bigot of Quebec. They do not appear in the frank, intelligent letters of 
 one who was a favourite with his associates, who asked for a second Forant as 
 Governor, from whom a Minister demanded no more than to continue as he had 
 begun, who placed in him, as years went on, increasing confidence, and, un- 
 solicited, gave him promotion. 
 
 In 1742 Bigot had to deal with those economic conditions which so often 
 had injured the colony. In May they sent an express to warn Maurepas that 
 Louisbourg was again on the verge of starvation. They had attempted to 
 obtain flour at Canso, but without success, and they were further disquieted by 
 the report that the exportation of provisions from New York and New England 
 was forbidden. Nevertheless, in the emergency, they sent a vessel there with 
 some hopes of obtaining a cargo for it, as an officer ^ of Canso was interested in 
 the venture. 
 
 Du Quesnel and Bigot suggested that to avoid the recurrence of these 
 periods of scarcity a store-house for flour from New England should be 
 established at Louisbourg. This would have given no immediate relief even it 
 permission were given to undertake its founding. The situation demanded 
 prompter remedies. In June the soldiers were persuaded to submit to the 
 limitation of their bread to a pound a day, which set free about three hundred- 
 weight of flour to be distributed among the needy. The fishermen also cut 
 down their consumption, which helped matters ; but the curtailment of food was 
 uncomfortable, and the dearth of vegetables produced ill-health among the 
 
 1 Vol. B, 72, f. 10. 
 
 2 It seems a fair surmise that this was Bradstrcet, then an officer of this garrison, who was related to several of the 
 officers at Louisbourg. Bradstrcet says that he was thoroughly familiar with Nova Scotia, so that this connection would 
 have arisen probably through the De la Tour family. He was certainly interested in trade, for in 1741 he visited Louis- 
 bourg, carrying to Du Quesnel the congratulations of Cosby. He there sold his schooner, bought rum with us proceeds, 
 and laid out two thousand crowns in the port (T.R. vol. 23, f. 57).
 
 I04 THE FISHERIES A FAILURE .742 
 
 people. This distressing condition continued until August, when some relief 
 was obtained by the arrival of small vessels from New England and Quebec, 
 and in September the arrival of the store-ship from France brought abundance. 
 But to fully justify Du Quesnel's description of Isle Royale as an unhappy 
 colony, as the fishing had been a failure, the people were too poor to buy food 
 at the high prices asked. Bigot, who had previously seen the agricultural re- 
 sources of the Mire, and regretted that so fair an estate on its banks had been 
 given to St. Ovide, saw this year, on a tour of inspection to the northern parts, 
 the agricultural lands along the Bras d'Or lakes, which made him certain that 
 the island might become self-sustaining. The Minister sent a prompt reply 
 which denied approval to the recommendation of a store-house for New England 
 flour, although he had previously been told that the merchants of Quebec did 
 not fear the competition of New England. In this he followed the same policy 
 as the Navy Board of the Regency which had disapproved in 17 16 of Coste- 
 belle's suggestion of a permitted trade with New England. Costebelle had 
 accepted the decision without protest. Bigot did not hesitate to warn Maurepas 
 that, if his views were carried out, the colony would be injured. Crops in 
 Canada would in the future fail, as they had in two successive years. If Isle 
 Royale must depend on France alone, without drawing any part of its supplies 
 from New England, the cost of living would be so permanently enhanced that it 
 would carry on its business at a great disadvantage. He returned to the matter 
 the following year, and showed that flour from New England delivered at Louis- 
 bourg cost less^ than French flour delivered at Rochefort. In addition to this 
 disadvantage, the shipment of flour with which he made comparison was so poor 
 in quality that it could only be used by mixing it with that from the British 
 colony. 
 
 Such periods of scarcity as this had been passed through not infrequently. 
 Nothing, however, had arisen in the past to affect the fundamental advantages 
 of Isle Royale in its great industry, but in these years complaints of the 
 quality of the fish it sent to European markets were heard. As we learn 
 from English sources - that the curing of fish at Canso was bad, these 
 complaints of the poor quality of French shipments give basis for a confirmation 
 of the reports that the merchants of Louisbourg bought Canso fish, as they 
 were cheaper than their own catch.^ In the midst of these discouragements, 
 the promise of a new trade gave encouragement to Its people. It had been 
 thought that Louisbourg would prove an admirable port of call for French 
 merchantmen on long voyages. This year the Baleine of Nantes, from 
 Vera Cruz to Cadiz, called at Louisbourg for provisions and a convoy for 
 the remainder of her voyage. Her cargo consisted of treasure and such 
 
 ' 16 or 17 1., as against 17 1., 18 1., iS 1. 10 s. (vol. 25). - CO. 5/5 ; B.T.N. S. 5. ' Wecden, p. 595/6.
 
 1742 DU QUESNEL'S OPERATIONS 105 
 
 valuable commodities as cochineal and indigo. She was followed by other 
 vessels of the same kind, but this course proved disadvantageous to the port 
 and disastrous to most of the vessels.^ 
 
 The possibilities of war seemed in Europe no nearer, although, in July, 
 Du Quesnel was warned that they might change at any moment. Du Vivier's 
 plan had been considered, and Du Quesnel was told to get all the information 
 he could. In reply he informed the Court that an engineer had come to 
 fortify Annapolis Royal in brick, and to erect fortifications at Canso, which 
 should not be permitted. He asked for orders, either to openly stop the 
 work, or to stir up the Indians against the English. A further cause or 
 uneasiness was the action of an English man-of-war which had prevented 
 the French from fishing off Canso, but Du Quesnel was not in a position 
 to act firmly. The Minister had not responded to their demands for further 
 troops and supplies. He would not consider their proposals for additions 
 to the fortifications. Those already projected, he wrote, must be completely 
 finished before any new work should be undertaken. The King was surprised 
 that after so many years there was so much work in an incomplete state. 
 Moreover, the state of the Royal treasury was such, that they could not send 
 out the supplies and munitions for which the Governor had asked. Du 
 Quesnel's answer was reasonable : they would do the best they could, although 
 the supplies were essential. He accepted a suggestion of the Minister to 
 minimize their demands for artillery, by moving the guns from one battery 
 to another, which they would do if the field carriages were sent. His view 
 was that the outlay already made on Louisbourg, as well as its importance, 
 demanded that he should be put in a state to respond to the confidence 
 placed in him.- 
 
 With the long break in its activities caused by the winter season it was 
 easy for the hopeful to trust that when the season reopened things would 
 be better, for they had closed in gloom. The colony was in the most 
 miserable condition it had ever been. The purchases of supplies at exorbitant 
 prices to avoid starvation made it impossible for the people to carry out 
 the engagements into which they had entered. Bigot looked forward to a 
 certain loss on the shipments of provisions which had been sent out to sell 
 to the people in the two preceding years. The French merchants complained 
 to the Minister that they could not continue shipments to Isle Royale unless 
 they were paid for previous ventures. Moreover, they were also deterred 
 by the fear of finding their market forestalled by arrivals from New England, 
 and although official information had been given to all the shipping ports of 
 
 ' The treasure ships which called in 1744 hampered the military operations and reduced the number of men 
 in the town by shipping many in their crews. In 1745 the ships were captured. ^ Vol. 24, Oct. 7, 9, 22, 24.
 
 io6 DIFFICULT CONDITIONS 1743 
 
 France in the previous autumn of the need of supplies at Louisbourg, this 
 official intimation produced little effect. Bigot rose to the situation and was 
 able to report that he had collected from the people 32,000 1.,^ more than he 
 had expended for supplies, and in the autumn the French ships which had 
 come out had sold their carcjoes well." 
 
 The torpor of malnutrition affected the commerce of the country. The 
 people would not take up the manufacture of glue, nor the shipment of " noQes 
 de morues," for which a market had been found in France. Bigot's efforts 
 to push forward the coal trade had not met with much success. The coal 
 was too light for the heavy forging on which it had been again tested at 
 Rochefort. Its export was further hampered by the prohibition to take it 
 on men-of-war or the store-ships of the navy, on account of the danger of 
 spontaneous combustion, although merchant vessels made no objections to 
 carry it to the West Indies. Above all, the fishery was a failure. A fortuitous 
 circumstance relieved the military aspect of the food supply. Alarmed by 
 the appearance of caterpillars in Canada, its authorities wrote in July 1743 
 to those of Isle Royale that they must obtain for them from New England 
 at least 40CO barrels of flour. They acted promptly, for Hocquart said that 
 on them depended the salvation of Canada. Du Vivier was sent to Canso 
 with a credit of 80,000 1. to buy this supply. He had completed the purchase 
 before a second letter came from Quebec informing them that the pest had 
 disappeared and the harvest promised well, so there was no longer a necessity 
 for the supply. Sixteen or seventeen hundred barrels were delivered that 
 autumn, and more would have been sent had the authorities of Boston and 
 New York not been advised by the English court to be on their guard. 
 They had in consequence prohibited further shipments to Louisbourg. The 
 anonymous Canso agent of the French was at Louisbourg when this news 
 was received. He said the authorities would not have interfered with further 
 shipments had he been on the spot, as he would have cleared the vessels for 
 Placentia, and further promised, should it be at all possible, to continue 
 shipments the following year even if war broke out ; an incidental verification 
 of the view that commerce was a more dominant factor in the eighteenth 
 century than national animosity. Bigot proposed, and the Minister consented, 
 to use this extra supply as a reserve which would give rations for the troops 
 until October 1745. There were other foreshadowings of the strained relations 
 with England than the forbidding of exportation to Louisbourg. The English 
 man-of-war at Canso captured a vessel of Du Chambon on her voyage from 
 
 ^ On previous occasions of the same kind his predecessors had never succeeded in malcing more than trifling collections. 
 - The returns of commerce do not indicate as serious a falling-off in vessels as might be expected from the phrasing 
 of these letters.
 
 1743 DU QUESNEL'S REPRESENTATIONS 107 
 
 Isle St. Jean to Louisbourg, and Du Vivier returned to Canso, this time in 
 his military capacity, and made such representations that the vessel was released. 
 The slackness with which the colonial affairs of England and France were 
 administered, is shown by the fact that Cosby and Du Vivier had copies of the 
 Treaty of Utrecht which differed in the points of the compass determining 
 the fishing boundaries, as had the documents to which Smart and St. Ovide 
 referred in 1718. In a score or more of years this needless cause of mis- 
 understanding had not been cleared up. 
 
 The year was unsatisfactory in a military way. Men were scarce in France ; 
 the King's treasury was low and this affected the strengthening of Louisbourg, 
 but the Minister promised to do the best he could the next year, when they 
 might expect enough cannon for one flank of each battery. Signals were 
 arranged for the men-of-war, which were to be dispatched as soon as the 
 rupture took place. The companies were full, so only thirty recruits were 
 sent out, which left unanswered Du Quesnel's insistent demand for reinforcement. 
 Their efforts to push on the work had produced results, the walls were 
 complete, the parapet and one gate on the quay were finished, as well as the 
 supplementary batteries at the Prince's Bastion and the Batterie de la Grave. 
 He pointed out again that the work at the Dauphin Gate was necessary as 
 well as the razing of Cap Noir, which commanded all the southern fortifications. 
 This, Du Quesnel said, had never been proposed by the engineers, as the 
 recommendation of this course would have exposed their mistake in not in- 
 cluding this eminence within the walls of the town. 
 
 As in all emergencies, the ordinary business of life went on much in its 
 accustomed way, funds were allotted, ecclesiastical and civil matters dealt with, 
 promotions were made, gratuities distributed. Six young ladies were enjoying 
 the advantages of Forant's bequest ; and two chats-cerviers were sent from 
 Louisbourg for the King's menagerie, to succeed in La Muette the one whose 
 fondness for music had been the delight of the Royal children.-" 
 
 The condition of Louisbourg was in the highest degree unsatisfactory. 
 It was the key to Canada, it gave a base for fishery, but it was inadequately 
 supplied with provisions and munitions of war ; its garrison was not only 
 inadequate, but of poor quality ; its artillery required an increase of seventy- 
 seven guns to make all its fortifications effective. For ten years the plan of 
 attack, if an attack was to be made, had been laid by its Governors before the 
 Minister, and these documents had not all been pigeon-holed. They were 
 known to Maurepas himself, and there exists a memorandum which is marked 
 "presented to the King" {parte au roi), dated June 20, 1743, which gives 
 a resume of the history of Louisbourg." This places the responsibility of its 
 
 1 De Goncourt, Portram mtima, p. S. ' I-R- ™1. 26, p. 219.
 
 io8 MADAME DE POMPADOUR 1743 
 
 condition on Louis XV. himself. So much of evil in his career has been 
 attributed to the malign influence of Madame de Pompadour, that it may be 
 noted that at this time when, more than in later years, he neglected his colony, 
 she was Madame d'Etioles, and had never seen His Most Christian Majesty, 
 except in the hunting field.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The declaration of war with England was made on March i8, 1744, and 
 expedited to Louisbourg by a merchant vessel of St. Malo, which arrived on 
 May 3. It was accompanied and followed by letter after letter to encourage 
 privateering. Blank commissions were sent out to Du Quesnel, as Maurepas 
 was alive to the advantage of being first in the predatory field. His encourage- 
 ment, however, stopped short of making a gift of the powder and shot which 
 was sent out for the use of these vessels, for he sent instructions that they 
 must pay for these supplies. A prompt shipment of food was promised, and 
 permission was given to Bigot to send to New England for an additional 
 supply. Orders were given for the two men-of-war to go to Louisbourg, and 
 referring to the fortification of Canso, Maurepas said that the best way of 
 settling the question was by the capture of that outpost of the English. The 
 King, he added, wished that Du Quesnel should use the Indians to continually 
 harry the English in all their settlements. These instructions, involving 
 carrying the war into the colonies, and, if they were to be successful, demanding 
 vigorous execution, found Louisbourg ill-prepared to do its part. 
 
 On May 9 there was food in Louisbourg for no longer than three weeks 
 or a month, although the people were living largely on shellfish.^ This 
 condition, unusual in the spring, had arisen through the Basque fishermen not 
 coming out. The authorities foresaw that if help did not speedily come they 
 would have to send the inhabitants back to France, unless they should migrate 
 in a body to some foreign country. The fisher folk of Baleine and the 
 Lorambecs, under the pressure of famine and the fear of war, had come in, and 
 were plotting with those at Louisbourg to force the government to supply them 
 from the military stores. Du Quesnel took steps to prevent an uprising, and 
 lessened its possibility by giving some provisions to prevent the people dying 
 of hunger. Some vessels arrived, and reduced the distress, although again 
 in September it was only the receipt of the stores from Quebec which prevented 
 their abandoning the colony, and even then Du Chambon wrote that " to-day 
 
 ' Du Quesnel to Maurepas, vol. 26. 
 109
 
 no REITERATED WARNINGS 1744 
 
 it was more than ever to be feared that this accident would arrive." They 
 were in no condition, said Du Quesnel in his letter of May 1 / to undertake an 
 enterprise against Acadia. He was anxious to send out privateers, but he 
 had only Morpain, who was already at sea, and Doloboratz, then engaged in 
 the expedition to Canso, and therefore applied to the Governor-General of 
 Canada for men. It seemed superfluous to say that as they had no pistols or 
 cutlasses the men of Louisbourg were loath to go unarmed on such expeditions. 
 He again pointed out to the Minister that their request for troops, artillery, 
 arms, and provisions had not been granted, and the condition of the place, no 
 less for defence than offence, was pitiable. Their difficulties were material. It 
 required no more than the receipt of some further provisions and munitions 
 of war to cause the Governor and officers to undertake the aggressive operations 
 suggested to them by the Minister. 
 
 Canso was the first object of attack ; its condition was to the last degree 
 indefensible. Its garrison consisted of about one hundred and twenty men, 
 commanded by Captain Patrick Heron of Phillips' regiment. In the harbour 
 was a sloop of war of unspecified strength, in command of which was Lieutenant 
 George Ryall,- detached by Captain Young of the Kinsak for the protection of 
 the fisheries and the prevention of trade with Isle Royale. Its defences were a 
 blockhouse built of timber by the contributions of the fishermen and inhabitants, 
 in so poor a condition that to its repair, and that of the huts in which the 
 soldiers lived, their officers had frequently contributed from their private 
 purses.^ The military authorities of England were as slow as those of France. 
 It was not until July 19, 1744,'' that the Master of the Ordnance was directed 
 to order that the Fort of Annapolis be put into a good posture of defence 
 without loss of time, and that a fort of sod-work be erected at Canso with 
 the assistance of some of H.M. ships of war, and that General Phillips' regiment 
 be forthwith augmented to the highest establishment. 
 
 On the 23rd of October 1744, a warrant was passed to add 10 sergeants, 
 10 corporals, 10 drummers, and 392 privates to Lieut.-General Richard Phillips' 
 regiment serving in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland ; establishment to take place 
 from 25th August 1744. 
 
 Statement annexed of the cost of maintenance of " A Regiment of Foot 
 commanded by Lieut.-Genl. Phillips."^ 
 
 ^ To Vaudreuil. Du Quesnel's spirit is shown in a letter to Maurepas : " trois points de mon discour Monscigneur 
 troupes vivres et munitions de guerre avec quoy vous devez estre persuade que cette Place ne craindra rien et que jc la 
 deffenderay au deli de ce qu*on peut esperer " (May ii, vol. 26, pp. 55-56). 
 
 ^ Captain's letters. 
 
 ^ Such was its condition as reported by Mascarene, Governor of Nova Scotia, and confirmed by the letters of 
 Captain Young of H.iVI.S. Kimale. 
 
 * B.T. Jls. vol. 52, p. 137. 
 
 ^ Consisting of companies of 70 private men in each.
 
 1744 
 
 THE CAPTURE OF CANSO 
 
 1 1 1 
 
 10 per day, i.e. 
 o\ 
 o 
 
 10 
 
 + 
 3 
 
 Field and StafF Officers £2 
 
 Colonel, I2S. 2d. in lieu of servants . . . . o 
 
 Lt.-Col o 
 
 Major, 5s. ; Chaplain, 6s. 8d. ; Adjnt., 4s. . . . o 
 
 Ouarter-Master, 4s. 8d. in lieu of servant . . . o 
 
 Surgeon, 4s. ; Mate, 2S. 6d. ..... o 
 
 One Company, £^ : 18 : 6 per day, including — 
 
 Captain, 8s. 2d. in lieu of servants .... ^^o 
 
 Lieut., 4s. 8d. „ ...... o 
 
 Ensign, 3s. 8d. ,, ...... o 
 
 3 Sergeants at ........ o 
 
 3 Corporals at ........ o 
 
 2 Drummers at ........ o 
 
 10 Privates at ....... . o 
 
 Other expenses ........ o 
 
 Eight other Companies do. . . . . . . 31 8 o 
 
 One Company of Grenadiers. 
 Pay and numbers the same as last, except they had two Lieuts. and no Ensign. 
 
 Expense P. diem . . . £3 ^9 6 
 
 o 
 8 
 8 
 
 6 each 
 o „ 
 o „ 
 8 „ 
 o .. 
 
 U3 '8 6 
 
 Total for Regiment^ 
 
 £41 13 10 
 
 For the first time, in May of this year, the officers of Louisbourg set out on 
 a warlike expedition.- The command was given to Du Vivier, one of the sons 
 of the first officer who died in Louisbourg, where he and his brother were 
 brought up by their mother in a modest house on the Place du Port with 
 dependencies extending to the Rue Royale. In the peace of that place he had 
 spent his entire life. The force was made up of 22 officers, 80 French and 37 
 Swiss soldiers, and 2 1 8 sailors, mostly the crew assembled for manning the man- 
 of-war Caribou, built at Quebec. They embarked on the schooner Succes, 
 Doloboratz' privateer, a vessel of Du Chambon, and fourteen fishing boats. 
 They met no resistance when they appeared before Canso.^ On May 24 a 
 capitulation was signed by which the garrison and inhabitants surrendered. 
 They were to remain prisoners of war for a year, their property was to be spared 
 and carried to Louisbourg on the schooner of Bradstreet, and Du Vivier under- 
 took to use his best efforts to have the ladies and children sent at once to Boston 
 or Annapolis. The same terms were given to the crew of the guard sloop. 
 News of this exploit was sent to Boston. Shirley asked to have Heron sent back, 
 but the latter would not abandon his troops. Du Quesnel returned all those 
 
 1 In all S15 men, officers included (War Office, 24/232). 
 
 " Boularderie says that, as none of the officers had any experience in war, he was asked by Du Quesnel to go on the 
 expedition (Dermers Jours, p. 188). 
 
 2 A. M. St. M. vol. 50. The Habitant, never trustworthy, says Du Vivier had 600 soldiers and sailors. The total 
 force was 351.
 
 112 EXPEDITION TO ANNAPOLIS 1744 
 
 captured at Canso, on condition that they would not bear arms against France for 
 a year from September i, the time of their release, and forwarded to Shirley an 
 agreement duly signed. Shirley at once repudiated this action, on the ground that 
 Heron and his men acted under duress ; but Heron and the other officers intimated 
 that they felt themselves bound by the agreement into which they had entered, and 
 when there was need of their services the next year it apparently required official 
 action to free their consciences.^ The vital part of the transaction was the cost 
 of maintaining these troops, which Shirley did not care to assume, and of which, 
 in the conditions of Louisbourg, Du Quesnel was anxious to be rid. Shirley did 
 not accept the views of Du Ouesnel, but their correspondence was courteous, and 
 was accompanied by an exchange of presents. Du Quesnel sent with one of his 
 letters a barrel of white wine. Shirley's reply was supplemented by a cask of 
 English beer and three turkeys. The Governor of Massachusetts, notwithstand- 
 ing these marks of good feeling, was firm in maintaining the position he took in 
 regard to the prisoners. He also refused Du Quesnel's proposition that in any 
 warlike operations the fisheries of both nations should, as in the beginning of 
 the century, be neutral and undisturbed, his ground for this being that the 
 French had been the aggressors." 
 
 It was not expected that Canso would make any resistance, but the con- 
 ditions at Annapolis were not favourable to a brilliant defence. Its fort was 
 built of earth of a sandy nature, " apt to tumble down in heavy rains or in thaws 
 after frosty weather." It had been repaired from time to time with timber, and 
 there was then assembled on the ground material for its permanent reconstruction. 
 It was, however, laid out on such a scale that it would require five hundred 
 men to defend it, and the garrison consisted of five companies, each, at its full 
 complement, of thirty-one men. The conditions of defence were therefore not 
 different, except to the disadvantage of the English, from those of Louisbourg. 
 Its small garrison, commanded by Mascarene, was, for example, so ill-supplied 
 with arms that there were not enough muskets to arm the reinforcements it 
 received. Its troops were so ill-clothed that they were permitted to wear a 
 blanket when on sentinel duty, and the provision of six or seven " watch coats " 
 made of duffle, worn in turn, added much to the comfort of the garrison during 
 the next winter. Its people had been thrown into a panic on May 1 8 by the 
 report that Morpain, port captain of Louisbourg — so renowned a privateer in 
 the wars of thirty odd years before, that his name still struck terror into an 
 English population — was to appear before the place at the head of a band of five 
 hundred French and Indians. The inhabitants of the lower town, among 
 whom were the families of several officers and soldiers, began to remove their 
 
 ^ An order in Council was passed, nth of April 1745, directing both officers and men to disregard the capitulation 
 forced 00 them by Du Quesnel (B.T. JU. vol. 53). - CO. 5/909.
 
 1744 DU VIVIER'S INSTRUCTIONS 113 
 
 goods into the fort. The report proved unfounded, but the arrival of the 
 Massachusetts galley shortly after, bringing news of the declaration of war, 
 gave an opportunity for some of the officers to send their families to New 
 England. These were followed by as many as two other vessels could carry, 
 but even after they had left, seventy women and children were quartered within 
 the fort. Bastide, the engineer, had come on the Massachusetts galley, and 
 under his direction temporary repairs were made to the fortifications, which work 
 was carried on by the aid of the French inhabitants, until a band of Indians, on 
 July I, caused the withdrawal of the French. Mascarene had only a hundred 
 men in the garrison fit for duty. The workmen from " Old and New England " 
 on the whole behaved well, but the grumbling of some of the New England 
 men, who took the ground that they had come to work, not to fight, " Caus'd a 
 backwardness and dispiritedness amongst their fellows." The loss was small in 
 the first attack by the Indians, who reached the foot of the glacis, but were 
 dislodged by the cannon of the fort, which kept them from doing further harm 
 than marauding, until the arrival of the first reinforcement of seventy men from 
 Massachusetts caused them to retire. This reinforcement was followed by a 
 second detachment of forty. Both of them, however, were sent without arms, 
 and the supply on hand was not enough to furnish them with efficient weapons. 
 The capture of Canso being effected, the next point of French attack was 
 naturally Annapolis. Du Vivier set forth early in August.^ He had with him 
 thirty soldiers and various munitions of war on the schooner Succks and another 
 vessel. At Isle St. Jean he took on twenty more soldiers. His first duty was to 
 quiet the Indians at Bale Verte, who were pillaging the Acadian inhabitants. His 
 instructions from Du Quesnel for his later operations, were to confine the 
 troops of England within Annapolis Royal, so that the assistance the French 
 expected to receive from the Acadians should appear to the English as forced 
 from them, and, still further to protect and encourage the inhabitants, to pay 
 those who gave them any assistance. The hope of any Acadians joining Du 
 Vivier was meagre, for only two hundred and fifty muskets were sent to arm 
 them. Du Vivier was to approach Annapolis Royal, and if he found it possible 
 to make a sudden attack, " A faire quelque coup sur Eux," he should do so, 
 taking care, nevertheless, not to compromise the troops or the inhabitants of the 
 country. If his report was favourable, and no contrary orders were received from 
 France, Du Quesnel promised to send him some vessels to attempt the taking of 
 the fort. If it could not be done without endangering themselves too much, and 
 with a moral certainty of success, he was to withdraw, leaving one or two officers 
 with the soldiers, and a hundred picked Indians, so as to prevent the English 
 
 ' His expenses at Mines began on the 29th, which may be taken as the Hate of his arrival in the settlements of 
 Nova Scotia.
 
 114 HIS OPERATIONS AT ANNAPOLIS 1744 
 
 disquieting the Acadians. He was to retire by September 15, unless he had 
 then received word from Du Quesnel ; and he was again cautioned to display 
 the utmost prudence, to expose no one needlessly, and to protect the Acadians 
 as far as possible. These instructions, which, it will be seen, were in effect 
 simply to confine the English within the fort, that the Acadians might be 
 unmolested, to make a reconnaissance and to report, were not such as to lead to 
 a dashing or determined attack. 
 
 Du Vivier arrived before the fort with colours flying, and then retired to 
 his encampment about a mile distant. His Indians made disquieting attacks, 
 night after night, on the little garrison, the commander of which had no intention 
 of troubling the Acadians, who were left to gather in their harvests, which 
 Du Quesnel feared they would not be permitted to do. Du Vivier sent word 
 to Du Quesnel that the attack should be made, and was informed in reply that 
 the Ardent and Caribou, two ships of force, would be dispatched to his aid. 
 Du Vivier thus completely carried out his orders. He prepared scaling-ladders 
 and combustible materials in preparation for the event, and on his own initiative 
 entered into negotiations with Mascarene.^ He sent his brother, who was 
 serving with him, on September 14, to Mascarene with a letter saying that he 
 expected reinforcements by sea, and proposed that Annapolis should surrender, 
 offering very favourable terms, which were not to be effective until his good 
 faith had been proved by the arrival of the French ships. He thus evidently 
 expected no more resistance than he had found at Canso. His views were so 
 far justified that when Mascarene consulted his officers he found that the 
 majority of them were in favour of accepting the French proposal.^ Mascarene, 
 feeling that his hand was being forced, made the heads of the various departments 
 sign a statement of the condition of the works and of the garrison, and then 
 permitted, through chosen officers, various negotiations to go on, and consented 
 (purely as a preliminary) to an acceptance by these officers of Du Vivier's terms ; 
 but although "desired and pretty much press'd " to sign himself, he absolutely 
 refused. The truce, which had been arranged for carrying on these negotiations, 
 was then broken off. Mascarene found that the men of the garrison, whom 
 their officers had represented as dispirited, were really uneasy over these 
 negotiations with the enemy, and, to cut them short, had threatened to seize 
 their officers "for parleying too long with the enemy." He "immediately 
 sent the Fort Major to acquaint them with what was past, and that, all parley 
 being broken off", hostilities were going to begin again, to which they expressed 
 their assent by three cheerful Huzzas to my great satisfaction." Fifty more 
 men of Gorham's Rangers arrived from Boston, and Mascarene threatened to 
 
 ^ Mascarene to Shirley, Dec. 1744, N.S. Arcliives, vol. i, p. 140. 
 2 " All the officers, except three or four, very ready to accept the proposal."
 
 1744 HIS WITHDRAWAL 115 
 
 visit Du Vivier at his camp. Before he did so, word was brought to him that 
 the French had gone. His first idea was that it was a feint, but he found to 
 his astonishment that they had left the country, which, not unnaturally, he 
 attributed to their fear of his making an attack. Thereafter the British 
 were only disquieted by the Indians, who were dispersed by the rangers of 
 Massachusetts, incited thereto by scalp bounties which Shirley went beyond his 
 powers as Governor of Massachusetts in guaranteeing them.^ 
 
 Du Vivier had withdrawn, not fearing conflict, but on account of orders 
 he had received from Louisbourg. Capt. De Cannes, who felt that he had 
 claims to lead the expedition superior to those of Du Vivier, had been appointed 
 to take charge of the detachment which was to winter in Acadia. He set out, 
 after making some difficulties, and, as his conduct shows, with no intention to 
 allow any credit to Du Vivier, but with the purpose of asserting to the utmost 
 limit his authority over him. He insisted on an immediate withdrawal, would 
 not wait to destroy the storming materials which Du Vivier had prepared, nor 
 to hear Mass, although the time of their leaving was a Sunday morning. 
 
 Both expeditions returned to Louisbourg, where De Cannes found himself 
 " sent to Coventry " by his brother officers and the people of the town. He 
 demanded a meeting with the officers in the presence of the Covernor. De 
 Cannes' excuse at this assembly was that he had no orders to carry on the siege ; 
 that he had retired from Port Royale because they had no provisions, and from 
 Mines because the inhabitants begged them to do so. He presented certificates 
 from his officers, that even when they went armed, to obtain bread from the 
 inhabitants, they had scarcely any success ; as well as one from the inhabitants 
 of Mines begging them to withdraw. The officers remained silent with the 
 exception of Du Vivier, who absolutely denied everything De Cannes had 
 said. They then examined Abbe Maillard and Du Vivier. Maillard 
 sustained Du Vivier's story and denied that of De Cannes. He explained that 
 the refusal of the inhabitants to give them bread began only when De Cannes 
 announced that they were to retire ; that previously there was abundance in 
 the French camp. The Abbe added that when De Cannes arrived at Mines, 
 
 ' " For which Reason I think it of such Consequence to his Majesty's Service that the Indians and other New 
 England Auxiliaries enlisted in- it at Annapolis Royal should have premiums for scalping and taking Captive the Indian 
 Enemy as the People within this Province have, and, as I am inform'd, as promised to the French Indians by Mr. 
 Du Vivier, that I am determin'd the present Demands of Captain Gorham and his Indians for three Scalps and one 
 Captive already brought in shall be satisfy'd in some Method or other upon the hopes of a Reimbursement from his 
 Majesty, and shall endeavour to procure for 'em the same premiums for the future from the Assembly upon the prospect 
 of their being reimburs'd in the same Way, since 1 find I can't prevail upon 'em to extend their own Bounty to those 
 enlisted in his Majesty's Service within his Government of Nova Scotia, which they seem to have an unalterable 
 persuasion ought to be given at his Majesty's Expence " (Shirley to Newcastle, Nov. 9, 1744, CO. 5/900). 
 
 I have found no reference in the French documents to any bounty offered by Du Vivier. It does not seem probable 
 that if a bounty had been offered this proof of zeal on the part of the authorities would have passed unnoticed in letters 
 to the Minister.
 
 ii6 DE CANNES' ACTION— DU QUESNEL'S DEATH 1744 
 
 the latter held a council with himself and the other priests, Miniac, Lagoudalie, 
 Leloutre ; that he represented to them the pitiful situation of the Acadians, 
 whom it would better serve to join with the English than to enter again into 
 allegiance with France, as Louisbourg was incapable of helping them. De 
 Cannes had gone on to make the same statement to the principal inhabitants, 
 with whom in the presence of the priests he arranged for presenting to him the 
 request to withdraw his force, on which De Cannes relied as a justification,^ and 
 notwithstanding a letter from Du Chambon blaming him for being so precipitate, 
 he persisted in his withdrawal. So when, in default of the ships of the line, 
 which for a variety of causes had not been sent, on the night of October 25 the 
 frigate Le Castor and two vessels with French troops arrived before Annapolis, 
 they found all quiet. Bonnaventure went ashore. He, to find out the situation, 
 aroused an inhabitant and brought him and a companion on board the frigate, 
 and from him heard the astonishing story that De Cannes had remained only 
 two days at the camp. The Acadians said that the fort, which contained only 
 provisions for eight days, was ready to surrender, and that the women and 
 children were prepared to fly to the head of the river, at the time the situation 
 was relieved by the departure of the French. After a stay of three days the 
 expedition returned to Louisbourg, taking with them their captures, two small 
 vessels with supplies from Boston. The deputies of the Acadians promptly 
 made their peace with Mascarene. 
 
 It is difficult to account for the conduct of De Cannes. His views were 
 justified by events, but unsuitable to be proclaimed by a French officer. Under 
 any administration less lax than that of the French Navy at that time, his 
 conduct would have met with the severest punishment. Du Chambon, who had 
 succeeded Du Quesnel after the latter's sudden death on October 9, instead of 
 deposing De Cannes, simply reported to the Minister. Bigot, ready enough 
 generally to express his opinion, brought no influence to bear on Maurepas, and 
 De Cannes continued to serve, and eventually passed to higher positions. 
 
 The only ones to suffer were the priests. Year after year the priests of 
 Acadia had been cautioned to confine themselves to their sacerdotal functions 
 and respect the British power. But the three priests who fell in with De Cannes' 
 views were deprived of their allowance from the French Covernment. 
 Desenclaves was not present, but a captured letter forwarded by Warren 
 expresses his views on the expedition : 
 
 " Surtout apr^s trop de L^g^retd que avoit fair paroitre du Terns de Monsr. Du Vivier. 
 II est ^tonnant que Ton se soit mis dans L'ld^e, qu'avec une petite Poigni^e du Monde qui 
 n'avoit aucune Idee de la Guerre on Voulut essayer de r^duire un Province aux Fortes 
 
 ' Oct. 10, 17+4, N.S. Archives, vol. i, p. 135, printed on p. 125.
 
 1744 THE FAILURE OF MESCHIN 117 
 
 de Boston" . . . and, thus, on the way they were treated as priests, "Le Point le plus 
 Important est celui de la Religion mais nous sommes entierement libre la-dessus, n'ayant 
 eut d'autre Empechement dans nos Exercises, que celui qui est devenu de la Part de 
 Francois ; Je pense Monsr. que ces Egards que Ton a la-dessus ne laissent pas d'atterer les 
 Benedictions de Ciel sur les Puissances qui nous commandent." ^ 
 
 Returning now to the events which had taken place at Louisbourg, we find 
 that the proceedings of the French men-of-war were as ineffective as those of 
 the land forces. Meschin was in command of the Ardent, a vessel of sixty-four 
 guns, which, although her departure had been planned for April, did not leave 
 Rochelle until June 18, and then convoyed twenty-six vessels for the West 
 Indies and Canada. After leaving them, he lost his bowsprit in a gale, shortly 
 before arriving at Louisbourg on August 16. He found that the Caribou, 
 a vessel built at Quebec, had been rigged and manned and was privateering 
 under the command of Morpain. He promised to be ready to sail for 
 Annapolis by the 5th or 6th of September after his repairs were made and his 
 crew refreshed ; but when the time came, his version is that Du Quesnel said 
 that it was undesirable to go, as the English had been reinforced, and that it was 
 important to guard their own coast from privateers. On the 9th they went 
 cruising, captured a privateer of twelve cannons, twenty-one swivels, and ninety 
 men, attempted to find three other Boston privateers at Newfoundland, and 
 returned unsuccessful on October 1 1 . 
 
 Bigot and Du Chambon proposed to him to attempt Annapolis, to which 
 he willingly agreed. The news of this venture having spread abroad, the 
 captains of eight vessels of the Compagnie des Indies made formal representations 
 to him, and, as well, to Du Chambon and Bigot, in which they said that they had 
 orders to come to Louisbourg to be convoyed thence to France by the King's ships. 
 Meschin proposed that they should accompany him to Acadia, as he might not 
 be able to regain Louisbourg on his way to France. As these vessels from 
 China and India were without moorings, their captains justly said that it would 
 be an enormous risk to their valuable cargoes to accompany him into the 
 Bay of Fundy. It was decided that he should take them to France, but, as the 
 voyage turned out, he might as well have gone to Acadia, for the fleet of fifty- 
 two sail which had left Louisbourg under his convoy became dispersed, and he 
 arrived towards the end of December without any of them. 
 
 A knowledge of this fleet of East Indiamen comes to us through a 
 deposition made by two men "of full age" who appeared in Boston in 
 September.- They had been in the East Indies, and being minded to return 
 
 1 Desenclaves to the Superior of St. Sulpice, Sept. 25, 1765, Ad. Sec. In Letters, No. 2655. Desenclaves was a 
 severe critic of his compatriots. Maillard also was not hopeful about French prospects ; see Canadian Archives, 1906, p. 45. 
 
 2 CO. 5/900, f. 122.
 
 ii8 FRENCH AND NEW ENGLAND PRIVATEERS 1744 
 
 home, had taken passage in the spring on a French East Indiaman the Mars, 
 and sailed for France in company with the Baleine. Five other ships left the 
 undesignated port in the East about the same time : three of which were from 
 China, loaded with tea and porcelain ; two others from Bengal and Pondicherry, 
 loaded with piece goods and coffee ; and the fifth from the Isle De Bourbon. 
 Off the Cape of Good Hope they fell in with a French vessel, which advised 
 them that war was about to be declared. At Ascension, where they arrived 
 about the latter end of May, a packet boat from France was waiting for them 
 with orders to proceed direct to Louisbourg. They arrived there, with one 
 exception, in July and August, and in the latter month also came in two armed 
 vessels of the company, with three or four merchantmen with provisions 
 and reinforcements for the armament and crews of the ships from the East. 
 The Mars and Baleine, after this strengthening, mounted upwards of fifty 
 guns, each with a crew of three hundred and fifty men. The FuUavie (?), 
 Philibert, Argonaute, and the Due cf Anjou mounted thirty guns with 
 a crew of one hundred and fifty. The deponents seem to have returned 
 from Louisbourg with the Canso prisoners, and at once gave this information 
 to Shirley. 
 
 Meschin was an officer of good reputation, and his letters shows willingness 
 to act. The moral effect of Shirley's unarmed and untrained reinforcements, 
 in deterring Du Quesnel from sending vessels against Annapolis, was of vastly 
 greater importance than the services of these levies in the actual defence against 
 the skirmishing of Du Vivier,^ 
 
 The New England colonies had remained on the defensive during the year. 
 All that they did was to lay an embargo with very severe penalties on trade with 
 Louisbourg and Martinique. Dissatisfied as were the officials of Louisbourg 
 with the number of privateers they were able to send out, those that they did, as 
 well as the privateers from France, making Louisbourg or ports in the West 
 Indies their head-quarters, seriously interfered with the extended commerce of 
 New England. Even with the towns of Isle Royale there were eighty or ninety 
 vessels regularly employed. The fishing fleet of New England was very large, 
 and their coasters plied along the littoral of the North Atlantic from Newfound- 
 land and the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the West Indies. In addition to Morpain, 
 Doloboratz was in command of a privateer of twelve cannon and as many 
 swivels, in which he assisted at the reduction of Canso, and then proceeded to 
 cruise on the New England coast. There he was captured, after a spirited 
 encounter in which no one on either side was injured, by Captain Tyng in the 
 Prince of Orange, the first " man-of-war " of Massachusetts." Nine vessels 
 
 ^ In addition to documents referred to, see also others in I.R. vol. 26 j Acadie, vol. S j Marine, B\ vol. 56, 
 and CO. 5/900. '^ Printed in full on p. 124.
 
 1744 H.M.S. 'KINSALE' IN NEWFOUNDLAND 119 
 
 were taken on the banks by two Louisbourg privateers early in June, and a 
 merchantman coming from Ireland/ with a number of women on board, who 
 were sent on to Boston with the Canso prisoners. These unhappy women were 
 thrown into terror by the statement of the master of the vessel on which they 
 were to make the voyage, that he had the right to sell them as slaves. Du 
 Quesnel informed Shirley of this, and begged his offices on their behalf, which 
 the latter effectively used. In another detachment Shirley received one hundred 
 and seventy prisoners, and Du Quesnel sent in addition seventy-seven to Placentia, 
 which would represent a not inconsiderable loss inflicted on the commerce of 
 New England.^ Some measure of it is shown by the fact that the sale of eleven 
 vessels taken at sea, and at Canso and Annapolis Royal, produced at Louisbourg 
 a total of 114,4091., according to the account rendered by the treasurer of 
 Louisbourg.^ These were the vessels taken on the King's account, others were 
 captured by private parties, and Bigot in his defence says that he sold, to the 
 great advantage of himself and partners, the prizes which he sent to France 
 instead of to Louisbourg. 
 
 The damage inflicted by the English during this year was vastly greater 
 than the losses suffered by her maritime commerce, although it was greater 
 than that of France. The Kinsale (44), Captain Robert Young, was again 
 sent out to this station. She left Plymouth on the 7th of May. On her 
 way to St. John's, Newfoundland, where she arrived on the 23rd of June, she 
 captured five vessels. By the 2nd of August, on a cruise to the westward, she 
 had destroyed St. Peter's and everything between Cape Ray and Placentia, and 
 had sent an expedition northwards, about Trinity, to take, sink, burn, and 
 destroy what French they met ; a kindly office which was also performed by 
 Louisbourg privateers for the abandoned English fishing stations on Newfound- 
 land. At Fishott, Young's expedition met with resistance, which lasted for five 
 hours, but they were rewarded with 18,000 quintals of cod and " 80 ton " of oil, 
 and another expedition captured five French privateers.* The nature of these 
 exploits justifies their inclusion in the record of privateering rather than that of 
 military operations. 
 
 On the coast of Isle Royale and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence English privateers 
 were most active, and interrupted the commerce between Quebec, Louisbourg, 
 and Martinique, so that Beauharnois and Hocquart wrote that it was necessary 
 to have a convoy to protect their trade. Their representations were supple- 
 mented by petitions of the syndics of the merchants of Quebec and Montreal, 
 
 1 Possibly the Hope. Cork to New England, reported in London, Nov. 8. 
 
 ^ " A List of 769 Ships taken by the Enemy which the merchants of London have received an account of, from the 
 Commencement of the War, March 31, 1744, to the nth of March 1745-6 inclusive," gives the name of six taken to 
 Cape Breton, all on deep-sea voyages. 
 
 5 I.R. vol. 27, f. 116. ■" Captains' Letters, No. 2732.
 
 I20 CONFLICTS AND CAPTURES 1744 
 
 who stated that, on account of Boston privateers, the previous year there had 
 been only half the ordinary trade, and that in the next year there would be 
 none. In September four of these privateers had taken five St. Malo fishermen, 
 and had other prizes even in sight of Louisbourg. The situation was so serious 
 that these officials did not hesitate to refer to the complaints of the merchants 
 against ships of the navy. These vessels arrived late in the season, their 
 officers were indifferent and remained in port. They went so far as to say that 
 four vessels manned by sailors of St. Malo, commanded by a townsman to be 
 selected by the King, would be a more efficient protection to commerce. 
 
 Boston had sent out since June, when the news of the declaration of war 
 was received, fifteen privateers, and four more were being built. Rhode Island, 
 a nursery ground (Pepiniere) of privateers, sent out twenty - three, and 
 Philadelphia seven or eight, which were fitted out with money borrowed from 
 Quakers, whose scruples did not permit them to engage directly in the lucrative 
 sport. Captain Jeffo, in the Swallow, brought to Boston not only the declaration 
 of war, but the news that he had captured a French merchantman bound for 
 Isle Royale, and set free an English ship homeward bound from Jamaica.^ New 
 York gave a great reception to Commodore Warren, who in the Launceston 
 brought in the St. Fmnfois Xavier with a rich cargo of sugar and specie. Captain 
 Spry of H.M. ketch Comet, received at Boston a handsome piece of plate in 
 recognition of his capture, off Nantucket, of a noted French privateer fitted out 
 at Louisbourg. She was more heavily armed and carried a crew of ninety, 
 compared with sixty-four men of the Comet. The fight lasted over five hours, 
 and was in doubt until Le Gras, the privateer captain, described by Shirley as a 
 brave commander, was shot through the temple by a musket-ball. - 
 
 A Massachusetts privateer did almost as much damage as H.M.S. Kinsale 
 and the expeditions Captain Young sent out. He broke up eight fishing 
 settlements within the space of five leagues, burned the houses and works, sunk 
 nearly one thousand boats, took seventeen ships, five of which were armed with 
 from eighteen to twelve carriage guns, and took nearly seven hundred prisoners.^ 
 French accounts do not permit the identification of the scene of these exploits. 
 They would appear to have taken place in the Gulf, and the sufferers to have 
 been the vessels of St. Malo and the shore fisheries at Gasp^. Even allowing 
 for exaggeration, for there do not seem to have been outside of Louisbourg any 
 settlements which would have yielded so rich a spoil, it seems probable that this 
 one vessel did more damage to the French than was inflicted by all the Louis- 
 bourg privateers on British commerce. 
 
 ' Shirley to Newcastle, Nov. 9, 44, CO. 5/900, f. 135. 
 
 " Among her crew were twelve Irishmen, one of them lately a soldier at Canso. They were detained in jail, and 
 the others exchanged at Louisbourg tor the men of New England privateers captured by the French. 
 ^ Shirley to Newcastle, CO. 5/900.
 
 1744 DOLOBORATZ' REPORT 121 
 
 The practice of privateering lacked official encouragement as little on one 
 side as on the other. Newcastle's letter to the Governor of Rhode Island 
 enclosing the declaration of war, ends with a command to do everything in his 
 power to encourage privateering, and to distress and annoy the French in their 
 settlements, trade, and commerce.^ The authorities of Massachusetts broke up 
 the comfortable custom of the old war by which privateers avoided each other, 
 and made those to whom commissions were given give bonds that they would 
 fight privateers as well as capture merchantmen.^ Governor Shirley sent for the 
 owners of a vessel commanded by one Captain " W.," who had allowed a small 
 French privateer to escape, with the result that the latter had since captured 
 several American vessels. This the Governor pronounced to be " scandalous 
 behaviour." The minutes of Council,^ August 16, less discreet than the 
 newspaper, says Capt. Samuel Waterhouse, of the brigantine Hawk privateer, 
 was severely reprimanded for " not vigorously attacking a French privateer of 
 much lesser force." Having promised "to manage his affairs for the future 
 more agreeably to the honour of his Commission," his commission was continued 
 on trial {News-Letter, August). This rebuke, or the chances of war, led, the 
 next week, to his sending three prizes to Boston. 
 
 The occupation was so attractive that one hundred and thirteen privateers 
 were sent out by the British colonies the next year.'' It was difficult to obtain 
 crews, as they were fitted out faster than they could be manned, so that special 
 inducements had to be offered to obtain a crew for the Prince of Orange, the 
 ship of the Commonwealth. 
 
 The effect of war naturally told on the commerce of Isle Royale, although 
 the chances of the sea gave some opportunity, even amidst privateers and men-of- 
 war, to carry on trade. In 1743 one hundred and seventy-two vessels from 
 other places than Nova Scotia and New England had come to Isle Royale. In 
 1744 there were fifty less, while the intercourse with these British colonies 
 almost completely stopped, for in place of seventy-eight in the last year of peace 
 only twelve came, and it is possible that these were prizes brought in and not 
 traders. 
 
 War, however, was the predominant interest of the time. Doloboratz was 
 captured in the vicinity of Boston, and while there as a prisoner a great deal of 
 liberty was given him. After his return to Louisbourg he presented to the 
 authorities a memoir stating the condition, not only of Boston, but of other towns 
 as far south as Philadelphia. He said that he knew Boston perfectly, had 
 previously been at Rhode Island, and had spent five days there at this time, where 
 
 ' R.I. Records, vol. 5, p. 80. ^ Newi-Laters. ^ CO. 5/80S. 
 
 * The Boston Nnm-Lemr proudly says that this is a greater fleet than the Royal Navy in the time of Ehzabeth. 
 The Gentleman's Magazine says one hundred were fitted out.
 
 122 REPORTS OF ATTACK FROM NEW ENGLAND 1744 
 
 he consulted with a native of France, residing in that place (Newport), from 
 whom he had bought a thousand barrels of flour to be delivered in April. His 
 view was that the defences of these places were weak. He would risk his life 
 on laying them under contribution if he had five or six vessels of war, a fire- 
 ship, and some small merchant vessels. He excepts from these New York, 
 which, being under a Royal Government, would be more difficult to attack, 
 as order is well maintained there, better than in those other towns where every 
 one is master. 
 
 Although Du Chambon's experience had been entirely at Isle Royale he 
 seems to have done what he could with vigour. As to warning the Minister, he 
 did so as forcibly as his predecessors, and had more specific information to give 
 him.^ He sent on Doloboratz' memoir," which contained the report that an 
 enterprise against Louisbourg was being prepared in England, and that the 
 four northern colonies had offered the English Government the services of six 
 hundred men and a money contribution amounting to ^{^800,000 of provincial 
 money, if they would send fifteen men-of-war for an expedition against Louis- 
 bourg. The merchants of Boston believed so firmly that this offer would be 
 accepted that they had laid in extra stores to sell to this fleet. Du Vivier also 
 brought back word from Acadia, that an enterprise against Louisbourg was to be 
 attempted in the spring, and the matter had been so fully discussed with his 
 English acquaintances that he was able to add that the English hoped to arrange 
 devices by which the Island Battery could be shrouded in smoke long enough 
 for their ships to enter the harbour. The authorities impressed on the Minister 
 that if he did not forestall the English, who would follow the ice to blockade 
 the port and prevent their receiving any help, the position of Louisbourg would 
 be a sorrowful one, as the English intention was to starve out the inhabitants, 
 and thus compel the reduction of the place. Du Chambon was doing all he 
 could for its defence, and attempted to provide a large quantity of faggots on 
 the quay for the use of the fire-ships. He proposed a battery on the top of Cap 
 Noir, and asked the Minister to send out more cannon and bar iron for use in the 
 guns of the Island Battery. Their efforts were not confined to preparations for 
 defence. They sent a new memorandum of the requirements for an expedition 
 against Annapolis more powerful than the preceding ones, as Annapolis was 
 to be strengthened, and recommended for its command Du Vivier, who, on 
 account of his health, had been allowed to go to France for the winter.^ 
 They also pointed out that an expedition could be sent against Placentia 
 with fair prospects of success, for its defences consisted of pickets, a battery 
 in bad order, and a garrison of forty-five soldiers and three officers. These 
 
 ' See p. 124. ^ MSS. Que. vol. 3, f. 211. 
 
 ^ The Minister was urged to send him out with the first vessel in the spring
 
 1744 THE MUTINY 123 
 
 were the final events of the active season of Louisbourg and this warfare of 
 unwilling amateurs. 
 
 The somnolent condition of a Louisbourg winter was broken into by an 
 extraordinary event. Serious efforts, which have been recounted, were made by 
 Forant and Bigot to remedy the conditions of the troops, and there is no 
 evidence in the official correspondence to show that after this time, and the 
 subsequent steps taken by Du Quesnel to suppress the canteens, there was any 
 unusual degree of dissatisfaction among the troops. But as told by Du Chambon 
 and Bigot,^ on the 27th of December, in the dreary dawn, the Swiss troops armed 
 themselves, and took their ranks in the parade ground of the citadel. Their one 
 officer who was on duty made them return to their quarters, after having promised 
 them all they wanted. Instead of remaining quietly there, they went into the 
 quarters of the French troops and so effectively reproached them for not having 
 joined them as they had promised, that the whole garrison formed up in the 
 court. They then sent the drummers of the garrison, threatened by the bayonets 
 of twenty men, to beat to arms throughout the town. All the officers rushed 
 immediately to the citadel, which some of them entered only by craft or supplica- 
 tion. The others were unable, even sword in hand, to move the sentinels, whom 
 the mutineers had placed. De la Perelle, the major, placed himself before the 
 drummers in the town in an effort to stop them, but was unable to do so, as he 
 was covered by the muskets and bayonets of the soldiers. They even surrounded 
 him and carried him off his feet to some distance, but he at last prevailed on them 
 to cease the drumming, and by agreement followed them into the fort, where the 
 officers by this time had got the soldiers to form themselves in their companies. 
 
 Order being restored, they promised to recognize De la Perelle as their 
 major, and Du Chambon, who had been on the scene, asked them the reasons 
 why they had so signally failed in their duty to the King. They said that each 
 company required half a cord more wood, the return of five cords which had 
 been kept back from them on account of their having stolen the same quantity ; 
 that there should be given their proper rations to those soldiers who had been 
 in the expeditions to Canso and Acadia ; that the recruits of 174 1 should receive 
 their clothing, which had not been given them, as it had not been sent out for the 
 extra ten men then added to each company. All this was accepted, and Bigot at 
 once began to carry out the agreement. The Swiss again came out under arms 
 after the dispersal of the French troops, although their officer had promised 
 them all they demanded, and they refused to recognize M. Cherrer (Cailly) 
 for their commander. They had been uneasy for some time, and he had been 
 in bed for a month, which prevented him appearing in person. 
 
 The officials thought the object of the troops was to take possession of the 
 
 1 Letter of Dec. 31, vol. 26, pp. 231-234.
 
 124 THE MINISTERS' ACTION 1744 
 
 magazines and of the treasure and to yield the place to the enemy in the spring. 
 They had not given up this idea of rebellion, although their demands had been 
 complied with. The situation was intolerable. All the officials were their 
 slaves ; the mutineers caused all the disorder which they wished ; made the 
 merchants give them, at their own prices, all they asked for ; for as there were 
 only forty or fifty of these merchants and these not armed, they were unable to 
 join together to resist. They were in consequence more dead than alive, and 
 intended to go to France the following autumn, if they were permitted to 
 live so long. The revolt was complete, for there was not a single soldier who 
 had not joined the mutineers. All the Swiss corporals and sergeants had sus- 
 tained their soldiers, and the only men who stood firm were the sergeants of the 
 French companies and the small company of French artillerymen. At the time, 
 the 3 1st of December, when Du Quesnel and Bigot wrote this letter there happened 
 to be in the Port two small vessels bound for the West Indies. They wrote it 
 secretly, as they were under observation night and day, and they did not send 
 the vessels direct to France for fear that some vessel coming out would warn the 
 mutineers that they had asked for help. If this were known the soldiers would 
 first ransack the town, and then deliver it to the enemy, for they were aware of 
 their strength, and knew that the six hundred civilians in the colony would be 
 easily overpowered. The situation became less alarming, and the soldiers behaved 
 not badly during the winter, owing to some extent to the tact of Bigot, and the 
 fact that nothing was required of them by their officers. 
 
 The condition of the King's finances was so low that in February Maurepas 
 felt that he could do little for Isle Royale ; he accepted all the suggestions that had 
 been made, even to sending a captain of St. Malo to cruise with Morpain in the 
 Gulf, which the syndics of Quebec and Montreal had thought desirable. The 
 Vigilant, La Renommee, and Le Castor were intended for Isle Royale, and as 
 M. Chateaugue, who had been appointed Governor, was too ill to leave France 
 the command of the colony was given to Perrier de Sal vert, who was commander 
 of the Mars, in which ship he was to proceed to Louisbourg. 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 A. Boston Weekly News-Letter, June 29, 1744 
 
 On Monday last Capt. Tyng in the Province Snow, returned from a Cruize, and 
 brought in with him a French Privateer Sloop with 94 Men, mounted with 8 Carriage 
 and 8 Swivel Guns, burthen between 70 and 80 Tuns, commanded by Capt. Delebroitz, 
 which was fitted out from Cape Breton, and sail'd about 3 Weeks before : Capt. Tyng 
 discover'd her last Saturday Morning about 9 o'Ciock, as he was laying too off of Crab
 
 1744 APPENDICES 
 
 125 
 
 Ledge, 15 Leagues from Cape Cod, it being very Calm : Perceiving she had a Topsail and 
 was bearing down towards him, Capt. Tyng took her to be the Province Sloop commanded 
 by Capt. Fletcher ; but soon after, as she drew nearer, he suspected her to be a French 
 Cruizer under English Colours, whereupon, in order to prevent a Discovery he ordered 
 his Colours to be struck, his Guns to be drawn in and his Ports to be shut close, and at 
 the same Time the Bulk Head to be taken down. When the Privateer had got within 
 about Gunshot of Capt. Tyng, taking the Snow to be a Merchantman, they fired upon 
 him : upon which Capt. Tyng threw open his Ports, run out his Guns, hoisted his Colours 
 and fired upon them : Perceiving their Mistake, they tack'd about, put out their Oars and 
 tug'd hard to get off after firing two or three Guns more. It continuing very calm, Capt. 
 Tyng was obliged to order out his Oars and to row after her, firing several Times his Bow 
 Chase at her, in which the Gunner was so skilful, that 9 Times the Shot did some Damage 
 either to her Hull or Rigging : About Two o'Clock the next Morning he came up pretty 
 close with them being very much guided by 4 Lanthorns which they had inadvertently 
 hung out upon their Rigging in the Night ; finding they were bro't to the last Tryal, 
 attempted to board Capt. Tyng, which he perceiving, brought up his Vessel and gave them 
 a Broadside, they having before thro' Fear all quitted the Deck : The Mast being disabled 
 by a Shot, it soon after broke off in the middle : Upon firing the Broad-side they cry'd for 
 Quarter ; and then Capt. Tyng order'd them to hoist out their Boat and bring the Captain 
 on board, but they answered that their Tackling was so much shatter'd that they could not 
 get their Boat with it ; they were then told they must do it by Hand : Accordingly they 
 soon comply'd and the Captain being brought on board deliver'd his Sword, Commission, 
 &c. to Capt. Tyng, desiring that he and his Men might be kindly us'd, he was promis'd 
 they should, and then the other Officers, being a and Captain, 3 Lieutenants, and others 
 Inferiour, were brought on board, and the next Day the rest of the Men who were secur'd 
 in the Hold. 
 
 The Night after Capt. Tyng brought them into this Harbour, they were convey'd 
 ashore and committed to Prison here ; and the next Morning 50 of them were guarded 
 to the Prisons at Cambridge and Charlestown : The Officers and Men are treated with 
 Humanity and Kindness. 
 
 'Tis remarkable that notwithstanding the great number of Men on either Side, in the 
 attack and surrender, there was not one kill'd or wounded. 
 
 Capt. Morepang in a Schooner of 1 10 Tuns, mounting 10 Carriage Guns, 4 Pounders, 
 and 10 Swivels, with 120 Men, came out with Delebroitz from Cape Breton, and we hear is 
 appointed to Guard the Coast there till a Vessel of greater Force arrived for that Purpose. 
 
 B. Acadian Petition to De Gannes 
 
 To M. De Ganne, Knight, Captain of infantry commanding the troops and the 
 savages united, at present in the country. 
 
 We the undersigned humbly representing the inhabitants of Mines, river Canard, 
 Piziquid, and the surrounding rivers, beg that you will be pleased to consider that while 
 there would be no difficulty by virtue of the strong force which you command, in supplying 
 yourself with the quantity of grain and meat that you and M. Du Vivier have ordered, it
 
 126 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 1744 
 
 would be quite impossible for us to furnish the quantity you demand, or even a smaller, 
 since the harvest has not been so good as we hoped it would be, without placing ourselves 
 in great peril. 
 
 We hope, gentlemen, that you will not plunge both ourselves and our families into a 
 state of total loss ; and that this consideration will cause you to withdraw your savages and 
 troops from our districts. 
 
 We live under a mild and tranquil government, and we have all good reason to be 
 faithful to it. We hope, therefore, that you will have the goodness not to separate us from 
 it ; and that you will grant us the favour not to plunge us into utter misery. This we 
 hope from your goodness, assuring you that we are with much respect, gentlemen. 
 
 Your very humble and obedient servants — acting for the communities above mentioned. 
 Oct. 10, 1744. 
 
 Then follow the names of ten signers. 
 Mr. Alex Bourg, Notary at Mines, 
 
 I am willing, gentlemen, out of regard for you, to comply with your demand. 
 
 De Ganne. 
 
 Oct. 13, 1744.1 
 
 Estat des pieces d'artillerie qui sont en Batterie pour la defFense du port et place de 
 Louisbourg, et des poudres de Guerre qu'il Faut pour tirer cinquante coups par 
 canon, et autant par mortiers et le moindre nombre d'hommes que L'on peut mettre 
 k chaque Batterie pour Les Servir.- 
 
 Batterie Royalle .... 
 
 Canons et Mortiers. 
 
 Poudres. 
 
 Hommes. 
 
 Boulets. 
 
 Bombes. 
 
 de 36 28 
 
 19,600 
 
 196 
 
 1400 
 
 
 Mortier 
 
 de I2p.^ I 
 
 750 
 
 7 
 
 
 50 
 
 Mortier 
 
 de 9p. I 
 
 650 
 
 4 
 
 
 50 
 
 Batterie de L'Isle .... 
 
 de 24 32 
 
 15,200 
 
 192 
 
 1600 
 
 
 Mortier ...... 
 
 de 9p. 2 
 
 1,300 
 
 8 
 
 
 100 
 
 Batterie de La pee 
 
 de 36 12 
 
 8,400 
 
 84 
 
 S50 
 
 
 de la grave ..... 
 
 de 24 6 
 
 2,850 
 
 36 
 
 300 
 
 
 Batterie dauphine .... 
 
 de 24 10 
 
 4-75° 
 
 60 
 
 500 
 
 
 Barbette 
 
 de 12 6 
 
 1,650 
 
 30 
 
 300 
 
 
 Eperon ...... 
 
 de 6 6 
 
 1,500 
 
 24 
 
 300 
 
 
 Bastion de Roy .... 
 
 de 18 6 
 
 2,250 
 
 30 
 
 300 
 
 
 sur le cavalier"! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 du cap noir j ■ ■ • • 
 
 de 8 4 
 
 900 
 
 20 
 
 200 
 
 
 Bastion Maurepasi 
 
 
 1,200 
 
 
 
 
 Mortier / ' 
 
 de I2p 2 
 
 14 
 
 
 100 
 
 Bombe poudre quil Faut . 
 
 
 1,300 J 
 
 
 
 
 116 
 
 62,300 
 
 705 
 
 5450 
 
 300 
 
 1 Translated in N.S. Archives, vol. i, p. 135. ^ I.R. vol. 26, f. 60. 
 
 ^ p. = inches in calibre. From this statement it is clear that the representations of the Governors from St. Ovide to 
 Du Chambon, that Louisbourg was undermanned and inadequately supplied with munitions of war, were well founded.
 
 1744 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 127 
 
 Total des munitions de guerre en 
 
 66,921 1. de poudre 
 
 1670 Boulets de 12 
 
 provision dans cette place 
 
 • 
 
 1,772 Bombes de 12 pouces 
 833 Bombes de 9 pouces 
 284 Bombes de 6 pouces 
 
 1,867 Boulets de 36 
 
 2,147 Boulets de 24 
 
 2,520 Boulets de 18 
 
 1 2 14 Boulets de 8 
 
 280 Boulets de 6 
 
 1929 Boulets de 4 
 
 Du Chambon. 
 
 A Louisbourg, Ce 10^ g^''^ I74I-
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 The events of 1 744, and the condition of New England at the close of that 
 season, did not indicate that so remarkable an event as the expedition against 
 Louisbourg would take place in the following year. Massachusetts, the most 
 enterprising and the most important of the northern colonies, had placed herself 
 in a " posture of defense," and levies from her people had succoured Annapolis. 
 There does not seem to have been any disposition to do more. The Mem aire 
 du Canada for this year states that an Indian Chief sent by Vaudreuil to Boston 
 brought back a report that Shirley took an oath in the presence of eighty 
 Councillors that he would not begin operations against the French, but that 
 if even a child were killed, he would exert all his powers against them and 
 their savage allies.^ 
 
 Massachusetts was in no condition to undertake any serious expenditures. 
 Her treasury was empty. A lottery was authorized by the legislature (Dec. 
 14, 1744; Jan. 7, 1745), to raise ^^7500 for the pressing necessities of the 
 province in " its present difficult circumstances." Her debt was excessive. 
 Through her issues of paper money, the rate of exchange was much more 
 unfavourable than that in the other colonies, and was sinking to a rate of 
 ten to one, which was reached in 1 747. Her fisheries were declining ; and 
 but one favourable material condition existed — the harvests of the year had 
 been abundant. 
 
 There had been, however, talk of military movements. A Boston 
 newspaper published, on August 2, a London letter stating that a body of 
 troops was to be sent to the northern colonies, " to undertake an expedition 
 of great importance against France on that side." This is probably the basis 
 for the report of Doloboratz, for it might well have risen to his definite figures in 
 passing to the social stratum in which the privateer moved during his detention 
 in Boston. Du Vivier brought back to Louisbourg from the Annapolis expedition 
 the same report ; and the Malouin fishermen taken by New England privateers 
 
 ^ June 30, 1744, *' Divers Delegates from the Six Nations of Indians living to the Westward of Albany . . , had 
 a conference this day with his Excellency in the Council Chamber in the presence of both Houses " (Minutes of Assembly, 
 Mass., CO. 5/808 ; MSS. Que. 3, p. 215). 
 
 128
 
 174+ WILLIAM SHIRLEY 
 
 129 
 
 were told by their captors that an expedition against the French was in con- 
 templation for the following year. As indicating the temper of the people 
 of Massachusetts, it may be noted that Doloboratz said that it was only those 
 engaged in the fisheries who were interested, that while the country folk v/ould 
 like to see such an expedition succeed, they did not seem to him inclined at 
 all to support it in person, and but little as taxpayers. After speaking of 
 the difficulty of getting men for Annapolis he goes on : 
 
 "I have talked to many of these people. I believe on the whole that the townspeople, 
 except the bourgeois and the superior artisans, are privateering, and that the country people 
 will not engage without large promises and rewards. It is true that there was very easily 
 found plenty of men to engage in the expedition to Carthagena and elsewhere in the 
 Spanish Indies, but beyond the fact that they were disgusted with the ill success of this 
 enterprise, they were attracted to it by the hope of the gold and silver of that country, 
 and they are persuaded that there are more blows to suffer than gold pieces to capture 
 in an expedition against Isle Royale, and they are free men (maistres de leur volontd)." 
 Of two hundred and fifty sent away from Rhode Island in the West India expedition not 
 twenty had returned.^ 
 
 The impressions of Doloboratz seem reasonable. He underestimated the 
 resources of these plain people, " masters of their will," acting under the influence 
 of two men, the one the Governor of the province, the other its principal 
 citizen. President of the Governor's Council. 
 
 William Shirley, the Governor of Massachusetts at this time, was an 
 Englishman who emigrated to Boston in 1732, where he practised as a barrister 
 and occupied subordinate official positions, until in 1741 he was appointed 
 Governor. His preliminary experience was of great value to him, for he 
 gained from it a knowledge of the people, among whom he was to represent 
 the Crown. He was tactful, and thus found it easy to deal with the repre- 
 sentatives of the people. He was as keen to persuade them to courses which 
 he believed to be in the interests of the province, as to strain the authority 
 of his commission in carrying them out. His policies were progressive, and 
 in these troublous times expensive, and were based on the fundamental view 
 that there was not room enough on the continent for colonies of both France 
 and England.^ He was industrious, a voluminous, persuasive, and clear writer, 
 undismayed by responsibility, and to these solid qualities added a taste for 
 military strategy, the results of which in the Seven Years' War tarnished the 
 reputation gained by his antecedent career. 
 
 William Pepperrell was a merchant of Kittery, born in 1697, the son 
 of a Welsh or Devonshire man who had founded the business, which his son 
 
 ^ R.I. Rec. vol. V. p. 146. Massachusetts also suffered severely. 
 
 - Douglass is his bitter critic. He says that the financial condition of the colony was due to his policy, and that 
 the Louisbourg expedition was a source of gain to Shirley. 
 
 K
 
 I30 WILLIAM PEPPERRELL i744 
 
 prosecuted with such success that he was one of the richest men in the country. 
 He was not born in the purple of New England life, among those who, in the 
 ordinary course of family events, go to Harvard College ; his education was 
 that of the country school, with some special instruction. His biographers 
 note that his grammar was imperfect in early Hfe, a thing not uncommon in 
 more exalted circles in the eighteenth century, and certainly not unique in 
 New England. He had received that splendid practical training of an old- 
 time merchant, whose dealings brought him into contact with men of all 
 conditions in his own country, and with many foreigners. No occupation is 
 more broadening in its effect on a mind weighted by responsibility and capable 
 of learning from a life widely diversified In its dally occurrences. His sense 
 of responsibility to public duties is shown in his acceptance of office. At the 
 age of thirty he was elected to the House from his own district, and after 
 one term was appointed to the Council, to which he was annually called until 
 his death, thirty-two years later. For eighteen years he was President of 
 the Board. He was also colonel of one of the militia regiments of Maine. 
 Any man whose dealings extended from the lumber camp and the fisheries 
 to the transportation and exchange of their products in the markets of the 
 world, a man of wealth and of position, must possess great influence in any 
 community, the people of which are largely dependent on his activities. The 
 fact that Pepperrell's command of the Louisbourg expedition made enlistment 
 popular, indicates that his character inspired confidence and his disposition 
 liking, not only in his neighbourhood, but wherever his reputation extended. 
 
 The prominence given to these two names is not meant to reopen a 
 discussion as to the person to whom is due the credit for proposing the 
 expedition. The project had for years been considered as possible by French 
 and English. When in November 1744 Shirley wrote to Newcastle proposing 
 that an expedition against Louisbourg should be sent out from England, he 
 was following up what Clark, Governor of New York, had written home in 
 1 74 1. The latter, in his turn, held the same views as his predecessor Crosby.' 
 At the same time as Clark's second reference to the matter, Shirley had sent 
 through Kilby a description of Louisbourg and the means of attacking it, 
 which the latter vouched for, as it was made by a kinsman of his own. Kilby, 
 who was agent of Massachusetts in London, wrote the 30th of August 1743, 
 recommending projects against the French, and closed his letter by urging an 
 early attack upon Cape Breton, " the situation, Strength, & every other Circum- 
 stance relating whereto, I am possess'd of a perfect & Minute account of . . ."^ 
 Warren was in possession of this document or similar information, for he j 
 discussed this project not only in his letters to Corbett, Secretary to the 
 
 1 N.Y. Col. Doc. V. 961, 970 i vi. 1S3, 229. - C.O. 217/31, p. 157.
 
 1745 PROJECTS TO ATTACK LOUISBOURG 131 
 
 Admiralty/ but also in private letters. Therefore, the proposals of Vaughan/ 
 of Bradstreet, of Judge Auchmuty, the writer of a valuable pamphlet on the 
 Importance of Cape Breton, of a Merchant of London, who wrote in 1744 to 
 the Ministry urging the reduction of Louisbourg, dealt with a matter that 
 had been much discussed. 
 
 The project was in the air. The British colonist of the eighteenth century 
 turned his back on the potential opulence of the vast continent on the shores 
 of which he lived, exploiting it only for a sustenance and for material with 
 which to engage in maritime trade, of which the fisheries were the foundation. 
 French and English from before the time that Louisbourg was settled pictured 
 to themselves the superb monopoly which would fall to the nation which 
 succeeded in dispossessing its rival. 
 
 Such play of the imagination is the poetry of practical affairs, and the spring 
 of political events. The people of New England were of an intellectual temper 
 to feel this speculative impulse. It is as certain that the capture of Isle Royale 
 was the theme of discussion long before conditions made the project at all 
 practical, as that many then held the opinion that the colonies. If prosperous, 
 would not remain faithful to the Crown ; although a score of years elapsed 
 before events brought these slowly germinating impulses to a head. In the 
 same way the startling accuracy of French forecasts of the method of attack 
 on Louisbourg came from the discussions with which St. Ovide and the others 
 relieved the dreariness of their Idle hours. 
 
 Shirley's proposition to Newcastle in December had been that six or seven 
 ships could force the harbour and land troops, of which 1500 to 2000 would 
 be enough. At this time he contemplated a regular expedition sent out by 
 England, but the knowledge he gained In the next ^qw weeks led him to 
 propose, and finally to carry through, the expedition which was the crowning 
 achievement of his career.^ 
 
 The General Court of Massachusetts was in session on January 9. Shirley, 
 apparently without taking any one into his confidence, asked its members to 
 take an oath of secrecy as to the subject of a communication he desired to make.* 
 
 ' Aii. Sec, In Letters, 2654, Sept. 1744. 
 
 ^ Vaughan's work in promoting the expedition, and in self-effacing services therein, were unquestionably great. 
 His own account of them is given in pp. 360-9. Read in connection with other accounts, they give the impression 
 that he was a man of great energy, public spirit, and self-sacrifice, but lacking in judgment and the power of working 
 with others. The type of man in our times most likely to be found among inventors. These documents make 
 interesting reading, and throw some light on the events narrated, and are on this ground commended to the attention 
 of the reader. 
 
 2 This was based on the reports of the Canso prisoners, and of other persons who had visited Louisbourg. In New 
 England there must have been many scores of sea-faring people who knew Louisbourg as well as any but their native 
 towns, all »f which contirmed the news that the garrison was small, all of it discontented, the Swiss on the verge of 
 mutiny, and the inhabitants suffering from a scarcity of provisions, the result of Shirley's own policy. 
 
 ■* Parkman, Half-Century, vol. ii. p. 85.
 
 132 SHIRLEY'S PROPOSAL TO GENERAL COURT 1745 
 
 This they did, and he presented an address on the subject of an expedition 
 against Louisbourg. This document begins by recounting that in the course 
 of the present war Massachusetts must expect from Louisbourg " annoyance in 
 trade, captures of provision vessels, and destruction of fisheries " ; that the 
 interest of the province would be greatly served by the reduction of the place ; 
 that the time was opportune, for from information which Shirley had he 
 believed that if two thousand men were landed on the island, they could damage 
 the out-settlements and fisheries, and lay the town itself in ruins, and might 
 even make themselves masters of the town and harbour. He asked for suitable 
 provision for the expenses of the expedition, which if partially successful would 
 pay for itself, " and if it should wholly succeed, must be an irreparable loss to 
 the enemy and an invaluable acquisition for this country." 
 
 The next day the House appointed a Committee of eight, of whom four 
 were Colonels and one a Captain, and the Council added seven to their number, 
 with instructions "to sit forthwith and report as soon as may be." The result 
 of their deliberations appears in a short address to his Excellency from both 
 branches of the legislature, on January 12, in which, while they express 
 approval of the scheme, they are convinced that they are unable to raise a 
 sufficient sea and land force, and " dare not by ourselves attempt it." They 
 pray the Governor to lay before the King the danger of the colonies from 
 Louisbourg, and to express the disposition of the province to aid in its 
 reduction in conjunction with other Governments.^ 
 
 During this time Pepperrell was presumably absent from Boston. He at 
 all events was not present at these sittings of the Council. Shirley had, unaided, 
 made his proposal, and had failed in carrying the legislature with him. He was 
 much cast down by their refusal. James Gibson, once an officer in the British 
 army, then a merchant in Boston, tells that the Governor came to him and 
 asked him if he felt like giving up the Louisbourg expedition. This led to 
 Gibson undertaking to obtain signatures for a petition from the merchants of 
 Boston and Marblehead, asking for a reconsideration.^ 
 
 Pepperrell came back to town, if he had been absent, and presumably was 
 won over by Shirley. Gibson's influential petitions were presented to the 
 Legislature, which was addressed on the 19th and 22nd by Shirley. A new 
 Joint Committee, with Pepperrell at its head, was appointed. It examined 
 witnesses, and reported on the 25 th, to the effect that they were convinced that 
 it was incumbent on the Government to embrace this opportunity, and proposed 
 that the Captain-General, Shirley, issue a proclamation to encourage the enlist- 
 
 ^ Shirley at once took the matter up with Newcastle in a long letter about the advantages of Cape Breton, the 
 danger of an attack from Louisbourg on British ships and colonies. He lays more emphasis on the advantages which 
 would follow its capture than on these dangers (Shirley to Newcastle, Jan. 14, 1744/5, CO. 5/900). 
 
 - Vaughan was active in this work. See Biographical Appendix.
 
 1745 HIS PROPOSAL ADOPTED 
 
 133 
 
 ment of three thousand volunteers under officers to be appointed by him. It 
 recommends the rate of pay of the men, that they shall have all the plunder, 
 that warlike stores be provided, and provisions for four months, that a 
 transport service be organized so that the force could leave by the be- 
 ginning of March, and that application be made to the other colonies to furnish 
 respectively their quotas of men. This report was concurred in by both 
 branches the day of its presentation, and consented to by Shirley. The House 
 voted that half a pound of ginger and a pound and a half of sugar be given 
 to each soldier, and unanimously voted against impressing any part of the three 
 thousand men. The majority was small. It is said that it would have been a ^ 
 tie had a member not broken his leg as he was hastening to vote in opposition. 
 Other accounts say that the majority was narrow, some members known to be 
 opposed having remained away from the House, a result which might well 
 have been produced by the influence of important merchants who favoured 
 the project.^ 
 
 It seems certain that the influence of Pepperrell, exerted personally and 
 through his associates, was paramount in bringing about this result. His later 
 statement," " it must be confessed that there would have been no Expedition 
 against this place had I not undertook it," must refer to his course at this time 
 rather than to his acceptance of the chief command which immediately followed. 
 Shirley could unquestionably have found another leader. "Without Pepperell's 
 influence he failed with the General Court. When It was exerted in support 
 of his scheme, Shirley obtained for it the necessary legislative sanction. 
 
 Both French and English historians for the most part agree that the 
 attacks on Canso and Annapolis Royal, the interruption of fisheries, and the 
 devastation of privateers led the colonies to take a desperate step to avert 
 an impending calamity.^ There is much in a superficial reading of the official 
 documents, e.g. Shirley's address already quoted, to sustain this view. This 
 aspect, moreover, would be the most serviceable one to present to the legislators 
 of provinces in acute financial distress. An expenditure to protect the state 
 from an impending danger is always legitimate, but with a vigorous people 
 the hope of gain is a stronger incentive than the fear of loss. It may be 
 maintained that the real motives which led to the acceptance of Shirley's 
 proposal, when all the facts were before the Assembly, were aggressive, not 
 defensive.* 
 
 ' The House Journals do not mention the oath of secrecy or the majority. Governor Wanton says it was one (R.I. 
 Rec. vol. V. p. 1+5). 
 
 ^ Pepperrell to Stafford, Nov. 4, 174.5, Preface to An Accurate "Journal and Account, etc. 
 
 ^ "Lettre d'un Habitant," Parsons 's Life of PefferrM. 
 
 ■> "The Motives, which have induc'd the Assembly to set this Expedition on foot before Spring, are the weak 
 Condition of the Garrison and Harbour of Louisbourg in comparison of what it will be when they shall have rec'd 
 their supplies of Provisions, Stores and Recruits from Old France by that time, besides that the Season of the Year
 
 134 THE DETERMINING CAUSES 1745 
 
 It is said also that fishermen thrown out of employment by the war formed 
 a considerable part of the troops raised ; but the fact that New England privateers 
 could not find crews, that the press-gang was organized, if not used, to secure 
 sailors for the vessels of the province,' is not compatible with this statement. 
 When the British colonies sent out about ten times as many privateers as the 
 French, the latter being vastly less effective, it is not reasonable to believe that 
 New England was seriously dismayed by French privateering or failed, in 
 irritation at her small losses, to calculate her surpassing gains. 
 
 These considerations lead to the conclusion that, describing Louisbourg 
 as the Dunkirk of America as an oratorical flourish. New England had 
 no real fear of invasion, but that the monopoly of the fisheries meant such 
 prospective wealth," that sound business insight in the leaders of her people 
 led to their grasping an opportunity to benumb French competition in the 
 markets of the world. This opportunity presented itself when war existed : 
 Louisbourg was short of provisions,^ its fortifications weak, its garrison small 
 and mutinous. 
 
 Shirley carried with him the most influential merchants, for their care for 
 public advantage was stimulated by the prospect of private gain. They found 
 a following, for at no time in its history were the people of Massachusetts more 
 recklessly enterprising. Every motive was appealed to, as is always the case 
 when the success of a policy depends on the support of an independent people. 
 The expedition against Louisbourg, to the fanatic was directed against Romanism ; 
 to the timorous was a preventive of invasion ; to the greedy a chance for 
 plunder ; and to all, an object for the self-sacrifice of every patriotic Briton. 
 
 Shirley's activity in the week which followed the decision to undertake the 
 expedition was prodigious. On February i he wrote a long dispatch to 
 Newcastle. He laid before him plans for the expedition, informed him about 
 the artillery he could provide.* He had also communicated with the other 
 governments, and had received a favourable reply from New Hampshire and 
 Rhode Island. The plan for the expedition was based on that handed into the 
 Committee,' but modified by Shirley with the help of Bastide, the engineer of 
 Annapolis Royal, who was in Boston at the time. 
 
 Shirley had already discovered the impossibility of arranging matters for 
 
 will be mo3t Advantageous in March for Attacking the Town, the present Spirit of the People in this Province to 
 attempt it at this time, and the Advantage which the Surprize of such an Expedition as well as from New England 
 and Great Britain (in case his Majesty shall support it from thence) will give his Majesty against the Enemy " (Shirley 
 to Newcastle, Feb. i, 1745, CO. 5/900, f. 157). ' Parsons. 
 
 ^ "Besides we had not the same dependence upon, and expectation of advantages from the fishery as Massachusetts 
 and New Hampshire had, which undoubtedly was a main inducement to their people to list so cheerfully as they did " 
 (Governor Wanton, R.I. Records, vol. 5). 
 
 ^ The burden of Shirley's reproaches to Captain W. was that the privateer he let slip captured several vessels 
 laden with provisions, to the benefit of the French at Louisbourg, "who so much wanted 'em." 
 
 '' Eight 22's, one 24, two 9 and 11 inch mortars. ' Apparently by Vaughan (Parkman, Half-Century),
 
 1745 DETAILS OF THE PLAN 135 
 
 the expedition to sail by March i, as recommended by the Committee, and at 
 this time was in hope to get it away by the middle of the month. All saw the 
 great importance of blockading the port before the arrival of the ships from 
 France, which, from what was known of Louisbourg and its condition, the New 
 Englanders felt would be sent out at the earliest moment. Some merriment 
 has been created by the proposal of Vaughan to take Louisbourg by surprise. 
 It may be said the plan with undisciplined men under untrained officers required 
 too many accurate conjunctions to be successful. In defence of its projector, it 
 may be recalled that Du Vivier, certainly familiar with the conditions of Nova 
 Scotia, proposed to enter Annapolis when its ditches were filled with snow ; that 
 the drifts at Louisbourg, at least once, were deep enough to make it necessary 
 to dig sentries out of their boxes, and that its Governors had united in holding 
 that a surprise of the place was more to be feared than a regular attack. It is 
 to be noted that this element in the preliminary plan on which the legislators 
 voted to undertake the expedition was abandoned by Shirley. " As to that 
 Part of the Scheme, which is propos'd for taking the Town by Surprise, so 
 many Circumstances must conspire to favour it, and so many Accidents may 
 defeat it, that I have no great dependence upon it, and shall guard as well as I 
 can by Orders against the Hazard that must attend it." His project was at 
 this time, February i, to make a base at Canso, land near the town and make 
 an attack on the Royal Battery, the weakness of which on the landward side 
 was known to him and his advisers. The bombardment of the town was to 
 follow, without, it would appear, any prospect of carrying it, but with fair hope 
 of holding the position until the arrival of an English naval force.^ In event 
 of being unable to do this, he felt sure that the buildings and fishing gear, not 
 only of the environs of Louisbourg, but of other places on the island, could be 
 destroyed, and that the colonial forces could retire to Canso and there encamp 
 until advices were received from Great Britain as to whether or not the King 
 would support the expedition with ships and troops.^ 
 
 Shirley carried with him Benning Wentworth, Governor of New Hampshire, 
 so far that he was induced to strain the credit of his province in a case of such 
 urgency, by issuing more paper money, Vaughan being his representative m 
 these delicate negotiations. Having succeeded in this, Shirley complicated the 
 situation by a flourish of diplomatic courtesy, in intimating to Wentworth that 
 had it not been for his gout, Shirley would have appointed him to the chief 
 command. Wentworth assured Shirley that this would not prevent him 
 serving. Shirley was thus forced to throw the onus of not accepting this 
 offer on various people of consideration whom he consulted in the matter. 
 
 ^ To Newcastle, Feb. i, 1745. 
 
 2 Although Shirley did not think well of a surprise, it is included in his instructions to Pepperrell, as he was about 
 sailing (M.H.S. first series, vol. 1).
 
 136 ENTHUSIASM OF THE PEOPLE 1745 
 
 They were clearly of the opinion that a change in the command would be 
 prejudicial.^ 
 
 The pay offered was 25s. per month and a blanket, besides the ginger so 
 promptly voted by the House. Other inducements were offered, such as that 
 those who enlisted were not liable to be pressed for service on the vessels of the 
 province, and for them processes of law for the collection of debt were suspended 
 until their return from the campaign. 
 
 While the determination of causes which led to the taking up of an 
 expedition like this is hypothetical, there is no question that the decision having 
 been made, the people threw themselves heartily into the project. The complete 
 militia system of New England made this easy, and it was along the lines of an 
 existing organization that recruiting proceeded. There was some hesitation in 
 certain districts at the outset, on account of doubt as to whom the command of 
 the expedition would be given, as well as about the company officers. Various 
 officers took active steps to secure their men ; one Captain Sewall began his 
 work by giving the men of his militia company a dinner ; he also increased their 
 pay from his own pocket, and offered to provide for any wives and families 
 that might be left destitute. Others were as eager, if less free-handed, and very 
 shortly complaints arose of the officers poaching on each other's companies. 
 The allotment of commissions gave trouble to Shirley as well as to Wentworth, 
 who said he would rather be a porter than a Governor. But these are the 
 drawbacks of earnestness and activity. Shirley was active and foresighted, his 
 legislature prompt in passing acts, and the officers of the forces and members of 
 committees were efficient. The course of events as detailed in the records of 
 these busy weeks displays the actions of a capable people, trained to the dispatch 
 of business. Chief among the active was Vaughan, who was too unbalanced to 
 be trusted with an executive office, but whose zeal had done much to ensure the 
 undertaking of the expedition, for he had gathered witnesses, secured signatures 
 to the petitions, and harangued. When it was determined upon he rode post 
 here and there, and his impetuous haste must have appeared to Shirley and 
 Pepperrell, who considered means as well as ends, that of a meddler. 
 
 " I have desired ye gentl at York to march one compa next Mondy to Boston, to give 
 life & Spring to ye affair. I hope yoou'l encourage ye same. I have written to Doctor 
 Hale to desire ye Govr. to ordr. to be at Boston next week, for dispatch is ye life of 
 businesse. I have proposed ye 2000 men, if no more, be ready to sail by ye twentyeth day 
 of ye month. Portsmo, Feb. 8, 1744."" 
 
 The general eagerness to serve and the importance of Pepperrell's opinion 
 are shown in the letters received by him from willing participants in the 
 
 ' Half-Century, vol. ii. p. 91. 
 ^ M.H.S. sixth series, vol. 10. Vaughan accompanied the expedition as a member of the Council of War.
 
 1745 ASSISTANCE FROM OTHER COLONIES 137 
 
 expedition. One gentleman, rejected as a surgeon, wrote begging that he might 
 go in any capacity, and reported to the General that he had already made some 
 progress in enlisting. A clergyman informed Pepperrell with inexpressible 
 pleasure, that he had been appointed a captain ; another friend expressed his 
 regret that the legislature of New Hampshire, of which he was a member, 
 would not allow him to serve. A gentleman, whose iconoclastic zeal has been 
 quoted by Parkman in Half-Century (vol. ii. p. 98), wrote in terms of such 
 perfervid piety that it is difficult, with our changed standards, to find in them 
 the note of sincerity ; particularly, as his excuse for not going on the expedition 
 is the only one of those given which seems inadequate.^ 
 
 Mr. John Gibson followed up his work in stirring up the merchants of 
 Boston and Marblehead to approach the legislature, by raising a company at 
 his own charges and commanding it on the expedition. He had the unusual 
 distinction, when the ParHament of Britain defrayed the expenses, to be named 
 in the Act with the colonies. The response of the other Northern Colonies 
 was considerable and prompt. In view of the emergency Wentworth ignored 
 the royal prohibition to issue any more paper-money, and the little Province of 
 New Hampshire sent a regiment of 500 men, 150 of them being at the 
 charges of Massachusetts." Connecticut raised 516 men, and to their 
 commander, Roger Wolcott, was accorded the rank of Major-General, which 
 made him second to Pepperrell. 
 
 Rhode Island on the 5th of February authorized her sloop Tartar^ to 
 assist in the expedition ; a month later, the raising of 1 50 men. Its legislature 
 reconsidered this action on learning that Shirley was acting on his own Initiative,* 
 but later, at an unspecified date, passed an act encouraging soldiers to enlist 
 for service in the expedition. The full regiment of 500 men authorized 
 by this act did not serve, but apparently three companies went, which were 
 incorporated in Pepperrell's regiment, under commission from the Governor of 
 Rhode Island, which was dated early in June. They thus arrived at Cape Breton 
 too late to take part in the siege. The response from the Southern Colonies was 
 much less satisfactory. New York loaned some guns to Shirley ; but its legisla- 
 ture debated ten days as to what they could do, and voted ;^3000 ; but a new 
 legislature being elected, this sum was by it increased to ^^5000.^^ New Jersey 
 
 ' M.H.S. sixth series, vol. lo, contains letters which display the attitude of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. 
 
 ^ 304 men were in the New Hampshire regiment. 
 
 ^ The Tartar was the colony vessel. She carried fourteen guns and twelve swivels. 
 
 ^ Their defence, a sound one, is in R.I. Rec. vol. 5, p. 145. Extracts therefrom at the end of this chapter. 
 
 5 ADMIRAL WARREN TO GOVERNOR WANTON 
 
 LouisBOURG, September 13, 1745. 
 ..." You see, sir, I speak here as an American and a well wisher to the colonies : and am therefore really sorry the 
 particular one I mean. New York, to which I am nearest related, has not had a greater share in this great acquisition ; for 
 it's a mistaken notion in any of the colonies, if they think they are not greatly interested, even the remotest of them, in
 
 138 PEPPERRELL AND HIS SUBORDINATES 1745 
 
 gave j^2000 in July, which was laid out in provisions, and Pennsylvania, prevented 
 by the peaceable principles of some of its people from providing arms, gave 
 ;^4000 for provisions and clothing. 
 
 The brigadiers to the expedition were Samuel Waldo, like Pepperrell a large 
 land-owner and merchant, and Joseph Dvvight, who was Colonel of the artillery. 
 Its active head was Richard Gridley, to whom we owe that map of Louisbourg 
 which has been so frequently copied. The success of the enlistment was so great 
 that 3250 men were raised. The Committee of War, whose chairman was Mr. 
 John Osborne, was active in providing for these troops. A naval force and 
 transport was of the utmost importance. Massachusetts bought a new brig of 
 about four hundred tons, armed her as a frigate, and placed her under the 
 command of Capt. Edward Tyng, who had previously served the Commonwealth, 
 and distinguished himself as the captor of Doloboratz. He was in command of 
 the flotilla. 
 
 Pepperrell discharged the military duties he had assumed as he would carry 
 on any business operation. He asked advice from Mr. J. Odiorne,' a merchant 
 of Portsmouth, who was familiar with the coasts of Acadia and Cape Breton. 
 Odiorne urged a prompt attack, at which he thought their men would be better 
 than at a regular siege, and, as a second resort, to hold their ground until rein- 
 forcements arrived, " if itt should cost us halfe our substances." Advice was 
 volunteered to him by the Rev. John Barnard, probably on the ground that that 
 gentleman had in 1707 been at the siege of Annapolis. In the universal 
 enthusiasm and the certainty that the expedition was favoured by Heaven,- it 
 may be noted that he is one of the few who modified his statement on this point 
 by saying, " I doubt not but the cause is God's, so far as we can well say any cause 
 of this nature can be." Shirley made efforts in every direction to obtain armed 
 vessels, as the colonial armed vessels were inadequate to protect the transports or 
 themselves from the forces they might expect to meet. The men-of-war on the 
 American station which were within easy reach were under orders from the 
 Admiralty to act as convoys,^ and he found himself without any promise of 
 assistance from them with the exception of the Bien ^ime, a prize commanded 
 by Captain Gayton. 
 
 the reduction and support of this conquest, which will quiet them all in their religious and civil rights and liberties, to 
 latest times, against a designing, encroaching, and powerful enemy, and increase our trade in the fish, fur, and many other 
 valuable branches, to such an advantageous degree to the colonies, and our mother country, as must ever induce them to 
 be extremely grateful to those who have opened so fair a channel for the increase of wealth and power " (Rhode Island Colonial 
 Records, vol. 5, p. 1+4). 
 
 ■ ^ Mr. Odiorne spells the name of the place *' Lewisbrug," possibly a phonetic effort, for the same pronunciation is still 
 extant locally. The New England form of " Chapeau Rouge," which appears in the documents for the Bay, always spelled 
 by the French Gabori or Gabarus, seems to have come from the " little knowledge " of the " linguisters " of the expedition, 
 who would be more familiar with the spoken than the written name. The local pronunciation of Mainadicu preserves its 
 more ancient form of spelling Mcnadou. 
 
 - iM.H.S. vol. 10, pp. 108 and 114. ^ EUham, Ripi>oni Prize.
 
 1745 SHIRLEY SEEKS NAVAL ASSISTANCE 139 
 
 Shirley applied to the Commodore of the station for assistance,^ sending a 
 dispatch to him to the West Indies, where the fleet was then cruising. This 
 officer was Peter Warren, a native of County Meath, who had entered the navy 
 at fifteen as an ordinary seaman. His professional advancement was rapid and 
 at forty-two he found himself a Commodore, somewhat broken in health, and 
 anxious to obtain an appointment as Governor of the Jerseys or to reach the 
 " pinickle " of his ambition by succeeding Clinton as Governor of New York. 
 Mrs. Warren, a native of New York, did not care for the " Beau Mund," so that 
 at this time he looked forward to retiring from the sea and spending the remainder 
 of his days, if a Governor's chair were denied him, on a property he owned at 
 Greenwich, Long Island." Notwithstanding these views, he had applied in 
 September for command of all ships in North America, which was given to him.^ 
 Before he received Shirley's letter the project of an expedition against Louisbourg 
 was familiar to him. As already stated, he also wrote about it to Corbett, 
 Secretary of the Navy,^ and to his friend the Hon. Geo. Anson, then Lord of 
 the Admiralty, with whom, notwithstanding the differences in social and pro- 
 fessional rank, he was on terms of frank intimacy. Warren was fully alive to 
 the importance of reducing the French power, and set forth clearly in a letter to 
 Anson its many advantages. He goes on : 
 
 "Yet I think it wou'd be in vain to attempt Lewisbourg, without a moral Certainty of 
 Success. As it is a very regular fortification, and has always a Strong Garrison of regular 
 troops in it, I submit whether it is not likely, that it will hold out a Siege longer than the 
 season will allow the Besiegers (if not numerous enough to take it by storm) to keep the 
 Field, and what can they do in that case in the winter ? — It is certain if Ships go into the 
 Harbour to attack it the people must determine to Succeed or dye. Where that is the case, 
 there shou'd be (I believe the world will allow) a Strong possibility of Success. 
 
 "What I have here sett forth, being granted, how is it to be effected ? What number 
 of ships from England of Regular troops or artillery and other Ordnance Stores will be 
 necessary ? And what quantity of Provisions, and other Stores, of all kinds, will be proper 
 for such an undertaking ? And what part will the Colonies themselves take in such an 
 attempt ? Whether they will assist in it heart and hand ? What assistance, and in what 
 Shape, will each different Government that is willing to assist give its assistance. Whether 
 in Money, Shipping, Men or Provisions ? 
 
 "By forming all this into a proper plan, it will not be very hard to judge of the 
 probability of succeeding, or not, in such an attempt. And the formation of it previous to 
 the Execution, cannot be any Expense to Great Britain, or the Colonies. And when it is 
 form'd, and approv'd, then let it be Executed with all the Intrepidity, that becomes good 
 Officers, and Men, both of Sea and Land. 
 
 ' Jan. 29, Ad. Sec, In Letters, No. 3817. He also asked assistance from Sir Challoner Ogle and Admiral Darvers, 
 who replied in the negative (Ad. Sec, In Letters, vol. 233). 
 
 2 In an article on Greenwich Village by T. A. Janvier, Harfei's Magazine, Aug. 1893, is a pleasant account of 
 Warren's life there. 
 
 3 In Letters, 2654; Out Letters, 486. ■• Sept. 8, 1744, from New York (Ad. Sec, In Letters, vol. 2654.
 
 I40 WARREN'S VIEWS 17+5 
 
 " But to undertake an affair of such consequence and Expence, too rashly, that must, if 
 they fail in it. Involve both England and the Colonies, in a large debt to no purpose, I 
 think wou'd be madness, both in the Advisers, and the Executors, of such an attempt. 
 
 " What vou mention with regard to an Expedition in Embrio against Cape Britton, is 
 what I have long consider'd as of the greatest consequence to our Country, this my good 
 friend Mr. Corbet and myself have exchang'd some private letters upon, and I have, tho' in 
 a very Inaccurate manner, formerly run over some of the benefits that wou'd accrue from it, 
 and some steps necessary to be taken previous to the attempt, which I beg leave to address 
 to you, for your Private and Candid opinion, as the Inaccuracy of it will not bear the light, 
 tho' the matter, if well digested, is worthy of the Ministrys most serious deliberation. 
 
 "What the event will be of Mr. Shirleys scheme, who is a very worthy man, I won't 
 take upon me to prejudge, but when time lets me more into it, you shall know. 
 
 " I beg leave to assure you, nothing shall be wanting on my part, so farr as I have power 
 or Capacity to serve my King and Country, and I am persuaded, I can do it in no shape 
 better, than in that scheme, if attended with success, and I have none more at heart, tho' I 
 cou'd have pitch'd upon none attended with a prospect of greater uneasyness, and less personal 
 advantage, I mean where Booty is esteem'd so, which I hope will never be so with me."^ 
 
 Shirley's letter to Warren, dated January 29, went over much the same 
 ground as his dispatch to Newcastle of February i, but dwelt, as was natural, on 
 the military aspect of the expedition, and clearly set forth the importance of the 
 naval assistance, which he assumed Warren would send. " I must acknowledge 
 that the hopes I have Entertained of it have been of no small Encouragement 
 to me in forming this Expedition." He goes on then with the arts of the 
 politician, displayed as in the case of Wentworth, to say, " and if the service in 
 which you are engaged would permit you to come yourself and take upon you 
 the command of the Expedition, it would, I doubt not, be a most happy event 
 for His Majesty's service and your own honour." - Two fifty or forty gun 
 ships in March were what Shirley asked for, or even one, and with Warren to 
 follow with his force, Shirley was persuaded the place might be taken in May, 
 or invested until help from England could be received in June.' This letter 
 found Warren in trouble, his effective force diminished by the loss of the 
 
 ' B.M. Add. MSS., 15,957, f. 152. 
 
 '■* Shirley's care to placate all who could help him makes inexplicable to the writer his springing the project on 
 the Assembly. 
 
 Shirley, had he to deal with a touchier man than Pepperrell, might again have gratuitously created embarrassment as 
 in the case of Wentworth. He placed himself in a position to make trouble with Pepperrell and with Warren. He 
 wrote to the former, April 22 : "I doubt not, Sir, from the extraordinary conduct and vigilance with which you have 
 hitherto acted for His Majesty's service, that you will instantly give orders to Tyng and the other cruisers to follow the 
 Commotlore's directions and orders to them, and omitting of which may create a most unhappy disagreement and variance 
 between you and Mr. Warren, which may prove fatal to the service. Had I not received these precise orders from his 
 Majesty, which so evidently give Mr. Warren a general command at sea, in all expeditions from hence, I should have 
 insisted upon my command given you over the sea forces (which, as it is, is only suspended during Capt. Warren's presence, 
 and would revive upon his going off) against every person whatsoever, and you must be sensible that this is not a preference 
 given to him by me, but only acting in obedience to his Majesty's orders" (M.H.S. i. p. 19, Shirley to Pepperrell). 
 
 5 Ad. Sec, In Letters, No. 3817.
 
 1745 THOSE OF HIS CAPTAINS 141 
 
 Weymouth. Warren consulted his captains/ who unanimously reported that 
 the proper course for Warren was to send the North American ships to their 
 stations, the Mermaid to New York, and the Launceston to New England, and 
 to forward Shirley's letter to the Admiralty by an express ; and that, until receipt 
 of a reply, Warren should not alter the ordinary course of proceeding, but 
 remain cruising in the West Indies. The grounds for this decision were that 
 the expedition had not received his Majesty's approbation, nor had they received 
 orders thereon from the Admiralty ; that taking the ships off their stations 
 would greatly weaken the British West Indies, at a time when a report was 
 current that a French squadron was expected shortly at Martinique, " and can be 
 of no great service in such an undertaking." 
 
 This italicized expression of opinion is so extraordinary over the signatures 
 of the captains of a naval squadron, that it must be interpreted in the light of 
 Warren's opinions that Louisbourg was a strong place, defended by a garrison 
 of regular troops, with no convenient anchorage in the vicinity for ships of war 
 and transports, that the expedition had been hastily planned, and might be 
 abandoned before they arrived," so that the opinion was held by them that it 
 was foredoomed to failure. It has never been the opinion of seamen that in 
 conjoint expeditions their branch was of lesser importance. Warren gave orders 
 to the Launceston and Mermaid to go north, and was on the point of setting out 
 on a cruise when Capt. Innis arrived in the sloop Hind? He had been 
 dispatched from England, early in January, with orders for Warren, which, if he 
 were in danger of capture, he was instructed to sink.^ 
 
 The instructions in the usual sources * contain only Warren's commission as 
 Commander-in-Chief, for which he had asked power to hold court-martials and 
 warrants to impress seamen ; but Warren's letter speaks of definite orders to 
 proceed with Launceston^ Mermaid, Weymouth^ and Hastings to Boston. Corbett, 
 Secretary to the Admiralty, in sending these documents ^ heartily wishes him 
 success in all his operations against the enemy. The colonial Governors were 
 advised by Newcastle that Warren had been ordered to go northwards to 
 protect the colonies and fisheries, and, " as occasion shall offer, attack and distress 
 the enemy in their settlements, and annoy their fisheries and commerce." " This 
 we may take as the substance of the orders which Warren received, for his 
 intention, when he left Antigua on March 13, was to act in concert with 
 Clinton and Shirley. He took for his flagship the Superbe, which gave great 
 offence to Knowles, her former captain, his irascible and influential second, from 
 which Warren feared disagreeable consequences. He sailed for Boston with 
 
 ' Feb. 23, 1744/45, Harbour Antigua. ^ Warren, March 10/45, In Letters. 
 
 3 March 8. ■* Out Letters, 4S6 and 63, f. 55. 
 
 5 Ad. Sec, Out Letters, vol. 486 and 65, also the Newcastle correspondence in the British Museum. 
 
 « Jan. 4., All. Sec, Out Letters, 4S6. ' R.I. Doc vol. 5, p. 132, Shirley, April 3 ; CO. 5/809.
 
 142 WARREN PROCEEDS NORTHWARDS 1745 
 
 her, the Launcesion, and Mermaid, on March 13, in company with two small 
 armed vessels and ten sail of merchantmen.' 
 
 If Warren's preliminary views were cautious his actions were eager. Unless 
 his instructions were more definite than those of which records are extant, he 
 interpreted them in the widest sense, and put into adequate action the opinions 
 he had a few days before expressed to his friend. " These are considerations 
 worthy of a discreet Officer, who should not, but upon the best grounds, attempt 
 to put his Country to Expence, and probably himself to shame. When these 
 difficulty's that occur to such an Officer are obviated, by the Sound reasoning 
 of others, or by Self conviction, he will then go on with becoming Vigour and 
 Gallantry, that cannot fail to have a good effect upon all that serve under his 
 command." His fleet fell in, on April 10, with a schooner from Marble- 
 head, "who Informed us that a Fleet of 63 Sail had sailed 14 days on Sunday 
 last with 5000 Men for Canso under the Command of ' Generall PepperalL' " ^ 
 Warren took the master on board to act as pilot, as he was unfamiliar with the 
 waters,^ and proceeded direct to Canso. He sent word to Shirley of his course, 
 greatly to his relief/ for Warren's refusal to join the expedition had been 
 communicated by the former only to Pepperrell and one or two important 
 people. Shirley had, however, pushed on with his preparations, amid difficulties 
 and delays. At last he saw the troops gathered together and embarked on the 
 transports, which with the armed vessels lay in Nantasket Road, whence, much 
 to the relief of the wearied Governor, the Massachusetts contingent sailed on 
 March 24 for Canso, which had been selected as their base. 
 
 Warren also gave instructions to Captain Durell of the Eltham, which had 
 wintered in Boston, to act as convoy to mast ships from Piscataqua. On the 
 1 6th of April the ships he was to protect had dropped down the river, and the 
 next day they all were actually under way when Warren's orders arrived,^ so " that 
 5 minutes delay would have put him out of our reach." Durell's account is, 
 " Just as I was ready to sail with the Mast Ships from New England to 
 return Home I received orders from Commodore Warren to join him off this 
 Harbour (Canso), which commands were so agreeable that I made all despatch 
 possible." ^ 
 
 Newcastle's response to the representations of Shirley, and others which have 
 been noted, did not stop with sending Warren for the defence of the Northern 
 Colonies. When he was informed of the Louisbourg expedition, he sent out 
 
 ' His letter of March lo. - R.O. Logs, vol. S20. ' He had been once there in the Squirrel. 
 
 * Shirley in a speech, April 17, thus acknowledged Warren's action: "The cheerfulness and zeal with which 
 Mr. Warren undertakes this Service, & the great Concern he had for the success of it, & the Prosperity of these 
 Provinces . . . greatly recommends him to our respect & affections." ;^5o worth of live stock were presented to 
 Warren by the Assembly of Massachusetts as a token of respect (CO. 5/809). 
 
 ' M.H.S. vol. 10, p. 129. •' A Particular Account.
 
 1745 ARRIVAL AT CANSO 
 
 H3 
 
 with the utmost dispatch no less than eight men-of-war to augment Warren's 
 force before Louisbourg and as guardships.^ 
 
 The vigour of Pitt had been so often contrasted with the sloth of Newcastle, 
 that it is interesting to note that in this matter Newcastle's Government acted 
 with the greatest promptness. Captain Joshua Loring arrived in London with 
 four letters of Shirley's^ on March i6. The Admiralty met at once, ordered the 
 Hector and Princess Mary to sea to assist Warren, and sent Loring, who had 
 only been in London a few hours, with the express " at half-past midnight " to 
 return to Cape Breton on the Princess Mary? 
 
 After a passage,^ which the General describes as " rough and somewhat 
 tedious," the Massachusetts contingent arrived at Canso on the 4th of April, 
 where the New Hampshire troops had landed on the ist. The day after 
 landing Pepperrell called together his Council of War, which, even without any 
 representatives of Connecticut, had seventeen members present. He submitted 
 to them the instructions he had received, and the army was divided into four 
 sections, to land at a selected point on Gabarus Bay, three miles from the town 
 and four from the Grand Battery. Canso was seen to be a suitable place. A 
 blockhouse, brought with them ready framed, was erected, armed with eight- 
 pounders, and called " Cumberland " in honour of that Royal Duke. It was 
 resolved to push on to Gabarus Bay with the first favourable wind and weather, 
 although the train of artillery and part of the troops had not arrived. 
 
 A projected attack on St. Peter's, about eighteen miles across the Bay, was 
 deferred, but the expedition to cut off the vessels with provisions believed to be 
 at Bale Verte was sent out. The ice on the coast fortunately prevented them 
 from pushing on to Louisbourg without artillery, and with their provision 
 vessels, so uncertain in their arrival, owing to the prevailing winds, that 
 Pepperrell writes on the loth "that they soon would be put in greater danger 
 of famine than sword." Their two principal cruisers, the Massachusetts and the 
 Shirley, had provisions for only ten days, and, by computation, the army only for 
 a month. This was a situation serious enough to justify Pepperrell's appeal 
 for help to the Chairman of the War Committee. But the activity of their 
 cruisers brought some aid : two vessels with rum and molasses, both valuable 
 commodities to their army, were captured and brought to Canso. Captain 
 Tyng and the other armed vessels had been sent to cruise off Louisbourg. 
 There they had a running fight with a French frigate, the Renommee, Captain 
 Kersaint, which left France for Cadiz on the 7th of February, where she waited 
 
 ' These vessels were the Lark, Hector, Princess Mary, Princess Louisa, Canterbury, Chester, Sunderland, and IVager 
 (Ad. Sec, Out Letters, vol. 63). 
 
 2 5-9- 14th Jan., 1st Feb. ^ CO. 5/900 j Ad. Sec, Out Letters, 50, 63. 
 
 ■* " Our men was exeding sick and did vomer very much as they would Dy the seas running mountaining," is the 
 account of another diarist.
 
 144 FONES'S BRILLIANT STRATEGY 1745 
 
 until the loth of March, and after crossing the Atlantic had this encounter in 
 the fog and ice off Louisbourg. She then cruised to the westward. On the 
 Cape Sable shore she fell in with the seven transports carrying the Connecticut 
 troops under the convoy of the Connecticut sloop and the Tartar belonging to 
 Rhode Island. The ever-active Shirley had suggested that the Tartar should 
 make the voyage with the Connecticut forces as a safeguard. It was fortunate 
 that his proposal was accepted, for Fones, her captain, was a bold and skilful 
 sailor. He led Kersaint to chase him away from the little fleet, which reached 
 Canso in safety, and having accomplished this, the Tartar escaped from the 
 frigate after nightfall.^ Kersaint then proceeded to the Baie des Castors in 
 Acadia, and after remaining there attempted to make Louisbourg, but was 
 driven off by contrary winds, and then returned to Brest on June 19." 
 
 The situation was changed on the 22nd by the arrival of the Eltham, 
 followed the next day by Warren and his other ships. No time was lost in 
 visits or exchange of courtesies between the Commanders. Letters passed 
 between them, and Warren sailed at once to blockade Louisbourg. The 
 Connecticut contingent reached Canso on the 25th. With the forces thus 
 complete, the first part of the movement had been carried through with 
 remarkable celerity. They were in possession of their base ; their armed vessels 
 were off Louisbourg ; the provincials were on the eve of putting to the test the 
 value of their preparations and the steadfastness and skill of the officers and men. 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Governor Wanton to the Agent of Rhode Island in London 
 
 Newport, on Rhode Island, Xber 20, 1745. 
 Sir : The conduct of this colony relating to the Cape Breton expedition having 
 been, as your letters advise, very unjustly misrepresented at home, with a view to prejudice 
 the ministry against us, the General Assembly have directed that a true account thereof 
 should be transmitted to you, which, we doubt not, will enable you fully to vindicate our 
 colony, which hath always distinguished itself by joining with readiness and zeal in all 
 expeditions ordered by the crown. 
 
 ' R.I. Rec. vol. 5, p. 138 and 155. 
 
 2 A.M.B,'* vol. 56, p. 228, and vol. 57, p. 291, cont.iin the precis of this voyage, and that of De Salvert's squadron, 
 which returned to Brest on the 12th of October. The latter took some prizes, among them the Prince of Orange^ from 
 whom they learned of the fall of Louisbourg, and the large fleet on the coast of Isle Royale. De Salvert attempted to meet 
 the vessels of the India Company, but in bad weather and fog missed them all. He made for Newfoundland on his return 
 to France, in which two of his ships were dismasted. The documents themselves are wanting, so that this is the little 
 information which can be given of the French expedition to relieve Louisbourg. From a captured letter we learn that 
 Du Vivier had come on De Salvert's squadron, and had been placed by him in command (although he had never been at sea) 
 of the frigate Le Parfait. He took The Two Friends, which was again recaptured oft' Louisbourg (Ad. Sec, In Letters, 
 No. 2655).
 
 1-45 THE CASE FOR RHODE ISLAND 145 
 
 The reduction of Louisbourg, we always thought, would be of very great importance, 
 as well to the trade and commerce of Great Britain, as of the northern plantations, and 
 therefore expected and hoped it would be undertaken at home in the course of the war ; 
 but we judged the attempt to reduce that prodigiously strong town, regularly fortified, 
 and furnished with a garrison of regular forces, to be much too hazardous, as well as too 
 expensive for New England, as not having one officer of experience or even an engineer, 
 and the people being entirely ignorant in the art of encamping and besieging towns, and 
 were therefore greatly surprised at hearing that the Province of the Massachusetts had 
 voted to make said attempt. 
 
 At first, while it was supposed that Governor Shirley had secret instructions to raise 
 men, and an assurance of a sufficient addition of sea and land forces from Great Britain, 
 our people were zealous in the affair ; but when it was known that he had no orders at 
 all, not so much as a discretionary power to stop some of His Majesty's ships then at 
 Boston, a thing of the last importance to the blocking up the harbour of Louisbourg, no 
 assurance that the ministry would approve of the undertaking, or make any provision to 
 support it, or that the state of affairs in Europe would permit the sending such a force 
 from Great Britain, as seemed necessary, to render the expedition successful, surely, 'tis no 
 wonder that our zeal abated, and that we were not very forward to precipitate an attempt, 
 in which a failure must needs have been a fatal consequence, as it would have exposed 
 the weakness of the northern plantations, and disabled them from assisting, if the 
 crown should think fit to order such an expedition ; that the Massachusetts themselves 
 were very doubtful of success, cannot be denied, for the undertaking of the expedition was 
 carried but by one single voice, in their house of representatives. 
 
 . . . But notwithstanding all this, the General Assembly voted to send our colony sloop 
 well manned, permitted the Governor of Boston to endeavour to raise men in the pay of 
 the Province, and voted an additional bounty of forty shillings a man to induce them to 
 list, but to no effect. 
 
 On further application to us in March last, the General Assembly voted to raise 
 three companies of fifty men each, exclusive of officers ; and offered a large pay, and 
 a higher bounty than the Province of Massachusetts had given ; but it being found 
 impracticable to fill the companies in season, the then Governor, after we have been at a 
 considerable expense, ordered the men that were raised to be disbanded. However, our 
 colony's sloop, mounting fourteen carriage and twelve swivel guns, well fitted and manned, 
 convoyed the Connecticut forces, and proved of singular service, by preventing their entire 
 ruin from a French two-and-thirty gun ship ; and afterwards in the Gut of Canso, by 
 repelling, in conjunction with two other cruisers, a large body of French and Indians, who 
 were going to the relief of Louisbourg. 
 
 ... In May, we had advice that the ministry approved of the expedition, and that 
 Commodore Warren was arrived off Louisbourg with a squadron of His Majesty's ships. 
 The General Assembly did then renew their vote to raise three companies ; and that it 
 might be effectual, increased the bounty, and raised the pay to ^lO per month a man, 
 double of what the Massachusetts allowed theirs. But to complete said companies (we) 
 were notwithstanding obliged to order that men should be impressed into the service, as 
 several actually were ; a thing not done by order of Assembly in any other part of New 
 England, and scarce ever practised here before ; and on notice that seamen were wanted to 
 
 L
 
 146 THE CASE FOR RHODE ISLAND 1745 
 
 man the ship Figilant, voted to raise two hundred, allowing a bounty of £_i- to a man. 
 But such was the scarcity of men, that though the bounty was so large, and the most 
 effectual means used (for we had again recourse to impressing, and allowed said bounty 
 even to the impressed men), that we could raise only about seventy. The good news of 
 the surrender of Louisbourg had reached Boston before our transports sailed from thence, 
 having lain there some days for convoy ; vet they proceeded (on) the voyage, and are now 
 in garrison ; and we have lately sent a vessel to Louisbourg, with clothing and provisions 
 sufficient for their support till late in the spring. 
 
 This is the assistance we have given, which was really the utmost we were able to 
 give, the colony having never exerted itself with more zeal and vigour on any occasion ; 
 and it ought to be obser\ed, that no other of the neighbouring governments, besides 
 Connecticut and New Hampshire, could be induced, at the first, to give any assistance at 
 all ; nor afterwards, of all of them together, to give so much and such effectual assistance, 
 as this little colony cheerfully afforded, at the hazard of leaving our sea coast unguarded, 
 and our navigation exposed to the enemy's privateers, from the beginning of April to the 
 latter end of October, during which time our colony's sloop was in the service.'- 
 
 ^ Rhode Island Colonial Records, vol. 5. pp. 145-147.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Pepperrell had many causes for anxiety. His stores were inadequate, and 
 many of the small arms were in bad order. Rioting had taken place at Canso, 
 so he had to find, and did find, that middle way between a severity to which his 
 levies would not submit, and a laxity perilous to the success of the expedition. 
 The detachment which was sent against St. Peter's had acted without dash, 
 " which party returned without success, not having carefully conformed to their 
 orders, for landing in whale boats by night, and finding there several vessels, which 
 though of no force, yet well manned for trade, and a number of Indians being 
 alarmed ; their whole force appeared so considerable, that our party did not 
 think it safe to land." ^ 
 
 These were indications that neither his materials nor his men would stand 
 much strain ; and yet his officers had urged him to push on to Louisbourg 
 without waiting for the transports laden with his artillery. The ice on the Cape 
 Breton coast made impossible this advance. The vessels with this part of his 
 armament had arrived before the sea cleared. As soon as navigation to the east- 
 ward became practicable, the movement on Louisbourg began. The expedition 
 started from Canso early on the morning of the 29th of April. That day, the most 
 warm and pleasant since their arrival at Canso, opened with light winds, which, 
 after a calm, rose again to a gentle breeze from the north-west. It, being a fair 
 wind, enabled the fleet of about one hundred vessels to reach along the coast to 
 their appointed position in Gabarus Bay. Here, after passing Warren's cruising 
 ships, they arrived in the morning of Tuesday the thirtieth.^ 
 
 Du Chambon had been in doubt as to what was going on, or perhaps was 
 in that frame of mind which tries not to see indications of a crisis to which he 
 felt himself unequal. The vessels in the offing, and reports that there was 
 unusual activity at Canso, were disquieting. But the former, it was hoped, 
 
 ' Pepperrell to Shirley, Massachusetts Historical Society vol. i, p. 24. 
 
 '^ The large map of this siege can be used with great advantage in following its course. Its comparison with 
 written accounts show's its substantial accuracy. 
 
 It is necessary to collate the letters which passed between the officers and the minutes of the Council of War. The 
 latter and some of the letters are in Massachusetts Historical Society, sixth series, vol. 10. Other letters are in vol. i of 
 its first series. These are referred to as vol. i and vol. 10. 
 
 147
 
 148 DU CHAMBON'S UNCERTAINTIES 174s 
 
 might be the succour from home for which they had asked ; the latter the 
 carrying out of English plans for the fortification of Canso, of which they had 
 knowledge. He ordered Benoit in command at Port Toulouse (St. Peter's) to 
 ascertain what was going on. The latter sent out a civilian, an Indian, and a 
 soldier, who captured four of the enemy. These in turn overpowered their 
 captors, and brought the Frenchmen in as prisoners, the Indian having escaped.^ 
 
 The miscarriage of this scout left Du Chambon still uncertain. Nor could 
 the people of Louisbourg tell the nationalities of the combatants, in seeing from 
 the land the running fight between the Renommee and the provincial cruisers. 
 There was little room left for doubt when a vessel from St. Jean de Luz arrived 
 safely, and reported that on the 25th she had exchanged three broadsides with 
 the enemy. Whatever uncertainty still existed in their minds was dispelled by 
 the capture of three coasting boats. - 
 
 Du Chambon, thus driven from the position that there was no cause for 
 alarm, in conjunction with Bigot, sent word to France of their condition.^ The 
 Societe slipped successfully through the blockade, and bore to the court their 
 evil tidings, which falsified the optimistic previsions of Maurepas. The pre- 
 parations for defence which Du Chambon had made in the autumn seem to have 
 been held in abeyance by the mutiny of the garrison. Officials, officers, and 
 townspeople feared the purpose of the troops was to deliver the place without 
 striking a blow, so its condition was one of suspended animation. The conduct 
 of the soldiery during the winter had been orderly. When the crisis came it 
 was spirited. Du Chambon and Bigot appealed to their patriotism, and promised. 
 In the name of the King, a pardon for their past ofi'ences. The troops responded 
 to their appeal, returned to their duty, and behaved well during the siege.^ 
 
 Although arrangements had been made for calling in the people of the 
 outlying settlement of Baleine and Lorambec, who joined the townspeople in a 
 militia for its defence, there seems to have been no settled plan of action in event 
 of these threatening appearances proving to be the prelude of an attack. 
 
 Du Chambon was Governor by accident. Neither Chateaugue, appointed 
 to succeed Du Quesnel, nor De Salvert, his substitute, had been able to reach 
 Louisbourg. Du Chambon was inexperienced. Neither he nor any of the 
 officers of the troops had even been in action, so that this siege is the culminating 
 event of that warfare of amateurs which began at Canso a year earlier. The New 
 Englanders at least made plans ; Du Chambon seems to have been incapable of 
 
 ' Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. i, p. 23 ; Que. Hist. Mass. vol. 3, p. 238. ^ One was a large sloop loaded with game. 
 
 ^ Bigot does not seem to have been in doubt. 
 
 * Bigot says none deserted. This is almost literally true, there were only two desertions. The promise of pardon 
 was repudiated after the return of the garrison to France. Certain of the soldiers were exccuteil. The alleged ringleader 
 had died in prison. Bigot made a statement in favour of the soldiers, which the court-martial did not admit (Colonies, B, 
 vol. 82). Bigot, however, wrote to the Minister, Oct. 9, 1745, taking a different view. He said, it is of the utmost 
 importance to the colonics that an example be made ("jlu'on fasse un excmple d'une parciUe sedition ").
 
 1745 THE LANDING 149 
 
 foresight. His disastrous lack of judgment was shown in his dealing with the 
 force of IVIarin. This officer had been sent with a strong detachment from 
 Quebec for a winter journey to Acadia, there to act against Annapolis or to help 
 Louisbourg. It left on January 15. Du Chambon informed Marin in April 
 that it was unnecessary for him to come to Louisbourg. He consequently 
 attacked Annapolis. It was not until the provincial artillery had begun to fire 
 on the town, May 5, that Du Chambon attempted to avail himself of this 
 reinforcement. At this late day, Du Chambon sent a messenger on the long 
 journey to Annapolis. Marin set out, penetrated to Isle Royale, after an 
 encounter with provincial cruisers in the Gut of Canso, and arrived too late to 
 be of any help.^ 
 
 It was not until the French saw from the ramparts on the morning of the 
 30th a disembarkation begun, its boats moving towards two points, one near, the 
 other much more to the westward of Flat Point, that the question of resistance 
 was raised. Two civilians were the spokesmen of those who desired action. 
 One was the retired officer of the Regiment de Richelieu, de la Boularderie, who, 
 on hearing of the cruisers off the port, had come in an open boat from his estate 
 at Petit Bras d'Or. Morpain, now port captain, but at the beginning of the 
 century a privateer of Port Royale, was the other. 
 
 De la Boularderie said that, under cover of the woods, a force could advance 
 within half a pistol-shot of the beach ; that half of the garrison should be sent out 
 to fall on the enemy, who would be in that confusion which always attends 
 landings ; that they would be chilled from exposure, and that they were, moreover, 
 but poor creatures (" miserables "). Morpain recounted his exploits in 1707 and 
 appealed to Du Chambon to give him leave to go out with those of the towns- 
 people who were willing. Du Chambon, who had taken the view that he had no 
 men to spare, at last gave way. Fifty civilian volunteers and twenty-four 
 soldiers, the latter under MesIUac Du Chambon, the Governor's son, the 
 youngest officer of the garrison, set forth from the town with vague instructions 
 and under uncertain command. 
 
 When they were about half- way across the marsh, Boularderie thought 
 the attempt was hopeless, as fifteen hundred men had landed and were taking 
 regular formation. Morpain was for keeping on. Marching In solid formation, 
 they came under the fire of the ships," and alarmed the landed troops. The 
 French had reached a depression when the enemy closed in on them. Morpain, 
 heedless of De la Boularderle's expostulations, withdrew all the men except 
 twelve soldiers. These momentarily withstood the provincial attack made in 
 
 ' The first news they received in Quebec of the fall of Louisbourg was from the younger Marin, who was dispatched 
 by his father with this disappointing intelligence (MSS. Que. vol. 3, p. 217). 
 
 ^ "We were covered in our landing by Fletcher, Bush, and Saunders, who fired their cannon smartly on the enemy " 
 (Pepperrell's Journal).
 
 150 DIVIDED COUNSELS AMONG THE FRENCH 1745 
 
 overwhelming force. De la Boularderie was twice wounded and surrendered, 
 five of the soldiers were wounded, but escaped, and seven were killed. Morpain 
 was wounded, but watched over by a faithful negro slave, was later brought 
 into the town.' The losses were trifling : only two or three provincials 
 wounded, and on the French side sixteen or seventeen killed and wounded. 
 From the English accounts there does not appear to have been the delay of 
 which the French speak, nor the number of men landed at the time the 
 attempt at a repulse was made. 
 
 The provincial troops, after dispersing this tardy and ill-led expedition, 
 were emboldened to advance freely. In a few hours irregular groups of them 
 emerged from the woods overlooking the town, in which their exultant cheering 
 could be heard. Order was maintained among some others, for regular squads 
 advanced through the woods, and came into the open in the neighbourhood 
 of the Grand Battery. 
 
 Two thousand were landed before nightfall, and the work of encamping 
 was begun. The site of the camp was on either side of a small brook which 
 runs into Gabarus Bay, between Flat Point and the boggy plain which 
 stretches to the outworks of the fortress. The land is dry, and the wisdom 
 of Pepperrell's officers is shown by the fact that Amherst's engineers in 1758 
 found no better place for the encampment of a much larger force. - 
 
 While morning of this day brought to Du Chambon these perplexities, 
 the evening brought another, of no less moment. This was the report of 
 Chassin de Thierry, Captain in command of the Grand Battery, that, in his 
 opinion, the post was not tenable. He proposed to blow it up, as it would 
 be of great value to the enemy, and spike the cannon. A council of war was 
 held, and the opinion of the engineer, Verrier, confirmed Thierry's statement. 
 At its best, the fort was commanded by higher ground ; in its present state, 
 difficult to defend, for on the landward side its defences had been levelled 
 preparatory to their repair. The council without a dissenting voice voted 
 for its abandonment, and, with the exception of Verrier, thought that it should 
 be blown up. His protests against the destruction of the work were so vigorous 
 that the point was given up, and Thierry was ordered to spike the guns and 
 withdraw his men and as many provisions and warlike stores as he could bring 
 away. This he did with such haste that the guns were not properly spiked, 
 and the garrison was back in the town about midnight. A detachment had 
 to be sent to complete the evacuation. Other detachments, on the ist and 2nd 
 
 ' Morpain set free the man as a reward. Boularderie was taken to Boston, made a good impression on its authorities 
 and people, took charge of the other prisoners, and left for France with a certificate that he had behaved like a gentle- 
 man, and was of great service to the prisoners. This was signed and sealed on September 2 by various distinguished 
 gentlemen, among whom were members of Council and B. Pemberton, its Secretary (C", Canada, vol. 87). 
 
 ^ The earthworks which enclosed the latter camp are still quite visible.
 
 1745 THE GRAND BATTERY OCCUPIED 151 
 
 of May, sunk at their moorings the vessels near the town, those at the head 
 of the harbour, and brought away from the lighthouse its supply of oil. A 
 third force, a mixed detachment of French and Swiss, protected those who 
 demolished the houses between the Dauphin Gate and the Barachois, and 
 while at this work beat off an attack. 
 
 The disembarkation was completed on the ist, but for a fortnight the 
 troops, landing stores and artillery on an exposed shore in cold and foggy 
 weather, and in bringing the artillery over rocks, through woods and bogs, 
 suffered the severest hardships. They worked so effectively that, on the 
 fifth day after the descent, a battery was in position opposite the citadel at 
 a distance of 1550 yards, and then opened fire on the town. 
 
 On the night of the ist a strong detachment marched through the 
 woods and destroyed the houses at the head of the harbour. The next J 
 morning, William Vaughan, returning from this expedition, reconnoitred the 
 silent Grand Battery, and, preceded by an Indian, entered its court and found 
 it deserted, a condition which scarcely justifies the opening of his letter to 
 Pepperrell : 
 
 " May it pleasure your Honour, to be informed yt with y^ grace of God and y'= 
 courage of about thirteen men I entred this place about nine a clock and am waiting 
 here for a reinforcemen' and flag." ^ 
 
 Another account speaks of this event from a different standpoint, and 
 incidentally illustrates the conditions of the troops in these early days. 
 
 "This Morning we had an alarm in the Camp suposing there was a Salley from the 
 town against us We Ran to meet them but found ourselves Mistaken : I had a Great i 
 Mind to se the Grand Battery So with five other of our Company I went towards it 
 and as I was a Going about Thirty more fell in with us ; we Came in y<= Back of a hil 
 within Long Muskitt Shot and lired att y= s"^ fort & finding no Resistance I was Minded 
 to Go & Did with about a Duzen men setting a Gard to y'= Norward Should We Be 
 asolted who Espied two french men whom we Imeadately Took Priseners with two 
 women & a Child then we went in after some others to ye s<^ Grand fort & found itt 
 Desarted." 2 
 
 Before Vaughan was reinforced, he beat off four boat-loads of men, covered 
 by the fire of the town and island batteries. Colonel Bradstreet was sent with 
 a reinforcement, and began at once getting the guns into order, in which he 
 was so successful that the next day, the 3rd of May, at noon, one gun had 
 fired on the town, and a second was in service at seven the same evening. 
 This, Colonel Waldo, who had taken over the command, reports with satisfac- 
 
 1 Vol. 10, p. 138. 
 2 Gidding's Journal, Essex Inst. vol. 48. The " some others " I take to be the men under Vaughan.
 
 152 WALDO GIVEN COMMAND OF GARRISON 1745 
 
 tion, and enlivens his letter to the General by a jest in the manner of the 
 times over the poor quality of the bombs fired at them by the French. 
 
 His regiment continued to garrison this fort, and the artillery officers 
 soon had enough cannon drilled and in service against the town to amply 
 justify, by the effects of their fire, the view of the importance of this position 
 held by the planners of the expedition. Waldo made daily reports to Pepperrell 
 while he was at the Grand Battery, in which the most striking feature was 
 the constant clamour for rum. Day after day it was asked for, and it was 
 not quantity alone, for in one letter they beg for French rather than the 
 home-made drink. The quantity required apparently seemed excessive to the 
 Commissariat, for Waldo writes : 
 
 "The short supply of rum, the severall Captains tell me, is of prejudice to the people. 
 Should one from the dead tell the soldiery anything, in the prejudice of it, 'twould have 
 no weight." ^ 
 
 In warlike stores the supply was short. Waldo was constantly on the 
 point of being left without powder, and feared at one time that their battery 
 would have to be silent, which he felt sure would lead to a revival of the 
 drooping spirits of the besieged, and possibly to an attempt to retake it.- He 
 reported that its cannon were twenty-eight of 42 pounds and two of 18 pounds, 
 " as good pieces as we could desire. I fear the only badd quality in them will 
 be in the opinion of our principalis that they devour too much powder." He 
 wrote to Pepperrell that his men were poor, and " we are in great want of 
 good gunners that have a disposition to be sober in the daytime " ; and again, 
 that he would answer for the flag provided he had men and good officers. 
 " Three fourths of the men which you apprehend ... are here are partly 
 employed in speculation on the neighbouring hills and partly employed in 
 ravaging the country." 
 
 While the excessively arduous work of establishing batteries and serving 
 them was going on, it is evident from the journals of individuals, that the troops 
 were not all engaged in this legitimate work, but parties of them went out on 
 expeditions, the purpose of which was plunder and destruction of property, as 
 well as taking prisoners. It is quite evident from the numbers taken, either that, 
 owing to the short notice given by signals, all the inhabitants of the outports 
 did not come in, or that people of the town passed to and from their properties 
 on the shores of the harbour. The scanty records show that both the dwellers 
 in the environs, and those who left the town, fell into the hands of these roving 
 bands, who apparently had at best no other commission than the permission of 
 
 1 Vol. 10, p. 158. 
 
 2 One diarist notes that a sermon was preached on the morning of the 5th in the chapel of the Grand Battery from 
 the text : " Enter into his gates with thanksgiving, and into his courts with praise."
 
 1745 PLUNDERING BY THE PROVINCIALS 153 
 
 their regimental officers. The records of one diarist^ begin on the day of 
 landing with the capture of five cows, from which, as only three of them were 
 killed, follows in natural sequence, that he breakfasted the next morning on 
 milk. Horses and cattle were both taken and killed ; houses were plundered. 
 Forty -eight hours later he says again, that "our men keep continually 
 plundering," and on the first Sunday they were on shore, May 5, he records 
 that one of the General's men killed himself with drink in a house he was 
 looting. The same day two unhappy Frenchmen, clearly non-combatants, for 
 they were carrying their goods from the city to a hiding-place in the woods, 
 were killed by a party numbering a score. Their boat-loads of property and 
 two bags of gold became a richer booty to a more unscrupulous squad 
 than was usual. Another writer, in recounting the events of May 2, says, "and 
 after that (we) took the grand Batry and several cows and horses and sum plunder 
 viz. sum pots sum kitles sum grid irons sum one thing and sum another." ^ The 
 value of the spoils impressed the enemy. Gibson later describes handsome farms 
 on the Mire. It is said that in one house, burned at St. Peter's, there were 
 1000 bushels of wheat,^ and more than once the good looks of the women 
 captured are mentioned, " 4 of which is hansom ladeys," * but it was not 
 always so easy as in these instances. 
 Friday 10, Gibson's Journal : 
 
 " A small scout of twenty-five men got to the north-east harbour, I and four more 
 being in a house upon plunder, 140 French and Indians came down upon us first, and fired 
 a volley, with a great noise. Two jumped out of the window and were shot dead. With 
 great difficulty the other two and myself got safe to the grand battery. They afterwards 
 killed nineteen of the remaining twenty." ^ 
 
 The authorities were seriously concerned about this plundering. Waldo 
 wrote to Pepperrell soon after he went to the Grand Battery : 
 
 " I fear yr Honr will be under necessity of appointing a moroding oiBcer with ye 
 powers, & without it, should an obstinate siege be our portion, a train of ill consequence 
 must ensue which I doubt not you'll be pleased to consider of." 
 
 Pepperrell was evidently determined to arrange some means of dealing with 
 the matter, for he wrote to Warren the same day : 
 
 " The unaccountable irregular behaviour of these fellows (the masters of transports) ot 
 some moroders is the greatest fatigue I meet with ; hope to reduce them to a better 
 discipline soon." 
 
 War is a cruel thing even with a disciplined army ; with irregular troops it 
 
 ' Bradstreet. - Giddings, p. 6. ' From French sources there is no evidence of such abundance. 
 
 * Vol. lo, p. 155. 
 
 ^ The next day forty prisoners were taken by the force which set out to bury the dead. It made a clean sweep of 
 the place, chapel, fish stages, and a hundred fishing-boats.
 
 154 PLANS OF ATTACK 1745 
 
 is a scourge to the people of the invaded territory. Neither Pepperrell's corre- 
 spondence, nor the journal of the Council of War, shows what measures were 
 taken, but the later entries of the diarists narrate no such barbarities on the part 
 of the provincials as the records of the earliest days.^ 
 
 Having abandoned a surprise on the town, in the securing of the Grand 
 Battery, and the encampment of the army, Pepperreil had carried out in the 
 main the instructions of Shirley. He was left, supported by his Council, to 
 devise further action ; except in one respect, the destruction of all French 
 property. This work was steadily prosecuted, until in three or four weeks, 
 either by land expeditions or the forces of Warren, no hamlet or settlement on 
 the island was left unravaged. 
 
 The question of sending a summons to Du Chambon was the first considered 
 by the Council on the 3rd. The matter was under consideration intermittently 
 until the 7th, when it was decided on. Some of the seniors, among them 
 Waldo, held that Du Chambon would be justified in hanging the bearer of their 
 message, " unless we had made a more formidable genl. appearance than we 
 have yet been able to make." - 
 
 The Council took up the erection of batteries. Beginning at the Green 
 Hill, these were pushed forward with a celerity which was possible only among a 
 force made up of men, some with the dexterity of seafarers, others with that of 
 woodsmen accustomed to handle mast timber from the stump in the forests of 
 New Hampshire to its berth in the vessel. By the 20th, a fifth battery, 
 sweeping across the little Barachois, completed the attack against the fortifica- 
 tions towards their northern end, where the ground was most suitable for these 
 operations and an assault. (The boggy grounds south of the citadel protected 
 the place from attack on that side.) Other projects against the town were con- 
 sidered and attempted. Warren proposed an operation against the Island 
 Battery, _which guarded the mouth of the harbour. It was tried unsuccessfully, 
 as the boats withdrew on account of the surf. It was determined in the Council 
 on the 9th to storm the town that night. When news of the decision spread 
 through the camp, so much dissatisfaction was expressed that a hastily 
 summoned meeting of Council was held in the afternoon, and abandoned the 
 project. There were seventeen members present in the morning and six in 
 the afternoon. The latter passed the following : 
 
 "Advised, that in as much as there appears a great dissatisfaction in many of the 
 officers & soldiers at the design'd attack of the town bv storm this night, and as it may 
 
 ^ The only officer whose diary shows any sympathy with plundering was Gibson, who was not a New Englander, 
 but had held his Majesty's commission in the Foot Guards at Barbadoes (Gibson's Journal, p. 2i}. Pepperreil and his 
 second, Waldo, were strongly opposed to it. 
 
 ^ Vol. 10, p. 141. This, written by Waldo on the 3rd, confirms the impression given by other records that the 
 disorder was great.
 
 1745 DISCOURAGEMENT OF THE BESIEGERS 155 
 
 be attended with very ill consequence if it should not be executed with the utmost vigour 
 whenever attempted, the said attack of the town be deferr'd for the present.^ 
 
 Warren was present at both meetings. 
 
 The outJook was not as brilliant as the leaders had hoped. Du Chambon 
 had returned a spirited answer to the summons to surrender. The guns of 
 their siege batteries were burst by overloading,- and, firing at long range, did 
 little damage to the French defences ; and it was found impossible to arrange 
 an attack on the Island Battery. Discouragement dictated the decision of the 
 Council of War which met on the nth ; for this was virtually to abandon the 
 offensive, and to attempt no more than to hold the harbour until reinforcements 
 were sent to them. The Council decided at its meeting as follows : 
 
 "Advized, that the battery begun at the west part of the Town be compleated with 
 all possible expedition, and the eight 22lb cannon be mounted there. 
 
 "Advized, that two regiments be posted on the west part of the town to guard the 
 batteries there, and to intercept succours that may attempt to get into the town that way. 
 
 "That one regimt be posted at the Grand Battery. 
 
 " That a battery be thrown up, and the New York train of artillery and some cannon 
 from the Grand Battery be mounted between the light-house and careening place, and that 
 the remaindr of the army with the stores encamp in some proper place abt the North East 
 Harbour, & intrench there and place the field pieces round the camp, that so they may 
 be able to keep possession of the harbour till measures can be taken for the effectual re- 
 duction of the town. 
 
 "That some guard-boats be prepared & kept in readiness in the North East Harbour 
 to intercept small vessells from getting to the town with succors." ^ 
 
 It was also decided that Shirley send down a reinforcement of one 
 thousand men. The battery was begun, no steps were taken to remove the 
 troops, and by the i8th the action was reconsidered in Council and the project 
 abandoned. Vaughan wrote, on the nth, that he could take the Island Battery 
 if given control of an expedition against it. He busied himself with preparations, 
 but was obliged to write Pepperrell that the indiscipline of the men made the 
 expedition impossible. A bungling attempt to burn a vessel from France, which 
 had passed through the cruisers unhurt by their fire and that of the Grand 
 Battery, and had been anchored or was beached close under the walls of the 
 town, was also made and failed. 
 
 Warren was getting uneasy. He pointed out to Pepperrell that the 
 St. Lawrence was open, and that reinforcements might be sent down from 
 Quebec as well as from France. Pepperrell's letters to Shirley became apologetic 
 in their tone, for he and his officers were receiving letters which showed that at 
 home hopes were held that they were in Louisbourg when they had not landed.* 
 
 1 Vol. 10, p. 17. ^ Many accidents of this kind took place to their own guns and men. 
 
 ' Vol. 10, p. 18. * Parkman, also vol. lo.
 
 156 THE CAPTURE OF THE 'VIGILANT' 1745 
 
 Warren proposed an attack on the town, by the combined land and sea forces, 
 for which he secured the approval, not only of his own captains, but of Rous 
 and Fones, of the colonial cruisers. The Council determined that the circum- 
 stances of the army did not justify its immediate undertaking. Warren was 
 unquestionably disappointed, and some irritation appears in his letters to 
 Pepperrell. Before this had risen to any plain expression one event occurred 
 which materially affected the course of the siege. This was the capture of the 
 one ship sent out from France which could have helped Du Chambon in his 
 defence. The Vigilant was a new ship mounting sixty-four guns. It was said 
 that she was so heavily laden that her lowest tier of guns was not available in 
 battle. Her command was given to Maisonfort, who was given instructions 
 to succour Louisbourg without uselessly exposing his vessel.^ 
 
 The Vigilant, on her voyage from Brest, captured two British vessels, on 
 which she put prize crews to bring them in to Louisbourg. On the 20th of 
 May she was off the coast of Isle Royale, proceeding with a fair north-east wind 
 for her destination. She fell in with and chased the Mermaid, of forty guns. 
 Captain Douglass. The latter, replying with his stern guns to the fire of the 
 Frenchman, was pursued towards the northwards where Warren's ships lay. 
 Douglass signalled to them the presence of the enemy. When Maisonfort " (at 
 2 P.M.) discovered the British ships, conditions were reversed. He turned 
 south-westwards to sea, and was chased by the Mermaid. He crowded on all 
 sail. The British ship was joined at six by Rous, in command of the Shirley, 
 who " Ply'd his Bow Chase very well." At eight the Eltham and Superbe came 
 up, and after an hour's action Maisonfort struck. In the darkness of night-time 
 and fog they all but lost the prize. Maisonfort had made a gallant fight, and 
 did not surrender until his ship was unworkable, and was so much shattered 
 that she had to be towed into Gabarus Bay the next day, so that he had no 
 chance of escaping. Sixty of her crew of 500 were killed or wounded. 
 Douglass was put in command of her, and with difficulty a crew was obtained 
 from the transports and army.^ The Superbe' s master's log. No. 722, has a 
 slightly different account, agreeing that the Vigilant fought until completely 
 disabled. " She could make no sort of sail." The logs all show that she 
 inflicted considerable damage on the three ships which overpowered her. 
 
 Had the Vigilant successfully entered the harbour the effect on the siege 
 must have been great.^ Its crew would have about doubled the number of the 
 defenders of the town. The stores she carried would have most opportunely 
 
 ^ I.R. B, vol. 82, f, 59 and 70. - See Biographical Appendix. 
 
 ■* This in brief is the account of the MermaiiVs log (R.O. Captains' Logs, 820). 
 
 * If she had got in, I believe she would have put them in such a condition as to prevent any Fleet in the World's 
 coming in the Town " (Capt. Ph. Durell of the Superbe). " If the Ship had got into the Harbour we should never have 
 taken the place" ("an officer of Marines" in Durell, Captain M'Donald (?).
 
 1745 ITS GREAT ADVANTAGES 157 
 
 supplemented those of the defence, which were so low that the powder was 
 sparingly used. The rashness of De la Maisonfort would have animated the 
 defence with the spirit it needed. The courage and tenacity with which he and 
 his crew fought on the Vigilant until she was completely disabled, we must 
 believe, would have proved too much for the few and unskilled gunners of the 
 Grand Battery. Had they silenced these guns, then, from some such position as 
 the Arethnse occupied in 1758, the siege batteries would have been laid open to 
 the devastating broadsides of the Vigilant} The fortunes of France suffered 
 grievously from the rashness of her commander. 
 
 Powder from her stores was found very useful by the provincials in adding 
 to their stores, which, like those of the French, had run low. But the fire of 
 their batteries was not very effective. With regard to other operations, the 
 ofBcers had not enough control over their men to order them to the attack on 
 the Island Battery, and to have that order obeyed. The organization of this 
 expedition was being attempted continuously from the time that it was first 
 spoken of, but night after night it was put off. The first of the attempts 
 which were serious was made on the 21st. Warren had two hundred men 
 ready to assist, but the disorderly mob which appeared at the Grand Battery was 
 in no condition to make an attack. 
 
 "The night, owing to the moon and the northern lights, was not so agreeable as may 
 happen the ensuing one, and the appearance of small detachments of men without officers 
 was much less pleasing, many of which only under the conduct (not influence) of a sarjeant 
 & many others only centinells without any officer of any kind, & not a ^t^'N of them noisy 
 & in liquor." - 
 
 Waldo wrote that only fourteen of his men would go ; although he 
 claimed that the spirit of his regiment was better than others. The men 
 believed the French had wind of their design. D'Aillebout, in command of the 
 island, was erecting a fascine battery to protect its landing-place. The council 
 had an examination of witnesses the next day. Their decision was that 
 Colonels Noble and Gorham, who were in command, were not chargeable with 
 misbehaviour in the affair. The council also " advised, that if a number of men 
 to the amount of three or four hundred appear as volunteers for the attack of 
 the Island Battery, they be allowed to choose their own officer and be entitled to 
 the plunder found there." ^ This offer produced some effect. 
 
 ' See map. ^ Vol. lo, Waldo to Pepperrell, p. 213. 
 
 ^ Vol. 10, p. 21. Had plunder been much of an inducement, the adventurers would have been sorely dis- 
 appointed had the island been taken. Young d'Estimauville was burned out when in command of the detachment at 
 Fort Guillaume, at Table Head, in September 1752. His claim for reimbursement of his losses represents that he 
 had the following property: 10 shirts, 10 handkerchiefs, 11 stockings, 2 vests, 2 shoes, 8 towels and bedding; also an 
 overcoat, a silver couvert, and a goblet, a hunting knife, etc., a canteen of 5 bottles, demijohn of wine, 8 glasses, 2 flasks, 
 etc. He was probably better supplied than any officer in 1745, and the four or five on the Island Battery and their 
 eighty men would have given little to divide.
 
 158 THE REPULSE AT THE ISLAND BATTERY 1745 
 
 The officers chosen found over four hundred adventurers assembled at the 
 Grand Battery on the night of the 26th. As they embarked they gave the 
 impression to Waldo that the greater part of them never intended to land in 
 the attack. The surf was as heavy as any Warren had known on the coast. 
 
 " I am very sorry for the miscarriage and loss of men in the attempt on the Island Battery. 
 There was as great a surfF the night it was undertaken as I have known here, and I desired 
 Captain Durell to acquaint you, if you wou'd lend us vour whale boats we wou'd attempt it 
 from the ships the first favourable opportunity, tho' I must own I think wee ought not to 
 unmann them upon any account, as the sea force of the enemy may be daily expected, whom 
 we ought to be in a condition to receive." ^ 
 
 The foremost boats reached the island and landed their men. The garrison 
 was ready for them and a conflict began. The garrison was small. One account 
 says 60 to 80 soldiers. There were also about 140 militiamen. After three hours 
 of fighting, which ended at four in the morning, the victory was with the French. 
 The loss was 189 men,- and it paralyzed for the moment the besieging forces. The 
 next day the batteries were silent for some time ; that of the Grand because it 
 had no powder, nor men to work it ; the others presumably on account of the 
 confusion. Waldo sent one of his vigorous letters to Pepperrell : 
 
 " The silence of all our batterys after the misfortune of last night is very prejudicial to 
 our interests. I humbly apprehend we ought rather to have doubled our zeal ye way." 
 " From all accounts from shore we learn the men are prodigiously discouraged." ^ 
 
 Warren's impatience Increased. On the 24th he again sent a plan approved 
 by his captains. It proposed that 1000 men from the army should embark on 
 the vessels, that 600 men more should be found from the land forces to man the 
 Vigilant, that the harbour should be forced, the transports to be under cover of 
 the men-of-war, and that a vigorous attack in boats should be made from the 
 ships, and that Captain M'Donald should land the marines and lead the 
 land attack.'' 
 
 The council on the 25th "maturely weighed" this plan, pointed out that 
 the reduction of the Island Battery, and of that circular battery with which 
 Du Chambon ' had replaced and reinforced the guns at the Dauphin Gate, would 
 be of great service to the attack on the town, and that they would endeavour it, 
 
 ' Vol. 10, p. 233. - Pepperrell to Warren, May 2S, vol. I, p. 33. 
 
 ' Diary of Rev. Joseph Emerson, Chaplain of the Molinciix frigate ; published by Sam. A. Green. 
 
 * The marines on the men-of-war were about 300 in number. Capt. James M'Donald came to Shirley highly 
 r-ecommended, and received from him a Colonel's commission to command the marines under Pepperrell, if they served on 
 shore (Shirley to Pepperrell, May 10). Pepperrell thought he was boastful and a martinet. " I am well assurd. he never 
 was, put it all together, one hour in any of ye trenches, & he might be on shore before we came in ye citty three Hays at a 
 time in ye camp, & then to be sure we were glad to get rid of him, for ye most he did was to find fault that our encamp- 
 ment was not regulr., or yt the soldrs. did not march as hansome as old regulr. troops, their toes were not turned enough out, 
 &c." (Pepperrell to Shirley, vol. 10, p. 330). * Lartigue, a civilian, was very active in this work.
 
 1745 FRICTION BETWEEN THE COMMANDERS 159 
 
 while the Vigilant was refitting. They then summarized the difficulties of the 
 situation : 
 
 " That as the difficulties of communication between the army and shippino- are often so 
 great that boats cannot put off nor reland for several days together ; there being a consider- 
 able degree of sickness in the army ; there being reason to apprehend that a number of French 
 Indians may be dayly expected on the back of our camp ; also that our men being unused 
 to the sea would be soon unfitted for service by being on shipboard ; it is by no means 
 advizeable to send off any number of the land forces to go into the harbour in the ships 
 lest if by any accident the ships should not go in at the time proposed, the land men might 
 not be able immediately to repair on shoar, which might be attended with the worst 
 j consequences to the army. 
 
 " That a general attack be made on the town by the army and naval force as soon, and 
 in such manner, as shall be determined upon by their united Councils [and submitted an 
 I alternative plan] : 
 
 I " Vizt. That five hundred men be taken out of the cruizers and transports, and distri- 
 
 I buted in the ships of war, in order to facilitate the manning the Vigilant. 
 I "That the ships and other vessels proceed into the harbour at the time agreed upon in 
 
 such manner as Com'^'^ Warren shall direct. 
 
 " That five hundred land men and what men can be spared from the cruizers be in 
 readiness at the Grand Battery to put ofF in boats upon a signal, and to land and scalade 
 the wall on the front of the town, under the fire of the ships' cannon. The marines and 
 what seamen Com'^^ Warren thinks proper to attack at the same time and place. 
 
 " That five hundred men, or more if to be had, scalade the wall at the southeast part of 
 the town at the same time. 
 
 " That five hundred men make an attack at the breach at the West Gate, and endeavour 
 to possess themselves of the Circular Battery. 
 
 "That five hundred men be posted at a suitable place to sustain the party attacking at 
 the West Gate." i 
 
 Warren's impatience showed in his letters. He transmitted his plan of the 
 24th in a letter beginning with these words : 
 
 " I am sorry to give you the trouble of so many plans of operation against the garrison 
 of Louisbourg, and beg leave to assure vou, most candidly, that they all have been such as 
 appeared best to my weak judgment, under the several circumstances that you were in, at 
 the different times of my proposing them." - 
 
 Pepperrell replied in a calm tone on the same day in transmitting the report 
 of the council, which drew from Warren a brusque answer, the basis of which is 
 in two of its passages. " For God's sake, let us do something, and not waste 
 our time in indolence," showed Warren's frame of mine. The reasons for this 
 impetuous appeal Warren stated as follows : 
 
 "I sincerely wish you all the honour and success imaginable, and only beg to know, in 
 what manner I can be more serviceable, than in cruizing, to prevent the introduction of 
 
 1 Vol. 10, p. 23. ^ Vol. I, p. 32.
 
 i6o THE LIGHTHOUSE BATTERY 1745 
 
 succours to the garrison. I fear that if that be all that is expected from the ships, or that 
 thev can do, Louisbourg will be safe for some time ; for my part I have proposed all that I 
 think can be done already, and only wait your answer thereto."' 
 
 Pepperrell replied on the 28th with a statement of what the army had done 
 and its condition. 
 
 " In answer to yours of 26th inst. I beg leave to represent to you that this is now the 
 29th dav since the army first invested the town of Louisbourg, and drove the inhabitants 
 within their walls. That in this time we have erected five fascine batteries, and with hard 
 service to the men, drawn our cannon, mortars, ball, etc. ; that with 16 pieces of cannon, and 
 our mortars mounted at said batteries, and with our cannon from the royal battery, we have 
 been playing on the town, by which we have greatly distrest the inhabitants, made some 
 breaches in the wall, especially at the west gate, which we have beat down, and made a 
 considerable breach there, and doubt not but shall soon reduce the circular battery. That 
 in this time we have made five unsuccessful attempts upon the island battery, in the last of 
 which we lost about 189 men, and many of our boats were shot to pieces, and many of our 
 men drowned before thev could land ; that we have also kept out scouts to destroy any 
 settlements of the enemy near us, and prevent a surprise in our camp . . . that by the 
 services aforesaid and the constant guards kept night and day round the camp, at our 
 batteries, the army is very much fatigued, and sickness prevails among us, to that degree 
 that we now have but about 2100 effective men, six hundred of which are gone in 
 the quest of two bodies of French and Indians we are informed are gathering, one to the 
 eastward, and the other to the westward." ^ 
 
 He promised that he and some of his council will wait on Warren as soon 
 as possible, but told him that an attempt on the Island Battery by boats was 
 impracticable ; a tribute to the vigour of D'Aillebout's defence on the 26th. 
 
 Warren writes again on the 29th after being 
 
 " three days in a fog that I could not see the length of my ship, nor one of my squadron ; 
 when that is the case I look on myself to be as far from you as if I were in Boston." He 
 quotes Shirley's letter in which the Governor refers to Warren's command. This Warren 
 says he mentions "but to show that my opinion, which I shall ever give candidly to the 
 best of my judgment, might have, in conjunction with the captains under my command, 
 some weight and force with you." 
 
 A most important step was now taken, one which might have been earlier 
 begun, had the technical skill at Pepperrell's disposal been more adequate.^ 
 The nearest point to the Island Battery was the land across the mouth of the 
 harbour on which the lighthouse was placed. A distance of about one 
 thousand yards separated these points. It was not, however, until towards the 
 end of May that it occurred to the besiegers to attack the Island Battery from 
 
 ' Vol. I, pp. 34-35, May 26. - Pepperrell to Warren, vol. i, p. 35. 
 
 3 " We being poorly provided with persons experienced in engineering " (Pepperrell to Bastide, June 2, vol. 10, p. 239). 
 Bastide arrived at Louisbourg about June 5. The lighthouse b.ittery was then under construction.
 
 1745 THE LAST DAYS OF THE SIEGE i6i 
 
 this point. The first mention of the project in letters to Pepperrell is in that 
 of Waldo, who wrote on the 26th : 
 
 "I have been over to the Lighthouse side, where have found a very convenient place 
 for electing a fine battery to the seaward . . . and a flank or bastion to ye said battery 
 that will mount four or five guns that will range the Island Battery ... I have determined 
 as Col. Gorham's have leisure enough that they this evening and the ensuing night thro 
 up another . . . which will greatly annoy the Island Battery, being the best-situated in 
 my poor apprehension for the purpose." ^ 
 
 Guns and materials were conveyed by sea to the position, and the work 
 carried on. No movement made by the besiegers was more effective. Warren's 
 ships were held outside the harbour by the Island Battery. The injuries to 
 the walls of the town were being repaired as the damage was done, or when 
 the permanent works were destroyed, they were^ as at the Dauphin Gate, 
 replaced by newly erected defences of earthwork and fascines. The French 
 thus deferred the possibilities of a successful land attack. They guarded, in 
 the event of the harbour being forced, against boats landing from the ships 
 or from the Grand Battery on the beaches and quays, by stretching a chain 
 between the Dauphin Works and the Batterie de la Grave. Du Chambon and 
 his men, with dogged tenacity rather than Gallic dash, were doing all they 
 could to hold the place. Eager as Warren was, his captains had on June 7 
 declared that it was inadvisable to attempt to force the harbour without 
 silencing the Island Battery, nor would the pilots then with them bring the 
 ships close enough to bring their guns to bear efi^ectively on it.^ Warren's 
 captains added that if they could get pilots who would anchor the ships halt 
 a cable length from the battery, and they had five hundred men from the army 
 with officers, who would land where Warren directed, they would attempt 
 its reduction. Such pilots did not exist, and Pepperrell replied : 
 
 " I cannot think it advisable to attempt it again in whale boats which a few musket 
 balls will sink." ^ 
 
 The progress of the siege was almost blocked when the Lighthouse 
 Battery began its work. 
 
 Shirley's account of the later days of the siege clearly and briefly sets forth 
 the conditions and course of events. 
 
 " And by the 14th, four more Guns were placed on the nth, fuftained by 320 Men. 
 Powder growing short, the Fire had tor fome days been very much flacken'd, and the 
 French began to creep a little out of the Cafmates and Covers, where they had hid 
 
 ' Vol. 10, p. 224. As Waldo gave orders to proceed with the work, it is likely that the project had been discussed 
 before. There is no entry in the minutes of the Council of War about this battery until June 9, then only about 
 transferring to it one of their largest mortars. 
 
 - June 7, vol. I, p. 41. ^ Pepperrell to Warren, June 8. 
 
 M
 
 1 62 CAPITULATION 1745 
 
 themfelves, during the greateft Fiercenefs of it ; but this being the Anniverfary of his 
 Majeftv's happv AcceflJon to the Throne, it was determined to celebrate it as became 
 loyal Subjects and good Soldiers ; and Orders were given for a general Difcharge of all the 
 Cannon from e\ery Battery, at Twelve O'Cloclc, which was accordingly done, and follow'd 
 by an incelTant Fire all the reft of the Day : which much difheartened the Enemy, 
 efpecially as they muft be fenfible what muft be the Confequence of this new Battery. 
 It was now determined, as foon as poffible, after the Arrival of the Canterbury and 
 Sunderland, to make a general Attack by the Sea and Land : Accordingly they arriving 
 the next Day, all the Tranfports were order'd off to take out the fpare Mafts and Yards, 
 and other Lumber of the Men of War. The Soldiers were employ 'd in gathering Mofs 
 to barricade their Nettings, and 600 men were fent on board the King's Ships at the 
 Commodore's Requeft. The large Mortar was order'd to the Light-houfe Battery ; and 
 a new Supply of Powder arriving, the Fire was more fierce from this Time to 
 
 "The 15th, than ever. When the Mortar began to play from the Light-houfe 
 Battery upon Ifland Battery ; out of 19 Shells, 17 fell within the Fort, and one of them 
 upon the Magazine, which, together with the Fire from the Cannon, to which the 
 Enemy was very much expofed, they having but little to fhelter them from the Shot 
 that ranged quite through their Barracks, fo terrified them, that many of them left the 
 Fort, and run into the Water for Refuge. 
 
 " The Grand Battery being in our PofTeffion ; the Ifland Battery being fo much 
 annoy 'd by the Light-houfe Battery ; the North-Eaft Battery fo open to our Advance 
 Battery, that it was not poflible for the Enemy to ftand to their Guns ; all the Guns in 
 the Circular Battery except three being difmounted, and the Wall almoft wholly broke 
 down ; the Weft Gate demolifhed, and a large Breach in the Wall adjoining ; The Weft 
 Flank in the King's Baftion almost ruined ; all the Houfes and other Buildings almoft 
 torn to Pieces, but one Houfe in the town being left unhurt, and the Enemy's Stock of 
 Ammunition growing fhort, they fent out a Flag of Truce to the Camp, defiring Time 
 to confider upon the Articles of Capitulation. This was granted till the next Morning 
 when they brought out Articles, which were refufed, and others fent in by the General 
 and Commodore, and agreed to by the Enemy : Hoftages were exchanged and 
 
 "On the 17th of June, the City and Fortrefles were furrendered, and the Garrifon 
 and all the Inhabitants, to the Number of 2000, capable of bearing Arms, made Prifoners, 
 to be tranfported to France with all their perfonal Effects. During the whole Siege, we 
 had not more than loi Men killed by the Enemy and all other Accidents, and about 30 
 died of Sicknefs. And according to the beft Accounts, there were killed of the Enemy 
 within the Walls about 300, befides Numbers that died by being confined within the 
 Cafemates." ^ 
 
 This was brought about by the hopelessness of the situation, well described 
 by Shirley. The principal inhabitants of the city begged Du Chambon to 
 capitulate. Verville, the engineer, at his request, made a report on the battered 
 state of the fortifications ; Ste. Marie, another on their exhausted munitions 
 of war. A council of war met, and unanimously decided the proper course 
 was to offer to capitulate.^ 
 
 ' Shirley, p. 30, - The originals of these documents or at least contemporary facsimiles are in M. St, Mery, vol, 50.
 
 1745 THE TERMS 163 
 
 Du Chambon sent an officer, young Eurry de la Perelle, who had recovered 
 from his wound received in the defence of the Island Battery, with a letter 
 asking for a suspension of hostilities to arrange terms for a capitulation. It 
 was high time. We know the condition of the town. There were but forty- 
 seven barrels of powder in its stores. The men-of-war cleared for action, their 
 crews supplemented by 600 provincials lay ready in Gabarus Bay, over against 
 the camp, to force the harbour. The land forces were prepared with scaling 
 ladders and fascines to storm the breaches in the walls. Warren had landed, 
 and the regiment drawn up on parade listened to his inspiring words. The 
 suspension was granted until nine the next morning. Negotiations were 
 carried on during the i6th, Sunday, and resulted in the following letter from 
 Warren and Pepperrell, which was modified by later arrangements : ^ 
 
 "We have before us yours of this date, together with the several articles of capitulation 
 on which you have proposed to surrender the town and fortifications of Louisbourg with 
 the territories adjacent, under your government, to his Britannic Majesty's forces, now 
 besieging said place, under our command, which articles we can by no means conceed to. 
 But, as we are desirous to treat you in a generous manner we do again make you an offer 
 of terms of surrender proposed by us in our summons sent you the 7th may last ; and 
 to further consent to allow and promise you the following articles," viz. : 
 
 First. — "That if your own vessels shall be found insuiHcient for the transportation 
 of your persons and proposed effects to France, we will provide such a further number 
 of vessels as may be sufficient for that purpose, also any provisions necessary for the 
 voyage which you cannot furnish yourselves with." 
 
 Secondly. — "That all the commission officers belonging to the garrison, and the 
 inhabitants of the town may remain in their houses with their families and enjoy the 
 free exercise of their religion, and no person shall be suffered to misuse and molest any 
 of them till such time as they can be conveniently transported to France." 
 
 Thirdly. — "That the non-commission officers and soldiers shall immediately upon the 
 surrender of the town and fortresses, be put on board of his Britannic Majesty's ship till 
 they also be transported to France." 
 
 Fourthly. — " That all your sick and wounded shall be taken tender care of in the same 
 manner as our own." 
 
 Fifthly. — " That the commander in chief now in Garrison shall have liberty to send off 
 covered waggons to be inspected only by one officer of ours, that no warlike stores may 
 be contained therein." 
 
 Sixthly. — "That if there are any persons in the town or garrison which shall desire 
 may not be seen by us, they shall be permitted to go off masked." 
 
 " The above we do consent to, and promise upon your complyance with the following 
 conditions : " 
 
 First. — " That the said surrender and due performance of every part of the aforesaid 
 premises, be made and completed as soon as possible." 
 
 Secondly. — " That as a security for the punctual performance of the same, the Island 
 
 ^ See end of chapter.
 
 1 64 SURRENDER OF THE TOWN 1745 
 
 Battery or one of the batteries of the town shall be delivered together with the warlike 
 stores, thereunto belonging unto the possession of his Brit. Majesty's troops, before six 
 of the clock this afternoon." 
 
 Thirdly. — "That his said Brit. Majesty's ship of war now lying before the port, shall 
 be permitted to enter the Harbour of Louisbourg without any molestation as soon after 
 six of the clock this afternoon as the commander in chief of said ships shall think fit." 
 
 Fourthly. — " That none of the officers, soldiers, non-inhabitants in Louisbourg who are 
 subjects of the French King shall take up arms against his Brit. Majesty, nor any of his 
 allies until after the expiration of the full term of twelve months from this time." 
 
 Fifthly. — "That all subjects of his Brit. Majesty who are now prisoners with you 
 shall be immediately delivered up to us." 
 
 "In case of your non-compliance with these conditions we decline any further treaty 
 with you on this afFair, and shall decide the matter by our arms, and are. Sir, Your 
 humble servants, P. Warren, 
 
 W. Pepperrell." 
 
 The point on which Du Chambon held out to the last was the granting the 
 honours of war, that is marching out with their arms and colours flying. An 
 interchange of letters between Pepperrell and Warren showed that their senti- 
 ments agreed on this point, " the uncertainty of our affairs that depends so much 
 on wind and weather make it necessary not to stick at trifles." ^ Hostages from 
 the town were sent to them. It was arranged that Warren should take posses- 
 sion of the Island Battery and Pepperrell of the town. The inexperience of the 
 civilian General led to precipitancy, of which Du Chambon complained to Warren. 
 Pepperrell did not, apparently, know that taking possession was irregular until 
 after the ratification of the articles of capitulation. These were hastened to 
 completion, and on the 17th the town was yielded up. 
 
 "Monday, 17. This day, the French flag was struck, and the English one hoisted up 
 in its place at the island battery. We took possession early in the morning. We hoisted 
 likewise the English flag at the grand battery, and our other new batteries ; then fired 
 our cannons and gave three huzzas. At two o'clock in the afternoon. Commodore 
 Warren, with all the men-of-war, as also the prize man-of-war of sixty guns ; (the 
 Vigilant)^ our twenty guns ships ; likewise our snows, brigantines, privateers and trans- 
 ports, came all into Louisbourg harbor, which made a beautiful appearance. When all 
 were safely moored, they proceeded to fire on such a victorious and joyful occasion. 
 About four o'clock in the afternoon, our land army marched to the south gate of the city, 
 and entered the same, and so proceeded to the parade near the citadel ; the French troops, 
 at the same time, being all drawn up in a very regular order. Our army received the 
 usual salutes from them, every part being performed with all the decency and decorum 
 imaginable. And as the French were allowed to carry off their effects, so our guards took 
 all the care they possibly could to prevent the common soldiers from pilfering and stealing, 
 or otherwise giving them the least molestation. The guard and watch of the city, the 
 garrisons &c., were delivered to our troops" (Gibson, p. 52). 
 
 ' Vol. I, p. 45.
 
 1745 DISORDER IN THE TOWN 165 
 
 The terms gave little satisfaction to the rank and file. The prospect of 
 booty was as potent an influence in favour of enlistment as it was in all other 
 armies to a much later time than 1745, and the troops, after a campaign which 
 was full of hardship, if not of fighting, saw French property secured to its 
 owners. Warren had foreseen the possibility of disorder. He wrote to 
 Pepperrell on the i6th : 
 
 " I rejoice at our success : be assured, sir, that I shall always be glad of your approba- 
 tion of my conduct. I beg we may all behave to the prisoners that fall under our pro- 
 tection by the chance of war, with the humanity and honour becoming English officers, 
 and be persuaded it will add greatly to the reputation which we acquire by the reduction of 
 this formidable garrison." ^ 
 
 His words of caution were justified by the result. The French had been 
 irritated by irregularities in the official conduct of affairs. They commented on 
 Bradstreet being sent in at the head of the detachment which took possession 
 of the town. He had broken, from their point of view, his parole, given at 
 Canso, by serving in this campaign. They later laid stress on the Infraction 
 of the terms of capitulation In some of the prisoners being sent to France by 
 the way of Boston instead of directly from Louisbourg. They had now more 
 substantial grievances. The arrangements to protect the inhabitants were 
 inadequate. Pillage, rioting, and insult were the lot of these people who had 
 already been subjected to the hardship of so long a siege. Du Chambon com- 
 plained to the authorities. Pepperrell entered in his diary on the 1 9th, " Many 
 complaints of abuses done by the English soldiers to the French inhabitants." 
 Rejoicing took place and dinners. Haste was made In removing the troops to 
 the town and destroying the entrenchments, for there were rumours that a large 
 force of French and Indians were close at hand. The inhabitants were shipped to 
 France as rapidly as possible. Eleven transports sailed on the 4th of July. It 
 was found that as there was scarcely accommodation in the vessels for the people, 
 they had to leave behind much of their property, so that to a great extent they 
 lost the benefits of the capitulation. They were deprived of their own vessels, 
 which fell as spoils to the victors. Bigot, however, secured the King's cash, 
 200,000 1., by representing it as the property of private parties.^ 
 
 1 Vol. I, p. 45. 
 
 2 Bigot Memoire. The losses of this siege were not great in men. About one hundred on the English side. A 
 French return gives their force and losses as follows : 
 
 Statement of the soldiers, inhabitants, sailors, and fisheuuen who were in the town of Louisbourg at the beginning 
 
 of ^^^ *'<=S« ■■ Soldiers 5°° 
 
 Inhabitants, sailors, and fishermen . . . 762 1262 
 
 At Ile De l'Entree 
 Soldiers . . . ■ • -9° 
 
 Inhabitants, etc. . . . • ■ 13^ ^^* 
 
 1490
 
 1 66 THE REWARDS OF THE COMMANDERS 174s 
 
 The garrison of St. John's Island resisted an attack made by provincial 
 cruisers, and the younger Du Vivier, its commander, carried off his soldiers in 
 safety to Quebec.^ The inhabitants, unlike those of Isle Royale, were allowed to 
 remain undisturbed. 
 
 A joint letter to the Prime Minister was dispatched. Shirley and the other 
 Colonial Governors were advised of this victory.'- The mother country and the 
 colonies rejoiced over the capture of a fortress the reputation of which for 
 strength had been supposed to be much more nearly commensurate with its 
 strategic importance. 
 
 Britain was not ungrateful. Warren was promoted and made Admiral of 
 the Blue, and hoisted his flag amid the salutes of his ships when the news was 
 received at Louisbourg on the 25th of September. It had been proposed to make 
 him a Baronet, but apparently his own representations caused this offer to be with- 
 held. The prospect of an hereditary title brought too closely to him, as the full 
 tide of his success was in flood, the disappointment of his most personal hopes. 
 " Lord Sandwich in his letter mentions the intention to create me a Baronet. I 
 have no son, therefore if that cou'd without offence be let alone, I shall take it 
 as a favour." ^ 
 
 Pepperrell was made a Baronet. To him and Shirley was given the right 
 to raise regiments. This in itself was a large pecuniary reward, as the perquisites 
 of a colonel were very considerable. Pepperrell, although Warren, a little later, 
 thought that he on no account would accept the Governorship of the new de- 
 pendency, had on July 30 applied to the Duke of Newcastle for the position. 
 
 "My Lord Duke, I beg leave to trouble yr. Grace to request yr. favour in my behalf 
 to His Majesty, that if my Services in ye Expedition against this place have merit'd His 
 Majesty's Gracious Notice, I may obtain His Royal Commission for ye Government 
 hereof." ^ 
 
 Now that the expedition had been found a success, the outlay incurred by 
 the provinces in raising and supplying it became of the first importance to them 
 in their impoverished condition. Massachusetts could not have undertaken it 
 had readv money not been supplied by contributions of its citizens.^ 
 
 To be deducted : 
 
 Killed during the siege . . . . -5° 
 
 Wounded . . . . . . 80 130 
 
 Remaining after the siege .... 1360 
 
 Besides the Srs. de Souvigny, la Fresillicre, and Loppinot, officers, killed (M. St. M. vol. 50, p. 495). This seems to 
 include only the combatants, the actual number of inhabitants, including those of the outports, was nearly 8000. 
 
 ^ He arrived there on August 7. 
 
 - The news reached Boston early on the morning of July 3. 
 
 ' Warren to Anson, Oct. 2. 
 
 * Pepperrell to Newcastle, Louisbourg, July 30, 17+5. CO. 5/. 
 
 5 Mr. Dudley Pickman was the largest subscriber to this fund, with the exception of Pepperrell. A handsome piece 
 of silver presented by Massachusetts in recognition of his services is still extant.
 
 1745 REPAYMENT OF COLONIAL OUTLAY 167 
 
 The custom in the old wars had been to reimburse the colonies for such 
 expenditures. All their expeditions had been undertaken by authority from 
 home, but in this case, Massachusetts having been its prime mover, the question 
 was raised as to whether the reimbursements should be a matter of grace or 
 justice. There was considerable delay in the verification of accounts, and when 
 the amounts were settled there were again difficulties on account of exchange. 
 While the negotiations were in progress, the value of the bills of the Province 
 of Massachusetts had fallen so materially that it was a question as to whether 
 one hundred and eighty-three thousand pounds or one hundred and four 
 thousand pounds sterling should be remitted. Bollan, who was acting for 
 Massachusetts, displayed ability in dealing with all these matters. Finally the 
 larger amount was paid over and divided among Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
 and Rhode Island. The share of the larger province was wisely used in reducing 
 its paper money.-' Pepperrell's contribution to the expedition was ten thousand 
 pounds. It was presumably repaid, but it is probable that Pepperrell's perquisites 
 of two and one-half per cent commission on the disbursements made the expedition 
 not unprofitable to him. Douglass does not hesitate to say that it was remunera- 
 tive to Shirley.- 
 
 When the French garrison and inhabitants had left, some attempt to clean 
 the town was made, and to put it in a state to resist an attack which might be 
 made by the squadron of de Salvert.^ Colonel Bastide now became important. 
 The return which he and Gridley made of the warlike stores in the town bore 
 out the contentions of Du Chambon. There were but 27 bbls. of powder found 
 in it. Bastide made an estimate of the cost of repairs which were immediately 
 required. This amounted to ^^9000 sterling. While the army, defrauded of 
 their hopes of plunder by the capitulation, were engaged in unexciting tasks, 
 they saw the navy, which from their point of view had done little, now reaping 
 a rich harvest. The day after the capitulation a well-laden French vessel found 
 itself becalmed off the mouth of the harbour. It was towed in, a capture, to 
 
 ^ The sums paid over were : 
 
 Massachusetts 
 New Hampshire 
 Connecticut 
 Rhode Island 
 James Gibson 
 " Waldo had to write to the home authorilie 
 also unpaid. CO. 5/. 
 
 " As writers and preachers forbear publifhing . . . which are fmgular, rare or new, left they fhould prove of bad 
 example, I fhall only fum up thefe perquifites in this manner: In the fpace of four years, viz. 1741, the introductory 
 gratuities from the province, and from ... of many thoufand of pounds and the unprecedented perquifites in the three 
 expedition years of 1745, 1746, and 1747, from a negative fortune, was amaffed a large profitive eftate and the loofe corns 
 built a country-houfe at the charge of about fix thoufand pount fterling " (Douglass' Summary). 
 ^ De Salvert heard at sea of the fall of Louisbourg and returned to France. 
 
 • ;Ci83,649 2 7i 
 
 
 16,355 13 + 
 
 
 28,863 19 I 
 
 
 6,332 12 10 
 
 
 547 15 
 
 
 or ;^I339 pay due him. 
 
 He says Pepperrell
 
 i68 NAVAL PRIZES 1745 
 
 the port, which its master had thought French. The ships of the French East 
 India Company had been ordered to rendezvous at Louisbourg. Three of 
 them came to that port, where they expected to find refitment and a convoy 
 across the Western Ocean. Warren's dispatches tell their fate : 
 
 " On the 22d June a large Ship appcar'd in the Offing which I took to be a Sixty Gun 
 Ship, and the next morning at daylight I sent out the Princess Mary & Canterbury^ & 
 had the pleasure to see them from the Remparts take her, without opposition, they brought 
 her in the dav following, & she proves to be the Ch(ir?nante, a French East India Ship of 
 about five or Six Hundred Tuns, Twenty Eight Guns & Ninety Nine Men Commanded 
 by Mr. Nouoal of Contrie, who assures us that she is except Mr. Ansons, as good a Prize 
 as has been taken this war." 
 
 Thus Warren wrote to the Secretary of the Admiralty on the 25th of July. 
 By the fortunes of war he was able in his next letter, that of August i, to go 
 on as follows : 
 
 "And have now only to acquaint you that the Chester & Mermaid have brought in 
 here the Heron, a French East India Ship from Bengal, pretty rich, by her we learn that 
 the Triton is on her passage, and that this is the appointed Rendezvous for their Indian 
 Trade." 
 
 Again : 
 
 "On the 2nd inst. the Sunderland and Chester brought in the French ship, Notre Dame 
 De la Deliverance, Capt. Pierre Litant, Twenty two Guns, and about Sixty men, from 
 Lima in the South Seas, for which place she sail'd from Cadiz in the year Forty one, she 
 has on board in Gold and Silver upwards of Three hundred thousand pounds Sterling, & a 
 Cargo of Cocoa, Peruvian Wool, and Jesuits Bark ; She came from Lima with two others, 
 each of them much richer than this." 
 
 These were Warren's official accounts of these events so interesting to him 
 and to the crews of the ships concerned.^ 
 
 The personal aspect he touches on in the letter to Anson : 
 
 "The Captains that I now send home under Captain Edward's Command carry home 
 the South seamens money, and they will pay one hundred thousand pieces of Eight, to my 
 Attorneys, and the Eighth of her cargo, and that of the two India Ships when sold, and 
 settled, and also of the Vigilant, all of which you will please to vest in the best Funds you 
 can for my advantage." ^ 
 
 ' Ad. Sec, In Letters No. 2655. 
 
 - Warren to Anson, October 2, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 15,957, f. 160. 
 
 From the 6th to the 18th of August the Canterbury took on board, according to her Captain's Log, R.O. No. 161, 
 the following treasure : 
 
 ** Came on board from the Delii-crance South Seaman 39 bags said to contain 1000 Dollars Sc 9 bags, each bag said 
 to contain 300 ' Double Loons in Gould.' 
 
 Received from Deliverance 3 boxes sd. to contain 2000 dollars each. 
 
 .. « > » ■> '000 » 
 
 „ „ 7 pigs of virgin silver.
 
 1745 A MUTINY AVERTED 169 
 
 Such captures as these show the enormous growth of Law's one success, the 
 French East India Company, founded less than thirty years before, as well as 
 the effect of the system of prize money, which made a naval command during 
 these wars one of the most remunerative enterprises in which one could be 
 engaged.' 
 
 Warren was appointed Governor, but his commission not arriving, he and 
 Pepperrell remained at Louisbourg until the spring of 1746 and jointly 
 administered the affairs of a new establishment. The problems with which 
 they had to deal were as trying, if not as critical, as those which arose during 
 the siege. The rank and file, as well as many of the officers of the provincial 
 forces, began as soon as they had entered the town to turn their thoughts to 
 getting back to their homes. Shirley's proclamation for raising the troops was 
 loosely worded, but the preservation of this important capture, open, it was felt 
 by the authorities, to attack from France or from Canada, made the retention 
 ,of these forces at Louisbourg until the arrival of regular troops absolutely 
 indispensable. Pepperrell dealt as well with the matter as was possible. The 
 sick were sent home ; as many as could be spared of those whose affairs urgently 
 required them were also returned, and, showing the importance of one of the 
 principal industries of New England, those who had contracts for the supply of 
 mast timber were also allowed to go. 
 
 The temper of the troops was, however, unsatisfactory. Shirley was sent 
 for, and he arrived, together with Mrs. Warren and his own family, on the 17th 
 of August. The troops by this time were mutinous. However, they received 
 the Governor with due form and ceremony. 
 
 " The whole army was mustered and placed in the most Genteel manner to Receive 
 the Govr. the Genl. walk't foremost the Governors Lady at his Right. Then his Excellency 
 &c. The men Stood on Each Side with their arms Rested from ye Gate By ye 
 Comondores To ye Barracks att ye Govrs : Landing ye Cannon fir'd from ye Batterys & 
 from ye men of war ; when the Battallian was Dismissed there was fireing with Small arms 
 for two Hours. His Excellency's arrival was verry Rejoycing To us all."- 
 
 The dissatisfaction of the troops was at its height in September. On the 
 1 7th they had plotted to lay down their arms on the next day. Acting after 
 consultation with the Council, Shirley addressed the troops and promised an 
 
 Received from Deli'uerance 32 boxes sd. to contain 2000 dollars each. 
 ,, „ 1 „ „ 1 140 doubleoones. 
 
 „ „ iS bars of gold sd. to weigh 65^ lbs. 
 
 „ „ 1000 dollars in silver & 39 bales of wool. 
 
 „ „ 22 chests sd. to contain 2000 dollars each. 
 
 ,, „ II .. ft 3000 „ 
 
 „ „ 40 ,, „ 3000 dollars each." 
 
 ' Warren also retained of his specie 100,000 Spanish dollars to meet the immediate expenses of the ships 
 
 - Bradstreet's Diary, p. 33.
 
 I70 FEARS OF ATTACK 1745 
 
 increase of pay to forty shillings a month. ^ His efforts to placate the soldiers 
 were successful. On October 2 the members of Council, answering his inquiry, 
 
 "Unanimously declared that it was their opinion that His Excellency's said declarations 
 and measures had quite appeased and delayed the spirit of discontent, and that the soldiers 
 appeared well satisfied with his declaration to them, claiming that manv of them were 
 uneasy in their prospects of being detained here from their families till Spring, some of 
 them for want of cloths." - 
 
 When these exciting events had ceased to occur, the garrison settled down 
 to what to them would have seemed a dreary winter, with their only occupation, 
 the repair of the fortifications and buildings. It proved more than a dreary 
 autumn and winter. Louisbourg at its best was a town of narrow streets and 
 lanes. The interruption to ordinary life of the siege had resulted in an 
 accumulation of filth that turned the town into a midden. The change from 
 sleeping in the open, to infected barracks and houses was unwholesome, and the 
 entries in the diaries of these months is a dreary repetition of sickness and 
 burials. Warren, in addition to the " scorbutick disorder " which afflicted him, 
 had a touch of the prevailing disease from which he recovered. The Rev. 
 Stephen Williams was at death's door for weeks with sufferings which he bore 
 with fortitude, ceasing his ministrations to the men only when his strength was 
 completely spent. 
 
 In October the garrison, reduced by mortality and the return of the troops 
 to New England, was nominally two thousand men. About one-third of them 
 were on the sick list. Warren, who was recovering, more than once, in a long 
 letter, touches on the danger of an attack on a garrison of this size where from 
 eight to fourteen of its members die daily.^ 
 
 There were causes for alarm. Some of de Salvert's smaller ships touched 
 at a port in Newfoundland, which Warren thought might be a base from which 
 an attack would be directed. Word was brought that a force of six thousand 
 men would be sent down from Canada to retake Louisbourg.* It followed the 
 same lines as the first scheme for the British attack in 1758, namely, a landing 
 in Mire Bay and an advance overland. The town itself was strengthened as 
 much as possible. A boom was made ready to protect the mouth of the 
 harbour. Guns which could be spared from the ships were mounted on the 
 walls and the Grand Battery was dismantled. The adequacy of these 
 preparations was not tested." 
 
 ^ Vol. 10, p. 45. 2 Vol. 10, p. 47. 
 
 ' Douglass' estimate that New England lost two thousand of its able-bodied people as the price of this victory was 
 not exaggerated, Warren said in the spring that two thousand had died since the occupation, 
 
 ■* This project, that of Beauharnois ami Hocquart, was set forth in a letter to the Minister, Sept. 12, 1745, 
 A.N. C", vol, 83. 
 
 * Warren was dismayed at the expense, and assured the Lords of the Admiralty that the utmost economy was 
 practised by Pepperrell and himself.
 
 1745 PEPPERRELL AND WARREN 171 
 
 One loose thread may be fastened in. The friction between Pepperrell 
 and Warren was only during the period when the troops were inactive, and 
 Warren saw that unless more progress was made the expedition would fail. 
 Then, irritated by the lack of attention paid to his proposals, the inefficacy of 
 the Council's actions, his letters lose their courteous phrasing. It is fair also 
 to infer that his bearing in personal intercourse during these days may have 
 been very different from that which made him so great a favourite with the 
 colonists among whom he had been stationed.^ 
 
 Pepperrell's tone in his letters never varied. It commands admiration. 
 He retained his calmness in his dealings not only with Warren, but in those 
 with his Council. He was undismayed by the failure of plan after plan, shaken 
 neither by the jealousies of his officers, the recklessness of some, the sluggishness 
 of others, nor by the unreasoning rashness nor the equally unreasoning 
 despondency of his men. For some weeks, under less momentous circumstances, 
 for diplomacy made their victory ephemeral, the colonial jnerchant - general 
 displayed many of the qualities which have made immortal the name of William 
 the Silent. Pepperrell and Warren busied themselves in providing for the 
 future of the colony. They urged that it should be made a free port in so far 
 as the Acts of Trade would allow, confirming in this the soundness of the view 
 of Raudot and Costebelle. They thought Louisbourg would be an admirable 
 port of call. They insisted that it must have a civil government, for settlers 
 would not come under a military governor and toleration for all Protestants, 
 and they parted with mutual esteem, Pepperrell to dignified colonial activities, 
 Warren to professional advancement and an early death. There was opportunity 
 later for misunderstandings, had these men been of different calibre. 
 
 New England had taken fire when the news came that the town had 
 surrendered to Warren. The Legislature of Massachusetts was precipitate in 
 stating its dissatisfaction. The keys were delivered up by Du Chambon to 
 Warren. He apparently handed them to Pepperrell, who in turn, at the parade 
 on Shirley's arrival, delivered them over to the Governor. 
 
 Pepperrell sums up the matter in a letter to Shirley on July 1 7 : 
 
 " I am very sorry you should meet with anything to damp yor. joy relating to any 
 dispute between the Comodore Warren & myselfe, k considering that we are both quick 
 in our tempers, I do think ye land & sea have agreed in this expedition as well as ever they 
 did on ye like occasion, & if it had not been for some who have had yor. favours I dont 
 think there would have been any, and I was well assurd. that before we got possession of 
 this place and since that it was of absolute necessity to keep from disputes & differences 
 (or otherwise ye grand design might have sufFerd.) & I have strove to my uttermost to 
 keep things easey. It is true Mr. Warren did tell me he was the chief officer here. I 
 
 1 He certainly placed Pepperrell's character, position, and conduct in the most favourable light in all his letters to 
 the home authorities.
 
 1/2 WARREN'S OPINION OF THE PROVINCIALS 174s 
 
 told him, Not on shoar. I look upon it that these disputes are all o\'er, as we both aim 
 at ye good & security of this place." 
 
 Warren wrote to Anson about the attitude of Massachusetts : 
 
 "As it is very probable you will see in some of the New England papers, or hear of 
 an address from the Council & General Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay to Governor 
 Shirlev, upon his departure for this place, I think it proper as it carrys a reflection in it, 
 both upon the General, and me, upon him for submitting to, and upon me for assuming 
 (if it had been true), an undue authority to tell you of it as my Friend, to prevent any 111 
 impression with regard to mv Conduct, this was done without any manner of foundation 
 by 111 dispos'd people, to make a breach between the General and me, to serve some dirty 
 end. The General, and I have resented it both to Governor Shirley, and his Council and 
 Assemble, who all declare their concern at it, and say they are now convinc'd it was done 
 too rashly, upon a misrepresentation, and that they will give us publick satisfaction for it 
 when the two houses meet ; I resented this treatment so warmly, that I have had many 
 letters of excuse from numbers of the people concern'd in the address." ^ 
 
 A curious afterglow is thrown on Warren's dealings with the provincial 
 officers and men by a posthumous quotation of his opinion of them, given by 
 Lord Sandwich in the House of Lords during the troubles with the colonists 
 in 1775. 
 
 " As to their prowess, I remember very well, when I had the honour to be at the Board 
 at which I now preside, I had the curiosity to inquire about the surprising feats said to be 
 performed by those people (the Americans) at the siege of Louisbourg, of the great naval 
 officer who commanded on the expedition, as able and honest a seaman as ever lived 
 (Sir Peter Warren), who told me very frankly they were the greatest set of cowards and 
 poltroons he ever knew ; they were all bluster, noise, and were good for nothing. I 
 remember a particular instance he told me, which, from the ludicrous circumstances 
 attending it, made a very deep impression on my mind. Soon after their landing, there 
 was a battery, called the Island Battery, which commanded the entrance of the harbour. 
 Sir Peter having ordered them to attack it, they engaged to perform it ; but what was the 
 consequences ? They ran away on the first fire. And how did you manage ? Did you 
 employ them afterwards, or upbraid them with their cowardice, says I ? — No, answers 
 Sir Peter, neither would it have been prudent ; I formed the marines and part of the ship's 
 crews into a body, to act on shore ; and instead of upbraiding them, I told them they had 
 behaved like heroes ; for, if I had acted otherwise, I should have never taken the town, as 
 their presence and numbers were necessary to intimidate the besieged." - 
 
 This is at best a free report of an off-hand statement by Warren, obviously 
 inaccurate as a statement of facts. Its tone differs completely from all we 
 know of Warren's expressions. Still, this may well have been his opinion of 
 these troops. We have instances of individual recklessness like that of the 
 man, who enraged by the injury to a borrowed coat, killed many Frenchmen 
 
 ' Warren to Anson, Nov. 23, 1745 ; Add. MSS. 15,957, f. 16.^. - Vol. i, p. 109.
 
 1746 
 
 THE ENGLISH GARRISON 
 
 173 
 
 on the walls from a position he took in the open ; and like that privateer, who 
 in his eagerness in the chase of the Marguerite was driven under and disappeared 
 in the Gulf The indifference they displayed to ineffective fire from the walls is 
 common among raw soldiers. But if with the qualities of cheerfulness, ingenuity, 
 and self-will they did not display military virtues, it makes more significant the 
 course of events. The aggressive upholding of colonial claims which we 
 associate with the name of Pitt gave in the next war seven years of training to 
 these men and their fellows. This training, and the inspiration of a nobler cause 
 than the capture of Louisbourg, turned a population, in their first essay as 
 soldiers such as Sandwich describes, into troops before whom, at Saratoga and 
 Yorktown, the armies of England laid down their arms. 
 
 The winter wore away. In the spring the provincial troops were relieved 
 and returned to New England in May. Their places were taken by two 
 regiments from Gibraltar, and Pepperrell's and Shirley's newly raised regiments. 
 
 Until the return of the island to France, the garrison was maintained at an 
 effective strength of twenty-five to eighteen hundred men. The force of 
 June 2, 1746, was : 
 
 Fuller . 
 
 . 613 
 
 Warburton 
 
 • 613 
 
 Shirley . 
 
 • 517 
 
 Pepperrell 
 
 • 417 
 
 Artillery 
 
 . 64 
 
 Framlon 
 
 • 300 
 
 2524 1 
 
 On September i, 1747, the effective strength was 1919, of whom 1709 
 were fit for duty.'^ 
 
 Pepperrell and Shirley found great difficulty in getting recruits. Shirley 
 said it was easier to get 10,000 men for an expedition against Canada, than 
 1000 for garrison duty.^ The state of these regiments in May 1746 shows that 
 recruiting had given them 
 
 Pepperrell's. 
 
 Massachusetts 
 Pennsylvania 
 New York 
 Connecticut 
 New Hampshire 
 Louisbourg; 
 
 Shirley's. 
 400 
 150 
 70 
 
 20 
 50 
 50 
 300 150 
 
 When one notes that 890 had died in Louisbourg between December and 
 April, and that for weeks, in the weather described by Knowles, living and dead 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 CO. 5/15. 
 
 CO. 5/901. 
 
 Shirley to Warren, Sept. 22, 1745 (CO. 5/900).
 
 174 THE EXPEDITION OF D'ANVILLE 1746 
 
 had remained under the same roof, it is not surprising that the adventurous 
 preferred a campaign in the open to such service.^ 
 
 Vice-Admiral Townsend took Warren's place in the sea command. Com- 
 modore Charles Knowles, Warren's former junior, became Governor. Warren 
 returned to Boston with Shirley on the Chester, sailing June 7, 1746, and all 
 misunderstanding having been cleared away, the warmth of his reception was 
 scarcely less than that of Sir William's. 
 
 One-tenth of the forces destined by a mortified minister to rescue Louis- 
 bourg and deliver a counterstroke, which might restore in America the prestige 
 of French arms, would have saved the place from capture. Slowness in gather- 
 ing together this great armament prevented its dispatch until June 1746. 
 
 The command of the expedition was given to De Roye de la Rochefoucauld, 
 Due d'Anville, then in his thirty-seventh year, described by one subordinate as 
 worthy to be loved and born to command. In the latter capacity he succeeded 
 his father as Lieutenant-General of the Gallies at eleven years of age. Without 
 any sea service he was made Lieutenant-General of the Naval Armaments of the 
 King, than which but one grade higher was held by those not of royal blood. - 
 Whatever may have been his qualities, every disaster known to the seafarer was 
 the lot of his armada. Tempest, the thunderbolt, collision, an appalling epidemic, 
 and starvation ruined the expedition. D'Anville died in Halifax of apoplexy, or, 
 some said, poison. D'Estournel, who succeeded him, overwhelmed by responsi- 
 bility committed suicide, and it fell to La Jonquiere to bring back to France the 
 ships and men which had survived. Those who would read its fate will find in 
 Parkman ^ pages in which lucidity no less than picturesqueness adorn the tale of 
 its ill fortune.* 
 
 Not only Louisbourg and Annapolis, but New England was alarmed by 
 the news of this expedition. The hardy provincials marched from their inland 
 homes to defend Boston with an eagerness that they had not displayed before 
 the Island Battery. Townsend and Knowles prepared to hold Cape Breton and 
 Nova Scotia. The best disposition possible was made of their resources. 
 Knowles, looking back over the events of the summer, thought that if the 
 French fleet had arrived before August, Louisbourg might have fallen, as there 
 were but five or six guns mounted to the land and the breaches made were not 
 repaired.^ But so sturdy was his spirit that with a garrison of only 2015 
 effective men, he wrote on September 19, when the arrival of D'Anville was 
 expected, " M. le Due with all his force shan't have Louisbourg this Trip " " 
 
 Knowles knew of the movements of the French fleet. He sent a flag of 
 
 ' CO. 5/901 and CO. 5/13. = A.N. Marine, C, vol. 161. = ^ Half Century of Conflict, ch. xxv. 
 
 ^ The official documents on the French side .ire in A.N. Marine, B'', vol. 59. Bigot was a commissary in the 
 fleet [Mi'moire pour Meuire Francois Bigot, Paris, MDCCLXIII). 
 
 ^ Ad. Sec, In Letters, No. 234. « CO. 5/44.
 
 1746 KNOWLES'S OPINION OF LOUISBOURG 175 
 
 truce to D'Anville with prisoners, and learned something of their condition.^ 
 Spies whom he sent later gave him the information, that La Jonquiere, who had 
 succeeded to the command, sailed to attack Annapolis.- Warren at Boston got 
 the same news, and while he felt that Louisbourg was secure, grieved for poor 
 Spry^ at Annapolis. Spry awaited the attack which never came, with more 
 solicitude for chances of British victory than about what might befall him. 
 He wrote to Knowles, " Good God, Sir, if you had but Ten Sail of Ships now 
 how easy it would be to compleat the Destruction of this Grand Armament." * 
 
 No further warlike alarm disturbed Knowles. The administration of 
 Louisbourg occupied his attention. He did not share the optimistic views 
 of Shirley, Warren, and Pepperrell. He held the worst possible opinion of 
 the place. It would cost five or six hundred thousand pounds to put it in 
 proper condition. He thought the soil barren, the climate either frost or fog 
 for nine months of the year, and within a few weeks of his taking command 
 had stopped the carrying out of the designs of Pepperrell and Warren, except 
 completing the necessary barracks. He had sound views of the command of 
 the sea, and therefore thought little of the importance of Louisbourg as a 
 fortress. 
 
 " Neither the Coast of Accadia nor any of the Harbours in Newfld. (except St. John's 
 and Placentia) are fortifyed and these but triflingly and yett we continue masters of them, 
 and whatever nation sends the Strongest fleet into these seas will always be masters of 
 the Cod fisheries for that year whether there be a Louisbourg or not." ^ 
 
 Of the people who came he also had a poor opinion. He sent back the 
 parish beggars of New England who hung about. He said that rum was 
 the chief trade in which were engaged every one in the New England army 
 from the General down to the Corporal," and he describes vividly the ravages 
 of alcohol. 
 
 " As the Commerce of this Place was changed from Fish to Rum and the loss of so 
 many of the New England troops last year was principally occasioned by that Destructive 
 Liquor, I found mvself obliged for the preservation of His Majesty's Forces to endeavor 
 to put a stop to the vending of it in such unlimited quantities and as Admiral Warren 
 just before his Departure had published an order for every suttler to lodge what spiritous 
 Liquors they were possessed of in the Cittadel casements," " 
 
 he got possession of 64,000 gallons ; but from secreted stuff, often as many 
 as one thousand men daily were drunk, until the supply ran short. A rate 
 
 1 Capt. Scott, CO. 5/44. - Co. 5/44. 
 
 '■^ Spry was an officer of whom Warren thought highly, and had been sent to Annapolis in the Chester to guard that 
 position. He was followed by Rous, now a captain in the navy in command of H.M.S. Shirley, bought from Massa- 
 chusetts. On Nov. 4, 1744, Spry had gained reputation among the people of New England by his capture of a Louis- 
 bourg privateer. Shirley to Ne\\'castle, Nov. 9 (CO. 5/900}. 
 
 ■* Chester at An,.apolis, Oct. 4 (CO. 5/44). ' CO. 5/44. ^ Letter of July 9. " CO. 5/44.
 
 176 HOPSON GOVERNOR 1748 
 
 of consumption which had such results must have rapidly depleted the stores 
 of the traders. 
 
 His judgment in certain respects was sound. He foresaw that a change 
 in the stoppages of the regiments would lead to disturbances and mutiny. He 
 was right in this, for when about June 26 Knowles communicated to the 
 mustered troops instructions he had received with regard to stoppages, and 
 gave an order that they should be deducted from their pay, 
 
 "... in a few hours after the whole garrison was in a general mutiny & the troops 
 ran & returned their provisions into store in a tumultous manner & swore that they were 
 no longer soldiers. It was impossible to discover any leader, for in an instant there were 
 more than a thousand assembled together ; as I thought no time was to be lost to prevent 
 the threatening danger I immediately order'd them imder arms & met them upon the 
 parade & informed them it was His Majesty's Order & that nothing but the exigencies 
 of the state for money to carry on the War could occasion this stoppage being made, 
 Thev remonstrated regiment by regiment that they were ready to obey His Majesty's 
 commands with their lives, but they must perish in this climate if those stoppages were 
 made, that it was scarce possible for them honestly now to supply themselves with 
 necessarys and the Common Refreshments of Life in this Scarce and dear place but it 
 would be absolutely so with those deductions & that therefore, if they had not their 
 full Pay they could be no longer soldiers, all reasoning proving inefFectuall, and perceiving 
 many to be heated with drink, I found myself obliged to order their pay & provisions 
 to be continued to them till His Majesty's further Pleasure should be known, when 
 they huzza'd & said they would serve faithfully. I told your Grace in several of my 
 former letters that I dreaded the consequences of such an order being issued & I may 
 now rejoice that nothing worse had happened, for I will venture to affirm that had four 
 hours been neglected to have given them satisfaction no reasoning would have been 
 able to have stopped their rage & force we had not to quell it with." ^ 
 
 Much to his delight he was relieved to take command of the West Indies 
 squadron. On the i8th of September 1747 he resigned the government to Col. 
 Peregrine Hopson, the senior officer of the garrison, and sailed the next day for 
 Jamaica. Hopson's occupancy of the position was not marked by any events 
 more serious than an attack on a block- house at Table Head, erected by the 
 English to protect the coal mines. The occasional capture by bands of Indians 
 of an imprudent officer, and the incursion of Marin into Cape Breton in 1748, 
 which Hopson claimed was a breach of the peace which had then been established, 
 broke the monotony of the place. While the officers of its garrison were still 
 uncertain as to their fate," diplomacy had dealt with the situation.^ 
 
 ' Knowles to Kewcastle, June 28, 17+7, CO. 5/901, p. 128. Choleric and unpleasant as Knowles was, he 
 acted in this instance with excellent judgment. 
 
 ' "Some say we shall battle the elements in this damned place for si» or eight months longer" (Lawrence to 
 Knowles, Oct. 12, 1-48, B.M. MSS. 15,956, f. 17:^). 
 
 ^ The forecasts of Knowles proved nearer correct than those of Shirley or Warren. The holding of Cape Breton 
 had not proved the advantage to New England which they and many others had hoped. The settlers were few, but
 
 APPENDICES 177 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 A. The Capture of the "Vigilant" 
 
 The principal accounts of the engagement are in the Logs. That of the 
 Mermaid is as follows : 
 
 Mermaid, 2.0th May. 
 
 Hazey Wear., Gave Chace to the S.W. at i wore Ship to the No. Wd. the Chace 
 hoistd. a French Ensign & Pendt. We fired our Stern Chace on her wch. she returned 
 from her Bow we made ye Sigl. of Discovering a Strange Ship to ye Fleet who were 
 all in shore at 2 the chace perceivg. our Fleet wore to ye So. Wd. & gave us his Broadside 
 we wore after him and returned it he made all the Sail Possible we kept Close under his 
 Starboard Quarter he kept Plying his stern Chase as we did our Bow we Portd. our Helm 
 twice and gave him two Broadsides at 6 Came up Capn. Rouse in a Privateer Snow who 
 Ply'd his Bow Chace very well at 8 the Commodr. in the Superbe and Elthatn Joyn'd 
 us the Chace Engaged us Large the Superbe on the Starbd. & we on the Larboard quarter 
 at 9 the Chace, struck sent on bd. our boats and brot. from thence the ist and 2d. Caps. 
 & part of the Officers it being a Thick Fogg could see no other Ship but the Prize wch. 
 was a French Man of War of 64 Guns & 500 Men Called the Figilant Capn. Maisonfort 
 Am Imployed shifting Prisoners & Securing our Riggin Reed, on board 130 Prisoners 
 at 8 A.M. the Commodr. Joynd us. . . . 
 
 2ist May. — Modt. & Foggy sent on board the ist Mate i Midshipman 20 Men 
 Laying too in Compy. the Eltham and Commodr. at 4 a.m. the Commodr. stood in for 
 the Land sent on bd. the Prize i Midshipman and 15 Men to Assist she being much 
 shattered (R.O. Captain's Logs. No. 820). 
 
 The Captain of the Eltham on the 20th enters : 
 
 At 7 P.M. came up with chace she tackt. & Came Close to our Larboard side & 
 Discharged a broad Side & A Volley of Small arms which killed one man & wounded two : 
 we immediately Returned a broad side a low & a loft with a Volley of Small Arms which 
 Shott his fore top saile Yard & mizon Yard away in ye Slings and he called out for good 
 quarters, we had Several Shott holes in all our Sailes ye fore Spring Stay was Shott 
 away Main braces Driver yard : ye Cacsce [sU] proved to be a french Ship of Warr 
 called ye Vigilant of breast of 64 guns bound to Lewisbourg : Reed, much damage in 
 ye rigging (R.O. Master's Logs No. 393). 
 
 Pepperrell, than whom none could be better authority, as he would get 
 an authentic account from Warren, thus relates the incident : 
 
 About noon a large French ship (which proved to be the Vigilant a ship of war 
 
 this was accounted for by the disturbed conditions of these few years. At least two thousand men died as the result 
 of the siege, a large proportion of the young and adventurous of the people of sparsely settled Colonies. The projected 
 expeditions against Canada in 1746 and 1747 so upset the normal course of events that New England was unable to 
 adequately exploit industries her people had already developed. War and commercial depression rather than any local 
 conditions accounted fully for the stagnation of Louisbourg during the years it was under the British flag. 
 
 N
 
 178 APPENDICES 
 
 mounting 64 guns) came up with the Alermaid (in sight of the camp) & fired upon her, 
 & soon after with Capt. Rouse in ye Shirlv Gaiiv. Both of those ships fired frequently 
 at the Figt. but did not care to come too near therefore bore away towards the Commodore 
 & other of our ships which were nearer ye shore. The Com. & other ships soon discovered 
 yr. fire and motions & being to windward of her bore down & in the evening came up 
 with her. We heard a pretty constant firing all the Afternoon & in ye evening at a 
 considerable distance & hopd they will be able to give a good acct. of her to-morrow. . . . 
 After some dispute the Frenchmen having about 20 men killed & abt. as many wounded, 
 strook, but it being foggy & a large sea, the Com. not hearing ye cry for qr. gave him 
 a broadside & then lost the prize, it being dark, but the Mermaid being near and knowing 
 she had strook sent her boat with 4 men on board the prize where yy. stayed all nt. The 
 next morn, the Com. discovd. her at a little distance in much confusion her rigging, yards 
 & masts much hurt & soon went to work to make ye proper distribution of the prisoners 
 & rectifie the ship in order to bring her in. [The discrepancies are illuminating.] 
 
 B. The Summons and Reply 
 Letter from Messrs. Pepperrell and Warren to Mons. Du Chambon 
 
 The Camp before Louisbourg, May 7, 1745. 
 
 Whereas there is now encamped upon the Island of Cape Breton near the city of 
 Louisbourg, a number of his Brittanic Majesty's Troops under the Command of the 
 Honble. Lieut. General William Pepperrell, Esq., and also a Squadron of His Majesty's 
 Ship of War, under the Command of the Honble. Peter Warren, Esq., is now lying 
 before the Harbour of said city ; for the reduction thereof to the obedience of the Crown 
 of Great Britain. We, the said William Pepperrell and Peter Warren, to prevent the 
 effusion of Christian Blood, do in the name of our Sovereign Lord George the Second, of 
 Great Britain, France and Ireland King, etc., Sommons you to Surrender to his said 
 Majesty's obedience, the said city, fortresses and territories ; together with the Artillery, 
 arms and stores of War, thereunto belonging. 
 
 In consequence of which surrender. We, the Sd. William Pepperrell and Peter 
 
 Warren, in the name of our said Sovereign do assure you that all the subjects of the 
 
 French King, now in said city and territories, shall be treated with the utmost humanity ; 
 
 have their personal Estates secured to them and have leave to transport themselves and sd. 
 
 effect to any part of the French King's Dominions in Europe. Your answer hereto is 
 
 demanded at or before five of the clock this afternoon. 
 
 Wm. Pepperrell. 
 
 „ , . „ . P- Warren. 
 
 To the Commander in Chief of the French 
 
 King's troops, in Louisbourg, on the Island 
 
 of Cape Breton. 
 
 Lettre de Monsieur Du Chambon a MM. Warren et Pepperrell 
 
 A Louisbourg, le 18 mai 17+5. 
 Nous, Louis Du Chambon, Chevalier de I'ordre militaire de St. Louis, Lieutenant du
 
 APPENDICES 179 
 
 Roy, Commandant pour Sa Majestic Tres Chrdtienne des Isles Royale, Canso, St.-Jean et 
 terres adjacentes. 
 
 Sur la sommation qui nous a ete faite ce jour septieme may vieux stylle, de la part du 
 Sieur honorable Pepperrell, Lieutenant G^n^ral, commandant les troupes qui ferment le 
 siege de Louisbourg, et du Sieur honorable Pietre Warren, commandant I'escadre des 
 vaisseaux du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, mouilles pres du port de la dite ville, que nous 
 ayons a lui remettre la dite ville, avec des ddpendances, artillerie, armes et munitions de 
 guerre sous I'obeissance du Roi leur maitre. 
 
 Le Roi de France, le notre, nous ayant confi6 la defense de la dite ville, nous ne 
 pouvons qu'apres la plus vigoureuse attaque dcouter une semblable proposition ; et nous 
 n'avons de r^ponse a faire a cette demande que par la bouche de nos cannons. 
 
 C. Letters relating to Capitulation 
 
 Letter from Messrs. Warren and Pepperrell to Gov. Du Chambon 
 
 Camp, June 15, 1745, at 1/2 past 8 o'clock, p.m. 
 
 We have yours of the date proposing a suspension of hostilities for such a time as shall 
 be necessary for you to determine upon the conditions of delivering up the garrison of 
 Louisbourg, which arrived at a happy juncture to prevent the EiFusion of Christian Blood 
 as we were together and had just determined upon a general attack. We shall comply 
 with your desire until eight of the clock to-morrow, and in the meantime you surrender 
 yourselves prisoners of war, You may depend upon honour and generous treatment. — We 
 are, your humble servants, P. Warren. 
 
 W. Pepperrell. 
 
 Letter from M. Pepperrell to Gov. Du Chambon 
 
 Camp before Louisbourg, June 16. 
 
 Sir, — I have yours by an hostage signifying your consent to surrender of the town 
 and fortresses of Louisbourg and the territories adjacent, etc., etc., on the terms this day 
 proposed to you by Com. Warren and myself; excepting only that you desire your troops 
 may march out of the garrison with their arms and colours flying, to be there delivered 
 into our custody till the said troop's arrival in France, at which time to have them returned 
 to them which I consent to, and send you a hostage for the performance of what we have 
 promised, and have sent to Com. Warren that if he consents to it he would send a detach- 
 ment on Shore to take possession of the Island Battery. — I am, Sir, your humble servt., 
 
 W. Pepperrell. 
 
 Letter from Com. Warren to Gov. Du Chambon 
 
 "SUPERBE," OFF LOUISBOURG, June 16. 
 
 Sir, — I have received your letter of this date, desiring that His most Christian 
 Majesty's Troops, under your command, may have the honours of war given them so far 
 as to march to my Boats at the Beach, with their musquets, and Bayonets, and colours
 
 i8o APPENDICES 
 
 flying, there to deliver them to the officers of his Brittanic Majesty whom I shall appoint 
 for that purpose, to be kept in mv custody till they shall be landed in the French King's 
 Dominions, then and there to be returned to him, which I agree to in consideration of 
 your gallant defense, upon the following conditions. 
 
 First. — That you deliver up immediately to the officers and troops, whom I shall 
 appoint, the Island Battery with all the ammunition, cannon warlike and other King's 
 stores belonging in the condition they now are. 
 
 Secondly. — That all the ships of war and other vessels do enter the Harbour without 
 molestation at any time after daylight to-morrow morning, and that the keys of the town 
 be delivered to such officers and troops as I shall appoint to receive them, and that all the 
 cannon, warlike and other King's stores in the town be also delivered up to the said officer. 
 
 I expect your immediate complvance with these terms and beg to assure you, that I 
 am with regard. Sir, your most obt. and humble servant, P. Warren. '^ 
 
 ' Quebec MSS. vol. 3 ; Moreau St. M. vol. 50.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was finally signed October i8, 1748. Its main 
 provisions were arranged in the preliminaries of peace definitely agreed to by the 
 contracting parties on the previous 30th of April, and forthwith communicated 
 to their colonial governors. The places taken during the war were mutually 
 restored, which gave Cape Breton back to France. This disappointed bitterly 
 its New England captors, and blasted the hopes of making it the seat of a 
 prosperous English colony, of which Shirley and Warren had been the most 
 prominent exponents. Pamphleteers of the metropolis expressed the public 
 dissatisfaction.^ Public opinion was dissatisfied with the terms of the Treaty, 
 the language, French, in which it was expressed, and the indignity to England 
 of giving hostages for the fulfilment of her agreements." 
 
 The terms of the Treaty were not better thought of by the French, and 
 with more reason. Louis XV. returned the Austrian Netherlands, Maestricht, 
 and Bergen-op-Zoom, the two frontier fortresses of Holland, Madras, and with 
 it command of the whole Coromandel Coast in India. The former concessions, 
 giving up the command of the narrow seas, which it was England's secular 
 policy to hold inviolate at any cost,' made the action of Louis XV. a kingly 
 largess, rather than a business transaction. More humiliating to French self- 
 respect were the renewal of the agreement to dismantle the fortifications of 
 Dunkirk, and the public withdrawal of the long support given to the House of 
 Stuart by the expulsion from France of Charles Edward.* 
 
 ' The London E-vening Post, from October 25 to November 12, 1748, deals frequently with this matter, and severely 
 criticizes the terms of peace. On November 10-12 it publishes verses, of which the following is a specimen : 
 
 " A New Ballad, On the Glorious Times 
 {To the tune of Derry Doivti.') 
 Cape Breton'i expensive, as well hath been prov'd, 
 And therefore, the Burthen is wisely remov'd ; 
 Which Burthen French Shoulders we settle again on. 
 And add — our own Stores, our Provisions and Cannon." 
 A history of the negotiations and the text of the Treaty are in La Paix d' Aix-la-Chapelle, par le Due de Broglie, 
 Caiman, Levy, Paris, 1892. 
 
 - E.g. "A Letter from a Gent in London ..." 1748, B.M. loi, K, 58 j " The Advantages of the Definite Treaty," 
 1749, 8135, aaa 20; "The Preliminaries Productive of a Premunire," loi, K, 57. The references are to the British 
 Museum Library. ^ Corbett, England in the Sewn Years War, vol. i. p. 10. '' La C. G. p. 205. 
 
 181
 
 i82 THE BOUNDARIES COMMISSION 1749 
 
 Louisbourg was duly returned. The advantages of a port in Acadia had 
 been made evident to British administrators by the three years of possession. 
 Louisbourg being no longer available, made necessary the development of Nova 
 Scotia, vsfhich had lain fallow since 17 10. Chebuctou Bay was decided on as the 
 site for its capital, to which, in honour of Lord Halifax, President of the Lords 
 of Trade and Plantations, his name was given. Colonel the Honourable Edward 
 Cornwallis was named the first Governor. He and the first settlers arrived in 
 June 1749. The project was carried on with such vigour that in three years, 
 Halifax had over 4000 subsidized and more or less satisfied inhabitants, about 
 as many as had been gathered in forty years at Louisbourg. 
 
 That town, until the actual breaking out of hostilities, was in an eddy of the 
 stream of pregnant events which took place elsewhere. These events demand a 
 brief statement even in a history of Louisbourg of the narrowest scope, for they, 
 more than any local cause, determined its fate as part of the great colonial 
 empire which France was holding with so loose a grasp. 
 
 Commissioners were appointed for the delimitation of the American 
 boundaries of the possessions of the two Powers.^ Their sittings were dragged 
 out. Disputes as to procedure, and the language in which documents were to 
 be presented, occupied undue time. Claims, widely different, were presented. 
 Much irrelevant matter was produced. Little disposition was shown to arrive 
 at a common ground of fact, or to abate pretensions which made impossible any 
 fair chance of development for the rival. Failure was the inevitable result of 
 such procedure. Their deliberations proved fruitless to form a basis for a 
 lasting peace, as their records fail to give the later student any clear view of the 
 merits of the controversy." It was also agreed that, pending the findings of the 
 Commissioners, the status quo ante should not be disturbed by such acts on either 
 side as the erection of fortifications, or the placing of troops on the disputed 
 territory. The two courts agreed expressly to this stipulation, " that no forti- 
 fication, new settlement, or innovation, should be attempted in those countries 
 the fate of which was to be finally determined by their sentence." ^ 
 
 The boundaries of Acadia and of the territories to the westward of the 
 Alleghanies were the two principal subjects of difi^erence in America. The 
 action which England took assumed that her greatest claims to both these 
 territories were sound. This action was not that of the active colonial 
 administrator eager to distinguish himself by straining his instructions. It was 
 carried out by him under specific warrant of the highest authority. 
 
 ' La Galissoniire and Silhouette for France, Mildmay and Shirley for England. Their proceedings opened in 
 September 1750, and the English Commissioners left Paris in the latter part of 1754. Shirley returned to America to 
 tarnish a brilliant reputation by his military exploits ; La GalissoniJre to active service and the defeat of Byng off 
 Minorca, and Silhouette to carry on private efforts to adjust the differences between his country and England. 
 
 2 For the diplomatic correspondence see R.O. State Papers, Foreign, France, vols. 232 and 233. The suggestion 
 seems first to have been made by France, June-July 1749- ' History of tie late IVar, p. 7, Glasgow, 1765.
 
 1749 THE VIRGINIA COMPANY 183 
 
 The first question which arose was that of a grant to the Ohio Company. 
 This was an association of Virginians of the highest standing, with English 
 partners, of whom John Hanbury, a London merchant of great repute and 
 influence, was the chief.^ It petitioned in 1748 for a grant of 200,000 acres on 
 the western side of the Great Mountains, upon some of the chief branches of 
 the Mississippi. Gooch, Governor of Virginia, "was apprehensive such Grants 
 might possibly give Umbrage to the French, especially when we were in hopes 
 of entering into a Treaty for establishing a General Peace, which was the only 
 Objection he had, and made him and the Council (of Virginia) think it advisable 
 to wait His Majesty's pleasure and Directions." This, in part, is the 
 memorandum of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Council 
 (September 2, 1748) on which is based the recommendation of the former that 
 the grant be made." 
 
 Instructions were given to Gooch to issue the grant,^ and it was recom- 
 mended, on the 23rd of February 1749, by the Lords of Trade to be extended 
 to 500,000 acres on the Ohio, one of the conditions being that on the first 
 200,000 acres a fort must be erected and the Company place therein a 
 sufficient garrison for the security and protection of the settlers.^ This was 
 agreed to in Council on the i6th of March. 
 
 It was. It may be noted, the colonial Governor who, before the Treaty was 
 signed, recognized the territory as disputed. It was the highest administrative 
 body in the realm which, after peace was concluded, ignored the implications, 
 if not the words, of the agreement so recently executed by one of their number.' 
 With this spirit informing the Privy Council it is not surprising to find the 
 pamphleteer discussing the development of the northern colonies from the 
 standpoint of one who expects a new war ; nor that the proximate cause of that 
 war was the operations of the Company so brought into being ; ^ nor, that 
 succeeding historians have described the conditions between 1748 and 1756 as 
 an imperfectly kept truce rather than a peace. 
 
 The Evening Post praised the French management of colonies as superior to 
 the English, and urged war, as Great Britain is as yet superior to France in naval 
 power : 
 
 " Let us therefore strike when we are able, without regarding the conveniency of the 
 
 1 " The Ohio Company established and composed of merchants belonging to Virginia and Maryland and several rich 
 commoners and lords in the Mother Country** (Burk's Firginia^ 1822, vol. 3, p. 170}. 
 
 = CO. 5/1366, pp. 411-417. 3 Pp. 422-425, December 13, 1748. * Pp. 427-433 ^nd 434-439- 
 
 5 Lord Sandwich, Minister Plenipotentiary at Aix-la-Chapelle, was admitted to the Privy Council, ist February 1749, 
 and was present at the meeting of i6th March. 
 
 •> "Meanwhile, the English traders were crossing the mountains from Pennsylvania and Virginia, poaching on the 
 domain which France claimed as hers, ruining the French fur trade, seducing the Indian allies of Canada, and stirring 
 them up against her. Worse still, English land speculators were beginning to follow. Something must be done, and that 
 promptly, to drive back the intruders, and vindicate French rights in the valley of the Ohio. To this end the Governor 
 sent Celoron de Bienville thither in the summer of 1749 " (Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i. p. 37).
 
 i84 THE ACADIAN BOUNDARY 1750 
 
 Dutch, the Views of the Austrians or the safety of H (Hanover), lest the time come 
 
 when we are not able to help them nor ourselves." ^ 
 
 The claims of England in Acadia were as extensive as in the Ohio, but not 
 as promptly made. There was no pressure from " rich commoners and lords " 
 to expedite matters. But within a few weeks after Cornwallis arrived in 
 Halifax he had instructions from the Lords of Trade in reference to the 
 northern part of the province : ' 
 
 " And as there is great reason to apprehend that the French may dispute the right of 
 the Crown of Great Britain to these territories, we further earnestly recommend to you to 
 have a watchful eye to the security thereof and upon the proceedings of the French."^ 
 
 England stated her rights even more strongly in the instructions to the 
 Commissioners, Shirley and Mildmay : 
 
 " And therefore you are to insist that his most Christian Majesty has no right to any 
 Lands whatsoever lying between the River Saint Lawrence and the Atlanticlc Ocean, 
 except such Islands as ly in the mouth of the said River and in the Gulph of the same 
 name."* 
 
 La Galissoniere, then Governor of Canada, was equally clear that these 
 lands, now the province of New Brunswick, and that part of Quebec lying 
 between the northern boundary of New Brunswick and the St. Lawrence 
 River, were part of Canada and not of Acadia. 
 
 Leaving untouched the pretensions of the Powers, we can deal with the facts. 
 The population consisted of a very small settlement on the St. John River, and 
 some hamlets to the north of the isthmus peopled by the overflow of the Acadians 
 on the peninsula of Nova Scotia, as well as somewhat important fishing stations 
 on the Miramichi, the Baie des Chaleurs, and the south shore of the St. 
 Lawrence. In 1732 the people of St. John River had taken the oath of 
 allegiance to England.^ In the same year the people of Chippody, one of the 
 settlements of Acadians, had applied to Armstrong for grants of land.'' 
 
 La Galissoniere admitted that this was the case : 
 
 " Most of the poor people are of Acadian stock, they have been almost entirely abandoned 
 by Canada and France since the Peace of Utrecht, and the English have made them believe 
 that, having been subject formerly to the French Governor of Port Royal, they owed the 
 same obedience to the English Governor."'' 
 
 As regards sovereignty, it would appear that there was not much difference 
 between the Powers. France abandoned, as regards administration, the people 
 
 1 Sept. 17, 1745. 
 
 - The Duke of Bedford wrote Cornwallis on September 26 and November 6, 1749. One of these letters dealt 
 probably with this matter. These letters arc not now in the Record Office. 
 
 ' N.S. Arch. vol. i, p. 362. ■■ CO. Nova Scotia, vol. 39. 
 
 5 N.S. Arch. vol. i, p. 98. ^ Ibid. p. 92. ' Can. Ar. Report, 1905, vol. ii. p. 304.
 
 1750 STEP TAKEN BY FRANCE 185 
 
 along the northern shore of the Bay of Fundy. The officials of England never 
 penetrated to the more northern settlements of the territory which she vigorously 
 claimed. It vs^as, however, used by France down to what the French claimed 
 was its extreme southern limit, the isthmus of Chignecto, as the route between 
 Canada and Isle Royale ; while, owing to economic and ecclesiastical conditions, 
 the intercourse of the people living thereon was closer with Louisbourg than with 
 Annapolis. At an earlier time in the winter of 171 8, St. Ovide considered 
 placing part of the troops of Louisbourg at the isthmus. His choice of Quebec 
 was not apparently influenced by any notion that the territory was not French.^ 
 
 The territory, it is clear, was disputed. Mutual distrust, the curse of 
 international relations, began to work its evil effects. Gorham, that active and 
 seasoned leader of New England levies, visited in force the St. John River in 
 the autumn of 1748, alarmed the inhabitants and carried off to Boston two 
 Indians. Their return was demanded by La Galissoniere, and became the 
 subject of a pungent correspondence between himself, Mascarene, and Shirley, 
 and led to the instructions to Cornwallis already cited. 
 
 La Galissoniere sent in the spring of 1749 Boishebert and a detachment 
 from Quebec to hold the St. John River as French territory. His successor as 
 Governor of Canada, La Jonquiere, sent the Chevalier La Corne in the autumn 
 to hold inviolate the territory on the north of the isthmus. In the spring of 
 1750 Cornwallis dispatched an expedition under Major Lawrence to dislodge 
 La Corne, who was encamped on the isthmus with a military force, supported by 
 Indians and Acadians. The numbers of the last were augmented by the burning 
 of Beaubassin by the Indians as the forces of Lawrence appeared. Its inhabitants 
 were driven to the French side, where, alone, they felt safe from the threats of 
 the savage allies of their country. 
 
 La Corne met Lawrence in a parley, April 22, and maintained that he was 
 to hold and defend his position till the boundaries between the two Crowns should 
 be settled "by Commissioners appointed for that purpose."- In short, "his 
 replies were so perimptory and of such a nature as Convinced me he was 
 determined in his purposes." La Corne's force was superior, " his situation in 
 respect to ground was properly chosen, and an argument of his good judgement " 
 . . . " til I (Lawrence) to much feared we had no pretensions to dispute that 
 part of the country with him." 
 
 Lawrence withdrew to his vessels in the pouring rain, and gave himself up 
 to unpleasant reflections. He saw that to dislodge the enemy was impossible, 
 and was of opinion that " to have Sat down on one side of the River and Leave 
 
 1 I Jo not find any reason why Mascarene and Bennett, and the French envoys Denys and De Pensens, did not visit 
 in 1714 Beaubassin and more northern settlements. It leaves open, to the bold, the view that both French and English, 
 before any question of boundaries had arisen, held that this territory was French. 
 
 ^ Canadian Arcih'es Report, 1905, vol. ii. p. 321.
 
 i86 THE SUCCESS OF THEIR ACTION 1750-1754 
 
 the Enemy possession of the other was a tacit acknowledgment of the Justice of 
 his claim." After considering " whether we could Annoy or Molest them 
 further elsewhere at Chipodie or Memim Cook " (Memramcook), against which 
 his officers were unanimous, the force returned to Minas Basin on the 25th. It 
 would seem that in Lawrence's mind, if not in that of his superiors, the scope of 
 the expedition under his charge embraced the harassing of non-belligerent 
 inhabitants, as much as dispossessing an armed French force from territory 
 claimed as British. Lawrence's superiors evidently did not agree with him, that 
 occupation of the isthmus was a tacit acknowledgment of the justice of the French 
 claim, for he was sent back in September, and he erected a fort on what the French 
 admitted was English territory. 
 
 La Corne was recalled to Canada, and was replaced by St. Ours des Chaillons 
 (October 8), who, in the following spring, began the erection of a fort on the 
 French position, which was given the name of Beausejour.' 
 
 Skirmishes took place between the English garrison and the Indians and 
 Acadians. Captain How was treacherously murdered, but eventually the 
 garrisons settled down to a peaceful and friendly existence, broken at times by 
 friction, cemented at others by friendly offices on either side, and with illicit trade 
 as a constant bond.^ 
 
 When Vergor ^ took charge, he at once notified Du Quesne that the position 
 was not capable of successful defence (November 1754). 
 
 Boishebert, on the St. John, took the same position as La Corne when he 
 was visited by Rous, and as successfully held it. Rous, in command of the 
 Albany, captured French vessels on the high seas.'' This led to friction and 
 reprisals as well as to diplomatic correspondence.^ 
 
 The activities of French and English on the Ohio and the adjacent territories 
 did not reach a condition of stagnation as in Nova Scotia, but passed on to conflict 
 so serious, that in the end of 1754 Great Britain took the momentous step of 
 sending out regular troops to support its Virginian levies, repulsed in their 
 advances into the debatable land. Parkman gives a vivid and picturesque 
 account of De Bienville's expedition to strengthen the effective occupation of this 
 
 ^ Lawrence's account and that of La Corne are printed in the Caradian Archi'vei ReJ:<irfs, 1905, vol. ii, pp. 320 et 
 seq. There is also in it a Journal of the events, from September 1750 to July 1751, written by De la Valliere, who was 
 detached from Louisbourg with nfty picked men in response to La Corne's appeal for reinforcements. De la Valliere was 
 the descendant of an Acadian seigneur, and from the heights of Beaus^jour looked down on Isle la Valliere, midway 
 between Beausejour and Fort Lawrence, once the home of his family. 
 
 2 The building of Beausejour proceeded very slowly. After La Corne (1749-50), its commandants were; St. Ours 
 dea ChaiUons (1750-51), De Vassin (1751-53), De la Martiniire (1753-54), and De Vergor du Chambon (1754-55). 
 
 3 He was the son of the Governor of Louisbourg in 1745, and it was through his lack of vigilance that Wolfe's army 
 gained its foothold on the plains of Abraham. 
 
 ■• They were returned. 
 
 ' The first four vessels which arrived in Louisbourg in 1751 were seized and eventually sold (CO. 217/39; 
 Captains' Letters, vol. 23S2).
 
 1749 THE TRANSFER OF ISLE ROYALE 187 
 
 territory by France, as well as some description of the forts and settlements which 
 previously existed.^ 
 
 It is not necessary to carry further the narrative of events elsewhere than in 
 Isle Royale. Louisbourg had felt only the indirect effects of these occurrences, 
 for it was so unquestionably a French possession, that any action against it was 
 not considered within the scope of British operations. 
 
 The transfer of Isle Royale and its dependencies to France had been made 
 without difficulty. Charles des Herbiers, Sieur de la Rali^re, a naval captain of 
 distinction, was chosen as French Commissioner and Governor, and furnished 
 with voluminous instructions, which included drafts of the letters he was to 
 write. He left France with the men-of-war Tigre and Intrepide, which con- 
 voyed transports, carrying about five hundred troops from Isle de Rhe and 
 civilian inhabitants of Isle Royale. The frigate Animone was dispatched after 
 him to make more imposing his important mission. 
 
 On the 29th of June 1749 the Tigre was a league off Louisbourg. Des 
 Herbiers transcribed his model letter to Hopson, its Governor, and sent it into 
 the town by two officers. He chose as his envoys Des Gannes and Loppinot, 
 both of whom had been officers in its former garrison." At noon the next day 
 the flotilla entered the harbour and exchanged salutes with the shore batteries. 
 That afternoon Des Herbiers and his staff were received with all the 
 j honours, by Hopson and his officers. There were difficulties about the trans- 
 ! port of the British troops and people and other minor matters. In the end they 
 were satisfactorily settled. The opportune arrival of Cornwallis at Halifax set 
 free British transports which came to Louisbourg. They were supplemented 
 I by French ships, and so effectively were the arrangements made and carried 
 out, that on the 23rd of July Des Herbiers marched into the town, and received 
 its keys from Hopson. The French flag replaced that of England over the 
 citadel and batteries. Hopson received a certificate that the transfer was 
 complete and satisfactory, and the English forces and people withdrew to 
 Halifax. 
 
 The English ships did not begin to sail, however, till the 30th, and the 
 Te Deum for the return of peace was deferred, out of consideration for them, 
 until August 3.^ 
 
 ^ See Montcalm and Wolfe, chap. ii. On colonial wars and reprisals, see Corbett, vol. i. p. 24. 
 
 2 Des Gannes was to be major and Loppinot adjutant of the troops in the new establishment (B, 90, p. 42). 
 
 3 Des Herbiers' account of the transfer is printed in Quebec MSS. vol. 3, pp. 439 et seq. He acknowledges 
 handsomely in it the courtesy of Hopson, and the zeal and efficiency of his own officers. The French version of the 
 certificate is given in Canadian Archive!, vol. li., 1905, p. 282. See also R.O. France, vol. 233. The difference in the 
 calendars used by the French and English, accounts for the apparent discrepancy of eleven days in all dates up to 1752. 
 
 An incident shows the disorders to which such upheavals of population tend. On the 27th of July was baptized, and 
 no doubt cared for, an English child aged about three months, abandoned by parents of whom the new-comers could find 
 no trace :
 
 1 88 GOVERNMENTAL CARE OF THE COLONISTS 1749 
 
 The same care to make prosperous and safe the returned colony as to 
 provide for its proper transfer was shown by the Minister. Bigot, who had 
 gained with Rouille, now Minister of the Navy, the same standing as he had 
 held with Maurepas, was sent to Louisbourg to reorganize the civil service. On 
 his recommendation, Prevost, who had been his chief clerk, succeeded him as 
 Commissaire-Ordonnateur. Bigot went there on the Diane, and for some weeks 
 gave Des Herbiers and Prevost the benefit of his great abilities.^ 
 
 The former inhabitants returned from Canada and France. They found 
 the houses in poor condition, as but few of them had been repaired by the 
 English during their occupation. Bigot ordered two hundred cows for distribu- 
 tion among the people, and for two years they were supplied with rations from 
 the King's stores. The fishing was good, but they were hampered by a lack of 
 boats. They did their best to make up for the deficiency, by buying the boats 
 of the departing English and by activities in the building yard. Ninety to one 
 hundred boats were built by October, and many were still on the ways. The 
 French who had remained during the English occupation^ sold boats to the 
 new-comers, and row-boats and canoes were used as substitutes for fishing-boats. 
 
 The partly cured cod of the English merchants was bought by the French, 
 but, even with the abundant fisheries, there was too small a catch to load the 
 unusual number of ships which had come out from France. The merchants of 
 Louisbourg, as well as the shipowners, pressed Prevost for permission to buy 
 from the English. Notwithstanding the justice of the request, and the hardships 
 involved, he refused, but, with a frankness in which he imitated Bigot, he adds 
 that in the confusion of the new settlement it is probable some infractions of the 
 laws against trade with the English took place.^ 
 
 An augmented garrison, twenty-four companies of fifty men each and a 
 company of artillery, were placed at Louisbourg and its dependencies. This 
 force was made up from new companies formed for the purpose, and the old 
 companies, which had been in Canada since their return from the English 
 prisons, after the defeat of La Jonquiere by Anson. Instructions to Des Herbiers 
 
 *' Angeliq^ue's Baptism 
 
 " This 27th day of the month of July, 1749, 1, the undersigned, have baptized conditionally a young English girl about 
 three months old found in Louisbourg when we arrived from France and took possession of the said town, without our 
 having to be able to ascertain anything of her father or her mother. Godfather and Godmother were Gilles Lemoine and 
 Angilique Lestrange, who gave her the name of Angdlique, as witnesses thereof they signed in the Royal Chapel of Saint 
 Louis, the Parish Church, for the time being, of Louisbourg, on the same day and year as above. 
 
 X the Godfather's sign. 
 
 "Ang^lique Lestrange, P. Pichot. 
 
 *'Fr. Isodore Caubet, R.R., officiating for the Reverend Father Superior," 
 
 (Etat Civil Louisbourg, 1746-1752, f. 179, pp. 6-7.) 
 
 ' Bigot was in Louisbourg from about the time of Des Herbiers' arrival until August 21. He then went to Quebec. 
 Bigot succeeded Hocquart as Intendant of Canada in March 1748. 
 
 2 In all, 94 people. ^ C", vol. 2S, f. i6o.
 
 I REFORMS: IN AN INCREASED GARRISON 189 
 
 recounted the abuses which had created such disorder among the troops before 
 
 the capture of the town, and asked for such reorganization as would remedy these 
 
 evils. The most important step he took in this direction was the suppression of 
 
 the canteens kept, as a perquisite, by the captains, recognizing as legal only that of 
 
 the Major. In the meantime Des Herbiers received Franquet, an engineer of 
 
 distinction, who was sent out to Louisbourg as director-general of the fortifications. 
 
 The Marquis de Chabert, detached from sea duty, was instructed to correct the 
 
 maps of Acadia, Isle Royale, and Newfoundland, and to fix by astronomical 
 
 I observations the principal points therein. He made Louisbourg his headquarters 
 
 i in 1751-52, and the results of his labours, endorsed by the Royal Academy of 
 
 I Sciences and by the Academie de Marine, were printed in a handsome volume 
 
 j in 1753.1 
 
 j The ordinary courtesies were exchanged with Cornwallis at Halifax. Good 
 
 feeling on the part of Cornwallis was further marked by his co-operation in 
 sending to Louisbourg the body of the Due d'Anville. Le Grand St. Esprit 
 bore it from Chibuctou to French territory, and, with fitting ceremony, it was 
 reinterred at the foot of the high altar in the chapel of the citadel." 
 I The general instructions of the Minister were to co-operate with La 
 
 ' Jonquiere in maintaining the rights of France to the disputed territory, to repel 
 force by force,^ and to harass, by the Indians, the new settlement in Halifax, 
 but to do so secretly. He was also directed to encourage the settlement of 
 Acadians on Isle St. Jean, many of whom had been driven from their homes 
 by the disturbed state of the border-land, and the menaces of the Indians against 
 those who remained on British territory. They readily passed over to the island 
 in such numbers that its population rapidly increased. The instructions to the 
 Governors of Isle Royale and of Canada as to their dealings with the English 
 might be quoted many times. One memorandum dated August 29, 1749, shall 
 suffice, as it sets forth the policy of France. It was read to the King, its apostille 
 states, and presumably received his sanction, for the policy it lays down was 
 not departed from. After stating briefly the advantages to England and the 
 disadvantages to Isle Royale, in particular, of the settlement of Nova Scotia, it 
 goes on : 
 
 "Such are, in general, the unfortunate consequences which will necessarily spring from 
 these projects if the English can succeed in accomplishing them. As it is impossible to 
 openly oppose them, for they are within their rights in making in Acadia such settlements 
 as they see fit, as long as they do not pass its boundaries, there remains for us only to 
 bring against them as many indirect obstacles as can be done without comprising ourselves, 
 and to take steps to protect ourselves against plans which the English can consider through 
 the success of these settlements. 
 
 1 Franquet and Chabert were fellow-passengers on the Muiine, which sailed from Brest, June 29, 1750. 
 2 Sept. 3, 1746, Quebec MSS., 3, p. 455. ^ To Des Herbiers, Sept. 11, 1750, B, vol. 91, p. 49.
 
 I90 RELATIONS WITH THE ENGLISH 1749,1758 
 
 "The only method we can employ to bring into existence these obstacles is to make 
 the savages of Acadia and its borders feel how much it is to their advantage to prevent the 
 English fortifving themselves, to bind them to oppose it openly, and to excite the Acadians 
 to support the Indians in their opposition (to the English) in so far as they can do without 
 discovery. The missionaries of both have instructions and are agreeable to act in 
 accordance with these views." ^ 
 
 A fortnight before this memorandum was prepared for the King, Des 
 Herbiers and Prevost wrote from Louisbourg (August 15, 1749) that the Abb6 
 Le Loutre was carrying out this policy. Bigot had given him, as supplementary 
 to the ordinary presents to the Indians, cloth, blankets, powder and ball, in case 
 they might wish to disturb the English in their settlement in Halifax. " It was 
 this missionary's task to induce them to do so." - 
 
 The history of these wretched years on the border-land shows with what 
 ardour, self-sacrifice, and cruelty he encouraged the Indians under his charge to 
 carry out instructions which had the Royal sanction.' In this course the priest 
 was not alone. Young Des Bourbes gave Surlaville, April 15, 1756, a budget 
 of news from Louisbourg containing this passage : 
 
 "Four savages, two Abenaquis and two Miquemacs, arrived here from Quebec, on the 
 31st of March. They informed us that a band of outaouvis and chaouenons had raided 
 Virginia, they took about 600 scalps, burnt many \illages, and took five hundred prisoners, 
 all women and children. . . . On the 2nd of April our Governor feasted these savages ; 
 they danced before him and presented him with a dozen scalps, taken in the neighbourhood 
 of Chibouctou ; they were handsomely paid for their journey and given several presents 
 besides." ■* 
 
 This continued during the season, for Du Fresne du Motel wrote on the 
 1st December : 
 
 " Our savages have taken a number of English scalps, their terror of these natives is 
 unequalled, they are so frightened that they dare not leave the towns or forts without 
 detachments, with the protection of these they go out for what is absolutely needed." ^ 
 
 Des Herbiers had accepted with reluctance the post of Commissioner and 
 
 ^ French text in Can, Arch. vol. ii. p. 292. - *' Ce missionaire doit les y engager." 
 
 ' Vol. 28, f. 160. It was later felt at Court that Le Loutre must be restrained. The Minister wrote him on 
 Aug. 27, 1751, that he must not give the English any just cause of complaint, although he praises Le Loutre's wisdom 
 in this respect. 
 
 * "Quatre sauvages, dont deux Abenaquis et deux Miquemacs, arriverent icy, de Quebec, le 31 mars. lis nous ont 
 appris qu'une partic cle sauvages outaouvis et chaouenons, avoient fait coup sur la Virginie, qu'ils avoient lev6 environ six 
 cents chevelurcs, brusl6 plusieurs villages et emmen6 cinq cents prisonniers, tous femmes et enfants. . . . Le 2 avril, 
 notre Gouverneur rigala ces sauvages, ils dans^rent et luy pr^sent^rent une douzaine de chevelures qu'ils ont faites aux 
 environs de Chibouctou j on leur a pay6 leur voiage fort grassement et fait, en outre, plusieurs presents " {Dernicn 
 Joun, etc. p. 187). 
 
 ^ " Nos sauvages ont beaucoup Icv^ de chevelures anglaises, qui (sic) ont une terreur sans ^gal de ces naturels du pais, 
 dont ils sont si effriiis qu'ils n'osent sortir de leurs villes ou forts, sans avoir des detachments J la faveur desquels ils vont 
 chercher leurs besoins les plus urgents" {Dermen Jours, etc. p. 205). (For the English use of Indian methods see 
 Appendix.)
 
 I75I RAYMOND SUCCEEDS DES HERBIERS 191 
 
 Governor, and as soon as his functions as the first were finished, he beo-an to 
 press for leave to return to sea duty.^ The Minister was not ready to make a 
 change until 175 1. The Minister then named as Des Herbiers' successor the 
 Comte de Raymond, Seigneur d'Oye, Lieut.-Colonel of the Vexin Regiment ; so 
 for the first time a military officer governed Isle Royale. To add weight to the 
 position Raymond was promoted to the grade of Mardchal de Camp (Major- 
 General), and, to give effectiveness to his administration on its military side, he 
 was accompanied by Surlaville, Colonel of the Grenadiers of France, to whom 
 was given the position of Major of the troops and the commission of disciplining 
 them, as well as to report on the coasts of the island and Acadia.^ 
 
 Raymond set forth from Angouleme, of which town and its castle he had 
 been the King's Lieutenant, towards the end of May, embarked on UHeureux, 
 and, after a voyage of fifty days, landed in Louisbourg on the 3rd of August 
 1 75 1. He took over the reins of government, and at once Des Herbiers 
 returned to France by the same ship.^ 
 
 There was thus a girding of the loins in the bureaux of the French 
 Admiralty, when Louisbourg was again under its care. Stores were abundantly 
 supplied. The arts of peace were fostered by the expedition of the Marquis 
 Chabert. The presence of an engineer of such eminence as Franquet, of a 
 soldier of such experience as Surlaville, the raising of the garrison until it 
 approached in number that of Canada/ showed that a high value was set on 
 Louisbourg and its security. 
 
 Raymond was an active man, who made many efforts to improve the 
 colony. He visited its various ports and those of Isle St. Jean. He established 
 settlements on the Mire River, he was interested in the crops, and looked with 
 optimistic eye on the yields of cereals in the rude clearings of the settlers. He 
 also proposed the building of redoubts and the opening of roads which were 
 strongly opposed by Franquet, Surlaville, and the home authorities.^ He was 
 apparently vain, for he bought the property of St. Ovide, and desired it should 
 be erected into a seigneury and countship. While his administration was 
 apparently honest, his request for a gratuity of 20,000 livres so astonished the 
 Minister that in Raymond's own interest he did not put it before the King." 
 
 He was fully alive to the ceremonial side of his functions, and found an 
 
 ^ In this he brought to bear the influence of his distinguished kinsman, De I'Etandu^re. 
 
 ^ An outbreak took place in the small garrison of Pt. Toulouse in 1750, See vol. 29, p. 369. 
 
 ^ Raymond brought with him, as secretary, one Thomas Pichon, a native of Vire in Normandy, to whom we owe 
 the Lettres ct memoires pnur servir a I'histoire naturelle, ci'vile et politique de Cap Breton, published La Haye, I ■'60, and 
 London, an engaging and valuable book. He was able and brilliant, but his papers in the library at Vire, and those 
 from his hand known as the Tyrell papers, preserved in Halifax, show him as a libertine, and a spy, completely 
 selfish and sordid. 
 
 * Louisbourg, 1200 ; Canada, 1500. ^ Dernien Jours, etc. p. 14. 
 
 ^ According to Prevost, Raymond overdrew his account 26,417 1. (C^^, vol. 33).
 
 192 RAYMOND'S FESTIVITIES 1752 
 
 opportunity for ingratiating himself with the Court in the instructions he 
 received to have a Te Deum sung for the birth of the Due de Bourgogne : 
 
 " On Sunday 28th of May this important news was announced at day-break by a salute 
 from all the artillery of the place and the King's ships, the frigates, Fidele and the Chariot 
 RoyaJ, which had dressed ship. 
 
 "M. le Comte de Raymond gave a dinner to the staff, the engineers, the officers of 
 artillery, and to the other principal officers, to the Conseil Superieur, the Baillage, the 
 Admiralty, and to the ladies of the place. 
 
 " He had two tables with 50 covers, served in four courses, with as much lavishness as 
 elegance. They drank in turn freely every kind of wine of the best brands, to the health 
 of the King, Queen, the Dauphin, xVIme. la Dauphine, M. le due de Bourgogne, and to the 
 Royal Princesses. 
 
 "Many guns were fired, and the band increased the pleasure of the fete. 
 
 " About 6 o'clock, after leaving the table, they repaired to the King's chapel to hear 
 vespers. At the close of the service, the Te Deum was sung to the accompaniment of all 
 the artillery of the town and of the ships. 
 
 " They then went in a procession, as is the custom in the colonies, to the Esplanade of 
 the Maurepas gate. 
 
 "The governor there lit a bonfire which he had had prepared; the troops of the 
 garrison, drawn up on the ramparts and the covered way, fired with the greatest exactness, 
 three volleys of musketry, and the artillery did the same. After this ceremony, the 
 Governor distributed several barrels of his own wine to the troops and to the public. 
 
 "The 'Vive le Roi ' was so frequently repeated, that no one could doubt that the 
 hearts of the townspeople, the troops, and the country folk, which this festival had 
 attracted, were truly French. 
 
 " He had given such good orders in establishing continual patrols in command of 
 officers, that no disorder was committed. 
 
 " About 9 in the evening, the governor and all his guests went to see set off the fire- 
 works and a great number of rockets, which he had prepared, and were very well done. 
 
 " On his return home, the ball was opened, and lasted till dawn ; all kinds of refresh- 
 ments, and in abundance, were handed round. His house was illuminated with lanterns 
 placed all round the windows, looking on the rue Royale and the rue Toulouse. 
 
 " Three porticoes, with four pyramids, adorned by triple lanterns and wreaths of 
 flowers, rare for such a cold climate, were erected opposite the rue Royale. 
 
 "At the opposite angle, where the two roads cross, two other pyramids were also 
 illuminated ; and on the frontal of the three porticoes were painted the arms of the King, 
 the Dauphin, and the Due de Bourgogne. 
 
 " At the end of the same street, opposite the three porticoes, were also represented, by 
 means of lanterns, three large fleurs de lys and a 'Vive le Roi,' very visibly placed on a 
 border above. 
 
 " Between these two principal illuminations is situated the large gate of the Government 
 House, which was also adorned at the columns and cornices, by triple lanterns ; above was 
 the King's portrait. 
 
 " All round the courtyard there were also fire pots and triple lanterns, as high as the 
 retaining wall of the garden. These illuminations were charming in their effect and lasted
 
 I752-I755 HIS TROUBLES WITH SUBORDINATES 193 
 
 till the end of the ball ; all the houses in the town were also lit up as well as the frigate 
 la F'ulele. 
 
 "The government house being too small to accommodate all the distinguished members 
 of the colony, M. le Comte Raymond gave a big dinner the next day to the clergy and the 
 Sunday following to several ladies, ofBcers, and others who had not attended the first fete. 
 
 " It can be said that the Governor spared nothing for these festivities and that he gave 
 on that happy occasion very evident proof of a rare generosity." ' 
 
 This account is anonymous but it so closely resembles, both in style and 
 self-praising, the other writings of Raymond, that there seems no doubt it is 
 his. It accounts in part for the overdrawing of his salary, of which Provost 
 complained. 
 
 In spite of his good will, his activities were ineffective. He found the 
 difficulties of his position excessive, for he alienated all with whom he had to 
 work. Prevost had many griefs against him. Page after page of Raymond's 
 memoirs and letters are annotated by the bitter and often unjust pen of Surlaville, 
 whose pocket he had touched in the disposition of the canteens. 
 
 He dismissed Pichon on account of an affair of gallantry, which the latter 
 resented, as quite outside the Governor's province, for in his view a tender 
 heart was perfectly compatible with official capacity. Pichon became his bitter 
 enemy, and later wrote in substance that his former patron was " perhaps the 
 most foolish of all animals on two feet." - Raymond gave him a certificate, 
 however, on the loth of October 1753, that he had discharged his duties with 
 " all the intelligence, fidelity, exactitude, and disinterestedness possible." 
 
 Surlaville's administration was apparently effective. He lost no time in 
 beginning his duties, but the material he had to work on was not promising. 
 He visited the fortifications the day following their landing and the official 
 reception of Raymond which took place at Prevost's house. The works were 
 in a worse state than he imagined. When he held a review, the troops 
 performed their evolutions badly, some of them did not know how to handle or 
 carry a gun, they were noisy in the ranks, their uniforms were worn and dirty, 
 and were badly put on. Surlaville increased the number of drills and made the 
 cadets take part in them. He enforced the rules about coming into barracks 
 at night, and in a few days was able to note some improvements.* 
 
 The improvements instituted continued, for, although Johnstone found the 
 works " with more the look of Antient Ruins than of a modern fortification," 
 
 ' This anonymous account is dated May 28, 1752, but we cannot vouch for it being an official date. See 
 Moreau St. Mery, vol. 50, pp. 420-423. ''■ Tyrell Papers, N.S. Archives, vol. 341. 
 
 ^ Surlaville went as the official representative of Raymond to announce to Cornwallis his arrival in Isle Royale, and 
 brought back a full statement of the military and civil conditions at Halifa.x. The impression he made there found an 
 echo on the frontier, for the English officers at Fort Lawrence sought to obtain from the French at Beausejour con- 
 firmation that the functions of Surlaville at Louisbourg portended war [Derniers Jours, etc, p. 31). 
 
 O
 
 194 SURLAVILLE AND THE SOLDIERY 1751 
 
 he also bears testimony that " the service was performed at Louisbourg with as 
 much regularity as in any fortified place in Europe. . . . This made the town to 
 be looked upon as the Athens of the French colonies."^ 
 
 Surlaville endeavoured to enforce the regulations made by Des Herbiers 
 and Provost (October 10, 1749) establishing the price which soldiers should 
 be charged for articles supplied by their officers, and made a strong statement 
 of the defects of the uniforms worn by the troops. The cloth and linen were 
 poor in quality and badly made, the shoes were thin, and it cost a private six 
 months' wages to buy a new pair. He rightly thought white was a bad colour 
 for uniforms, as it soon got dirty, and the soldier himself followed it. The 
 strictures on the clothing supplied for the barracks, in which the men slept 
 two and two in unclean box beds, and on the exactions of their officers, make 
 quite credible his statement that their recruits were drawn from the dregs 
 of the people, for such service could not attract the self-respecting or the 
 ambitious.'- 
 
 Surlaville also busied himself in trying to improve the condition of the 
 officers, by economies in the lighting and heating, and to benefit both officers 
 and men by a better canteen system. He also dealt ably with the purchase of 
 the King's stores. His memoranda on these subjects show that he was an active 
 and intelligent officer, who remained in Isle Royale too short a time to carry 
 into effect any serious part of the reforms he saw there necessary.^ 
 
 The improvement in the troops, which unquestionably existed, even if less 
 marked than that described by Johnstone, had been helped, not only by the 
 attention given to it by the home authorities, but by the new elements introduced 
 into the garrison. The new companies were officered in the main by subalterns 
 of the regiments disbanded at the Peace. These gentlemen had served in good 
 regiments in the campaigns of Germany and the Netherlands, and brought to 
 Isle Royale standards and a point of view different from those of the " family " 
 officers who had alone held these positions before this time. There was also 
 more interchange with Canada, arising from the alternating garrisons of 
 Louisbourg and Canada at Beaus^jour and Fort Gaspareaux, its dependent 
 establishment on the Gulf side of the isthmus of Chignecto. 
 
 These years were for the inhabitants of Louisbourg probably the best they 
 had ever seen. It was obvious that the settlement was valued by the Government, 
 
 ^ Johnstone ascribes this to Des Herbiers. Quebec MSS. 5, p. 482. Des Herbiers says he set for Louisbourg the 
 standard of a French fortress. 
 
 ' The following sums up his criticisms : (i) cloth too thin ; (2) badly cut and costly to make over j (5) white bad 
 colour ; (4) stockings bad j (5) shoes thin j (6) paying only once a year bad ; (7) only three sizes of gaiters sent out, 
 making many misBts ; (S) hats bad; (9) no distinguishing marks for corporals; (10) bad linen for shirts; (11) should 
 have caps, and (12) black instead of white collars (Pap. Surlaville in Laval Univ., Quebec). 
 
 ' Papiers Surlaville. His comments on letters of Raymond and others show him as a severe and meticulous critic. 
 His collection of sixty-six " sottises" of Raymond, if alone preserved, would indicate that he was a malevolent trifler.
 
 1754 DRUCOUR SUCCEEDS RAYMOND 195 
 
 and this gave confidence to the people. The expenditure was large ; the fisheries 
 in some of these years gave an abundant yield. Commerce flourished ; many 
 vessels were built and bought from New England.^ And while smuggling 
 vessels were condemned and sold, it is not probable that these seizures seriously 
 interfered with the trade. The official statements show that it was large, and 
 Surlaville says, in one of his notes, that these were untrustworthy in minimizing 
 the imports from New England. The trade with Canada largely consisted in 
 French and foreign goods, and that with New England, of products of the 
 West Indies. 
 
 The Governors promoted the settlement of Acadians in Isle St. Jean, and 
 Bale des Espagnols (Sydney) and other points in Cape Breton, returned and 
 received deserters from Nova Scotia, and on the whole kept on terms of courtesy 
 with its Governor. Raymond retired from the Governorship in 1753, ^"'^ ^^^ 
 succeeded by the Chevalier Augustin Drucour, who came in 1754, and was but 
 little more than installed in his office when occurrences in the west produced a 
 condition in which war seemed inevitable. 
 
 The British Cabinet followed the news of the defeat of Washington at 
 Fort Necessity (July 1754) by a decision to reinforce the American colonists, 
 driven again, as a consequence of this French victory, to the eastward of the 
 Alleghanies. General Braddock was ordered to America with two regiments of 
 the line. Newcastle hoped that this might be done secretly, but it was made 
 public by the War Office, and was soon known in France. The action of 
 England in pressing her rights to the debatable land has been noted." The 
 French were now to be driven from all positions which they held on it, by 
 expeditions against Beausejour, Crown Point, Oswego, and the Ohio. Never- 
 theless Newcastle urged Lord Albemarle, the British Ambassador at Paris, to 
 assure the French Ministry that the sending out of Braddock was purely a 
 defensive measure. The French determined on their side to dispatch forces to 
 Canada and Louisbourg. For the latter point two battalions, the second of the 
 regiments of Artois and Bourgogne, were embarked at Brest on April 15, 1755.' 
 These forces and the four battalions for Canada were in excess of the forces 
 previously sent out under Braddock, but as it was a move of the same kind, 
 and but little greater in number, it does not seem that the British Ministers 
 were justified in finding it as ofi^ensive as they did. Parliament had acquiesced 
 in the King's " securing his just rights and possessions in America," and voted 
 him a million to that end. The Cabinet, fortified by the public feeling, which 
 Mirepoix, the French Ambassador at London, recognized as bellicose, determined 
 to send a squadron to cruise off Louisbourg, with instructions to " fall upon any 
 
 ^ In 1749 there were twenty-four, of which three were for the West Indies. 
 ^ Anls, p. 183. ' Arch. Guerre, vol. 3404, 89.
 
 196 ACTION OF THE ENGLISH MINISTRY 1755 
 
 French ships of war that shall be attempting to land troops in Nova Scotia or 
 to go to Cape Breton or through the St. Lawrence to Quebec." ^ 
 
 The strength of this squadron was first fixed at seven ships, but as the 
 gravity of the step impressed itself upon the Cabinet, its number was afterwards 
 increased to fifteen. Its command was given to the Hon. Edward Boscawen. 
 He had seen service under Anson and Vernon, and had been the commander-in- 
 chief of the fleet in Indian waters in 1749, when the results were in favour 
 of Dupleix. 
 
 Mirepoix was assured at his own dining-table by Lord Granville and by 
 Robinson,- who had just come from Council, that " the information I had 
 of the offensive orders given to Admiral Boscawen was absolutely false." ' 
 When one remembers that Granville was the Minister who, " in one of his 
 occasional bursts of strong rugged speech which came from him, and a good 
 deal of wine taken into him," ■* objected to " vexing your neighbours for a little 
 muck," ^ who also was revered as a master by Pitt, it became obvious that 
 the charges made by France against the Punic faith of England were not the 
 mere effervescence of Gallic sensitiveness. The Ministry took apparently the 
 view of Monk at the outbreak of the Dutch War in 1665. "What matters 
 this or that reason ? What we want is more of the trade the Dutch now have." " 
 
 The basis of the orders given to Boscawen has been quoted. Those given 
 to the French commodore who was to escort the fleet for Canada, off the coasts 
 of Europe, were in the ordinary terms : 
 
 " You should, if possible, avoid meeting English squadrons. If you do fall in with them, 
 be on guard against their manoeuvres, and if they give ground for supposing that they mean 
 to attack, I shall be content that you avoid an engagement in so far as it is possible without 
 compromising the honour of my flag."'' 
 
 The troops for Louisbourg were on the Defenseur, Chariot Royal, and 
 I'Esperance, which did not fall, like the Alcide and Lys, as captures to Boscawen 
 off the banks,* but arrived safely at Louisbourg on June 14. Their debarka- 
 tion was mostly effected by the 19th, although the barracks were not ready 
 for them." 
 
 Admiral Du Bois de La Motte went to Quebec and returned by the Straits of 
 Belle Isle, a daring feat, while De Salvert conducted the Louisbourg ships.'* 
 Boscawen, letting the French fleet slip through his fingers (with the exception 
 of the Alcide and Lys) in the bad weather off the banks, hurt the standing of 
 
 ' la the Secret Committee, March 24 ; in Cabinet, April 10, 1755. 
 
 * One of the two Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs. ' Corbett, p. 46. * Carlylc. 
 
 ' Corbett, vol i. p. 61. ' Jane, Hcrcsits 0/ Sea-Power, p. 151. ' Waddn. i. p. 106. 
 
 * Boscawen, post, p. 206. Guerre, 3404, 159. ' Guerre, 3404, 161. 
 1" A.N. Marine,' C', 170, sub nom. Pellegrin.
 
 
 ^N^^ t^- 
 
 
 
 
 
 -^# 

 
 1755 BLOCKADE OF LOUISBOURG 197 
 
 England, and produced the minimum of damage to France.^ After sending 
 his captures to Halifax, he cruised with his fleet ofF Louisbourg." Many- 
 captures were made, mostly of French ships with provisions, which seriously 
 curtailed the food supply of the town. 
 
 On June 18, the Somerset, for the second time, ran in close, and the log 
 of Captain Geary reports that she was fired on.^ The Somerset bore away, not 
 knowing the effect of the shot. It was from ' gun on the battery upon the 
 island. " On its discharge the carriage and the platform flew into a thousand 
 pieces, and if the English had known our position their fleet might have come 
 into the Harbour without any risk from our batteries not having a single cannon 
 fit to be fired." 
 
 " They might have burned all the vessels in It and battered the town from 
 the harbour, which must have immediately surrendered. But luckily for us they 
 had no knowledge of our Infirmities." ■* 
 
 Thus Johnstone describes the incident, and says that It showed to all " the 
 dismal situation of Louisbourg." 
 
 The events elsewhere in 1755 were more important than at Louisbourg. 
 To the west of the Alleghanies the sanguinary defeat of Braddock threw the 
 command of the region and the alliances of its Indians to the French. The 
 capture of Dieskau at Lake George was a barren victory for the English, and 
 Shirley tarnished the laurels he had won as an administrator by his conduct of 
 the absolutely unsuccessful expedition against Niagara. In the east Beaus^jour 
 and Gaspereaux had fallen. " Seven bombs which fell in Beausejour have 
 obliged Vergore to yield," " and the Acadian population, suffering like Issachar 
 from the difficulties inherent in choosing either burden, was deported. 
 
 The blockade of Louisbourg roused Franquet from his lethargy. Five 
 years had passed since he had come to the country. A diarist thus speaks of 
 
 ' He was dissatisfied himself with the operation ; see Appendix at end of this chapter. 
 
 ^ It consisted of fifteen ships : Torbay^ Gibraltar^ Terrible^ Grafton^ Augusta^ Mor.arque^ Yarmouth^ Edinburgh^ 
 Chicheiter, Dunkirk, Arundel, Somerset, Northumberland, Nottingham, and Anson. 
 ** On July 3 Boscawen left for Halifax. 
 
 BoSCAWEN, MoSTYN, AND HoLBURNE 
 
 yuly 5, 1755. — Boscawen sailed from Louisbourg, leaving Mostyn with the Monarch, Tarmouth, Chichester, Edinburgh, 
 Dunkirk, and Arundel. To be relieved by Holburne. 
 
 The Torbay was accompanied by the Somerset, Northumberland, Nottingham, and Anson, to Halifax. 
 
 July 9, 1755. — Mostyn sailed from Louisbourg, arriving at Halifax on the nth. 
 
 Holburne was left off Louisbourg with the Terrible, Grafton, Defiance, Augusta, and Litchfield. The Edinburgh, 
 Dunkirk, and Arundel were to join him in a few days. They did so on August lo, and the Success in September. 
 
 Sept. 15, 1755. — Holburne and his fleet entered Halifax harbour. 
 
 Oct. 19, 1755. — Boscawen sailed from Halifax with Mostyn, Holburne, and fleet. 
 
 (Taken from the logs of Torbay and Terrible, and Boscawen's letters to Cleveland of July 4 and 12 and Nov. 
 
 •5. 1755)- 
 
 * De Salvert's ships escaped Boscawen and Holburne, who succeeded him in the station (Quebec MSS. 3, p. 470). 
 
 ^ Dernier s yours, p. 146.
 
 198 THE ENGLISH POLICY 175s 
 
 him, and what he says perhaps explains the little Franqiiet accomplished during 
 that time : " He was a man of military experience, loving good, all his actions 
 tended towards it, an honest man, a good citizen, but unhappily a malady so 
 ravaged him, and had so enfeebled his bodily energies, that we find only now and 
 again the man he was." ^ 
 
 Every observer is agreed that the fortifications were in wretched condition. 
 Des Herbiers, Surlaville, Pichon ^ are all unanimous.^ Franquet had sent home 
 alternative plans of new works on the scale of the great frontier fortresses of 
 Europe, but little had been done to make effective the existing defences until 
 Boscawen's blockade indicated the seriousness of affairs. 
 
 In Europe the action of England was even more energetic and unscrupulous 
 than in America. Three hundred French mechantmen were seized on the 
 high seas and in English ports. France contented itself with protests, and 
 with an accumulation of evidence of England's improper action, which her 
 Ministers hoped would stir Spain to take part with her against the violator of 
 international laws. In this she did not succeed, although Spain had griefs of 
 her own against England. The sole benefit of the representations of France 
 was that Holland did not take the side of England, as by treaty bound, for 
 by the treaty between them neither party was to assist the other in a war in 
 which either was the aggressor.* This the Dutch declared was the position 
 of England. 
 
 It is hard to credit that a nation which in America was arming savage 
 allies secretly against the settlers of the rival power, could be so meek and 
 magnanimous in Europe. Hawke ravaged French shipping. France sent 
 back to England the frigate Blankford, captured off Brest, and instructed 
 the Intendant of Toulon to provision an English fleet cruising in the Mediter- 
 ranean should it call at that port.^ This was only some two score years before 
 Burke, lamenting in rolling cadences the sorrows of Marie Antoinette, exclaimed 
 that the age of chivalry was dead. Under Louis XV. it survived in this 
 fatuous and futile treatment of an enemy which had proved itself insensible 
 to the influences d'un beau geste. 
 
 The comparative insignificance of colonial events as compared with those in 
 Europe, to which reference has already been made, is demonstrated by the fact 
 that, while in 1755 there was armed conflict at every point where the French 
 
 ' Lc Chef Hu Genie est homme de Guerre, aimant le bien, toutes scs actions sont portees .i Cela, honncte homme, 
 bon citoycn, mais malhcureusement une maladie qui le niinoit avoit tellement atiolbli la machine qu'on ne Retrouvoit 
 plus I'homme en lui il n'avoit que des momens " (Journal du Siige de Louisbourg, 1758, Arch, de la F. 236 F.). 
 
 '^ See the latter's reports to Captain Scott when he was in the pay of England (Tyrell Papers). 
 
 ^ See the letters to Surlaville from his friends at Louisbourg. 
 
 * Corbett, vol. i. p. 20. ° La C.-G. p. 242.
 
 1/56 DECLARATION OF WAR 199 
 
 and English came in contact in America, it was not thought necessary by the 
 Powers to declare war until operations began in Europe. The action between 
 Byng and Galissoniere took place only two days later than the declaration of 
 war by England, signed by the King on the i8th of May 1756, and followed 
 by that of France on the 9th of June. 
 
 Minorca fell on June 29, and the brilliant operation of the French 
 terminated in the triumphal re-entry of La Galissoniere and Richelieu into 
 Toulon on the i6th of July, three months after setting out. The outcome of 
 this disappointing opening of a war, for which the English people had clamoured, 
 was the execution of Byng " for failure to do his utmost." He was shot on 
 the quarter-deck of the Monarque, which had been one of the fleet with which 
 Boscawen had begun hostilities. 
 
 France occupied herself with land operations and projects for the invasion 
 of England. She contented herself with regard to America in reinforcing the 
 garrison of Canada. Beaussier de L'Isle was given command of a squadron 
 which took out the regiments of La Sarre and the Royal Rousillon ; with them 
 went, to gain immortality, le Marquis de Montcalm, as successor to the 
 captured Dieskau. 
 
 The English ships, Fougeux, Litchfield, Centurion, Norwich, and the 
 
 smaller Success and Vulture, had wintered in Halifax, and were joined in the 
 
 spring of 1756 by the Grafton and Nottingham. The squadron was placed 
 
 under the command of Commodore ^ Holmes, who detached the Grafton and 
 
 rj Nottingham with their tenders to blockade Louisbourg. 
 
 The appearance of Beaussier's ships, returning from Quebec to Louisbourg, 
 put to flight the tenders of the English, which were on the point of capturing a 
 French merchantman, driven into Mainadieu. The ships of the line came In 
 1 sight of each other on July 26, off Louisbourg." 
 
 Beaussier's impulse was to engage, at the risk of repeating the mistake of 
 Maisonfort. Wiser counsels prevailed. He went into Louisbourg, landed 
 t the treasure he had for the place, and cleared his ships of hamper. The next 
 morning he engaged the English ships, having supplemented his crews by only 
 200 men, although the whole garrison volunteered. Beaussier's ship Le Heros, 
 a seventy -four, had only forty-six guns mounted, and was not supported by 
 Montalais in the Illustre. The action was indecisive.^ 
 
 After this action Holmes returned to Halifax for a few days, but on the 
 7th of August was back again. However, he did not get in touch with 
 
 ^ Admiralty List, Book 30. 
 
 ^ French ships : Le Hens, 74/46 ; L'lllmtre, 64 ; and the frigates La Licorne and La Sirene. English ships : Grafton, 
 70 ; Nottingham, 60 ; and tenders Hornet and jfamaica. 
 
 ^ It is, however, so interesting that accounts of it are printed verbatim in Appendix at end of chapter.
 
 200 NAVAL OPERATIONS 1756 
 
 Beaussier when he sailed for France on the 13th. Holmes carried his operations 
 further than along the coasts of Cape Breton. He dispatched on August 7 
 the Fougueux and Centurion to the St. Lawrence, the Success to Newfoundland, 
 and the Litchfield to Ingonish,^ to distress the enemy. The larger ships 
 destroyed the village of Little Gaspe, flakes, stages, and shallops ; Spry adding 
 in his report, superfluously it would seem, as the inhabitants were defenceless, 
 " without the least accident." ^ 
 
 Things were dull and unpleasant in Louisbourg. The English ships cruising 
 ofF the port made various captures, the most important of which was the 
 frigate U Arc -en- del, bringing out money and recruits for the garrison. 
 Louisbourg itself was unmolested, but at least three descents were attempted 
 on its outports. " They hoped to burn all the dwellings, but, unfortunately 
 for them, troops and Indians, placed in ambush in these harbours, hacked a 
 number of them to pieces and took the remainder prisoners ; not one escaped, 
 and many scalps were taken." 
 
 [The only landing mentioned in the log-books is that from the Norwich, 
 September i, at the Gut of Canso : 
 
 "6 A.M. sent our Barge & Yaul in Compy. with the Success's Barge and Cutter in 
 shore after a shallop about 1/4 past when the Barges got along side of the shallop we 
 observ'd they rec'd a very brisk Fire of small Arms from the Shore, which oblig'd them 
 to put off, on which the Shallop was shoo'd afloat & pursued the Boats, the Fire continuing 
 incessantly from the shore as well as the Launch, One of the Barges by this Time row'd 
 only 2 Oars, which the Shallop came up with & took in a little Time, the other Boats 
 came along side in about 3/4 of an Hour after viz. our Barge in which 2 Men Killed & 3 
 dangerously wounded, 2 of the Success's Bargemen who had jump'd into the Shallop & 
 when the attack was made into the Sea & Swam to our Barge One of whom was 
 dangerously wounded, our yaul was safe & the Success Cutter had one Man wounded, 
 several Shot went through the Barge & not a Mast or Oar in her but had one or more 
 Shot in or thro' them." 
 
 The other landings must have been from English privateers.] 
 In consequence of the stringent prohibition of commerce with the French, 
 enforced as far as was possible by the English Governors, and the presence of 
 these men-of-war off the port, the French believed that the policy of England 
 was trying to reduce the place by famine. 
 
 "Some of our fishermen, taken prisoner and then liberated at the beginning of this 
 campaign, relate that the English intend to intercept all aid and provisions which may come 
 to us from Europe, they wish to subdue us by famine and oblige us to give up the keys 
 without striking a blow. In spite of the fact that this squadron has seized our ship U Arc- 
 en-Ciel^ 3. 54, with 150 recruits on board . . . thev will not succeed in their enterprise. 
 
 ' Ad. Des. 1/481. ^ The Grafioti and her consorts remained cruising off Louisbourg until October.
 
 1756 PITT'S ACCESSION TO POWER 201 
 
 We have at the present moment food enough to last the entire colony nearly two 
 years." ^ 
 
 The optimism of Des Bourbes was repeated by M. Portal, an engineer, 
 who about the same time wrote, " Du monde, des vivres de I'argent, de la bonne 
 volonte, voila notre position." •^ 
 
 Facts, however, seem not to have justified this cheerful statement ; the 
 fortifications were wretched, the garrison was inadequate, and within a twelve- 
 month the lack of provisions In the town was causing the greatest anxiety. 
 
 The perspective of time enables us to accurately gauge the relative 
 importance of the events of this year. 
 
 It was not the loss of Minorca, which Newcastle felt equal to that of any 
 possession in the world except Ireland, nor the alarm of the country over this 
 loss, nor the fear of Invasion, which has always been so potent in its effect over 
 the mind of the English people, nor the fall of Calcutta, though it heightened 
 the alarm, nor the capture of Oswego by Montcalm, thus closing one of the 
 avenues to Canada ; the event of the year was the coming to power of Pitt. 
 
 Newcastle had resigned after his long tenure of office as Prime Minister. 
 His place was taken nominally by the Duke of Devonshire, but the real head 
 of the administration was Pitt, for whom the people of England had persistently 
 clamoured. 
 
 At once a new spirit animated the Ministry, new confidence was felt in the 
 nation. The importance of warfare In America was recognized, and prepara- 
 tions were made for carrying It on with vigour. Pitt's policy was sound In 
 that he had no intention of "trying to win America In Europe." A French 
 observer saw the justice of his views: "The victory over M. Braddock, 
 which has been made so much of in Europe, has done nothing to decide our 
 fate. The naval strength of the English was a hydra against which we had to try 
 and oppose a like hydra. France should have built and equipped a number of 
 ships equal to those of the English, with her gold and her men. Instead of 
 seeking for them a tomb In Germany, an abyss which has always been our ruin." ^ 
 
 1 " L'intention des Anglais, suivant le rapport de quelquea-uns de nos pecheurs, qui ont ^t^ pris et relach^s dans le 
 commencement de cette croisiire, est d'intercepter tons Ics secours et les vivres qui peuvent nous arriver d'Europe, de 
 rfduire notre place par la famine, et de nous forcer de leur en porter nos clefs sans coup f^rir. guoyque cette escadre 
 nous ait pris le vaisseau L'Arc-en-Cie/, de 54 pites de canon, dans lequel il y avoit cent cinquante hommes de recrue 
 . . . ils ne riussiront pas dans leur entreprise. Nous avons actuellement pour pris de deux ans de vivres pour toute la 
 colonie" (M. des Bourbes a M. de SurlaviUe, 10 Aoust 1756, Derniers jours de I'Acadie, p. 190). 
 
 ^ Derniers JourSy etc, p. 195. 
 
 8 " La victoire contre M. Bradocic qu'on fait tant valoir en Europe, n'a rien moins que decide de notre sort. Les 
 forces maritimes des Anglois sont une hydre a laquelle il fallait tacher d'opposer une hydre semblable. C'^toit J la 
 construction et i I'armement d'un nombre 6gal de vaisscaux qu'il fallait employer les hommes et I'or de la France, et 
 non leur chercher un tombeau en AUemagne, goufFre qui a toujours kit notre ruine " (Pichon, Histoire du Cap Breton, 
 pp. 268-269).
 
 202 HIS AGGRESSIVE PLANS 1757 
 
 Pitt began that prodigious activity which marked his tenure of office. It 
 was devoted not only to affairs of state, but to the military and naval operations 
 which embraced the protection and extension of the Empire, at all points in 
 both hemispheres, where it had a foothold. 
 
 Lord Loudon was the Commander-in-Chief in America. His plan of 
 operations, communicated to Pitt, coincided with that which Pitt had himself 
 formed. The most important feature in Pitt's policy was a coup de main against 
 the French strongholds in America, the reduction of Louisbourg in the early 
 part of the season, to be followed by an attack on Quebec. Pitt urged on this 
 work, and attempted to animate and unite the colonial Governors in raising 
 forces to assist the regular troops, not only in this expedition, but in land attacks 
 on the outlying French positions. 
 
 Before his retirement Newcastle had determined to send one regiment to 
 America. This was quite inadequate for Pitt's schemes. Early in February 
 he wrote to Lawrence that the second battalion of the Royals and six regiments, 
 each of 8 1 5 men, are ordered for embarkation, and he hoped would be able to 
 sail by the end of the month. ^ The base of operations against Louisbourg was 
 Halifax, and, with the expectation that the fleet would sail before the end of 
 February, Lord Loudon's plan that he could capture Louisbourg and then 
 proceed to Quebec in June was not unreasonable. However, the vigour of 
 Pitt was not equal to expediting matters as he had hoped. There was great 
 lack of organization in the military services.^ 
 
 Conditions improved, but all the movements were behind the time set in 
 Pitt's plans. Loudon had concentrated his forces in New York, and was ready 
 at the end of April with a body of about 6300 men and abundant siege material. 
 No news came of Holburne, who was to bring out the fleet ; and the naval 
 forces in New York, a fifty-gunship and four small cruisers under Hardy, were 
 inadequate to cope with the French squadron. 
 
 In June they embarked the troops, but just as they were on the point of 
 sailing, thev got news that De Beauffremont had been in the West Indies and 
 was probably coming north. Further delay took place, for it would have 
 been grossly imprudent to move this force without adequate protection. The 
 impatience of Loudon and Hardy increased. Finally Hardy sent out two 
 cruisers, who reported that the sea was clear of the French between New York 
 and Halifax, and in the last third of June they successfully made the voyage. 
 
 There was no sign as yet of Holburne, but the troops were disembarked at 
 
 * Kimball, vol. i. p. 2. 
 
 ^ This last is indicated by the conditions in the previous year. The troops for Loudon lay at Portsmouth until 
 June, without transports being hired for them. Cannon were shipped on one vessel, their carriages on another, ammuni- 
 tion on a third, and powder on a fourth. The loss of one vessel would make useless the safe arrival of the other three. 
 The powder was bought without a test, and proved to be no better than sawdust (Entinck, vol. i. p. 488).
 
 1757 ENGLISH AND FRENCH NAVAL MOVEMENTS 203 
 
 Halifax, and exercised in attacks on such positions as they would be likely to 
 meet ; they were taught to grow vegetables, and later, when an indignant and 
 disappointed nation reviewed the failure of Loudon's expedition, this was part 
 of the source of ridicule. Holburne's late arrival in American waters (July 9) 
 was the chief cause of failure which so completely characterized the movements 
 of the British forces in this campaign, but French seamanship and French 
 strategy accounted for the decided advantage her fleets had over the enemy.^ 
 
 While Pitt, in February, was vainly pressing on the elaborate preparations 
 for attack, France was preparing her forces for defence. A squadron of four 
 ships under Du Revest sailed from Toulon to Louisbourg in April. Saunders' 
 attempt to stop them with an equal force in the Straits of Gibraltar was un- 
 successful, and Du Revest arrived at his destination on June 19. 
 
 On January 27 De BeaufFremont sailed unmolested from Brest to the West 
 Indies, the English Admiralty not having perfected its arrangements to blockade 
 that port by the time the French squadron was ready to sail. He had a force 
 similar to Du Revest's, and arrived in St. Domingo on March 19 after very 
 heavy weather, and left on May 4, reaching Louisbourg on the 31st of the 
 same month. 
 
 Du Bois de la Motte left Brest with nine of the line and two frigates. 
 Temple West, who was then blockading the port, had been driven ofF in a gale 
 of wind ; so that the English efforts to destroy any part of the French reinforce- 
 ments failed through the unpreparedness of the Admiralty or the fortunes of 
 the sea. 
 
 Du Bois de la Motte, Lieutenant-General, arrived in Louisbourg on the night 
 of the 20th of June. He was in command of the united squadrons, which gave 
 him a force superior to that of Holburne's." 
 
 The junction of the three French squadrons at Louisbourg was ascertained 
 by scouts sent out from Halifax. The men from the English ships were 
 
 ' Holburne received a sharp letter from the Admiralty for indulgences granted to his captains (Ad. Out Letters, 
 vol. 518). 
 
 '* I believe you have never heard of this A. Holburne, and are anxious to know from whence he came, he is a Scot, 
 you know I don't think well of that nation for upper leather, nor was he ever thought much of in our service, he is rich 
 and has contrived to insinuate himself into the good graces of Lord Anson, made an Admiral and sent here in my 
 assistance, you see by this I don't like him or ever did, having known him from my first entering into service. . , ." 
 (Boscawen to his wife, June z6, 1755, Falmouth MSS.). 
 
 - Le Formidable, So. L'Hector, 74. Le Vaillaat, 64. La Brune, 30. 
 
 Le Toiiiiant, 80. Le Glorieux, 74. Le Sufcrie, 70. La Fleur de Lys, 30. 
 
 Le Deffenseur, 74. Le Dauphin Royal, 70. V Inflexible, 64. L'Ahenaskise, 38. 
 
 Le Due de Bcurgogne, 80. Le Bi'zarre, 64. Le Belliqueux, 64. La Comette, 30. 
 
 Le Heros, 74. VAchille, 64. Le Sage, 64. La Fortune, flute, 30. 
 
 Le Diademe, 74. L'Efeille, 64. Le Ce'/ebre, 64. L'Hermione, 26. 
 
 (B-", Marine, 76.'-
 
 204 THE FORCES AT LOUISBOURG 1757 
 
 sickly, 500 had to be left on shore in hospitals at Halifax, and 200 had died. 
 On the 4th of August, Loudon wrote Holburne a short note, the point of 
 which was : " In view of intelligence recvd. from Louisbourg is there any 
 chance of success in its attempted reduction? " To which Holburne replied on 
 the same day, " that the season is too far advanced, and enemy too strong, 
 for attempt to be successful." ^ Thereupon they determined to abandon the 
 siege. A strong garrison was left in Halifax, as in the forts in the Bay of 
 Fundy ; but most of the troops retired with Loudon to New York. The fleet 
 of Holburne began to cruise off Louisbourg on August 19 ; it kept this position, 
 making more than one attempt to draw La Motte out from the port. 
 
 The latter refrained from action ; the point in his instructions which most 
 impressed itself on him was that he must secure Louisbourg from attack. The 
 men from his ships, together with the garrison, occupied themselves in throwing 
 up earthworks and in fortifying every cove, both to the east and west of 
 Louisbourg, where a landing might be effected, and In keeping in them a 
 sufficient garrison to resist a first attack. 
 
 The forces which Du Bois de la Motte had at his disposal were : 
 
 Artois 
 
 • 437 
 
 
 Bourgogne . 
 
 • 536 
 
 
 Louisbourg Companies 
 
 . 805 
 
 
 Militia 
 
 Quebec Soldiers . 
 
 . 200 
 • 30 
 
 Volunteers from the Fleet. 
 
 Acadians and Indians 
 
 . 260 
 
 Officers . . 31 
 
 Artillery 
 
 • 50 
 
 Men . . . 600 
 
 Officers 
 
 . 150 
 
 
 2+68 
 
 The cannon, 68 in number, and two mortars, mounted in entrenchments, 
 were all served by these forces, with the exception of the Acadians and Indians, 
 who were with Boishebert at Gabarus. 
 
 The frigates of his fleet made occasional cruises about the coasts, and the 
 diaries speak of several prizes brought in, mostly by privateers.- Holburne kept 
 his position off Louisbourg till after the middle of September. , On Sunday the 
 25th the most violent storm known for years proved disastrous to the greater 
 part of the English fleet, and upset Holburne's plans for any attack on the vessels 
 of Du Bois de la Motte, who after repairing the comparatively slight damage 
 done to the Tonnant, returned safely to France.^ 
 
 Holburne got his ships refitted in Halifax, and left there for the winter, 
 
 ' AH. Des. 481. " Marine B*, vol. 76. Also journal o( FUur Jc Lys, Ottawa, F, 173. 
 
 ' See Appendix, p. 207, for the account of the storm.
 
 APPENDICES 205 
 
 according to instructions, eight men-of-war and brought the others successfully 
 back to England, a highly creditable piece of seamanship, which helped to lessen 
 the resentment of Pitt.^ 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 A. List of Prizes taken off Louisbourg 
 
 1755- 
 
 June 8. Torhay and Dunkirk took Akide^ 64. 
 
 8. Fougueux took French dogger. 
 
 9. Fougueux and Defiance took the Lys, 64. 
 
 19. Litchfield took a brigantine from Martinico for Louisbourg. 
 
 20. Mars captured a snow, UAigle, Rochelle to Louisbourg. 
 26. Arundel took a snow, St. Maloes to Cape Breton. 
 
 July 2. Arundel took a fishing schooner, G. of Cancer to Louisbourg. 
 
 20. Defiance took a French snow, Prudent, to Dunkirk, from Bordeaux to Louisbourg. 
 
 20. Arundel took a sloop from Louisbourg. 
 
 21. Terrible took a schooner from Louisbourg to Nants. 
 
 25. Arundel took a schooner from Martinico to Louisbourg. 
 Aug. 13. Terrible took a snow, Bourdeaux to Louisbourg. 
 
 13. Litchfield took a snow, also schooner and shallop. 
 
 19. Dunkirk took a snow, Michault, Martinico to Louisbourg. 
 
 21. Edinburgh and Dunkirk took two French ships, the St. Antonia and Duke de las 
 
 Court, Bourdeaux to Louisbourg. 
 
 22. Dunkirk took the St. Clear, Bourdeaux to Louisbourg. 
 
 22. Litchfield took a French ship. 
 
 23. Litchfield took the Emmanuel, Bourdeaux to Louisbourg. 
 
 21 to 23. v:^r««^^/ employed sacking and destroying fishing-station at Port a Basque. 
 
 24. Dunkirk took a French snow. 
 
 Aug. 25. Dunkirk and Litchfield took the snow. Three Friends, St. Malones to Louisbourg. 
 
 26. Augusta took a French schooner. 
 
 Sept. I. Success took a French snow, Bourdeaux to Quebec. 
 
 I. Success took a French dogger, Bourdeaux to Louisbourg. 
 
 1756. 
 
 May 22. Success captured French schooner. 
 
 24. Success fired on an Lidian boat. Also on Indians on shore. 
 
 29. Norwich took French dogger, Rochfort to Louisbourg. 
 
 ' Ad. Orders and Instructions, vol. 79, p. 376, see also Ad. Out Letters, No. 521. 
 
 The eight ships were : Northumherlund, Terrible, Kingston, Orford, Arc en del, Sutherland, Defiance, Somerset, also the 
 frigates, Portmalion and Howie. The Haivke, which arrived in Halifax on Nov. 5, brought to Holburne the erroneous 
 report that the French fleet was still in Louisbourg. See Holburne to Pitt, Nov. 4, 1757, P.S. Nov. 5, Ad. Des. i, 4S1, 
 and Kimball, vol, i. p. 125. In Chapter XV. is a statement of the dismay felt when the news of the storm reached London. 
 
 The Stirling Castle and three other ships were ordered on Nov. 11 to cruise for twenty-one days between Ushant and 
 Cape Clear, for the protection of trade and the security of the disabled ships of Holburne's fleet expected from America.
 
 2o6 APPENDICES 
 
 May 29. Fougueux took French dogger, Old France to Louisbourg. 
 
 29. Litchfit'ld took Douchess of Pontchatrain, Rochfort to Louisbourg. 
 
 June 2. Success took French schooner. 
 
 13. Litchfield and Noriuich took V Jrc-e»-Ciel, 52 guns, 550 men. UOruebt to 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 16. Centurion took storeship Equity^ Rochfort to Louisbourg. 
 
 20. Hornet took schooner. 
 
 July 8. Jamaica captured brig, Rochfort to Louisbourg. 
 10. Grafton took two fishing-boats. 
 
 21. Jamaica took a French ship which she chased ashore. Seized also a fishing- 
 
 shallop. 
 Aug. 13, 14. Schooner and sloop chased on shore — captured by the boats of the Litchfield 
 and Grafton. 
 
 13. Centurion drove a vessel into the harbour of Neganish. 
 
 14. Centurion and Hornet captured do., a schooner from Quebec to Louisbourg. 
 24. Jamaica took a schooner, an illicit trader, from Piscadue to Newfoundland. 
 
 Sept. 4, 5. Litchfield landed at Leganish Bay — took fish, burnt stages, shallops, etc. 
 7. Centurion took sloop loaded with fish. 
 
 7. Fougueux took three French shallops and a small sloop in Gasp^e Bay. 
 9. Fougueux and Centurion took a snow, Quebec to Gasp^e. 
 
 10. Fougueux and Centurion took a schooner, St John's to Quebec. 
 
 11, 12. Fougueux and Centurion employed in destroying the fishing village of Little 
 
 Gasp^e. 
 
 Prizes taken 1757 by Holburne's Ships 
 
 May 13. Dunviddie recapture. 
 
 ig. Snow. 
 June 4. La Hercule, St. Domingo to Bordeaux. 
 6. Dauphin, Cap. Francois to Bordeaux. 
 9. Ship, St. Domingo to Bordeaux. 
 24. Schooner, St. Eastatius to Salem. 
 Aug. 24. Ketch, Rochefort, an illicit trader to Louisbourg. 
 
 28. Providence, Rochefort to Louisbourg. 
 Nov. 6. English Snow, recapture. 
 
 This statement has been compiled from Log-Books in the Record Office. The spelling 
 
 has not been changed. 
 
 B. Letter from Boscawen to his Wife 
 
 "June 26, at 8 a.m., 1755. 
 
 " Aly dearest Fannv cannot think how easy I find mvself since I despatched the Gibraltar 
 for England, the account I have given of myself good or bad being gone from me, has taken 
 a great burden from my spirits, thus to begin a war between two great and powerful nations, 
 without an absolute order, or declaration for it, now and then gives me some serious thoughts.
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 207 
 
 some will abuse me, but as it is on the fighting side, more will commend me, had I been 
 lucky enough to have fallen in with more of them I should have been more commended, 
 not but that I have the secret satisfaction to know that I have done all that man could do 
 in this part of the world, which no man that has not seen can be any judge of, the sudden 
 and continual fogs the cols [sic] in this Southern latitude at midsummer and our first coming 
 on the coast the dismal prospect of floating islands of ice sufficient to terrifie the most daring 
 seaman, I know what I have done, is acting up to the spirit of my orders, I know it is 
 agreable to the King the ministry and the Majority of the people, but I am afraid they will 
 expect I should have done more, the whole scheme is the demolishing the naval power of 
 France, and indeed the falling in with those that have escaped me and demolishing them, 
 would have been a decisive stroke and prevented a war, but what I have done will add fewel 
 to the fire only, and make them complain at all the Courts in Europe if our great men dare 
 begin first in Europe they will yet take some of them on their return, they have no 
 provisions to stay here all the winter, if they attempt to stay all their men will perish. . . ." 
 
 The Storm in 1757 
 
 "When the month of September Came, the Equinox brought the most furious tempest 
 ever known in the memory of man. The sea at the same time rose to such a prodigious 
 height, Ferdinand de Chambon, the officer on guard at the "Grave" was obliged to quit 
 his post with his detachment, to avoid being drowned, after standing their ground until the 
 water was up to their knees. It began about twelve at night, and continued with the same 
 force until twelve next day at noon. The evening before being fair, clear and calm, the 
 English fleet was in its usual station near the entry of the harbour, and everybody imagined 
 it impossible for them to get clear of the land and avoid being dashed against the rocks. 
 The next morning we expected to see the coast all covered with wrecks. 
 
 "The inhabitants of the Country brought us each moment news of the dismal state of 
 the English fleet. 
 
 " All their ships were shattered and dispersed ; five of them were seen together driving 
 before the wind towards Newfoundland without masts. 
 
 "Several others were in the same Condition. A fifty-gun ship was lost at the distance 
 of four leagues from Louisbourg; but the crew being saved, a detachment was immediately 
 sent to them to prevent their being butchered by the Indians. In short it was evident 
 that five French men of war, if they had gone out of the harbour in quest of the English, 
 would have been sufficient to pick up and take all that was left of the English fleet. . . . " ^ 
 
 An officer on the French vessel Fkur de Lys tells the same tale of woe : 
 
 " We have gone through the most violent gale of wind seen here for a long time, 
 though they are frequent. Last Thursday (the 22nd) it was fine and quite calm ; out at 
 sea we noticed a mist which spread towards the harbour in the night. On Friday there 
 was a slight S.E. wind with a little fog. Saturday it veered from S.E. to E.S.E. nice and 
 fresh. An English vessel was at that time very near the shore, she set sail as fast as she 
 
 ^ Chevalier Johnstone, Quebec Hist. Soc, Campaign of Louisbourg.
 
 2o8 APPENDICES 
 
 could for the open sea ; after mid-day the wind veered to the E. so that was in her favour. 
 The wind got stronger from this direction so I let go the big anchor before night fall, very 
 carefully so that it should hold ftist. At 1 1 o'clock at night the wind got very violent, but 
 two hours after midnight it was even stronger, till ii o'clock this morning, when it veered 
 to the south and soon to the S.W. I have never seen anything like it. At 3 a.m. the 
 Dauphin Royal dragged her anchor, fouled the Tonnant and broke her bowsprit ; the 
 Dauphin RoyaPs rudder was broken. At 1 1 the Tonnant was ashore, but the wind having 
 changed by then to the South, she floated with the tide, her rudder was carried away, her 
 mizzen mast cut off, and she is now much like the others, but without bowsprit, mizzen 
 mast or rudder, worst of all she is taking much water. 
 
 " The hawser of /'Jb^naquise parted, this frigate has been thrown ashore, and I do not 
 doubt but manv of our ships would have had the same fate if the wind had lasted another 
 hour. . . ." — Sunday, 25//; Sept. 1757. Log-Book of the Fleur de Lys. 
 
 We read also in the Anonymous Journal written by one of the officers of 
 De La Motte's squadron, on board V Inflexible : 
 
 "Since the 23rd the winds in the E. and S.E. parts of the island, were constantly from 
 the S.E. and were fresh enough, with much fog and rain to make us fear a storm, and so it 
 began on the 24th in the afternoon, without much violence at the outset, but at i o'clock 
 in the night it turned into a most terrible hurricane, there was not a single ship of our 
 squadron that did not drift, although each had four anchors under her bows ; by daybreak 
 our situation was lamentable. During the night Le Dauphin Royal fired a canon as signal 
 of distress. In spite of our wish to assist them, we were unable to do so. The sea was so 
 dreadful that it made us shudder. The cable of the Dauphin Royal broke, she was instantly 
 thrown on Le Tonnant where she broke her rudder, the whole of the gallery of the poop 
 was destroyed, but these damages were inconsiderable compared with those sustained by Le 
 Tonnant, whose bowsprit was broken, also the figurehead and cut- water ; and she was 
 thrown, while thus entangled, on the Royal battery, where she struck with violence. 
 We were even surprised that she could resist the shock, the mizzen-mast was promptly cut 
 away to lighten the stern which was the portion that was suffering most ... If at noon 
 the wind had continued for another hour and not changed to the south and south-west, 
 nine or ten of our vessels, including that of our Admiral, would have been driven ashore. 
 It is impossible to imagine such a dreadful spectacle as that which met our eyes. The 
 frigate, r Jbhiaquise, the cable of which was parted, was instantly thrown up on the beach, 
 along with 25 merchantmen, several of them high and dry. More than 80 boats and 
 skiffs of the squadron were tossed bv the waves and smashed, most of them on the shore, a 
 number of the men on board them perishing. More than 50 schooners and boats met the 
 same fate. By 3 p.m. the hurricane having greatly abated, I went in our boat to help ours. 
 Sailors, who have been more than 50 years afloat, say that they ne\'er saw the sea so awful. 
 The ramparts of the town were thrown down, and the water inundated half of the town, a 
 thing which has never been seen. The sea dashed with such tremendous force on the 
 coast that it reached lakes two leagues inland. ..." 
 
 The incidents connected with her salvage are briefly told as follows by one 
 of the French officers at Louisbourg :
 
 APPENDICES 209 
 
 "During the afternoon of the 27th a boat arrived with a report that whilst passing 
 St. Esprit they saw a number of people on the shore, and also many others on the prow. 
 Upon this information we sent, next morning, four schooners with sixty grenadiers and 
 one hundred soldiers, who were forced back by contrary winds, and went by land. The 
 same day a person of the locality brought in his boat Captain Thems (Thane), second 
 captain of the said ship who is on board with us, also two sailors. We learn that it was 
 the Tilbury 60 guns, formerly part of the Holburne squadron. The Captain, and the 
 commander of the grenadiers were drowned, as well as half the crew. Our troops had 
 great difBculty in reaching the scene of the wreck, owing to the floods in many localities 
 which the gale had caused the sea to submerge. We were anxious to give the shipwrecked 
 prompt assistance, for fear of the fury of the Indians, who might possibly get there first. 
 This they did, but they behaved very well under the circumstance, their conduct surprising 
 us. When a company of savages, 150 strong, made their appearance, not one of the 
 English, although half dead with hardship, expected to escape, but a chief came forward and 
 reassured them, saying : ' Fear not, since the hurricane has brought you to shore we are 
 coming to your relief, but if you had come to make war upon us, not one of you would be 
 safe, and we would take all your scalps.' The Indians themselves went on board the ship to 
 help the others get off. The living were not plundered at all, but as the dead arrived on 
 the shore they searched them. . . " ^ 
 
 The following facts are taken from the log-books of the English squadron : 
 
 Captain, Sept. 25, 1 757. — "Fore stay sail. Main and Mizen stay sail all blown away 
 and Main sail split to pieces . . . . gi foot water in the Well, and 9 in the Magazine 
 which washed away all the Powder . . . but the Wind shifting and with the assistance 
 of an Iron Tiller got clear of the Rocks." 
 
 Devonshire, Sept. 25, 1757. — "At | past 3 a.m. the mainsail split all to Pieces. At 
 6, the Mizen split to Rags, it then blowing a meer hurricane of wind and a very high sea 
 which made a free passage over us." 
 
 Lightning, Sept. 25, 1757. — "At 4 A.M. it blowing an excessive hard Gale of Wind 
 we split our Mainsail which blew quite away. At 7, we Shiped a Sea Abaft which stove 
 in the Dead Lights, very much damaged our stores and a great quantity of our Bread. . . . 
 The Breakers scarce a cable's length from us." 
 
 Neivark, Sept. 25, 1 757. — " Excessive hard gales. Cut away best bower anchor lest 
 it shoud bulge the ship. Threw overboard 6 upper deck guns and carriages to ease the 
 ship, 8 vessels seen with masts gone, etc. . . ." 
 
 Terrible, Sept. 25, 1 757. — "Sunday. The first part strong gales and squally, the 
 middle and latter very strong gales and squally thick weather, with Rain. . . . Saw 15 
 Sail of Ships, 10 with their masts gone, in Distress. At 10 freed the Ship of Water, 
 i past Saw the Land betwixt St. Esprit and Fouch6, W.N.W. about 2 miles, and not one 
 mile from the Breakers. . . . Saw one Ship in the Breakers, some near the Shore, Some 
 to an Anchor with their masts gone, and some standing off as we did." 
 
 Orford, Sept. 25, 1757. — ". . . At noon wore ship to the S'ward saw several of our 
 Ships some of them having lost their Masts. Saw the Land from the N.W. to N. distance 
 4 or 5 Miles the Wind shifted to the Westward." 
 
 1 Moreau St. Mery, vol. 24, f. 3. 
 
 P
 
 2IO APPENDICES 
 
 State of the Squadron under the Command of Vice-Admiral Holburne, 
 September 28, 1757.^ 
 
 "1757, Sept. 28. — JVindsor^ Kingston, Northumberland, Newark, Orford, Terrible, 
 Somerset. In company with all their Masts standing. 
 
 " Bedford, Defiance. All their Masts sent to the Eastward to take two ships in tow. 
 
 " Invincible, Captain, Sunderland. Fore masts and Bowsprits standing, and have raised 
 jury masts to carry them into Port : are in tow. 
 
 " Nottingham. Spoke to by the Orford, yesterday, wants no assistance ; has a Fore 
 Mast Bowsprit and jury mast. 
 
 " Grafton, Nassau. Have been seen with no Masts nor Bowsprits standing. 
 
 " Devonshire, Eagle. Have been seen their Fore Masts and Bowsprits only standing. 
 
 ^'■Prince Frederick, Centurion, Tilbury. We have no certain Accounts, but some of 
 these must be the Ships the Bedford and Defiance went after. 
 
 " Nightingale. Has lost her Mizen Mast and Maintopmast. 
 
 " It is generally thought that the Tilbury is lost, and every soul perished, and we are in 
 some pain about the Ferret, as she must have been in the Storm ; We had lost Company 
 for two days, and she is a very indifferent Sloop, sails badly and very crank. The cruizer 
 who I had sent to Halifax to hasten the water out to us was very near foundering having 
 been under water several times, with the loss of his boats, guns, and mizen mast and every 
 one thing above water ; some of the Ships have lost a few Men and guns and Anchors j 
 Bread and Powder greatly damaged, having had so much Water in them. Booms and 
 Boats many gone. 
 
 (Signed) "Fra. Holburne." ^ 
 
 Holburne's fears proved groundless with the exception of the Tilbury. 
 She was wrecked on those rocks near St. Esprit, which still bear her name, and 
 it may be that the gold which has been in recent years found on this shore, was 
 cast up by the ocean from the ship's hold. Her Captain, Henry Barnsley, was 
 drowned, but her First Lieutenant, Thane, was among those saved. Her com- 
 plement was 400 men, of whom 280 were saved.^ 
 
 C. The Fight between Holmes and Beaussier 
 
 Sir, — I desire you would please to acquaint their Lordships that on the 26th July I 
 was Cruizing in His Majesty's Ship Grafton with the Nottingham, Hornet, and Jamaica 
 Sloop off Louisburg about Three Leagues S.b.E. at Eight a.m., the Man at the Mast head 
 discovered four sail to the N.E. which was directly to Windward, we gave Chace and made 
 our first Board to the Southward, they steering directly for us till within two Leagues we 
 tacked in hopes to have cut them from their Port, and they hauld in for it. Half past one 
 P.M. they came to an anchor in their Harbour and a little after we brought too about a 
 League from it and hoisted our Colours, the lighthouse bearing North where we lay, at 
 four made Sail to the Eastward, soon as it was dark dispatched the Hornet with the in- 
 closed Letter to Captain Spry and then stood on as before til! three o'clock, when we 
 
 ' Atimir.il's Despatches, vol. 4S1. 2 A<1. Des. vol. 1/481. ' Ad. List Book, 32.
 
 APPENDICES 211 
 
 tacked and stood in for the Land at seven in the Morning (the 27th) ; the Man from Mast- 
 head call'd he saw six sail under the Land about Eight o'CIock. I could see four ships in 
 chace of us, and I could with my Glass make them to be Men of War, and see the French 
 Commodore's white Pendant very Plain, on which I stood from them to the S.E., about 
 a point from the Wind which drew them from their Harbour and thought it the best of our 
 sailing, for I judged them above oiu" match, or they would not have come out of Port 
 again in so few hours, I believe they only put their Sick and Lumber on Shore and took 
 Troops ofF for they were very full of Men ; half past One p.m. the headmost of the French 
 Squadron a Frigate of about Thirty-Six Guns, fired on the Jamaica sloop which she Return'd 
 and rowed at the same time, on the Nottingham and our firing at the Frigate she hauld 
 her wind and the Jamaica bore away to the S.W., which the French Commandant observ- 
 ing made a Signall for the two Frigates to chace the Sloop which they immediately obey'd, 
 about two the Nottingham fired her Stern Chace at the French Commandant which he 
 returned with his Bow, and soon after I fired mine, finding our Shott reach'd each other, 
 Hauld up my Courses, bunted my Mainsail and Bore down on the French Commodore, 
 being about a quarter of a mile from him it fell calm and we began to Engage, he being 
 on our Starboard side, the other large French Ship a Stern of him, and the Nottingham on 
 our Larboard Bow, the two Frigates a Mile from us and the Jamaica something more. 
 Tho' the French Commandant held us so cheap at first by sending his Frigates away, he 
 was so Sensible of his mistake that soon as there was wind he made the Frigates signal to 
 rejoin Him and fearing they did not come fast enough to his Assistance bore down to them, 
 and we followed, at Seven they were all close together, at dusk the Action ceased, they 
 standing to the Southward and we to the S.S.E., light airs, our Men lay at their Quarters 
 all night expecting to renew the Action, in the Morning at day light the French ships 
 bore N.W.b.W. distance four or five Miles, going away with little wind at E.S.E. right 
 before it for Louisburg, we wore and stood to the Westward, but they never OfFer'd to 
 look at us, the wind fresh'ning, they sailing much better than our ships and the Weather 
 growing hazey, lost sight of them about noon, their chief fire was at our Masts, which 
 they wounded and cut our Stays and Riging pretty much, I had one Lower deck Gun dis- 
 mounted and one upper. Six Men kill'd, and Twenty odd wounded, which is all the damage 
 the Grafton received. I here inclose you Captain Marshall's Letter with his Boatswain 
 and Carpenter's reports of the Damages received in the Action. The Jamaica^ Mainmast 
 was shott and is Condemned by Survey, I sent her to Halifax with the inclosed letter and 
 the worst of my wound'd men, Employ'd fishing my Main Mast, the 29th being thick 
 Weather could not venture in with the Land as was the 30th till noon, when stood in 
 and at 4 brought too, little wind at South, at 6 Cabroose point N.b.W. ^ W. Three 
 Leagues and Louisburg lighthouse N.b.E. i E. Four Leagues no ships off the Harbour 
 nor could I see plain what was in, it being hazey over the Land, soon as it was dark stood 
 away to the Westward for Halifax with the Grafton and Nottingham the 1st August join'd 
 our ships there and as I wanted much to know the force of the french Ships and from 
 whence they came on my arrival at Halifax I advised with Govr. Lawrence and Detach'd 
 Major Hale of the Garrison to Louisburg with a Flag of Truce in a Schooner on pretence 
 of treating for the Exchange of Captain Lieut. Martin of the Train who was taken by the 
 Indians in the Harbour of Passmaquady, and carried to that place, one of my Petty Officers 
 I have sent as Master of the Schooner, but as she is not return'd I can only give their
 
 212 APPENDICES 
 
 Lordships my Opinion of the ships. The Commandant I judge, to be a 74, the other a 
 64, and two Frigates of 40 and 36 guns. On the 7th I saild from Halifax with his 
 Majestys ships, Grafton^ Fougiieux^ Litchfield^ Norwich^ Nottingham^ Centurion^ Hornet, 
 and Jamaica sloop, the Success has since Join'd us and [I] am now with the Squadron off 
 Louisburg, — I am, &c., Chas. Holmes. 
 
 " Graflon at Sea, 
 
 "Louisburg N.W.b.N. Six Leagues, 
 "the 25th August 1756." 
 
 Ext. of Log of the Grafton (70) 
 
 July 26, 1756. — ". . . At I past 10 saw 4 Sail in the N.E. made sail and gave Chace 
 Do. Clear'd ship for Action they bore down to us we kept our Wind which they 
 Observing hauld in for Louisburg. Continued our Chace but they having the Advantage 
 of the Wind of us got into Louisburg Harbour we found as follows a 74 gun ship a 64 
 with 2 frigates of 32 Guns each Come from Quebeck." 
 
 'July 27, 1756. — ". . . Still Continuing our Chace at i past i p.m. they Anchord in 
 Louisburg Harbour Brought too and Hoisted our coulers at 5 the Hornett parted 
 Company for Halifax ... in Company the Nottingham and Jamaica ... at 7 a.m. saw 
 4 sail under Scatary which we judged to be the french Squadron Come out wore and 
 bore away they gave us Chace out all reefs and made all the Sail we Could set Clear'd 
 Ship for Action. In Company the Nottingham & Jamaica the French squadron bearing 
 N.W. about 2 Leagues we being becalm'd & they Having a fresh breeze Coming up to us." 
 
 July 28, 1756. — ". . . At i past i a french frigate gave Chace to the Jamaica & 
 began to fire at her but upon the Nottingham and our fire at him he hauld his wind the 
 french Comodant at the same time began to Engage the Nottingham Do. we haild the 
 Nottingham desiring he would drop a stern that we might Come to a Closer Engagement 
 with the french Commandant. Continued engageing him with the Nottingham on our 
 Larbd. bow & the french Commadant on our Starboard side with the 64 gun ship on 
 our Starbd. quar. till 6 o'clock in the Afternoon at which time the Commadant set his 
 foresl. & bore away Do. set Our foresail & followed him he made Sigl. as we suppose for 
 Assistance by hoisting a white Flag at His Main Topmt. Backstay from His mast head down- 
 ward, and two white Pendants at his Larbd. main yard Arm on which the 2 Frigates drew 
 Close to him and Engaged till 40 minutes after 7 when they hauld to the So. wd. & we 
 to the S.S.E. being both Sides pretty much Shattered in our rigging we had 5 Men kild 
 & 13 Wounded several Guns Dismounted at 6 a.m. saw them N.W. 5 miles wore Ship & 
 Stood to the Wt.wd. in Company the Jamaica and Nottingham. . . ." 
 
 Jug. I, 1756. — "In Halifax Harbour." 
 
 26, 1756. — "Heard the report of several guns in the harbour of Louisburg." 
 
 (Cruizing about Louisburg until 7 Oct. No mention of entering the harbour.) 
 
 ExT. of Log of the Nottingham (60) 
 
 July 28, 1756. — ". . . Begun to fire our Stern Chaces on a Frigate that was Going to 
 Bd. the Jamaica & keeping a Continual fire on her Obliged her to Sheer ofF a short time 
 after we begun to Engage the French Comdr. with our Starbd. Guns Do. hauld up the
 
 APPENDICES 213 
 
 main Sail at i pt. i Our Comdr. begun to Engage the 64 Gun Ship at i pt. 3. The 
 French Comdr. made the Frigates Sigl. to Chace the Jamaica we keept on a Continual 
 fire we Received from them Shott through our Sails two Shott through the Head of the 
 Main Mast, one through the Main Topmast an other that splinterd him abaft, beside 
 several Shott in our Hull. The French squadron Consisted of one of 74 Guns one of 
 64 one of 40 the other of 36 Guns. At \ pt. 7 left off Engaging the French hauld 
 the Wind and Stood to the westwd. with a Light Brieze Employed securing the Main 
 Topmt. at 12 getting Pouder filld and getting Shott up and making Wadds ready to 
 Engage at 4 a.m. Tackd to the Wt.wd. the Ship ready to Engage as before. At 7 
 Empld. overhaulg. the Rigging and Repairing what was Shott away, & Securing the 
 Lower Deck Guns & Gunners Stores at 9 Saw the French squadn. Bearing N.N.W. 
 4 Leags. Steering for Louisbourg. The Comdr. & 'Jamaica In Company." 
 
 Aug. I, 1756. — "In Halifax Harbour." 
 
 7 to 27, 1756. — "Another cruize ofF Louisbourg. (No mention of her entering the 
 
 Harbour.) " 
 
 " Grafton at Halifax/^ 8th October 1756. 
 
 "Sir, 
 
 " As I had certain Intelligence that the French Men o' War that were in America were 
 sail'd for Europe and there being no Danger to be Apprehended from anything they could 
 attempt on this Coast, I thought it most Conducive to the good of His Majesty's Service 
 and to distress the Enemy to seperate the Squadron. . . . While they were on these 
 different Services I continued with His Majesty's Ships Grafton and Nottingham on the 
 Station of Louisburg, where I received the enclosed letter from Major Hale of Colo. 
 Lascelle's Regt. who Govr. Lawrence and I prevaild on to go in a Flag of Truce to 
 Louisburg (he being Master of the French Language) in order to discover what we could 
 of their Men of War and to learn if there were more Expected. He went under pretence 
 ... to treat for the exchange of Capn. Lieut. Martin. As their Lordships will by these 
 letters receive an Account of what Damage the French sustain'd in the Engagement, I 
 inclose you my Officers reports of ours. 
 
 " I am, &c., 
 "John Cleoland, Esq." " Chas. Holmes. 
 
 Gunner's Report of the Damages 
 
 " An Account of Carriages Disabled, and Powder fired in the Engagement with four 
 French Men of War on board His Majesty's Ship Grafton Commodore Chas. Holmes 
 Esqr. Commandt. off of Louisburg on the 27 July 1756." 
 /-Broke by a Shot from the Enemy . 
 
 A^vpl^ree^ \ ^^^ Sprung by long firing .... 
 Axeltrees.^ Do. Do. Do 
 
 "18 pound Axeltree Broke by a Shot from the Enemy 
 " 32 pound Cap Square Broke ..... 
 
 "The above render'd Eight Guns unfit for Action till repaired. 
 Action Barrls. & pds. . . . Ninty-nine, & ten pds. 
 
 (Sign'd) "Jno. Smyth, Gunr." 
 
 . Fore . . . 
 
 One. 
 
 
 . Do. ... 
 
 Five. 
 
 
 . Hind ... 
 
 One. 
 
 
 . Hind ... 
 
 One. 
 One. 
 
 
 1. Powder fired in 
 
 the
 
 2 14 APPENDICES 
 
 Copy of the Carpenter's Report of the Damages. 
 
 "The Report of the Damages done to His Majesty's ship Grafton Charles Holmes 
 Esqr. Commander on the 27 Julv 1756 bv engaging with four sail of French Men of War 
 of Louisbourg. 
 
 To the Hull of the Ship 
 
 " Received Seven Shott between wind and water. 
 
 " Do. In the Ships Sides Twenty Nine Shott. 
 
 " Do. In the Counter of the Ship Two Do. 
 
 " The Stern laid open, and quarter Gallerys Shott to pieces, the quantity of Glass broke, 
 One Hundred and Ninety Seven Pains. 
 
 "The Cistarn of the Chain Pumps part of the Bottom and end entirely Shott away. 
 
 " Part of the Supporter of the Catt head shott away and the Round House and Tunnel 
 shot all away. 
 
 " Ten Iron Stantions in the West and quarter Shot away with the Mens Hammocks 
 and Twenty Broke. 
 
 " The Three Poop Lanthorns Shot to pieces and the Top Light much Damaged. 
 
 " Two Cranes of the Gangway Shott to pieces. 
 
 " Sundry Dammages done to Ladders, Grating, Boats, ckc." 
 
 To the Masts of the Ship 
 
 "One Large Shott through the Bodv of the Main Mast Eleven foot from the uper 
 Deck. The Cheek of the Main Mast Shott to pieces about the Middle of the Cheek 
 in length. 
 
 " The Foremast One Shott of two Inches & a half Diamiter five Inches in Just above 
 the Collar of the main Stay. 
 
 "The Flying Jib Boom One Third in from the outer end the upper part Cut Two 
 Inches in with a Shott.^ 
 
 (Sign'd) "Melbourne Warren, Carpr." 
 
 (Copy) 
 
 " Nottingham at Sea, 
 "2S//; July 1756. 
 
 "Sir, — I herewith send you the Boatswain & Carprs. Reports 'of the Damages Received 
 on board his Majesty's Ship Nottingham under my command, yesterday in the Time of 
 Action with four sail of French men of War. I hope the Main topmast will stand till I 
 have an Opportunity of Rigging an other, it being very much Wounded, but I have 
 secur'd him with the Hatch bars and a strong wolding over 'em, the Head of the Main 
 Mast, being shot afore & abaft the Mast, just above the Barrel of the Main Yard, is only 
 what the Carpenter can Repair, without getting out the Mast, so that we shall soon be 
 to rights again. — I am, &c., 
 
 "S. Marshall. 
 "To Charles Holmes Esqr." 
 
 ' There is also a long report of damages given by the boatswain — 2 full foolscap pages. This has not been copied.
 
 APPENDICES 215 
 
 " Dear Sir, — I desire you will immediately send me out any Ship that may be ready 
 to come to Sea to Join me of St. Esprit or between that and Louisburg. I have had an 
 Action with the French Squadron who I have made bear away for their Port. My Main 
 Mast being much Wounded I was afraid could not secure him at Sea but hope I have by 
 fishing him very well and am now going to see if the said Gentlemen have a Mind for 
 any more of it. I would have the Ships Join me as fast as they can get Ready, without 
 waiting for Each Other. After any One ship Joins me I shall Cruize ofF Louisburg and 
 Scatary agreeable to our Rendezvous. Capn. Hood will give you the Particulars of the 
 Action and of their Force. — I am &c., 
 
 (Sign'd) " Chas. Holmes. 
 " Grafton at Sea 
 
 "at Noon Louisburg bore N.E.b.N. 10 or 12 Leagues 
 "July ye 29th, 1756. 
 "To Capn. Spry, Fougueux by the Jamaica Sloop." 
 
 D. Captain Hales' Report 
 
 "Halifax, Septem. the 13th, 1756. 
 
 "Sir, — I take the opportunity by Mr. Clewitt to give you some Account of my 
 Expedition to Louisburg and to Assure you how Sorry I am that I could neither get out 
 of that Harbour time Enough to inform you of what it was of the Greatest Consequence 
 for you to know, nor get a Sight of your Squadron when the French thought proper to 
 dismiss me. 
 
 "On the Third of August as you may remember I saild from Halifax and on the 5th 
 I arrived at Louisburg where I found Le Heros Monr. Beaussier of 74 Guns U Illustre, 
 Montallete 64, La Serene Brugnon 36 U Alicrone^ Larrigaudiere 30 Guns being the same 
 Ships which you Engaged. Le Heros close to which I was moor'd had 22 Shott which I 
 counted in her Larboard Side about a Dozen in Different parts of her Stern. One Shot in 
 her Rudder, Her three Topmasts disabled her Main Main Mast fish'd from top to Bottom, 
 Her shrouds & rigging Cutt to Pieces, and altogether in a Condition which did great 
 Credit to the Grafton, her kill'd and Wounded upon a Comparison of all Accounts 
 Amounted to one Hundred the other Ship and the Frigates had not Sufferd any damage 
 at all that I could learn, these Ships came from Quebec and their Orders to Land a Sum 
 of Money at Louisburg was as they say the Occasion that they did not Engage you the 
 Evening you first Saw them, but I have good reason to think that they put into Louisburg 
 for a Reinforcement of Men, etc. The Reason that they did not renew the Engagement 
 the Next day but run into Harbour was, as an Officer of the Heros confess'd to me 
 because that ship was so much disabled. I cannot omit in this Place a Compliment which 
 a French Captain paid you, Mr. Brugnon the Capn. of the Serene in a Letter which he 
 sent bv me to a French Officer at Halifax has these Express'd Words, Les Englois ont 
 fait des Merveilles leurs Cannon a (5te Services Comme de la Musqueterie. 
 
 "These have arrived at Quebec this Summer the Abovementioned Ships together with 
 Le Leopard of 64 Guns the Concord and Sauvage Frigates who brought over two 
 Regiments Le Sarre & Rousillon. The three last sailed Seperately for France before my 
 Arrival at Louisburg the four others of your Acquaintance after waiting till the Heros was
 
 2i6 APPENDICES 
 
 ready (upon which thev had worlc'd incessantly) sailed out of Louisburg Harbour at about 
 7 o'clock on Friday Evening 13th August, and I supposed according to Intelligence they 
 had Received from without steer'd a Course all night by which with the assistance of a 
 Fogg in the morning thev had the good luck to Escape you. On Saturday the 14th as the 
 True reason for which I was detain'd Ceased the Governour dismissed me and the Instant 
 I got my Letters which was 5 in the afternoon I stood out of the Harbour towards your 
 station we steer'd S.E. some time and then brought too the wind blowing fresh at S.W. 
 on Sunday morning being 12 Leagues to the Eastward of Scatery we stood in for the 
 Land and as it was Clear and we Saw Nothing of your Ships I flatterd my self you had got 
 Sight of and was in pursuit of the French Ships and immagining my Stay could be of no 
 Service I made the Best of my way to Halifax where I arriv'd on Wednesday the i8th 
 there is not at present a Single Ship or Frigate at Quebec or Louisburg that I am sure of 
 and have reason to think that none are Expected. 
 
 " Bv a Calculation which I made by Counting the Officers I have good reason to think 
 there are not above eleven Hundred men at Louisburg 'tis probable they have Spared part 
 of the Garrison to Cannada, they are greatly distress'd there for meat drink and Shoes 
 and I assure you fish dress'd different ways makes up great part of their Entertainments ; 
 what I have farther to Add is with Regard to One Baptisto Dion who is on bd. the 
 Fougueux and whose history is as follows, he Came Pilot last Summer to a French Flag of 
 Truce and was detain'd by One of the Admirals as an English Subject and was put on 
 board The f^leet in Quality of a Pilot. Mr. Beaussier the Captain of the Heros and Mr. 
 Drucour the Governour of Louisburg have both made Strong remonstrances to Mr. 
 Lawrence about his being detain'd and Mr. Beaussier said he had as much right to detain 
 my Pilot, it is Certain the Man was formerly an Inhabitant of Nova Scotia but it is as 
 Certain that he Abandoned long since his Habitation and that his wife and children are 
 now at Louisburg. If I may be Permitted to give mv Opinion I should think it better 
 to Release him for otherwise the French will detain the first person they get into their 
 Hands or do something that will put an End to all Commerce and Understanding between us 
 which an Exchange of Prisoners or other Business renders often Necessary during a war. 
 
 " Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 (Sign'd) "John Hale." 
 
 E. Captain Hood's Report 
 
 " Jamaica at Sea, 
 
 " Auguit 25th, 1856. 
 
 "Sir, — Agreeable to your orders I ha\e had a look at Louisburgh. Falling in to the 
 westward Monday afternoon I stood very near in, then ran close along shore to the 
 Eastward, so that nothing in the Harbour escap'd my Notice, where were only Two 
 Topsail vessels. And as I thought it of some consequence to know where the men of war 
 were gone to, that engag'd you on the 27th past I did my utmost to gett a Fishing Shallop ; 
 and not succeeding with the Sloop, made all the sail I cou'd off the Land just at dusk, and 
 as soon as it was dark stood in again : At 12 sent the Lieutenant in the Pinnace to go & 
 lie under the Land to the Eastward of the Lighthouse, with directions to seize the first he
 
 APPENDICES 217 
 
 cou'd. In the meantime I stood ofF and on ; and at day light was close in, took up the 
 pinnace & a shallop she had taken with four men, whom I have examin'd seperately, and 
 found to tell the same story. One of the Topsail Vessels in the Harbour is the large 
 storeship, that unloaded at Millidue quite unrigged, & the other a snow from Rochfort. 
 The Men of War sail'd for France fifteen days since, and were join'd at Sea by a Frigate 
 call'd the Concord, from St. Ann. There names and force are as follows ; The Hero, a 
 new ship of 74 guns, the Illustrious of 64, the Perfect of 36, & Serene of 30. Upon my 
 asking how the French came not to engage the English on the 26th they say they went 
 in to put some money on shore, and gett men, and that they press'd a great number that 
 night. I then asked them, whether it was not expected, by the people on shore, that the 
 English wou'd be taken ; They reply'd every one made sure of it ; and it is allow'd the 
 English behav'd well. They likewise tell me that their Commandant had 26 men kill'd 
 on the Spot, that Fifty died of their wounds in three or four days, and that above a hundred 
 more were wounded : that her Lower masts were so shatter'd, as scarcely to be made 
 serviceable by Fishing to carry her home. Her sides full of shot Holes, and had Nine and 
 Twenty shot between wind and water ; many of them thro' and thro'. The other large 
 Ship but little damag'd ; and the Frigates came off in the same manner. I have made 
 enquiry about Major Hale, who went with the Flag of Truce. They say he was detain'd, 
 till the men of war were gone, and sail'd next day. . . . 
 
 "This is the amount of what I have collected from the French Men (who are inhabit- 
 ants of Louisburgh) who are now on board the ^Jamaica, and shall be glad to know whether 
 I may be permitted to let them go : I promis'd I would interceed in their behalf with you, 
 if they wou'd tell the Truth ; and I believe they have done it, by their agreeing so exactly 
 in what they have said. — I am &c., 
 
 "Samuel Hood.^ 
 
 "To Charles Holmes Esqr." 
 
 ' Samuel Hood was the future Admiral Viscount Hood.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 As English blockades had suspended the normal activities of the people of 
 Isle Royale, it is well, at this point, to measure the degree of success they 
 reached in carrying on the business for which they had settled in Louisbourg 
 and its outports. What else remains of the history of the place is mainly a 
 narrative of military events, of its siege and capture ; implicitly, therefore, 
 of its failure to protect its people, to maintain French influence on this Atlantic 
 seaboard, and to safeguard the sea approaches to Canada. 
 
 The manner of carrying on the fisheries has been described in the 
 memoir of 1706 at some length. As its writer, so the present, refers the 
 reader interested in the details of this trade to the Sieur Deny's elaborate 
 description.^ A rare book ^ has some pages dealing specially with the Cape 
 Breton trade. It may be noted that the Island is spoken of as Cape Breton 
 Island instead of Isle Royale, the same survival of a name in common use, 
 after an official change, which finds a later exemplification, in the continuance 
 to-day of the name of Cape Breton in cases where the correct official designation 
 has been since 1820, Nova Scotia. 
 
 The following is a free and somewhat condensed translation of this 
 description of the trade : 
 
 Vessels are sent out in three diff'erent ways to Cape Breton. 
 
 Some go there simply for fishing, and leave about the 15th of February, 
 or, at the latest, in the beginning of March. 
 
 Those which go for both fishing and trading leave during April. 
 
 The others who go simply for trading alone leave in May or June. These 
 voyages are usually of seven or eight months, and the vessels return to our 
 ports in November and December. 
 
 Fishing is carried on at Cape Breton as in the Petit Nord, but the vessels 
 which are sent there are generally only of from 50 to 100 tons and need 
 
 ' Deny's Description of Acadia^ Champlain Society, p. 257 et seq!j. 
 ^ Remartjues sur pluiieun [?) branches de commerce et de na'vigation, m.dcc.lvii. 
 
 218
 
 THE FISHING INDUSTRY 219 
 
 consequently only from four to six boats (Chaloupes) which are bought from 
 the people of Cape Breton in barter for fishing gear or merchandise.^ 
 
 The goods sent out are delivered at Louisbourg. The captain lands and 
 remains on shore with his trading stock, while his lieutenant goes fishing with 
 one or more inhabitants, who under a written agreement for a wage, payable 
 in kind, fishes on the ship's account. The captain chooses men skilled in 
 catching and preparing cod. The vessels of 100 tons have ordinarily twenty- 
 five or twenty-six men, sometimes hired at a monthly wage, sometimes on shares. 
 In either case the owner makes them advances. 
 
 The captain keeping shop at Louisbourg sells his goods for ready money, 
 that is to say, payable at the end of the fishing season, which ordinarily lasts 
 four months, either in cod at an agreed price, or in Bills of Exchange. 
 
 A vessel of 100 tons for this voyage costs usually 24,000 livres : its cargo 
 about 18,000, and the wages and provisions for twenty-five men, about 10,000 
 livres. 
 
 The cargo of a vessel of 100 tons for trading at Cape Breton would 
 consist of salt provisions, fishing implements, ship chandlery, stuffs, boots 
 and shoes, lead, iron, linen, a small quantity of brandy, wine and spirits. The 
 only touch of luxury among the commodities is, that in mentioning shoes 
 (Souliers) for women, the list adds for the most part, coloured ones." 
 
 The principal consumption of dried cod is at Marseilles, where the greater 
 part of the vessels discharge.^ Thence some is sent to Italy. Cadiz and 
 Alicante take from Marseilles nine or ten cargoes, and the balance is distributed 
 to Bordeaux, La Rochelle, Nantes, St. Malo, and Havre. 
 
 In fishing for dry and green cod, Granville sends 55 to 60 vessels. The 
 ports between Agon and St. Malo 65 to 80 ; Nantes, Olonne, and neighbouring 
 ports, 55 to 60 vessels. 
 
 From St. Malo, Nantes, La Rochelle, Bordeaux, and Bayonne 60 to 80 
 vessels go to Cape Breton for fishing and trading. 
 
 The voyages for dry and green cod, including those to Gaspe and Labrador, 
 employ fifteen or sixteen thousand seamen, and the air of the climate is so 
 healthy that in ordinary seasons there scarcely die ten out of this whole number. 
 With these there are from eighteen hundred to two thousand apprentices. 
 
 The same writer devotes a few pages to the fisheries of New England, 
 in which he says that from Boston, Plymouth, Barnstaple, Cape Ann, and 
 Marblehead, are sent out annually 180 vessels of 35 to 40 tons, and from 
 Nova Scotia (Canso) 17 or 18 vessels, and that each of these makes three trips 
 a season, taking from 200 to 250 quintals each voyage.'' He speaks of the 
 
 ' The number of boats seems overstated by the official returns. - " Surtout en couleurs." 
 
 ' New England also did a large trade with this port. * His estimate is less than that of Douglass'.
 
 220 THE LOUISBOURG MERCHANTS 
 
 illicit trade with foreign ports, and estimates the number of men employed 
 as from seventeen to eighteen hundred. 
 
 He concludes his sketch with a panegyric on the people of this industry, 
 and notes the lack of attention to the services of the sailor- fishermen in 
 comparison with that of the soldier. " One will recognize that the latter is 
 useful to the State only in time of war, and nevertheless, that he costs at all | 
 times at least 125 livres a year, and that the sailor who serves his country ' 
 at all times, who even enriches it by his labour and industry, costs the State 
 only when the King makes him serve on his vessels ; these men, brought up 
 so to speak among the dangers of the coasts, whom the greatest perils do 
 not amaze, are as nimble in handling vessels, as intrepid in conflicts. Does 
 not this class of men justly deserve a high place among the objects of the 
 State, of which to-day its only rival is a Maritime Power.' " 
 
 In addition to the fisheries conducted from French ports, there was the 
 shore fishery of Isle Royale carried on by its own people, and occupying the 
 labours of its permanent inhabitants, and the capital of the merchants resident at 
 Louisbourg. Many of these merchants were, judging by such names as 
 Rodriques and Daccarette, originally Basques, and long in the business. The 
 representatives of the Rodriques in 178 1 appealed to the Assembl(^e Nationale 
 for a loan to carry on their business. They recounted in their memoir that 
 they had lost all, first, at the capture of Port Royale in 17 10, then at that of 
 Louisbourg in '45 and in '58, wherein their losses were 240,000 1., and, again, 
 at the capture of St. Pierre-Miquelon in 1778. They stated that at Louisbourg 
 they had employed 200 to 300 fishermen.' Early in the history of Louisbourg, 
 Normans also came there, although the majority of the names are Basque. 
 Indeed a Widow Onfroy claimed to have begun this trade, in which she was 
 followed by other outfitters of St. Malo. The traveller in France at all times 
 has been struck with the business capacity of the Frenchwoman. The conduct 
 of a fishing business at an outport of Isle Royale is a striking example of this 
 capacity, which was exercised by more than the Malouin bourgeoise. Other 
 women at various times are noted as administering fishing stations, usually 
 established by a deceased husband. - 
 
 The boat-builders seem to have been Acadians, and it is early noted that 
 scarcely a vessel came out which did not require a mast or spar, the supplying 
 of which gave employment to the habitant. It also led to poaching on British 
 
 ^ Their many purchases of vessels from the New Englanders in '49 and '50 would seem to substantiate their 
 statement. 
 
 ^ In 1753 at Petit Lorambec, we note four widows. One owned five chaloupes and had twenty-five fisher- 
 men. Another, four fishermen. The third owned two chaloupes and had nine fishermen. At Miri, one widow, 
 Marie la Boync, owned a schooner and grew wheat, corn, and fruit. At Port Dauphin we note another woman owner 
 of property.
 
 THE ADVANTAGES OF ISLE ROYALE 
 
 221 
 
 territory, for many fine sticks were brought from Pictou, presumably rather for 
 these refittings than for the vessels which were built on the island.^ 
 
 The proximity of Isle Royale to the banks,- the excellence of the shore 
 fishing, that is the catch made in open boats, which a more or less fabulous 
 New England statement said was so good that the fish were taken with grapnels, 
 and the skill of the French fisherman made Louisbourg a place of the first rank 
 in this industry. Its annual catch was about 150,000 quintals. How great, 
 relatively, is measured by the fact that in its best days, the Marblehead district 
 caught 1 20,000 quintals, and that from the establishment of Louisbourg the 
 New England fisheries declined.^ 
 
 The commerce which resulted from these products of the sea was large : 
 some 7000 or 8000 tons of valuable commodities to be transported. In 
 consequence, Louisbourg and its outports had a splendid concourse of vessels 
 during its busy season. Below is tabulated the shipping of Isle Royale for ten 
 normal years, 1733-1743(1741 being wanting) of its industry.* It shows that one 
 year with another i 54 vessels visited its ports, principally Louisbourg. Again a 
 comparison shows how important was its trade. Only three ports of the 
 populous, enterprising, and sea-faring British colonies saw more vessels come in 
 from sea than those which visited this outpost in Isle Royale of French 
 commercial enterprise. 
 
 ^ A minor industry was the brewing of spruce beer, the valuable antiscorbutic qualities of which made a demand for 
 it not only from merchantmen, but also from men-of-war. Pichon, p. 69, says that the Acadian women chew spruce 
 gum, and that it whitens their teeth and keeps them in good condition. A well-equipped brewery existed in the outslcirts 
 of the town. 
 
 2 Table showing Distanxes from Fishing Ports to the Principal Banks 
 
 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 Lunenburg, N.S. 
 
 Gloucester, Mass. 
 
 Virgin Rocks, Grand Banks 
 
 370 
 
 574 
 
 868 
 
 Green Bank 
 
 
 206 
 
 410 
 
 699 
 
 Artimon 
 
 
 
 
 9' 
 
 251 
 
 553 
 
 Canso 
 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 170 
 
 468 
 
 Middle Grounds . 
 
 
 
 
 83 
 
 156 
 
 450 
 
 Sable Island Bank 
 
 
 
 
 150 
 
 132 
 
 405 
 
 Cape North 
 
 
 
 
 69 
 
 29s 
 
 589 
 
 North Bay . 
 
 
 
 
 ZOI 
 
 328 
 
 623 
 
 St. Pierre Bank . 
 
 
 
 
 156 
 
 35° 
 
 651 
 
 Prepared by Mr. H. C. Levatte, of Louisbourg. 
 
 ' Marblehead's fleet declined from 120 schooners in 1732 to 70 in 1747 (Douglass, vol. i. p. 302. He states the 
 total catch of B.N. A. as 300,000 in 1747, which seems to include Newfoundland). 
 * Local fishermen and coasters are not included. 
 
 [T 
 
 ABLE
 
 222 
 
 ITS IMPORTANT SHIPPING 
 
 Shipping of Isle Royale 
 
 
 
 
 From French 
 
 From New England 
 
 
 Year. 
 
 From France. 
 
 From Canada. 
 
 West Indies. 
 
 and Acadia. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1733 
 
 70 
 
 17 
 
 25 
 
 46 
 
 158 
 
 1734 
 
 53 
 
 31 
 
 •9 
 
 46 
 
 149 
 
 1735 
 
 68 
 
 ^5 
 
 16 
 
 52 
 
 161 
 
 1736 
 
 60 
 
 23 
 
 '4 
 
 f " 1 
 
 - 5 = Acadia V 
 [30 = English] 
 
 132 
 
 1737 
 
 +3 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 99 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1738 
 
 73 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 42 
 
 •44 
 
 1739 
 
 56 
 
 20 
 
 H 
 
 49 
 
 149 
 
 1740 
 
 73 
 
 19 
 
 22 
 
 50 
 
 164 
 
 1741 
 
 Wanting 
 
 
 
 
 
 1742 
 
 57 
 
 9 
 
 24 
 
 (>! 
 
 157 
 
 17+3 
 
 58 
 
 7 
 
 32 
 
 78 
 
 '75 
 
 English Colonies (from Douglass) 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Entries. 
 
 Portsmouth 
 
 Xmas '47-48 
 
 121 
 
 Newport 
 
 
 
 
 March 25, '47-48 
 
 56 
 
 )) 
 
 
 
 
 '48-49 
 
 75 
 
 New York . 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 29, '50 
 
 232 
 
 Boston . 
 
 
 
 
 Xmas '47-48 
 
 540 
 
 Philadelphia . 
 
 
 
 
 Xmas '47-48 
 
 303 
 
 Salem and outports 
 
 
 
 
 ■1 
 
 
 Marblehead . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cape Anne 
 
 
 
 
 V Xmas '47-48 
 
 131 
 
 Ipswich 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Newbury 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 Provost wrote on January 4, 1753, a letter dealing with the trade of Isle 
 Royale,' which supplements the statements just quoted. Fishing, he pointed 
 out, was the base of the commerce with France, the West Indies, and Canada. 
 The shore fishery was carried on by residents, in fishing-boats, which did not 
 go more than four or five leagues off shore. The larger boats (" batteaux ") 
 and schooners went to the Scatari, Green, Sable Island, and St. Pierre banks, as well 
 as to those in the gulf, although the home banks are better. 
 
 Shore fishing was the easiest, and produced better fish, but the bank fishing 
 
 ' C", vol. 38.
 
 THE RESULT OF THE FISHERIES 223 
 
 was preferred as it was easier to get men, and the schooners employed in it could 
 be loaded for French ports in the autumn. 
 
 When a quintal of fish would buy a barrel of flour or one of salt, the trade 
 was on a sound basis. Prevost estimated the profits of the merchants at twenty- 
 five or thirty per cent. They obtained six months credit on many French 
 goods, such as those of Montauban and Beauvais, and on sailcloth, and they did 
 a good trade with the French Windward Islands in their schooners. The trade 
 with these islands would be much improved if their merchants were prohibited 
 from sending rum to St. Eustache and the other foreign islands, for if it all came 
 to Louisbourg it would greatly increase the trade of that place. The traffic in 
 New England vessels was an advantage, for the old vessels in which the purchasers 
 came from the southern colonies were not broken up, but were bought by the 
 inhabitants for the coasting trade. 
 
 Two causes, therefore, forced Louisbourg into being the entrepot at which 
 a distribution of commodities from various sources could be carried on. These 
 were the abhorrence of the shipowner for a voyage in ballast or partly laden, the 
 equal abhorrence of the trader for an adverse balance compelling payment in 
 money for his purchases. 
 
 More shipping capacity was required to export the fish of Louisbourg than 
 to carry thither the imports of the place. The owners loaded the vessels to their 
 capacity, and this surplus had to find an outlet. Thus Louisbourg became a 
 trading centre, as it were, a clearing-house, where France, Canada, New England, 
 and the West Indies mutually exchanged the commodities their vessels had 
 brought, to avoid making unprofitable the round voyage, which would have 
 unduly enhanced the cost of its fish. The tobacco, rum, and sugar of the West 
 Indies, the cloths of Carcassone, the wines of Provence, sailcloths and linens, 
 came to Louisbourg, far in excess of the possibilities of local use, and were sent 
 out again. The permitted trades with Canada and the French islands could not 
 absorb them, so the thrifty Acadian housewife bought from Louisbourg the few 
 luxuries of her frugal life. The more prosperous New England trader, who 
 supplied Louisbourg with building materials, with food, with planks and oaken 
 staves, thence exported to the sugar islands, took in exchange the commodities 
 of France and the rum-stuff of these islands. The towns of France furnished 
 part at least of the sailcloth for his many vessels engaged in freighting and trade 
 from Newfoundland to the West Indies. Much of this trade was illicit. The 
 meagre returns of the commerce show this clearly. We have for 1740 the 
 number of vesssels and their tonnage, as well as their declared cargoes inwards 
 and outwards. The number of vessels from New England was 39, their 
 aggregate tonnage 1 1 3 1 , their cargoes were :
 
 224 
 
 TRADE WITH NEW ENGLAND 
 
 
 Inwards. 
 
 
 Outwards. 
 
 
 
 
 No. 
 
 Value. 
 
 
 No. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Cows . 
 
 24 
 
 ® 50 1. 
 
 Rum (bbls.). . 
 
 715 
 
 ©651. 
 
 Bricks, M. . 
 
 • 58 
 
 15 
 
 Molasses (bbls.) 
 
 460 
 
 40 
 
 Planks, M. . 
 
 ■ 443 
 
 30 
 
 Brandy (kegs) 
 
 200 
 
 5 
 
 Sageaux Bus. 
 
 • 239 
 
 3 
 
 Iron (cwt.) . 
 
 48 
 
 20 
 
 Indian corn . 
 
 • 1237 
 
 2 
 
 Sailcloth 
 
 713 
 
 I 
 
 Shingles, M. 
 
 • 446 
 
 9 
 
 Cordage 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 Pork (lbs.) . 
 
 . 6300 
 
 0.5 
 
 Coal (bbls.) . 
 
 670 
 
 3 
 
 Pipes (gross) 
 
 316 
 
 3 
 
 Iron for anchors (cwt.) 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 Bureaus and chest 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of drawers 
 
 95 
 
 60 
 
 Value . 
 
 * 
 
 -0,678 1. 
 
 Rice (cwt.) . 
 
 100 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 Axes . 
 
 . 1 1 22 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 Pigs . 
 
 52 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 Oxen . 
 
 18 
 
 75 
 
 
 
 
 Sheep . 
 
 ■ 445 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 Pears and apples. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 etc. (qts.). 
 
 . 486 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 Value 
 
 I 
 
 1-9,147 1- 
 
 
 Unless the measurement of vessels has materially changed it seems obvious 
 that neither inward nor outward was an adequate lading declared. Incidentally 
 one may note the higher state of New England industry. The surplus of their 
 fields and their handicrafts were exported. Isle Royale returned to her the 
 products of other places with the exception of the trifling shipment of coal. 
 The advantages of her superb situation for the fisheries, the skill and enterprise 
 with which her people prosecuted them, were minimized by her unfortunate 
 position as regards the sparsity of her population, the uncertainty and high cost 
 of its sustenance. 
 
 Much of this trade was done with Louisbourg, much of it through Canso, 
 where so important a merchant of Boston as Faneuil ^ had a resident partner. 
 The trade was known to the authorities, both English and French. 
 
 This intercourse had a further development. The French bought the fish 
 of the New Englanders. The intercourse for this trading begun before the war, 
 continued at Martengo, the first harbour to the westward of Canso, where both 
 met and exchanged their commodities untroubled by officials. It has been 
 interpreted that this meant that the superior enterprise of the New England man 
 enabled him to catch fish cheaper than the French." A sounder view would 
 seem to be that through Louisbourg was the easiest channel for him to get the 
 French commodities the British provinces required, and that he found that the 
 
 1 s 
 
 ee p. 399. 
 
 IVeeden^ p, 596.
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF FRENCH MERCHANTS 225 
 
 Louisbourg merchant could dispose of his fish to better advantage than he had 
 found as the result of his shipments to Toulon and Marseilles.-' 
 
 In the commercial interest of France and England is found the cause of 
 complacency with which their Governments looked on this illicit trade. The 
 merchants of these countries were continually in a position to point out that an 
 outlet for home manufactures and other products would be lessened if the trade 
 were checked, so that nothing was done in this direction. It was not the 
 peculiar offence of the colonist. The impulses of commerce are ever towards 
 expansion and to profits. The predominant share of outfitters in the mother 
 country in these trades, the greater ease with which, as compared with the 
 colonist, their influence could be brought to bear on the official, so frequently 
 a sharer in mercantile ventures, made it easy to ignore laws which checked 
 profitable trade. The influence of the City was potent in Westminster and 
 Whitehall. When the Ohio Company embroiled France and England, its 
 English shareholders prevailed on the Ministry to take a firm position, with a 
 promptness which would have been wanting had its only shareholders been 
 Virginian planters and merchants. A seizure of a contraband trader in Isle 
 Royale touched the interests not only of the Louisbourg agent, but of his 
 principal in Bordeaux, Bayonne, or Marseilles, and he, like his London confrere, 
 had means of bringing influences to bear on Ministers, which led to the 
 discouragement of too zealous administrators. These influences, creditable or 
 the reverse, were backed by the fact that French industry or French commerce 
 in a particular case would be hurt.^ The concrete prevailed over the general 
 theory, with peculiar ease, as the theory was unsound. 
 
 This line of argument is supported by the fact that where interests of the 
 French merchanfcame into conflict with those of the colonist the latter suffered. 
 Raudot, it may be said again, with remarkable prescience saw that if Isle Royale 
 was to really flourish, it should have free trade with New England. Costebelle, 
 an experienced administrator, after a little experience at Louisbourg, saw the 
 necessity of this, and recommended it to the Regency (April 19, 1717) ; but he 
 adds with bitterness : 
 
 " He is persuaded that the merchants of France will always strenuously oppose it, being 
 aware that the restriction (on foreign trade) will leave them always able to Iceep under their 
 yoke like slaves the inhabitants of the colonies, whom they will sustain and support only in 
 as much as their labours contribute to the profit of the commerce" (of France). 
 
 In this he was right, for the threat of the French merchants to send no 
 vessels to Isle Royale, if this were permitted, ended the matter. Had it been 
 
 ^ This New England trade with these ports was, nevertheless, very important {^pyeeden^ p. 659). On these trades as 
 well as that of Isle Royale he quotes BoUan, 118-120 (Mass. Arch. 14, p. 560, and 22, p. 21). 
 " See Appendix on illicit trading. 
 
 Q
 
 226 ENGLISH RECOGNITION OF 
 
 proposed later when the illicit trade with New England was in full operation, 
 their view would have been different; but by 1727 the question was no longer 
 open. In that year the Government of Louis XV. had committed itself to pro- 
 hibition of foreign trade. 
 
 Again Bigot, who was an accomplished official, and understood the value of 
 making no troublesome suggestions to an easy-going Minister, wished Isle Royale 
 cod to take the place of Irish beef in the sugar islands. He spoke of it as only 
 possible if it were not detrimental to the interests of the merchants of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 The comparisons which had been made between the economic conditions of 
 New England and Canada, not only in English, but by Charlevoix and other 
 French writers, the assumption that in industries connected with the sea the 
 English always had a marked superiority, make the conclusions as to the 
 economic importance of Louisbourg surprising. We find that it was a source of 
 wealth to France, that it surpassed the colonies of England engaged in the same 
 trade, and that the most important in which the northern colonies of both France 
 and England were engaged. 
 
 The facts as to the trade on which this opinion is based are given later in 
 this work. There is also abundant evidence that English and colonial observers 
 were fully alive to a progress which excited their admiration, envy, and fear. 
 
 Shirley's estimate is that the fisheries were worth annually a million sterling.^ 
 A French writer says that the whole value of the fishing of New England is 
 worth ;^ 1 38,000.- This is confirmed by an English writer who says that in 1759 
 the French had nine hundred ships, and that the English trade was declining. 
 Auchmuty, the first to get in print with a proposal to capture Isle Royale, says 
 its fisheries were worth ^{^2, 000,000, confirmed again by a " Gentleman of a Large 
 Trade in the ^City of London" (London, 1746), who says French trade is in- 
 creasing, English diminishing. The English fleet outnumbered the French in 
 1700 five to one, and now was less than the French, and he confirms or repeats 
 Shirley's estimate of its value as a million. The writer adds with wisdom that 
 Fleury contributed to this result by promoting competition with England, and 
 made "war upon this Kingdom by all the arts of peace." "An Accurate 
 Description of Cape Breton," 1758, speaks of Raudot's scheme for its settlement 
 as "a beautiful and well-digested project," and confirms the other opinions of its 
 value. "A Letter to the Right Hon. W. P." (Exon., 1758) says that if things 
 had gone on as they had been, the French " would have beat us out of the Trade 
 of Europe." "The Advantages of the Definite Treaty" (London, 1749) says 
 that had the French not been molested, in a few years they would have totally 
 ruined British foreign trade ; " as it was, they had in a manner beat us out of our 
 
 * CO. 5/900, f. 212, and Appendix. '^ Hist, et commerce da colonies angloises^ Paris, X755.
 
 THE DANGERS OF FRENCH COMPETITION 227 
 
 Levant Trade, our Fishing Trade, and our Sugar Trade " ; and " A Letter from 
 a Gentleman in London to his Friend in the Country" (London, 1748), in a 
 eulogy of Cape Breton, says, " in no part of the world is the cod fishing carried 
 on with better success." 
 
 Every chapter of Weeden which deals with the fisheries speaks of their 
 fundamental importance. Douglass (vol. i. p. 6) says : 
 
 "The French had already the better of us in the fishery trade, and in a few years more 
 would have supplied all the markets of Europe, and, by underseUing, entirely excluded us 
 from the cod fishery, which is more beneficial and easier wrought than the Spanish mines of 
 Mexico and Peru." 
 
 This the writers of the Memorials to Pontchartrain, 1706-9, foresaw. The 
 alarmed pamphleteer in 1746, about the same time as Douglass wrote the 
 above, says : 
 
 " In that Piece the Author having observed that the English Nation is too apt to have 
 a mean Opinion of the Trade and Navigation of its Rivals, especially the French, and was 
 not convinced of its Mistake, 'till the Incidents of the present War, the numerous French 
 Fleets, and large Prizes Open'd our Eyes ; he proceeds to shew the Steps by which the 
 French \Co?nmerce and Colonies, from being inferior to ours, have risen to a dangerous 
 Superiority over us, in less than half a Century. 
 
 "For this Purpose a Council of Commerce was established in the Year 1700. . . . 
 
 "Since this Establishment, and in Consequence of the Memorials presented by them to 
 the Royal Council, containing Propositions for Regulations and Remedies in Trade, being 
 thoroughly executed, 'the Trade of France has been extended to the Levant, the North 
 Africa, North America, the South Seas, and to the East and If^est Indies, even so far as to 
 make more than double the Value in Sugar, Indigo, Ginger, and Cotton, in their If^est 
 India Islands than what is now made by the English, who before that Time exceeded the 
 French in this Branch of Trade abundantly.' 
 
 "In the Article of Sugar they are increased from 30,000 to 120,000 Hogsheads 
 English in a Year {i.e. as 3 to 12 or i to 4). Two Thirds of which are shipped to 
 Holland, Hamburgh, Spain and other foreign Markets. 
 
 " In the same Time the English have encreased from about 45,000 to no more than 
 70,000 Hogsheads, i.e. as 9 to 14, not near double, 'of which they now send but little to 
 foreign Markets, altho' they had formerly the best Share of that Trade, and even supplied 
 France with Sugars.' And moreover the French have already engrossed the Indigo Trade 
 from the English, and have greatly encreased in the Fisheries, and Beaver and other Fur 
 Trade in North America, since their Settlement of Cape Breton, which they have fortified 
 at a vast Expence ; — and it is from this last mentioned Trade, and their Fisheries, that they 
 find a Vent for most of their Molasses and Rum that the English do not take off" 
 their Hands. 
 
 "These Advantages gain'd by the French are conspicuous from the immense Sums 
 which ' They drew annually from other Countries, and which enable them to maintain 
 powerful Armies, and afford such plentiful Subsidies and Pensions to several Powers and
 
 228 SMALL COST OF THESE RESULTS 
 
 People in Europe : From hence they build their Ships of JVar^ and maintain Seamen to 
 supply them. 
 
 "It is computed that they draw from two to three Millions of Pounds Sterling per 
 annum from foreign Countries, in return only for Sugar, Indigo, Coffee, Ginger, Beaver 
 manufactured into Hats, Salt-Fish and other American Products, and near one Million 
 more from Great Britain and Ireland only, in JFool and Cash, in return for Cambricks, 
 Tea, Brandy and Wine, and thereby fight us in Trade, as well as at JVar, with our own 
 IVeapons. But it is to be hoped that the Measures lately taken by the British Legislature 
 to prevent the Importation of foreign Cambricks and Tea, and the taking and keeping 
 of Cape Breton, will be attended with considerable national Advantages." ^ 
 
 The opinions of London pamphleteers were confirmed by the soldier on 
 the ground, Amherst's instructions to Whitmore, August 28, 1758 : 
 
 "I would have the settlements in the dift"erent parts of the island absolutely destroyed, 
 it may be done in a quiet way, but pray let them be entirely demolished, & for these 
 reasons, that in the flourishing state this island was growing to many years wd not have 
 passed before the inhabitants wd. have been sufficient to have defended it." ^ 
 
 Further and conclusive testimony is borne to the soundness of the trade 
 of Louisbourg, by the fact that it was always on a specie basis. Its commerce 
 never suffered from paper money, as did that of the British colonies and 
 Quebec. The expression that Louisbourg was a clearing-house is further 
 justified by a statement of Provost to the effect that the New England traders 
 could pass there Spanish gold and silver which was not current in the French 
 West Indies. 
 
 This consensus of opinion,^ in addition to the returns of the trade, shows 
 that Isle Royale had completely justified the memorialists who had urged its 
 establishment. Nor was this trade — in value, say, three million livres a year — 
 brought into being at an excessive price. Roughly speaking, for to analyze 
 the figures contained in returns would require an expert accountant ; the 
 outlay of the Government, including the cost of the fortifications, which 
 was yearly about 130,000 1., was, say, ten per cent of the trade. In other 
 words, had a private Company taken up Isle Royale, as was proposed before 
 its settlement, and carried on its business, had such a thing been possible, even 
 spending as lavishly on administration and defence as the King, it would have 
 been a not unprofitable venture. There has been much exaggeration as to the 
 outlay on the fortifications. Contemporary and later writers have spoken 
 lightly of millions. The accounts do not indicate any large total. The 
 
 1 *' Two Letters concerning some further Advantages and Improvements that may seem necessary to be made on the 
 taking and keeping of Cape Breton " (London, 1746). It quotes "State of the British and French Trade to Africa and 
 America considered," London, 1745. " CO. 5/53, Amherst to Whitmore, Aug. 28, 1758. 
 
 •* I have found no other view expressed by any writer of the period.
 
 THE COMMERCIAL SUCCESS OF ISLE ROYALE 229 
 
 memoir on this subject^ given to the King in 1743, makes the total about 
 3,500,000!., a larger amount than seems justified by the returns of the 
 Treasurer.^ 
 
 Isle Royale was not the only fishing establishment, but it was most 
 important ; as an entrepot, it as fully served its purpose as the economic 
 principles of the age permitted. The course of the narrative has indicated that 
 the unfavourable conditions at Louisbourg were not peculiar to that place, 
 for those of Canso and Annapolis Royal were as bad as under the French 
 regime. The British Government was as deaf to the appeals of its local 
 officials, and as late in taking action, as was Maurepas. Newfoundland had a 
 population of 4000 in 171 3 and 6000 in 1755. Canso remained about 
 stationary throughout this period, so that the progress of Isle Royale compares 
 well with that of the two British settlements nearest to it, not only geographically, 
 but in the pursuits of their people. The fisherman justified himself commercially 
 
 ' at Isle Royale. His rulers made no gains in Europe to counterbalance the 
 injuries to the commonwealth resulting from their neglect to safeguard his 
 
 I industry. When the victories of peace come to be as highly esteemed as 
 those of war, the French historian, who then writes of the colonial development 
 of his country under the Bourbon kings, will have more pride than our con- 
 temporaries in writing of Isle Royale. He can then point out that the 
 American colonies of his country were lost, by her rival, beaten in the arts 
 of peaceful development, wresting them with a strong hand from the govern- 
 ment of his ancestors incapable in the last resort to force of defending possessions 
 so valuable. 
 
 After this digression, it seems desirable to touch on the human side 
 of life in the little town before narrating the culminating incident of its 
 history. 
 
 The increase in its garrison overcrowded it, and pushed settlements of 
 others than farmers out into the environs.^ 
 
 j Under ordinary circumstances such increase of the population would have 
 
 raised prices. When the effect of a heightened demand was increased, through 
 a diminished supply, the aggravation of the economic position was extreme. 
 Important sources of supply were cut off by the embargo on exportation from 
 the British Colonies, the active efforts of Cornwallis to stop any supply from 
 Nova Scotia, and the captures of vessels by the blockading fleets. 
 
 > C", L.R. vol. 26, f. 219. 
 
 ^ There are two sources of information on this subject, besides occasional references in the general correspondence, 
 Arch. Col. Amerique du Nord Isle Royale, vols. 8 and ii, and Arch. Marine G, vols. 52, 53, and 54; the latter gives 
 a short annual statement from 1733, of various statistics about the colony. 
 
 ^ Chassin de Thierry, Senior Captain of the garrison, lived about five miles from town on the Mire Road 
 [Derniers yours, etc. p. 215).
 
 230 A MEAGRE WAY OF LIFE 1749-1758 
 
 It was at best of times a community with little money ; military salaries 
 were low, as were those of other officials.^ 
 
 This involved a meagre life, occasionally relieved by a place at the table 
 of the more fortunate. Drucour recounts the following incident in a letter 
 to Surlaville : - " Mme. de la Boularderie has just dined here; we drank your 
 health, and she told us you made her so merry that she saw eight candles 
 instead of one ; we did not carry things as far." 
 
 Johnstone was delighted to have permission to embark ten or twelve 
 days before the vessel sailed on a voyage to France, " in order to repair the 
 bad fare which I had during a year at Louisbourg, which ordinarily consisted 
 during the winter solely of cod-fish and hog's lard, and during the summer, 
 fresh fish, bad salt rancid butter, and bad oil." ^ 
 
 Captain Hale wrote after being in Louisbourg with a flag of truce in 1756 : 
 
 " I assure you fish dressed in various ways makes up a great part of their entertainment " 
 (Ad. Des. I, 481). 
 
 M. Joubert writes in January, 1757 : 
 
 " II n'v a rien de nouveau ycy depuis mes dernieres ; nous sommes tous rdduits a 
 la sapinette (spruce beer) . . ." ■• 
 
 The cuisine of Louisbourg had other resources than cod : Johnstone's 
 servant, 
 
 "an excellent Jack of all trades, expert for furnishing my table, bringing generally 
 eight or ten dozen of trouts, in two hours' fishing with the line, the streams in the 
 neighbourhood being very full of fish." ^ 
 
 The prevalence of gambling circumscribed the opportunities of the poorest 
 of the officers for going into society. Des Bourbes writes : 
 
 " I am a useless member of a society where there is nothing but gambling, I am not 
 in demand as I do not wish to play, and cannot do so. I go out only to pay my respects, 
 and find gaming tables everywhere ; I watch the players for a second or two ; I sit 
 in an armchair out of decency and this politeness on my part is most boring . . ." '' 
 
 Johnstone found : 
 
 ". . . the society of the ladies of the place very amiable, but having always cards 
 in their hands, my avocations would not permit of me daily to make one of their parties . . ."' 
 
 1 Captains, loSo 1. ; lieutenant, 720 1. ; enseigne en pied, 480 1. ; enscigne en second, 360 1. So hard was the 
 position of the junior officers that after 1754 a bonus of 6000 1. annually was divided among the lieutenants and 
 ensigns. The Governor's salary was 9000 1., with a bonus of 6000 1. Surlaville says the Governor's position in salary, 
 bonus, and allowance was worth 19,8001., and that the nominal salary of the Commissaire-Ordonnateur of 2400 I. was 
 raised in the same way to 6000 1. Compared with similar positions to-day these emoluments were not inconsiderable, 
 but in all the subaltern positions the pay was small, and was eked out by frugality or commercial ventures. 
 
 - See Dernier: Jours, etc. p. 128. * Memoin of the Che-valier Jolmstone, vol. ii. p. 172. 
 
 * Dernier! Jours, etc. p. 213. * Memoirs, etc. vol. ii. p. 179. 
 
 * Derniers Jours, etc. p. 182. " Memoirs, etc. vol. ii. p. 1 78.
 
 1749-1758 JEALOUSIES AMONG THE OFFICERS 231 
 
 Both he and Des Bourbes speak with thankfulness of a taste for study which 
 lightened the dreariness of their narrow life. Others had less innocent 
 pastimes. Duels were not infrequent, and we have one instance of the 
 misery caused by jealousy in the suicide of the unfortunate Montalembert. 
 He was driven to distraction by the liaison of his wife with one of the officers 
 of Bourgogne, whom even at the time of her marriage she preferred to the 
 elderly husband chosen by her mother,^ 
 
 The rivalries and jealousies between different factions in the service 
 were many. Few towns could have had more. There was the common one 
 of antagonism between the gens de Vepee and the gens de la flume, 
 the military and civil orders of the administration, mitigated in this case by 
 the ascendency Prevost had gained over Drucour. 
 
 There was the antagonism not only between the army and the navy, 
 but also between naval officers serving afloat and on shore. The old Companies 
 officers had grievances against those of the Companies raised in 1749. All 
 these were on indifferent or hostile terms with the officers of Canada, who 
 were occasionally transferred from Beaus^jour to Louisbourg ; while Artois 
 and Bourgogne aroused in the breasts of the ordinary garrison those feelings 
 which it seems the fate of regular troops of all countries to excite among 
 their colonial fellows ; while all of them were agreed in thinking the honours paid 
 to Franquet were excessive. 
 
 At Louisbourg this jealousy produced its evil effects ; Du Caubet, an 
 officer of the Louisbourg garrison, was detached for service at Beausejour. 
 There he met the Langis brothers, officers of Canada, and a quarrel broke 
 out. It reached, at Louisbourg, where they had both returned, its fatal 
 end. One evening Du Caubet was found in his quarters dead from many 
 barbarous wounds. It was an open secret that the elder Langis was the 
 instigator of the deed. An inquiry was held, but led to nothing, and 
 Langis escaped punishment. Pichon looked on this as significant, for he 
 says, " The colonial officer would like to do as much to the last of the French 
 officers." ^ 
 
 It was Prevost, however, who drew down on himself the most universal 
 dislike. Such was the fate of the Intendant or his equivalent the Com- 
 missaire-Ordonnateur in most colonies, unless he were a man of rare tact 
 and judgment. This Prevost was not. Neither Des Herbiers nor Raymond 
 approved of him, but on the other hand he succeeded in making himself 
 indispensable to Drucour. On one side there are incidents to show that 
 Prevost was a man of independence. He refused, for example, to assist in 
 
 ^ See Derniers yours^ etc. pp. 149, 214. 
 2 "L'Officier colon voudroit en faire autant au dernier des officiers de France" [Dertiien youn, etc. p. 131).
 
 232 PREVOST 1749-1758 
 
 carrying out the categorical orders of La Jonquiere to seize English vessels in 
 the Port of Louisbourg ; and his correspondence with the Minister is that of 
 a man of parts. 
 
 On the other hand, there are incidents which show that he was small 
 and vindictive, perhaps to a greater extent than might be expected from 
 any man of low birth and unattractive manners, occupying a position which 
 gave him power to retaliate for the annoyances and indignities inflicted on 
 him by his social superiors. He tells himself of the humiliations to which 
 he was subjected on his official visit to De BaufFremont's ship. De Bauffremont 
 was absent, but his officers were of the same opinion as their commander, who 
 " always treated him (Provost) as the last of miscreants." The officers of 
 the colonial troops, as well as those of Artois and Bourgogne, also sent him 
 to Coventry and refused his invitations. 
 
 Johnstone relates one striking instance of his insubordination : 
 
 "When the English fleet appeared before Louisbourg in 1757, all the troops marched 
 out upon the instant to man the intrenchments ... in order to oppose their landing, 
 and . . . our surgeon-general having given M. St. Julien a recipe for a sling, some 
 spirits, and other things necessary for dressing wounds. Provost replied to M. St. Julien, 
 commandant by seniority of all our troops, that ' there was nothing at all in the King's 
 magazines, that if the English forced our entrenchments, it would fall to them to take 
 care of our wounded, and if we repulsed them, they would have to look after them.' M. 
 St. Julien reported immediately the affair with his complaints to M. Bois de la Motte, 
 who at the instant landed at nine o'clock at night, proceeded directly to Provost's house, 
 and having threatened to set it on fire, and to send him back to France, if everything 
 which the store contained was not ready by the next day, in the morning, all W3S 
 furnished, to the great disappointment of this inhuman monster, who wished from his 
 hatred to all the officers, to make these brave people perish for want of assistance, 
 and he wept through rage." ^ 
 
 Nevertheless, he managed to have some friends, partly owing to the chance 
 of his having married on February 14, 1745, a very attractive demoiselle 
 Marie Th6r^se Carrerot, the daughter of one of the principal merchants of 
 the place. The power of conferring benefits gave him some allies and associates. 
 Their sentiments find expression in a madrigal, the joint efforts of the Pere 
 Alexis of the Freres de la Charite, and M. Beaudeduit, one of the Conseil 
 Supdrieur. The poem was presented to him at an entertainment in his house, 
 and goes as follows : 
 
 A la paix toujours tranquille 
 
 Prevost donne un sCire asile. 
 
 Qu'il est doux de vivre sous ces loix ! 
 
 Les plaisirs renaissent i sa voix. 
 
 ^ See Memoirs of the Chevalier Johmtone^ vol. ii. p. i8i, note.
 
 1755-1758 DRUCOUR 233 
 
 Prevost veut tout obeir ; 
 La paix vient, le trouble fuit ; 
 Sous luy Ton voit la justice 
 Triompher de I'artifice.^ 
 
 The most striking figure in Louisbourg at this time, even by standards 
 other than that of official position, was the Chevalier de Drucour, its Governor, 
 a younger son of a noble Norman family, vi'ho entered the service in 1719. 
 His career was successful ; while stiU a lieutenant he was appointed Lieutenant 
 of the Gardes de la Marine (Midshipmen) at Brest, and later Commandant of 
 that corps, a responsible position, for which he was selected without personal 
 solicitation, on account of his wisdom and good conduct. In discharging the 
 social duties of this position by entertaining the young noblemen under his 
 charge, he exhausted not only his salary and income, but seriously cut into his 
 patrimony, which he completely exhausted in the expenses incident to taking 
 up the Governorship of Louisbourg. He further involved his affairs by 
 obtaining advances from his brother, the Baron de Drucour, and the expenses 
 of his administration left him penniless. It is obvious from this conduct of his 
 affairs that Drucour was one of those nobles who preferred to maintain the 
 dignity of any position to which his sovereign had called him, rather than 
 exercise a reasonable regard for his private interests. He even did this with a 
 liberality which seems unnecessary, for in rearranging the canteens he abandoned 
 to the Majors of the place that share of the profits which had been the perquisite 
 of every preceding Governor.^ 
 
 In the arrangements he made, he went contrary to the opinion of the 
 Company officers, but neither this nor any other of his acts gave rise to any 
 criticism excepting that Prevost had gained an undue ascendency over him, and 
 that his judgment of men was not discriminating. No one writes of him except 
 in praise, and his good sense and firmness are more than once spoken of. The 
 one personal letter we have from his hand is that of a pleasant and capable 
 writer, who speaks of his difficulties without discouragement or vexation. 
 
 Madame Drucour, a daughter of the Courserac family which had given 
 many officers to the French navy, did her part in making his regime popular. 
 She was a woman of intelligence, gracious towards every one, and succeeded in 
 making Government House extremely attractive. 
 
 Later events show that, in addition, she was a woman of rare heroism and 
 
 ' His Etais de Service shows that, notwithstanding the dislike of his associates, he had the confidence of successive 
 Ministers, and received promotions. It also shows the hardships to which an officer was exposed in the Colonial Service 
 in those days. It was not until 1763 that there was any effective examination of his conduct. In consequence of the 
 trial of de la Borde, treasurer of I'lsle Royale, Provost, by order of April 18, was arrested, and taken to the Bastille 
 (Marine B, vol. 117). On the loth April 1764 he was set at liberty, but was never again to be employed in any 
 position of confidence (Marine B, vol. 120). 
 
 ^ The right to sell to the troops brought in about 3000 1. to the Governor (Papiers Surlaville).
 
 234 HIS CONTINUED DIFFICULTIES 1755-1758 
 
 a devoted wife. It may be noted, in passing, that the first and last Governors 
 of Louisbourg both married widows, were splendidly mated, and left them in 
 extreme poverty. Madame de Drucour was the widow of a Savigny. She 
 received a pension of 1000 1., but died only a few weeks after her husband, 
 about the time, October 1763, it was granted. In granting the pension, 
 Drucour's character was recognised. He " s'etoit comport^ dans cette place 
 avec la plus grande d^sinteressement et la plus grande probit6." The authorities 
 therefore believed him when he wrote in 1757 : 
 
 " J'aurai I'exemple d'un seul gouverneur qui aura mang6 son bien au lieu de I'augmenter." ' 
 
 Drucour's government was a time of continuous trial. In the first few 
 months he was embarrassed by the multitude of promises which Raymond had 
 made before leaving. But these embarrassments and the ordinary trials of the 
 head of a community, with such clashing interests as that of Louisbourg, were 
 trifling compared with the difficulties which confronted him in the succeeding 
 years. He had no control over the fortifications, the condition of which was 
 unsatisfactory, owing to the lack of activity of Franquet, and the sufficient 
 supply of men, materials, and money for their repair. The finances were not in 
 his charge, and part of the inadequate supply of funds was stolen by La Borde, 
 the Treasurer. 
 
 The garrison was too small. He pointed out the necessity for its increase, 
 proposing that the companies be increased to 70 men each, and eight more 
 added ; he emphasised the advantage of this course by pointing out that the 
 colonial troops of 104 officers and 2446 men, the force he proposed for the 
 establishment, would cost annually 166,325!., whereas 164 officers and 1050 
 men of regular troops, like those of Artois and Bourgogne, would require an 
 annual expenditure of 250,109 1. 
 
 But more insistent than the necessity of making the place effective as 
 the guard of French supremacy in America, were the claims of subsistence 
 for its garrison and its people. Each year the port was blockaded, each year 
 its supplies were curtailed, and in 1757, after a winter in which not a family 
 had an ounce of flour in the house, a winter so protracted that there remained 
 eighteen inches of snow on the ground on the 12th of May, there was cause 
 for the greatest anxiety. In June a vessel arrived which relieved the tension, 
 but it was not until January 6, although Du Bois de la Motte had left all the 
 spare provisions from his ships, that they felt assured of sufficient food for 
 the winter. Doloboratz arrived with a cargo of provisions from France on 
 that date, far later than had been thought possible to navigate these seas 
 (Johnstone). The people and the garrison believed during the greater part 
 
 1 A.N. Marine C, vol. 489.
 
 1755-1758 HIS THWARTED PLANS 235 
 
 of this time that the Royal storehouses contained provisions for two years, 
 a tribute to the firmness and tact of Drucour and Prevost. It is equally to 
 Drucour's praise that during the blockade of Holburne he had kept in touch 
 with Halifax. His scouts, notably Gautier, haunted the outskirts of the 
 English settlement, occasionally making captures, sometimes bringing with them 
 a willing deserter, at other times returning empty-handed. This information 
 he passed on, and, in addition, he promised the Government that he would 
 destroy the new buildings at Halifax if provisions arrived by the middle of 
 November. They did not arrive, and the project fell through. In this 
 discouraging condition, but undismayed, Drucour awaited an attack which 
 he knew was inevitable.^ 
 
 ' Le Loutre's Indians, who flocked to Tile Royale after the fall of Beausijour, where they had been so bountifully 
 supplied, were a source of trouble, and an additional drain on the inadequate store of provisions at Drucour's disposal. 
 He speaks several times of their misery. He intended to use them and the Acadians in the foray against Halifax. 
 Boishebert had been in command of this force (2S0 men) which had remained in Port Toulouse all summer.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 The war had been, so far, barren of results satisfactory to the English people. 
 It had yielded only a succession of failures or defeats. Pitt described the 
 operations of 1757 as "the last inactive and unhappy Campaign," and prepared 
 " for the most vigorous and extensive Efforts to avert by the Blessing of God 
 on His Arms, the Dangers impending in North America." ^ 
 On the same day he wrote to Loudon : 
 
 "My Lord, I am with concern to acquaint Your Lordship that the King has judged 
 proper that Your Lordship should return to England." - 
 
 Loudon was superseded by Abercromby, to whom Pitt addressed a long, 
 masterly and lucid statement of his plans for 1758.^ 
 
 The reduction of Louisbourg was their first objective, and lavish prepara- 
 tions were made for its success. Engineers were ordered to Halifax to prepare 
 siege material, and in his first letter to Abercromby Pitt said that the supplies 
 gathered for Loudon were to be cared for and held in readiness. Troops and 
 ships were to be concentrated at Halifax, so that the siege of Louisbourg might 
 begin as early in the year " as the Twentieth of April, if the season should 
 happen to permit.^ Abercromby was to apply himself to other operations. 
 
 Fourteen thousand troops, the greater part regulars, were provided, and 
 a General ofKcer appointed for the command. Colonel Jeffrey Amherst, then 
 serving in Germany, was selected and promoted to the rank of Major-General.* 
 Amherst's brigadiers were Whitmore, Lawrence, and Wolfe. Boscawen was 
 given command of the fleet, which was a force of twenty-three ships of the 
 line, from which Boscawen had to provide convoys for the transports.*^ Hardy, 
 Boscawen's second in command, had preceded him to take up the blockade 
 of Louisbourg with eight ships of the line and two frigates. He arrived at 
 Halifax on March 19, and left there on April 5 ; but the first time the French 
 
 ' Dec. 30, 1757. Pitt to Governors of the Northern Colonies (Kimball, vol. i. p. 136 from CO. 5/212). 
 
 " Kimball, vol. i. p. 143 from CO. 5/212. ^ Kimball, vol. i. p. 143 from CO. 5/212. 
 
 ■* Orders were given to rendezvous at Halifax, not later than April 12. 
 
 * 600 Rangers were to be sent, but the number of Regulars was not to fall below that planned, Dec. 30, 1757. 
 
 ^ His Instructions are in Ad. O. and I., vol. 80. 
 
 236
 
 1758 ENGLISH PREPARATIONS 237 
 
 note his appearance so close to the town that his force could be counted was 
 on April 28, although early in the month his ships had been sighted ofF Scatari. 
 The safe arrival of French ships, hereafter stated, shows that his blockade, like 
 most, was not effective. He sent into Halifax, however, as captures the 
 Diane, 22, a frigate " full of Provisions, Cloathing and Arms," and four other 
 provision ships. 
 
 Boscawen's voyage was extremely slow. He was clear of the Channel 
 on February 24, but did not arrive in Halifax until May 12.^ 
 
 The forces had not all arrived, and Amherst was still at sea. Boscawen 
 and Whitmore had received instructions for preliminary steps to be taken in 
 the event of such delay as had occurred. They were to land on Cape Breton, 
 either at Gabarus Bay or at Mira." But before this could be attempted, 
 preparations were complete. The fleet and forces straggled into Halifax a 
 month behind Pitt's appointed time. 
 
 The account of an eye-witness,^ who regretted not to have been appointed 
 to serve on the expedition, gives a livelier account of these days in Halifax 
 than a transcript of diverse official documents. 
 
 "On Board the 'Ludlow Castle' at Sea, 
 May 30M, 1758. 
 
 "My Dear Lord — ... In my letter to your Lordship from Boston dated in March 
 I informed you of what was at that time transacting on this Continent and of my motives 
 for proceeding to Halifax, and I cannot say that I repent of the Voyage I made ; I must own 
 I was a good deal mortified that my situation obliged me to quit a service I was so deeply 
 interested in, and in which some intimate friends of mine have so great a share ; both my 
 gratitude to General Abercromby in appointing me his Aid de Camp, and obedience to your 
 Lordship's intentions, that I should serve with him, soon determined what part to take. 
 
 " April 2yd. — I imbarked with General Lawrence, his Battalion and Frazers at Boston. 
 
 "28//;. — We arrived at Halifax where we found that from the 15th to that day the 
 Prince Frederick and Juno^ Transports with Amherst's Regiments on board, and some 
 Ordinance Store Ships, had arrived from England. The Prince Frederick had lost her masts 
 in a gale of Wind, and had replaced them from the Le Arc en Ceil [j/c] of 50 Guns — which 
 lay at Halifax. One transport had sprung a leak at Sea, was lost, but the Troops saved. 
 We found the Royal 40th, 45th and 47th Regiments that wintered at Halifax, employed in 
 making Fascines and Gabiens, etc., and 90 Carpenters that had been sent from New England 
 employed under the direction of Colonel Basteed, in making six Block Houses of Squared 
 Timber, upon the upper part of which a Platform is made for small Cannon, with a Parapet 
 
 ' Wolfe gives, in a letter to Lord George Sackville, aii account of the voyage (Ninth Report, Hist. MSS. Com. 
 
 P- 74)- 
 
 ^ CO. 5/213. In the preparation of these instructions to his commanders, Pitt had before him a communication 
 from Brigadier Waldo, second in command to Pepperrell in the siege of 1745. Waldo recommended the attack, actually 
 carried out by Amherst. The document is to be found in R.O. Secret and Miscellaneous Papers, 1756-61, and has been 
 reprinted in Can, Archi'vn Reports^ 1886. 
 
 ^ James Cunningham on Abercromby's staff, letter to Lord Sackville.
 
 238 EVENTS AT HALIFAX 1758 
 
 Musquet proof, and underneath Musquetry mav likewise be used through loop holes. The 
 Timbers are marked, and the edifice may be constructed in a few hours. They will answer 
 the end Ridouts for the protection of the Camp. They were likewise employed in making 
 a sort of Sling Cart, with wheels Eight Feet high, of a great breadth to transport Cannon 
 over Marshy Ground, this at Mr. Boscawen's request. The Troops remained on board the 
 Transports and were extremely healthy. 
 
 "At this time General Hopson was Ignorant of his destination, and Continued to 
 command. It was determined to send to Boston for fifty Horses and fourty Yoke of Oxen 
 to adjust [sic] in drawing Artillery Horses, etc., at the Siege. 
 
 " March iqt/i. — Sir Charles Hardv arrived in the Captain from England, and found the 
 Squadron that had Wintered at Halifax in great forwardness. 
 
 " Jpril ^th. — Sir Charles sailed to cruize off Louisburg with the following ships. 
 Northumberland 74 Summerset 70 Terrible 74/ Orford 70/ Deffence 60/ Captain 64/ Kingston 
 60/ Southerland 50/ and one Frigate. Sir Charles sent into Halifax Four Provision Ships 
 taken off Louisburg. 
 
 "30//). — He sent in a French Frigate of 22 guns, called the Diana. She sailed from 
 Rochfort in Company with the Prudent of 70 Guns and another Frigate that are supposed 
 to have got into Louisburg. 
 
 " iMay 2nd. — She was full of Provisions, Cloathing and Arms. 
 
 "The yuno Frigate sailed to join Sir Charles Squadron, and the same day the Trent 
 Frigate that had been separated ten days from Mr. Boscawen's Fleet off the Island of 
 Barmudas, arrived. 
 
 "8?/i. — A Fleet was seen to the Eastward of the Harbour. 
 
 " 9//). — Admiral Boscawen arrived with the following Ships. Namur 90/ Princess Emelia 
 80/ Royal JVilUam 84/ Burford 70/ Pembroke 60/ Lancaster 68/ Prince of Orange 60/ Bedford 
 64/ Nottingham 60/ Shannon Frigate, Etna and Tylo Fire Ships. 
 
 " The same day arrived the 35th/ 48th/ and Monckton's Battn. of R. As/ under Convoy 
 of a 20 Gun Ship from Philadelphia. 
 
 " The whole Fleet immediately on their arrival begun to take in Water and clean — the 
 ships all healthy, except the Pembroke and Devonshire. 
 
 " 12th. — Arrived Captain Rouse in the Sutherland of 50 Guns from the Squadron off 
 Louisburg. Sir Charles says in a letter of the 8th of Mav, that after a Storm of Snow which 
 Continued thirty-six hours, upon its clearing up, he perceived several Ships within him, near 
 to the Harbour, to which he gave chase, but they escaped him. Soon after he stood into 
 the Harbour, and perceived Seven Ships at Anchore, three of which he imagined were of 
 war. In Chaberouse Bay they perceived the enemy throwing up an Intrenchment. 
 
 " i^th. — Sailed the Beaver to Piscatua for Masts. Sir Charles's Squadron seems to have 
 Cruized off Louisburg as Early as the Season would permit. The cold was extremely severe, 
 and the Ice floating very troublesome. They saw a French ship catched in it, which they 
 could not reach, & some of his Squadron at times stuck fast.^ 
 
 " i^th. — Sailed the Squirrcll a.nd on the 14th the Scarborough to join the Fleet. 
 
 " ibth. — Arrived Commodore Durrell from New York, with the Devonshire of 66 Guns, 
 the Ludlow Castle of 40, and three Frigates, with Brigadier General Whitmore the 17th/ 
 and 22nd/ Regiments, all the Artillery and Stores intended for the Siege of Louisburg last 
 
 ^ The Magnijique ; see p. 244,
 
 1758 EVENTS AT HALIFAX 239 
 
 year, except some Howitzers kept by General Abercromby Three Companys of Artillery, 
 Thirty-two empty Transports and Victuallers. Those empty Transports were provided at 
 home for the Troops to be imbarked at New York, but General Abercromby that no time 
 might be lost had imbarked his Troops from different places ordering them to proceed to 
 the place of Randesvouse in Separate divisions. And when your Lordship considers, that 
 the orders for this Imbarkation did not reach General Abercromby before the nth March, 
 Great dispatch must have been used, to mark [sic] the Troops from these Cantonments about 
 Albany and elsewhere, to have them imbarked, and the last of them at the place of randes- 
 vouse by the i6th of May. All the Transports from the Continent are Victualled for four 
 months. They will find full employment for the empty Transports to carry Fascines, etc. 
 
 " I jth, — Arrived the Centurion of 60 Guns from Plymouth, and informed us that General 
 Amherst was to Imbark in the Dublin which was to replace the Invincible, want of canvass 
 prevented the Centuj-ion from proceeding with Admiral Boscawen from Plymouth. The 
 same day arrived the York Man-of-War of 64 Guns, and Anstruther's Regiment which are 
 sickly. The Tork in her passage ran foul of the America, lost her head, and carried away 
 the Masts of the America. 
 
 " ^oth. — Royal IVilUam and Prince Frederick sailed to join Sir Charles Hardy's Squadron. 
 The same day the Massachusetts Province Ship, 20 Guns, brought in three Prizes, two of 
 which were bound to Louisburg with provisions. 
 
 " 21J/. — Brigadier Lawrence received a letter from Admiral Boscawen, acquainting him 
 that he should be ready to sail on the 23rd May, no objection occurring it was determined, 
 but calm thick weather and Contrary winds prevented them. 
 
 " A Body of Rangers were formed consisting of 1 100 from Detachments of the several 
 Corps and 500 were sent from New England, all under the Command of Captain Scott of 
 the 70th Regiment, who has been accustomed to that service. Their Clothes are cut 
 short, & they have exchanged their heavy Arms, for the light fusils of the Additional 
 Companies of Frasers that are left at Halifax. This body of Troops will be of excellent 
 service in protecting There Camp from the Insults of the Indians. The Company of 
 Carpenters consisting of 90 men will be extremely useful as they have been accustomed to 
 the drawing of Masts. 
 
 " During the recess there stay at Halifax afforded them, the Generals did not fail to 
 accustom the Troops to what they were soon to encounter. Some Military operations 
 were dayly carried on. They frequently landed in the boats of the Transports and practised 
 in the Woods, the different Manuvres they were likely to act on the Island of Cape 
 Breton. In all these operations you may imagine that Gen. Wolfe was remarkably active. 
 The Scene afforded Scope for his Military Genius. We found it possible to land 3500 
 Men in the Boats belonging to Transports, and when the Boats from the Men of War 
 assisted, 5000 Men could be landed. 
 
 " To facilitate the landing at Chaberus Bay the following Scheme was that they seemed 
 inclined to put in execution, and which the following scetch of the Coast will explain. It 
 was proposed to detach Brigadier-Genl. Wolfe with the 15th/ 48th/ Eraser's Battn. of 
 Highlanders & iioo Rangers, to perfect a landing at Miray Bay, 15 miles from Chaberus 
 Bay, and to force his march thro' the Woods along the road, against whatever might 
 oppose him, making short marches in case of opposition, & securing his Camp every night 
 in the best manner.
 
 240 EVENTS AT HALIFAX 1758 
 
 " Colonel Monckton to be detached, to perfect a landing with two Battalions at Grand 
 Lorem Beek, and to secure his small force with an Intrenchment. 
 
 " The rest of the force under cover of the Cannon of the Ships, to land at Chaberus 
 Bay, but I suppose they will delay making that attempt, should any formidable force 
 oppose them, untill the other two Bodys of Troops can co-operate, in making a diversion 
 in their favour. 
 
 " Your Lordship doubtless knows that General Whitmore was directed from Home to 
 Command in Nova Scotia, & to detach General Lawrence, in case General Amherst did 
 not arrive in time, to proceed in the operations of the Siege. 
 
 " 28//). — The wind coming feir in the night, the Admiral made the Signal to 
 unmore at davlight, at seven she weighed, and the whole Fleet were under Sail at Eight 
 O'clock, little Wind, including the whole they amounted to i8o Sail. The Pembroke 
 having 200 Men sick, the Devonshire sickly. The U Arc en Ceil whose Masts were taken 
 to refit the Prince Frederick were left at Halifax with orders to join the Fleet when in 
 a proper condition, from hence you will find that Mr. Boscawen sailed from Halifax with 
 Twenty-one Sail of the line, & fourteen Frigates. I mean when he joins Sir Charles, his 
 Fleet will amount to that number. He was fortunate in meeting with a fair Wind, & 
 clear Weather for three Days together, which must have afforded them an opportunity of 
 surveying the Coast, & making their disposition. 
 
 " The inclosed return will show you the effective strength of the Troops on the 
 expedition, & those left at Nova Scotia, & I dare say that you must approve of General 
 Abercromby's doing everything in his power, to forward the service, in many things at 
 the expence of that he is himself to Conduct. 
 
 " It is impossible for me to express to your Lordship, the harmony. Spirit, and 
 confidence, that reigns universally thro' the Army and Navy. I parted with my friends 
 General Lawrence, Gen. Wolfe and the Admiral on board the Namur when they were 
 under Sail, and I cannot say but that I earnestly wished that I had been destined for that 
 service. I imbarked on board the Ludlow Castle of 40 Guns with General Hopson, 
 we cleared the Harbour before the Fleet. We met the Dublin, and saw her join the 
 Fleet. I suppose that General Amherst was on board. I esteem myself unfortunate in 
 not meeting him before my departure, as he possibly might have dispatches for General 
 Abercromby. 
 
 " As the Enemy will certainly exert the whole Regular Canadian and Indian Force of 
 Canada against General Abercromby so soon as thev are at a certainty of our design 
 against Louisburg, I cannot persuade myself that he will be able to act offensively against 
 the enemy unless a diversion is immediately made up the River St. Lawrence, which may 
 oblige the Enemy to divide their force. I had several opportunities of urging this point 
 to Admiral Boscawen, and he desired me to inform General Abercromby that he proposed 
 sending some Men of War and Troops up the River St. Lawrence to make a diversion the 
 moment that he was persuaded that he could spare them. We all have the utmost 
 confidence in Admiral Boscawen's zeal and activity in the service and when we heard that 
 he was to command the Fleet we assured ourselves that the Campaign would be vigorous 
 & Active. The unanimity that presides at Home seems to defuse itself abroad, whereas of 
 late we have been a divided and distrustful people. A successful Campaign will I hope 
 give Peace to America. Without it I fear the Country will be exhausted and provisions
 
 1758 WOLFE'S CRITICISMS 241 
 
 for the supply of a large Army must grow scarce from so many hands being employed in 
 the Field. 
 
 "Capt. Boyer who lately got a ^^ 1 0,000 Ticket has promised me to deliver this letter 
 to your Lordship, he is a particular friend of mine. — I am, my dear Lord, Your faithful 
 servant, Jas. Cuninghame." ' 
 
 Wolfe, who landed at Halifax from the Princess Amelia on May 8, 
 was eager and dissatisfied. He thought the troops were too few, as deaths, 
 wounds, sickness, and a necessary garrison would take up three thousand men, 
 and suggested reinforcements. He spoke well of the Highland regiments, 
 both officers and men, then beginning their glorious service in the British 
 Army. " The Highlanders are very useful serviceable soldiers, and commanded 
 by the most manly corps of officers I ever saw.^ The Rangers he described as 
 " little better than la canaille^ ^ 
 
 He had a poor opinion of the Americans as soldiers. 
 
 "The Americans are in general the dirtiest, most contemptible cowardly dogs that you 
 can conceive. There is no depending upon 'em in action. They fall down dead in their 
 own dirt and desert by battalions, officers and all. Such rascals as those are rather an 
 incumbrance than any real strength to an army." * 
 
 But these strictures were but little more severe than those he wrote about 
 the regulars, who, like the Rangers, as the event proved, so willingly and 
 successfully followed his leadership. Of their spirit he had no doubt, but 
 otherwise they fell far below his standard. " Too much money and too much 
 rum necessarily affect the discipline of an army." " I believe no nation ever 
 paid so many bad soldiers at so high a rate." 
 
 The siege supplies were inadequate in important respects ; the muskets were 
 in poor condition. 
 
 "We ought to have had a dozen of the largest sort (Howitzers) for this business. I 
 am told too, that his Excellency had a great mind to keep the tools, in which case there 
 was an end of the siege of Louisbourg altogether, and I believe it will now be found that 
 we have not one pick axe too many. 
 
 "Our Cloaths, our arms and accoutrements, nay even our shoes and stockings, are all 
 improper for this country. . . . The army is undone and ruin'd by the constant use of 
 salt meat and rum ... so your lordship may rest assured that the enterprize of Louisbourg 
 will cost a multitude of men." ' 
 
 Although Wolfe was dissatisfied with the forces gathered at Halifax, Pitt 
 had nevertheless placed at the disposal of the commanders a powerful armament. 
 
 ' I owe the full text of this letter and the map, not reproduced, to the kindness of Colonel Stopford Sackville of 
 Drayton House. A few lines of it are quoted in Ninth Report Hist. MSS, Com. p. 75. 
 
 2 Ninth Report Hist. MSS. Com. p. 74. ' Ibid. ■* Ibid. p. 77. 
 
 ' The above quotations are all from Wolfe's letters to Lord Sackville (Ninth Report Hist. MSS. Com. pp. 74 to 77). 
 
 R
 
 242 THE DEPARTURE FROM HALIFAX 1758 
 
 On the naval side it was made up of 23 men-of-war and 16 smaller vessels, 
 mounting 1842 guns, and carrying crews of 14,005 men. 
 
 The land forces consisted of 13,142 men and officers. Lord Ligonier had 
 responded to the call of Pitt, in a lavish supply of munitions of war. 
 
 Detailed statements of the forces and supplies are printed later, in which 
 will also be found the quantities used, which show that Wolfe's fears were 
 groundless ; as well as for purposes of comparison, the resources in men and 
 ships of the French, 
 
 On Monday, May 29, the advance was begun.' At dawn the signal to 
 unmoor was given from the Namur. At nine the fleet was under way, and 
 saluted with seventeen guns by the little citadel, was passing out of the harbour. 
 The breeze was so light at 10.30 that the ships* boats towed them out, and by 
 the afternoon they were still off Cape Sambro. Even at the last it was augmented. 
 The vessels carrying Bragg's, and some detachments from the Bay of Fundy 
 and the new settlement of Lunenburg, joined the fleet and continued with it. 
 The Dublin came in from sea, transferred Amherst to the Namur, and went on 
 into the harbour, as her crew was sickly.' 
 
 With varying but not unfavourable weather, the fleet tacked along the 
 coast of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton. When the weather cleared, on Friday, 
 June 2, Boscawen saw Louisbourg, and with light airs came slowly to his chosen 
 anchorage in Gabarus Bay, which he reached about four that afternoon. He 
 was followed that evening and the next day by the rest of the fleet. As they 
 passed in, Amherst and his men saw rise above the circumvallation the slender 
 spires of the principal buildings, and beyond them the slenderer masts of the 
 ships in the harbour. 
 
 The position taken by Boscawen was dangerous. His principal ships were 
 anchored about the middle of Gabarus Bay, six miles from the entrance of 
 Louisbourg harbour, and little over two from the shallow water at the head of 
 the bay.' As happens yearly at this season, there was much fog, and the 
 prevailing winds were easterly, so that ships leaving the harbour could have run 
 down on the anchored enemy crowded in a bay with a lee shore close aboard. 
 On Sunday, Boscawen's account of conditions is as follows : 
 
 "At 4 A.M. it was little wind with a thick haze, the Kennington and Halifax still 
 continue firing. At 5 the breeze began to freshen and it came on foggy. ... At 8 the 
 gale increased, got down topgallant yards and the Sheat Anchor o\er the side, and at noon 
 
 1 The time in naval records of the period was from noon to noon. Thus Boscawen says ** at 4.30 a.m., Sunday, 
 May 28," where Gordon says " Monday, May 29." May 28 is, in the former case, from Sunday at noon to noon on the 
 Monday, 29th. The dates in the text follow the reckoning of landsmen. 
 
 ^ The Grammont was dispatched to reconnoitre Gnbarus Bay, and discover the best landing-place j the KenningtM 
 and a transport arrived from sea. The number of transports reported by Boscawen is 127. 
 
 ' Their position is indicated on the map, p. 243. from data furnished by the chief Hydrographcr of the Navy.
 
 ■List of Ships - 
 
 (l.) Namur 
 
 (2.) Princess Amelia 
 
 (3) Burford 
 
 (4.) Bedford 
 
 (5) Lancaster 
 
 (6.) Princess Frederick 
 (7.) Prince of Orange 
 (8.) York 
 (9.) Nottingham 
 (10) Sutherland 
 
 English Statute Miles 
 
 J 
 
 Cables 10 
 
 Scale of Latitude and Distance 
 
 12 
 
 Coromandtere Cove 
 
 Black Rock Pt 
 
 3 Sea Miles 
 
 "ii 
 White Pt. 
 
 Jplat Pt 
 
 BAY 
 
 Position of 
 
 BOSCAWEN'S LARGE SHIPS 
 
 JUNE 5th. -7th. 1758. 
 
 J 
 
 o 
 
 
 XBTIBTB ILUUBTRATORS LTD. 
 
 To face page 242.
 
 1-58 A BAD POSITION IN BAD WEATHER 243 
 
 struck yards and topmasts." Although the weather fell lighter in the afternoon, it was not 
 until 5 the next morning that they " got up topmasts and Yards." 
 
 The Kennington and other frigates, with the sloop Halifax, ranged on 
 shore close to the French batteries with which they were engaged, had to be 
 towed by the ship's boats into deeper water. The Trent took the ground, but 
 was got off with a damaged rudder. "It looked," says Gordon, "as if many 
 vessels would go ashore and many suffered the loss of anchor and cables." 
 
 It would appear that the disposition of the British fleet was the least 
 favourable for defence. Its first line, the frigates, were dragging ashore under 
 the fire of the batteries, while the battleships, to leeward of the transports, were 
 dismantled, and incapable of speedily protecting these ships on which were the 
 troops and warlike stores. The conditions were most favourable for attack. 
 Fog at times hung over all to obscure movements of the French, who had a 
 wind favouring them, strong enough to produce disorder among the British, 
 but, as it was not so heavy as to prevent the working of the fleet's boats, it was 
 favourable to the manoeuvring of the French ships. The easterly winds were 
 against any assistance coming from Hardy and his ships. Everything was 
 prepared for a disaster, which would have stood out in naval annals with 
 Quiberon and La Hogue, had the French grasped the overwhelming value, at 
 critical moments, of an aggressive defence.' 
 
 The French defence, instead of being greater than that of 1757, in face of 
 the greater forces arrayed against Louisbourg, was weaker. The supply of 
 money in the treasury of France was low, and was engaged for the land war in 
 Germany. The British captures of her men-of-war and her merchantmen had 
 diminished the number of seamen. The appalling mortality of the autumn and 
 winter, through plague brought back to Brest by Du Bois de la Motte's fleet, had 
 further reduced the forces available for manning the ships.^ Insubordination 
 and desertion, the results of ill-treatment, lowered the quality of those who 
 embarked. So few were the men, that La Clue was nearly a year recruiting for 
 the six ships under his command.^ So bad was their quality that Le Chevalier 
 de Mirabeau refused command of a squadron, giving his reasons to the Minister 
 in these outspoken words : 
 
 "My life. Sir, and not my honour, belongs to the King. They have broken pledges to 
 the sailors in an unheard of manner. Not paying these wretches is a cruelty, palliated here 
 (Toulon) by necessity without doubt, but marked by incidents which make one shudder 
 when they happen before one's eyes. . . . Du Ouesnel's men failed him before the enemy; 
 I cannot, nor do I wish to expose myself to the same hazard." * 
 
 ^ This condition is further dealt with in Chap. XV. 
 ■^ See Chap. XV. ' La Cour-Gayet, p. 179. ■* La Cour-Gayet, p. 2S2.
 
 244 FAILURES TO STRENGTHEN LOUISBOURG 1758 
 
 With such crews La Clue left Toulon, November 8, to repeat, if possible, 
 the voyage to St. Domingo and Louisbourg which De Beauffremont had so 
 successfully made in the spring. Admiral Osborne held for England the Straits 
 of Gibraltar, and forced La Clue to take refuge in Carthagena, where he was 
 joined in January by some ships under De Motheux, which brought his strength up 
 to thirteen vessels. Preparations to strengthen Louisbourg, notwithstanding this 
 delay, were continued by the French. Du Quesnel, lately Governor-General of 
 Canada, by drawing on men recently returned from a cruise, was able to sail from 
 Toulon in command of the Foudroyant^ 80, one of the finest ships of the French 
 Navy, and peculiarly endeared to that service as she had been La Galissoniere's 
 flagship at Minorca. She was accompanied by the Orphee, 64, and two smaller 
 vessels. In sight of La Clue, Du Quesnel engaged the English ships off" 
 Carthagena on the 28th of February. The Orphee fell at once, and after a 
 combat carried on by the Monmouth, 70, with unabated ipertinacity, after the 
 death of her captain, Du Quesnel struck to the smaller ship.' La Clue had to 
 return to Toulon, for the superior forces of the British, with Gibraltar as its 
 base, blocked the passage to the Atlantic. 
 
 The strengthening of Louisbourg from the Mediterranean being thus 
 rendered impossible, efforts were made elsewhere, and the intendants of the naval 
 depots on the Atlantic were ordered to hasten the dispatch of ships for Isle 
 Royale. The Magntfique left Brest early in March, and arrived in the drift ice 
 ofi^ Louisbourg on the 31st of that month. She hung there with appalling 
 sufferings of her crew. One hundred and twenty of her men died, twelve from 
 cold in one night. On another, the ship was unworkable from a " silver thaw." 
 Villeon, her commander, abandoned the voyage, and with only thirty men, 
 including officers, fit for duty, arrived back on May 5, at Corunna.^ Another 
 vessel never got away from the French coast : the Raisonable, 64, commanded by 
 the Prince de Montbazon, was overpowered and captured just after leaving Brest 
 for Louisbourg.' The Prudent, 64, commanded by the Marquis des Gouttes,* 
 arrived at Louisbourg on March 24, and on the 28th Beaussier brought into port 
 his squadron consisting of : 
 
 U Entreprenant, 74 (Beaussier). Le Caprmeux, 64 (De Tourville). 
 
 Le Blenfaisant, 64 (Courserac). Le Celebre, 64 (De Marolle). 
 
 La Comet e, 74 (Lorgeril). 
 
 The two first named were fully armed ; the other three were en flute, that 
 is, serving as freighters and transports. They brought provisions, and a battalion 
 of Volontaires Etrangers under D'Anthonay.'' The supplies brought by these 
 
 * Corbett gives a brief and picturesque account of this action and its significance to the two services, vol. i. 259. 
 ' Marine, B*, 80. ' La Cour-Gayct, p. 311. * See Appendix. ' See Appendix.
 
 1758 REINFORCEMENTS AND SUPPLIES RECEIVED 245 
 
 vessels and others ^ placed Drucour in a position to carry on his defence without 
 further anxiety about munitions or supplies.- 
 
 The Court was anxious to supplement Drucour by officers of experience in 
 warfare. Blenac de Courbon ^ was transferred from his position as Commandant 
 at Brest to Louisbourg with the grade of Commander of its sea and land forces.^ 
 He set sail on the Formidable on May 11, found Louisbourg blocked, and 
 returned to Brest on June 27.^ His appointment was made on April 10, so 
 that there was no haste displayed in his setting out, while his report to the 
 Minister, that he was " exceedingly happy to bring back to a good port the ship 
 which had been entrusted to me," " would indicate a lack of energy which made 
 his absence no great loss to the defence. On March 30, De la Houliere was 
 appointed to command the land forces, and arrived in Louisbourg by the Bizarre 
 on the 30th of May. The troops were assembled and his position proclaimed on 
 June I.' On the same day there came to the town an officer of the Dragon, 
 and the adjutant of Cambis, with the welcome news that Duchaffault had arrived 
 at Port Dauphin. His force consisted of six vessels ; only two of them and a 
 frigate had then arrived, but these had on board a battalion of Cambis as a 
 reinforcement for the garrison. An officer was sent with instructions for 
 Duchaffault to land this regiment, and to come with his ships to Louisbourg 
 as soon as possible. 
 
 The sight of Boscawen's fleet was no surprise to Drucour and his officers. 
 Indians had come with the news that they had seen the fleet off Fourchu. His 
 vigilance was fully awake. He had, as early as the 28th of April, manned the 
 entrenchments along the shores which Du Bois de la Motte had planned and 
 erected in 1757 against Loudon's threatened attack. In consultation with 
 Franquet, he had visited the shore and agreed on the sites at Pointe Blanche and 
 Pointe Plate for cannon (May i and 3), and forthwith proceeded to prepare for 
 their emplacement (May 5), while on the eastern side of the harbour he 
 established posts of 100 men, afterwards increased to 250, drawn in part from 
 the fleet, at L'Anse a Gautier, the most practicable landing near the lighthouse, 
 as well as at the Lorembecs. 
 
 The garrisons of Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin were brought in on 
 the 7th, and Drucour for the first time this spring had authentic news, but 
 
 ' The ApuUo, April 15 ; Le Chi-vre, April 24 ; La Fidele, frigate, May 10 ; three merchant vessels on May 19-27 ; the 
 frigates Sharre and Arethuse on May 30, the former enjlute, 
 
 ^ He says that Louisbourg was fully provisioned for a year for the first time since 1735 (Drucour's Journal). 
 
 2 See Appendix. * I.R. B, 107. 
 
 ' Marine, B'', vol. 80. ^ Waddington, Guerre de Sept Am, vol. ii. p. 336. 
 
 ' For further details of De la HouliJre's interesting career see Appendix. De la Houliire had seen much service, had 
 taken part in nine sieges, and had been since 1735 King's Lieutenant at Salces, near Perpignan.
 
 246 FINAL PREPARATIONS OF THE FRENCH 1758 
 
 not later than early April, that the ships which had wintered in Halifax were 
 refitting.' 
 
 Various bands of Indians and Acadians came in, and the younger Villejouin 
 brought ninety Acadians from L'Isle St. Jean, who were sent to a camp at 
 Gabarus Bay. In expectation of harassing the besiegers by these irregulars and 
 Indians, two depots of provisions were made on the Mir6. A battery was even 
 erected at Port Dauphin and abattis and other siege material prepared. The 
 troops in the entrenchments were relieved weekly, but, before the month had 
 ended, the chapel of the spacious hospital had to be turned into a ward, to 
 accommodate the men who had fallen ill from exposure to the fog and rain. A 
 council of the captains of the ships of the navy was held on the 1 5th of May, to 
 concert measures for the defence of the port. It was decided to prepare fire- 
 ships, and an armed chaloupe, and to range the men-of-war in positions most 
 favourable for the defence of the port. The larger ships lay in their new 
 positions in a crescent between the Royal Battery and the Bastion de la Grave. 
 
 Those of the men-of-war which had arrived en flUte, had mounted their 
 guns, but were otherwise inactive. An English frigate more than once came 
 along past the town and penetrated, with her boats out, taking soundings, into 
 the very bottom of Gabarus Bay ; she lay at anchor another night, only two 
 cannon-shot off Pointe Blanche; and although in the former case no supporting 
 ships were within four or five leagues, no attempt was made to attack her. 
 Drucour notes with admiration the daring of her commander. 
 
 A few words will describe the site of the impending conflict. The shores 
 of Gabarus Bay slope upwards from beaches and rocky points to a considerable 
 height, which is reached at about a mile distant from the water. This tract, 
 except where the morass or moorland extends to the shore, or the rocky ledges 
 rise in bare shoulders, is covered with forest or scrub growth. The farthest 
 point to the westward, which the French guarded by seventy troops under the 
 younger Villejouin, was the Montagne au Diable, from which a footpath led to 
 the Mire road, giving by it access to the town. About 4000 yards nearer was 
 L'Anse a la Coromandiere, which French and English strategists alike had 
 picked out as a vulnerable point. It was, therefore, the object of attack, but 
 also the place where were made the most elaborate preparations for defence. 
 The distance between its headlands is about 660 yards, but on neither of these 
 points did it seem possible to land. Midway on the arc of its shore is a rocky 
 point, and on either side of it a beautiful sandy beach, from which the cliff rises 
 abruptly about 15 or 20 feet from high water. Along this higher land the 
 trenches were strengthened by an abattis of trees felled with their tops outward, 
 thickly strewn along the beach below. So thickly were they planted that they 
 
 * Eleven Indians brought back 7 prisoners and i6 scalps in a schooner they had captured.
 
 
 t-, 
 
 Z s 
 
 o ^ 
 
 z £ 
 
 H g 
 
 z « 
 
 ^ g 
 
 H t 
 
 u. ^ 
 
 O -£ 
 
 > ■- 
 
 t ^ 
 
 z t 
 
 > z 
 
 z 2 
 
 H t; 
 
 ^ Si 
 
 < s 
 
 O -S 
 
 t 
 
 » ■
 
 r ^ 
 
 5 
 z 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 o: 
 
 o
 
 1758 INCREASE OF THEIR SHORE BATTERIES 247 
 
 appeared as a natural grove. A little brook runs into the sea close to the 
 eastern point of the cove. This point is a shoulder of land high enough to 
 hide from the shores of the cove all the coast and sea to the eastward. This 
 disadvantage of the position had been foreseen in the defences made in 1757. 
 A nid de fie or watch-tower had been erected on or near this ridge, from which 
 could be seen the whole range of the shore towards the town, say about four 
 miles ; and during the time in 1757 that a descent by the English was possible 
 had been occupied by a detachment.' It was now left unoccupied. Pointe 
 Platte and Pointe Blanche were strongly entrenched and guarded. The stretches 
 of coast between these defences was most difficult to land on, and, by the more 
 sanguine of the defenders, thought inaccessible. Tourville, perhaps the most 
 accurate of the observers of events In Louisbourg, however, took a less hopeful 
 view. He walked forth one day, the 7th, to inspect the defences at these 
 nearer posts, and was satisfied with them, and knew Coromandiere was good ; 
 but, while the coast was rock strewn, the intervals between the defences were 
 great, and he believed there was danger of an unexpected landing.^ 
 
 The gale of Sunday subsided, and Monday was a day of calm and thick 
 fog, so that both sides were ignorant of what the other was doing. The French 
 heard the sounds of hammering without knowing its cause, the carpenters of 
 the fleet working at the Trent's rudder. While the fog continued Wolfe 
 reconnoitred the shore to see if a landing was practicable. Boscawen, possibly 
 not to have to depend on the decision of a marine question by an impetuous 
 soldier, sent Commodore Durell on the same mission, but there was no difference 
 of opinion between the sea and land officers. They agreed that a landing could 
 not be made. 
 
 As was known to Amherst, the French were strengthening their defences. 
 An 8 -inch mortar was mounted on the 5th on a small hillock between 
 Pointe Platte and the Coromandiere, and fired that day until the fog came 
 down.^ The same day the encouraging news came in that eleven companies of 
 Cambis had arrived at Mire, and that De Chaffault had worked out of Port 
 Dauphin with the remaining six on his ships, and lay under Cibou Islands, at 
 the mouth of that harbour, in the most advantageous position, to sail with the 
 first fair wind for Louisbourg.* 
 
 Details of men from their ships in the harbour were engaged in hauling a 
 24-lb. cannon to its position at the battery of the Coromandiere, an arduous 
 task, delayed by the nature of the ground and the breaking of its carriage. 
 
 Although the Bay of Gabarus was occupied by the enemy, in whose sight 
 
 • Johnstone says he served there. ^ " Je croy qu'il a lieu de craindre J cet ^gard " (Journal of the Capricieux). 
 
 ^ Lartigue, in a note on his map, says a battery should have been placed at this point, but Drucour's account is 
 confirmed by the Anon. Jl. * Ten arrived in Louisbourg the next day, the other on the 7th,
 
 248 THEIR FORCES IN THE OUTPOSTS 1758 
 
 they performed the feat, two boats' crews of Basque fishermen, volunteers for 
 the service, carried two heavy cannon to Pointe Blanche ; where they were at 
 once mounted.' 
 
 The disposition of the regular troops in the field was finally : 
 
 Cannon. Swivels. Mortars. Men. 
 
 At Coromandiere underSt. Tulhicn, fiof24\ , 
 
 n> t c \ • ^ If o ••• 1000 
 
 Col. of Artois I4 „ o) 
 
 Pte. Platte. Marin, Col. of Bour- ( .\ 
 
 gogne !''■ " / 
 
 Pte. Blanche. D'Anthonay, Col. fi „ 24\ 
 
 ofV.E. 16 „ 6/ 
 
 930 
 
 350 
 
 Cape Noir . . . . . 2 „ 24 ... ... 75 
 
 2355 
 
 On the eastern side of the port : 
 
 The Lighthouse |3 „ i8"| 
 
 Anses a Gautier -4 „ 6[- ... ... 350 
 
 Grand Lorembec [^ „ i8j 
 
 And detachments of 50 soldiers 
 
 each at La Montagne du 
 
 Diable and Petit Lorembec, [ ... ... ... 100 
 
 at the west and east of the 
 
 fortified entrenchments 
 
 2805 
 
 In addition there were the militia, xA.cadians, and Indians, making the total 
 force over 3000.^ 
 
 While these preparations for defence were being carried on the plans of the 
 besiegers were modified by fresh discoveries of local conditions. The landing- 
 force was to be divided in three parts : Whitmore's, the white division, was to 
 form the right wing ; Lawrence's, the blue, the left ; and Wolfe was to lead a 
 body of Highlanders, Light Infantry, and Irregulars. Amherst's general orders 
 of the 3rd indicate that his purpose was to attack at three places, at White and 
 Flat Points, and Wolfe's force ' further to the west. A heavy surf prevented 
 an attempt being made that day ; and it was, moreover, discovered that the 
 water off White Point would not allow the frigates to approach that point near 
 enough to have their fire cover effectively the landing troops of the right 
 division. A modification of the first plan was made in the orders of the 4th. 
 
 Amherst determined to have the white division, Whitmore's, distract the 
 enemy's attention at White Point, and then to follow Lawrence's division, the 
 
 * Drucour's JI. 7th. 
 
 ^ There is no great discrepancy between this list and the number of guns taken as given by Gordon, p. 1 16. 
 
 ■* It was, after a landing, to join that of Lawrence.
 
 1758 AMHERST'S PLANS 249 
 
 blue, which was to land oti the shore opposite their station, Flat Point, or to 
 follow the Grenadiers. The reconnaissances along the shore had obviously 
 failed to give Amherst and his staff any adequate idea of the French strength, 
 for these orders state that : 
 
 "The General, not to lose a moment of time, has thought proper to order that an 
 attack be made upon the little Intrenchments within the Fresh Water Cove with four 
 companies of Grenadiers. That no Body, regulars or irregulars, may dare stand before 
 them. These detachments are to be commanded by Brigadier General Wolfe. . . . The 
 Army is to land and attack the French in three different Bodies and at three different 
 places, all the Grenadiers and detachments of the right Wing land upon the right in the 
 bay within White Point, the Light Infantry, Irregulars, and Highlanders are to land in 
 the Fresh Water Cove in order to take the Enemy in the flank and rear, and cut some 
 of them off from the Town. The Highlanders, Light Infantry, and Irregulars, are to 
 Rendezvous to the right of the Island lying before the Fresh Water Cove to be ready 
 to run in the cove when the Signal is given." 
 
 It seems probable that Amherst's Fresh- Water Cove was at the outlet of 
 the stream which falls into the sea near Flat Point. Here is an islet only about 
 a furlong from the shore to the right of which might advantageously be placed the 
 supports of the four companies which were to effect the landing. From this 
 point they could best " take the enemy in flank and rear," and cut some 
 of them off from the town. If Fresh-Water Cove was the same place as 
 Coromandiere, the supports of the four companies were to rendezvous at an 
 islet six or seveii times as far from the shore as the one at Flat Point, and the 
 position, if the landing were effected, the least favourable for cutting the enemy 
 off from the town. The operation would have been a pursuit, as in the 
 event it was, not an intersection of a line of retreat. Moreover, if Fresh- Water 
 Cove was the same as Coromandiere, as it was in the usage of the navy,^ it 
 would be absurd to assemble the force for an] attack on it, at the most distant 
 part of the line, " the right of the right attack." But if there be doubt as to 
 Amherst's intentions on different days, it is clear that attempts to effect a landing 
 were being made. 
 
 On the 6th, a day which opened with south-west wind and fog, Boscawen 
 signalled to prepare to land, in an interval when the weather showed signs of 
 clearing. The boats were sent to the ships, and by eight the troops were 
 in them, under the immediate supervision of Lawrence and Wolfe. Boscawen 
 and Amherst went later to order the disembarkation, but it fell calm, the fog 
 came down with heavy rains, and, following a rising breeze, "a large swell 
 tumbled in from the sea." The men, after rowing in shore and finding it 
 
 ^ Boscawen's Jl. speaks of Cormorant, and Captain Jacobs of Fresh-Water Cove, referring to the same place (Captains' 
 Logs, 499).
 
 250 THE EVE OF ATTACK 1758 
 
 impossible to land, were recalled and ordered back to the ships, Amherst " first 
 acquainting them with the reason for so doing." With the knowledge fresh in 
 his mind of the irritation in subordinate officers, and the rank and file, over the 
 faint-hearted attack on Rochefort, the previous year, Amherst doubtless did not 
 wish to damp the ardour of his force by an appearance of a lack of enterprise. 
 
 Wednesday, the 7th, the weather was clear, but the surf was still high, 
 though operations at sea could be carried on, and Wolfe spent the early morning 
 in sounding at the head of the bay. Bragg's regiment, which were still in the 
 small vessels in which they had come from the Bay of Fundy, were detached, 
 under convoy of the frigate Juno, to make a feint on the lighthouse point and 
 L'Anse a Gautier. This had little effect, for the French recognized it as being 
 not serious. Hoping that the next day would bring better weather, Boscawen 
 gave orders to the captains to have their boats at the transports at midnight, 
 and that profound silence should be observed. Amherst again, on the 7th, 
 issued general orders. The boats of the right were to assemble at the transport 
 J'iolet^ to which they were to be guided by three lights hung on the seaward side 
 at the water's edge. The left wing, under Lawrence, assembled at the St. George, 
 which hung out two lights ; and Wolfe with the Grenadier Companies, the 
 Highlanders, Light Infantry, under Major Scott, picked marksmen from ail 
 the regiments, and colonial irregulars, was to be in readiness at the Neptune, 
 distinguished by a single lantern. After midnight no other lights were to be 
 shown on the transports, and the men were cautioned to prevent the accidental 
 discharge of a musket, as the General's intention was to surprise the French as 
 well as attack them. He asked for the care and vigilance of the officers of the 
 transports, and expressed his confidence in the good disposition of the troops, 
 and added that should the Admiral and General decide to alarm the enemy 
 earlier, the troops were to take no notice. 
 
 Although the fire from the French positions, well maintained between the 
 4th and 7th, indicated that they were stronger than Amherst had thought, 
 it did not alter his later dispositions,^ and the attack was arranged for in 
 this order : 
 
 The right wing directed against Pointe Blanche : 
 
 Brigadier Whitmore 
 
 Colonel Burton and Colonel Foster 
 
 Regiments ist Royals 48 Webb's 
 
 47 Laselles' 58 Anstruther's 
 
 2nd Batt. Americans 17 Forbes' 
 
 Bragg's, which should ha\e formed part of this brigade, was detached to make a feint 
 to the eastward to distract the enemy. 
 
 ' The fog lifting on the 7th disclosed to some degree these positions to the British (Gordon Jl. 7).
 
 1758 THE ATTACK 251 
 
 The left wing directed against Pointe Platte : 
 
 Brigadier-General Lawrence 
 
 Colonel Wilmot and Colonel Handfield 
 
 22nd Whitmore's 25 Otway's 
 
 3rd Batt. Americans 40 Hopson's 
 
 45 Warburton's 15 Amherst's. 
 
 The 63 Eraser's were detached from this brigade to form part of 
 
 The Left Attack 
 Brigadier Wolfe 
 Colonels Murray and Fletcher 
 
 The Grenadier Companies of the 15th, 22nd, 17th, and ist Regiments 
 The Irregulars and Light Infantry 
 The 63 Fraser's Regiment and the Grenadier Companies of the 40th, 47th, 
 
 45th, 35th, 58th, and the 2nd and 3rd battalions of the 60th and 48th 
 
 Regiments in the order named. 
 
 The right wing took up its position behind its supporting frigates, the 
 Sutherland and Squirrel ; the left were, until the decisive moment, to be drawn 
 up behind the GramoHi, Diana, and Shannon ; while the left attack was supported 
 by the Kennington frigate and the Halifax snow, which were close in shore at the 
 Coromandiere, to which the frigate has since given her name.' 
 
 Nothing but success was counted on. The troops were to take in their 
 pockets bread and cheese for two days, and leave their blankets to follow after a 
 landing had been secured. 
 
 Thursday, June 8, Durell rowed along the shore unmolested by the 
 French, and came back to report that there was not so heavy a surf as to prevent 
 landing, at least in Coromandiere. The French batteries began firing at the 
 nearer ships, and their troops were mustered in the entrenchments. The frigates 
 fired briskly on them for about a quarter of an hour. It being then Hght, the 
 watchers from the ramparts of the town, drawn there by the heavy firing giving 
 poignancy to their anxiety, saw three to four hundred boats row in divisions 
 from between the sheltering ships. The attack they thought was being delivered 
 on the eastern points. In a little time, before these boats had reached the shore, 
 they were seen to turn towards the Coromandiere. As Wolfe's force, the 
 weakest of the three in numbers, but made up of picked men, rowed into the cove, 
 " the enemy," says Amherst, " acted very wisely, did not throw away a shot 
 until the boats were close in shore," and then poured in on them so deadly a fire, 
 as the soldiers in the trenches were provided with spare loaded muskets, that 
 
 ' The Kermington, Captain Jacobs, had taken up her position on the 3rci (Captains' Logs, No. 499). As they were 
 being damaged by the fire from the shore, she and the other frigate were ordered by Boscawen to warp further ofF on 
 the 4th (Boscawen's Journal). On the morning of the 8th, she took her position within a musket-shot of the shore 
 (Captains' Logs, No. 499).
 
 252 REPULSE, AND FINAL SUCCESS 1758 
 
 landing was impossible. It looked as if Wolfe's first experience in command was 
 to be a disastrous failure, for, notwithstanding his eagerness and the courage of 
 his men, his advance was decisively checked. He gave the signal to retreat, and 
 his boats turned to the open. In Amherst's orders, the officers in charge were 
 cautioned to "avoid huddling together and running into a lump." Three boats 
 on the right of Wolfe's force drifted or rowed towards the east and there found 
 themselves sheltered by the ridge from the fire of St. Julhien's men. Just at its 
 foot is still a little space of sand among the rocks of the shore. They effected 
 a landing on it. Wolfe saw the movement, or was advised of it by one of them, 
 and turned again to the point. The repulse had not chilled the ardour of his 
 men. A sergeant in one of the boats, as they rowed into the first attack, stood up 
 in his boat and cried out, " Who would not go to Hell, to hear such music for half 
 an hour .' " ' A shorter time was given him, for he was shot dead as he stood ; but 
 there were many among the soldiery as reckless of consequences. Some of the boats, 
 when they reached the rocky shore, were dashed to pieces or stove in by collision. 
 The men, Wolfe among them, leaped into the water. Those who kept their 
 feet waded ashore, those who fell were drowned or crushed by the heaving boats. 
 Some of them had taken regular formation on the higher ground before the 
 other brigades reached the shore. St. Julhien, his outlook obscured by the 
 smoke of his own fire and that of the frigates, was busy serving his guns at an 
 enemy which he thought was still in the boats in front of his position. The 
 distance was too great for Marin at Flat Point to know what was taking place. 
 Some skirmishing between irregulars and Wolfe's men occurred.- When St. 
 Julhien was advised of the landing, he hesitated, lost time, and, instead of a 
 brilliant attacked delivered by him, on a handful of men with wet muskets, what 
 took place was an attack of his flank and rear by an enemy pouring over the 
 ridge. His troops, which had been in the trenches in bad weather, some for a 
 week, others for a fortnight, were in no condition to stand such an onslaught.^ 
 They broke and fled towards the town, pursued by Wolfe and the light troops. 
 So rapid was the advance that it was only by travelling with seven-league boots, 
 " a pas de geant," that Marin's men were not cut ofl^ in their retreat from Flat 
 Point. The French rallied for a little above the Barachois, but were there in 
 danger of being surrounded by the two forces in which the British advanced. 
 The pursuit was only ended by a cannonade from the walls, which marked for 
 Amherst the point at which he could safely put his advanced camps. The 
 artillery and stores at Coromandiere and Flat Point fell into the English hands. 
 D'Anthonay held his ground at White Point until he received orders to retire, 
 
 ' Hamilton MSS. ' "Our troops killed and scalped an Indian Sachem the day we landed" (Wolfe to Sackville). 
 ' " Ve Rangers Started them first, they Ran and Hollow'd and fired on behind them and they left their Brest 
 work " (Knap, p. 8).
 
 
 
 . 1 Y . • Af-v.71 
 
 Stl
 
 ii758 ITS SIGNIFICANCE 253 
 
 and then came in, after destroying his material.^ It was after four when the 
 attack began, it was six when Boscawen landed, and at about eight the French 
 troops were under the protection of the guns of the town. So short a time 
 had this decisive event taken, but Httle more than twice as long as leisurely 
 and unmolested pedestrians would take to land and go over the same broken 
 
 i ground.'^ 
 
 The young officers who turned the tide were Lieutenants Hopkins and 
 Brown and Ensign Grant of the 35th Regiment.^ Their exploit may well have 
 been one of the foundations for the tradition as to the luck of the British Army. 
 Wolfe's attack was a direct frontal one on an impregnable position. Had St. 
 
 I Julhien allowed his enemy to land and become entangled in the abattis, the 
 appalling disaster which befell at Ticonderoga* the equally gallant troops of 
 Abercomby would have been anticipated at the Coromandiere. Had a corporal's 
 
 I guard been on the ridge, the first boats might have been beaten off. Had Wolfe 
 been no quicker to act than at least one of his fellow-brigadiers,^ or had St. 
 Julhien been as quick as Wolfe, success would have continued with the French. 
 Neither Wolfe nor Amherst mention the incident ; we know of it through 
 private accounts both French and English. 
 
 The three young officers leading Highlanders, says Hamilton, the light 
 infantry, says Gordon, struck a new note in the Seven Years' War. Vacillation 
 and an excess of caution had marked its conduct, but later its most brilliant 
 exploits were in the form which they first gave, accomplishing the impracticable. 
 Perchance to them had filtered down the opinion of Wolfe, " The greatness of an 
 object should come into consideration as opposed to the impediments that lie in 
 the way." Its spirit surely informed their action. Wolfe, himself, but followed 
 their example at Quebec ; and like them, Lambart " by attempting a place where 
 
 ^ He did not spike his guns. 
 
 - After much hesitation I have adopted this version of the sequence ot these events. It follows Amherst's account 
 in so far as the main attack, being intended against the Coromandiere. There are, however, difficulties in accepting this 
 view. If the attacks of the main brigades were not to be serious, why did Whitmore come under fire ? (Anon. Journal). 
 If it was the well-ordered operation which appears in Amherst's account, it is difficult to explain Wolfe's view of the 
 event, except by attributing to him a talent for exaggeration quite phenomenal. That opinion was, " Our landing was 
 next to miraculous. ... I wouldn't recommend the Bay of Gabarouse for a descent, especially as we managed it " (Wolfe 
 to SackviUe, Hist. MSS. Com. Ninth Report, p. 76). 
 
 The losses at the landing were : — 
 
 British Regulars : — Killed 3 officers, Captain Baillie and Lieut. Cuthbert of Eraser's. Lieut. Nicholson of Amherst's, 
 4 sergeants, 1 corporal, and 38 men. Of these only 8 were shot, the others were drowned. Wounded ; 5 lieuts., 2 
 sergeants, i corporal, and 51 men. 
 
 Rangers : — i ensign and 3 men killed, i wounded and i missing. They took 4 French officers and about 70 men 
 prisoners, 17 guns, 2 mortars, and 14 swivels, with supplies and stores of all kinds. 
 
 The French loss is stated by Drucour as 114, including deserters from the Volontaires Etrangers. Three officers 
 were wounded. 
 
 ^ For the meagre details I have been able to find about these officers, see end of Chapter. 
 
 * July 8, 1758. See Parkman, Montcalm and M-'olfe, chap, xx., and his App. G. 
 
 ' "Whitmore is a poor, old, sleepy man" (Wolfe to Sackville, Ninth Report Hist. MSS. Com. p. 76).
 
 254 BROWN, HOPKINS, AND GRANT 
 
 the mounting of the rocks was just possible " won a foothold at Belle Isle.' 
 True it mav be that had there been above the rocks of Coromandiere a post 
 in the " macrpies' nest," had a more vigilant officer than Vergor held the outpost 
 at L'Anse a Foulon, had the force under the gallant De Ste. Croix been larger, 
 failure and not success had befallen the British arms on these decisive occasions, 
 but greatly daring, and promptly succoured, they all won, through unexpected 
 ways, the crucial foothold. 
 
 APPENDICES 
 A. Memo, re Lieutenants Hopkins and Brown, and Ensign Grant 
 
 It is impossible to sav with any certainty who these three were. An examination of 
 the records of the time reveal one Lieut. Hopkins, 3 Lieuts. Grant, and no less than 6 
 Lieuts. Brown, all serving in America at the time of the siege of Louisbourg, and probably 
 all serving at the siege itself. 
 
 Hopkins. — Among the "Commissions granted by the Earl of Loudoun during his 
 command in America." - 
 
 Thomas Hopkins is appointed a Lieutenant in the 48th (Webb's) vice Gordon, pd., on 
 the 6th June 1757. A Return of killed and wounded, sent in Amherst's dispatch of 
 27julv 1758, includes the name of "Lt. Hopkins,of Webb's," among the wounded.' Presum- 
 ably he resigned in America, as among the Commissions granted by Amherst in America 
 we read, "Jno. Clarke, Lt., 48th vice Hopkins, resd., 8 Mar. 1759." The Army List for 
 1759 (^Va'" Office copy) also has Hopkin's name crossed out and a MS. addition — "Res. 
 — ^John Clarke, 8 Mar. '59." This appears to be the only Lieut. Hopkins who served at 
 the siege of Louisbourg.* 
 
 Grant. — John Grant was appointed Lieutenant to the 58th (Anstruther's) 28 January 
 1 758.' He appears to have been the only lieutenant of the name at Louisbourg at the actual 
 time of the surrender, but among the " Commissions granted by Amherst at the camp at 
 Louisbourg " appear commissions to ^ 
 
 Allan Grant, as Lieutenant of the Roval Americans, 2d Batt., vice Hart, killed, 
 28 July 1758 ; and 
 
 Alexander Grant, as Lieutenant of the Royal Americans, 3d. Batt., vice Longsdon, 
 dead, 23 August 1758. 
 
 Brown. — The Army Lists of 1758 and 1759 give the following : — 
 
 22d (Whitmore's) Lt. Henry Broivn 25 Oct. 1756. 
 
 28th (Bragg's) Lt. Frans. Brown 9 April 1756. 
 
 35th (Otway's) Lt. Thomas Brown 16 Feb. 1756. 
 
 60th (Amherst's) Lt. 'John Brown 9 Feb. 1756. 
 
 ' In 1760 (sec Corbctt, vol. ii. pp. 160-167, for an account of this event, in which we read the names of places 
 familiar to us in the pages of Dumas). 
 
 ^ (W.O. 25/25 Commission Books 1757-60), CO. 5/55. » W.O. 25/25. 
 
 ' Army List, 1759. » W.O. 25/25.
 
 BROWN, HOPKINS, AND GRANT 255 
 
 In addition to these, the E. of Loudon in America granted a commission to Lieut. 
 William Brown of the 6oth vice Ridge, pd. 13 Dec. 1756 ;i and Amherst at the camp at 
 Louisbourg granted a Lieutenant's commission to JVilliam Browne of the 35th (Otway's) 
 vice Thomas Comeford, killed 31 July 1758. A " Lt. Brown of Otway's" is included 
 among the wounded in Amherst's Return of killed and wounded at Louisbourg. This was 
 probably the above-named Lt. Thomas Brown, as William Browne was only an ensign 
 until July 31, four days later than the date of the return. 
 
 Lieutenants Brown '- 
 
 Henry Brown, 25 Oct. 1756, Lieut. (Disappears in 1761.)^ 
 
 Francis Brown, 9 April 1756, Lieut. (In the Army List for 1763 there is written against 
 
 his name, "Francis Brown 28 Mar. '63." After this his name disappears, so that is 
 
 probably the date of his death, or may be retirement).^ 
 Thomas Brown, 16 Feb. 1756, Lieut. (Disappears in 1761.)^ 
 John Brown, 9 Feb. 1756, Lieut., 15 Sept. 1760, Capt. (Disappears in 1764, but reappears 
 
 in 1765 as): — 14 Jan. 1764, Capt.; Army Rank, 15 Sept. 1760 ; 22 Sept. 1775, 
 
 Major; 14 June 1777, Retired.'' 
 William Brown, 13 Dec. 1756, Ensign; 31 Oct. 1759, Lieut. (Disappears 1769.) [Toolate.] 
 
 Ensigns Grant ' 
 
 Allan Grant,* I Feb. 1756, Ensign; 28 July 1758, Lieut; 7 Oct. 1763, Regt. Rank. 
 
 (Continued in Army Lists until 1772, when his name is crossed out and a Ml. 
 
 note written against it. " David Alexandre Grant, 1 1 May '72." He does not 
 
 appear later.) 
 Alexander Grant,^ 2 Feb. 1756, Ensign ; 23 Aug. 1758, Lieut. (Crossed out in the Army 
 
 List of 1760 and marked "dd.") 
 
 Commissions were granted at the camp at Louisburgh to : — 
 Allan Grant, Rl. Americans, 2d Battn., as Lieut, vice Hart, killed, 2d July 1758. 
 Alexander Grant, Rl. Americans, 2d Battn., as Lieut, vice Longsdon, dead, 23 Aug. 1758. 
 
 By referring to Amherst's account in Gordon's Journal it will be seen that the 
 boats on the eastward of Wolfe's attack contained officers and men of the ist, of 
 the Irregulars, Fraser's, the 35th and 48th regiments, and next to the last named, 
 the 60th. The head of the flotilla having actually got into the cove, the boats 
 most likely to get beyond the sheltering front were those to the rear. I therefore 
 hazard the opinion that these officers were Thomas Brown of the 35th (Otway's), 
 Thomas Hopkins of the 48th (Webb's), and one or other of the Grants in the 
 60th, for it does not seem probable that a boat of the 58th, in which John 
 Grant was Lieutenant, would have got from the extreme left of the detachment 
 to its extreme right. 
 
 ^ W.O. 25/25. " Army Lists. ^ 22n(l Regiment, Whitmore's. 
 
 ■* 28th Bragg's. ' 35th Otway's. ^ 6oth Amherst's. 
 
 ' Army Lists and Commission Booiis. ^ 60th Regiment. ' 6otti Regiment.
 
 2^6 THE LANDING 
 
 B. Various Accounts of the Landing 
 
 Boscawen's 'Journal 
 
 Thursday, %th June 1758. 
 
 At Midnight sent all the boats with proper Officers in them to assist in landing the 
 troops. The Generals went with them, attended by their Aide de Camps. The 
 Commodore with Captains Buckle, Lindsay, Balfour and Goostree went likewise to assist 
 in the Disembarkation. By the Dawn of the Day all the Troops were in the Boats and 
 ranged in their proper Divisions. The Enemy upon observing of this motion, began to 
 throw Shells amongst the Frigates and Transports. The Kennington and Halifax ran close 
 into Cormorant Cove, and at 4 I saw the Boats rowing towards the Shore with the Troops 
 and at the Sun's rising the Kennington and Halifax began to fire upon the Enemy to cover 
 the Landins, which was followed by the Sutherland^ and rest of the Frigates placed in 
 Shore. About 5 o'clock the Enemy began a very smart Fire at the Boats with both 
 Cannon, Swivels and Small Arms, which continued about 15 minutes, when it ceas'd, part 
 of the Troops having Landed and driven the Enemy out of their Entrenchments. 
 
 Gordon^ Journal 
 
 When the Fire from the Ships was thought Sufficient the Signal was made for the 
 Grenadiers to row into the Cove which they accordingly did. The Enemy began a very 
 hot fire of Musketry and Swivels, from their Entrenchments, and the same with Grape 
 from their Batteries in Flank. After standing this some time still making for the shore, a 
 small bodv of Light Infantry Commanded by Lieutenants Hopkins and Brown and Ensign 
 Grant of the 35th Regiment seeing a convenient place on the right of the Cove that is 
 free from the Enemy's Fire, the Surge being equally or more violent than in the Cove, 
 made for it and getting ashore, were soon followed by the Whole ; came upon the Flank 
 and back of the Enemy drove them, and Brigadier Wolfe, with a small body, pursued them 
 within Cannonade of the Town. 
 
 The right and Left Wings landed afterwards and were followed by the second Em- 
 barkation. The Line was formed and marched nearer the Town, laid out the Encamp- 
 ment for the Army, every Corps taking up their own ground. 
 
 Amherst's Journal 
 
 On the 8th The Troops were in the Boats before the break of Day, in three Divisions 
 according to the Plan annexed, and Comodore Durell having viewed the boats by order of 
 the Admiral and given me his opinion that the Troops might land, without danger from 
 the Surf, in the bay on our left the Kennington and Halifax now began the fire upon the 
 left followed by the Grammont^ Diana^ and Shannon Frigates in the Centre and the 
 Sutherland and Squirrell upon the right, when the fire had continued about a quarter of an 
 Hour, the Boats upon the left rowed into the Shore under the Command of General Wolfe, 
 whose Detachment was composed of the four Eldest Companys of Grenadiers, followed by 
 the light Infantry (a Corps of 550 men chosen as Marksmen from the different Regiments, 
 serve as Irregulars and are commanded by Major Scott, who was Major of Brigade) and
 
 ACCOUNTS OF THE LANDING 257 
 
 Companys of Rangers, supported by the Highland Regiment, and those by the Eight 
 remaining Companys of Grenadier. 
 
 The Division on the right under the Command of Br. Genl. Whitmore consisted of 
 the Royal, Lascelles, Monckton, Forbes, Anstruther and Webb, and rowed to our right 
 bv the White Point as if intending to force a landing there. 
 
 The Centre Division under the command of Br. Genl. Lawrence was formed of 
 Amherst's, Hopson's, Otway's, Whitmore's Lawrence's and Warburton's, and made at 
 the same time a Shew of landing at the fresh water Cove : this drew the Enemy's atten- 
 tion to every part and prevented their Troops posted along the Coast from Joining those 
 on their right. 
 
 The Enemy acted very wisely, did not throw away a Shot till the Boats were near in 
 shore, and then directed the whole fire of their Cannon and Musketry upon them : the Surf 
 was so great that a place could hardly be found, to get a boat on shore ; notwithstanding 
 the fire of the Enemy and the Violence of the Surf, Brigadier Wolfe pursued his point, and 
 landed just at their left of the Cove, took post, attacked the enemy, and forced them to 
 retreat. Many Boats overset, several broke to Pieces, and all the Men jumped into the 
 water to get on shore. 
 
 As soon as the left Division was landed the first Detachment of the Centre rowed at 
 a proper time to the left and followed, then the remainder of the Centre division as fast as 
 the boats could fetch them from the Ships, and the right Division followed the Centre in 
 like manner. 
 
 It took a great deal of time to land the Troops, the enemy's retreat, or rather flight, 
 was through the roughest and worst ground I ever saw, and the pursuit ended with a 
 canonading from all the town which was so far of use, that it pointed out how near I could 
 encamp to invest it, on which the Regiments marched to their ground, and lay on their 
 Arms. The Wind increased, and we could not get anything on shore. 
 
 Jnon. Journal (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 11,813, f. 82-88). 
 
 The morning very Clear, Little wind and Surge. The Troops Rendezvoused 
 according to order at | past 3 o'clock in the morning. Our Bomb Ketch then Began 
 to Exchange shells with the Enemy at 4 o'clock our Frigates and Sloops Cannonaded 
 furiously. \ past 4 the Left wing rowed close in with the shore, in Fresh Water Cove, 
 the Enemy kept so brisk a fire from their Entrenchments and from three Batterys with 
 Grape shot that our troops were order'd to retreat and Land to ye Right of ye Cove, 
 which they perfected with Great Difficulty, One Boat in which were Twenty Grenadiers 
 and an officer was stove, and Every one Drowned. The African Rangers ^ under the 
 Command of Major Scott, were the first that Landed. Fifty of these repulsed above 
 a hundred French, who were coming to oppose the landing of our men, the Difficulty 
 of Landing at this place was such that they thought the Devil himself would not have 
 attempted it. 
 
 An Authentic Account^ 'June 8. 
 
 About 4 this morning under cover of the Ship's Guns, the Boats with a Division of 
 the Troops, after a general Rendezvous near IVhite Pointy made an Attempt of landing 
 
 ^ An obvious mistake for " American.'* 
 
 S
 
 258 ACCOUNTS OF THE LANDING 1758 
 
 to the Left at Kennington Cove with 600 Light Infantry. The whole Battalion of 
 Highlanders, and 4 Companies of Grenadiers, under the Command of Brigadier General 
 JVolfe ; while a Feint of landing was made to the Right towards IVhite Point conducted 
 by Brigadier General Whitmore ; and the Brigades in the centre were commanded by 
 Brigadier General Laurence, who made a Shew at Fresh-Water Cove, the move to distract 
 the Enemy's Attention, and to divide their Force. 
 
 The Left Wing finding the Shore at Kennington Cove impregnable, withdrew with 
 some loss from the warm fire of two Batteries discharging Grape and round Shot upon them 
 in Flank ; while several Swivels, and small Arms almost without number showered on them 
 from the Lines, that were about 15 feet above the Level of the Boats. 
 
 As the Enemy had for some Tears been preparing against such a probable attempt ; 
 they had now been some Days in Expectation of our Visit : They had accordingly posted 
 3000 Regulars, Irregulars, and a few of the native Indians, in all the probable places of the 
 landin'', behind a very strong Breast-work fortified at proper Distances with several pieces 
 of Cannon, besides Swivels of an extraordinary Calibre, mounted on very strong perpen- 
 dicular Stocks of Wood, driven deep into the Ground : They had also prepared for flank- 
 ing, by erecting Redans mounted with Cannon in the most advantageous Situations — 
 Nothing of the Kind has perhaps been seen more complete than these Fortifications. 
 
 Besides, all the approaches to the Front lines were rendered so extremely diflicult by 
 the Trees they had laid very thick together upon the Shore round all the Cove, with their 
 Branches lying towards the sea, for the Distances of 20 in some, and of 30 Yards in 
 other places, between the Lines and the Water's Edge ; that, had our people not been 
 exposed to such a Fire from the Enemy, the bare attempt of possessing these Lines, 
 would have been like that of travelling towards them through a wild Forest, from the 
 interwoven Branches of one Tree to those of another with incredible Fatigue and endless 
 Labour. 
 
 Nor, was this Stratagem possible to be suspected at any great Distance, as the Place 
 had the Appearance of one continued Green of little scattered Branches of Fir. And, but 
 very few of the Guns on their Lines were to be distinguished out of the Reach of their 
 Metal, the rest were artfully concealed from our View with Spruce-Branches until the Boats 
 advanced towards the Shore, with the Resolution of forcing the Works — The latent 
 Destruction was then unmasked, by the removal of the Spruce-Branches and the adventurous 
 Spectators were soon convinced, those works were not capable of being forced by numbers 
 much superior to theirs. The Enemy depended much on their Strength here, which perhaps 
 occasioned them to be somewhat premature in their exertion of it. For, before our Boats 
 came near the water's edge, they began with great alertness to play their Batteries, and to 
 fire red hot Balls, besides a continual Discharge of their small Arms among them. The 
 consequence had been much more fatal to our People, few if any of whom would have 
 escaped, had the enemy timed their fire with more Judgment, by permitting the Boats to 
 have actually landed their men on that narrow Shoal beach, taking no other notice of them 
 until thev had been all in their Power, than they had done before of the Fire from our 
 Frigates, and of some Boats that had been with Commodore Durell to reconnoitre the 
 Shore, before any of the Troops had put off from the Transports. 
 
 Exasperated, not discouraged, at this Repulse from the Enemy's irristible Fire, the 
 
 ' j^uihcntic Account, etc., June 8. .
 
 1/58 ACCOUNTS OF THE LANDING 259 
 
 troops of that fVing, drew off with all convenient expedition towards the Centre, determined 
 to rush on Shore wherever they saw any Probability of Success, whatever Loss they might 
 sustain. Soon after this the Lieutenants Browne and Hopkins, with Ensign Grant and 
 about 100 of the Light Infantry happily gained the Shore over almost impracticable Rocks 
 and Steeps to the Right of the Cove. Upon which Brigadier IVolfe directed the Remainder 
 of this Command to push on Shore as soon as possible, and as well as they could — which 
 heightened their eager Impatience so much, that the Light Infantry, Highlanders and 
 Grenadiers intermixed, rushed forward with impetuous Emulation, without Regard to any 
 previous Orders, and piqued themselves mightily which Boat could be most dexterous and 
 active in getting first on Shore. In this manner, though all the while exposed to the Fire 
 of a Battery of three Guns, that sometimes raked, sometimes flanked their Boats very 
 furiously, and of small arms within 20 yards of them, they were all expeditiously landed 
 with little loss, besides about 22 Grenadiers, who were unfortunately drowned by having 
 their Boats stove in the Bold Attempt. 
 
 Among the foremost of these parties was Brigadier Wolfe, who jumped out of his Boat 
 into the Surf to get to the Shore, and was readily followed by numbers of the Troops amidst 
 a most obstinate Fire of the Enemy. Soon after landed Brigadier Lawrence, and was 
 followed by the rest of the Brigades with all possible expedition. After him in a little 
 time Brigadier Whitmore, and the Division of the Right Wing, gained the Shore, amidst 
 a continual Charge of Shot and Shells, from the Enemy's Lines, several of the latter reach- 
 ing also as far as the Brigades in the Centre. And last of all landed the Commander in 
 Chief. Major-General Amherst in the Rear, full of the highest Satisfaction from seeing 
 the Resolution, Bravery and Success of the Troops on surmounting Difficulties and 
 despising Dangers. 
 
 The Lieutenant of Warburton's (" Valbetone "), who died at Louisbourg 
 after the siege, who was in the division which attacked the Sandy Cove 
 (Coromandiere), " said to me that their landing on the left of the Cove was 
 made by chance, that they had not believed this place possible for landing, that 
 three boats had sought there refuge from our fire (s'y etaient jettees pour eviter 
 notre feu), and that they had signalled the others to come on" (avaient fait signal 
 aux autres d'advancer). — (Poilly's Journal.) 
 
 Princess Amelia. — Captain's Log. No. 736. Captn. John Bray. 
 
 June 8, 1758. — Sent boats "to assist landing Coll.: Fraizer Grenadiers first & then 
 what other Troops that remained not Landed a Cutter with a Mate to Land the Rangers 
 at sun rising the Sutherland & all the Frigates began a Cannonading the Enemy's Batteries 
 & Breast Works the Boats with the Troops at the same time begun to Approach the shore 
 the Enemy sufFer'd them to Come within pistol shot of the shore before they began, to fire 
 and then begun to fire with Great Guns & small arms excessively hot which continued 
 14 minutes, but some Boats getting into some Rocks a little to the Eastward of the Bay 
 Landed about 40 Rangers which Clamber'd up them & got into a small wood which 
 Flank'd the Enemy's Breastworks, which when perceived by them on receiving their Fire 
 quitted their Battery & Breastworks & took to the woods with the utmost Precipitation 
 in the Battery & Breastwork were upwards of iioo men, the Landing then became
 
 26o ACCOUNTS OF THE LANDING 1758 
 
 General they now and then firing single musquets out of the woods at the Boats." They 
 5 killed & 10 wounded. 
 
 French Accounts 
 
 Three barges of this division to avoid our fire, rushed (ce sont jett6) behind a head 
 Cap called Cap^Rouge, which encloses the left of this Cove (Coromandiere). On this head 
 thev had built a "nid de pie," where unhappily there was no detachment for what reason 
 I know not. These barges found here a nook or two where they landed their men, and 
 the third went to seek the others. — (Anon. Journal.) 
 
 This division (Wolfe's) thus shattered (Rompie) sought to retire beyond our fire. 
 Their right sheltered themselves by the rocks which ended our entrenchments unmolested 
 (Comme ils Voulurent). Seeing that they were not observed they tried to land among 
 the rocks, and did it so diligently that they had already put a considerable number of men 
 on shore before they were seen. — (Poilly.) 
 
 The VV.S.W. winds drove the smoke of the cannon on shore, and in this they were 
 favorable to the enemy, nevertheless of the first boats which entered the Coromandiere 
 there were a score destroyed by our artillery. One noticed that the others curved toward 
 the second division with the exception of five or six which through fear or through a 
 knowledge of the ground went into the cove Nid de Pie twelve or fourteen yards across in 
 sand surrounded by steep rocks situated between the Coromandiere after Sandy Cove and 
 Flat Point, a place where there had been last year a detachment of twenty-five or thirty 
 men, and this year none. Thus the first barges landed troops without opposition and the 
 first success drew on the others. — (Drucour.) 
 
 Capricieux. — At four o'clock in the morning, a little before the enemies made a general 
 attack in Gabarus, all (of them) who appeared before the entrenchments were driven back, 
 but the second line of the forces which had attacked the Coromandiere seeing the first 
 repulsed drew off to the left, and having found a ravine got on shore there, some boats of 
 the first line followed them. 
 
 Jeuly 8^4 heures du matin un peu avant les enemies ont fait une ataque g^ndrale 
 dans Gabarus, tout ce qui s'est presente devant les retranchements a dtd repouss6, mais la 
 seconde ligne de troupes de d(;barquement qui avoient ataque la Coromandiere voyant la 
 premiere repousse a fil6 sur la gauche, et ayant trouv^ un ravin y a mis pied a terre, quelques 
 barges de la 1*"= ort suivis. — (Tourville of the Capricieux.) 
 
 They advanced their barges towards two large bays. . . . The English maintained 
 their attack a long time without being further advanced than the loss of a great number 
 of men, and without being able to force the retrenchments. A struggling barge that in 
 appearance had been repulsed from the bays discovered a small creek, where two boats 
 could enter at the same time. This creek was on the left of the regiment of Artois, and 
 through negligence was left without a guard, although it was so surely comprehended in 
 the general plan of defense the year before that in the summer of 1757 I was posted there 
 with a detachment. . . . This barge gave a signal to the others to follow, and at last they 
 all slipped away from the two bays (Coromandiere and Flat Point) without being remarked 
 by the French in their retrenchments until several thousand of English soldiers had been 
 landed and drawn up in battle array, having cut off the regiment of Artois from the rest 
 of our troops. — Johnstone (Oue. Lit. and Hist. Soc).
 
 FORCES AND ARMAMENTS 
 
 261 
 
 LIST OF ENGLISH FLEET, 1758 
 
 Rate. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 No. of 
 Guns. 
 
 No. of 
 Men. 
 
 1 
 Commanders. ! 
 
 Lieutenants. 
 
 Sailed from 
 England, 
 
 Disposition. 
 
 2ad 
 
 Namur 
 
 90 
 
 780 
 
 Hon. Adl. Boscawen 
 Matw. Buckle 
 
 PhiL Afflick 
 
 15 . 2. 1758 
 from 
 
 Portsmouth ; 
 23d from 
 Plymouth 
 
 In No. America 
 under the 
 commd. of the 
 
 z 
 
 Royal fVilliam . 
 
 84 
 
 765 
 
 Sir Chas. Hardy 
 Thos. Evans 
 
 Wm. Dumaresq 
 
 Do. 
 
 Honble. Adl. 
 Boscawen. 
 
 3 
 
 Prs. Amelia 
 
 80 
 
 665 
 
 Commre. Durell 
 John Bray 
 
 Wm. Hall 
 
 Do. 
 
 
 3 
 
 Dublin . 
 
 74 
 
 600 
 
 G. B. Rodney 
 
 Jams. Worth 
 
 16.3. 175S 
 
 In No. America 
 
 3 
 
 Terrible . 
 
 74 
 
 600 
 
 Rd. Collins 
 
 Wm. Chads 
 
 16 . 4. 1757 
 
 under the 
 
 3 
 
 Northumberland 
 
 70 
 
 520 
 
 Rt. Hble. Ld. Colville 
 
 Edwd. Thornborough 
 
 16.4. 1757 
 
 - command of 
 
 3 
 
 Orford . 
 
 70 
 
 520 
 
 Rd. Spry 
 
 Ridgwl. Sheward 
 
 16.4. 1757 
 
 Vice - Adl. 
 Holbourne. 
 
 3 
 
 Somerset . 
 
 70 
 
 520 
 
 Edwd. Hughes 
 
 Robt. Mortimer 
 
 12 . 7 . 1757 
 
 Gone to No. 
 America. 
 
 3 
 
 Vanguard 
 
 70 
 
 520 
 
 Robt. Swanton 
 
 Humphy. Rawlins 
 
 8.4. 1758 
 
 
 3 
 
 Burford . 
 
 66 
 
 520 
 
 Jas. Gambler 
 
 Thos. Pemble 
 
 23.2. 1758 
 
 ' 
 
 3 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 66 
 
 520 
 
 Hble. G. Edgcumbe 
 
 Thos. Barker 
 
 23.2. 1758 
 
 Gone to No. 
 
 3 
 
 De-vonshire 
 
 66 
 
 520 
 
 Wm. Gordon 
 
 Salkd. Jno. Proctor 
 
 29 . 6 . 1757 
 
 America under 
 
 3 
 
 Captain . 
 
 64 
 
 480 
 
 John Amherst 
 
 Saml. Spendlove 
 
 20 . I . 1758 
 
 - the commd. of 
 
 3 
 
 Bedford . 
 
 64 
 
 480 
 
 Thorpe Fowke 
 
 Lews. Davies 
 
 23 . 2 . 1758 
 
 Honble. Adl. 
 
 3 
 
 Gr. Frederick . 
 
 64 
 
 480 
 
 Robt. Man 
 
 Jno. Gordon 
 
 29 . I . 1758 
 
 Boscawen. 
 
 4 
 
 Defiance . 
 
 60 
 
 400 
 
 Patk. Baird 
 
 Heny. Phillips 
 
 2 . 5 ■ >757 
 
 
 4 
 
 Pembroke . 
 
 60 
 
 420 
 
 Jno. Simcoe 
 
 Geo. Allan 
 
 23 . 2 . 1757 
 
 ' 
 
 4 
 
 rork 
 
 60 
 
 480 
 
 Hugh Pigot 
 
 Thos. Fitzherbert 
 
 30 . I . 1758 
 
 4 
 
 Kingston . 
 
 60 
 
 400 
 
 Wm. Parry 
 
 Wm. Cock 
 
 16.4. 1757 
 
 In No. America 
 
 4 
 
 Pr, of Orange . 
 
 60 
 
 400 
 
 Jno. Fergusson 
 
 Jno. Jarden 
 
 23 • 3 • 1758 
 
 under the 
 
 4 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 60 
 
 400 
 
 Saml. Marshall 
 
 Wm. Bunyan 
 
 23 .2 . 1758 
 
 > command of 
 
 4 
 
 Sutherland 
 
 50 
 
 350 
 
 Capt. Rous 
 
 Isah. Hay 
 
 6.4. 1756 
 from Cork 
 
 Honble. Adl. 
 Boscawen. 
 
 4 
 
 Centurion . 
 
 50 
 
 350 
 
 Wm. Mantell 
 
 Jno. Barnsley 
 
 16 .4. 1757 
 
 
 5 
 
 Juno 
 
 32 
 
 220 
 
 Jno. Vaughan 
 
 Chas. Wood 
 
 29. I . 1758 
 
 
 5 
 
 Diana 
 
 32 
 
 220 
 
 Alexr. Schomberg 
 
 Jos. Norwood 
 
 14 . I . 1758 
 
 
 6 
 
 Boreas 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 Hble. Rt. Boyle 
 
 Jno. Bernard 
 
 21 . I . 1758 
 
 
 6 
 
 Trent 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 Jno. Lindsay 
 
 Patk. Calder 
 
 23 ■ 2 . 1758 
 
 
 6 
 
 Shannon . 
 
 28 
 
 200 
 
 Chas. Medows 
 
 Jno. Mann 
 
 23 .2. 1758 
 
 
 6 
 
 Portmabon 
 
 24 
 
 160 
 
 Paul H. Ourry 
 
 Thos. Piercy 
 
 23.12. 1754 
 
 
 6 
 
 Hind 
 
 24 
 
 160 
 
 Robt. Bond 
 
 Thos. Ellis 
 
 25 . 1 . 1758 
 
 
 6 
 
 Scarb'jrough 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Robt. Routh 
 
 Robt. Carpenter 
 
 24.9 . 1757 
 
 
 6 
 
 Squirrel , 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Jno. Wheelock 
 
 Crean Percival 
 
 15 . I . 1758 
 
 
 6 
 
 Kennington 
 
 20 
 
 160 
 
 Maxm. Jacobs 
 
 Lewis Gordon 
 
 23 . 2 . 1758 
 
 
 Frig. 
 
 Gramont . 
 
 18 
 
 •25 
 
 Jno. Stott 
 
 Petr. Baskerville 
 
 15 . 2 . 1758 
 
 
 Slo. 
 
 Hunter 
 
 10.14 
 
 no 
 
 Jno. Laforey 
 
 Jno. Sharpe 
 
 25 . I . 1758 
 
 
 Slo. 
 
 Haivke 
 
 10.14 
 
 no 
 
 Robt. Hathorne 
 
 Wm. Uenne 
 
 16 . 4. 1757 
 
 
 Fires 
 
 Lightning 
 
 8.6 
 
 45 
 
 Wm. Goostrey 
 
 Hy. Ashington 
 
 23 . 2 . 1758 
 
 
 Vessel 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Fires 
 
 Altna 
 
 8.6 
 
 45 
 
 Geo. Balfour 
 
 Wm. Bloom 
 
 23 . 2 . 1758 
 
 
 Vessel 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Armed 
 
 Tagloe 
 
 
 40 
 
 Davd. Pryce 
 
 
 25 . I . 1758 
 
 
 Vessel 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Eighteen of these Captains had served as recently as 1757 in American waters.
 
 262 
 
 FORCES AND ARMAMENTS 
 
 a 
 u 
 
 OS 
 
 o 
 
 b 
 
 Q 
 2 
 < 
 
 a 
 X 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 ?« 
 
 a .^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 I 
 o 
 u 
 
 IS 
 
 U 
 
 £0 
 
 t*! 
 
 U 
 
 V fe;^ 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 1 
 *-• 
 
 O „ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 
 
 
 •(icnwv) 
 
 w-isOsC •■ no •'""^ u-if*-. — N — oc 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 aijj put 3|uc-a 
 
 00 tN.\o o^o »^ u-ioo 00 ON*c <y.oo 0^ 
 
 
 
 
 "c 
 
 
 
 at 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~ 
 
 
 
 
 
 00 9« ^« CT*00 "-> t^ N 
 
 00 
 
 "2 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■U9UIUIIUQ 
 
 „«MMrt----N'-N-N 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 00 w-iO^lxO OewoooovC o^\r\t*\ 
 
 SO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -<)ui»3j>s 
 
 m»*)M f*imM ro(*ir^f^. N r<^»*i^ 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 ■S3)e(^ ,tao3Sjns 
 
 NM-H--N-NN«rlNH 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 ••n053ins 
 
 
 -* 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 •us)SEW--jg 
 
 
 ■* 
 
 r^ ON 
 
 r-^ u-\ 
 
 
 
 
 N g 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VO ON 
 
 r^ r^ 
 
 ^ a. 
 
 u 
 
 •sjnEinfpv 
 
 
 
 • h 
 
 -13 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 :: " 
 
 r*-i y 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 -0 
 
 « 2 
 
 
 
 •SDiciJcto 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 ■!,> 
 
 
 
 ■suSjsnj 
 
 o^ r^ o»oo 00 \r\\o ^£> o^oo r^ r^ r^. 
 
 ^0 
 
 s 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 " 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 000 r^o^NvD r-^ w-»>o 00 >o « 
 
 vC 
 
 
 
 CI] 
 
 
 
 Pj«„« ««««« N-*N 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 <« 
 
 
 D 
 
 E 
 
 < 
 
 >< 
 
 u. 
 2 
 
 a: 
 
 z 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 "o 
 U 
 
 1 
 
 >^ 
 
 £1 
 
 
 
 
 
 • • 
 
 •" c§ 
 
 
 •SUIEldE3 
 
 rs.00 l^OO r-. ^r^ t^o u-> r^oo VO vO O 
 
 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 ^ 2 
 
 •SJofcj^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •si3aoio3--iT 
 
 
 :: 
 
 
 
 •6I3U01O3 
 
 
 'J- 
 
 
 •saoiiEjjEa 
 
 _, 
 
 
 .t-% 
 
 St3 
 
 = •-••:::::: = J^ = 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -0 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 ci 
 
 
 
 
 
 JnO 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 
 
 • • 
 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 Briga 
 ^ con 
 
 a; 
 
 ■go 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 so: s 
 
 j-S-S 
 
 
 
 
 .2 
 "5 
 
 ORE. 1 
 
 in of A r tiller 
 
 
 ft; 
 
 
 2 
 
 c 
 
 ■§■£> •- 
 
 ^„— ^ b; ^ 
 
 ^- • • ."SS4iEi.t: • ■ 
 1" |"^'1|1&"^l 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 
 'n 
 
 
 C 
 
 § 
 
 -0 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 E 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 < 
 
 £ 
 
 y 6 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 •— ■ ?" *> _C f' .— ■ "^ ^ -_. " CO -^ -'" t/5 
 
 
 1 
 
 1' 
 
 2< 
 
 -£ 3 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 tg 
 
 
 
 
 
 5.^.y S"^ 2.1= 5,=^° g^g^- 
 
 
 -0 
 
 
 -3 u- 
 
 *« 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -T3 
 
 
 _o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 k- 
 
 
 
 C5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 C3 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 -= -1 -^--1= -Hi. 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 en 
 
 
 S « 
 ^ 1 
 
 .5? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4-* 
 
 
 If 
 
 
 d 
 
 -* »nrvNoo o-,o *^ r^oo 00 O 00 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 a: 
 
 <- — M N «^"*-'t-Tj--f- u-,o ^o r^ 
 
 
 
 
 u
 
 FORCES AND ARMAMENTS 
 
 263 
 
 MUNITIONS OF WAR. 
 
 Supplied, 
 
 
 Expended 
 
 Canon 
 
 88 
 
 13 
 
 Mortars 
 
 52 
 
 I 
 
 Howitzers . 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 Shot 
 
 4S,86i 
 
 14,630 
 
 Shells and carcasses 
 
 41,962 
 
 3390 
 
 Grenades . 
 
 4000 
 
 
 Powder bbls. 
 
 4888 
 
 1493 
 
 Sand-bags 
 
 115,000 
 
 39,500 
 
 Cartridges . 
 
 53,513 
 
 30,230 
 
 Musket 
 
 726,756 
 
 750,000 
 
 Fuzes 
 
 45,261 
 
 14,119 
 
 It may be noted that only in musket cartridges was the supply short. In other things 
 only about one-third of the supply was used. The above statistics are from Gordon's 
 'Journal. 
 
 No such accurate figures are available for the French forces in Louisbourg. They 
 seem to have been : 
 
 SHIPS. 
 
 Prudent 
 
 Entreprenant 
 
 Capricieux . 
 
 CHebre ! . 
 
 Bienfahant 
 
 Apollo 
 
 Arithuse 
 
 FidUe 
 
 Chhire 
 
 Biche 
 
 Guns. 
 
 Men. 
 
 74 
 
 680 
 
 74 
 
 680 
 
 64 
 
 440 
 
 64 
 
 440 
 
 64 
 
 440 
 
 50 
 
 350^ 
 
 36 
 
 270 
 
 36 
 
 270 
 
 16 
 
 150 
 
 i6 
 
 150 
 
 494 
 
 3870 
 
 LAND FORCES (FRENCH). 
 
 
 Artois ..... 
 
 520 
 
 Bourgogne ..... 
 Cambis ..... 
 
 520 
 680 
 
 Volontaires Etrangers 
 
 680 
 
 Compagnies D(5tach^es 
 
 1000 
 
 Gunners ..... 
 
 120 
 
 3520 
 
 There was an overwhelming superiority on the side of the attack, demonstrating the 
 value of fortifications, which in this case were neither well placed nor substantial. 
 
 ^ The complement of the four smaller ships have been estimated.
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 There was great caution displayed by the British leaders in carrying out their 
 careful preparations. The site of the camp was the same as in 1745. It was 
 now strongly entrenched. Blockhouses or other protective works were erected : 
 three on the west side, another to the north, and a fifth on the Mir6 road, 
 beyond which was placed the camp of the Rangers. These works were to 
 protect the army from the attacks of the Indians and irregulars, and to prevent 
 such disturbance as had befallen other British commanders in American warfare. 
 Similar works, three in number, were placed on the other side of the camp, to 
 guard against operations from the town, and to make secure a way to the site 
 of the batteries for its bombardment. 
 
 Louisbourg was open to attack from both land and sea ; on the latter side, 
 success involved the destruction of the Island Battery, and the men-of-war in 
 the port. It may be recalled that Warren strongly expressed the opinion that 
 it would be madness, even when there were no ships in the port, to attempt to 
 force a passage past the Island Battery. It follows that, until this battery and the 
 French ships were reduced to defensive inefficiency, the function of Boscawen's 
 fleet was that of an adjunct to the land forces." 
 
 When, however, a way into the port was made clear, or, by a desperate 
 coup de main, it was forced, the town, scantily protected on this side, was doomed, 
 without one shot having been fired against its walls. Equally, a destruction of 
 its land defences would place the men-of-war in the harbour in a cul-de-sac 
 between the guns of the conquered town, the batteries which had reduced it, and 
 the hostile fleet waiting at the harbour mouth. It is obvious that carrying on, 
 together, both attacks, would expedite the fall of the fortress, but the only 
 means of attack on the ships, and the Island Battery, was by artillery on the 
 Lighthouse Point. The reports of Hardy's frigates, and the result of a night 
 expedition sent on June 2 to discover the enemy's strength to the eastward, gave 
 Amherst reason to believe that the landing-places were then occupied, and that 
 
 ' Attention is directed to the large map of the siege operations. 
 ' For its great importance sec Logs of the Fleet, Wood, Champlain Society. 
 
 264
 
 1758 PREPARATIONS FOR ATTACK 265 
 
 to some degree, on a landing on that side, the attack on the Coromandiere would 
 have to be repeated. 
 
 Not only was there this operation to face, but when hostilities actually 
 began, there were five men-of-war and one frigate in the port to supplement the 
 land defences of the French. These ships of the line mounted twice as many 
 guns as the shore batteries. Their crews, if fully manned,^ equalled three- 
 quarters of the troops and militia. Their mobility added greatly to their 
 powers of offence. Boscawen's and Hardy's ships kept them, it is true, in the 
 harbour, but it afforded safe anchorage for the largest of them within four or 
 five hundred yards of the places on the shore where any effective batteries could 
 be erected. The power of the ships to impede the siege operations was fully 
 recognized by the British,- but that power of the fleet was minimized by the 
 independence of its commodore. The regulations of his service made necessary 
 the Governor's permission for him to leave port. He had to consult with 
 Drucour, but in other respects he disposed of his ships at his discretion. 
 
 The weather continued bad,' and there was great delay in landing materials. 
 It was the i6th before a moderate reserve of twelve days' provisions was landed, 
 and no heavy artillery had yet been put on shore. On the nth some 6-lb. 
 guns were landed ; on the i8th the first 24-lb. gun ; as late as the 3rd of July 
 we find in Boscawen's journal that they were still landing stores, so that it was 
 a month before all the materials and guns were transferred from the ships and 
 transports to various points on the shore. 
 
 These preliminary works of encampment and defence seemed so important 
 to Amherst that he did not, until the 17th, personally look over the ground. 
 He, then, accompanied by Bastide and McKellar, chief and second engineers, and 
 Williamson, in command of the artillery, rode out toward the citadel.* The 
 tone of Amherst's remarks indicates that he was not entirely in accord with 
 Bastide, who, Amherst says, "was determined in his opinion of making 
 approaches by the Green Hill, and confining the destruction of the ships in the 
 harbour to the Lighthouse Point and the batteries on the side." ^ 
 
 In the meantime operations had been begun under the command of Wolfe. 
 The first deserters, a sergeant and four men of the Volontaires Etrangers, came 
 in on the loth, and with false information as to the spirit of their regiment, told 
 the truth in informing Amherst that the detachments to the eastward had been 
 called in, and the Grand and the Lighthouse Batteries destroyed. This 
 
 ' There was, however, much sickness among their men, and in some cases at least they were below their full 
 complement. 
 
 - "The opinion of most people here, sea and land, who had a terrible notion of their broadsides " (Wolfe Hist. MSS. 
 Com. ix. p. 76). ^ See logs of ships for weather conditions. 
 
 ■* The ground was familiar from 1-45 to Bastide, who since then had served at Port Mahon. 
 
 * Amherst to Pitt, June 23, CO. 5/53.
 
 266 WOLFE AT THE LIGHTHOUSE 1758 
 
 determined the place at which to begin. Four hundred Rangers, as an advanced 
 guard, started at two in the morning of June 12. Wolfe, with his force, 1220 
 men drawn from all the regiments, and four grenadier companies,' in light 
 marching order," set out at five. 
 
 The weather favoured them. They marched round the harbour in a fog 
 so thick that they could not see the men-of-war, although they were so near 
 that they " heard very plain the noise they made on Board in the course of their 
 duty." Unseen and unheard by the ships, they escaped cannonade, and by the 
 late afternoon had visited Lorembec and made two encampments, one under 
 Major Ross at the head of the North East Harbour, and another, the main 
 camp, under Wolfe by the Lighthouse.' They found in the French camps the 
 tents still standing, the cannon useless, and a considerable quantity of tools. 
 They opened the entrenchments so that the artillery, which was being sent by 
 sea to the camp, could be landed. While these things were being done, the 
 Rangers returned to the main camp. It was found when the Island Battery 
 opened fire on them the next morning (13th) that it reached Wolfe's camp 
 which was, therefore, moved back to a place of more security, and the work of 
 making roads to the sites selected for batteries was vigorously pushed on. Wolfe 
 was now, for the first time, in command. His orders show the vigour of his 
 actions, the care he took not only of the health but of the comfort of his men, 
 his judiciousness not only in equalizing duties but in the rewards of rum and 
 fresh fish he gave to those who had worked hard. Their tone inspired his men, 
 and his reputation for fearlessness and activity soon spread from this detachment, 
 not only throughout the army but even to the French. 
 
 The latter had been busy on their side with results which made a greater 
 show than those of the English. The latest landed companies of Cambis 
 arrived in the town on the 8th. DuchafFault was warned, by an express 
 overland, not to attempt to gain Louisbourg. Hardy had taken his position, 
 on the loth, close to the harbour-mouth to prevent any vessels slipping out, 
 but the Bizarre to Quebec, and the Comete carrying news to France, successfully 
 eluded him. The Etho^ which sailed on the 13th was, however, pursued and 
 captured. 
 
 Drucour's forces and materials were complete. It was his duty with them 
 to save the town, or at worst to delay its capture to the latest possible day. 
 He had made the repulse of landing the vital element of his defence ; when 
 it failed he felt the town was lost. 
 
 Those of Otway's, Hopson's, Lascelles', and Warburton's. ^ " The officers must be content with soldiers' tents." 
 
 ' A few shot were firei! on them from the Island Battery.
 
 1758 DRUCOUR'S DISCOURAGEMENT 267 
 
 " This unfortunate occurrence which we had hoped to overcome, casts dismay and 
 sorrow over all our spirits, with every reason, for it decides the loss of the colony ; the 
 fortifications are bad, the walls are in ruins and fall down of themselves, the outer defences 
 consist only in a single covered way which, like the main works, is open and enfiladed 
 throughout its length ; everything predicts a speedy surrender. What a loss to the State 
 after the enormous expenses made by the King for Isle Royale since 1755 ! " 
 
 "Cet ^venement malheureux qu'on espdroit surmonter jette de la consternation et 
 de la tristesse dans tous les esprits, avec d'autant plus de fondement qu'il d&ide de la perte 
 de la colonic, le corps de la place est mauvais, les murs sont en ruines qui tombent d'eux- 
 memes, les fortifications extcrieures ne consistent que dans un simple chemin couvert qui 
 est donnd et enfild de partout ainsi que le corps de la place, tout annonce une rddition 
 prochaine. Quelle perte pour I'Etat aprcs les ddpenses immenses que le Roy a faites pour 
 risle Royale depuis 1755 !" 
 
 At five the next morning (9th) a council was held at the Governor's 
 house. Its members were the officers of the place, of the Battalions, and of 
 the principal ships. Des Gouttes, the Commodore, demanded permission to 
 take his ships out of the port as they were of little use. He said that his 
 action was founded on the repeated demands of his Captains, made to him 
 in writing.^ Des Houli^res and Prevost were the only land officers who, at 
 the council, sided with Des Gouttes and his Captains. The result of the 
 council was that the ships were to remain and hold the harbour against 
 Boscawen.^ Most of the opinions were like Drucour's, that the place was 
 doomed. D'Anthonay alone said that, notwithstanding its bad condition it 
 might be saved.^ 
 
 With such a spirit the defence began, but while hopeless, the efforts of 
 the French did not lack vigour. Five companies of Rangers were formed 
 from the townspeople. The demolition of buildings and of the limekiln near 
 the Dauphin Gate was carried on, skirmishes took place, and three officers, 
 the seniors of whom were the two Villejouins, were sent with a dozen soldiers 
 and seventy Acadians to the Mire, to join sixty Acadians who had arrived 
 there from Isle St. Jean. They had orders to remain in the woods and harass 
 the enemy. A sally of three hundred men was made on the 13th, which, 
 although repulsed, did some damage. After false alarms on the night of the 
 14th, based on a report that the enemy was marching in three columns on 
 the town, Vauquelin anchored the frigate Arethuse broadside to the Barachois 
 to rake the enemy should it appear within range.'' In this position she 
 
 ' Tourville, of the Caprkieux, says that Des fimittes asked for their opinions at a preliminary meeting, in writing 
 and at once, " par 6crit et prccipitamment." 
 
 2 There can be no question of the soundness of this view. The Island Battery was made almost useless by the 25th 
 of June. Had Des Gouttes and his ships gone out, Boscawen would have come in and destroyed the town at once. It 
 was approved at headquarters. A.N. B, vol. 107. 
 
 2 These letters are at the end of Drucour's Journal, A.N. Am., du N., vol. 10, Prise de Louisbourg. 
 
 ■* His position is marked by an anchor on Plan I.
 
 268 WOLFE'S BATTERIES OPEN FIRE 1758 
 
 commanded, through a depression in the land, a wide extent of the ground 
 over which any advance against the town had to be made. 
 
 Further efforts at defence were completed by work on the walls, the 
 establishment of shelters to prevent the raking of them, the necessity for 
 which had been pointed out by Drucour, and much of the powder was 
 removed from the citadel to the ice-house and limekilns outside the eastern 
 walls. These buildings were protected by hogsheads of tobacco "that was 
 in great plenty in Louisbourg, from the English prizes, brought there by the 
 French privateers (Johnstone)." ' 
 
 Wolfe continued work at his roads and batteries, being supplied with 
 guns and materials, by sea, in boats and lighters. These were protected by 
 a frigate and sloop, which were attacked by an armed chaloupe, with two 
 24-lb. guns, which did not interrupt the work, although it caused some damage 
 to the nearest frigate (14th). The work was pushed on, but it was not until the 
 nitrht of the i9th-20th that fire was opened. The reputation of the French 
 army made the besiegers act with caution. Sentinels were posted to overlook 
 the harbour. The troops were cautioned against surprise. Although Wolfe 
 stated in his orders that he thought an attack was scarcely possible, when he 
 was ready to open fire, a plan of defence against a boat attack had been 
 perfected. A strong detachment was moved out from the main camp, the 
 Rangers occupied the ground between it and Ross's post, at the head of the 
 North East Harbour, and a system of signals and bonfires was arranged, 
 not only to give warning, but to deceive the enemy as to the strength of the 
 position. The fire of Wolfe's batteries was brisk, and as briskly returned by 
 the Island Battery and ships. Ross's post was strengthened by guns on the 
 shore, Wolfe's at the Lighthouse was added to, and under fire from the ships 
 a new battery was begun at the head of the harbour (June 23). They were 
 too distant from each other to do damage, and two new batteries were later 
 erected, which, firing over the Grand Battery, reached the shipping. \Volfe's 
 works had now covered much more than half way round the harbour from 
 the Lighthouse. Its batteries kept up a fire on the island, which on the 25th 
 seemed much shattered. The besiegers surmised rightly, from its firing only 
 shells after four on that afternoon, that its guns pointed towards the active 
 enemy were disabled, so the British fire on it was reduced to an occasional 
 shell for the purpose of retarding the work of reconstruction. 
 
 The battery at Rochefort Point was used to supply its place, and the 
 men-of-war fired constantly, but with little effect. The engineers of the town 
 did their best to make repairs to these most important guns on the island. 
 
 ' So large was this nuantity that notwithstanding its free use as protection for the men-of-war and buildings, after the 
 capitulation Amherst sold a part of what was found in the town for ;f 1500. Amherst to Pitt, Aug. 30.
 
 jBlack Rock Pt, (^ 
 
 \ 
 
 y 
 
 \> 
 
 < 
 
 ^ 
 
 ATTACK & DEFENCE 
 on JUNE 30th, 1758. 
 
 1 
 
 White Ptr 
 
 A. BienfaUant. 
 
 B. Prudent. 
 
 C. Erltrepreriant. 
 
 D. entire. 
 
 Furlongs O 
 
 Scale of One Mile. 
 234567 
 
 Scale of Cables 
 3 4 5 f' 7 
 
 9 10 
 
 EXPLANATION 
 POSITION OF SHIPS FROM MAY 18th TO JUNE 20th. 
 
 E. CafrUUux. '• Lighthouse Battery of 7 guns 
 
 F. Position of same ships from 20th 
 
 to 30th June. 
 
 G. Unused Royal Battery. 
 
 erected by Wolfe on 19th June. 
 2. Battery to fire on ships erected 
 2 1 St June. 
 
 To face page 268.
 
 1758 WOLFE'S STEADY ADVANCE 269 
 
 A sally was made from the town on the ist of July, and the troops advanced 
 towards the Grand Battery. The engagement was kept up for two hours. 
 Then the French gave ground rapidly, and retreated to the shelter of the 
 outposts, while Wolfe's force, which pursued them closely, had to retire under 
 a heavy fire from the ships and the town. This gave him the advantage of 
 fighting over ground he had already, June 30, intended to occupy. " When 
 the cannon and mortars are placed in battery, the Brigadier proposes to carry 
 one Establishment nearer to the Town, and to take possession of two Eminences 
 not far from the West Gate." ^ 
 
 At dusk, July i, he took possession of the mound he had coveted, and 
 the next day, under heavy fire, his men at this advanced post skirmished with 
 the French from cover, and succeeded in making the redoubt practicable, 
 and carrying on other works, so that on the 5th, a battery of five guns and 
 two mortars opened from this new position. 
 
 Their fire was damaging to the town and the ships. It raked the walls, 
 rising from the Dauphin Gate to the Citadel, and demolished the Cavalier 
 at the Dauphin Bastion, which gratified one of Wolfe's many personal 
 animosities. 
 
 " You know I hold Mr. Knowies in the utmost contempt as an officer, and an engineer 
 and a citizen. He built a useless cavalier upon the Dauphin Bastion which fell to my 
 share to demolish, and we did it effectively in a few hours." ^ 
 
 The new battery damaged the town and the shipping with a fire to 
 which, on account of the elevation, the latter could not successfully reply. 
 The position also enabled Wolfe to send out a detachment every night, to 
 hold the French pickets on the town side of the bridge over the Barachois. 
 As up to this time these were the only operations which had produced the 
 slightest effect against the defence, it is not to be wondered at that Wolfe's 
 celerity became famous. None knew where or when he was to be found, 
 but certain they were that " wherever he goes he carries with him a mortar 
 in one pocket and a 24-pounder in the other." ^ 
 
 For the first four weeks events had not gone badly with the French. 
 The Island Battery, it is true, had been destroyed, but the men-of-war amply 
 protected the harbour. Not a gun, until the last few days, had been fired 
 against the main works, and for a longer period the French were in doubt 
 as to the place, in their defences, where the serious attack would be delivered. 
 The elaborate approaches of the enemy were impeded by the fire of the Ardthuse, 
 
 ^ Wolfe's Orders, June 50. 
 
 - Hist. MSS. Com. ix. p. 76. Knowies, as Governor of Louisbourg, built this work in 1746. 
 
 ' An Authentic Account, June 30. The writer attributes this saying to the " Garrison," which I take to mean 
 the French.
 
 270 DRUCOUR'S TROUBLES WITH IRREGULARS 1758 
 
 until shells and grenades, from a battery erected for the purpose, drove her 
 on July 6 from her position. Even in the camp of the enemy the French 
 condition was not regarded as hopeless. Deserters came into the town with 
 more or less accurate information as to the strength, the movements, and 
 the projects of the force they had left (June 25 and 30). The troops were 
 doing well. Their pickets held the ground beyond the outer works, and 
 engaged in constant skirmishes with the outposts of the enemy. Sorties were 
 made, siege material was brought in or destroyed, and the English harassed 
 in their operations. In this desultory warfare, the soldiery was helped by 
 the town militia, under command of volunteer officers of the garrison, and 
 Daccarette, a merchant of the place.' 
 
 But in other respects Drucour's position was less satisfactory. The 
 elaborate preparations of Amherst to protect his camp indicated how effective 
 would have been a force of irregulars, particularly in the early days before his 
 redoubts and entrenchments were completed. The Indians and Acadians did 
 nothing, however, but capture wandering sailors, and rush, at intervals, a 
 sentinel on outpost duty. News had come in on the 23rd, that Boish^bert, 
 the most famous of Indian leaders, had arrived at Port Toulouse, and from 
 him and his forces much was expected. The Minister had sent to Drucour 
 the Cross of St. Louis, to present to Boish^bert, as a reward for his distinguished 
 services, but he was a dreary and astonishing failure. He who, as a lad, had 
 performed amazing feats of endurance and leadership, had driven back the 
 New England forces at the St. John River, was useless at Louisbourg. 
 
 Further embarrassments were caused by the action of the Abbe Maillard 
 and his Indians. 
 
 "We counted on that in all security (supplies of powder, ball and provisions sent to 
 the Mir6 River for the use of the irregulars). But the Abb^ Maillard, Missionary Priest 
 to the Indians in this Island and Head of the Missions, who was in town the day the 
 English landed at Gabarus, having departed hence on the evening of the same day, out 
 of precaution and care for his person, took with him for greater safety all the Indians who 
 were here at the time ; and presumably he left Louisbourg in the firm belief that within 
 a few days it would fall into the power of the English. At least we must piously think 
 so, because of his conduct, for being accurately informed where the munitions and stores 
 were placed, the Indians who accompanied him, with great care, took away the one and 
 the other. His care should have been to prevent their doing so by his exhortations, the 
 supreme power of a Missionary to the Indians, but once again we assume that he truly 
 believed the colony was lost, nevertheless the number of years during which the King 
 
 1 The elder Daccarette, Michel, was long settled in Louisbourg. His son, also Michel, was born there in 1730, 
 married a daughter of La Borde, the treasurer of the colony, and was more lilcely at twenty-eight to be the leader of the 
 irregulars than his father. The latter was a man of substance and exemplary life, although he had embroiled himself with 
 the Church by marrying his deceased wife's sister, a marriage which was rehabilitated by the Bishop of Quebec under 
 authority of a Bull of Pope Clement XU. Two of his daughters married officers, La Valliirre and Denis.
 
 5) 
 J 
 
 , -^SOUTH WEST /"^^ ^^H 
 
 ' « 40 vjij Battery I., - 
 
 "'<22Rock) I. 
 
 y^' 
 
 
 •Town of 
 kLOU.ISBOURG' 
 
 :<§« 
 
 fShallouf water 
 breaks heavily 
 
 ^Rochfo^d Pt. 
 
 ^ 
 
 /-^ r J 
 
 ^' 
 
 r ^ 
 
 r- 
 
 ^ 
 
 (A.*-, 
 
 / 
 
 r 
 
 > Black Rock Pt. 
 
 Green I. 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 < 
 
 ATTACK 8z: DEFENCE 
 on JULY 3rd, 1758. 
 
 PnrlongR O I 
 I I 
 
 Scale of One MTle 
 ! 3 4 ? 6 7 8 
 
 Scale of Cables 
 3 4 5 f> 7 
 
 9 10 
 
 White Ptf 
 
 A. Bienfaitanr. 
 
 B. PruJent. 
 
 C. Entref'rcnant'X 
 
 D. Celitre I Burned July 21st. 
 
 E. Caftrideux J 
 
 EXPLANATION 
 POSITION OF SHIPS, JULY 2nd 
 
 F. Arethuie. 
 
 3. Battery erected against this frigate. 
 
 G. Works to destroy which batteries 
 
 were erected at 4. 
 
 ARTI6T3 ILLUSTRATORS LTD. 
 
 H. Island Battery destroyed June 151 
 
 1. Wolfe's Battery. 
 
 2. Batteryof 6gunsand a mortar. 
 5. Battery of two heavy mortars. 
 
 To face page 271.
 
 i-sS AND WITH THE NAVAL COMMANDER 271 
 
 has given him a stipend, the favours he has received from him in the form of a pension 
 founded on a benefice, and those conferred on him by the head of the colony, should have 
 been powerful enough to give him the thought that this store, in spite of his opinion, 
 might be of use to his Majesty's service. However this may be, everything was carried 
 off, and the Missionary, with foresight for himself, thought rather of securing abundant 
 provision for his escort, than of the good of the state, and these are the reasons why it has 
 been necessary to re-establish the stores and to have them sent by sea at infinite risk.^ 
 
 " The conduct of the Missionary is remarkable ; not only should he have made every 
 effort to prevent the stores being taken away, but, moreover, ought he not to have 
 remained in the town ? His staying would have meant the Indians remaining also, 
 and they numbered about sixty. ^ 
 
 The effects of the incapacity of these irregulars were negative. The 
 attitude of Des Gouttes and his captains seriously weakened Drucour's defence, 
 and caused him the gravest concern. Throughout his own restrained account, 
 in the tone of his letters to Des Gouttes, in the comments he makes on events 
 as they pass, one feels the serious situation. There breathe through his words 
 the emotions of a man strong enough to be patient under the depression of 
 fighting without hope, and yet not of the uncommon force which can impose 
 his purpose on the unwilling and the backward. 
 
 The view of the possibilities of the ships, already stated (p. 265), is 
 not merely retrospective. Drucour says about the evacuation of the ships : 
 
 "If it is carried out, it would have been as well, had they (the ships) not been here. 
 Instead of that, such splendid floating batteries should have been in constant motion 
 so as to prevent the besiegers establishing their batteries around the harbour and 
 opposite the place." ^ 
 
 English and French accounts agree that the ships kept up a brisk fire ; * 
 it was not effective at any time, and decreased, while that of Wolfe's batteries 
 became more damaging as they gained positions of greater vantage. When 
 the attack was begun the ships ranged in a crescent between the Batterie de 
 la Grave and the Royal Battery. A night's fire from the lighthouse made 
 them move nearer the town. A few days later they came nearer in, and 
 finally on the 2nd of July they took positions so close to the town that in it 
 fell shells which overpassed them. 
 
 "The vessels U Entreprenant and the Celebre have again approached so near the quay 
 that both of them have risen about eight to ten inches higher at low tide, the Prudent 
 is so near the angle of the batterie de la Grave that she is touching ground also." 
 
 They were in water so shallow that three of them were aground. Des 
 Gouttes renewed his request to leave ; proposed once to remain himself and 
 
 ' This was accomplished by one Paris, a pilot of the town. ^ Drucour's Journal, July i. 
 
 ' Drucour's Journal, July i. * MaroUes says he fired 3500 shot from the Celebre,
 
 272 DES GOUTTES' PROPOSALS 1758 
 
 defend the port, ana let Beaussier's four ships sail ; gave orders, without 
 Drucour's consent, to the captains of the Celebre and the Entreprenant to sail 
 at the first favourable opportunity ; and gave only the assistance of a midshipman ' 
 in securing the blocking of the entrance of the port.^ He also prepared for 
 the worst by arranging with his captains a signal on the display of which they 
 should scuttle their ships. 
 
 The climax of his unwillingness and incapacity was reached on the ist 
 of July. Then the captains held with Des Gouttes a council, at which they 
 discussed the evacuation of the ships, and in consequence Des Gouttes gave 
 each of them a formal order to disembark their crews, leaving on board only 
 a guard of twenty-five to thirty men. 
 
 Provost got wind of this before any one in the town. He hastened to 
 Drucour, with whom he found at the moment Des Gouttes, Beaussier of 
 the Entreprenant, and Marolles of the Celebre. Provost addressed the 
 Governor : " Have you asked. Sir, that the crews of the squadron should 
 all land to-day in the town to reinforce your garrison ? " The Governor, 
 surprised, answered that the idea had not as yet occurred to him ; then M. 
 Prevost showed how prejudicial it would be to the King's service and to the 
 safety of the place that these five vessels should be abandoned, and recalling to 
 the memory of these gentlemen to whom the King entrusted their ships, his 
 regulations of 1689, he asked whether they had received up to the present 
 other losses than the death of two officers, a midshipman, two sailors, and a 
 cabin-boy. He represented that with a guard of twenty-five to thirty men in 
 each, of which the enemy might be informed through deserters, he (the enemy) 
 would arrive with barges and carry them off" in the night, and that then the 
 King's own ships would destroy and reduce his town. 
 
 " That rather than abandon them they should be used to destroy the deadly works 
 formed by the enemy and still being formed around the harbour and in the environs of 
 the place. All these reasons decided the officers to return on board their ships. 
 
 "Some remarks should be made on this so extraordinary conduct, first of all, that 
 this evacuation of the ships was founded on a written statement (proces verbal) of these 
 gentlemen made in a council on board the Prudent.^ which written statement Monsieur 
 Beaussier refused to sign to-day mid-day, though he was the moving power in the affair, 
 for the reason that he held in his hand before signing, M. Des Gouttes' order. 
 
 " In the second place that It was probably stipulated in the written statement that 
 the evacuation of the ships should only be executed as a result of the Governor's request 
 in order to have the crews as reinforcements to the garrison and to make sorties on the 
 besiegers. There is a reason to believe that such are the terms of the written statement, 
 since in Monsieur Des Gouttes' order to each vessel the crews are to be so employed j 
 
 ' Four ships were sunk on the 28th and 29th of June, the Apollm, Fidele, Ciivre, and the yi/lt de Saint Malo, 
 and, on the 30th of June, another.
 
 1758 THE CREWS LANDED 273 
 
 however, the Governor did not only not make the request, but he did not know that he 
 was involved in the affair." ^ 
 
 The return to the ships was temporary, for a request to Des Gouttes for 
 150 men to assist in the work of the defence was taken as what must seem a 
 pretext to land the crews. Those of the Caprkieux and the Bienfaisant were 
 sent on shore on the 4th, although, on the 6th, Tourville,^ for whom no work 
 was found on shore, took his crew back on board to fire on Wolfe's new 
 batteries. The crews of the other three ships were withdrawn on the 6th. The 
 orders were in the following form : 
 
 Copy of a Letter found in a Drowned Man's Pocket at Lorembec 
 
 "In the evening of the 27th of June the English bombarded the Squadron, and the 
 Caprtcieux received a small shell on her Forecastle, which notwithstanding every obstacle 
 it mett with, went thro' both decks a lower deck beam, and bursting, sett her on fire, 
 which was with much diiBculty extinguished. As the Danger of the Squadron becomes 
 each Day more evident by the increase of the Enemy's Bomb Batteries, I went immediately 
 to consult the Governor upon the necessary measure to be taken to prevent the ships 
 being blown up, and we determined to bring them as close to the town as we could and 
 to moor them with 4 anchors each, so as to bring Broadsides to bear as much as possible 
 on the passage ; also that their powder should be landed, some kw rounds excepted ; that 
 they should put on shore as much of their Provisions as would subsist their Complement 
 in case they should be totally evacuated with a reserve of 6 weeks for each ship ; that 
 they should each raise Tents in such places as the Governors should appoint for the 
 looping the seamen to be landed for the service of the Garrison : These articles having 
 been well thought and agreed on with the Consent of Mr. Drucour, it is ordered that 
 Mons. Beaussier de I'lsle Capitaine de vaisseau du Roy, Commdnt. of the Entreprenant, 
 shall conform thereto and cause the above orders to be put in execution with all the 
 vigilance & exactness he is capable of." ^ 
 
 It seems probable that the drowned man was one of the executive officers, 
 to whom a copy of Des Gouttes' letter was given officially. 
 
 This happened while the ships were seaworthy, and practically undamaged 
 by the fire against them, for there is mentioned in the Journals that up to this 
 time only one shell had struck the Prudent, on the 29th. The casualties were 
 trifling : from the 19th of June to the 6th of July, two officers, a midshipman, 
 and seven men were all that were killed on these ships.* 
 
 If these actions of Des Gouttes neither raised the indignation of Drucour 
 
 ^ Drucour's Journal, July 2. 
 
 ^ So, Drucour. Tourville does not mention this, though his journal reads as if he were daily on his ship after this date. 
 3 Bell MSS. 
 
 * The number of men put ashore : Prudent, 330 ; Entreprenant, 500 ; Cel'cbre, Capric'teux, Bienfahant, 660. Total,, 
 1490. 
 
 T
 
 274 CONTRAST WITH VAUQUELIN 1758 
 
 high enough to take action against such incapacity, nor even adequately to 
 express it in his account of these events, others were not so reticent. 
 
 "To-day, the fourth of July, the vessels have just confirmed the idea which their 
 unceasing bad manoeuvres had given to all. Can it ever be believed that five pieces of 
 artillery, placed on an eminence, at less than a quarter of a league from the shore, could 
 have obliged M. Desgouttes and his Captains to abandon their ships, leaving in each 
 one a guard with two officers, which were to be relieved every four and twenty hours ? 
 This, however, is the result of the council of war these gentlemen have held and dared 
 even to execute, leaving shamefully their vessels in front of five cannon while they had 
 three hundred to defend them with. ... If these commanders are treated according to 
 the regulations, I believe their heads are in the greatest danger." 
 
 "Aujourd'hui, quatrieme de Juillet, les vaisseaux viennent de confirmer I'idee que les 
 mauvaises manoeuvres qu'ils n'ont cess^ de faire, avoient donnd d'eux a tout le monde. 
 Croira-on jamais que cinq pieces de canon placies a un petit quart de lieue de la mer, 
 sur une montagne, ayent pu obliger Monsieur Degoute [sic] et les capitaines de ses 
 vaisseaux de les abandonner ; ne laissant dans chaque, qu'une garde avec deux officiers, qu'on 
 devoit relever toutes les vingt et quatre heures : c'est cependant le r6sultat du conseil que 
 ces messieurs ont tenu, et qu'ils ont bien os6 ext^cuter, abandonnant honteusement leurs 
 vaisseaux, devant cinq pieces de canon, tandis qu'ils en avoient trois cent quarante, pour 
 les d^fendre. ... Si I'on traite tous ces capitaines selon I'ordonnance, je crois leurs tctes 
 fort hazard^es." ^ 
 
 Johnstone confirms this : — "It is true that all of them (the land forces) had the most 
 sovereign contempt for the sea officers of the French squadron, which contempt their 
 dastardly and base conduct justly merited." ^ 
 
 There was the sharpest of contrasts between the effectiveness of the ships 
 of the line and that of the Arhhuse, a frigate of thirty-six guns, commanded by 
 Vauquelin. The land officers had nothing but praise for him. When he 
 proposed to Drucour, now that he could no longer impede the English attack, 
 that he should escape through their fleet and carry dispatches to France, Des 
 Gouttes, present at the interview, gave his opinion that Vauquelin might still 
 be useful at Louisbourg. To which Vauquelin replied : " Yes, by God, if you 
 will give me one of your men-of-war of the line that are laid up doing nothing, 
 you will see that I will do much more yet than I have done hitherto with 
 the frigate." ' 
 
 After the first days of July, Drucour's defence was weakened while the 
 vigour of the attack increased. The advantages of Wolfe's new position have 
 been pointed out. The first batteries brought into action were one of six 
 guns, another of two mortars, specially directed against the Arethuse. This 
 
 > Arch. Nat. B*, vol. 80, f. 82. 
 
 * Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. 2nd Series, Tourville says Des Gouttes' view w.ts that seeing the ships coulil not 
 silence Wolfe's batteries, it would save life to employ their crews on shore, to which Drucour consented (July 3). 
 Tourville received orders at 1 1 p.m. He saw to his anchors and landed his crew. 
 
 ' MS. relatifs 4 la Nouvelle, France, vol. 3, p. 480. See Appendix for biographical details on Vauquelin.
 
 1758 DAMAGE TO THE TOWN 275 
 
 made her position untenable, and on the 6th she withdrew. The testimony as 
 to the result of her guns is unanimous. She had, although under-manned, 
 seriously impeded the advances of the besiegers.^ An elaborate and costly 
 epaulement " about a quarter of a mile long, nine feet high and sixteen feet 
 broad," had been erected to protect the workers from her fire. When she 
 was driven away work was carried on more rapidly, so that by the loth Wolfe 
 had completed a line of batteries from behind the Grand Battery to the slopes 
 above the Barachois. His admirers, contrasting his activity with the slowness 
 of the other Commanders, hoped that the most startling proof possible of his 
 superiority as a leader might be given : 
 
 "... he is very Alert, Lives as his soldiers and Acts with such Vigour that it is 
 Expected by many that he will make a Breach at ye West Gate in a few days and Desire 
 the Generals on ye Right to walk in."^ 
 
 Notwithstanding the protection given to the French ships by cables, 
 tobacco, and other materials, they were pierced by the nearer guns and began 
 to suffer. 
 
 On the 6th, the city was damaged from the shells thrown into it. The 
 besiegers took as marks the spires of the principal buildings. One shell fell 
 in the courtyard of the citadel, another in the ditch, and just before the fire 
 slackened for the night, another exploded in the crowded hospital, killing the 
 surgeon of the Volontaires Etrangers, and dangerously wounding two of the 
 Freres de la Charite. Drucour, the next morning, sent a letter to Amherst 
 proposing to set apart a place for the sick and wounded, which would not be 
 fired on. An answer was not returned until the evening, as Amherst sent for 
 Boscawen before replying. It was to the effect, as there seemed no place 
 within the town where they might be secure, that under certain somewhat 
 stringent conditions the sick should be placed on Battery Island, on one of the 
 French men-of-war detached from the fleet, and anchored in the upper part 
 of the harbour, or placed among Boscawen's fleet outside. Drucour felt that he 
 could not accept this offer. The buildings which might have been used on 
 Battery Island were in ruins, and to detach a ship, as an hospital, would 
 apparently weaken their naval force. His own view was that the ship was 
 useless as she was, but that this could not be thought possible by the EngHsh 
 commanders. So the civilians, nearly four thousand in number, the soldiers off 
 duty, the sick and the wounded, as well as the combatants, all in a town, the 
 area of which was about 600 yards in one direction, and about 400 across, 
 Jiad to undergo the fire of the besiegers from the lighthouse, which reached 
 
 1 Vauquelin kept a man at the masthead to give directions to his gunners. 
 - An account of the expedition, etc., B.M. Aild. MSS. 11,813.
 
 276 A SLOW ADVANCE 1758 
 
 as far as the citadel, and from Wolfe's new batteries. In two days, the 6th 
 and 7th, 125 or 130 shells and 60 or 70 shot had fallen in the town. The 
 purpose of the enemy seemed in the early days of the bombardment rather to 
 destroy the buildings of the town than its defence.' 
 
 This communication was not the first which had passed between the 
 commanders. No summons to surrender had been sent, but early in the siege, 
 choosing a way which would give most information to the messenger bearing 
 a flag of truce, says the observant Tourville, Amherst sent a polite note to the 
 Governor, and a present of two pineapples to Madame Drucour. An equally 
 polite note was returned, and Drucour again displayed his lavishness by sending 
 back some bottles of champagne (June 17 and 18). This promptly brought 
 back again more pineapples, one at least of which was not good (Tourville). 
 The present in return included some fresh butter, which indicates that the 
 ordinary activities of life in the town had not been entirely suspended. Inquiries 
 and replies as to the missing officers taken prisoners at the landing had been 
 exchanged ; effects had been sent to them ; and never, said one diarist, was war 
 carried on with more courtesy. 
 
 During a truce many officers talked together. 
 
 " The Sieur Joubert, Captain of a Company of Volunteers while the drummer was in 
 camp, was visited at the Barachois, by an English lady, whom he thinks is his cousin, three 
 officers introduced lier to him, they offered him refreshment, he thanked them and made 
 the same offer ; the lady asked for permission to pick a salad, this was accorded her " 
 (Anon., July 6-7).- 
 
 The slowness with which the town was invested surprised the French. 
 They thought the army was deficient in good troops, as so long a time was 
 spent in fortifying their camp and making roads. " The sluggishness (indolence) 
 of the English General in approaching the city makes me think he expects 
 reinforcements." This was the opinion of Tourville on June 22. The engineer, 
 Poilly, ten days later speaks of the slowness of their approach as exhibiting a 
 prudence beyond bounds (" Nous fait montrer d'une prudence plus que mesur^e "). 
 
 These are indications that this was owing to divided counsels. There was 
 obviously a difference of opinion between Amherst and Bastide later than that 
 on the 17th. Amherst again writes on the 24th :^ "Colonel Bastide remained 
 
 ' As Amherst gave orders on July I2 to fire at the fortifications rather than the buildings, it is probable that this 
 view of the French is correct. 
 
 ^ Jouben's relationship with the English lady must have been through some European connection. He was one 
 of the French officers who came to Isle Royale in 1750, after service in the regiments of Picardie and Grassin. He 
 served in the old war in Bohemia, Bavaria, in the Rhine, and in Flanders ; received many wounds ; carried a ball from 
 Raucoui, which could not be extracted, and at Langenfield was galloped over by the enemy's cavalry. He, some thought, 
 should have commanded the irregulars instead of Boishebert. He served in the Windward Islands as IVlajor in 1760, 
 and was made Governor of Marie Galante in 1763. 
 
 » Letter of July 6, CO. 5/55.
 
 1758 NEVER DECISIVELY CHECKED 277 
 
 fixed in his opinion of advancing by Green Hill." The first work was pushed 
 in this direction until about the 14th of July, when batteries were traced out on 
 the shore, between Cap Noir, still in the French possession, and the English 
 redoubt which had been begun on the ist. It would, therefore, appear that the 
 elaborate epaulement, to cover the depression which was open to the Arethuse, 
 was not necessary ; nor were the trenches in the vicinity, for the attack was not 
 made by Green Hill. Even if there had not been a change of plan, work, 
 which in any case must have been slow, was drawn out by the adoption of 
 European methods in road-making. " Instead of laying hurdles and fascines 
 on the surface of this swamp the sod had been pared away injudiciously, which 
 caused a miserable waste of time and materials." Boscawen's cart' was not 
 apparently used, nor were sledges such as colonists employed to bring up their 
 heavy guns in 1745. The expedients possible to those familiar with the country 
 were not suggested, for smallpox ravaged the New England carpenters, the loss 
 of whom Amherst regrets.^ 
 
 Notwithstanding delays, the advance was steady, and no position once 
 gained was afterwards lost. On the 9th, a sortie in force was made from the 
 town to check the English advance on the right. Seven hundred and twenty- 
 four men, under the command of Marin, Lieut.-Col. of Bourgogne, divided 
 into two parties, left the town about midnight and advanced along the shore. 
 They surprised the advance post of the English, who were asleep or careless, 
 carried this with the bayonet, and followed the fugitives to the second line, where 
 they found a detachment drawn up to receive their charge. The English broke 
 under it, and left Marin in possession. 
 
 The workmen he brought with him, began to demolish the entrenchment. 
 The alarm was now a general one, supports came up from a detachment of the 
 15th near at hand, daylight was near, and Marin accomplished little in the way 
 of destruction, but led his forces back to the town in good order, bringing with 
 him two officers and twenty-eight grenadiers as prisoners. The accounts of this 
 sortie differ.^ 
 
 ^ Wolfe's orders mention on the 7th "a machine lately provided for that purpose," i.e, drawing guns from the Mire 
 road to his battery. 
 
 2 ^'Colonel Messervy and his son both died this day, and of his company of carpenters of 108 men, all but 16 in the 
 smallpox, who are nurses to the sick, this particularly unlucky at this time" (Amherst to Pitt, June 28, CO. 5/53). 
 Knap says the Colonel's son, John, was buried on June 29. 
 
 ^ It was stated that a good many of the French had been drinking. The French loss was 50/60 men and 2 officers. 
 It seems certain that time was lost, and although all nocturnal movements are difficult, the alarm was the sooner spread 
 to the British supports by the French having fired on the retreating foe, instead of having pursued them with the bayonet. 
 Drucour's account is the most favourable to Marin and his men. Amherst admits that his men were taken by surprise, 
 but claims that the result was not important. 
 
 The casualties in this sortie on the English side were. Lord Dundonald killed j a Lieutenant of the 17th and 
 Capt. Bontein of the Engineers taken ; 4 men killed, 12 missing, and 17 wounded (Amherst). 
 
 The French loss was 50 or 60 men killed, and 2 officers (Drucour). Other figures are given in difl^erent journals. 
 
 Lord Dundonald, the 7th Earl, was born at Paisley in 1729, served in the Scots regiment in the service of Holland
 
 278 VAUQUELIN ESCAPES 1758 
 
 The French tried to check the main attack. Small guns were erected at 
 Cap Noir, and new cannon brought into position on the Queen's Bastion. The 
 range was so long that their fire could not be effective. The condition of the 
 walls was so bad that Poilly said that the fire of their own cannon would make 
 in their own walls a breach for the English ; but to his superiors the need of 
 replying, even ineffectively, to the attack seemed so urgent, that he was as one 
 crying in the wilderness. The progress of the besiegers, which was satisfactory 
 to them, and discouraging to Drucour, was still that of the left attack. New 
 batteries were established, and bombs were thrown into the town, some days 
 numbering as many as a hundred and twenty or thirty. The enemy carried 
 stores from the eastern shore of the harbour to the Royal Battery unmolested by 
 the ships. Their supineness made Drucour fear it would suggest to the 
 English a project for cutting them out.^ Fire was reopened on the Island 
 Battery, and its wretched garrison had to seek shelter among the rocks, unable 
 to defend themselves. On the night of the 15th the Arethuse, having been 
 repaired, slipped out of the harbour, was seen by the watchers of the Lighthouse, 
 who gave signals to Hardy's fleet, which unsuccessfully pursued her. 
 
 Wolfe's account of this episode is worth quoting, as an illustration of the 
 power of the point of view. After saying that he had often been in much pain 
 for Hardy's squadron in the rough weather it encountered, he goes on : "a 
 frigate found means to get out and is gone to Europe charge de fanfaronnades. I 
 had the satisfaction of putting two or three haut-vitzer shells into his stern, and 
 to shatter him a little with some of your lordship's 24 pound shot, before he 
 retreated, and I much question whether he will hold out the voyage." * 
 When one knows that Vauquelin had impeded the progress of the siege for at 
 least a fortnight, that Wolfe had erected a mortar battery for the purpose of 
 dislodging him, that Vauquelin was a gallant man and a skilful sailor, Wolfe's 
 reference to his escape shows a less generous spirit than that of Boscawen.^ 
 
 The French, uninspired by any success of moment, disheartened by the 
 ineffectiveness of the ships, and by the prompt restoration of the damage their 
 guns inflicted on the works of the British, toiled on at a task which was 
 patently hopeless. The discouragement shows at length in Drucour's Journal. 
 On the 13th he writes : 
 
 " The garrison becomes weaker from day to day, the ordinary fate of that of a besieged 
 town, but this is an uncommon and special plight, it has no secure shelter for rest, so he:e 
 
 returned to Scotland, and, after 1753, joined the 17th Regiment, and with it went to America in 1757, wintered there, 
 and was Captain of the Grenadier Company of Forbes at the time of his death. (From notes for a history of the 
 Cochrane family by Mrs. Parlccr). 
 
 ' July 12. 
 
 ' Hist. MSS. Com. ix. This was as bad a prophecy as Wolfe's at Halifax. The Arithuic made an extraordinarily 
 rapid voyage, notwithstanding her condition. ' See Chap. XV,
 
 1758 
 
 ADVANCED BATTERIES 
 
 279 
 
 the soldier who is on duty by day passes the night in the open, on the ramparts or in the 
 covered way. He is overcome with weariness, nevertheless always shows good will which 
 delights, but he cannot hold out. We estimate to-day a diminution of a quarter of the 
 troops compared with the day of the landing." 
 
 His weariness shows in this, for on the next page of his Journal he states 
 the loss, which is one-third.^ 
 
 A further step was made in advance on the i6th. Towards evening the 
 French picket at the Barachois bridge was driven in. In the night, a body of 
 troops massed just beyond it, rushed the position, entrenched themselves, and 
 held the ground against a belated fire from the ramparts. This gave them a 
 position about 200 yds. from the Dauphin Gate, which they held under the 
 heavy fire of the walls. The trenches were extended, preparations for a new 
 battery were made,^ although the loss in officers and men was heavy. The spur 
 was silenced, the Cavalier damaged, and the fire from the ships was much 
 slackened. From the 19th of June, when fire from the Lighthouse began, to 
 the 1 6th of July, Wolfe had extended batteries from the former point to ever 
 closer quarters, and his men were at the latter time holding a position within 
 250 yards of the walls. The forces he had at his disposal were not great, 
 apparently never more than 2000 men. Amherst had apparently overruled 
 Bastide. The main attack was erecting batteries which had not yet fired a gun, 
 the nearest of which was more than three times as far away from the walls as 
 Wolfe's advanced position. When the first of the batteries of the main attack 
 were ready, a day or two later, their fire was directed against the Queen's 
 Bastion and the southern side of the Citadel, from which it was separated by 
 ground most difficult for troops to cross. Therefore, even if a breach had been 
 made in that part of the walls, it would have been practically useless for assault. 
 The fire of cannon and musketry from the walls was very hot. Officers and 
 men in the trenches constantly fell before it,^ and it was vigorously returned 
 from the batteries above the Barachois. These mounted 16 guns and 2 
 mortars.^ The French heard the enemy at work, fired on them, and longed for 
 
 ^ On the 13th the muster was : 
 
 Artois ........ 250 
 
 Bourgogne ....... 300 
 
 Cambise ........ 300 
 
 Volontaires Etrangers ..... 300 
 
 Colony ........ 400 
 
 Grenadiers ....... 200 
 
 Militia ........ 300 
 
 Battery Island ....... 150 
 
 Out of 3080 on June 8. 
 A battery of heavy guns on the I7lh. 
 
 The loss in killed and wounded up to the 12th : 
 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Soldiers 
 
 Artois . 
 
 7 
 
 27 
 
 Bourgogne . . 
 
 6 
 
 55 
 
 Cambise 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 Volontaires Etrangers 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 Colony Troops 
 
 4 
 
 51 
 
 Civilians 
 
 
 
 * Drucour sa\ 
 
 22 156 
 
 " 18 officers and men killed in trenches in 48 hours." 
 i 4 mortars. 
 
 26 
 
 26
 
 28o THE BURNING OF THE SHIPS 1758 
 
 a ship in the position of the Arethuse from which the enemy in their trenches 
 would have been uncovered down to their shoes. The ships remained as they 
 were, firing occasionally, but with direction so bad that on the i8th their grape 
 fell among their own men in the covered way. Cartridges began to be scarce, 
 also balls for their 24-lb. guns. Iron scraps were used in the mortars, English 
 shot were picked up and fired back. Houses had to be torn down for wood to 
 repair fortifications, and such work had to be carried on under a fire which 
 swept not only the defences, but the streets of the town. The work of repairs 
 and the fire of the town were kept up with spirit. A lieutenant, and a handful 
 of men of the Volontaires Etrangers, seized an outpost in front of the trenches, 
 and held it all the afternoon of the 19th, until at nightfall they were given 
 orders to come in — a gallant feat, but, like all that the garrison had done, of no 
 avail. Amherst had not only his army, but the crews of the ships to draw on. 
 As the fire drew nearer, and became more accurate, it the more incommoded the 
 town. It was concentrated on the Citadel between eleven and two, when the 
 whole garrison assembled there for dinner. 
 
 Des Gouttes was being roused from his torpor as far as to make a promise. 
 He had arranged for the Bienfahant and another ship to move out so that 
 they could fire on the advance works, to prepare for and support a sortie of 
 1500 men in the early hours of the 21st. He failed to keep his word for that 
 night, but promised again for the 22nd. In the early afternoon of the 2ist, a 
 shot struck the poop of the Celebre, which set off some cartridges stored there. 
 The fire caught her mizzen mast, and the score of men on board were unable to 
 check it. She swung so that sparks from her caught aft on the Entreprenant. 
 While her men were working at this blaze, fire had been smouldering on her 
 bowsprit. It broke out freely in a quarter of an hour, and she in turn set fire 
 to the Capricieux, unable to move. The Prudent escaped, for she was to wind- 
 ward, the Rienfaisant by swinging on her cable. The enemy poured their 
 heaviest fire on the ships, and on the boats plying between them and the town. 
 The French speak quite calmly of this as an ordinary incident in warfare. It 
 impressed more deeply some of the enemy. Gordon says, " in short, to 
 humanity tho' an enemy, the scene was very shocking." Hamilton saw both 
 sides of such occurrences and thus comments on them in his Journal : 
 
 " About I A.M. (.?) as I was patroling the heights in the neighborhood of the Camp over- 
 looking the Town and harbour, I perceived a thick column of smoke and presently a great 
 explosion announced some fatal accident, this proceeded from the accident, as I afterwards 
 heard, of a shot from one of our batteries firing the powder magazine on board one of the 
 French ships of war in the harbour. I was soon joined by some stragglers, among others 
 our Chaplain, who highly enjoyed the scene, confounded the French &c. On our return 
 to camp a great smoke arose from that part of the encampment where our Regiment lay. —
 
 JL 
 
 ^^■^ 
 
 tmw 
 
 
 /7 '^"^=0 
 
 
 
 / f.^"^ " 
 
 (/- 40 
 
 65 
 
 ^ y 
 
 ' ^ -^ 
 
 55 
 
 y/ 
 
 f^ ^ -^SOUTH WEST 
 
 (^ ^ Battery 
 
 "5 w''^ 
 
 7 
 
 
 (i^ 
 
 /' A ^ft ' ^ 3S /== J' lO 
 
 'io ^ -^ == jj C^_^ =0 = breaks heavily 
 
 
 '-; . B^ . .0 - 
 
 A 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ^.ii^^^Rochford Pt. 
 
 ~30 Ps,, 
 
 -^ 
 
 ouse Pt. 
 
 Pi, 
 
 ^ 
 
 ■'•Town 
 ,'LOU 
 
 of 
 SBOURG ' 
 
 "■'>*} 
 
 A'' 
 
 rv 
 
 i3. 
 
 9 
 
 »Black Rock Pt. 
 
 Green I. ^ 
 
 r ^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^^6N 
 
 ^L. 
 
 / 
 
 < 
 
 / 
 
 I. 
 
 V 
 
 ATTACK & DEFENCE 
 on JULY 27th, 1758. 
 
 White Ptr 
 
 Scale of One Mile. 
 
 Furlongs OI2345678 
 I 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 I 
 
 Scale of CabJes 
 01234567 89 10 
 
 A. Biinfahant, captured 25th July. 
 
 B. Prudent^ burned 25th July. 
 
 AHTlSre U.LU3TRAT0n3 LTD. 
 
 EXPLANATION 
 
 1. Battery 6 guns, 22nd July. j. Battery of 4 guns only used on July 26th. 
 
 2. Battery mortars. 4, 5, 6, 7. Batteries firing on July 22nd. 
 
 To face page 280.
 
 1758 
 
 THE LAST BATTERIES ERECTED 
 
 281 
 
 Oh, Lord, cried an officer, I am afraid our hospital is on fire, what will become of those 
 poor fellows, lame and wounded. The sober divine exclaimed, I am afraid that idle rascal 
 my Cook, has set the hut on fire and my piece of beef will be burnt to ashes. It was not 
 in effect so bad as either." 
 
 The horror of the conflagration was increased by the loaded guns of the 
 ships, as they became hot, going off and taking effect on the other ships, on the 
 boats, and town. The ships made a prodigious blaze all night, and finally drifted 
 with the tide to the Barachois shore, where they lay with their guns and iron- 
 work tumbled into their holds.^ As their flames died down, there must have 
 sunk with them the hopes of the most optimistic of the defenders. The sortie 
 was abandoned, nothing more could be done with exhausted troops than repair 
 works, which before the siege began were known to be faulty in plan and 
 hopelessly bad in condition, and to keep up a fire from their crumbling walls 
 on an enemy with resources so superior that its advance could not be checked 
 by any effort the defenders had made. This was done with spirit. The defection 
 of the navy spurred the garrison to greater efforts and a stalwart endurance. 
 Nor do we find any record of pressure to surrender brought on them by the 
 non-combatants ; indeed, Madame Drucour daily walked the ramparts, and 
 fired three cannons to encourage the troops. 
 
 Thus far the storm which they had endured had been heavy. It now 
 became a tempest. The batteries now on' the 22 nd playing against the 
 town were : 
 
 Left attack, Wolfe's 
 
 Right attack 
 
 G 
 
 un Batteries 
 
 
 fi of 7 
 
 
 I „ 6 
 
 s 
 
 I » 5 
 
 I „ 2 
 
 
 I „ 2 
 
 
 .1 „ 2 
 
 |i „ 8 
 
 
 U » 5 
 
 Weight of Metal. 
 
 Mortar Batteries. 
 
 
 Size of Shell 
 
 32 
 
 and 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 and 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 and 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 I of 2 
 
 
 13 inche 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 I „ 2 
 
 
 8 „ 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 I » 3 
 
 13 
 
 and 10 „ 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 I » 4 
 
 
 8 „ 
 
 Total 
 
 37 
 
 II 
 
 In addition there were great numbers of coehorns, royals, etc.," which during 
 the day were added to by the erection of an advanced battery of four guns, and 
 a mortar battery, which almost drove out the French from the covered way. 
 
 About seven that morning a large shell fell in the barracks to the north of 
 the belfry in the building, which closed, on the town side, the parade ground of 
 the Citadel. It was thought to have done no damage, but about half an hour 
 later a brisk fire broke out in the roof The efforts made to stop it were 
 
 1 Forty-seven guns were afterwards recovered. 
 
 2 Gordon, p. 139.
 
 282 THE FURY OF THE BOMBARDMENT 175? 
 
 unsuccessful, and all except the Governor's apartments at its southern end was 
 destroyed. The English during this fire, which lasted five or six hours, showered 
 bombs and ball with the greatest activity into this area ; nevertheless all the 
 workmen of the garrison and the ship's carpenters gathered there and worked 
 with uncommon courage and energy. Without both these parties the fire would 
 have made greater progress. There was a sad and moving sight during this time. 
 
 "The few casemates are placed in the inner part of the citadel, in them were shut in 
 the ladies and some of the women of the town, and one was kept for wounded officers. 
 There was every reason to fear that the fire would reach the protection which had been 
 placed in front of these casemates, and by the direction of the wind the smoke might stifle 
 the women shut up in them, so that all the women and a great number ofJittle children 
 came out, running to and fro, not knowing where to go in the midst of bombs and balls 
 falling on every side, and among them several wounded officers brought out on stretchers, 
 with no safe place to put them " (Drucour). 
 
 "All the above-mentioned batteries played extremely smart the whole time it lasted" 
 (Gordon). 
 
 The six-gun battery fired 600 balls that day, although three of the guns 
 were dismounted by the fire from the walls, and remounted again. Three times 
 in this wretched day did the wooden barracks in the Queen's Bastion, " as 
 inflammable as a pack of matches," catch fire, and three times they were 
 extinguished. Ail night long bombs, some of them charged with combustibles, 
 were hurled into the town, and at daylight it was worse. The siege at length 
 was conducted with fury. The works were suffering on the left and right, and 
 while shells passed over their heads the soldiers in the covered way and in the 
 trenches exchanged a continued fire of musketry. In the evening the barracks 
 were set on fire beyond control. -Little help was sent in the first hour, and 
 later, only by pulling down the neighbouring huts and a favouring wind, was the 
 fire prevented from spreading to the town. The next day, the 24th, there was 
 no abatement in the bombardment. Deserters who came in to the camp said the 
 townspeople had entreated the Governor to capitulate, and this inspired the 
 artillerymen in the trenches with the hope that the end was near. The Dauphin 
 defences were down, the gunners were driven from the artillery of the Citadel, 
 but they managed to serve a few guns, the fire of which seemed to Drucour 
 more like the minute guns at a funeral than a defence (" Qu'il ressemble plut6t 
 k des honneurs funeraires qu'a une deffense "). 
 
 Part of the English fire was directed against the walls, to make a breach, 
 but the destruction of the town was the main object of the British, it seemed to 
 Drucour (" II paroJt aussi que leur intention n'est pas encore a battre serieuse- 
 ment en brcche, mais auparavent de tuer du monde et d'incendier la vilie "). Fire 
 now seemed concentrated on the hospital and the houses near it, all filled with
 
 1758 LOSS OF THE TWO LAST SHIPS 283 
 
 wounded.' The breaching began seriously on the 25th. Franquet alone, of 
 those who inspected it, thought its result did not yet make an assault practicable. 
 The town was no longer defensible, and scaling ladders were ready in the trenches. 
 The British had seen great pieces of the wall fall into the moat after every 
 successful shot, and meantime the fire of the bombs, as many as 300 in a night, 
 was continued, so that there was not a house in the town which was uninjured. 
 There were only five cannon to reply to this bombardment — two on the wall 
 between the Dauphin Bastion and the Citadel, and three on its northern flank. 
 
 The condition of the town was desperate, but the two battered ships were 
 still in the harbour, and to some degree effective, or with possibilities of effect- 
 iveness. No precautions had, however, been taken to afford them the extra 
 protection needed after the burning of the others. They were now to fall, and 
 with them the last hope of protracting the siege. 
 
 The entrances of the harbour had been reconnoitred by Boscawen's orders, 
 and the report of Balfour, Captain of the Etna fire-ship, being favourable, 
 Boscawen determined to give the navy more special work than supplementing 
 the forces on shore. During the morning of July 25, the larger boats, pinnaces, 
 and barges of both squadrons were manned and armed. Those from the ships 
 in Gabarus Bay went down to Sir Charles Hardy's station off the harbour mouth 
 in small detachments, in order not to attract the attention of the town. The 
 boats were divided in two divisions ; the command of one was given to Balfour 
 of the Etna, and of the other to John Laforey, Commander of the Hunterr 
 
 The night was thick, and the expedition entered the harbour undiscovered. 
 The division under Laforey was directed against the Prudent, which was anchored 
 near the Batterie de la Grave, resting on the ground. The men on board, with 
 the exception of the sentinels, were below decks ; the highest officers were ensigns. 
 The sentinel hailed a boat. A voice from it replied in French that it was from 
 the town, and coming on board. An officer mounted to the deck, saw all clear, 
 called over the side, " Monte \_sic\ cinq ou six hommes." Before the French 
 bluejacket suspected anything, there were two hundred men in possession of 
 the deck. The officers were taken, guards placed on the hatchways, twenty 
 English prisoners released, combustibles placed in the gun-room and at the 
 foot of the masts, ignited, the sentries withdrawn, and the English made off to 
 the north. The few shots that were fired aroused the town. Drucour hurried 
 to the battery, and directed a fire of cannon and musketry on the ships. Within 
 half an hour the midshipmen and the men, some sixty or seventy in number, 
 
 1 Parkman has admirably paraphrased Drucour's account of the effect of this fire on the wounded and their attendants. 
 
 ' John Laforey was the descendant of a French Huguenot family settled in England in the reign of William III. 
 In 174.8 he became a lieutenant, was with Holburne in 1757, at Quebec in 1758, was made a Baronet in 1789, Admiral 
 of the Blue in 1795, and died in 1796.
 
 284 CAPITULATION DISCUSSED 1758 
 
 came ashore. The capture of the Bienfaisant was as expeditiously made. A 
 short conflict took place. Seven of the assailants were killed, nine were wounded, 
 before she was carried. Then she was towed by the boats of the squadron to 
 the head of the harbour, and the port lay open to the British. The anonymous 
 officer of the garrison comments thus on this disastrous event : ' 
 
 " One is at first surprised to see two great ships letting themselves be taken by 
 little boats, but one's astonishment diminishes when one knows that the officers and the 
 crew (equipage) kept themselves hidden in the hold of the ships for fear of blows, that they 
 had only a few men on deck to give warning. I do not undertake to say that all the ships 
 did the same, but this is certain (mais ce qu'il a de silr) that most of them acted in the 
 same wav. It is claimed (on pr(5icnd) that a naval officer is dishonoured when he hides 
 himself a moment in the hold. On this principle what should one think of these gentlemen 
 who were so long hidden there ? The officers on guard on the Prudent and their midshipmen 
 were quartered in the boatswain's storeroom (la fosse aux lions) where they were so safe 
 and comfortable (si en suret<5 et si tranquillcs) that the English were already masters of the 
 ship before they knew anything about it, that there was only one officer got on deck before 
 the English had placed sentinels on the hatchways. The others only came out when they 
 were told to come up and surrender." 
 
 The service of the naval officers on shore was equally condemned. 
 Pollly says : 
 
 "Our batteries entrusted to the naval officers were entirely abandoned, there was in 
 them not even a lighted match (linstock) in readiness. We have received no help from 
 this essential part of our forces. Their reasoning is as hard-hearted as their conduct. I 
 should erase the word. It (their conduct) merits a greater scorn." 
 
 When daylight came the bombardment was resumed. A new battery 
 erected by volunteers, under Gordon, as was the one before this, was brought 
 into play. The senior officers of the town inspected the fortifications, from 
 which only three guns could play on the enemy, and met in council. Franquet 
 held that the breaches were not yet practicable, and after hours of discussion 
 it was decided to ask for a truce, in which terms of capitulation might be 
 discussed. While this was going on, Boscawen was composing a letter to 
 Drucour, directing him to surrender at discretion, acquainting him that he would 
 this night be attacked by sea and land. 
 
 " I went on shore and communicated this Letter to Major General Amherst, who 
 approved of it, and was Sealing the said Letter when a Letter was brought to Us from 
 Monsr. dc Drucour, offering to Capitulate." - 
 
 Loppinot, who, in the glory of a \\<:t\^' position and a new uniform, had been 
 rowed in from the Ttgre, on June 29, 1749, to arrange the preliminaries of the 
 return of Louisbourg to the French, was now, July 26, 1758, worn with the 
 
 ' A.M. Marine, B\ vol. So. 3 Bosciwen's JI.
 
 1758 THE TOWN DELIVERED UP 285 
 
 siege, conducted to the tent of Amherst, to tender Drucour's ofFer of capitula- 
 tion. The reply of the victors was, that Drucour and his garrison, as a pre- 
 liminary to a capitulation, must yield themselves prisoners at discretion, than 
 v/hich no surrender is more humiliating, and that only an hour would be given 
 for their decision.^ Drucour and his council were horrified at such hard terms. 
 D'Anthonay was sent out to endeavour to obtain better. Whitmore, who com- 
 manded in the trenches, refused to let D'Anthonay pass beyond, and would 
 send no message from him to Amherst. The council resolved to stand the 
 storming. While D'Anthonay was in the enemy's lines, the engineers were 
 assembled to arrange some interior entrenchment in case of the place being 
 carried by assault. As, in the defence of Gabarus, no rendezvous for the de- 
 tachment had been arranged, so now no provision for failure had been made, 
 and this new problem had to be faced on the spur of the moment. Franquet 
 was in favour of the Princess Bastion, but it was pointed out to him that it 
 would not hold 1 50 men, and a place was required for the whole garrison. 
 The Brouillan Bastion on the Eastern walls was proposed, and visited, while 
 there they were surrounded by so great a crowd of the townspeople that they 
 could do nothing. D'Anthonay returned from the enemy's lines, unsuccessful, 
 and Loppinot set forth with a letter to say that the town would submit to assault 
 rather than accept the terms offered. Then Prevost presented a memoir to the 
 council. It pointed out the hardships to the people, the discouragement to 
 colonization, the difference between soldiers whose professional duty it was to 
 face horrors, and civilians forced to undergo such terrors as awaited them. 
 His view prevailed. D'Anthonay and Du Vivier overtook Loppinot with 
 powers to capitulate. The news spread through the town. With whatever 
 joy it may have been received by the populace, and the sick and wounded, it 
 enraged and humiliated the troops. The attitude of the officers verged on 
 sedition (" il y eut un mouvement violent parmi Les Officiers de la Garnison 
 qui tendoit a la sedition "). Drucour was blamed for not surrendering two 
 days earlier, when they could have obtained the honours of war, or for sur- 
 rendering now when they could have held out for two days more. The men 
 of Cambis, in rage, broke their muskets and burned their colours." The 
 capitulation was signed, the barriers to the Dauphin Gate were cleared, the 
 bridge repaired. The vaulted roof of its gate rang the next morning to the 
 tread of the advanced guard of the victors, the grenadier companies of the 
 Royals, Hopson's, and Amherst's. At noon, the garrison laid down its arms. 
 It had been "good, brave, and patient," and felt the humiliation to which its 
 men were subjected. 
 
 The terms were hard ; even Wolfe admitted this ; but the taking of 
 
 1 The term was softened to prisoners of war. ' Johnstone and Poilly.
 
 286 IMPORTANCE OF WOLFE 1758 
 
 Louisbourg was the first important success in a war which had begun with 
 Boscawen's high-handed action in 1755. He and Amherst determined to make 
 the most of it, and bring back to Britain not only a long-deferred victory, but 
 a striking one. 
 
 Such was the course of events in this siege. The summing up of its salient 
 features seems necessary to make clearer, than the foregoing narrative, the causes 
 which produced this result. At first sight it appears that the overwhelming 
 superiority of the British in men and material made the result a foregone 
 conclusion. Careful reading of the documents leads to a modification of this 
 opinion. While the fortifications were bad in design and condition, the 
 resistance made by their defenders indicates that had they been seconded by the 
 men-of-war with anything like the fervour of which Vauquelin displayed in fighting 
 his frigate, the difficulties of the British would have been greatly increased.^ 
 
 As the defection of the fleet was not sporadic, although the annals of the 
 French Navy has perhaps no darker page than this, the next chapter deals with 
 this subject at length. There was a fine spirit in the rank and file on both sides. 
 There was on the British the stupendous advantage, rarely enjoyed, of complete 
 harmony between the sea and the land commanders. Boscawen was on shore 
 every day when it was possible to land. His men were drawn on to supplement 
 the land forces, and the handiness and the celerity of the sailors seems to have 
 been marked.^ Whatever were the difficulties of the French, and they were 
 many, it must be evident that no commanding officer on that side displayed the 
 dash, the keenness, the military science of Wolfe, any more than that these 
 qualities were shown by any other officer of high rank on his own side. Amherst 
 stands as a shadow in the background, Whitmore and Lawrence seem to have 
 done nothing but routine duty. Wolfe was the moving spirit of the attack. 
 The table on p. 281 shows how many batteries he had erected, with his small 
 force, compared with the two the right attack had brought into action up to 
 that time, and that table does not include three other batteries, the usefulness of 
 which was then overpast. It was, however, his leap into the surf among his 
 men, his appreciation of their good actions, his tireless activity, that made a 
 spirit almost invincible among the British. Had there been a Wolfe in command 
 of the French, there had been a battle of the Titans. Harsh as are his comments 
 on many of his associates, unlovely as were some aspects of his character, Wolfe 
 was a great leader, and to his presence at Louisbourg the result was largely due. 
 The comments of the diarists indicate that there were in the place men who 
 chafed at what was done, even more at what was left undone, just as a year 
 
 Wolfc'j opinion was : " that, to defend the Isle Royale it is necessary to have a body of four or five thousand men in 
 readiness to march against whatever force of the enemy attempts to land. In short, there must be an army to defend the 
 island. ... We must not trust to the place or to any of those batteries now constructed " (Hist. MSS. Com. ix. p. 76). 
 * The quickness with which they erected batteries was noticed.
 
 3758 HIGH QUALITIES OF DRUCOUR 287 
 
 before Wolfe had been indignant with the incapacity and slowness at Rochefort. 
 It must be admitted that the task at Louisbourg was difficult. Two-thirds of 
 its whole force was required for manning the defences. Their troops had no 
 secure resting-place, and were soon exhausted. The most difficult expeditions 
 to manage are night attacks, and these required a moral which could not be 
 expected from tired men, and yet these sallies were the most effective means of 
 checking the advance. Much of the cannon fire from the walls did far more 
 damage to the walls themselves than to the works of the besiegers. It was 
 exhaustion again which prevented the French from utilizing the mortars they 
 had, against the batteries, after they had once mounted them to protect the 
 harbour. The difficulties which oppressed and overwhelmed Drucour were 
 such as his character ill-fitted him to cope with. The tact, the high-mindedness, 
 the generosity, which made him an admirable head of a naval school, were not 
 the qualities best fitted for the rough work he had to do in Isle Royale. He 
 naturally had no experience in land warfare. He had, indeed, mostly held a 
 shore appointment ; and the engineer, and commandant of the troops, were both 
 dull, and one a cripple. The quality of Drucour's mind, which makes one 
 respect his memory, is his scrupulous fairness. He was Governor ; his reputation 
 was at stake. He states every case fairly, he blames little, he emphasizes every 
 good action, he minimizes every failure in his account of the siege. Rare and 
 worthy of respect as is such a character, it must be admitted that it is not the 
 temper of which successful commanders are made. 
 
 The townspeople merit great praise. We have only the evidence of a 
 deserter to show that they were eager for capitulation before the assault was 
 inevitable and imminent. Daccarette's company, made up of the principal 
 merchants, when the attack was so far advanced that they could no longer 
 skirmish outside, took charge of the battery in the southern flank of the citadel, 
 and served its guns with a brilliancy which surprised and delighted an observer 
 (" ils ont surpris et charme "). Others of the bourgeoisie worked with the 
 garrison in other batteries, undaunted by danger, and displayed the calmness of 
 veterans (" avec autant de tranquillite que I'homme du monde le plus aguerri "'). 
 
 Louisbourg was in extremities when Drucour surrendered. 
 
 " Indeed when our ships came into the Harbour, there was hardly any part of it, which 
 had not the appearance of Distress and Desolation, and presented to our View frequent 
 Pieces of Wrecks, and Remnants of Destruction— Five or Six Ships sunk in one Place with 
 their Mast-Heads peeping out of the Water— the Stranded Hull of Le Prudent on the 
 muddy shoal of the other Side, burned down to the Water's Edge, with a great deal of her 
 Iron and Guns staring us in the Face— Buoys of slipped Anchors bobbing very thick upon 
 the Surface of the Water in the Channel towards the Town— a number of small Craft and 
 
 1 Poilly.
 
 288 
 
 LOSSES OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH 
 
 1758 
 
 Boats towards that Shore, some entirely under Water, others with part of their Masts 
 standing out of it; besides the stranded Hulls, Irons, and Guns of the three Ships 
 burned "on the 2ist upon the Mud towards the Barrassoy — and in the N.E. Harbour little 
 else to be seen but Masts, Yards and Rigging floating up and down^ and Pieces of burned 
 Masts Bowsprits, etc. driven to the Water's Edge, and some parts of the shore edged with 
 Tobacco Leaves out of some of the ships that had been destroyed — the whole a dismal Scene 
 of total Destruction." ' 
 
 If this were the appearance of the harbour with the advantages of its 
 effacing waters, the imagination can picture more vividly, than any written page 
 can convey, the condition of the town. There was great outlay of materials in 
 reaching the final conclusion of the siege. The loss of life was not, however, 
 great : 195 of the British killed, and 363 wounded ; on the French side, accord- 
 ing to De la Houliere, between 700 and 800 killed and wounded.'' 
 
 A compilation of the troops on the eve of hostilities makes the total 3520. 
 The French loss, therefore, was 411. 
 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Soldiers fit 
 for Duty. 
 
 Sick and 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 1 
 
 Total. 
 
 2\ Companies and 2 of Artillery . 
 Artois, and Batt. 
 Bourgognc, 2nd Batt. . 
 Cambis, 2nd Batt. 
 Volontaires Etrangcrs . 
 
 Total Garrison .... 
 Sea officers and seamen 
 
 76 
 
 30 
 
 38 
 38 
 
 746 
 407 
 
 353 
 466 
 
 402 
 
 195 
 
 27 
 
 31 
 
 104 
 
 86 
 
 1017 
 466 
 414 
 608 
 526 
 
 214 
 135 
 
 237+ 
 II24 
 
 443 
 1347 
 
 303« 
 2606 
 
 349 
 
 3498 
 
 1790 
 
 5637 
 
 Great stores of artillery and munitions of war fell, by the terms of the 
 capitulation, as spoils of war. 
 
 Hardy entered the harbour on the 30th. Boscawen came in on August i. 
 The town was occupied. Arrangements were completed for the embarkation of 
 the French troops and to clear the entrance of the harbour.^ 
 
 The news of this victory, the first important one of the war, was received 
 with great rejoicings, when Captains Edgecumbe and Amherst, on behalf of 
 Boscawen and the General, arrived on the i8th of August. Comparisons were 
 drawn between the attitude of the people when they heard of the fall of Port 
 Mahon and that with which they exulted over this success. Addresses were sent 
 
 ' An Authentic .'\ccount. 2 'Yq Minister, Aug. 6. 
 
 ' Cambis and Artois and some seamen on the Burford ; Bourgogne and Vol. Etrangers and some seamen on the 
 Kingston J the Companies on the Northumherland ; the Naval Officers on the Dublin ; Drucour, his lady and retinue, and 
 forty officers on the Terrible. These ships sailed about Aug. 14/15. The other prisoners and inhabitants were embarked 
 as rapidly as possible. Some of them were fortunate enough to go directly to France for exchange, among them De» 
 Gouttes, who did not deserve this good fortune.
 
 1758 REJOICINGS IN ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES 289 
 
 to the King from the Universities and the principal towns of the kingdom. The 
 colours taken were deposited in St. Paul's. (These have disappeared.) 
 
 "Historical Chronicle, Sept. 1758^ 
 Wednesday, 6. 
 
 " Whitehall. The king having been pleased to order the colours taken at Louisbourg, 
 which were lately brought to the palace at Kensington, to be deposited in the cathedral church 
 of St. Paul; proper detachments of horse and foot grenadiers were ordered to parade at 
 Kensington at ten o'clock, and marched before his Majesty in the following order : 
 
 "A Serjeant, and twelve horse grenadiers. 
 
 "A field officer, and officers in proportion. 
 
 " A detachment of fourscore of the horse grenadier guards. 
 
 "Then eighty of the life guards, with officers in proportion, with their standard, kettle 
 drums and trumpets. 
 
 " Then a serjeant and twelve grenadiers of the foot guards. 
 
 "Then eleven Serjeants of the foot guards carrying the eleven French colours, advanced. 
 
 " Then the four companies of Grenadiers of the foot guards closed the march. 
 
 " In this manner they proceeded from Kensington, through Hyde Pari, the Green Park, 
 
 into St. "James's Park, and through the Stable yard St. James's, into Pall Mall, and so on 
 
 to the west gate of St. PauPs, where the colours were received by the dean and chapter, 
 
 I attended by the choir ; about which time the guns at the Tower and in St. 'James's Park 
 
 were fired. 
 
 " These colours are put up near the west door of the cathedral, as a lasting memorial of 
 the success of his majesty's arms, in the reduction of the important fortress of Louishourg, 
 the islands of Cape Breton and St. John."— London Gazette. 
 
 When Boscawen returned, the rejoicings broke out again. He received an 
 address when he took his seat in the Commons, and an address was also sent out 
 to Amherst, conveying the thanks of Parliament for their achievement. 
 
 The rejoicings in the colonies were no less widespread. All grasped the 
 significance of the victory.^ 
 
 Drucour had saved Canada for the year. It had been decided by Amherst 
 and Boscawen that it was too late to go up the St. Lawrence. While they were 
 engaged in removing the army into the town, and sending away the prisoners, 
 the news came to them, August i, of the defeat of Abercromby at Ticonderoga. 
 It determined Amherst to hasten to his assistance. British troops were sent to 
 Halifax on the 15th ; Amherst himself sailed to Boston on the 30th, and landed 
 there on September 13. Meantime, expeditions were sent out to the Bay of 
 Fundy, to Isle St. Jean, under Lord RoUo of the 22nd Regiment, and to Gaspe 
 and other French settlements on the Gulf, under Wolfe.^ The last was, like 
 
 * Gentleman's Magaaine^ 1758, vol. 28, p. 447. 
 
 - The Last Siege of Louisbourg, C. Ochiltree MacDonald, London, Cassell & Co., contains many interesting details of 
 these rejoicings. 
 
 3 See Appendix for an account of this expedition from the unpublished Bell MSS. lent me by Dr. A. G. Doughty. 
 
 U
 
 290 PITT PROPOSES ITS DESTRUCTION 1760 
 
 Spry's in 1757, a pillaging of unarmed people, which excited the disgust of 
 Wolfe ; that to Isle St. Jean resulted in the deportation to France of 3540 people. 
 This number added materially to the task of providing transport, so that it is not 
 until the end of September that Boscawen's journal ceases to include items as 
 to the sailings of transports. Boscawen left on October i, and reached the 
 Channel a month later, and Durell, promoted to be a Rear-Admiral, took charge 
 of the fleet left in these waters. The garrison left in Louisbourg consisted of 
 Whitmore's, Bragg's, Hopson's, and Warburton's, under command of Whitmore. 
 The salient point in the letter in which Amherst encloses Whitmore's appointment 
 as Governor, is Amherst's opinion of the island : ' 
 
 " I would have the settlements in the different parts of the island absolutely destroyed, it 
 may be done in a quiet way, but pray let them be entirely demolished, & for these reasons, 
 that in the flourishing state it is growing to, many years wd. not have passed before the 
 inhabitants wd. have been sufficient to have defended it."- 
 
 The next year, 1759, Louisbourg was the base from which sailed the 
 expedition against Quebec. It gathered there in May, and sailed for the 
 St. Lawrence on the 6th of June. 
 
 The possibility of its being given back to France was before all. Pitt, 
 however, unshaken in his determination to break the maritime power of France, 
 and to make it impossible for her to prosecute the fisheries, decided to make the 
 return of Isle Royale to France, if it should be given back again by diplomacy, 
 a barren one. He wrote to Amherst : — 
 
 "Whitehall, February gt/i, 1760. 
 "Sir, I am commanded by His Majesty to acquaint you, that after the most serious and ' 
 mature Deliberation being had, whether It be expedient to maintain, at so great an Expence, 
 the Fortress at Louisburg, together with a Numerous Garrison there. The King is come 
 to a Resolution, that the said Fortress, together with all the works, and Defences of the 
 Harbour, be most effectually and most entirely demolished ; And I am in consequence 
 thereof, to signify to you His Majesty's Pleasure, that you do as expediously as the Season 
 will permit, take the most timely and effectual Care, that all the Fortifications of the Town 
 of Louisburg, together with all the VVorks, and Defences whatever, belonging either to 
 the said Place, or to the Port, and Harbour, thereof, be forthwith totally demolished, and 
 razed, and all the Materials so thoroughly destroyed, as that no use mav, hereafter, be ever 
 made of the same. You are not, however, to demolish the Houses of the Town farther than 
 shall be found necessary towards the full and entire Execution of the Orders for totally 
 destroying all, and every, the Fortifications thereof; And in the Demolition of all works. 
 You will particularly have an Eye to render, as far i. ; possible, the Port, and Harbour, of 
 Louisburg, as incommodious, and as near impracticable, as may be.^ 
 
 ' Aug. 28, CO. 5/53. 
 
 ' Whitmore, as far as is shown in any documents I have seen, does not seem to have carried out these orders. 
 ' On the same date he confirmed these instructions to Whitmore (CO. 5/214). The Hon. John Byron, 
 grandfather of the poet, was sent to Louisbourg in 1760, with a small squadron, to assist in this work. 
 
 i 
 
 I
 
 n TW L^lfer A. iU». »lut'.... 1^ ,.(,..-• v..> IU...I
 
 ITS DEPORTED INHABITANTS 291 
 
 Amherst dispatched these orders to Whitmore by Captain De Ruvyne, a 
 Captain of Miners, April 21, 1760.^ The view of the town shows that the 
 intention that the final state, " which is not to have the least appearance remaining 
 of having had any works about it," was not entirely reaHzed. 
 
 The people of Louisbourg who returned to France were wards of the State. 
 The Louisbourg companies were kept together for some time. Some of the 
 officers were given commissions in similar regiments in the southern colonies of 
 France ; all of them received pensions or were provided for. Dangeac and the 
 Baron de I'Esperance became Governors of St. Pierre and Miquelon, Joubert of 
 Marie Galante, and Villejouin of the island of D6sirade. Many of the families 
 received pensions. An effort was made to have many of them emigrate to 
 Cayenne,^ but they feared the tropics, and asked to be allowed to remain in 
 France. The Minister had his troubles with them. De la Boularderie was 
 CTiven a pension on the condition that he would not come near the Court. The 
 Henriau family for many years received a pension as Acadians to which they 
 were not entitled. Their daughter Sophie, moreover, was not eligible although 
 born in Isle Royale, as she was singing in the Chorus of the Opera.' But much of 
 the correspondence which deals with these people consists in replies to letters from 
 Tours, Loches, Tonnay Charente, and other provincial towns, asking for increases 
 of pensions for survivors. They carried with them to France the robustness 
 given them in the colony. Madame Costebelle did not die until 1779, and her 
 pension began in 1720.* Madame De la Perelle lived until 1784. The law 
 made by the Assemblee Nationale when, in 1791, it was setting in order the 
 affairs of France, shows that there were still a goodly number of people drawing 
 pensions.^ 
 
 Madame Eurry De la Perelle, to whom reference has just been made, came 
 to Louisbourg when it was founded, a young woman of twenty. Her husband 
 was the first officer who died in the new settlement. She lived there until the 
 second capture ; her three sons were officers in the troops. She did not die for 
 twenty-four years after the demolition of the town, all of the fortunes of which 
 passed before her eyes. That the life of a town should fall so far short of that 
 of one of its people suggests the instability of the unimportant. Yet against this 
 one background, with this unity of space and time, developed events which 
 displayed the genius administrative, economic, military, of two peoples. The 
 two score and six years of Louisbourg's existence show forth causes and conse- 
 quences as clearly as the colonial history of two centuries. 
 
 1 Notwithstanding delays the work was completed November 1760. The last mine was sprung on the 8th (Gibson 
 Clough's Journal). 
 
 ^ Forant's legacy was applied to the missions of that colony. B, vol. 164, 1778. 
 
 4 B, vol. .65. ° See Appendix.
 
 < 
 
 X 
 
 I— ( 
 
 Q 
 W 
 
 Oh 
 
 <! 
 
 
 S 
 O 
 
 u. 
 o 
 
 2 
 
 O 
 
 til 
 
 X 
 i- 
 
 Q 
 Z. 
 
 D 
 O 
 b. 
 
 .J 
 a> 
 X 
 CO 
 
 a 
 
 < 
 
 O 
 
 X 
 
 of 
 
 Z 
 
 D 
 
 o 
 
 u] 
 X 
 
 t- 
 
 h 
 
 O 
 
 h 
 Z 
 
 o 
 u 
 u 
 
 < 
 
 z 
 
 < 
 
 Return of Mu«ket«, 
 Accoutrement!, . 
 Powder, Muiket 
 
 Cartridges and Bills. 
 
 •(tuox) 
 
 •ii«a »1«nW 
 
 e^ 
 
 ■w3p!J]j<3 
 IJjjtnjV 
 
 ooo'og 
 
 JjpMOJ 
 
 J 
 
 •BjuJuiajinoSDV 
 miM tlJ5|«nj>; 
 
 8 
 
 
 •leJOX 
 
 
 
 ■MI|3UI 9 
 
 H 
 
 ■t91(3UI g 
 
 oo 
 
 •m]3ai oi 
 
 oo 
 
 ■saqjDi £i 
 
 O 
 
 OO 
 
 ■3 
 
 i 
 
 u • 
 
 •^ o 
 
 u ^ 
 
 sen 
 
 o 
 D 
 
 •i«>°x 
 
 OO 
 
 •tjapnnoj-ii 
 
 
 •sjapunoj-frr 
 
 to 
 'i- 
 
 •joqS ««3 
 
 •sjjpunoj-tz 
 
 
 Grape Shot, 
 
 •I«»ox 
 
 
 ■sj9ponoj-9 
 
 o 
 
 •swpunoj-zi 
 
 o 
 
 •sjapunoj-ti 
 
 
 ■tjapanoj-9£ 
 
 
 Round Shot. 
 
 •y^ox 
 
 O 
 
 •SJ3punod-9 
 
 N 
 
 •tjapunoj-zi 
 
 1 
 
 •sjapunoj-f r 
 
 OO 
 
 •U3punoj-9£ 
 
 O 
 
 2 ^ 
 c . - 
 
 •lEJOx 
 
 ;^ 
 
 'Sdq3Dl 6 
 
 - 
 
 -S9l(3U] II 
 
 ■* 
 
 •saqjaj ^zi 
 
 \o 
 
 
 •I-JJOX 
 
 r^ 
 
 •ssqDUi f 9 
 
 r»i 
 
 •83113DI 6 
 
 1 " 
 
 •saqsuj fzi 
 
 f*i 
 
 In Ordnance mounted on 
 
 Standing Carriages with Beds 
 
 and Coins. 
 
 •I^IOX 
 
 1 °^ 
 1 N 
 
 •sjapunoj--^ 
 
 1 '^ 
 
 -«j9panoj-9 
 
 OO 
 
 •swpunoj-g 
 
 1 2 
 
 ■u9panoj-zi 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 'Siapunoj-gi 
 
 
 •tjapunoj-tz 
 
 1 t^ 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 ■sjapanoj-9{ 
 
 oo 
 
 u 
 
 h 
 w 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 z 
 
 X 
 u 
 z 
 
 u 
 
 o:! 
 
 h 
 Z 
 
 W 
 
 z" 
 o 
 o: 
 
 < 
 
 b 
 O 
 
 z 
 
 a: 
 
 D 
 H 
 td 
 
 5"= 
 
 N 
 
 
 u 
 
 < 
 
 OO 
 
 
 E 
 B 
 
 e 
 
 X 
 
 >o 
 
 
 n o 
 
 **1 
 
 
 
 oc 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 o . 
 " o 
 to 
 
 rl 
 
 
 c 
 o . 
 
 -1 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 OO 
 
 
 It 
 en ^^ 
 
 o 
 
 8> 
 
 
 
 
 
 ji 
 
 8 
 
 so 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 11 
 
 ^ CO 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 
 tilb 
 
 R 
 .J 
 
 C 
 
 o 
 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 X 
 
 u 
 
 (A 
 
 3 
 
 u 
 
 s 
 
 c 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 £ 
 o 
 
 n 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 J5
 
 •■•I 
 
 i 
 
 ■'^,i ^ 
 
 n; 
 
 ^ 
 
 > 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ 
 
 "^ 
 
 •' 1 
 
 
 -%, 
 
 l||i^ 
 
 |l , 
 
 
 J^. 
 
 • ,4'? 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 

 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 293 
 
 For comparison is added the guns captured at Quebec. In large cannon 
 Louisbourg was much superior. 
 
 (CO. 5/51). An Account of the Guns, Mortars, Ammunition & arms, etc., found in 
 the City of Ouebeck upon its surrender to H.xM.'s troops the i8th September 1759. 
 Vizt.— "^ 
 
 Brass Ordnance 
 
 Ordr 
 
 Brass Mortars 
 „ Howitzers 
 
 Iron Mortars 
 
 Brass Petards 
 
 13-inch 
 ID „ 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 45 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 43 
 66 
 
 30 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 I 
 
 3 
 9 
 I 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 770 
 150 
 
 90 
 
 With a considerable quantity of powder, bail, small arms & intrenching tools, etc., the 
 number of which cannot at present be ascertained. 
 
 William Saltonstall 
 Commissary Artillery.
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 The inefFectiveness of the French Navy in connection with the military events 
 which occurred at Louisbourg is striking. These events were of such a character 
 that the action of naval forces, as it seems to be in all conjoint operations, was 
 of paramount importance. The French recognized these crises. Even at a time 
 when their naval forces were lowest, they did their best to send a strong force 
 to protect or recover Louisbourg. The fleet of D'Anville in 1746 was an 
 Armada, that of Du Bois de la Motte in 1757 was superior to Holburne's. Had 
 the plans of the Minister not miscarried, the naval force for the defence in 1758 
 would have been less inferior to the fleet led by Boscawen to the attack on the 
 position which held secure the French dominions in America. 
 
 In these major operations nothing was accomplished adequate to the re- 
 sources placed at the disposal of the French commanders. The inaction of 
 Meschin in 1744, the disastrous lack of judgment of Maisonfort in 1745, the 
 betrayal of Beaussier de I'lsle by his supporting ships in the conflict with the 
 Grafton and Nottingham, less critical episodes, show the same inertia, slackness, or 
 incompetence. 
 
 This condition, if we, the English-speaking, are not to fall back to the 
 absurd point of view of the boys' book of adventure or the naval novel, demands 
 explanation. 
 
 The condition is summed up, from the practical standpoint, in the state- 
 ment of a gallant French officer,' Coetnempren de Kersaint, who fell in the 
 Homeric fight at Quiberon. He wrote to the Minister in 1755 • 
 
 "The Deffenseur (a new 74) distinguished herself in our meeting with the English by 
 sailing qualities superior to those of our other two ships. 'Tis a merit, my lord, in the heart- 
 rending necessity in which we find oursehes for so long a time, to fly at sea before the 
 English, or to be overwhelmed by their numbers." - 
 
 The general state of the French navy in the years we have been dealing with is 
 shortly stated as a gradual decline. At the beginning of the eighteenth century it consisted 
 
 ' "The best sailor that we had " (A French Account of Quiberon, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 35,898). 
 
 " Arch. Nat. Marine, B*, vol. 68. 
 
 294
 
 Guns. 
 
 no 
 
 100 
 
 9° 
 
 80 
 
 74 
 
 72 
 
 70 
 
 64 
 
 60 
 
 54 
 
 50 
 
 English 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 28 
 
 French 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 21 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 31 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 FRENCH DEFICIENCY IN SHIPS 295 
 
 of 281 vessels, while that of England at the death of William III., in 1702, had 271 
 vessels. 
 
 In 1751 Effective. Building. 
 
 England had . . . . 116 21 
 
 France had ..... 38 22 
 
 In 1755 the forces were as follows, but it must be noted that the French included 
 ships building, the English effective vessels : 
 
 Smaller. 
 112 
 
 32 
 
 Seventy-one French ships mounted, therefore, 4790 guns, while 131 English ships 
 mounted 8722 guns, not far from double the French strength.^ 
 
 This was the deplorable weakness ot the French at a time when a vast 
 colonial empire was at stake, the prize of naval strength. The extent of that 
 empire is measured by the fact, that not only off the coasts of Canada and 
 among the West Indian Islands, but along the shores of India, thundered the 
 broadsides which gave that empire to England. 
 
 After the influence of Louvois overpowered that of Colbert in the councils 
 of the Great Louis, European conquests alone appealed to the absolute Monarch. 
 Under the Regent and the young Louis XV., the policy of the Cardinal- 
 Ministers, Du Bois and Fleury, the one anxious to placate England, the other for 
 peace, was to neglect the navy lest they should alarm and give offence to their 
 only rival in overseas expansion. The consequences of that neglect were to 
 some slight extent enhanced by the personal qualities of Maurepas, from 1723 to 
 1749, in full control of the navy.^ 
 
 Maurepas knew the necessity to France of a strong navy. His memoir^ 
 states most ably this necessity. He, as a Minister, was the prototype of her 
 Prime Ministers from his time to the Revolution. They knew that things were 
 wrong, but were incapable of setting them right. A government, like an 
 individual, exhausted by excess, retains insight into what should be done, long 
 after the power to execute has failed. Maurepas accepted the trifle given for 
 the navy and expended it judiciously. He was unwilling by a vigorous protest 
 against a fatal parsimony to imperil the power, the patronage, the perquisites of 
 a splendid position."* 
 
 ' Entinck, vol. i. p. 119. 
 
 - St. Simon speaks of " commoners born in the purple " (" Bourgeois porphyrogenetes "). To no family does this 
 expression apply more justly than to the Phelypeaux, Counts of Pontchartrain and Maurepas, who succeeded each other as 
 Secretaries of State from 1610 to 1755 (La Cour-Gayet, p. 86). ' Arch. Marine, Gi 
 
 ■• It is gratifying to quote in support of this view the latest work touching on Maurepas. The Marquis de Segur, 
 Au Couchatit de la Monanhie, Paris, 1910, p. 50, says, "II discernait ncttement le bien, il le desirait de bonne foi ; le 
 courage lui manquait pour le realiser." Jos. Yorke, son of Lord Hardwick, wrote to his brother-in-law Anson from
 
 296 EXCELLENCE OF HER SHIPS AND NAVIGATORS 
 
 This great office he lost through an inability to restrain a facile and mordant 
 pen. Its play, directed against Madame de Pompadour, sent him into exile 
 until 1774. Then the accident of a broken spur gave time for palace intrigue to 
 divert the messenger from the road to Machault, at Arnouville. Maurepas, with 
 age added to his other weaknesses, was recalled from his domain of Pontchartrain, 
 to the more splendid position of Prime Minister of Louis XVI. 
 
 The lack of the French Navy was in the numbers of ships, not in their 
 quality. The models on which its vessels were built were surpassingly excellent." 
 They were apparently well handled, although one admirable British officer, quoted 
 below, thinks, " our officers are better seamen." The accuracy with which 
 various squadrons joined each other, the greater celerity with which the French 
 fleets crossed the Atlantic as compared with the English against which they 
 were acting, and the remarkable instances of certain voyages show that there 
 must have been some very good navigators among the French commanders of 
 the mid-century. Vauquelin, for example, escaped from Louisbourg on July 
 15 with his little frigate patched up after the bombardment of the English 
 batteries, and with only sixty men fit for service. He drove her across the 
 Atlantic at such a rate that, after attempting to get into Bayonne, he was able on 
 the 2nd of August to write from St. Andero of the plight of Louisbourg.'^ 
 
 "The clever concentration of the French was drawing to a head.' All these ships got 
 through, and in remarkably quick time. Boscawen had been more than a month out 
 when they started, and was still struggling with baffling winds somewhere between the 
 Canaries and Bermuda, with seven more weeks before him. Yet Beaussier reached 
 Louisbourg by the end of the month, nearly a fortnight before Boscawen made Halifax. 
 Beaussier actually made the passage (from Brest to Louisbourg) in twenty-four days, April 4 
 to 28, a feat not consoling to British seamanship. Boscawen made Madeira, the Canaries, the 
 Bermudas, and the Isle of Sable. Rodnev took seventy-two days, and Hardy two months." * 
 
 Drucour, however, acknowledges the superiority of the British in handling 
 vessels in port. After recounting, that there were 23 vessels of war, including 
 frigates, together with 80 or 90 transports, brought into Louisbourg after the 
 capitulation, he goes on, " all these vessels are ranged in an admirable way in 
 this roadstead, where the French last year scarcely found space enough for 
 25 vessels and frigates." ^ 
 
 Warren, an active, capable officer, wrote to his friend and superior, 
 George Anson : 
 
 Paris, March 8, 1749 : "The Marine of France don't seem to get up so fast as some people fancied it would, though I 
 believe Mar. de Maurepas docs all he can to put it on a good footing again, and he is allowed to be capable, indcfatcgable 
 and to have it much at heart" (B.M. Add. MSS. 15,957, f. 338). 
 
 ' Warren said the yigilani, 3 sixty-four, was larger than an English eighty (Feb. 14, 1745/6, Ad. Des. 1/480). 
 
 * Arch. Nat. Marine, B*, vol. 80, f. 285. 
 
 ' Corbett, vol. i. p. 168. ■* Vol. i. p. 316. ' Drucour's Journal, Aug. 9, 175S.
 
 COURAGE IN ENCOUNTERS 297 
 
 "I am greatly pleas'd to hear it has been propos'd with a Prospect of Success to 
 Augment the Number of men, and weight of Metall, in all the different classes of our ships, 
 to putt them upon a Parr with those of the French. When that is the Case, there will 
 no excuse be left for ill behaviour ; and I dare say upon all occasions when no Extraordinary 
 or unforeseen accident shall Intervene, our Ships, and people, will give a good account of 
 their Enemys of equal Force, when and wherever they meet. For I cant help thinking, 
 we have this advantage of them that our Officers are better Seamen than theirs, and I hope 
 as valiant, and our Men in general more Robust, and Stronger, and never were thought to 
 want courage, tho' they have very little virtue of any other kind." ^ 
 
 This letter does not convey the impression that Warren felt any over- 
 whelming sense of English superiority, unit for unit, over the French." 
 
 His view is borne out by the fact that the French preferred boarding and 
 close combat to cannonading, which implies a confidence in their crews.' 
 
 These considerations point to the conclusion that, in general, the French 
 lacked in numbers of ships, rather than in the quality of the ships themselves, 
 or their armament, or the way in which they were placed to give the best results. 
 There are many instances of heroic courage. Maisonfort, in the trap in which 
 he allowed himself to be caught, fought the Vigilant gallantly against an over- 
 whelming force. In 1755, UEsperance, an old tub, with only 22 guns 
 mounted, fallen behind the fleet of Du Bois de la Motte, on its way back to 
 France, was overtaken by the Orford, 70 guns. The Vicomte de Bouville, her 
 commander, twice drove off the English ship. In the third attack the Orford 
 was reinforced by the Buckingham, also of 70 guns, and the Esperance was 
 surrendered in such a state that she had to be sunk, and the Orford had to 
 hasten to Plymouth for repairs. Anson and Warren won a great victory over 
 La Jonquiere off Cape Finisterre, on May 14, 1747. The French fleet had 
 384 guns, the English 938, yet so sanguinary was the conflict that nearly 800 
 were killed on the French ships. ^ 
 
 But while disparity in numbers accounts for many English naval victories, 
 it does not affect the conditions at Louisbourg, where twice the superiority was 
 with the French. The efficiency of a navy depends, in a peculiar degree, on 
 the temper and professional attainments of its officers of all ranks, because to 
 all of them, above the subaltern grades, some important degree of independence 
 is left from time to time. It is difficult to picture, for land forces, circumstances 
 
 1 Warren to Anson, April 2, 1745, Brit. Mus. Add. MSB. 15,957. 
 
 2 How badly things were managed in the British Navy, only a few years before he wrote, is seen in the opening 
 chapter of Anson's voyage. 
 
 3 " For the reason that M. de Beaussier had determined to board, having a crew superior in numbers and quality to 
 those of the English, who prefer always cannon fire (" la maniire de se battre au canon ") to that of boarding, which with 
 them rarely succeeded against the French " (Du Fresne du iVlotel to Surlaville, Dernieri Jews, p. 193). 
 
 ■> Prevost gives an account of the losses, written from the DevonMre entering Plymouth. The staff and garrison of 
 Louisbourg, which had been sent back to France, were being returned to Canada on La Joncjuiere's fleet.
 
 298 EFFECTS OF INFERIORITY IN STRENGTH 
 
 in which so young an officer as the officer of the watch, on a battleship, would 
 have dependent on his immediate action the safety of so many men, the 
 preservation of so potent an engine of war. The work of a Foreign Secretary 
 is hampered to the slightest degree by the mediocrity of his clerks ; so it is 
 with other Departments of State. But in a fleet, until new orders are received, 
 the captain is in absolute command of his ship. General orders are of necessity 
 vague in many points, so that even to the commander of the smallest vessel 
 there is left scope for their interpretation, a chance for initiative, and in 
 unforeseen contingencies, nowhere more likely to arise than on the sea, 
 opportunities for independent action. It is on account of the scope the 
 necessities of the service give them, that in a navy the moral of its officers of 
 all grades, and the standards of performance to which they are held by their 
 superiors, are of the most vital importance. We have to look into the internal 
 administration of the French Navy, and the effisct on its personnel of that 
 administration, to find explanations of conditions fully accounted for neither by 
 numerical inferiority nor the character of the unit. 
 
 One of these explanations is closely connected, however, with relative 
 strenofth of opposing navies. The most serious consequence of inferiority was 
 not the difficulties it created for the staff trying to dispose of it to the best 
 advantage, but its effect on the sea officers. This can be illustrated from the 
 world of business. The merchant, with abundant capital which is constantly 
 earning ample profits, will take more risks than any competitor other than one 
 who is on the verge of bankruptcy, ready to risk all on a desperate venture. 
 England was in the position of the former. France was not yet in the straits 
 of the bankrupt. Her naval policy was similar to that of the man who fears 
 bankruptcy and struggles to avoid it by husbanding resources, the inadequacy 
 of which he clearly recognizes. Instructions, even when relations with England 
 were strained, were pacific, to avoid the enemy's ships, and not to fight unless 
 required by the honour of the flag. Thus, the native hue of resolution in her 
 commanders seems often sicklied o'er by the thought that imperilling his ships 
 was of vastly more consequence to his service than a similar risk in the enemy's 
 fleet. To be exact, this consequence to the French, in 1755, was as one to one 
 hundred and three ; to the English, as one to two hundred and forty-three. 
 Clear proof that great gains were probable, would condone a miscarriage in the 
 view of superiors with the ampler resources at their disposal. The relative 
 weakness of the French sea forces, therefore, not only dictated a cautious policy 
 to its staff, but benumbed the energy of those who were carrying it out. From 
 this point of view, the prudent course for the French captain was to preserve 
 his ship, for the Enghsh to risk his with any fair prospect of success. 
 
 The cautious temper which these inadequate resources would induce, was
 
 MINISTER CONTENT WITH INEFFICIENCY 299 
 
 confirmed and heightened by the inefFective discipline of the French Navy. 
 Those amiable qualities of Maurepas, which preserved for him, throughout his 
 exile, a host of friends, made him a poor head for such a service as a navy. 
 His ordinary attitude, however disappointing might be the result, was that 
 the officer had presumably done his best. There are many bulky folio 
 volumes/ dealing with the personnel of the French Navy, covering his adminis- 
 tration and those of his ephemeral successors. They give the origin and the 
 family connections of the officers and notes on their character. It is the rarest 
 thing to find in these records any evidence of discipline for ineffectiveness. 
 
 Maisonfort was never given a sea command after his error contributed so 
 largely to the fall of Louisbourg in 1745. He, however, received pensions in 
 due course, which could not greatly " encourager les autres." ^ The two com- 
 manders who failed to support Beaussier de I'lsle were acquitted by an easy 
 board of inquiry,^ aided by the magnanimity of Beaussier. One of them 
 forthwith committed suicide ; the other not only retained his position, but was 
 promoted to the command of a larger ship, which was sunk, with all her 
 crew at Quiberon. 
 
 The most striking instance of accepting a poor performance when 
 opportunities' were given for an effective one, was in the case of Du Bois de 
 la Motte. A skilful junction of three squadrons at Louisbourg, which there 
 came under his flag, gave him command of a fine fleet. He passed the summer 
 in making defensive works, while the inferior fleet of Holburne blockaded the 
 port. A tempest in September, which did little damage to his ships, so 
 shattered the enemy's fleet that it was a fine feat of seamanship, even after 
 refitting at HaUfax, to bring it home across the Atlantic. Du Bois, instead of 
 issuing out and crushing Holburne, remained inactive in Louisbourg. His 
 instructions were reasonably explicit. After recounting the forces to be placed 
 at his disposal, the document goes on : 
 
 " His Majesty has chosen the Count Dubois de la Motte to take command of ail these 
 vessels and frigates, and the proofs he has given at ail times of his zeal, of his skill and 
 of his experience, makes His Majesty hope that he will fill to his satisfaction this high 
 office, which is one of the most important which can arise in the navy in the present war. 
 
 " Its purpose is to foil (faire echouer) the projects which the enemy have made against 
 Louisbourg or Quebec, and perhaps even against both projects for the execution of which 
 they have made^fforts which they will not likely be in a state to repeat if they do not 
 succeed this year. ... If the junction of the men of war of His Majesty can be made 
 at Louisbourg, there is ground for believing not only that the enemy will not venture 
 to undertake anything against Louisbourg or Quebec, but even that Count Dubois de 
 
 1 Marine C. ^ Arch. Nat. Marine, C, vol. 167. 
 
 ' It was headed by the Cte. du Guay, who was the mouthpiece for the noble officers in their protest the next year 
 against the promotion of "officiers bleus " (La C.-G. p. 225)-
 
 300 DU BOIS DE LA MOTTE 
 
 la Motte will find himself able to attack them with advantage. . . . His first object must 
 be to assure the safety of the places which the enemy may wish to attack or threaten. . . . 
 He can render a great service without question if he can prevent them succeeding in their 
 projects bv making useless their efforts. Not only the best means of securing the failure 
 of their plans will he to destroy their fieet and transports, but the advantages of an engage- 
 ment (combat) will be moreover of great importance for the glory of His Majesty's arms, 
 for the honour of His Navy, and for promoting a peace. . . . With such forces he should 
 have superiority over the enemies. Every reason makes His Majesty wish that he 
 (Du Bois) should profit by his superiority." 
 
 So far, these instructions show a grasp of the conditions and their possibilities. 
 They are so stated as to be stimulating to an officer eager to distinguish himself, 
 or even adequately to carry out his orders, but they go on as follows : 
 
 "His Alajesty, however, does not positively order him to attack the enemy. Assured 
 as is His Majesty of his zeal, his valour and his prudence, His Majesty can only refer in 
 this maimer to what he believes ought to be done in this regard, without too greatly risking 
 the forces committed to his care, the safe keeping of which so vitally affects the Navy." ^ 
 
 Here is the loophole for the cautious, so commonly was it taken advantage 
 of, that Du Bois returned home feeling that he had done well. He asked that 
 he should be given the baton of a Marshal of France, or appointed Vice- 
 Admiral of France. The first seemed too great a step. There were difficulties 
 in the way of the second, but he was given a pension of 1 2,000 1. until he was 
 made Vice-Admiral, which grade he reached in i-jSi." While he accomplished 
 the principal purposes of the expedition, the failure to do his utmost again 
 suggests, in the effect on the service, a comparison with Byng.' 
 
 The chance which Du Bois de la Motte let slip seemed in England one 
 fraught with the greatest possibilities — 
 
 ". . . but it seems much to be feared that the French may have come out of Louis- 
 bourg, and picked up our almost wrecked ships. . . . Such is the lamentable end of that 
 more boasted than well planned, and as ill-conducted as unfortunate American Expedition, 
 which was to have restored this country ; and here I suppose concludes all the schemes, 
 if there were any, upon which part of this fleet was ordered to winter in America. God 
 grant us a tolerable peace if possible before we are more undone, for to go on is sure not 
 possible" (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 35,376, f. 143. This letter was written from the 
 Admiralty, Oct. 31, 1757). 
 
 These are not the views of an irresponsible pamphleteer or a re-echoing of 
 the opposition to the Government. They were written by Lady Anson, wife 
 of the First Lord of the Admiralty, daughter of Lord Hardwicke, the Vice- 
 Chancellor, than whom no one could be closer to the Ministry. 
 
 ' Arch. Marine, B*, vol. 76. No italics in the original. = .Arch. Nat. Marine, B* and C, 165, i65. 
 
 ' The »wecping condemnation of Admiral Matthews and his captains in 1744 is an earlier example of the severity 
 in the English service.
 
 DES GOUTTES 301 
 
 In justice to Du Bois de la Motte, it should be said that his force was 
 seriously weaicened by sickness ; on his return to Brest, November 23, he 
 disembarked 4000 sick, which spread typhus and scurvy in the town, so that 
 not only the crew died, but over 10,000 of the inhabitants of the seaport were 
 victims of the contagion which his squadron brought back.' The Inflexible 
 states that 2000 sailors died, and that they brought back more than 2400 
 sick.^ Du Revest, commander of the Hector, died at Brest, December 31.'' 
 
 Des Gouttes again lost a chance for a dashing exploit. He, with his 
 command of six ships of the line and frigates, was blockaded in Louisbourg 
 by Boscawen's twenty-two ships of the line. Unless they all could escape 
 through the blockade, a most improbable performance, they were bound, as 
 the event proved, to be " burnt, sunk, or destroyed." Loss being thus most 
 probable, there was little additional risk in taking an active course. When an 
 easterly gale sprang up on the 5 th of June it found Boscawen's principal ships 
 either dispersed or at anchor well down in Gabarus Bay, that is on the lee 
 shore, and encumbered by scores of transports mostly to windward of them. 
 The possibilities of the situation are stated by an eye-witness : 
 
 " It is well to note that if the commander of the squadron which is in our port had 
 wished he might have immortalised himself, but that glory which is gained by danger to 
 life is not that which this officer seeks. He has proved this in many circumstances. The 
 hostile fleet was well down, as I have said, in the bay, by winds favourable to him (Des 
 Gouttes), and by a fog, which would have hidden his movements from the enemy, he might 
 have driven in to the fleet and with his six vessels destroyed it entirely. The worst 
 would have been to lose his ships. . . . They could have beached them and saved them- 
 selves on shore under the fire of our entrenchments. This manoeuvre was easy. I have 
 heard it said by sea officers, M. de Brunion (Brugnon), a man whose zeal equals his 
 capacity, wished to do this with his ship, the Bizarre. They gave to his project the name 
 of the vessel he commanded, and the commander . . . looked on what he did not dare to 
 undertake, as an ill-considered and impossible project."* 
 
 The bitterness of Poiily is surpassed by that of another writer, an officer 
 of the garrison, on the events discreditable to the navy, in the later days of the 
 siege. He to disguise his identity wrote his version in capitals, but, as it is 
 preserved among official documents,^ it must have fallen under the eyes of those 
 in authority. There was no question of the naval commanders having " risked 
 their heads." ^ Des Gouttes continued in the service unscathed, and retired from 
 it in 1764 with high rank of (Chef d'Escadre) Rear-Admiral. 
 
 These instances show that no high standard of performance was demanded 
 from officers, not only under Maurepas, but his transient successors. Equally 
 
 1 La Cour-Gayct, p. 360. - CanaJian Archives, 1906. 
 
 ' Elal sommuire, p. 178. ■" PoiUy. 
 
 * Arch. Nat. Marine, B^ vol. 80, f. 82. * This officer is quoted in Chap. XIV. pp. 274 and 28+.
 
 302 SLOW ADVANCEMENT IN THE FRENCH SERVICE 
 
 one fails to find the converse of this, recognition and reward of brilliant and 
 effective services. The records show for the most part a series of jogging, 
 monotonous advancements from step to step, appointments given by seniority 
 rather than capacity. It was not until Choiseul took, charge of the French Navy, 
 that some degree of the same life reanimated a dormant and discouraged service 
 which Pitt instilled earlier into the forces of England. 
 
 Seniority counted for too much. Meschin,' on whose action hung, in 
 1744, the fate of Acadia, had commanded the Semslack, from which the first 
 settlers of Isle Royale landed in 1713. Du Bois de la Motte'- was an 
 excellent officer. The disposition of his ships on the voyage and in Louis- 
 bourg seems to a layman admirable, but he was seventy-four. A Schomberg, 
 whose leadership at eighty inspired confidence in a nation, is the rarest of 
 commanders. Retirement at a ripe age with a pension was sure of attainment 
 to any one who did not disgrace himself The incentive of prompt reward 
 was lacking. Boscawen inquired, when he landed, about Vauquelin. When 
 he heard that it was the captain of a little frigate who had handled his vessel 
 so brilliantly, he said that if Vauquelin were in his command he would 
 recommend him for captain of a ship of the line. It would have been 
 difficult for the French officers to whom he said it to find a similar instance 
 in their own service. His remark might well have been made in the presence 
 of one of his own captains, whose recent promotion was a proof that 
 Boscawen's disposition was that of the Lords of the Admiralty. 
 
 On the New Year's Day, 1758, the Adventure, Captain Bray, lay at anchor 
 in Dungeness Roads, and saw a snow reach in. They engaged. By good 
 seamanship and great personal bravery. Captain Bray and his pilot passed his 
 mizzen topsail sheet and a hawser round the Frenchman's bow-sprit and made 
 it fast to his capstan, and then after an hour's sharp fighting, the privateer, 
 hailing from Dunkirk, surrendered. Before the January number of the Grand 
 Magazine had gone to press it was able to announce that from the fifth rate. 
 Adventure, 44 guns and 250 men. Bray had been promoted to the third rate, 
 Princess Amelia, 64 guns and 600 men, in which he joined Boscawen's fleet. 
 The capture of a privateer mounting 14 nine-pounders by a ship of 44 guns 
 was insignificant. The great reward was given for good seamanship and personal 
 courage.' 
 
 ' He entered the service in 1683, and completed in all fifty-nine years. 
 
 * Entered the service in 1698. He had, therefore, served fifty-nine years when he was placed in command of this fleet. 
 
 ' Four promotions were made in Louisbourg in consequence of the boat expedition. Balfour was given command 
 of the Birnfahant, which was repaired and sent to England ; Laforey was made captain of the Echo. Affleck and 
 Bickcrton. senior lieutenants of the Namur, took command of the .^wa and Hunter, vacated by these promotions 
 (Boscawen to Pitt, July 28, 1758). In 1745 also, Douglas, who, in command of the Mermaid, had been instrumental 
 in the capture of the yigilant, was promoted to her immediately after he towed her safely to Gabarus.
 
 THE FRENCH SERVICE ARISTOCRATIC 303 
 
 Another characteristic of the French service, which one naturally contrasts 
 with the system of its rival, was that the former was aristocratic. The young 
 noble who entered as garde-marine was clothed in scarlet and gold lace. He 
 found himself not only among his social equals, but in very many cases among 
 his kinsmen, or others of naval families allied in the service to his own. In his 
 list of the fleet sent out to America in 1757, La Cour-Gayet ^ gives biographical 
 details of the twenty captains. Twelve belonged to naval families. The 
 influence of these social conditions would tend to give a high sense of personal 
 dignity insistent on personal rights ; to some extent, a feeling of superiority to 
 drudgery, and hostility, or at least coldness to the outsider among them," and, it 
 is not to be doubted, the disadvantages as well as the extraordinary advantages 
 which one naturally looks for in a body of men united not only by esprit de 
 corps, but by social equality and the ties of blood. 
 
 There were, owing to relaxation of the conditions as to noble birth, some 
 officers who were from a lower social stratum. They were not well received in 
 the service. Beaussier de ITsle was a son of the Port Captain of Toulon, and 
 it was hinted that his supporting captains hung back in the engagement already 
 referred to, to embarrass and discredit one who was an outsider in their own 
 service. He rose to a high rank in the service (Chef d'Escadre), but the 
 officiers bleus, who came in from outside, rarely were as fortunate. Vauquelin, 
 a ship-master of Dieppe, whose services, not only at Louisbourg but at 
 Quebec, were so extraordinarily brilliant, never rose to a higher command 
 than that of a king's freight-ship (Jlute), although he remained in the service 
 until 1772.^ 
 
 Rosier was said to be the son of an important merchant of Bordeaux. The 
 brilliant defence which will shortly be recounted, gained for him a lieutenancy, 
 and after some years the rank of a captain of a fire-ship, which seemed to be 
 the highest rank he reached before his death in 1769. 
 
 The relations between Anson, one of the most brilliant and distinguished 
 naval men of his time, and Warren, whose social origin was relatively humble, 
 were probably not exceptional in the English service. I have found in French 
 documents no evidence that it would have been possible in that service for an 
 
 1 p. 508. 
 
 ^ "It is incredible the magnificence of the table on board the French men-of-war, served with all the elegance that it 
 is possible to do on land, which the captains of English vessels would never be able to imitate, for as soon as they receive 
 orders to sail with the first favourable wind, of which they render an account to the Admiralty, which they do daily 
 in all the ports of England, they are not allowed to remain longer, as the French ships are obliged to do, sometimes 
 during three weelcs, to wait for provisions on the table ; and the English captains are often sufficiently unfortunate as to 
 be obliged to content themselves with salt beef and bacon like the sailors, with this difference, that the captains have the 
 choice of the pieces. It is true that the Commissioners of the Admiralty take great care that the provisions of the ships 
 should be of good quality, well-conditioned and in good case" (^Memoirs of the Chefalier Johmtor.c, vol. ii. p. 174, note). 
 The gossip of tiie New England camp had it that Maisonfort's service of plate was worth ^5000. 
 
 2 Arch. Nat. Marine, C', vol. 174, f. 1656.
 
 304 CONTRAST WITH THE ENGLISH 
 
 officer of Warren's origin to write to his superior as freely as Warren wrote to 
 Anson ten days before their crowning victory over La Jonqui^re. 
 
 " April 1'^, 1747. 
 " Dear Sir : I am glad you have alter'd your Line of Battle for I observed it as you did 
 yesterday weak in the Center, where tis most probable ye Enemy (should wee be so happy 
 to meet them) will be strongest. You see Sir how necessary 'tis to Exercise fleet. 'Tis 
 pretty difficult to keep a good Line close by the Wind — and I think when you next 
 please to Exercise the Fleet in separate Divisions, and a Breast, The Lines should be 
 form'd at a distance one Division to windward of the others as you shall judge proper, and 
 the Windward one, to go down on the Leeward, in order of Battle, so near as you wou'd 
 have them Engage an Enemy you'l pardon my talcing this Lyberty."i 
 
 The momentous consequence to the French Navy of this difficulty of 
 entrance to others than those to the manner born, was that it lost the services 
 of many who had a taste for the sea, a capacity for command, and a desire to 
 serve in the fleets of their country. Scores of men rose to high rank in the 
 English service who entered it as ordinary seamen or as volunteers. This was 
 the case of Warren, and of many others. The flag of an admiral was in the 
 kit-bag of the English sailor, generations earlier than the staff of a marshal was 
 placed, by Napoleon, in the knapsack of the French soldier. The tradition in 
 one English family is, that the talk of an admiral, who, through the breaking 
 down of his carriage, took shelter in a clergyman's house, led the two sons to 
 run away to sea. Two peerages ultimately rewarded the success of their careers.' 
 There is found an explanation of the prodigious exploits of French privateers' 
 during this period, in what well may be a fact, that many of them were 
 commanded by men who, had the fleets of France been as open as those of 
 England, would have fought on her King's ships as valiantly as they made 
 conquests of the British mercantile marine. The magazines of the period give 
 lists of captures on both sides, and the bravery of the privateersmen and the 
 commanders of armed merchantmen, the skill with which they handled their 
 vessels, show the large numbers of men who might have been available for 
 service in the French Navy, had that service been made attractive to them. 
 
 The following is the narrative of a voyage printed in full, as a condensation 
 cannot give, as well as the main actor's own words, the impression of capacity, 
 modesty, and courage it conveys. 
 
 " Narrative of the engagement between the Robuste of Bordeaux, Captain Jean Joseph 
 Rosier, freighted by the King for Quebec, and armed with 6 eight-pounders and 18 six- 
 
 • B.M. Add. MSS. 15,957, f. 172. 
 
 ^ The captain of the Jamaica^ whose skilful manoeuvres in search of information off Louisbourg harbour are 
 recounted, was one of these boys (Ad. Des. 1/4!* i). 
 
 ' The privateer Maciault, which Bray captured, apparently did not hesitate to engage a man-of-war of 44 guns. 
 The latter only avoided being raked by very skilful manauvring.
 
 ROSIER'S VOYAGE 305 
 
 pounders, with a crew all told of 77, and 150 soldiers of the regiment of Volontaires 
 Etrangers, and an English frigate of 30 guns in a tier and a half ('dans une batterie 
 et demie '). 
 
 "The 13th April 1757, on my voyage towards Quebec, in latitude 44° 55', and longi- 
 tude (of Paris) 5' 35", at daybreak I saw a vessel on my lee, pointing northwards, the wind 
 W.N.W., carrying her four principal sails, her mizzen and mizzen-top sails without top- 
 gallant masts. 
 
 " She changed her course to my wake and gave chase. I set her down as a merchantman 
 obliged to approach in tacking. Her greater speed gave her the advantage of coming at 
 noon as near as the gunshot of a twelve-pounder. I then watched her and saw she was a 
 frigate with a tier and a half of guns, crowded with people, and extraordinarily high out of 
 water. Not being able to withdraw, and thinking it useless to parley, I clewed up my 
 lower sails to wait for him. When he stood across my course, I showed him my colours, 
 and, as customary, fired a shot. He broke out his, with all his broadside. Then the 
 engagement began and was most sanguinary, always side by side up to 7 o'clock, 
 when our common disorder compelled us to draw off to set things to rights. I had my 
 main and main top-sail yards broken, my mizzen and fore top-sail yards brought down, 
 all my sails in tatters and useless. I had in this attack 18 instantly killed and 42 
 wounded, several mortally, and several cannon-shot ('a fleur d'eau') between wind and 
 water. 
 
 "Our plight seemed so sorry that after making an inspection of my ship I decided, 
 with my staff, that we should turn back on account of the impossibility of making repairs 
 at sea. In consequence I set my course for Perthuis, or the River of Bordeaux ; the wind 
 being favourable, I proceeded all day and the next night under easy sail. 
 
 "About noon on the 15th my look-out saw a vessel about four leagues to leeward, 
 which was manoeuvring to come up with me. My few sails did not permit me to avoid 
 him ; he was within a long cannon-shot at 6 o'clock in the evening. He showed a white 
 flag and fired a shot ; not perceiving that he showed any special sign of need, I kept on 
 my course. I took his bearings at sunset, and thought he was in my wake, and the flares 
 and rockets which he was throwing out made me think he was in chase. At nine he was 
 within earshot, and hailed me. I answered him. He said to me in a compassionate tone, 
 ' Poor prisoner, I advise you to strike and not to make any resistance ; I will give you 
 good terms.' His exhortation was followed by his broadside in my stern, where I was 
 exposed, his sails giving him this advantage over me. In consequence I handled my ship 
 so that it was broadside to him. Then the battle became general from stem to stern, 
 and was more savage though less fatal than the former one. I had in this attack, which 
 finished at one o'clock in the morning, my main and mizzen top-masts smashed, and my 
 sails more destroyed than the former ones, 5 men killed and 1 1 wounded. My adversary, 
 drawing off, favoured me in making repairs, which I did at once. I refitted my mizzen 
 and foretop-gallant yards, these being the only ones I could trim to keep on my course, 
 which I did. 
 
 " At daybreak my enemy, which had watched me ail night, manoeuvred to rejoin me, 
 which he accomplished at 11 o'clock. I recognized him as the same frigate with which I 
 had my first affair. I counted his guns, which were fifteen on each side, and some of my 
 officers assured me that they had seen cannon on his forecastle and quarter-decks. The 
 
 X
 
 3o6 
 
 ROSIER'S VOYAGE 
 
 engagement began anew and did not stop until 6 o'clock, when he hailed and I answered. 
 He said to me, 'Yield, gentlemen, yield, you will be treated as you deserve. We will 
 give you good terms. We are a frigate of the English King's, so be undisturbed.' 
 Thereupon he hoisted a square flag at his foretop. I answered, not being able to hoist a 
 square flag like him, as I had no mast standing, that I was flattered to have intercourse 
 with my equals, that I had still powder and shot, that I regretted extremely that I had no 
 canvas to show him a course contrary which he would compel me to take, and, moreover, 
 that he had only now to do his duty, and I would keep on doing mine. I gave him three 
 Vive le Roi, mv broadside of guns and musketry, at which we kept steadily until half-past 
 seven. My enemy, as crippled as I was, was pumping out water at all his scuppers and 
 steered with galley sweeps. I gathered that his rudder was useless, and at the same moment 
 discovered that mine was also damaged. I had it repaired at once. In vain then would 
 either have yielded to the other. Our condition allowed us only to think of ourselves. 
 The night which followed put us out of sight of each other. 
 
 " I worked hard to effect repairs. At daybreak I saw a ship ahead coming toward 
 us. We came together at ten, and I made him out as a privateer of i6 guns and 
 several swivels, with a large crew. He began the fight, but drew off at the end of an 
 hour, setting his lower sails and making a following wind, satisfied with our response 
 and our gunnery. In these two last attacks we had 3 killed and 8 wounded. At 
 noon I sighted the land at Oleron. At eight that evening I cast anchor a league 
 from Chassiron. 
 
 " My situation is most pitiable. I have standing my mizzen, and that without its top- 
 mast, and my bowsprit, not a working bit of rigging from stem to stern. At least fifty 
 shot above the water-line and a prodigious number in the hull. I think that on one side 
 and the other there were fired 3000 shot, and we fired 15,000 rounds of musketry, which 
 I have verified by counting the remaining cartridges. I have had 29 soldiers and seamen 
 killed and 61 wounded. 
 
 "M. Diaparraguerre, my chief oflficer, received a ball in the right thigh in the 
 first fight and is dangerously wounded. This accident greatly alarmed me, knowing 
 his worth. 
 
 "M. Charriolle et Du Salier, my two lieutenants, bore themselves with all imaginable 
 bravery. The latter, who was wounded in the right shoulder in the first fight, was found 
 faithfully at his post in the three following, and behaved himself with distinction. 
 M. Biere, second lieutenant, was also wounded in the first fight in the right thigh, and 
 is unfit for service. 
 
 "AIM. the officers of my passengers, the Volontaires £trangers, distinguished them- 
 selves. In particular M. de St. Rome, the Captain, who threw into the sea a fire-pot, 
 which fell into the midst of twenty men, and never ceased rallying his men, and by his 
 worthy example making their volleys effective. 
 
 " M. de Gagnereau, his lieutenant, does not merit less praise, and although wounded by 
 a splinter in the arm, was always at his post. 
 
 " M. de Coussade, whom the Court had sent as a passenger, has died from his wounds. 
 He bore himself with distinction. 
 
 "The soldiers, slack at first, afterwards displayed an intrepid bravery, and I know not 
 how to give them praise enough.
 
 THE INCENTIVE OF BOOTY 307 
 
 "I was also excited to make a most vigorous defence, not being ignorant of the 
 importance of my cargo to the King's service. Rosier." ^ 
 
 The sense of responsibility for a few hundred tons of stores for Quebec 
 which animated so desperate a defence, indicated a temper of mind which 
 would not be uncommon among such men. The vividness of impressions of 
 one in a novel position enhances greatly the sense of the importance of its 
 duties. The incident gives rise to the thought that had the resources of Des 
 Gouttes been at the disposal of Vauquelin, Rosier, or Brugnon, there would 
 have been found at Louisbourg as many of the militant righteous as would 
 have saved the city. 
 
 In support of this view it may be pointed out that there was not a great 
 difference in motive between the privateersmen and the merchant captain on the 
 one hand, and the naval officer on the other, in times when every merchantman 
 was armed, when regulations regarding naval prize money and letters of 
 marque were issued at the beginning of every war. Prize money was an 
 important factor in the career of the naval officer, while the privateer was 
 not devoid of patriotism. In a crucial case, the former would be expected to 
 sacrifice gain for the honour of the flag, a lower standard would suffice for 
 the man whose voyage was primarily for booty. The order of the motives 
 might, however, be reversed, without necessarily any material change in their 
 normal power. The richness of the fleets of the French East India Company, 
 the extent of French commerce revealed in the War of the Austrian Succession, 
 whetted the appetite of the British naval officer. Warren, a portionless Irish 
 lad, through his captures on his long term on the North American station 
 and at Louisbourg, had the reputation of being very rich.^ There are many 
 
 ^ Arch. Nat. Marine, B"*, vol. 76, f. 377. Guebriant, Intendant at Bordeaux, transmitted this account to the Minister 
 with his approval, and recommended a bonus to them all, as they had lost everything. 
 
 This account is so interesting, and displays on the part of this French merchant captain such a vigorous fighting 
 quality, not always found in commanders of the King's ships, that a search has been made for a verification of his state- 
 ments. A search through the Admirals' list-book showed that no frigate of the size of his adversary was in a position to 
 have taken part in this fight, nor were there any sidelights found in the Admiralty papers, nor did the best of current 
 news, namely, the Magazines or the London Ga%ette^ give any trace of tin's encounter. The London Chronicle^ however, 
 prints the following account, which shows that the vessel with which the Robuste was engaged was an English privateer : 
 
 *' Bristol, May yt/i, — By a letter received from an officer on board the Caesar privateer, brought by a Spanish vessel 
 arrived at Plymouth, we have an account that besides taking two prizes (viz. the Blaci Prince from Bordeaux for Cape 
 Breton, a snow of about 180 tons, laden with 1200 barrels of flour, 25 tuns of wine, etc., and the j^olie Pontac, of about 
 120 tons, bound from Bordeaux to Mississippi, laden with flour and wine) they had an engagement with a French frigate 
 of 36 guns, the 13th, 15th, and i6th ult., which was very obstinate and continued seven hours the last day j and when 
 the Casar left her she looked like a wreck, having lost all her masts and rigging. The desar had but a corporal of the 
 marines killed and 22 men wounded. During the engagement she fired 8000 musket and 700 cannon shot, besides an 
 incredible number of Largin and Partridge shot, and three 30 Hand Grandes (?) out of the tops, which did great execution. 
 This account was dated April 25th, in Lat. 45,00, Long. 4,50, at which time the Casar was in sight of two sail to 
 windward, supposed to be part of a fleet from Bordeaux, two of them of 30 guns each, 9 and 12 pounders, which she had 
 seen for seven days, and hoped to meet with some English Men of War or Privateers to assist her," 
 
 * His correspondence with Anson refers more than once to the investment of his prize money. It may be noted
 
 3o8 COMPLAINTS OF ENGLISH PRISONERS 
 
 fair mansions built, with some remote suggestion of a flagship in their 
 architecture, by retired and enriched naval commanders. The dignity of 
 more than one peerage is maintained by the investment of the prize money 
 of those on whom they were conferred for naval victories. These possibilities 
 were ever present to the naval commander. Warren proved his zeal in not 
 murmuring in leaving the rich hunting-grounds of the West Indies for the 
 barren seas off Isle Royale.' When Boscawen was in the fogs off Newfoundland, 
 uncertain of his position, he writes to his wife : 
 
 " I own I was in hopes never to have seen America again, but now I earnestly wish 
 for it, not but that I think of home, and for amusement this morning, drawn a house 
 after Lady Essex's plan, sure I am you will like it, and if we have a war, it is hard if I 
 dont get enough to build and maintain it."- 
 
 Land officers were interested in privateering. General Whitmore had a 
 privateer schooner, while Governor of Louisbourg.^ 
 
 There were other examples, differing from these, in which the desire for 
 prize money was pushed to undue lengths. West Indian merchants complained 
 that men-of-war captured in the old war French and Spanish merchantmen, 
 instead of ridding those seas of the many privateers which were destroying 
 English commerce. A more striking instance was that of Rodney, who was 
 bringing out Amherst to the armament which was awaiting him at Halifax. 
 Rodney lost over a fortnight in securing a very rich prize he made off Brest.* 
 Such keenness led to a lack of decency in carrying out captures. The officers 
 of the Alcide and Lys complained bitterly of being ill treated, and robbed 
 of personal effects.^ 
 
 Don Antonio d'Ulloa, a Spanish scientist, had the misfortune to be a 
 passenger on the Notre Dame de la Deliverance, when she was captured in 
 
 that he wrote to Anson in 174.7 (19th May), saying that if an accident befell him he must "leave his wife and pretty 
 Babes to the mercy of his King and Country," as his private affairs were very unsettled (B.M. Add. MSS. 15,957). 
 
 ^ **I cou*d have pitch'd upon none attended with a prospect of greater uneasyness, and less personal advantage, I 
 mean where Booty is csteem'd so, which I hope will never be so with me" (Warren to Anson, April 2, 1745, B.M. 
 Add. MSS. 15,957, f. 152). 
 
 ^ Turhaf at sea, May 25, 1755, Falmouth papers. Boscawen's tombstone states that he 
 
 DIED OF A FEVER 
 
 ON THE lOTH OF JANUARY IN THE YEAR 1761, 
 
 THE 50TH OF HIS AGE, 
 
 AT HATCHLANDS PARK, IN SURREY, 
 
 A SEAT HE HAD JUST FINISHED AT THE 
 
 EXPENSE OF THE ENEMIES OF HIS COUNTRY. Etc. 
 
 ' Clough's Jl. II Oct. 1759. 
 
 * "Considering that he was engaged in the special duty of carrying to the seat of war the belated commander-in-chief 
 of the main operation of the campaign, the incident will hardly commend itself as a precedent to modern judgment" 
 (Corbett, vol. i, p. 315). 5 Arch. Nat. Marine, B^ vol. 58, f. 267, and Pichon MSS., Halifax.
 
 FRENCH AND ENGLISH SERVICES COMPARED 309 
 
 1745 off Louisbourg. He says that they were stripped naked before the 
 crew, from apprentice to Captain, and searched in the most humiliating manner 
 possible, so that not a penny might escape, and most astonishing of all, that 
 in this search the English captains themselves took a foremost part. It was 
 obviously professional, for one of these captains turned over to the Spaniards 
 for their use a house in Louisbourg, of which he had taken possession and 
 did not require, as he remained on board his ship.^ 
 
 The French naval officer also knew the charm of prize money and of 
 gain. The documents the writer has searched deal little with their success. 
 It was far less than the English. The motive, however, seems as potent, 
 and the official encouragement in prize money was as great. A contemporary 
 attributes the lack of zeal among them to three causes : they remain too long 
 idle in port, they look to their profession as a means of enriching themselves, 
 and often their share of goods for trade {la petite pacotille) which they have 
 on board is their only fortune." 
 
 These explanations, illustrated for the sake of local colour, with incidents 
 connected with Isle Royale, may be summarised in saying that a neglected 
 service ^ was opposed to one high in favour with its court and country. One 
 which was starved in money, men and equipment, had to meet in conflict 
 another on which were lavished the resources of a country constantly growing 
 in wealth. The commanders of one were drawn from a single class, of the 
 other, from a whole nation. Officers, whose experience led them to expect 
 defeat, were opposed to others flushed with victory, or desirous of emulating 
 the exploits of their colleagues ; those knowing that neither victory nor 
 defeat made a vital difference in their careers ; these, assured of all the rewards 
 of success, speedy professional advancement, rank, wealth and glory. 
 
 That period during which Louisbourg existed covers, save for a score 
 of earlier years, that in which these striking changes in the two services were 
 brought about. Up to a certain point the strength and morale of the French 
 navy, if not superior, was at least not inferior to that of England. Her 
 colonies, and still more, the vast territories brought under her sphere of 
 influence by the energy and intrepidity of her explorers, was the vastest the 
 
 ' D'UUoa, Voyage Hisrorijue, vol. 2, book ill, p. Ii6. 
 
 2 Surlaville, Dcrniers Jours, p. 273. All commerce was forbidden to officers of the Navy, 13 March 1717, Isambart 
 Recueuil, xxi. p. 139. 
 
 There were rumours afloat not only in Isle Royale, but also in France, that Vauquelin had carried in his 
 Arethuse a valuable cargo when he escaped from Louisbourg. One of the New England carpenters. Knap, says it was 
 thought " she had much Riches on board." This was the gossip of a camp. The Minister wrote to Vauquelin 
 (October 26, B, vol. 108), asking him if he brought any cargo and for w^hom, which would point to some suspicion 
 that this might be the case. I have not found Vauquelin's reply. The implication seems to be that he was acting for 
 some one else. An " officer bleu " would be careful to obey the regulations. 
 
 ' The Almanack Royal gives a little more than a page to the Navy.
 
 3IO THE IMPORTANCE OF SEA POWER 
 
 world had ever seen. The advantages to France of this Colonial Empire were 
 enormous. It was not until after that Empire was broken up that the growth 
 of her maritime commerce ceased to compare favourably with that of the 
 greatest of her rivals. The turning point seems to have been reached in 1692, 
 when at the end of May the combined fleets of England and Holland in 
 overwhelming force destroyed the fleet of Tourville at La Hogue. The 
 exiled James saw in it only another disappointment; the English ministry, a 
 proof that their fleet could be depended on ; the English people, a passing of 
 the fear of invasion. Louis XIV., at the height of his glory, with the inviolate | 
 fortress of Namur at his feet, saw in this naval disaster only " the burning of 
 a few ships." The perspective of time enables us to see that from it, and the 
 subsequent neglect of the French Navy, ensued consequences, which were 
 not written on the page of history until the signing of the Treaty of Paris 
 in 1763. The revival of France's navy about this time, and the essential aid 
 it gave to the revolted colonies of America, led to a loss to England, which 
 seemed for generations greater, as far as America is concerned, than that of 
 Canada, and proves how an earlier revival might have avoided disaster to France. 
 Facile generalisations about the special aptitudes of one people for successful 
 colonisation, and pre-eminence in the arts which are based on sea-faring, do not 
 bear examination. History shows that such pre-eminence passed in distant 
 centuries from one people to another about the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 An Italian town, now without sea trade, once gave to the world a code of 
 maritime law based on the practice of its merchant adventurers. Spain and 
 Portugal were each in their turn foremost. Later, at a time when exploration 
 for England was most successfully conducted by foreigners hired by her Tudor 
 monarchs, native-born Frenchmen were establishing for their kings claims to the 
 possession of vast and fertile spaces. Holland once stood in the forefront in 
 maritime adventure. For a long time England has held this position, but it is 
 to be remembered that, three score years since, the marine of her most splendid 
 offshoot, the American Union, was, in quality at least, becoming the most formid- 
 able of her rivals. If more northern nations may not succeed England in the 
 front rank it is for reasons which were understood close on two centuries 
 ago. These periods of expansion have been for each people most glorious and 
 fruitful. Conquering on the sea, and the struggle with its dangers, have always 
 produced an energy and a breadth of outlook which have invigorated every activity 
 of the corporate life of these nations. If one would seek light for the future 
 from the lessons of the past, it is found in the page of La Cour-Gayet on which he 
 says, the imperial crown of overseas possessions rests on three supports — colonies, 
 a mercantile marine, and an adequate navy. The history of all ages makes 
 clear that the latter cannot be neglected.
 
 THE IMPORTANCE OF SEA POWER 311 
 
 It was not through ignorance of the supremacy of sea power that France 
 fell from her pre-eminence as a colonial power. Maurepas shows a firm 
 grasp of this doctrine. Even Desenclaves, a priest in Acadia, implies a 
 knowledge of it in writing ; " What good is Louisbourg ? It would be good 
 if France were as strong at sea as England." A Monsieur Du Plestay wrote 
 in 1759 : 
 
 "France under Henri IV. and since has had no other object in its wars than to lessen 
 the power of the House of" Austria, which it suspected of aspiring to a universal monarchy. 
 We have nothing more to fear on that side, but we are about to suffer the same 
 disadvantage (on va tomber dans le meme inconvenient) in allowing England to usurp 
 the sovereignty of the sea, which is at least as dangerous as the other, in this respect, that 
 she increases her riches and prevents France enjoying hers, as you prove in the present 
 war, and with her money produced by commerce, she excites against you enemies on land, 
 who put it out of your power to use against them the resources, which otherwise ought 
 to have been the case" (I.R. vol. 38). 
 
 Indeed, the doctrine was never more succinctly stated than by a French 
 poet of the period : 
 
 " 3Le tritimt tie i^tptune, c'est le sscfptrt Iju fHontiE."
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 313
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 
 
 " So much depends upon the abilities of individuals in war, that there cannot be too great care in the choice of 
 men for the different offices of trust and importance." — Wolfe. 
 
 The notes which follow give biographical details of the chief French officers and their 
 families, drawn for the most part from the dossiers in the Archives des Colonies and the 
 Archives de la Guerre. The "dossier" of Prevost is given at length, as showing the 
 varied service of a civil officer. The letter about Du Chemin indicates that at a time when 
 j Madame de Pompadour said that officers were resigning rather than serve in Canada, he 
 was of a more heroic type. La Ronde Denys was a specimen of the colonial officer 
 habituated to hardship and adventure rather than warfare. Johnstone is so picturesque a 
 figure that more space is given to him than his importance in Louisbourg would 
 justify. 
 
 It has not seemed necessary to give any account of the British officers. Such notes 
 would be only abridgements of the articles in the National Dictionary of Biography. 
 Parson's Life of Pepperrell, Wright's Life and Letters of IVolfe^ and Mr. Beckles VVillson's 
 Life and Letters of JVolfe deal with the two principal characters. But on Wolfe this 
 sketch of his appearance may be added from the little known Hamilton Manuscript in 
 Harvard College Library. 
 
 " General Wolfe was 5 feet 1 1 or six in heighth, very straight, his air and carriage 
 perfectly military, his action free, his gestures open as those of an actor who feels no 
 constraint, — his hair red, generally worn in a queue, his face of a long oval, complexion 
 very fair and much freckled— his eyes were light, I think grey, and his mouth large, his 
 nose, tho long, was large and open. Yet tho this assemblage of feature may not appear 
 favorable there was a certain animation in the countenance and spirit in his manner that 
 solicited attention & interested most people in his favor. To a small 8 vo. edition of the 
 life of Eugene printed at Vienna in 1745 is prefixed a portrait of that great Prince, 
 the lower part of the face strikes me as bearing a strong resemblance to that of 
 Wolfe." 
 
 William Vaughan, however, deserves to be made an exception. His zeal was great, 
 even if his judgment in practical matters was unsound. Various documents dealing with 
 his activities are, therefore, printed in full. 
 
 315
 
 3i6 APPENDIX I 
 
 These Notes and Documents refer to 
 
 D'Anthonay. 
 
 Blcnac Courbon. 
 
 Drucour. 
 
 Madame Drucour to the Minister. 
 
 Des Gouttcs. 
 
 Johnstone. 
 
 La Ronde Denis. 
 
 Marchaut de la Houlicre. 
 
 Maisonfort. 
 
 Marin. 
 
 Prdvost. 
 
 St. Julhien. 
 
 Surlaviile. 
 
 La Tour du Chemin. 
 
 Vauquelin. 
 
 List of Officers. 
 
 Etats de Famille 1763 {:) 
 
 Law of Feb. 25, 1791 — extracts. 
 
 Vau2;han. 
 
 Henry Valentin Jacques D'Anthonay 
 
 He was born on the 23rd November 1723, in Auxonne Bourgogne. He was 
 Volunteer in the Regiment Royal Comtois in 1740 ; in the Life Guards, Compagnie de 
 Noailles, 30th January 1746 ; "Captain en Second " on the 25th April 1748 ; Lieutenant- 
 Colonel of the "Volontaires Etrangers," ist June 1756; Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
 Volontaires d'Austrasie, ist January 1760. He was retired in 1763. He died on the 
 9th March 1783. He had obtained the grade of Chevalier de Saint Louis. (Archives de 
 Guerre. Dossier d'Anthonay.) 
 
 Le Chevalier de Blenac Courbon 
 
 Of Saintonge. Grandson of a former Post-captain who died when Governor-General 
 of the West India Islands ; son and nephew of six Post-captains who died in the service. 
 He was appointed Naval cadet (Garde Marine) 30th August 1725 ; Lieutenant, ist July 
 1735 ; Post-captain, ist January 1746 ; Rear-Admiral, ist January 1757 ; Commandant at 
 Brest, 15th February 1758 ; Lieutenant General, ist October 1764. He died on the 
 23rd August 1766. (Marine, C\ 166.) 
 
 Le Chevalier Augustin de Drucour 
 
 He was born in . He was appointed Garde de la Marine in 1719, Enseigne de 
 
 Vaisseau in 1731, Lieutenant de Vaisseau in 1741, Lieutenant des Gardes de la Marine, 
 1743, made Chevalier de Saint Louis on the 14th March 1749, appointed Captain de 
 Vaisseau 17th May 1751, and Governor of L'Isle Royal on ist February 1754. He 
 returned to naval service on the ist January 1759. He died on the 28th August 1762. 
 All his sea service was as a midshipman or ensign — Constantinople 1723, Martinique 1727, 
 Louisiane 1717, 1730-31. Copenhagen 1733, 1734, 1735 and 1736. (A. Marine, C", 89.) 
 
 Letter from Madame Drucour 
 
 22. December 1758. 
 
 Mr. Accaron, 6. Janvier 1759. 
 
 My Lord, — After having undergone with great steadfastness the dangers and events of 
 the Siege of Louisbourg, after having borne the fatigue of a long and perilous crossing, to
 
 APPENDIX I 317 
 
 go from England to France, my health has in the end given way under the weight of the 
 cruel anxieties and the sorrow which consume me I was obliged to rest on the way and 
 have not been able to reach Paris and bring you the letter and memoir which M. de 
 Drucour honoured me with for you. 
 
 Dare I ask you, my Lord, by what fatality the bravest officer, the most honest of men, 
 and the best citizen who ever existed, finds himself to-day reduced to justify a conduct 
 which (I dare assure you) has won for him the most marked consideration, the most 
 perfect esteem, and the sincerest praise of the entire garrison which he had the honour to 
 command ? It is not, my Lord, by praise and exaggeration of what happens to be done well, 
 nor by evasions, subterfuges and excuses for what may have been done badly, that M. de 
 Drucour justifies his conduct. Two memoirs which he sends you will allow you to view 
 the unfolding of his conduct, one is an accurate journal and a detailed account of all that 
 happened day by day, and so to speak hour by hour, since the time when the enemy came 
 before Louisbourg till the surrender of the place. There are no reflections, no com- 
 mentaries in this account, nothing but orders given and received, the facts testify for 
 themselves, our sense of equity and our judgment will know how to appreciate them fully. 
 
 The second memoir contains the detailed account of all that passed between the 
 Marquis Desgoutes (des Gouttes) and the Governor of Louisbourg, the opposition which 
 arose, and the difficulties proposed by the Commandant de la Marine. On the other hand, 
 it contains the account of obstacles removed and the Governor's replies in accordance with 
 the King's commands. 
 
 There remain two points, my Lord, on which M. de Drucour can throw no light, 
 because they are quite outside his province, one concerns the state of finances, the other 
 the fortifications. These two points have contributed so much in bringing about the 
 unfortunate catastrophe of the surrender, that it is only fair and even necessary to examine 
 them with all possible care and severity. 
 
 We must therefore keep constantly before our eyes the state of the fortifications of 
 Louisbourg when the Governor was sent out there, we must know what has been done to 
 them in these four years, whether the Governor placed difficulties, obstacles, and delays in 
 the way, whether the work was thoroughly done and with appropriate thrift and economy, 
 whether funds were sent out, and what they amounted to, to whom they were given in 
 France, to whom they were passed on in Louisbourg, and whether proper use was made of 
 them according to their quality and quantity. 
 
 Ask, my Lord, for the memoirs and instructions which pertain to these matters, just 
 as M. de Drucour gives you his for all which concerns his administration, prosecute 
 embezzlement everywhere it may have occurred, independently of where it may be 
 discovered, follow the evil to its roots, and if you find it, cut it off boldly, even if it be the 
 head of M. de Drucour himself, he would be the first to take it to the scafi^old ; the good 
 of the service, the interest of truth and of a good example, exact it, I speak according to 
 M. de Drucour, my Lord, for his true feelings are those I am having the honour to lay 
 before you. 
 
 Will you permit me, my Lord, to end with a few remarks on the unhappy Governor 
 of Louisbourg ; he has been for over forty years in the King's service, he has never left 
 departmental or colonial service, the commanders under whom he has served, have all 
 written the most flattering accounts of his conduct. He was appointed, because of his
 
 3i8 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 wisdom and sjood conduct, without solicitation, commander of the "Gardes du pavilion" 
 (Midshipmen) in Brest; he began at that time to cut into his patrimony, his income not 
 sufficint; he said, to maintain with respect and dignity his position as commander of the 
 young noblemen under his charge, whom, in order to gain their friendship and confidence, 
 he entertained in turn at dinner every day. 
 
 The Kinu; honoured him later with the Governorship of Louisbourg, without his 
 having asked for it ; he ran through the remainder of his patrimony to comply with the 
 expenses of his departure, which reduced him to borrowing money ; the drain is so real, that 
 now he is without estate and without fortune ; he defies whomsoe\er will to indicate in 
 France or elsewhere a spot where he possesses a coin in income of any kind whatsoever. 
 M. de Drucour does not blush for his poverty, because he flatters himself that he has gained 
 honour and repute, but he could not survive his honour compromised. Guilt is to him an 
 overwhelming thought which he could never bear with, he does not ask your favour, my 
 Lord, he demands justice, and I implore you urgently to give it him. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with all possible respect, my Lord, your very humble and 
 very obedient servant, 
 
 COURSERAC DE DrUCOUR. 
 
 From Bernay, 
 
 Forgive the erasure, my Lord, and put it down to the weakness of my head. 
 
 {Archives Nationales. P"- No. 4. Dossier C, 89.) 
 
 Mr. Accaron, Madi^- De Drucour, 
 
 6 Jan-vier 7759. 23 A"*"- i^^S. 
 
 Monseigneur. — Apres avoir soutenue avec ass^s de fermet^s les dangers et les 
 6v6nements du Siege de Louisbourg, apres avoir essay6 les fatigues d'une travers6e longue 
 et p6rilleuse pour passer d'engletere en france, ma sante a enfin succombi sous le poids des 
 cruelles inquietudes et du chagrin qui me devorent, j'ay 6t6 contrainte de tester en chemin 
 et je n'ay pu me randre k paris pour y porter la lettre et les m6moires que M. De Drucour 
 m'avoit charg^ d'avoir I'honneur de vous reniettre. 
 
 Oserais-je vous demander, Monseigneur, par quelle fatalit6, le plus brave officier, le 
 plus honn^te homme, et le meilleur Citoyen qui fAt jamais, se trouve rWuit aujourd'hui k 
 justifier une conduite qui (j'ose vous I'assurer) lui a valu la consid(^ration la plus marquee, 
 I'estime la plus parfaitte et les ^loges les plus sinceres de toutte la garnison qu'il avoit 
 I'honneur de commander ? Ce n'est point, Monseigneur, par des loiianges et des'exag^rations 
 sur ce qui peut ctre bien fait, ce n'est point par des ddtours, des subterfuges et des excuses 
 sur ce qui peut y avoir de mal fait, que M. De Drucour justifie sa conduitte, elle se trouvera 
 d^velopp(-e a vos yeux par les deux m6moires qu'il envoie, I'un est un journal exact et un 
 detail suivi de tout ce qui s'est pass6 jour par jour et pour ainsi dire heure par heure depuis 
 que les ennemis ont paru devant Louisbourg jusqu'a la reddition de la place, il n'y a dans 
 ce detail ni reflections ni commentaires, ce sont les ordres donnas et re^us, ce sont les faits 
 qui doivent dcposer par eux-memes, et que notre dquit^ et notre discernement sauront bien 
 aprdtier. 
 
 Le segond mdmoire contient le Detail de tout ce qui s'est passd entre M. le Marquis 
 Desgoutes et le Gouverneur de Louisbourg, ce sont les opositions qui ont dtd formdes, et les
 
 APPENDIX I 319 
 
 difficultes qui ont ^te proposees par le Commandant de la Marine. Ce sont de I'autre 
 part les obstacles \ev6s et les r^ponses faites par le Gouverneur en cons^guance des ordres 
 du Roy. 
 
 II reste, Monseigneur, deux objets sur lesquels M. De Drucour ne peut donner aucun 
 &laircissement parce qu'ils sont absolument 6trengers a son administration, I'un regarde 
 r^tat des finances, et I'autre celui des fortifications. Ces deux parties ont tellement 
 concuru a amener la malheureuse catastrophe de la reddition de la place, qu'il est bien 
 juste et meme indispensable de les examiner avec toutte Fattention, et aussi avec toutte la 
 s6v6rk6 possible. 
 
 II faut done faire demeurer constant en quel 6tat etoient les fortifications de 
 Louisbourg lorsceque le Gouverneur y a 6t6 envoy6, savoir ce qui y a 6te fait depuis 
 quatre ans, s'il y a eu des difficultes, des obstacles, et des d61ais occasionnes par le 
 Gouverneur, savoir si les travaux ont ^t^ faits solidement, et avec les epargnes et les 
 ceconomies convenables, savoir s'il y a eu des fonds envoyes et combien, a qui ils ont et6 
 donn6s en France, et a qui ils ont ^t6 remis a Louisbourg, si on en a fait I'usage ordonn6 
 suivant la quality et quantity. 
 
 Faites vous donner, Monseigneur, les memoires et les instructions qui regardent ces 
 objets, comme M. De Drucour en donne pour ce qui regarde son Administration, poursuiv& 
 la malversation par tout et indistinctement ou elle poura ^tre aper^ue, suivis le mal jusques 
 dans la racine, si vous la trouvcs, Monseigneur, coup6s-la hardiment, fAt-ce la tete de M. 
 De Drucour, il sera le premier a la porter sur l'6chafault, le bien du service, I'intdrest de la 
 v6rit6 et le bon exemple I'exigent, c'est, Monseigneur, d'apres M. De Drucour que je parle 
 et ce sont ses vrais sentiments que j'ai I'honneur de vous exposer. 
 
 Qu'il me soit permis, Monseigneur, de finir par quelques reflections sur le malheureux 
 Gouverneur de Louisbourg, il sert le Roy depuis plus de quarante ans, il n'a jamais quittd 
 les departements ou la Mer, les g6n6raux sous lesquels il a servi ont tous donne les 
 apostilles les plus flatteuses sur son compte. II a ^t^ nomm6 par sa sagesse et sa conduitte 
 et sans sollicitation commandant des gardes du pavilion a brest, il commen^a pour lors a 
 entamer sa legitime, son revenu ne sufisant pas, disoit-il, pour usure avec d^cence et dignit^ 
 a la tete de la jeune noblesse qu'il commandoit et auxquels pour s'attirer leur amitid et leur 
 confiance il donnoit a manger tous les jours alternativement. Le Roy I'a ensuitte honors 
 du Gouvernement de Louisbourg sans I'avoir encore demand^, il y a achev6 de manger sa 
 legitime pour satisfaire aux avances de son depart, ce qui I'a r6duit k des emprunts pour 
 lesquels la cotiond il est si vray et si r&l [sic] qu'il est actuellement sans aucun bien et sans 
 aucune fortune, qu'il defie qui que ce soit de pouvoir indiquer en France ou ailleurs un 
 endroit ou il possede un Ecu de revenu dans quelque genre que ce puisse estre. M. De 
 Drucour n'a point rougi de sa pauvrete parce qu'il s'est flatte d'avoir acquis de I'honneur et 
 de la reputation, mais il ne pouvoit survivre a son honneur compromis, Coupable, c'est 
 pour lui une id& accablante qu'il ne pourra jamais suporter, il ne vous demande pas de 
 grice, Monseigneur, mais il vous demande justice, et je vous suplie instament de la lui 
 vouloir bien accorder. 
 
 J'ay I'honneur d'estre avec tout le respect possible, Monseigneur, Votre tres humble et 
 tres ob^issante servante, Courserac de Drucour. 
 
 A Bernay, 
 
 pardonn^s la rature, Monseigneur, a la foiblesse de ma tete.
 
 320 APPENDIX I 
 
 Le Marquis Charry des Gouttes 
 
 of Moulins. The eldest son of Count des Gouttes, who died when Commandant of 
 the Gardes-marine at Rochefort ; grand-nephew of a Lieutenant-General in the navy and 
 Grand Prior in Acquitaine ; he had five cousins who died in the service. 
 
 He was appointed Naval Cadet (Garde Marine), May 25, 1725 ; Lieutenant, May i, 
 1-41 ; Post -captain, January i, 1746; retired with the pension of Rcar-Admiral, 
 September 16, 1764. (Marine, C^ 166.) 
 
 Le Chevalier Johnstone 
 
 The Chevalier Johnstone was in Louisbourg with one interval from 1752 until the 
 eve of the capitulation. The senior Captain of Prince Charles Edward's army, after 
 escaping to France, he was pre-eminently unfortunate among unfortunate Jacobites. He 
 did not succeed in having his rank in the Prince's army acknowledged by a corresponding 
 grade in the French service, but took instead a commission as Enseigne en Second in the 
 Louisbourg troops. The quotations given show that he wrote with a loose picturesque- 
 ness, not suitable to a historian, but to him we owe touches, which let us see glimpses of 
 the real life of the place, which we do not find in official correspondence. 
 
 He began well with his brother officers by appearing as a man of spirit. On his first 
 arrival he gave, on the ramparts of the town, the favourite promenade of its people, a 
 thrashing to the captain of the ship on which he had come out. The cause of this 
 outbreak was the captain's ill-treatment of him and his fellow passengers. It was so well 
 thought of that Loppinot, the Major, remained away until he thought the rascal had 
 enough. Johnstone kept the good opinion he thus gained by refusing to take sides in 
 any quarrels, and busied himself with his garden, fishing the trout streams of the environs, 
 and his books. He got promotion to a lieutenancy in 1754 together with the appointment 
 of King's Interpreter, which gave him an income larger than a captain's. Not wishing, 
 after the siege had ended, to fall into the hands of troops he had helped to break at Culioden, 
 he escaped to Acadia and to Quebec, where Montcalm placed him on his staffs One 
 wishes that more of his literary remains, which were considerable, had been concerned with 
 Louisbourg. The edition of his memoirs quoted herein is that published by VVylie, 
 Aberdeen, 1 870-187 1. It is probably as bad a translation as has ever been printed. Another: 
 memoir bv him is "The Campaign of Louisbourg, 1750-1758," published both in Quebec 
 MSS. Hist. vol. iii. p. 465, and in the Quebec Historical Society Publications, Second 
 Series, 1868. 
 
 Johnstone appears in fiction as Maxwell in The Span o' Life by William McLennan 
 and Miss Jean N. Mclliraith, New York, Harpers. 
 
 [Duplicata.] A M. Johnston. 
 
 sS Sore lyjg. 
 
 Monseigneur. — Etant Lieutenant de la compagnie de Mezilliac Je me suis trouvi 
 ddtachd avec cette compagnie i I'Jsle St. Jean I'annde derniere lorsque Louisbourg fut prise. 
 En apprenant la Reddition de cette place et que I'Jsle St. Jean fut comprise dans la capitula- 
 tion, le zcle et ardeur que j'ay toujours eu de me rendre utile au service m'avoient engag^
 
 APPENDIX I 321 
 
 a me retirer en Canada. J'ay servi cette campagne aidecamp a*M. Le Chevr. de Levis 
 jusqu'a apres I'affaire de 31 Juillet qu'il a parti de Farmee de Ou^becq pour visiter les postes 
 des Rapides et I'lsle aux Noix ; a son Depart de Beaufort Je restai avec M. de Montcalm 
 et Je servai en qualitd de son aidecamp jusqu'a sa mort. Je suis bien persuade, Monseigneur, 
 qu'il vous en reviendra des t^moignages favorables de mes services par M. de Levis et ii 
 seroit inutile de dire combien J'(5tois estime par le brave, mais infortun^ M. de Montcalm ; 
 J'etois prepose par luy de porter ses pacquettes en france, et Je ne doute pas que votre 
 Grandeur auroit eu des Egards pour sa recommandation en accordant ses demandes en ma 
 faveur. Sa mort m'est pr6judiciable d'autant plus que J'aurois pu, par ses moyens, m'attirer 
 rinfluence, Monseigneur, de vos bonnes Graces. 
 
 M. le Marqs. de Puysieulx et M. le Mar^chal de Lhomond, qui me font I'honneur de 
 me proteger, vous diront, Monseigneur, le desagrement que J'ay eu au service des colonies. 
 J'etois capitaine d'une compagnie en 1745, et M. Rouille en 1750 m'envoyoit a I'Jsle 
 Royale avec la simple commission d'Enseigne, que J'avois accept^ par soumission aux ordres 
 de M. de Puysieulx et par ses promesses d'avoir toujours soins de mes intdri^ts. Comme je 
 suis icy le premier Lieutenant, ma commission de Lieutenant pour I'lsle Royale dtant dat^e 
 le i" d'Avrile 1754, il seroit un efFet de votre Equit6 et bont6, Monseigneur, de m'accorder 
 une de deux compagnies vacantes par la mort de M. la perriere et M. de St. Ours, qui furent 
 tues dans I'afFaire du 13 de Sepre. Je tacherai autant qu'il m'est possible par mon zele et 
 application au bien du service de m^riter I'honneur, Monseigneur, de votre bienveillance. 
 
 J'ay I'honneur d'etre avec un tres profond Respect, Monseigneur, Votre tres humble 
 et tres obeissant serviteur, 
 
 Johnstone. 
 
 P.S. — ^J'aurois passe en France cet automne mais M. de Vaudreuil m'en avoit refus^ 
 la permission. 
 
 A Montreal, 
 le 28 Octobre Ij^g. 
 
 A Monseigneur de Sartine, Ministre et Secretaire d'Etat de la Marine. 
 
 77 Mars. 
 Monseigneur. — Jacques Johnstone de MofFat, Chevalier de i'ordre de St. Louis, 
 Descendant de la Maison de Johnstone Marquis d'Annandale, Paire d'Ecosse, et I'Heritier 
 de cette Pairie a la mort du present Marquis d'Annandale, il ^toit le premier capitaine 
 ide I'Armde du Prince Edouard par sa commission de capitaine en date du 21 de Septembre, 
 1 1 745, et a servi avec sa compagnie depuis le commencement jusqu'^ la fin de I'Expedition 
 'de eel Prince en Ecosse. S'6tant sauvd en France en 1746 apres la Bataille de Culloden 
 II auroit pu etre plac^ en 1747 Lieutenant Collonel en Espagne, Collonel en Russie ou II 
 eut alors un oncle, le Comte Douglas, Lieutenant General et Gouverneur de Revel et il 
 auroit pu etre place tres avantageusement en Suede ou II eut un autre oncle Senateur : II n'a 
 pas profit^ de ces offres, favorables pour sa fortune, par les vaines esp^rances qu'il entretenoit 
 alors que la cour de France auroit renvoy6 le Prince Edouard en Ecosse avec une Arm6e. 
 
 Lorsque le Prince Edouard fut arret^ en 1748 et chass6 hors du Royaume M. le 
 
 .Marquis de Puysieulx, qui estimoit et prot^geoit particulicrement le chevalier Johnstone, 
 
 demandat de M. Rouille une compagnie pour lui a St. Domingue ou a la Martinique, dont 
 
 ,)la lettre de M. de Puysieulx doit se trouver aux Registres du Bureau de la Marine: Mais
 
 322 APPENDIX I 
 
 M. Roiiillc\ nouvellement Ministre, au lieu d'une compagnie, fit expWier pour lui un Brevet 
 d'Enseiiine'cn Pied a. I'lsle Royale. Choqud d'etre le seul Ecossois rctrogradd, tous ses com- 
 patriotes ayant 6t6 places dans les troupes de terre par M. le Comte D'Argenson avec les memes 
 commissions qu'ils avoient eu du Prince Edouard, il refusa d'abord de I'accepter ; mais sur 
 les promesses r(5itcr^es de M. de Puysieulx de lui faire obtenir incessamment une compagnie, 
 et sur les assurances trompeuses de M. de la Portd que sa commission de capitaine seroit a 
 Louisbourg aussitot que lui, il s'embarquat et se rendit a Louisbourg en 1750, victime en 
 plein de sa bonne foy et crL-dulit6. 
 
 Apres la prise de Louisbourg en 1758 il se sauva en Accadie et dela en Canada ou il 
 continuat ses services avec distinction, zele et utility en quality d'Aide-de-Camp de M. de 
 Levis ensuite Aide-de-Camp de M. de Montcalm jusqu'ii sa mort le 21 de Septembre, 
 1759, et alors il se remit avec M. de Levis. En outre ses fonctions d'Aide-de-camp, 
 n'ayant pas suffisamment des Ing^nieurs dans notre arm^e pour fortifier I'EtendUe de deux 
 lieues de terrein occupe par notre camp pres de Ou6bec, il se chargeat de tracer et conduire 
 les fortifications de la Gauche de notre Arm6e, et c'^toit i la Redoute et Batterie qu'il 
 avoit fait ou les Anglois firent leur Descente le 31 de Juillet 1759 et furent repousses; II 
 avoir encore I'occupation de traduire en fran^ois tous les papiers Anglois ainsi que les 
 Depositions des Prisonniers et des D^serteurs. II y a cy-joint une Lettre et un certificat 
 de ses services par M. de Levis. Accabl6 et totalement ^puisd de fatigue par tant de 
 diftcrentes emplois, sans autre lit que la terre toute cette campagne, sans avoir le terns de 
 dormir deux heures dans les vingt-quatre, et sans jamais oter ses Habits que pour changer 
 de Lino-e ni ses Bottes que pour changer des Bas, II esperoit, Monseigneur, pouvoir parvenir 
 aux premiers Grades militaires par son application continuelle a I'Etude des diftcrentes 
 Branches de I'Art Militaire, par son Experience, par I'Exces du zele qu'il t^moigna dans 
 routes les occasions ou il pouvoit contribuer au bien du service et par sa naissance. Mais 
 le sort I'avoit condamnd a croupir desagr^ablement au service de France, et a vieillir dans 
 les Peines sans relache ; le seul de ses compatriotes qui avoit entre au service de la Marine, 
 et le seul qui avoit et^ honteusement rdtrograde par une commission infdrieure a celle du 
 Prince Edouard. II se croyoit fond6 de demander le Brevet de CoUonel sans appointements 
 afin de lui donner de consideration parmi ses compatriotes en Ecosse, qui ra\'oient vu 
 Capitaine en 1748 et servir a la tcte de sa compagnie a\ec honneur et Distinction. 
 
 Lorsqu'il revint en France en 1760 prisonnier avec les troupes de Canada M. Berryer 
 lui accordat en Recompense de ses services une pension de trois cents livres sur le Trdsor 
 Royal. En 1761 ^tant prct a partir pour rejoindre le corps de I'lsIe Royale a Rochefort il 
 apprit que M. Accaron, I'ayant cru appartenir au corps de Canada, I'avoit reform^ avec les 
 Canadiens, en lui accordant six cents livres de retraite sur les fonds des colonies ; et II fit 
 son possible sans parvenir a faire retracter cet Erreur impardonnable de AI. Accaron. Est- 
 ce done, Monseigneur, sa faute s'il n'a pas continue en activity de service ? Le Bdveu d'un 
 premier commis doit-il rejaillir sur lui et lui fermer la porte des Graces qu'il eut lieu 
 d'espcrer par ses services ? Est-ce que la cour de France ne recompense que les services 
 prdsents sans aucun dgard aux services passes ? M. le Due de Choiseul convertit en pension 
 ces 600 liv. de Retraite, et M. le Due de Praslin transferrat sur les fonds des colonies en 
 rdunissant les deux pensions en une seule de 900 liv. II vous supplie, Monseigneur, de faire 
 expddier un Brevet pour sa pension de 900 liv. selon la nouvelle ordonnance afin qu'il le 
 porte chez M. de Savalcte.
 
 APPENDIX I 323 
 
 Jacques Johnstone de MofFatt, maison de iVI. Jourdan rue fromantau, Quartier du 
 palais royal a Paris. 
 
 La Ronde DENIS Chevallier de St. Louis 
 
 Enseigne de vaisseau et capitaine d'une compagnie du detachement de La Marine en 
 Canada vous represente tres respectueusement, qu'il y a quarante-deux ans qu'il a I'honneur 
 de servir Le Roy premierement en qualite de garde de La Marine et d'Enseigne de vaisseau, 
 et ensuitte de capitaine dans laquelle il sert actuellement. II a command^ des vaisseaux 
 ^tant garde de la Marine et n'a pas discontinue d'armer tant qu'il a ete dans le service. 
 
 1687. 11 a 6t6 fait garde de la Marine et a servy au departement de Rochefort jus- 
 qu'en quatre-vingt-neuf. 
 
 1689. II a arm^ dans le St. Michel avec Mr. de gabaret chef d'escadre ou il a passi 
 en Irlande Le Roy Jacques, et dans la mesme campagne il s'est trouve au combat de bantry. 
 
 1690. II a arme dans le courageux commande par Mr. de Sevigny monmoron, et fuc 
 au combat de la Manche. 
 
 1691. dans I'excellent avec Mr. du Rivaux huet oil il croisa tout I'hyver dans la 
 Manche et fit la campagne de Large. 
 
 1692. dans I'envieux avec Mr. de bonaventure faisant fonction d'Enseigne pendant 
 la campagne qui fut en Canada, et de la croiser sur les cotes de la nouvelle angleterre. 
 
 1693. dans la suzanne fran^oise avec Mr. de bonaventure pour aller a I'acadie ou il 
 servoit lieutenant. 
 
 1694. dans I'Entendu avec M. du guesne ou il servoit d'officier et furent dans la 
 M^diterranfe ou ils prirent palamos et gironne. 
 
 1695. dans I'envieux avec Mr. de bonaventure ou il dtoit Enseigne et fut a I'acadie 
 oil ils se battirent contre une fregate angloise et furent de la a plaisance ou il trouva Mr. de 
 belair capitaine de vaisseau qui commandoit le fourbe lequel manquoit de Lieutenant ayant 
 perdu le sien nomme du breiiil en se battant, ce qui fut cause qu'il le prit en sa place, et 
 dans la traversee ils prirent un vaisseau anglois de seize canons qu'il luy donna a commander. 
 Etant a I'aterrage de france il fit rencontre d'une Escadre angloise qui le prirent et le 
 menerent prisonnier en irlande. 
 
 1696. II a reste dans les prisons d'irlande. 
 
 1697. II a arme dans le vesp commande par le chevallier de chastrier dans I'escadre de 
 Mr. d'Iberville, pour aller a La bave d'hudson ou il servoit de Lieutenant, ils prirent les 
 forts et coulerent a fond L'amiral anglois, prirent un vaisseau et mirent le reste de I'escadre 
 angloise en deroutte. 
 
 1698. dans I'envieux a la cote de I'acadie ou il ^toit Enseigne. 
 
 1699. dans le nioport avec Mr. de courbon St. L^ger pour croiser a la cote de I'a- 
 cadie contre les forbans, il etoit Enseigne et avoit la charge du vaisseau par ordre du Roy 
 par la parfaite connoissance qu'il avoit de cette c6te-la. 
 
 1700. dans la renommee avec Mr. d'iberville pour aller au Misissipi, y ^tant enseigne 
 II fut pendant cinq mois dans le fleuve a en faire la d^couverte suivant les ordres qu'il en 
 avoit du Sr. d'Iberville. 
 
 1 701. Sa Majeste luy donna le commandement de L'enflammd pour aller au 
 Misissipi y porter des munitions ; il resta dix-sept mois dans sa campagne.
 
 324 APPENDIX I 
 
 1702. dans la Loire commandce par le chevallier de gabaret, ou il etoit Lieutenant 
 pour aller en Canada y mener Mr. de Beauharnois Intendant et dans la traversde ils prirent 
 un vaisseau anglois la nuit ou il fut dangereusement bless^ a I'dpaule et fut contraint de 
 rester en Canada nV-tant pas gu^ri au depart du vaisseau. 
 
 1703. II revint en France dans la seine command^e par Mr. Le chevallier de 
 Beauharnois y faisant fonction de second Lieutenant dans la traversee. 
 
 1704. dans la Seine avec Mr. Le Chevallier de Maupeou pour aller en Canada ou il 
 itoit second Lieutenant ; dans la traversee ils firent rencontre de la flotte de virgine 
 compos6e de cinq vaisseaux de guerre qui les attaquerent et apres dix-sept heures de combat 
 ^tant tout disempar^s ils furent pris et men(5s en angleterre. 
 
 1705. dans le profond avec Mr. cauvet pour aller a I'acadie faisant fonction de 
 premier Lieutenant dans la traversee, en arrivant a I'acadie il prit Le commandement d'une 
 fregate de quatorze canons que le Roy y avoit fait construire pour croiser sur la cote de la 
 nouvelle angleterre. 
 
 1707. Etant en rade dans la frigate du Roy La biche pret a faire voile pour aller 
 croiser il entra une flotte angloise dans le port Royal qui venoit pour I'assi^ger, il fut 
 contraint d'echoiier sa fregate sous le fort, et fut detach^ par Mr. de subercase k la tete de 
 cent trente hommes pour aller s'opposer au passage de la petite Riviere, ou devoient passer 
 Les ennemis qui 6toient au nombre de quinze cents, il les repoussa deux fois, mais k la 
 force il fallut c6der et il revint au fort en se battant toujours en retraitte. Pendant le si^ge 
 il commanda toujours le bastion Royal qui faisoit face aux ennemis, Et apres La Lev^e du 
 siege il s'embarqua sur la fregate pour en porter la nouvelle au Roy. 
 
 1708. II commanda La venus pour aller a L'Acadie porter des munitions de guerre 
 dans le cour de I'hyver et arriva au commencement d'avril, de la il fut croiser sur les cotes de 
 la nouvelle angleterre ou il fit plusieurs prises et fut desarm6 a plaisance. 
 
 1709. II fit un armement avec Mr. de St. ovide de brouillant dans le mois de 
 ddcembre avec cent soixante hommes pour aller prendre la cote angloise, ou ils r^ussirent 
 fort bien, puisqu'ils prirent les forts de St. jean Le premier de Janvier, ou ils trouverent 
 plus de mille hommes portant les armes, tant trouppes qu'habitants, ils firent sauter au 
 printemps tous les forts et ran^onnerent La cote et amenerent dans la v^nus toute 
 I'artillerie a plaisance il mena a qu6bec Le Gouverneur, les officiers et soldats de la garnison 
 de St. jean, et les remit entre les mains de Mr. Le Marquis de vaudreuil par lequel il fut 
 retenu L'M entier pour commander la Marine pour la defFence de quebec qui ^toit menaci 
 d'estre attaqu6, apres quoy il porta des vivres a la garnison et colonic de plaisance, qui sans 
 ce secours seroit p6rie de faim pendant I'hyver, tous ces voyages furent dans des saisons trds 
 mauvaises et ont pense le faire perir plusieurs fois. 
 
 1 7 10. II arma dans la Loire pour venir a L'Acadie ^tant arrivd a plaisance ils 
 apprirent qu'elle dtoit prise, ce qui fit qu'il resta a plaisance par ordre de Mr. de Costebelle. 
 
 171 1. II fut detache par Mr. de Costebelle gouverneur pour aller a boston y negocier 
 sdcrettement la neutralite de ces peuples avec ceux de Canada pour afi-'oiblir par ce moyen 
 les secours que la nouvelle angleterre donneroit pour la conqueste de La nouvelle franca, k 
 quoy il auroit rt-ussy sans les contretemps qui arriverent (dont sa Majestd fut inform6e 
 exactement par led. Sr. de Costebelle), qui mirent plusieurs fois sa vie en danger. 
 
 1 7 12. II receut un ordre du Roy pour aller dtablir L'isle Royalle, il passa dans le 
 samselac avec Mr. St. ovide de brouillant.
 
 APPENDIX I 325 
 
 1 7 13. Pendant I'hyver il fut occup6 a parcourir la profondeur des forests et les Lacs de 
 cette isle dont il donna la carte au commandant de Louisbourg, mise au net par le Sr. de 
 couagne sous-ingenieur, apres quoy il fut command^ pour aller au port Royal, aux mines, et 
 a beaubassin, cotes de L'acadie pour empescher les habitants de se soumettre a la domination 
 angloise, parce que ces lieux-la ne font pas partie de la nouvelle ^cosse ou accadie suivant les 
 anciennes limites cW&s par le traitte d'utrecht, il reussit si heureusement que ces peuples 
 consentirent de ne preter jamais serment de fidelite au Roy de la grande bretao-ne, et de se 
 conserver fidelles au Roy de france leur souverain. 
 
 1 714. II fot command^ a son retour de I'Acadie dans le mois de Janvier pour aller en 
 france porter les pacquets de Mr. Costebelle a la cour, il eut le malheur de faire naufrage 
 en arrivant a La cote de bretagne, d'ou il prit la poste pour se rendre a Versailles, ou il se 
 trouva nommd commandant du Port-thoulouse, s'y ^tant rendu apres beaucoup de difficultez 
 il a continue d'y servir jusqu'en mil sept cent vingt. 
 
 1720. II receut un ordre du Roy pour aller servir en Canada. Etant pret de partir 
 pour s'y rendre il eut ordre de Mr. de St. ovide de suivre Le sr. gaudeville, commandant la 
 flotte de L'isle st. jean pour contribuer a I'etablissement de cette isle, ce qu'il fit. 
 
 1 721. II resta par ordre du Roy dans liste pour second commandant. 
 
 1722. II receut un ordre du Roy pour commander a la place du Sr. gaudeville, ce 
 qu'il n'a pas pu exdcuter, Mr. de Beaucourt Lieutenant de Roy de L'isle Royalle ayant eu 
 un pareil ordre. 
 
 1723. Mr. Le Marquis de Vaudreiiil jugea h. propos de I'envoyer par terre a Baston 
 avec le Sr. Lagesse officier des trouppes, son ordre est du cinq octobre mil sept cent vingt 
 trois, il s'y rendit avec beaucoup de diiBcultez et ex&uta L'ordre et les instructions qui luy 
 avoient et6 donn^es a la satisfaction de Mr. de vaudreiiil mais ce voyage et la plus part des 
 precedents luy ont beaucoup coiit^, par ce qu'il n'a pas et6 rembource des depences qu'il y 
 a faites. 
 
 1724. II a ^te nomme par M. Le Marquis de beauharnois pour aller commander a la 
 pointe de chaouarigon qui est a six cents lieues de Quebec ; Etant arrive dans ce poste il 
 a retir6 un collier de cette nation qui avait ^te envoyd de la part des iroquois pour d^truire 
 les francois et la remis a Mr. le Marquis de beauharnois. II a fait la ddcouverte d'une mine 
 de cuivre Rouge dont il a apporte un morceau qu'il a remis a Mr. le Marquis de 
 Beauharnois et donn6 par 6crit la connoissance du Lieu ou elle est ; ces services luy font 
 esperer que Mr. Le Marquis de Beauharnois, gouverneur et Lieutenant general pour le Roy, 
 voudra bien 6crire en sa faveur a la cour. 
 
 11 
 
 Mathieu Henri Marchaut de la Houliere 
 He was born in Paris on the 6th of March 1717. His father was Fran9ois Marchaut, 
 
 " Interess6 dans les affaires du Roi." 
 
 He was appointed Ensign and Lieutenant in the Lyonnais in 1733, Captain in 1734, 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel in 1746, Major in 1747, King's Lieutenant (Bellegarde) in 1751, 
 
 King's Lieutenant (Salces) in 1753, Brigadier in 1770. 
 
 After Louisbourg de la Houliere apparently returned to Salces in the same position, 
 
 and brought back from his imprisonment in England the art of casting cannon with coal 
 
 instead of charcoal. He superintended an experiment to this end at Nantes in 1776. The
 
 326 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 spirit of the times seized him. In 1789 he addressed a memoir to Vergennes advocating 
 free maritime trade, and saw this splendid vision : " What glory will accrue from it to 
 Louis XVI., who has already freed the Americans and the French, in becoming the 
 universal peacemaker among the nations who inhabit both hemispheres, in destroying the 
 seed of almost all wars, and of being seconded in so splendid a task by the National 
 Assembly and his Ministers ! " ("Quelle Gloire en servit a Louis XVI, qui a d^ja rendu 
 les Am(5ricains et les Francois libres, de devenir le Conciliateur universel des peuples qui 
 habitent les deux hi^misphcres, de detruire le germe de presque toutes les guerres et d'etre 
 secondt' dans une Si Belle Entreprisc par I'Assemblee Nationale et ses Ministres ! ") 
 
 Such was not the lot of Louis XVL De la Houliere, like the optimists of the time, 
 was swept on with the tide. In 1793 he was a General of Division in the Republican 
 armv of the Eastern Pyrenees, and meeting disaster wrote to his chief, General Flers : "I 
 hope that you will not be angry, and that you may not be, like me, a victim of treacheries, 
 this I fear for you, for the Republic. Adieu. — The faithful Republican." ("Je souhaite 
 que vous n'en fachiez pas, et que vous ne soyez pas comme moi Victime des Trahisons, 
 ce que je crains pour vous, pour la Ripublique. Adieu. — Le fidelle RipuBLiCAiN." 
 
 On another sheet he wrote : "Suspect no one of my death, have delivered to you my 
 letters, you will be enlightened ; I am dying as a brave man, grievously afflicted by the 
 misfortunes of his country, and I die as a faithful Republican this i8th of June 1793. — 
 La Houliere, Blameless Patriot." (" Ne soup^onnez personne de ma mort, faites rendre 
 mes Lettres, vous serez eclaircis ; je fais la mort d'un brave homme douloureusement 
 affect^ de sa patrie, et je meurs en fidelle R6publicain ce 18 Juin 1793. — La Houliere, 
 irr^prochable patriote.") 
 
 Flers wrote to the Minister on the 24th June that de la Houliere had shot himself and 
 died three or four days afterwards.' So ended, in Perpignan, a career begun in Paris seventy- 
 six years before, which touches our narrative for a few months. In these months he did 
 what he could is the verdict of one observer : " His (Drucour's) assistant, who joined him 
 some days before the arrival of the Enemy, had somewhat the same cast of temperament, 
 he has talent and goodwill, he has seen lengthy service, but nevertheless he is not one of 
 those men made to command, besides he was hampered by a bad leg, which prevented him 
 from acting as he would have wished, and he arrived too late to have a wide enough 
 knowledge of the work that had to be done, he did what he could." (" L'Adjoint qui lui 
 parvint quelques jours avant I'arrivde des Ennemis 6toh a peu prcs de la meme trempe, il a 
 de I'Esprit de la bonne Volontd, il a servi Longtemps, mais malgre Cela Ce n'etoit point 
 de Ces hommes faits pour Commander, d'ailleurs incommode d'une jambe qui I'empechoit 
 d'agir Comme il auroit Voulu, et arriv^ trop tard pour prendre une connaissance assez 
 Etendue de la besoigne qu'il avoit a faire, il ne Pouvoit faire que ce qu'il a fait.")'- 
 
 De la Maisonfort 
 
 Alexandre Boisdescourt de la Maisonfort was a son-in-law of Mons. Chicovneau, 
 Premier Medicine du Roy, Principal Physician to the King, and Chancellor of the 
 University of Montpellier. He began his life as page to the Comte de Toulouse, became 
 
 ' Archives de Guerre. Dossier de la Houlii-rc. - Journal du Silge de Louisbourg, 175S. Poilly.
 
 APPENDIX I 327 
 
 a Garde de la Marine 1699, Ensigne 1703, Lieutenant 17 12, and Captain in 173 1. He 
 was in the Indies in 1704, but his service was mostly on shore. He commanded a vessel 
 only on three cruises before he was given the Vigilant. In 1732 he served on the 
 Brilliant or Fleuron, which made a voyage to Louisbourg. On a plan made by him is 
 his journal. His pleasure-loving instincts which made him prefer shore service betrays 
 itself in these notes. Regretting orders which gave them no shore leave at Cadiz, 
 he speaks of this beautiful and magnificent city, full of very many young ladies whose 
 acquaintance is easy to make, " Peuplez de grande quantite de demoiselles avec qui la 
 connoissance est facile a faire." ^ He was never given a sea command after 1745, or rather 
 after his return from an English prison in the spring of 1746. His gallantry is obvious 
 from the account of the fight with Warren's ships. ^ It may be noted that in the wider 
 outlook on the course of events his judgment was sound. Don Antonio D'Ulloa was a 
 fellow-prisoner with him in England, and to him Maisonfort gave his views on the New 
 England colonies. Maisonfort claimed that in a century the Province of Boston would be 
 a nation so extensive and populated that it would surpass in these respects that of England, 
 and would be in a position to impose its will on all neighbouring countries. The context 
 shows that he includes in the Province of Boston all the colonies from Pennsylvania north- 
 wards. He speaks with enthusiasm of the people and their condition.^ 
 
 He was ordinarily spoken of as the Marquis de la Maisonfort. His title of Marquis 
 was not recognized officially, which places him among those who made up the crowd in 
 the first scene of Cyrano de Bergerac. The official transcript of his services says : " Le 
 commandement qu'il a eu d'un V'au pour I'lsle Royale ne lui a pas fait honneur."'* ("The 
 command which he had of a ship for Isle Royale did him no credit.") 
 
 Marin Michel du Bourzt, 
 
 Seigneur et Marquis de St. Colombe, born January 24, 1706, at Pergau. Ensign in Gensac, 
 August 30, 1724; Lieutenant in Gensac, July 16, 1725; transferred to Bourgogne, 
 April 17, 1727; Captain in Bourgogne, January 11, 1738; Captain of Grenadiers in 
 Bourgogne, July 24, 1747; Commandant de Bataillon, January 6, 1755; rank of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, February 19, 1755; Lieutenant-Colonel, June 24, 1758; retired 
 with pension, May 21, 1766 ; died, March 22, 1782. 
 
 He is described as "a good officer, fit to be Lieutenant-Colonel without however 
 having very superior abilities." He received a pension of 600 livres for his distinguished 
 services at Louisbourg, February i, 1763.^ 
 
 Statement of the Services of M. Prevost, Commissaire General de la 
 
 Marine, Ordonnateur 
 
 1729, Under Clerk; 1732, Clerk to the King; 1735, Chief Clerk.— During these 
 six years he was engaged in turn at the Ports of Rochefort, with various details concerning 
 the construction and repairing of ships, building sheds, principal store-house, fitting out of 
 ships, enrolment of seamen, and artillery. He made a voyage to Canada, and in 1735 was 
 
 1 The map is Bib. Nat. C. 3714. ^ His technical judgment is dealt with in Chap. XV. 
 
 3 r^ D' r . :;; ^i,,., ;, ■• r> vnl 167 " Archives de la Guerre. 
 
 •* Voyage an PerQu. liv. m. chap. IX. ^ 1 voi. 107.
 
 328 APPENDIX I 
 
 singled out by M. Alaurepas to go to I'lsle Royale in the capacity of Commissioner under 
 the orders of M. le Normand de Mczi, who was at that time " Ordonnateur." 
 
 I737> Actin» Commissii, ""'. .<- ^'-'"^ ^'^ France with two ships, the Marie 
 
 AngHique and U Union, by order of Mrs. de St. Ovide de Brouillant and le Normant, 
 Governor and " Ordonnateur," as the result of a council held in consequence of a scarcity of 
 provisions, in order to set forth before the Minister the deplorable state of the colony, and 
 obtain aid, which M. de Maurepas charged him with taking back himself. He returned 
 to the colony the following October, with the relief granted, but he had to go through 
 ice-fields, and the weather was so stormy that both he and the crew fell ill, and in 1738 he 
 was obliged to return to France and recover his health. 
 
 In 1739 M. Maurepas ordered him again to the Colonies, at the time when there was 
 a change of Governor and " Ordonnateur " ; he was charged with the details concerning the 
 warehouse, the hospitals, and artillery; he was added to the "Conseil Superieur." 
 Louisbourg was attacked and taken in 1745 ; he was wounded in this siege, and lost the 
 greater part of his property as well as his wife's fortune. 
 
 He was appointed "Commissaire de la Marine" on the ist of April 1764, and 
 Maurepas, satisfied with his services, considered him capable of filling a position as 
 "Ordonnateur" in countries which M. le Due d'Enville (Anville) might conquer. 
 
 M. Prcvost received an order that, so as to conceal his destination, he should place all 
 his furniture, provisions, and personal property on a little ship from La Rochelle, called 
 La Diligente, which was following the Armada {Varmh navale\ and to embark on the 
 King's ship La Borh. This voyage was as difficult and disheartening as exhausting, but 
 he (Prdvost), more than any one, experienced its misfortunes, for the DiUgente was lost on 
 Sable Island in the storm of September 13, 1746, with all his belongings on board. And 
 in the following December the Boree, on which he was, also got shipwrecked on entering 
 Port Louis, so that he was saved almost naked and was confined to his bed for all the 
 winter with scorbutic rheumatism, of which lie will feel the effects the remainder of his days. 
 
 Maurepas, still anxious to reward him for his services and misfortunes, singled him out 
 once aijain for confidential work in Canada, until I'lsle Royale, where he wished him to be 
 "Ordonnateur," should be restored. 
 
 M. Provost was ordered to embark on the King's ship Le Rubis, of M. de la Jonquiere's 
 squadron ; it took part in the famous fight off" Cape Finistere on May 14, 1747. He was 
 again captured, and for the third time made destitute. He was exchanged immediately 
 through the goodness of the Minister, who still felt kindlv towards him, and ordered to 
 resume his duties at the Port of Rochefort. In November 1748 Alaurepas had him 
 appointed bv the King to fill the place of " Ordonnateur " in I'lsle Royale ; it had just been 
 restored to the King. 
 
 According to his Majesty's commands he went to I'lsle Royale in 1749 in order to 
 retake possession of it with M. Desherbiers, captain of a ship of the line, appointed 
 Governor. He fulfilled all the roval commands to the satisfaction of the King and his 
 Ministers, and he has only busied himself since then with the re-establishmcnt of this colony 
 and its dependencies, with the King's service, improvement of trade, and in maintaining 
 the inhabitants in concord and in the fidelity due to his Majestv, in exercising justice in his 
 quality as President of the Conseil Superieur in Louisbourg, and as King's sub-delegate of 
 the Intendancy of New France in I'lsle Royale, where he was appointed Commissioner for
 
 APPENDIX I 329 
 
 War in 1755, so that he has received nothing but marks of satisfaction from his master and 
 his Ministers during the ten years of this laborious and in every way costly administration. 
 
 In 1757 the King sent him the coinmis=... .issaire General de la Marine," 
 
 which Mrs. Rouill6 and Machault had already told him of. Beyond the ordinary service of 
 the colony, he was given care of the large squadron commanded by the Count Dubois de la 
 Motte, and had to help save the King's ship Le Tonnant and the frigate UAhenaquise, cast 
 ashore by a gale in the harbour of Louisbourg, and it is generally owing to his wise 
 arrangements that the flute UOutarde escaped from the Enemy in 1755. He was given 
 charge in 1757 of the hospitals and of all the sick left by Dubois de la Motte in Louis- 
 bourg, and he was fortunate enough to come to their aid and supply them with medicine 
 so that the majority were saved, because he stopped the epidemic with the necessary care 
 and precautions. 
 
 In 1758 he busied himself entirely, conjointly with M. le Chevalier de Drucour, the 
 new Governor, with the means necessary to place the colony in a good state of defence, to 
 prepare for the enemies' attacks ; he fortified it, and provided for the needs of land and naval 
 troops, before and during the siege of Louisbourg, where he was to be for the second time. 
 It is well known what enormous difficulties, what labour and perils are undergone at such a 
 deplorable time ; once more he had the misfortune to lose all he and his family possessed, 
 and was taken for the second time in the same place. 
 
 He was busied in 1759 with the giving in of accounts of his administration, and he 
 dares flatter himself that he fulfilled this to the complete satisfaction of the Minister. 
 
 In 1760 a letter from his Majesty brought him orders to go from the port of La 
 Rochelle to that of Rochefort, to work there as " Commissaire General," and he was 
 retired on the ist of April 1762 and given a modest pension, hardly in proportion to his 
 grade, his wounds, his good and worthy services, at a time when he hoped to get, because 
 of them, rewards which were promised and deserved after thirty-three years of successive 
 toil and misfortune. 
 
 De St. Julhien, 
 
 a native of Lunel, entered Artois, May 6, 1709 ; became Lieutenant, October 22, 1710; 
 Captain, November 22, 1727 ; Captain of the Grenadier Co., December 30, 1744 ; Major, 
 January I, 1746; Commandant de Bataillon, March 12, 1748; rank of Lt.-Colonel for 
 Louisbourg position, February 19, 1755 ; died in 1759.^ 
 
 Le Courtois de Surlaville, Michel, 
 born in Bayeux, Normandy, June 17, 17 14. His father was an avocat, his mother 
 was of an aristocratic family, but notwithstanding this connection with the class from 
 which military officers were drawn, it was only his great merit and the support of in- 
 fluential friends which enabled him to overcome those obstacles to a military career which 
 lay in the path of all not of noble birth. 
 
 He entered the regiment of Foix in 1734, became Captain in La Couronne in 1745, 
 received the Cross of St. Louis for his conduct at Fontenoy, and in 1 75 1, before leaving for 
 Isle Royale, was raised to the rank of Colonel of the Grenadiers of France. On his return 
 
 ' Archives de la Guerre.
 
 330 APPENDIX I 
 
 he served in the army of the Lower Rhine, 1754, and as Inspector-General of the Coast 
 Guards of Provence, Languedoc, and Roussillon, was made Brigadier in 1761, and Major- 
 General in 1762. So far his advancement had been rapid, but the fall from power of the 
 Due de Choiseul, his protector, stopped his advancement, and it was not until I 781 that he 
 became Lieutenant-General. He died in Paris on January 8, 1796. Les Deniiers Jours 
 de rAcad'te^ by M. Gaston du Boscq de Beaumont, Lechevalier, Paris, 1899, gives his 
 correspondence, with many letters to him from officers who remained in Louisbourg after 
 he left. These make, with the other papers not reprinted in that book, but now in Laval, 
 the most important source of information about the personal side of life in Louisbourg 
 during its latest years. 
 
 La Tour du Chemin 
 
 Mhnoire pour obtenir une Commission de Lieutenant-Colonel, ce trois Septembre, 1755-^ 
 
 (Joint a la lettre de M. le Chev. de Drucour du 9 Octobre 1755.) 
 
 " Le Sr. de la Tour Duchemin a commence a servir en qualite de mousquetaire gris, 
 depuis le 15 Janvier 1732 jusqu'au 20 f^vrier 1734 que le Roy lui a accorde I'enseigne de la 
 Colonelle du Regiment d'Artois, a 6t6 fait lieutenant le 30 mai 1735, aide-major le 15 
 septembre 1741, capitaine le 28 juillet 1743 ; il s'est trouv6 au siege de Philipsbourg, 
 menin, ispre, furne, k celui de Fribourg, Mons et Charlerey, a I'afFaire d'Eteinguen, a 
 celle de Richenaux, a la bataille de Ramoux, aux retranchements du col de Laffiette, ou il 
 a re^u deux blessures, il a M fait Commandant de St. Lo le 7 avril 1744, ayant remplace 
 son pere dans le dit commandement dont il dtait pourveu depuis 1710 et qui servait 
 auparavant en qualit6 de Colonel d'infanterie, le Sieur de la Tour Duchemin, qui continue 
 toujours ses services capitaine au regiment d'Artois, se trouve le premier factionnaire du 
 bataillon qui s'est embarque, il vient d'h^riter de deux cents mille francs, quelque n^cessaire 
 que fdt sa presence pour placer cet argent, il n'a point hesit^ de partir d^s que le bien du 
 service I'exigeoit, et la perte qu'il pourra faire ne luv cause pas le plus petit regret, il 
 demande depuis longtemps la commission de lieutenant-colonel, il renouvelle ses instances 
 dans cette occasion, et la desire avec plus d'ardeur que jamais pour estre k meme de rendre 
 ses services plus utilles." - 
 
 St. Julhien, Lt. Colonel commandant le dit bataillon. 
 
 Jean Vauquelin, 
 
 according to Ar. Marine C^, 174, f. 1656, was the son of a merchant captain of Dieppe. 
 His first regular commission in the navy was as captain of a fire-ship November 5, 1761, 
 and then he became Lieut, de Vaisseau October i, 1764. He served in the West Indies 
 in 1764-65, in India 1766 to December 1769. On his return to France he was im- 
 prisoned and released in 1770, fell ill at Nantes in 1772, returned to Rochefort, where 
 Jie died November 10 of that year. His skill and bravery are noted, and the fact that he 
 had made twenty-one voyages and been in three engagements before entering the service. 
 Beyond these official notes (C^, 167) some further facts have been gathered by the late 
 
 1 lit Royale, 1755, *"'• 35- f- '^S, pp. 90-91. 
 - Drucour praises La Tour's zeal and experience. He was in command of the Island Battery (I.R. vol. 38).
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 331 
 
 Faucher de St. Maurice, and in part published by M. Gabriel Gravier under the title, 
 "Notice sur Jean Vauquelain de Dieppe," etc., Rouen, 1885. Vauquelin (1 follow the 
 spelling in the official records) was born in 1727, went to sea at the age of twelve with his 
 father, and in 1745 delighted his father with his coolness and courage displayed in an 
 encounter with an English frigate. In 1750 he bought a vessel of his own. On the 
 breaking out of war he was, among others, in the scarcity of officers and men, attached to 
 the navy and given command of a frigate, and cruised on the English coasts. His services 
 at Louisbourg have been recounted ; he greatly distinguished himself the next year at 
 Quebec, served on the Plains of Abraham, escaped from the town before its capitulation, 
 withdrew his frigates into winter quarters. In 1760, having burned all his powder, the 
 English took his burning, stranded and defenceless Atalante^ with her flag nailed to the 
 masthead. 
 
 Swanton, Commodore in command of the Vanguard^ received Vauquelin as a hero. 
 Contemporary English documents add : " The Admiral considered this officer so highly, 
 that he gave orders to despatch a vessel to take him to Europe with orders to the captain 
 to obey Vauquelin, and to land him in the French port he chose." 
 
 The tale is so picturesque that I have foreborne verifying it. 
 
 The cause of his imprisonment is unknown. His release was due to the influence of 
 the Duchesse de Mortemart. He was assassinated in the street, according to one account, 
 but this does not accord with the official register above quoted. In 1775 an investigation 
 cleared his memory. 
 
 ISLE ROYALE 
 
 Capitaines 
 Lieutenants 
 
 LISTE DES OFFICIERS, 1747 1 
 
 1080 liv. Enseignes en pied . 
 
 720 Enseignes en second 
 
 480 liv. 
 360 
 
 mort le 21 mars 1747 
 
 GOUVERNEUR 
 
 Le Moyne de Chateaugue. Lieutenant de Roy a la Loilisianne. 
 Chev. de St. Louis. Lieut, de Roy a la Martinique 
 
 Gouverneur a Cayenne per. juillet 
 
 1737- 
 Gouvr. a I'lsle Royale pr. Janvier 
 
 •745- 
 
 Garde de la marine 1719. 
 Enseigne de Vaisseau 1731. 
 Lieutenant de Vaisseau 1 741. 
 Lieut, des gardes de la Marine 1743. 
 Capitaine de Vaisseau 17 mai 1751. 
 Gouverneur a L'Isle Royale pr. 
 fevrier 1754. 
 
 1 24 Compagnies. Une Compagnie de Canoniers Bombardiers de 50 hommes.— Oj^acM m'ditaim Colonies, 1747- 
 1-63. (Serie D 2. No. 4.) 
 
 rentre au service de la marine 
 pr. janer. 1759. 
 
 Chev. de Drucour. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis, 14 mars 
 
 •749-
 
 33^ 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 repasse en france en 1 751 
 pour y rcprcndre son 
 service dans la marine. 
 
 repasse en france en I753avec 
 une pension de 4000 liv. 
 sur le Tr^sor Royal. 
 
 revenu en france en 1758 
 apris la reddition de Louis- 
 bourg. 
 
 COMMANDANT 
 
 Desherbiers. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis. 
 
 Cte. de Raymond. 
 Chev. de St. Louis. 
 
 Lahoulliere. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis, 
 
 Garde de la marine 1716. 
 Enseigne dc \'aisseau 1727. 
 Lieutenant de ^'aisseau 1738. 
 Capitaine de \'^aisseau pr. avril 1748. 
 Commandt. a I'lsle Royale pr. 
 Janvier 174.9. 
 
 Lieut. Colonel des Grenadiers de 
 
 france. 
 Brigadier des armees du Roy 1 748. 
 Marechal de camp 175 i. 
 Commandt. a I'lslc Royale pr. 
 
 mars 175 I. 
 
 Commandant des troupes de terre 
 et de celles de I'lsle Royale par 
 ordre du 31 mars 1758. 
 
 LIEUTENANTS DE ROY 
 
 f. Lieutenant de Roy aux 
 Trois Rivieres en Canada 
 le per. avril 1754. 
 
 a rcforme en 1 75 1. 
 
 retire le 20 juillet 1753 avec 
 1200 liv. de gratifFon. an- 
 nuelle sur les Invalides. 
 
 mort a Rochcfon i 760. 
 
 D'aillebout D'Argenteiiil. 
 Chev. de St. Louis, avril 
 1745- 
 
 Dupont Duvivier. 
 Ch. de St. Louis, 
 '745- 
 
 avril 
 
 Denis de Bonnaventure. 
 Ch. de St. Louis. 
 
 Enseigne 17 10. 
 Lieutenant 1720. 
 Capitaine 1730. 
 
 Lieut, de Roy k Louisbourg pr. 
 mars 1749. 
 
 Garde de la marine 1 718. 
 
 Enseigne a I'lsle Royale I 719. 
 
 Lieutenant 1730. 
 
 Ayde major 1732. 
 
 Commission de capitaine 1732. 
 
 a quitte le service 1747. 
 
 Lieutent. de Roy commandant a 
 
 I'lsle St. Jean per. avril 1750. 
 Cap'e de fregate 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne 1720. 
 
 Lieutenant 1730. 
 
 Ayde Major avec Comon. de Cap'e, 
 
 1737- 
 Capitaine en piej per. avril 1738. 
 Major des troupes, commandant a 
 
 risle St. Jean pr. avril 1 75 1. 
 Lieut, de Roy k LoUisbourg pr. 
 
 avril 1754.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 333 
 
 retire le per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 fait Lieut, de Roy des Trois 
 Rivieres en Canada le per. 
 avril 1752. mort a I'lsle 
 Royale le 24 8bre. 1752. 
 
 retire le per. fevrier 1754 avec 
 une pension de 800 liv. 
 snr le Tresor Royal. 
 
 mort a Brest en Xbre. 1757. 
 
 ft. gouverneur a I'Isle de 
 La Desirade 1763. 
 
 MAJORS 
 
 Eurry De La Perrelle. 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1736. 
 
 De Cannes. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis, gbre. 
 •7+6. 
 
 De Surlaville. 
 Ch. de St. Louis. 
 
 Duhaget. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis fevrier 
 1748. 
 
 Rousseau de Villejooin. 
 Ch. de St. Louis fevrier 
 1748. 
 
 Enseigne 1708. 
 
 Lieutenant 1714. 
 
 Capitaine 1730. 
 
 Major A Lotiisbourg 1741. 
 
 Enseigne 1719. 
 
 Lieutenant 1725. 
 
 Capitaine 1730. 
 
 Major a Lotiisbourg per. mars 1 749. 
 
 Ayde major des Grenadiers de 
 
 france. 
 Colonel d'Infanterie 1751. 
 Major des troupes de I'Isle Royale 
 
 per. avril 175 i. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1723. 
 Enseigne en pied 1728. 
 Lieutenant 1730. 
 Ayde Major avec Comon. de Cape. 
 
 '738- 
 Capitaine en pied per. avril 1739. 
 
 Major a Lotiisbourg 1753. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1723. 
 Enseigne en pied 15 mars 1730. 
 Lieutenant 8 mai 1730. 
 Ayde Major avec Comon. de Cape. 
 
 1739- 
 Capitaine en pied pr. avril 1741. 
 
 I mai 1764 retraitte comme 
 comand. les troupes ayde. 
 de risle Royale avec 
 1200 liv. de pension sur 
 les fonds des Colonies en 
 france mort le 22 fev. 
 1765 a Rochefort sur ce 
 que M. de Mansville I'a 
 marque par sa lettre du 
 23 du dit mois. 
 
 ft. capne. dans les troupes 
 nationales a la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 mort le — mai i 758. 
 
 AYDE-MAJORS 
 
 Loppinot. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1754. 
 
 De La Bregonniere. 
 
 Denis. 
 
 Enseigne en second 8 mai 1730. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. avril 1737. 
 Ayde Major des troupes per. Janvier 
 
 17+7- 
 Ayde Major k Louisbourg pr. mars 
 
 17+9- 
 Common, de Capite. pr. mars 1749. 
 
 Cadet .1 I'aiguillette. 
 
 Enseigne en pied per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Ayde Major a I'Isle St. Jean 1753. 
 
 Commission de Cape. pr. avril 1754. 
 
 Expectve. d'Ense. en 2d. pr. Janvier 
 
 1747- ^ . 
 
 Enseigne en second 15 fevrier 1748. 
 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Second Ayde Major a Louisbourg 
 
 pr. avril 1754-
 
 334 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 INGENIEURS 
 
 mort. 
 
 mort le 3 juillct 1753. 
 
 a abandonne en 1745. 
 
 passe au service dc Canada 
 par ordrc du pe. mai 1750. 
 
 retir6 en Xbre 175-I-. 
 
 retire en Xbre 1754. 
 
 retire en Xbre 1754. 
 
 Passe a St. Pierre et Mi- 
 quelon 1763. 
 
 rentre au service de terre en 
 1759- 
 
 passe en Canada. 
 
 rentre au service de terre en 
 avril 1759. 
 
 destine a passer k la Martin- 
 ique en 1760. 
 
 destine id. 
 
 Verrier. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis. 
 
 Boucher. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis. 
 
 Verrier fils. 
 CoUagne. 
 
 Brefon. 
 
 Chev. de Ridde. 
 Chev. de Montalan. 
 De Couagne. 
 
 Franquet. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis. 
 
 Pontlerey. 
 De Poilly. 
 
 Doumet. 
 
 Daubertin. 
 
 Ingenieur en chef. 
 
 Lieutenant reforme. 
 
 Capitaine reforme pr. avril 1739. 
 
 Sous jngenieur. 
 
 Ingenieur en Canada per. jantr. 
 
 174.7- 
 Ingenieur a I'lsle Royale. 
 
 Sous ingenieur. 
 
 Sous ingenieur per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 Ingenieur pr. mai 1752. 
 
 Sous ingenieur per. mai 1752. 
 
 Sous ingenieur per. mai 1752. 
 
 Sous ingenieur per. Janvier 1747. 
 Ingenieur per. avril 1754. 
 Capne. reforme 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Brigadier des armees du Roy Di- 
 recteur des fortiffications de la 
 Nouvelle France per. mai 1754. 
 
 Ingr. per. janer. 1755. 
 
 Ingenieur per. Janvier 1755. 
 
 Sous ingenieur 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Ingenieur \ -i „,o 
 
 J ■ r , rpr. avril 1758. 
 
 Lieut, reforme j ' ■' 
 
 destine a passer a la Martinique 
 
 1760. 
 
 Ingenieur pr. avril 1758. 
 destine a passer a la Martinique 
 1760. 
 
 AUTRES OFFICIERS 
 
 mort a Rochefort le 20 
 aoust 1749. 
 
 retire le per. avril 1754 avec 
 le grade ct les appointe- 
 mens dc Capitaine reforme. 
 
 Morpain. 
 
 Hertel. 
 
 Capitaine de flute 1720. 
 
 Capitaine de port. 
 
 Cape, de Brulot 1 5 avril i 744. 
 
 Cape, des portes 8 juin 1744.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 335 
 
 mort. 
 
 Vallee. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Benin. 
 
 suprime en I759- 
 
 Barbudeau. 
 
 retire le 15 mars 1758 avec 
 500 liv. de pension sur la 
 
 Dolabaratz. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 18 mars 
 
 marine et 300 liv. sur les 
 Invalides. 
 
 1758. 
 
 Enseigne de port a Brest. 
 
 Dolabaratz le ills. 
 
 retire en 1759. 
 
 Lambert. 
 
 rentre dans la marine. 
 
 suprime en avru 1759. 
 
 Marchesseau. 
 
 Na. cet ordre de Cape." 
 de Port a ete renvoye 
 par M. Prevost le 3 
 Fbre. 1 76 1 n'ayant 
 point eu son execution. 
 II dit reste joint a sa 
 lettre dud. jour 3 
 Fbre. 
 
 Rocher, arpenteur. 
 
 Ducasse. 
 
 Arpenteur. 
 
 Chirurgien major a Louisbourg a 
 600 liv. du mois d'avril 1759. 
 
 Chirurgien entretenu au Port La 
 Joye 1752 
 
 Capitaine de Brulot pr. avril 1748. 
 Capite. de port per. avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne de port 10 juillet 1753. 
 
 Capne. des portes a Louisbourg per. 
 avril 1754. 
 
 Lieutenant de fregate. 
 
 Cape, de port a Louisbourg i 5 mars 
 1758. 
 
 chirurgien du Port dauphin. 
 
 COMPAGNIES DE CANONIERS BOMBARDIERS 
 
 Passe a St. Domingue 1762. 
 
 De Ste. Marie. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis mars 
 1749. 
 
 Passe a St. Domingue 1762. Vallee. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 passe a Quebec par ordre du 
 10 avril 1750 pour y 
 servir en sa meme qualite. 
 
 Jacau de Piedmont. 
 
 Enseigne en pied 1730. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1 739. 
 Capitaine de la Compagnie des 
 
 Canoniers Bombs, pr. mai 1743. 
 Cape, de la pe. compie. per. fevrier 
 
 •758. 
 Lt. CI. d'artillerie commission ex- 
 
 pediee au Bau. de la guerre 18 
 
 octobre 1765. 
 retire la meme annee avec 1800 liv. 
 
 de pension. 
 
 Lieutenant de la Compagnie des 
 
 Canoniers pr. mai 1743. 
 Commission de Cape. pr. avril 1 754. 
 Cape, de la 2e. Compie. fev. 1758. 
 Enseigne de la Compagnie des 
 
 Canoniers per. avril 1748.
 
 33^ 
 
 Passe a la Louisianne pour y 
 scrvir en sa racmc qualite 
 suivant le choix que M. 
 Daubigny commandt. la 
 Marine A Rochefort en a 
 fait d'apres la depcche du 
 ministre du 7 Janvier 
 1762. 
 
 ft. Lt. des Canoniers Bomb, 
 a St. Domingue le 16 
 as-ril 1762. Sans distinc- 
 tion dc Compagnic. 
 
 retire le 10 aoust 1758. 
 
 Passe h. la Louisianne en sa 
 nieme qualite suivt. le 
 choix que M. Daubigny 
 Comt. la Marine a Roche- 
 fort en a fait d'apres la 
 depeche du ministre du 7 
 fev. 1762. 
 
 Passe i Cayenne 1762. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 La Boucherie Fromenteau. 
 
 Du Trac. 
 
 Desbourbes. 
 
 Loppinot de Beauport. 
 
 Benoist. 
 
 Enseig. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Sous Lieutenant dc la Compic. de 
 
 Canoniers Bombardiers 1755. 
 Lieut, de la 2e. Compie. fev. 1758. 
 
 Enseigne de la compie. de Canoniers 
 Bombardiers pr. avril 1755. 
 
 Enseig. en pied de la pre. compie. 
 1758. 
 
 Lieut. d'Infrie. pr. avril 1754. 
 Lieut, de la pre. compie. fev. 1 758. 
 
 Enseigne en second pr. avril 1754. 
 Enseig. en pied de la 2e. compie. 
 1758. 
 
 Enseigne en second per. avril 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. avril 1755. 
 Lieut, de la pre. compie. per. avril 
 1760. 
 
 retire le per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 mort le 
 
 1755- 
 
 mort en aoust 1757. 
 
 ft. gouverneur 
 galante 1763. 
 
 CAPITAINES 
 
 Despiet De La Plagne. 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1747. 
 
 Thierry de Chassin. 
 Ch. de St. Louis 
 
 ■Si- 
 
 Cher, de Montalembert de 
 Cers. 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1754. 
 
 Joubert. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1754. 
 
 Commandt. d'un detachemt. 
 de 300 hommcs destine a 
 passer aux Isles du Vent 
 avec le Rang et les 
 appointemens de major de 
 
 Place 
 1760. 
 
 ordre du 
 
 Enseigne 1723. 
 Lieutenant mai 1730. 
 Capitaine per. avril 1737. 
 
 Enseigne en pied 1730. 
 Lieutenant per. avril 1737. 
 Capitaine per. avril 1744. 
 
 Cape, au Regt. des \'aisseaux 
 
 17+4- 
 Cape, a risk Royale ijavnl 1750. 
 
 Cape, au Regimt. de Grassin 1746. 
 Cape, i I'lsle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 Lt.-Colonel rcformc d'Infie. 1 3 
 8bre 1762.
 
 Prisonier capitulation. 
 
 de Montreal 1760 Gouver- 
 
 neur de St. Pierre et 
 
 Miquelon. 
 
 retire le premier avril 1754 
 avec 400 liv. de deraie 
 solde sur les Invalides de 
 la Marine. 
 
 ;ue au Siege de Louisbourg 
 le 9 juillet 1758. 
 
 •1 St. Domingue. 
 
 •etraitte de 600 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies du 
 le. raai 1764. 
 
 Retraitte de 600 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies le. mai 
 1764. 
 
 etraitte de 600 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies I mai 
 .764. 
 
 tnort le 3 aoust k Rochefort 
 Lettre de M. de Franc de 
 I'Eguille du 4 dud. raois. 
 
 etraitte de 600 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonics du I 
 mai 1764. 
 
 t. major comandant les 
 Troupes nationales de La 
 Guyanne I mai 1764. 
 
 iiort dans le retour de la 
 Baye des Chaleurs en 
 france suivant que I'a 
 marque M. Dangeac par 
 sa lettre du 21 juillet 
 176.. 
 
 nort le i -C2. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 Dangeac. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1754. 
 
 Cher, de Pensens. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1754. 
 
 Garssemant Dorfontaine. 
 
 Dufresne. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1757. 
 
 D'Estimauville. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1755. 
 
 Chev. de Coux. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1755. 
 
 Du Chambon I'aine. 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1755. 
 
 Benoist. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 Duvivier de Gourville. 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 De La Valliere. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1756. 
 
 Chev. Duvivier. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 De Renon. 
 
 337 
 
 Enseigne en second 1723. 
 Enseigne en pied 1730. 
 Lieutenant 16 juin 1732. 
 Capitaine per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1727. 
 Enseigne en pied 1730. 
 Lieutenant 20 mars 1736. 
 Capitaine pr. janv-ier 1747. 
 
 Cape, en france 6 aoust 1747. 
 Cape. a. I'lsle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Cape, au Regt. de Lowendal 20 
 
 mai 1748. 
 Cape, .i risle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Cape, de Brulot per. juin 1748. 
 Cape, a I'lsle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en pied 1730. 
 Lieutenant per. avril 1737. 
 Capitaine pr. mars 1749. 
 
 Enseigne en second 8 mai 1730. 
 Enseigne en pied per. avril 1737. 
 Lieutenant per. avril 1 744. 
 Capitaine pr. mars 1749. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1723. 
 Enseigne en pied 1730. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1738. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1730. 
 Enseigne en pied 1736. 
 Lieutenant per. juin 1748. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1730. 
 Enseigne en pied, 20 mars 1736. 
 Lieutenant per. mai 1743. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1732. 
 Enseigne en pied per. avril 1738. 
 Lieutenant per. Janvier 1747. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1732. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. avril 1741. 
 Lieutenant per. Janvier 1747. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750.
 
 338 
 
 i St. Domingue. 
 
 passe en Canada par ordre du 
 per. mai 1757. 
 
 retraitte de 600 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies du 1 
 mai 1764. 
 
 passe au service de Canada 
 par ordre du per. avril 
 1751. 
 
 mort a Rochefort le gbre 
 
 1758. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 De La Houssaye (Poilvillain).! 
 
 Chcv. de St. Louis 1759. i 
 (Embarque i Rochefort pour 
 
 St. Domingue est fait 
 
 prisonnier 1762.] 
 Arrive i St. Domingue oil il 
 
 a et^ incorporc dans Ic 
 
 Regt. de Quebec en 1763. 
 A obtenu sa retraitte dans 
 
 ce Regt. en 1768.) 
 
 De Repentigny. 
 
 Denis De la Ronde. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1 760. 
 
 De Vergor Chambon. 
 
 Dangeac Merville. 
 
 ft. cape, dans les Troupes j D'Orfontaine. 
 
 Nationales a la Guyanne I Ch. de St. Louis 1760. 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 mort le 2 7bre 1760 a 
 Rochefort. 
 
 mort le 30 gbre 1760 i Benjamin de Villeray. 
 Rochefort. Ch. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 D'Aillebout de Boulassery. 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 mort le 26 juillct 1758. 
 
 mort le '755' 
 
 Ballade de Bellefosse. 
 
 Chev. de Chabot. 
 
 Enseig. en 2d. a La LoUisiannc 
 
 17.33- 
 Enscigne en pied 1734. 
 Lieutenant per. octobrc 1740. 
 Cape, a risle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseig. en 2d. en Canada 9 mars 
 
 «7.3+- 
 Enseigne en pied 10 avril 1 742. 
 Lieutenant 15 fevricr 1748. 
 Cape, i risle Royale 15 avril 1 750. 
 
 Enseig. en 2d. en Canada 1737. 
 Enseigne en pied per. mai 1743. 
 Lieutenant 15 fevrier 1748. 
 Cape, a I'lsle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en second per. avril 1737. 
 Enseigne en pied per. mai 1743. 
 Lieutenant per. mars 1749. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseigne en second per. avril 1738. 
 Enseigne en pied per. avril 1744. 
 Lieutenant 15 fevrier 1748. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Expve. d'Enseig. en second 1738. 
 Enseigne en second per. avril 1 74 1. 
 Enseigne en pied per. Janvier 1747. 
 Lieutenant premier mars 1749. 
 Capitaine 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Enseig. en 2d. en Canada 13 avril 
 
 1734- 
 Enscigne en pied 10 avril 1742. 
 
 Lieutenant per. mai 1749. 
 
 Capitaine per mai 175 i. 
 
 Enseig. en 2d. en Canada per. avril 
 
 «733- 
 Enseigne en pied per. avril 1739. 
 Lieut, i. risle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 Capitaine per. mai 1751. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. des Bretons 
 volontaires Lieut. A I'lsle Royale 
 I 5 avril 1750. 
 
 Capitaine premier avril I 754. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. de Pied- 
 mont. 
 Lieut, .i risk Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 Capitaine premier avril 1754.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 passe en Canada par ordre 
 du per. mai 1757. 
 
 mort a St. Domingue. 
 
 De Maiziere. 
 
 a St. domingue dans le Regt. 
 de foix. 
 
 i St. Domingue. 
 
 ft. major des Troupes natio- 
 nales de la Guyanne i mai 
 1764. 
 
 ft. capne. dans les Troupes 
 nationales a la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. capne. dans les Troupes 
 nationales a la Guyanne 
 I I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. capne. dans les Troupes 
 nationales a la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 t. capne. dans les Troupes 
 nationales a La Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 c. Cape, dans les Troupes 
 nationales a La Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 Chev. du Chambon. 
 
 De Mezillat. 
 
 Chabot de Brion. 
 
 St. Aigne (Came). 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 Chev. de Vcrteuil 
 
 Eurry de La Perelle. 
 
 Le Neuf de Boisneuf. 
 
 De Trion, 
 
 Dumaine (dupont du Cham- 
 bon). 
 
 339 
 
 Expectve. d'Enseigne en 2d. en 
 
 Canada. 
 Enseigne en second pr. avril 1741. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. avril 1745. 
 Lieut, a I'Isle Royale i 5 avril 1750 
 Capitaine pr. avril 1754. 
 
 Expectative d'Enseig. en second 
 
 '739- 
 Enseigne en second per. avril 1741. 
 Enseigne en pied per. Janvier 1747. 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 Capitaine per. avril 1754. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette Enseigne en 
 
 second per. mai 1743. 
 Enseigne en pied per. Janvier 1747. 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 Capitaine 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Bataillon de Saumur. 
 Lieut, a risk Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 Capitaine 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette Enseigne en 
 
 second 1743. 
 Enseigne en pied 1747. 
 Lieutenant 1750. 
 Capitaine 1757. 
 
 Lieut, dans les Grenadiers Royaux. 
 Lieut, a risle Royale 1750. 
 Capitaine 1757. 
 
 Expve. d'Enseigne en second i avril 
 
 1744. 
 Enseigne en second 1747. 
 Enseigne en pied 1748. 
 Lieutenant I 750. 
 Capitaine 1759. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1747. 
 Enseigne en pied 1749. 
 Lieutenant 1750. 
 Capitaine 1759. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. de Navarre. 
 Lieut, a I'Isle Royale 1750. 
 Capitaine 1760. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette Enseigne en 
 
 second 1749. 
 Enseigne en pied 1750. 
 Lieutenant 1755. 
 Capitaine 1760.
 
 34° 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 CAPITAINES REFORMiS 
 
 retire. 
 
 Tonty. 
 
 De La Boularderie. 
 
 Chev. de St. Louis 1760. 
 
 De Thorigny. 
 
 ancicn Lieutenant Capitaine re- 
 fornit per. juin 1742. 
 
 Capitaine rcformc per. avril 1 746. 
 
 Capitaine refc. per. juillet 1753. 
 
 tue au combat de M. dc la 
 Jonquiire le 14 mai 1747- 
 
 mort le 
 
 '754- 
 
 Retraitte dc 400 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonics du I 
 mai I 764. 
 
 retiri le per. mai 1757. 
 
 Commission de Cape, du 
 30 avril 1764 ordrc de 
 retraitte du I mai dud. 
 an avec 600 liv. de pension 
 sur les Colonies. 
 
 n'a pas joint. 
 
 n a pas joint. 
 
 a abandonnc en 1757. 
 
 mort le 
 
 1752. 
 
 ft. Capitaine dans les Troupes 
 nationalcs dc la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 LIEUTENANTS EN PIED 
 Chev. de Bcllemont. 
 
 Du Caubet. 
 
 Bourdon. 
 
 Ch. de St. Louis 22 mai 
 »77S- 
 
 D'aillebout D'argenteuil. 
 
 Duvivier Chev. de Vannes. 
 Chev. de St. Louis, ordre 
 du 22 juin 1770. 
 
 De Hastrel. 
 Chev. dc Hastrel. 
 
 De Chabot. 
 
 Lc Brun I'aine. 
 
 De Lery cadet. 
 
 Enscigne en second 1736. 
 Enseigne en pied per. avril 1739. 
 Lieutenant per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette Enseigne en 
 
 second per. mai 1743. 
 Enseigne en pied per. Janvier 1747. 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette Enscigne en 
 
 second pr. janr. 1747. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. mars 1749. 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Lieutenant 15 avril 1750. 
 
 a servi dans la Gendarmerie et dans 
 
 Royau.x Vaisseaux. 
 Lieut, a risle Royale 15 avril 1/50. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. Royal Lieut. 
 
 a risle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. de Tremel. 
 Lieut. 3. risle Royale 15 avril 
 
 1750. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. de Navarre. 
 Lieut, i. risle Royale 15 avril 
 
 1750. 
 
 Lieut, dans le Regimt. d'Alsace. 
 Lieut, i risle Royale 1 5 avril 
 
 1750. 
 
 Expve. d'Ense. en 2d. en Canada 
 
 1 74+- 
 Enseigne en second per. avril 1745. 
 Ens. en pied a I'lsle Royale 1750. 
 Lieutenant per. mai 1751.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 tue dans le combat que le 
 Vau. le Mis. de Marigny 
 a soutenu contre une fre- 
 gatte angloise Le 2 gbre 
 1762. Suivt. que M. Le 
 Chev. de . . . I'a marque 
 dans ce temps par une 
 lettre non dattee. 
 
 a quitte en I 758. 
 
 mort le 8 juillet 1758. 
 
 ft. Cape, dans les troupes 
 nationales de La Guj-anne 
 le I mai 1764. 
 
 retire. 
 
 a abandonne en 1755. 
 
 ft. capitne. dans les troupes 
 nationales de La Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 Passe a la Desirade dans 
 I'Etat major. 
 
 Prisonnier capitulation de 
 Montreal. Porte sur le 
 Registre de Canada en 
 qualite de Lieutenant. 
 
 ft. Lieut, de la pre. compie. 
 des canoniers Bombardiers 
 le per. fevrier I 758. 
 
 De Carvoisin. 
 
 Du Blaizel de La Cloye. 
 
 Chev. de Serres. 
 
 La Pillette. 
 
 Du Lesche. 
 
 Saillart. 
 
 du Boisberthelot. 
 
 \'illejoiiin (Rousseau). 
 
 Jonshtone (Johnstone). 
 Pension de 300 liv. sur le 
 
 L R. 24 mars 1 761. 
 Ch. de St. Louis 6 mars 
 1762. 
 
 Desbourbes. 
 
 Lieut. d'Infanterie en france. 
 Lieut, a risle Royale per. juillet 
 1752. 
 
 Volontaire dans le Regt. Royal 
 Etranger. Ense. en pied a I'lsle 
 Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 
 Lieut, en second des Grenadiers du 
 Bataillon de Troyes. Ense. en 
 pied a I'lsle Royale 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 
 Lieutent.du Reg. d'Arrais Infanterie. 
 
 Enseig. a I'lsle Royale 15 avril 
 
 1750. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 
 a servi dans le Regimt. de La 
 Marck. Ense. en 2d. a I'lsle 
 Royale pr. juin 1749. 
 
 Enseigne en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 
 Cornette dans le Regimt. de ferrary. 
 
 Enseig. en pied a I'lsle Roye. 
 
 I 5 avril 1 750. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril I 754. 
 
 Enseigne en second pr. Janvier 1747. 
 Enseigne en pied 15 a\'ril 1750. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 
 Enseigne en second pr. janv. 1747. 
 Enseigne en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 
 a servi dans I'Armee du Prince 
 
 Edoiiard. 
 Ense. en pied a I'lsle Royale 1 5 
 
 avril 1750. 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754. 
 Passe en Canada lors du siege de 
 
 Louisbourg. 
 
 Lieutenant pr. avril 1754.
 
 342 
 
 nc peut aller i St. Domingue 
 oil il a deji scrvi sa sante 
 ne pouvant soutcnir ce 
 cliraat ft. Cape, aux Jsles 
 St. Pierre et Miquclon le 
 I Janvier 1763. 
 
 ft. cape, dans les troupes 
 nationales dc La Guyanne 
 I raai 1764. 
 
 retraitte de 400 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies i mai 
 .764. 
 
 ft. Cape, dans les Troupes 
 Nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 mort de ses blessures a Ritti- 
 gouche sous le Com- 
 manderat. dc M. Dangeac. 
 
 retraitte de 400 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies I mai 
 1764. 
 
 ft. Cape, dans les Troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 1 mai 1764. 
 
 i St. Domingue. 
 
 ft. Cape, dans les Troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 1 mai 1764. 
 
 en 1762 a St. Domingue 
 incorpor^ dans le Regt. de 
 Boulonnois en a ete re- 
 forme en 1 763 avec 300 liv. 
 de traitcment. 
 
 retraitte de 400 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies i mai 
 1764. 
 
 ft. Lt. dans les Troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 I raai 1764. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 Le Baron de L'Esperance. 
 
 Pommeroy. 
 
 Villedonne. 
 
 Desgoutins. 
 
 Loppinot. 
 
 Duplessis Faber. 
 
 De La Pouerie (Le Neuf). 
 
 Ferdinand Du Chambon. 
 
 D'Aillebout St. Vilme. 
 
 Pennane de Boisberthelot. 
 n6 en 1732 a Louisbourg. 
 
 du Portal. 
 
 Lasvoutes. 
 
 Cadet 1735 
 Enseigne en zd. 1742 
 Enseigne en pied h 
 St. Domingue 1748 
 
 dans k] 
 
 Regt. Suisse 
 de Karrci 
 depuis dc 
 Hallwyl. 
 
 Lieutenant k I'lsle Royale premier 
 avril 1754. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette. 
 Enseigne en 2d. pr. mars 1749. 
 Enseigne en pied 15 avril 1 750. 
 Lieutenant per. avril 1755. 
 
 Enseigne en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 Lieutenant 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Enseigne en second 15 avril 1 750. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. avril 1 7 54. 
 Lieutenant 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Enseigne en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied per. avril 1754. 
 Lieutenant 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1754. 
 Lieutenant 1757. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1754. 
 
 Lieutenant 1757. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1754. 
 Lieutenant 1757. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1754. 
 Lieutenant 1757. 
 
 Cadet I Janvier 1747. 
 Enseigne en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied i avril 1754. 
 Lieutenant 1 avril 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1 750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1754. 
 Lieutenant 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1 754. 
 Lieutenant 1760.
 
 ft. per. ayde major des 
 
 Troupes iiationales a la 
 
 Guyanne i mai 1764 
 
 I avec Commission de Cap'e. 
 
 retire. 
 
 retraitte de 300 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies 1 mai 
 1764. 
 
 mort le 5 juin 1757 dans 
 une embuscade d'Anglois 
 aux environs du fort 
 Duquesnc. 
 
 fait Lieutenant en Canada le 
 premier fevrier 1760. 
 
 passe en la merae qualite au 
 service de Canada par 
 ordre du per. mai 1757. 
 
 Retraitte de 300 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies I mai 
 1764. 
 
 a quitte le service. 
 
 passe a La Martinique en la 
 meme qualite par ordre du 
 25 aoust 1758. 
 
 Prisonnier Capitulation de 
 Montreal. 
 
 ft. second ayde -major des 
 Troupes Coloniales a la 
 Guyanne I mai 1764. 
 
 i St. Domingue. 
 
 mort a la Presqu'isle le 
 II 7bre 1757. 
 
 l6v. ordre de retraitte sans 
 pension i mai 1764. 
 
 mort a Rochefort le 3 7bre 
 1759- 
 
 ft. Lt. dans les Troupes 
 Nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai I 764. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 Laforest. 
 
 Chev. de La Noue Bogard. 
 Des Noyclles La Noix. 
 
 Vanier de La Saussaye. 
 
 Sabrevois de Bleury. 
 Hertel de St. Franjois. 
 
 343 
 
 Enseigne en second 1750. 
 Enseigne en pied 1755. 
 Lieutenant 1760. 
 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1754. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied pr. avril 1755. 
 
 Ense. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied pr. avril 1755. 
 
 Ense. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied pr. avril 1755. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. per. mai 1751. 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1755. 
 
 Chev. de La Boularderie 
 (Le Poupet). 
 
 Ense. en 2d. per. avril 1754. 
 Ense. en pied pr. avril 1755. 
 ft. Lieut, par M. de Drucourt gouverneur en vertu de la lettre du 
 Ministredu 31 mars 1757. 25 juillet 1758. 
 
 Petit. 
 
 Rousseau D'Orfontaine. 
 
 Catalogne. 
 Hertel Cournoyer. 
 
 D'Aillebout de Carreyon. 
 
 Souvigny de Villejouin. 
 Boisberthelot de Peline. 
 De Villeray. 
 Cournoyer de Chambly. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. pr. avril 1754. 
 Ense. en pied 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. pr. avril 1754. 
 Ense. en pied 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. pr. avril 1754. 
 Ense. en pied 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Cadet a I'Equillette i gbre 1749. 
 Ense. en 2d. pr. avril 1754. 
 Ense. en pied 15 mars 1756. 
 
 Enseigne en 2d. 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied 1757. 
 
 Enseigne en 2d. 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied 1757. 
 
 Ense. en second 1754. 
 Ense. en pied 1757. 
 
 Ense. en second 1754. 
 Ense. en pied 1757.
 
 344 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 14. ENSEIGNES EN PIED 
 
 retire le per. Janvier 1747 et 
 raort 1 Rochcfort le 13 
 avril suivant. 
 
 retir6. 
 
 mort le 9 juillct 1755 
 dans le combat livri aux 
 Anglois pris le fort Du- 
 quesne en Canada. 
 
 ft. Enseigne de V'au. 
 
 mort le 
 
 ?55- 
 
 retire le pr. avril 1755 avec 
 unc grattiffication annuelle 
 de 300 liv. sur les Invalides 
 de la Marine. 
 
 Passe au service de la Loui- 
 sianne en sade. qualite 
 d'Enscigne en pied par 
 ordrc du per. avril 1755. 
 
 retire. 
 
 mort. 
 
 pass6 au service de Canada 
 par ordrc du per. mai 
 1757- 
 
 mort le 17 juillct 1758. 
 
 ft. Lieutenant en Canada Ic 
 per. fcvrier 1760. 
 
 pass6 au service de Canada 
 par ordrc du per. mai 
 >757- 
 
 Le Neuf de La Vallicre. 
 
 De Langy. 
 
 Chcv. de La Peirade. 
 
 D'Aillebout. 
 
 Raimbault Desraazures. 
 Hertel de Rouville. 
 
 Le Brun le cadet. 
 
 Augier Des Courgeats. 
 Eurry. 
 
 De Varenne. 
 
 Chassin De Thierry. 
 Rousseau de Villejoilin. 
 Cournoyer. 
 
 Enseigne en 2d. avril 1737. 
 Enseigne en pied pr. juin 1742. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. en Canada 1 5 fevrier 
 
 17+8. 
 Ense. en pied a I'lsle Royale ij 
 
 avril 1750. 
 
 Expectat. d'Ense. en 2d. en Canada 
 
 le 1 5 fevrier 1748. 
 Ense. en 2d. per. mai 1749. 
 Ense. en pied a I'lsle Royale 15 
 
 avril 1750. 
 
 Cadet a I'aiguillette. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. pr. Janvier 1747. 
 
 Ense. en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Ense. en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. en Canada 15 fev. 
 
 1748. 
 Ense. en pied .i I'lsle Royale 1 5 
 
 avril 1750. 
 
 Lieut, en 2d. du Regimt. d'Alsace. 
 Ense. en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Volontaire au Rcgt. de Lally. 
 Ense. en pied 15 avril 1750. 
 
 Cadet k I'aiguillette. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. per. Janvier 1747. 
 
 Ense. en pied per. mai 1751. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1754. 
 
 Ense. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1754. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1754. 
 
 Ense. en 2d. 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1754.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 345 
 
 I passe en Canada par ordre du 
 per. fevrier 1758. 
 
 ft, per. sous ayde major des 
 Troupes nationales i mai 
 1764. 
 
 'ft. Lt. dans les Troupes 
 Nationales du I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. second aide -major des 
 Troupes nationales .i la 
 Guyanne I mai 1764. 
 
 'ft. Lieut, dans les Troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. Lt. dans les troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. Lt. dans les Troupes 
 Nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. Lt. dans les Troupes 
 Nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 A quitte. Voyes la lettre de 
 M. de Villejoiiin du 6 
 7bre 1760. 
 
 ft. Lt. dans les troupes natio- 
 nales de la Guyanne I mai 
 I 1764- 
 
 ordre de retraitte du i 3 7bre. 
 1760 avec pour mission 
 d'Etudes au service dans 
 les Troupes de france. 
 
 Ft. Sous Lt. dans les Troupes 
 Nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. Lieut, dans les troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 aide -major a I'lsle de la 
 Desirade. 
 
 Charly. 
 
 D'Aillebout de Perigny. 
 
 De Coux. 
 
 Chev. de V'illeray. 
 
 Sabattier. 
 
 Carrerot. 
 
 Villedonne fils. 
 
 Chev. d'Aillebout de St. 
 Vilrae. 
 
 Boisberthelot Lanrivain. 
 
 Came de St. Aigne. 
 
 Bache. 
 
 Fermanel. 
 
 Chev. de Boisberthelot. 
 
 Loppinot de Lafresiliere. 
 
 Ense. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en pied per. avril 1754. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1754. 
 Enseigne en pied 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1755. 
 Enseigne en pied 1760. 
 
 Enseigne en second 1755. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1755. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1755. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 175;. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1755. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1755. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760.
 
 346 
 
 retraitte de 300 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies I mai 
 1764. 
 
 ft. Sous Lt. dans les Troupes 
 nationales dc La Guyannc 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 ft. Sous Lt. dans les Troupes 
 nationales A la Guyannc 
 I mai 1764. 
 
 retraitte de 300 liv. sur les 
 fonds des Colonies i mai 
 1764. 
 
 retraitte de 300 liv. sur les 
 fond des Colonies i fev. 
 1764. 
 
 ft. Sous Lt. dans les Troupes 
 nationales de la Guyanne 
 I mai 1764 sous les 
 noms de Lepoupet de 
 Benneville. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 Pr6vost. 
 
 de Couagne. 
 
 Rondeau. 
 
 Bonnaventure. 
 
 Mauriet. 
 
 Benneville De La Boular- 
 dcrie. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1756. 
 Ense. en pied 1760. 
 
 Ense. en second 1757. 
 Ense. en pied i 760. 
 
 17. ENSEIGNES EN SECOND 
 
 mort le •754- 
 
 18 V. passe a la Louisianne. 
 
 passe en Canada. 
 
 retire. 
 
 Prisonnicr capitulation de 
 Montreal. 
 
 ft. Garde de la Marine. 
 
 \Jiuilk detachce epinglee a In 
 suite des Enseignes en second.^ 
 
 Hartel. 
 Beaurans. 
 De Rouillon. 
 La Cousiniere. 
 Hertel le cadet. 
 
 Ense. en second pr. juin 1741. 
 Ense. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en second 15 avril 1750. 
 Ense. en second pr. mai 1751. 
 
 Ense. en second pr. avril 1754. 
 Na. passe par conge de I'lsle Royale en Canada oi il a ete retenu 
 par le Gouverneur de prisonnier suivant la Capitulation de 
 Montreal. 
 
 Gourville. 
 M. de Poilly. 
 
 Ense. en second per. avril 1755. 
 
 Cadet a rEguillettc. 
 fait enscigne en 2d. par ordrc de 
 M.de Drucour du 25 juillet I 758. 
 Est encore cadet mais n'a pas paru .i Rochefort. M. de \'illejouin 
 rend de lui les meilleurs Temoignages.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 347 
 
 ROCHE FORT 
 
 COLONIES 
 
 Etat des familles de Mrs. Les Officiers de L'Isle Royale, scavoir 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 c 
 
 11 
 
 < 
 
 Dettes. 
 
 Due par 
 
 le Roy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 Famille 
 
 de Mr. 
 
 Loppinot. 
 
 Officiers Major s 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Loppinot, Major 
 
 Mme. Loppinot 
 
 Loppinot, Beauport, sous- 
 Lieutenant a la Louisianne 
 
 Loppinot, de la freziUi^re, 
 
 Enseigne d'Infanterie 
 Mellc. Magdelaine Loppinot 
 Melle. Victoire Loppinot . 
 Melle. Charlotte Loppinot . 
 Loppinot, deshalon 
 
 59 
 45 
 
 25 
 
 20 
 22 
 
 >4 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 liv. 
 90 
 ... 
 
 50 
 40 
 
 ... 
 
 liv. 
 1000 
 
 500 
 200 
 
 liv. 
 1 104 
 
 est en Etat de payer ses dettes puisqu'il luy 
 est dii par le Roy plus qu'il ne doit et d'ail- 
 leurs ne paroit pas dans I'Jndigence, ce dont 
 Je ne Suis cependant pas certain, il m'a 
 dit devoir eu partie pour un de ses enfans 
 tue a Ristigouche, c'est un officier qui doit 
 avoir de Bonnes apostiUes de Mrs. de 
 Drucourt et de la houliere, et qui me paroit 
 les meriter. 
 
 a contracte ses dettes lorsqu'il fut commande 
 pour la martinique, il est party pour la 
 Louisianne, il est a presumer qu'il pourra 
 payer ses dettes lorsque le Roy le payera. 
 on le dit tres bon sujet. 
 
 est selon les aparences en Etat de payer ses 
 dettes lorsque le Roy le payera. On le 
 dit bon sujet. 
 
 Famille de 
 
 Mr. de la 
 
 Bregeon- 
 
 ni^re. 
 
 de la Brigeonniere, Capne. 
 aide-Major 
 
 de la Eregeonniere fils 
 
 Melle. Anne de la Brigeon- 
 niere .... 
 
 Melle. Joseph de la Eregeon- 
 niere .... 
 
 Variel de la Eregeonniere . 
 
 Melle. Helaine'de la Ere- 
 geonniere 
 
 46 
 16 
 
 II 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 90 
 
 600 
 
 
 est Charge d'une grosse famille, a peu d'aisance 
 et malgre sa Bonne Conduite Je ne le crois 
 pas en etat de payer ses dettes r^uoi:juil ait 
 Ete aide de c^uelques personnes Charitubkt. 
 
 Famille 
 
 deMr. 
 
 Laforest. 
 
 Laforest, Lieutenant aide- 
 Major .... 
 Mme. Laforest, ensainte 
 Laforest, son fils 
 
 37 
 
 60 
 
 800 
 
 
 me paroit un ofBcier de merite, entendu, 
 fort actif et plein de zele, il fait les fonc- 
 tions d'aide-major depuis 10 ans, il merite- 
 roit d'en avoir le Brevet, il me paroit fort 
 en etat de Bien remplir cette place, quoique 
 dans la mediocrite, Je ne la crois pas dans 
 L'Jndigence et si le Roy le payoit de ce qui 
 luy est du, Je pense qu'il seroit en etat de 
 payer ses dettes.
 
 34^ 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 ■5 % 
 < 
 
 Dettes. 
 
 }uepar 
 le Roy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 Famille 
 
 deMr. 
 
 Destimau- 
 
 viUe. 
 
 Capltuinei iPInf, 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Dcstimauville, capitaine 
 Mme. Destimauville . 
 Charles Dcstimauville, son 
 
 fils . . . . 
 Gabriel Destimauville, Id. . 
 Robert Destimauville, Id. . 
 Andre Destimauville, Id. . 
 Jean Etc. Dcstimauville, Id. 
 Melle. Louise Dcstimauville, 
 
 sa fille .... 
 M.Josettc Dcstimauville, Id. 
 M. Elizabeth Destimauville, 
 
 Id 
 
 49 
 
 32 
 
 •3 
 
 14 
 9 
 
 5 
 3 
 
 12 
 10 
 
 6 mois 
 
 liv. 
 
 90 
 
 liv. 
 149 
 
 liv. 
 
 a une famille fort nombreuse et on le dit 
 mal a son aise. 
 
 - 
 
 Famille 
 
 de Mr. 
 
 De Coux. 
 
 Mrs. De Coux, Capitaine . 
 
 De Coux, fils, Enseigne en 
 
 pied .... 
 Louis Marie De Coux, autre 
 
 fils ... . 
 Gabriel De Coux, Jdem 
 Melle. Jannctte De Coux, 
 
 Sa fiUe .... 
 M. Margueritte De Coux, 
 
 Idem .... 
 M. Louise De Coux, Jdem . 
 
 5* 
 
 24 
 
 II 
 
 7 
 
 ^3 
 
 21 
 9 
 
 90 
 40 
 
 1300 
 600 
 
 
 a fait naufrage en 1760 ou Jl a perdu tout ce 
 qu"il avoit, est fort cassi et a une grosse 
 famille, il eit hors d'Eiat de /aire honntur h 
 Ses dettei et a eu Beioin quelquefo'n des 
 Charitei iecrettei pour 'vivre^fen suis sir. 
 
 Son fils ense. en pied est jeune et dirangi 
 quoique bon Sujet d'ailleurs a ce qu'on m'a 
 dit. 
 
 Famille 
 
 de Mr. 
 
 Ducham- 
 
 bon. 
 
 M. Duchambon, capitaine . 
 fran9ois Dupont Ducham- 
 bon, son fils . 
 M. Jeanne Dupont Ducham- 
 bon, Sa fille . 
 
 5' 
 10 
 12 
 
 90 
 
 800 
 
 
 a Et^ pris en 1760 et a perdu tout ce qu'il 
 avoit, un peu derange et hors d'Etat de 
 payer ses dettes. 
 
 Famille 
 de Mr. 
 Benoist. 
 
 Mr. Benoist, Capitaine 
 henry Benoist, Lieutenant 
 
 d'Artillerie h Cayenne . 
 Melles. Marie anne Benoist, 
 
 Sa fille .... 
 Nanon Benoist, Idem 
 Emilie Benoist, Idem 
 Jannette Benoist, Idem 
 
 "5 
 
 27 
 
 38 
 24 
 22 
 
 >9 
 
 90 
 
 370 
 
 ... 
 
 Vieux et fort casse, de tres bonne conduite. 
 Je le crois hors d'Etat de payer ses dettes, 
 ;7 a une groae famille qu'il Elleve fort bien^ 
 dont let Demoiselles traiMllent pour ■vivre. 
 
 Famille 
 de Mr. de 
 Gourville. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 de Gourville 
 
 Mme. de Gourville 
 
 Michelle Dupont de Gour- 
 ville, son fils, Ense. de 
 Vaisscau 
 
 Melles. Anne Dupont de 
 Gourville, sa fille . 
 
 Marie Anne Dupont de 
 Gourville, autre fille 
 
 Ante. Dupont Duvivier, son 
 nevcu . . . . 
 
 53 
 
 44 
 
 24 
 20 
 18 
 12 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 on le dit en Demence, hors d'Etat de servir, 
 il a une grosse famille, Je ne luy connois 
 point de Bien.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 349 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 c 
 
 OJ ^ 
 
 = E 
 < 
 
 Dettes. 
 
 Due par 
 le Roy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 FamiUe 
 
 de Mr. 
 
 Le Neuf de 
 
 La Valiire. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Louis Leneuf de La VaHere, 
 
 Capitaine 
 Mme. La Valiere 
 McUe. Charlotte Le Neuf, 
 
 Sa fine .... 
 Le Neuf, Son fils 
 La Valiere, Idem 
 Beaubassin, fils . 
 Melle. Marguerite Le Neuf 
 
 de La Valiere 
 
 5° 
 
 liv. 
 90 
 
 liv. 
 1000 
 
 liv. 
 4200 
 
 il a une grosse famille, bon Sujet et sans Bien, 
 ayant tout perdu par la prise de Louisbourg. 
 
 fille de Mr. de ia Valiere major des Troupes 
 de I'lsle Royale, orfeline de Pere ct de mere 
 depuis 18 ans, infirme, .igee de48 ans, qui n'a 
 Subsistee que par le secours de M. son frere 
 qui se trouve hors d'Etat de luy donner 
 aucun secours par la prise de I'lsIe Royale. 
 
 Famine 
 
 de M. 
 
 La Ronde. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Denis de La Ronde, capitaine 
 Mme. La Ronde, En Canada 
 La Ronde, Son fils. En Canada 
 
 51 
 II 
 
 90 
 
 800 
 
 
 11 a ete pris en 1760, oil 11 a perdu tout ce 
 qu'il avoit, il est hors d'Etat de payer ses 
 dettes. 
 
 Famine 
 
 de Mr. 
 
 Rousseau 
 
 Dorfon- 
 
 taine. 
 
 Mr. 
 
 Rousseau Dorfontaine, Capi- 
 taine .... 
 
 Mme. Dorfontaine, son 
 Epouse .... 
 
 45 
 45 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 a depense le pen qu'il avoit. 
 
 FamiUe de 
 M. Came 
 St. Aigne. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Came de St. Aigne 
 
 Mme. Ste. Aigne, Son 
 
 Epouze Frette d'acoucher 
 Came de St. Aigne, Son fils 
 Melle. Josette de St. Aigne, 
 
 sa fiUe .... 
 
 5° 
 
 10 
 3 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 a depense le peu qu'il pouvoit avoir, on le dit 
 Bon Sujet et de Bonne conduite. 
 
 Famine de 
 Mr. Le 
 Neuf de 
 Boisneuf. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Le NcEuf de Boisneuf, capne. 
 
 Mme. de Boisneuf, son 
 
 Epouse Sur le point 
 
 d'acoucher 
 Boisneuf, son fils 
 Montenay, Idem 
 La Potterie, Idem 
 
 45 
 
 28 
 10 
 
 3 
 iSmois 
 
 90 
 
 580 
 
 
 Sa famine a 6te souvent malade, // se conduit 
 bien et 'vit ax'ec beaucoup d'Ecotiomie^ il passe 
 pour un tres bon Sujet. 
 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Eury de la Perelle, capitaine 
 
 Le Chev. de Trion, Idem . 
 Dumaine, Idem 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 35 
 
 90 
 
 90 
 90 
 
 800 
 
 300 
 300 
 
 
 a ^te destine pour la martinique, a fait de la 
 depense en consequence qui a tourne h Sa 
 perte, il passe pour bon Sujet a la guerre, 
 Mais d'aiUeurs a une mauvaise conduite et 
 est derange dans ses affaires. 
 
 11 est dans le meme Cas que M. de la PereUe. 
 
 11 est dans le M^me Cas que M. le Chev. de 
 Trion.
 
 35° 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 < 
 
 Dcttcs. 
 
 Due par 
 leRoy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 Famillc 
 
 He M. Le 
 
 Pouptt dc 
 
 la Boullar- 
 
 dcric. 
 
 Cafiie. Rtfirmi. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Lepoupet de la BouUarderie 
 
 Me. de la BouUarderie 
 
 La Boullarderie,fils, Enseigne 
 
 Le Poupet Benneville, Id., 
 
 Ense 
 
 Richar le Poupet Vely, Idem 
 Le Poupet de Vely, Idem . 
 Le poupet Verdcronne, Idem 
 
 57 
 47 
 24 
 
 21 
 
 ■9 
 >4 
 '3 
 
 liv. 
 60 
 
 40 
 
 40 
 
 liv. 
 500 
 600 
 .56 
 
 ZIO 
 
 liv. 
 920 
 
 Sa femme et luy Sont connus pour des Etour- 
 dis, leurs enfans sont de Bons sujets et 
 rcgutiers a fayer quand ill fewvent, et tous 
 n'ont rien au monde que Ics apointemens 
 du Roy, le Pere vit Je ne sais comment a 
 Paris et ne peut donner aucun Secours a Sa 
 famille en sorte que Sa femme est dam la plus 
 gde. misere. 
 
 Famille 
 
 deMr. 
 
 Bourdon. 
 
 Lieutenants, 
 
 M. Bourdon, Lieutenant 
 Me. Bourdon i Alifax 
 McUe. Margueritte Bourdon, 
 
 Sa fiUe audt. Lieu 
 Melle. Louise Bourdon, Idem 
 
 42 
 3+ 
 
 7 
 3 
 
 60 
 
 2700 
 
 2940 
 
 U doit Beaucoup, mais 11 luy est dfl davantage 
 par le Roy, il a Beaucoup souffert a Risti- 
 gouche avec sa femme, Je ne luy ay pu 
 decouvrir aucun Bicn, il est estropii d'une 
 main par accident. 
 
 Famille de 
 
 Mr.leChev. 
 
 Duvivicr 
 
 de Vanne. 
 
 Le Chev. Du Vivier de 
 
 Vanne, Lieutenant 
 Me. Duvivier de Vanne, 
 
 Prette d'accoucher . 
 Melle. Dupont Duvivier, Sa 
 
 fiUe .... 
 Charles Dupont Duvivier, 
 
 Son fils . 
 
 47 
 
 37 
 
 3 
 
 i/mois 
 
 60 
 
 1000 
 
 
 Passe pour mediocre sujet. 
 
 Famille de 
 M. Rous- 
 seaux de 
 
 Villcjouin. 
 
 Rousseaux de Villejouin, 
 
 Lieutenant . 
 Mme. de Villejouin . 
 
 30 
 '9 
 
 60 
 
 600 
 
 1740 
 
 Passe pour Bon Sujet, il doit mais le Roy luy 
 doit davantage. 
 
 Famille de 
 
 M. Pettier 
 
 de Pom- 
 
 meroy. 
 
 Pettier de Pommeroy, Lieutt. 
 Mme. de Pommeroy . 
 Jean Bte. Pettier de Pom- 
 meroy, son fils 
 
 33 
 26 
 
 i6mois 
 
 60 
 
 1065 
 
 
 A tout perdu h Ristigouche, c'est un Bon 
 Sujet qui a Beaucoup Souffert avec sa 
 femme qui a ete fort Exposce avec Son 
 Enfant pendant trois mois i I'accadie, lis 
 onl re(u du Secours par Us Charites puhliques 
 pour les aider a 'vi'vre. 
 
 Famille 
 de Mr. de 
 Villedonni. 
 
 de Villedonne, Lieutenant . 
 de Villedonni, fils, Enseigne 
 Melle. de Villedonne, sa fiUe 
 
 47 
 
 22 
 II 
 
 60 
 40 
 
 650 
 375 
 
 3'S 
 
 au-dessous du Mediocre, n'a rien. 
 
 Famille de 
 Mr. Du 
 Portail. 
 
 Du Portail 
 Mme. Du Portail 
 
 34 
 
 25 
 
 60 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Passe pour bon Sujet mais il est d'une fort 
 mauvaise sante et hors d'Etat de Servir, Je 
 ne luy Connois Rien. 
 
 
 Liry, Lieutenant 
 
 Louia Fougues de la Pillette, 
 Id 
 
 Du Boisbcrthelot, Id. 
 Degoutin, Lieutenant 
 
 Lasvoutes, Idem. 
 
 35 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 33 
 
 37 
 
 60 
 
 60 
 
 60 
 60 
 
 60 
 
 700 
 200 
 
 
 A fait naufrage en 1760. a dcpense toutes 
 les avances qu'on luy avoit donnees, toutes 
 les voix se concilient .i dire que c'est un 
 trJs bon sujet. 
 
 a 6te pris par un Corsaire \ Ristigouche en 
 
 1760 J bonne conduite. 
 on le dit bon Sujet et bonne Conduite. 
 pris par les Anglois en allant J Ristigouche, a 
 
 depense tout ce qu'il avoit, passe pour avoir 
 
 une trcs Bonne conduite. 
 passe pour un Bon Sujet et de Bonne conduite.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 351 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 C 
 
 li 
 < 
 
 Dettes. 
 
 Due par 
 leRoy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 
 En:eign£S en pied. 
 
 
 liv. 
 
 liv. 
 
 liv. 
 
 
 
 de Noyelle, Ense. en pied . 
 
 40 
 
 40 
 
 470 
 
 160 
 
 Est toujours malade a L'hospital et ne passe 
 pas pour un grand sujet. 
 
 Famine 
 de Mr. 
 
 Catalogne, Idem 
 
 ^9 
 
 40 
 
 720 
 
 160 
 
 a Servy en Canada et demande a y retourner 
 pour Joindre sa famille. 
 
 Mme. Catalogne, en Canada 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 Melle. Louise Catalogne, Sa 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Catalogne. 
 
 fiUe, en Canada 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cournoyer, Idem 
 
 28 
 
 40 
 
 300 
 
 480 
 
 Est dans la plus Igrande ndigence. 
 
 
 Pellinee Duboisberthelot, Id. 
 
 2+ 
 
 40 
 
 621 
 
 
 fort mawvaii sujet. 
 
 
 Perigny, Idem . 
 
 25 
 
 40 
 
 900 
 
 
 passe pour un Bon sujet Mais derange. 
 
 
 de ViUeray, Idem 
 
 25 
 
 40 
 
 200 
 
 
 On le dit bon sujtt, il a Made, sa mere qui a 
 eti Secourue pendt. un terns des C/iarites du 
 public qu'on luy a retrar.chi par la Suite. 
 
 
 Sabattier, Idem . 
 
 26 
 
 40 
 
 300 
 
 
 on le dit bon sujet. 
 
 
 Carrerot, Idem . 
 
 27 
 
 40 
 
 600 
 
 
 on le dit bon officier mais derange. 
 Idem. 
 
 
 Chev. D'ailleboust, Idem . 
 
 28 
 
 40 
 
 880 
 
 
 
 Came de St. Aigne, Idem . 
 
 22 
 
 40 
 
 150 
 
 
 Bon sujet, fort sage. 
 
 
 Sermanel, Idem 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 
 49-12 
 
 
 on le dit Bon sujet. 
 
 
 Chev. Duboisberthelot 
 
 22 
 
 40 
 
 180 
 
 
 Idem. 
 
 
 Prevost, Idem . 
 
 18 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 Bon Sujet, est fils de M. Prevot Comre. ordon- 
 nateur cy-devant a Louisbourg et n'est pas 
 dans le cas de manquer du plus necessaire 
 comme tous les autres. 
 
 
 De Couagne, Itiem 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 100 
 
 
 On le dit bon Sujet. 
 
 
 Rondeau, Idem . 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 600 
 
 
 a ete employe sur les Batteries de L'Isle made. 
 depuis 8 mois, on le dit bon sujet. 
 
 
 Bonnaventure, Idem . 
 
 '4 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 fils de Me. Bonnaventure, Ve. du Lt. de Roy 
 de Louisbourg qui est sans bien, elle desire- 
 roit qu'il entra dans la marine ou servoient 
 ses autres, il m'a paru Joly sujet. 
 
 
 Mauriet, Idem . 
 
 28 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 On le dit Bon Sujet. 
 
 
 Emeignes en Second. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Andres Carrerot, Ense. en 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2d 
 
 21 
 
 3° 
 
 500 
 
 
 On le dit bon sujet, il est Beau frere de M. 
 prevost ordonnateur. 
 
 
 ViUeray la Cardonniere 
 
 21 
 
 30 
 
 190 
 
 
 On le dit bon sujet. 
 
 
 Tournay, Ense. en Second . 
 
 40 
 
 30 
 
 950 
 
 
 officier parvenu par les grades d'offr. soldat. 
 
 
 Mme. Tournay . 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 Brave et honneste homme, sa femme et ses 
 
 
 Louis Tournay, Son tils 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 enfans depuis qu'ils sont dans cette ville 
 
 
 Nicolas Tournay, Id. . 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 ont Ete et Sont en partie encore malades. 
 
 
 Melle. Marie Tournay, Sa 
 
 
 
 
 
 cette famille est dans les plus grandes be- 
 
 
 fille .... 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 soins, si elle ne pcrit pas de miscre ce n'est 
 
 Famille 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 qu'aux Charites publiqucs a qui Elle en a 
 
 deMr. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I'obligation, ils n'ont pas de quoy avoir une 
 
 Tournay. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 simple servante, c'est la femme qui fait le 
 menage et a soin des enfans, cette derniere 
 apostiUe n'est point un ouidire, Je le sais 
 pour I'avoir vu ; une soeur nourie chez une 
 tante qui Vient de mourir a ete obligee de 
 venir partager la misere de sa sosur et de 
 Son beau frire, ce qui I'augmente encore. 
 
 
 OmcIERS DESTINES POUR 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 St. DOMINGUE. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Capitne. d'artillerie. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Famille de 
 Mr. ValUe. 
 
 Mr. Vallee, Cape, d'artilrie. 
 
 53 
 
 
 1000 
 
 
 Etoit destine pour passer a St. Domingue, est 
 
 Mme. Vallee, Son Epouse . 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 
 tombe malade 3 fois, ce qui I'a empechi d'y 
 
 
 Melle. Josette Vallee 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 passer, a present il est fort en Etat de servir, 
 avec le Terns il y a lieu d'esperer qu'il 
 payera ses dettes.
 
 >5*- 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 S i 
 
 u 
 
 fl E 
 •5 u 
 
 a. n 
 A. CU 
 
 < 
 
 Dettes 
 
 »; o^""-^o-- 
 
 Funillc 
 de Mr. de 
 Verteuil. 
 
 Cafitnt. tt hfantcrie. 
 
 de Verteuil, Cape. d'Infe. . 
 Mme. de Verteuil 
 Henry de Verteuil, Son fils 
 Pierre de Verteuil, Id. 
 Melle. Victoire de Verteuil, 
 
 Sa fiUe .... 
 Melle. Anne Josette de 
 
 Verteuil, Idem 
 Melle. Louise de Verteuil, 
 
 Idem .... 
 
 40 
 
 27 
 4 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 ^ mois. 
 
 liv. 
 
 liv. 
 
 400 
 
 liv. 
 
 A Eti pris en 1762 en passant a St. Domingue. 
 Jl a perdu tout ce qu'il avoit, c'est un Boa 
 sujet et Chargi de famille. 
 
 Famille 
 
 de Mr. 
 
 Dailleboust 
 
 St. Vilm6. 
 
 Lieutenanti, 
 
 Dailleboust de St. Vilme . 
 Mme. St. Vilmi 
 St. Vilmi, Son fils . 
 Melle. St. Vilme, Sa fille . 
 La mere de Mme. St. Vilme 
 
 30 
 
 22 
 
 6 mois. 
 
 42 
 
 
 900 
 
 
 A £te pris par un Corsaire anglols en 1762 et 
 conduit i Gennes d'oii II est revenu par 
 Terre aprcs avoir perdu tout ce qu'il avoit 
 et sans un Mariage qu'il a fait ce seroit un 
 Bon sujet, sans pain, sa destination pour 
 St. Domingue le mettra avec le Tems J 
 mjme de payer ses dettes. 
 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 Duplessy Fabcr, Lieutt. 
 
 Le Neuf de la Potterie, id. 
 
 41 
 
 32 
 
 
 300 
 
 
 Est derange dans ses affaires quoiqu'il n'ait 
 point voulu avoir de dettes, Jc nay pu luy 
 en Jccouvrir qu'une de 2^2 li%'. Je souhaitte 
 que sa destination le mette a meme de fairc 
 honneur a Ses affaires. 
 
 A ixk pris en 1762 et a perdu tout ce qu'il 1 
 avoit. on le Dit Bon Sujet. 
 
 
 Emeignes. 
 
 Rousseau Dorfontaine, En- 
 seigne .... 
 
 Chambly Cournoyer, Idem 
 
 27 
 27 
 
 
 500 
 640 
 
 
 On m'a dit que cet officier avoit ete pris 2 
 fois en joignant sa garnison, ou il a perdu 
 tout ce qu'il avoit, il est d'une mauvaise 
 sante et hors d'Etat de servir. 
 
 A Ete pris en 1762, a perdu tout ce qu'il 
 avoit, on le dit bon Sujet, Sa destination 
 pourra le mettre a meme de faire honneur 
 a ses dettes. 
 
 Famille dc 
 Mr. de la 
 Boucberie. 
 
 Lieutenant d'ariie. 
 
 La Boucberie . 
 Mme. La Boucberie . 
 Louis Benjamin La Boucberie 
 Melle. Margueritte Victoire 
 La Boucberie 
 
 38 
 27 
 
 2 
 
 3 mois. 
 
 
 1665 
 
 
 A Et^ pris et Conduit 4 la Barbade oil Mrs. 
 le Corate dc Jumillat, D'Abbadie et Mignot 
 ont ete obliges de luy prater pour payer son 
 passage en france, ce qu'il leur doit encore, 
 Etant place i Miquelon il y a lieu d'espirer 
 qu'il Sera 4 meme de liquider peu ii peu ses 
 dettes. 
 
 Famille de 
 
 Me. Bonna- 
 
 venture. 
 
 ycuvcs. 
 
 Mme. de Bonnaventure, 
 Veuve du Licutent. de 
 Roy .... 
 
 Melle. Bonnaventure, Sa 
 fille .... 
 
 39 
 5 
 
 ... 
 
 
 600 de 
 pension 
 
 N'a pour toute Ressource que 600 liv. dc 
 pension du Roy pour vivre avec sa fille. 
 EUe disireroit que son fils entra dans la 
 marine, mais n'ayant rien il me semble 
 qu'il seroit plus a meme de subsister elant 
 place dans les Colonics ; elle a refu des 
 Secours de Charites. Voyez I'apostille de 
 son fils Ense. en pied.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 353 
 
 
 Noms. 
 
 Ages. 
 
 i'i 
 < 
 
 Dcltes. 
 
 Due par 
 le Roy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 
 Mme. Duhaget, Veuve du 
 Major .... 
 
 46 
 
 liv. 
 
 liv. 
 
 liv. 
 300 de 
 pension 
 
 fort incommodee d'une jambe par une para- 
 lisie EUe ne peut faire que quelques pas 
 dans la Chambre avec Bien de la peine et 
 ne se soutient que par une tris grande 
 Economic. 
 
 Famille de 
 We. Denis. 
 
 Mme. Denis, Veuve d'un 
 Capitaine aide-Major Sans 
 ressource 
 
 Melle. Margueritte Denis, 
 Sa fiUe .... 
 
 34 
 9 
 
 
 500 
 
 
 fiUe de M. Laccaret officier de Milice Bour- 
 geoise qui fut tu^ au premier si^ge de Louis- 
 bourg, cette Dame respectable a tous 
 Eg,irds, ne pouvant subsister icy, a vendu 
 la majeure partie de ses meubles pour aller 
 vivre avec sa fille au Couvent i La Rochelle, 
 et cette petite Ressource une fois Epuis^e 
 EUes se trouveront sans pain. 
 
 Famille 
 de Me. 
 Thiery. 
 
 Mme. Thiery, Vve. d'un 
 Cape. d'Infie. 
 
 Melle. Magdeleine Thiery, 
 sa fiUe .... 
 
 Melle. Victoire Thiery, 
 Idem .... 
 
 franfois Thiery, Son fils 
 
 Charles Thiery de Chatillon, 
 Idem .... 
 
 Mme. de Montalembert, 
 fiUe de Me. Thiery et Ve. 
 d'un Capne. d'Infie. 
 
 Pre. Michel de Montalem- 
 bert, Son fils . 
 
 Mme, Chauvelin, fiUe de 
 Me. Thiery et Vve. d'un 
 Cape, au Regt. de Bour- 
 gogne Tu^ au Si^ge de 
 Louisbourg . 
 
 Melle. de Chauvelin, Sa fiUe 
 
 45 
 
 18 
 
 '5 
 13 
 
 9 
 4 
 
 
 ... 
 
 200 de 
 pension 
 
 200 de 
 pension 
 
 Est chargie d'une Grosse famille. Je ne luy 
 Connois d'autres Ressources que sa pension 
 du Roy de 200 liv. 
 
 Famille 
 de M. de 
 Villeray. 
 
 Mme. ViUeraye, Vve. d'un 
 
 Cape, sans ressource 
 Melle. de ViUeraye, Sa fille 
 Josette de ViUeraye, Id. . 
 Chev. de ViUeraye, Son fils 
 
 47 
 9 
 
 
 400 
 
 ... 
 
 a 6te Secourue des Charites publiques qu'on 
 luy a retranch^es. 
 
 Famille de 
 Mr. Benin. 
 
 Chirurgien major da 
 Troupes. 
 
 M. Bertin, chirurgien Major, 
 ses appointemens ont htk 
 r^duits de looo liv. a 
 600 liv. par Mgr. Berryer 
 
 Mme. Bertin, Preste d'ac- 
 coucher .... 
 
 Bertin, Son fils employe au 
 Bureau dcs Colonies riduit 
 de 600 liv. 4 250 liv. par 
 Mgr. Berryer et remis a 
 600 liv, du pr. avril 1762 
 
 Charles Bertin, autre fils . 
 
 60 
 
 42 
 
 26 
 S 
 
 50 
 
 50 
 
 1000 
 400 
 
 
 Eleve de I'hopital de Rochefort, est d'une 
 mauvaisc santi, doit et a beaucoup de peine 
 i vivre a Cause de la reduction de ses 
 apointemens, on le dit fort honneste homme. 
 11 demanderoit a Rentrer au Service dans 
 ce port. 
 
 2 A
 
 354 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 Nonis. 
 
 Bernard Bravct St. Ducas 
 
 Etoit Chirurgicn cntretcnu 
 au port Dauphin pour lea 
 troupes dcpuis 1752 d 
 550 liv, par an, il est icy 
 a%tc sa femme prett d^ac- 
 coucher et deux enfaniy ih 
 nt Vi'vent qu'h L'aide da 
 secours publia. 
 
 Desgoutin Cadet 
 
 Agc«. 
 
 C.2 
 
 Dcttcs. 
 
 Due par 
 leRoy. 
 
 Observations. 
 
 6toit destin^ pour St-Domingue, a Eti fait 
 prisonnier en passant avec les troupes, a 
 hth Blesse au Siege de Louisbourg ct dans 
 son dernier embarquement, doit avoir de 
 Bonnes apostilles de Mrs. de Drucourt, La 
 houliere et Villejouin, le premier luy ayant 
 donn^ un ordre pour faire t'onction d'officier. 
 
 PENSIONS TO FAMILIES OF ILE ROYALE 
 
 Loi de 25 fev. 1791. 
 
 LOT, 
 
 Relative aux secours accordes aux Officiers tant civils que militaires, 
 
 ACADIENS & CaNADIENS, & A LEURS FaMILLES. 
 
 Doniiee a Paris, le 25 fevrier 1791. 
 Louis, par la grace de Dieu & par la Loi constitutionnelle de I'Etat, Roy des 
 FRAN901S : A tous presens & a venir ; salut. 
 
 L'AssEMBtiE Nationale a d^crdt^, & nous voulons & ordonnons ce qui suit : 
 
 DtcRET DE L'AsSEMBLiE NaTIONALE, 
 
 du 21 fdvrier 1791. 
 
 L'AssEMBLEE Nationale, apres avoir entendu le rapport du Comit6 des pensions sur 
 r^tat oi!i se trouvent les habitans de I'Acadie & du Canada, passes en France lors de la 
 cession de ces pays aux Anglois, decrete ce qui suit : 
 
 Article Premier. 
 Les secours accordes aux Officiers, tant civils que militaires, Acadiens & Canadiens, 
 & a Icurs families, dont I'^tat nominatif est annexi^ au present Decret, continueront d'etre 
 pay^s comme par le passe par le Tresor public ; i I'effet de quoi les fonds de 50 mille livres 
 fournis pric^demment au diparement de la Marine pour cet objet, cesseront de lui 6tre faits i 
 compter du premier Janvier 179 1. 
 
 (Articles II. III. IV. omitted.) 
 Suit I'ctat annonce dans I'article premier du present Dccret.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 355 
 
 SUBSISTANCE DES HABITANS DE U AMERIQUE 
 SEPTENTRIONAL 
 
 MATRICULE 
 
 
 Jour de la 
 
 
 Traitemens. 
 
 NOMS ET SURNOMS. 
 
 Residence. 
 
 
 
 Naissance. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 Jusqu a 
 
 A Vie. 
 
 
 
 
 18 & 20 ans. 
 
 
 Officiers d' Epee. 
 
 B 
 Benoit (Anne), fille d'un capitaine des 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 troupes de I'ile Royale .... 
 
 22 sep. 1728 
 
 Charente 
 
 
 300 
 
 Benoit (Emilie-Jeanne), sa soeur 
 
 4 no^'- 1739 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 200 
 
 Benoit Jeanne Gervaise), sa sosur 
 
 29 aout 1744. 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 200 
 
 Bourdon (Ade'laide), fille d'un lieutenant 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 des troupes de I'ile Royale 
 
 27 oct. 1759 
 
 Rochefort 
 
 
 250 
 
 Bourdon (Henriette-Marguerite), sa soeur . 
 
 12 juin 1767 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 200 
 
 Bourdon (Gabriel-Pierre-Bonaventure), leur 
 
 
 
 
 
 frere (Volontaire) .... 
 
 29 dec. 1770 
 
 Idem 
 
 108 
 
 
 D 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dorfontaine (Angelique Leneuf de la 
 
 
 
 
 
 \'alliere), epouse d'un capitaine reforme 
 
 
 
 
 
 des troupes nationales .... 
 
 19 sep. 1759 
 
 Taillebourg 
 
 
 300 
 
 Du Chambon (Marie-Anne Roma), veuve 
 
 
 
 
 
 d'un capitaine au regiment de Bourbonnois 
 
 4 fev. 1736 
 
 Fontenay- 
 
 
 200 
 
 D'Ailleboust de Saint-Vilrae (Louise-Mar- 
 
 
 le-Comte 
 
 
 
 guerite), fille d'un ancien officierdu Canada 
 
 14 nov. I 728 
 
 Loches 
 
 
 200 
 
 De Bonnaventure (Louise-Denis de la 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ronde), veuve d'un lieutenant de Roi i 
 
 
 
 
 
 Louisbourg ...... 
 
 
 Rochefort 
 
 
 400 
 
 De Bonnaventure (Marie-Louise), sa fille . 
 
 7 aout 1758 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 400 
 
 Denys de la Ronde, ancien officier du 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 Canada ...... 
 
 
 Paris 
 
 
 200 
 
 Denis (Marie-Jeanne Dauarot), veuve d'un 
 
 
 
 
 
 capitaine ci-devant major de I'ile Royale, 
 
 
 
 
 
 epouse de M. de Pommeroy . 
 
 21 juin 1720 
 
 Saintes 
 
 
 200 
 
 Denis (Marie-Charlotte), sa fille 
 
 21 oct. 1755 
 
 La Rochelle 
 
 
 300 
 
 Dangeac de Merville (Marie-Marguerite) . 
 
 19 aoflt 1752 
 
 Rochefort 
 
 
 300 
 
 Dangeac de Merville (Genevieve-Antoi- 
 
 
 
 
 
 nette), sa soeur ..... 
 
 26 oct. 1756 
 
 St-Jean- 
 
 ... 
 
 300 
 
 D'Entremont (Marguerite), fille d'un officier 
 
 
 d'Angely 
 
 
 
 servant a I'Acadie .... 
 
 5 nov. 1724 
 
 Fontenay- 
 le-Comte 
 
 
 250
 
 356 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 
 Jour de la 
 Naissance. 
 
 
 Traitemens. 
 
 Noms et Surnomj. 
 
 Residence. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jutqu'i 
 
 A Vie. 
 
 
 
 
 1$ Se 20 ans. 
 
 
 DupontduChambondeMezillac(Henriette) 
 
 15 mai 1763 
 
 Paris 
 
 
 200 
 
 Dupont du Chambon de Mezillac (Mar- 
 
 
 
 
 
 gucritc-Felicite-Honorine), sa soeur 
 
 27 fev. 1772 
 
 St-Jean- 
 
 
 200 
 
 Dupont du Chambon de Mezillac (Annc- 
 
 
 d'Angely 
 
 
 
 Eleonore Charlotte), sa sccur 
 
 2 mai 1766 
 
 Idem 
 
 200 
 
 Dupont du Chambon de Mezillac (Marie- 
 
 
 
 
 
 AdelaTdc Sophie), autre sceur 
 
 ... 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 200 
 
 Dupont du Chambon de Mezillac (Fran9ois), 
 
 
 
 
 
 leur frere ...... 
 
 15 juil. 1768 
 
 
 200 
 
 
 Dupont du Chambon de Mezillac (Pierre), 
 
 
 
 
 
 autre frcre ....■• 
 
 30 nov. 1769 
 
 Sous-licutcnant au r6 
 nois, doit jouir ju 
 soil Capit. en zd. 
 
 gt. de Boulon- 
 squ'i ce qu'il 
 
 200 
 
 
 Decoux (Jeanne-Anne), fille d'un capitaine 
 
 
 
 
 
 des troupes de I'ile Royale . 
 
 10 mai 1 74 1 
 
 Exdeuil 
 
 
 200 
 
 Dubois Berthelot (Anne-Sarligne), veuve 
 
 
 
 
 
 d'un officier du Canada 
 
 28 dec. 1734 
 
 Saintes 
 
 
 400 
 
 Dubois Berthelot (Marie), sa soeur . 
 
 23 ans 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 300 
 
 Du Chambon (Jeanne-Fran9oise), fille d'un 
 
 
 
 
 
 capitaine des troupes de I'lle Royale 
 
 7 mars 175 i 
 
 Compiegne 
 
 
 400 
 
 Dc Cannes (Marie Charlotte), fille d'un 
 
 
 
 
 
 ancien major de I'lle Royale . 
 
 23 juin 1738 
 
 Loches 
 
 
 300 
 
 De Cannes (Julie), sa soeur, belle sceur de 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. de la Galernerie .... 
 
 4 mars 1740 
 
 Rochefort 
 
 
 400 
 
 De Cannes (Maric-Fran^oisc de Coigne), 
 
 
 
 
 
 veuvcd'un capitaine aide-major du Canada 
 
 ... 
 
 Loches 
 
 
 200 
 
 De Cannes (Charlotte-Franijoise), sa fille . 
 
 20 oct. 1755 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 300 
 
 De Chauvelin (Marie-Joseph Chassin de 
 
 
 
 
 
 Thierry), veuve d'un capitaine du regi- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ment de Bourgogne .... 
 
 9 dec. 1737 
 
 Poitiers 
 
 
 400 
 
 De Chauvelin (Marie Julie), sa soeur 
 
 10 janv. 1759 
 
 Saint-Cyr 
 
 
 200 
 
 De V'illedonni (Louise-Marguerite-Char- 
 
 
 
 
 
 lotte), fille d'un Capitaine reforme des 
 
 
 
 
 
 troupes de I'ilc Royale .... 
 
 18 aout 1751 
 
 Orleans 
 
 
 200 
 
 Dc Saint- Rigne (Louise-Marie-Charlotte de 
 
 
 
 
 
 rOppinot), veuve d'un major des troupes 
 
 
 
 
 
 de i'ile Royale ..... 
 
 24 sept. 1735 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 
 600 
 
 De Saint- Rigne (Marie-Marguerite), sa 
 
 
 
 
 
 fille 
 
 19 aoflt 1759 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 2 00 
 
 D'Estimauville (Louise-Marguerite Char- 
 
 
 
 
 
 lotte), fille d'un capitaine reforme des 
 
 
 
 
 
 troupes de I'ile Royale .... 
 
 4 sept. 1751 
 
 Palezeau 
 pres Paris 
 
 
 250 
 
 D'Estimauville (Louise), sa soeur 
 
 28 juin 1752 
 
 Idem 
 
 
 250 
 
 D'Aillcboust de Cery (Marie-Marguerite), 
 
 
 
 
 
 fille d'un capitaine des troupes dc Louis- 
 
 
 
 
 
 bourg 
 
 
 Tours 
 
 ... 
 
 200
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 357 
 
 Noms et Surnoms. 
 
 De Cailly (Marie-Anne), fille d'un lieu- 
 tenant-colonel du regiment de Karrer 
 
 D'Ailleboust (Fran9oise- Charlotte), fille 
 d'un lieutenant de vaisseau peri sur la 
 Bayonnoise ...... 
 
 D'Ailleboust, son frere, lieutenant dans les 
 troupes de Cayenne, repasse en France 
 pour cause dc demence 
 
 Dupont du Chambon (Ondoye), fils d'un 
 capitaine au regiment de Foix 
 
 Dupont du Chambon (Louis), son frere 
 
 Dupont du Chambon (Ondoye), son frere . 
 
 De Verteuil (Marie -Joseph Dupont du 
 Vivier), epouse d'un capitaine des troupes 
 de I'ile Royale ..... 
 
 De Verteuil (Victoire), sa fille . 
 
 De Verteuil (Anne-Joseph), sa soeur . 
 
 De Verteuil (Louise), autre soeur 
 
 De Verteuil (Marie-Victoire Adelaide), 
 autre soeur ...... 
 
 De \'erteuil (Mathieu), leur frere 
 
 De Verteuil (Jacques-Franfois), id. 
 
 De Verteuil (Michel), autre frere 
 
 De Gourville (Anne), fille d'un capitaine 
 
 de rile Royale, & epouse de M. 
 
 Foucerny ...... 
 
 De Ligneries (Marie-Therese Marchand), 
 
 fille d'un capitaine des troupes de I'ile 
 
 Royale ...... 
 
 De I'Esperance, fille du baron du nom 
 
 De I'Esperance, sa soeur .... 
 
 Eury de la Perille (Charlotte-Marguerite), 
 
 fille d'un capitaine au depot des recrues 
 
 des Colonies ..... 
 
 Eury de la Perille (Marie-Adelaide), sa soeur 
 
 Eury de la Perille (Josephine), autre soeur . 
 
 Le Poupet de la Boularderie (Eleonore- 
 Jeanne), veuve d'un ancien capitaine des 
 troupes de I'lle Royale .... 
 
 Jour de la 
 Naissance. 
 
 29 mai 1736 
 23 fev. 1765 
 
 Sous - lieutenant 
 Cambresis, doit jo 
 qu'il soit capitain 
 
 Sous-lieutenant en 
 ment de Touraine, 
 
 Sous-lieutenant au re 
 goumois, doit joui 
 
 Residence. 
 
 St-Jean- 
 d'Angely 
 
 Saint- 
 Aignon 
 
 regiment de 
 uir jusqu'a ce 
 e en second 
 
 econd au regi- 
 doit jouir idem 
 giment d'An- 
 r idem . 
 
 16 sept. 1737 
 18 fev. 1756 
 3 aoiit 1758 
 
 27 dec. 1763 
 
 24. 
 
 1767 
 
 22 avril 1765 
 24. aout 1766 
 25 sept. 1773 
 
 3 fev. 1744 
 
 21 fev. 1750 
 
 20 janv. 1766 
 9 fev. 1767 
 9 fev. 1767 
 
 5 Oct. 1783 
 
 Isle-Dieu 
 
 Rochefort 
 
 Isle-Dieu 
 
 Id. 
 
 Rochelle 
 
 Sous-lieutenant 
 au regiment 
 de Languedoc 
 Eleve de pre- 
 miere classe 
 (Marine) 
 
 Isle-Dieu 
 
 Poifiy 
 
 Loches 
 
 Traitemens. 
 
 Jusqu*a 
 18 &Z0 ans. 
 
 Tours 
 
 200 
 200 
 
 200 
 
 108 
 
 A Vie. 
 
 200 
 300 
 200 
 200 
 
 150 
 150 
 150 
 
 200 
 200 
 200 
 
 500
 
 358 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 Noms et Surnoms. 
 
 Le Coudre de Bourville (Marie-Angilique- 
 Fran9oise), fille d'un ancien lieutenant de 
 Roi i id 
 
 Le Coudre de Bourville (Anne-Marguerite), 
 
 sa sceur ...... 
 
 Le Neuf de la Vallicre (Marguerite), fillc 
 
 d'un major des troupes de I'llc Royale 
 Le Neuf de Bois-neuf (Elisabeth), fillc d'un 
 
 chevalier de Saint-Louis ci-devant capi- 
 
 taine des troupes dc Cajenne 
 Le Neuf de Beaubassin, fille d'un capitaine 
 
 des troupes dc Cayenne 
 Le Neuf de Beaubassin, sa sceur 
 Le Neuf de Beaubassin (Jacques-Philippe), 
 
 son frere ...... 
 
 Le Neuf de Beaubassin (Joseph-Marie), 
 
 son frere ...... 
 
 Potier de Pommeroy (Marie-Anne-Julie), 
 fille d'un capitaine des troupes nationales 
 de Cayenne ...... 
 
 Potier de Pommeroy (Jean-Baptiste), son 
 frere ....... 
 
 Potier de Pommeroy (Louis-Rene), autre 
 fr^re ..... 
 
 Rousseau de Villejoint (Adelaide), fille d'un 
 major a la Desirade .... 
 Rodrigue (Olive-Antoinette) 
 
 VareiIledelaBregeonni6re(Marie-Fran9oisc), 
 fillc d'un capitaine reformc des troupes 
 nationales ..... 
 
 Vareille de la Brigconniere (Marie-Julie) 
 sa soeur • ■ . . . 
 
 Vareille dc la Bregeonniire (Madeleine) 
 autre sceur . 
 
 Jour de la 
 Naissance, 
 
 17 juil. 1731 
 
 19 aoilt 1735 
 15 juil. 1715 
 
 25 fev. 1769 
 
 26 nov. 1775 
 >777 
 
 Reside 
 
 St-Germ.- 
 en-Laye 
 
 Id. 
 
 Rochclle 
 
 Rochefort 
 
 L'Orient 
 Id. 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 20 fev. 1770 
 8 oct. 1766 
 
 Jusqu'a ce qu'il solt CI 
 
 8 juin 1767 id. 
 
 16 nov. 1764 
 
 Cornis Rile 
 
 pitaine en 2nd. 
 
 2 janv. 1765 
 
 Rochefort 
 Bordeaux 
 
 Poitiers 
 Id. 
 Id. 
 
 Traitcmcns. 
 
 Jusqu*^ 
 18 & 20 ans. 
 
 200 
 
 A Vie. 
 
 200 
 
 300 
 
 300 
 
 200 
 200 
 
 200 
 
 200 
 
 200 
 
 400 
 
 150 
 
 300 
 300 
 300
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 359 
 
 Noms et Surnoms. 
 
 Jour de la 
 Naissance. 
 
 Officiers d'' Administration i^ de Justice. 
 
 B 
 
 Bertin (Marie-Anne-Bertrand), veuve d'un 
 chirurgien-major a I'ile Royale 
 
 Carrerot (Rene-Marie), fille d'un ecrivain 
 de la marine a Tile Royale . 
 
 D 
 
 Delord (Angelique), fille d'un conseiller a 
 I'ile Royale, epouse du sieur De Cres 
 
 Levasseur de Saint-Laurent (Marie-Anne), 
 fille d'un lieutenant-general de I'amiraute 
 a I'ile Royale ..... 
 
 Le Neuf de Beaubassin (Anne-Julie), sa 
 fille, epouse de M. Blosfeld . 
 
 Le Neuf de Beaubassin (Marie-d'Accarette), 
 veuve d'un conseiller .... 
 
 M 
 
 Martissans (Marie-Anne), fille d'un con- 
 seiller du Roi ..... 
 Martissans (Marie-Charlotte), sa soeur 
 Milly (Louis), fille d'un juge de Saint- 
 Pierre & Miquelon .... 
 
 4 mars 1720 
 
 13 mars 1755 
 
 30 juil. 1745 
 
 18 mai 1724 
 
 17 janv. 1739 
 17 sept. I 740 
 
 Residence. 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 2 juin 1738 , Rochelle 
 
 St-Jean- 
 d'Angely 
 
 Agde 
 
 Charente 
 
 Id. 
 
 Rochelle 
 Angers 
 
 Rochelle 
 
 Traitemens. 
 
 Jusqu'a 
 iS & 20 ans. 
 
 A Vie. 
 
 250 
 
 300 
 
 200 
 200 
 200 
 
 300 
 300 
 
 168 
 
 There is annexed the pensions to bourgeois and to those whose families were not connected 
 vith Isle Royale. 
 
 From a broadsheet in the author's library. It bears the number 806, was printed at the 
 mprimerie Royale, and has in handwriting of the period, "seance 13 juin."
 
 360 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 VAUGHAN 1 
 
 Boston, Janry. 14, 1744/5. 
 
 May it please your Excellency, — To be inform'd that I talk'd with Captn. 
 Loring & endeavour'd to get that Gentleman, Captn. Bradstreet & Mr. Kilby together at 
 Mr. Vardy's in a private Room this Day to see if we cannot solve the many Difficulties 
 rais'd against the late transacted Affair, about a Descent on Cape Breton, which if we think 
 we can do, then to present a Memorial to the General Court to revive the Affair if your 
 Excellency think it proper after being further consulted on the Affair, & directed by 
 yourself therein. 
 
 All Englishmen, & all Friends to Great Britain, by me now press your Excellency to 
 make one Push more at this Time in the Affair, praying that Men knowing in these 
 Affairs may be brought Face to Face before the Opponents. Your Excellency I hope will 
 give me Leave to say that I have the Interest of my Country & the Honour of yourself as 
 much at Heart (according to my weak Capacity) as any Man in it. I am willing to 
 sequester myself from my own private Business to serve the Publick, and am well assured 
 I can procure looo able Men to act in the Affair, if it be your Excellency's Pleasure to 
 commit the Conduct of the Affair to myself. If your Excellency thinks it proper to give 
 the same to another (in case there is an Opportunity) I am ready with the same Diligence 
 by Night and Day at my own Expence to encourage Men to act in the Affair with the 
 utmost Vigour & then to retire to my own private Business. I do assure your Excellency 
 that I should be exceedingly pleas'd if your Excellency could be the Means of effecting this 
 great Work, wh. must be the greatest Honour & Establishment to yourself, but at the 
 same time if it can't be brought to pass here, I purpose to proceed further Westward &c. 
 where I doubt not of Success ; but should infinitely more desire that it might take Effect 
 here. I should have intimated these Things this Morning if your Excellency's Leisure had 
 permitted the same, & am assuredly. Your Excellency's most obedt. Servt., 
 
 W. Vaughan. 
 Govr. Shirley. 
 
 Memo. — That the 3 Gentlemen before mention'd were so discouraged on the Genl. 
 Assembly's reporting against, & giving up the Affair as impracticable that they wd. not 
 meet. W. Vaughan thereupon went to Marble Head where there were plenty of Seamen 
 and Vessels where they gave him Encouragement to furnish Vessels in 14 Days for 3500 
 Men, and more than 100 sign'd a Petition for the Revival of the Affair, wh. he preferr'd 
 to the Genl. Assembly with another sign'd by more than 200 principal Gentlemen in 
 Boston, upon wh. the Affair was carried into Execution & accomplish'd. 
 
 ' C.O. 5/753.
 
 APPENDIX I 361 
 
 To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 
 
 The Memorial of William Vaughan of Damariscotta in the Eastern Parts of the Province 
 of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, Gent., Son of the Honble. George 
 Vaughan late Lieutenant Governor of the Province of New Hampshire in said New 
 England, Esq. deceased, and Grandson of William Vaughan, late President of the 
 Council of said Province Esqr. deceased. 
 
 Humbly Sheweth, 
 
 That the Ancestors of your Memorialist being the principal Family of those Parts of 
 your Majesty's Dominions have been the constant Support of the infant Province of New 
 Hampshire from the Year 1643 to 1708, against the Invasions of the French and Indian 
 Enemies. That on all emergent Occasions they have advanced considerable Sums for 
 i building Fortifications, & providing Warliice Stores for the poor distress'd Settlers in said 
 Province ; and kept open House for all Officers and Soldiers stationed in or travelling 
 through those Parts. 
 
 That your Memorialist, the better to enable himself to serve his King and Country, 
 
 in the year 1726 removed himself and Family from said Province fifty Leagues Eastward, 
 
 1 near Pomaquid, towards Nova Scotia, where he has ever since lived, using his utmost 
 
 Endeavours to encourage the Settlement of that Part of Your Majesty's Dominions, altho' 
 
 situated between two of the most powerful and warlike Tribes of Indians in New England. 
 
 I That for the more effectual carrying on of said Design, your Memorialist has 
 
 ' expended the Sum of two thousand Pounds Sterling in building the largest & strongest 
 
 Garrisons belonging to any one private Man in New England, erecting Mills for the 
 
 neighbouring Settlements as well as several Dwelling Houses, and in cultivating a large 
 
 Tract of Land, till then little better than a Wilderness. 
 
 That your Memorialist has for these twenty Years last past made it his constant 
 Business to enquire after the Number, Strength, & Situation of the French and Indian 
 Settlements between New England and Newfoundland, their Communication with each 
 other and with Canada, in order to reduce them to the Obedience of the Crown of Great 
 Britain ; which has been attended with great Expence, as well as infinite Hazard of his 
 Person and Settlements. 
 
 That the Declaration of a War with France (affording a favourable Opportunity to 
 put in Practice what your Memorialist had so long meditated) he quitted without Hesitation 
 his said Eastern Settlements, at a Time when his Presence was more than ordinarily 
 requisite to encourage the defence of what he had done at so great an Expence : And it is 
 currently reported that the said two powerful Tribes have since made Incursions to within 
 eight Miles of his dwelling House, have killed many Men and Cattle, and destroyed many 
 Houses & Mills ; wherefore he has all the Reason in the World to apprehend that his 
 Settlements are likewise fallen into their Hands. 
 
 That your Memorialist's Design in thus quitting his Settlement was to travel through 
 the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire to enquire into the Strength and 
 Circumstances of Louisburgh, & the other French Settlements on, or adjoining to the 
 Island of Cape Breton : & this he performed with infinite Fatigue & Hazard during the 
 last Winter. 
 
 That your Memorialist met with several intelligent Men who had been Prisoners
 
 362 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 there the Summer before & were good Pilots ; from whom he learnt the Strength (or 
 rather Weakness) of the Enemy t^' such other Particulars as might encourage an 
 Undertaking against them. 
 
 That your Memorialist likewise calculated the Force that might be raised to attack 
 them & having digested the whole into a regular Scheme, about the first of December 
 last he waited on their Excellencies William Shirley & Benning Wentworth Esqrs. two 
 Governors of New England & laid the same before them. 
 
 That about the 7th Janry. last your Memorialist's Scheme was by His Excellency 
 William Shirley Esqr. Govr. of the province of the Massachusetts, laid before both Houses 
 of the General Assembly then sitting, & a Committee was chosen of both Houses to 
 consider the Affair & make a Report thereon. The Difficulties of the Undertaking & 
 the Improbability of Success appear'd so great to the Committee, that the Scheme was for 
 that Time laid aside, & judged impracticable. 
 
 That your Memorialist (still possessed with the Probability of carrying his Designs 
 into Execution) thereupon doubled his Diligence, & at his own proper Costs & Charges 
 sent Expresses through the Provinces of the Massachusetts & New Hampshire to procure 
 authentic Evidences of*the weak State of Louisbourg, & the ready Dispositions of the 
 People to undertake the Reduction of it ; which Evidences were subsisted at the sole 
 Expence of your Memorialist. He next procured Petitions to be signed by some Hundreds 
 of the principal Men in New England, & preferred to the General Assembly ; praying that 
 due Encouragement might be given to such as should voluntarily engage in said Expedition. 
 Whereupon the Attempt upon Louisbourg was revived & carried in the Affirmative, in 
 both Houses of the General Assembly of the Massachusetts. It was now necessary to 
 promote so good a Design in the Province of New Hampshire. To which Purpose your 
 Memorialist went thro' all Sorts of Difficulties to carry Advices from Governor Shirley to 
 his Excellency Benning Wentworth Esqr. of the Proceedings of the General Assembly 
 of the Massachusetts. These were immediately laid before the General Assembly of the 
 Province of New Hampshire, then sitting, & it was thereon instantly agreed to raise two 
 hundred and fifty men : Hereupon your Memorialist represented that the Charge would 
 fall too heavily on the Province of the Massachusetts, unless more Men were raised by that 
 of New Hampshire ; Sc ofFer'd to mortgage his Estate in New Hampshire worth four 
 thousand Pounds Sterling for the Subsistence of two hundred and fifty A'len more for four 
 Months, to make up a Regiment of five hundred Men : Whereupon-saWiGeneral Assembly 
 passed a Vote for the raising of one hundred Men more. Your iVIemorialist then obtained 
 general Orders from Governor Wentworth to all military Officers in his Province to 
 muster their Companies at his your Memorialist's Call, with which Orders he rode twice 
 thro' all the principal Towns of New Hampshire, & many of those of Massachusetts 
 furthering & encouraging the enlisting of Volunteers for the Expedition with great and 
 surprizing success ; never desisting till the whole Number was complete. 
 
 Things being brought to this forwardness by the indefatigable Pains & Industry of 
 your Memorialist, he offer'd himself to Governor Shirley either to embark for Great 
 Britain with any Dispatches which his Excellency should think fit to send thither, or to 
 go with the Army to Cape Breton. The latter Duty was assigned him, & he immediately 
 embarked in the Province Sloop of War, and landed soon after at Gabarose Bay on the 
 Island of Cape Breton. Your Memorialist here performed the Office of a Guide to the
 
 APPENDIX I 363 
 
 first Column of Forces for three Miles thro' the Woods, till he brought them to a fair 
 
 View of the City at a Mile's Distance, where they encamped that Night. The next Day 
 
 he in the same manner conducted a Body of four hundred Men thro' the Woods undis- 
 
 cover'd to the North East part of the Harbour to seize upon all Vessels, Men or Cattle 
 
 that could be found beyond the Grand Battery. The third Day your Memorialist went 
 
 with twelve Men only to a CliiF within a quarter of a Mile of said Grand Battery, to view 
 
 it, & discover the most commodious Place for erecting a counter Battery : When by all 
 
 Appearances he had Reason to judge that said Grand Battery was deserted by the Enemy ; 
 
 j he & his twelve Men marched up and took Possession of said Grand Battery for your 
 
 Majesty. Soon after he discover'd seven large Boats full of Men coming from the City to 
 
 : the Battery-Side of the Harbour ; and concluding their Design was to repossess or destroy 
 
 I said Battery with about one hundred Houses between it & the City, left four of his Men 
 
 ' in the Battery, & marched out with the other eight along the Shore for near half a Mile : 
 
 and (picking up four Men more by the Way) opposed the landing of said Men in the 
 
 Boats with such Success that he beat them back to the City, notwithstanding that the 
 
 * Cannon of the City (within point blank Shot) played incessantly on him & his small 
 
 party. 
 
 Your Memorialist had further the good fortune to find in one of the French Houses 
 two English Ships Ensigns, which on his Return he hoisted on the said Grand Battery, & 
 there remained till he was reliev'd by a Regiment sent by the General. ^ Soon after this 
 Relief your Memorialist went to the Camp & acquainted the General with the Situation 
 of the Ground for an advanced Battery within two hundred Yards of the City Wall. A 
 Fascine Battery was immediately order'd, and five Cannon were mounted thereon that 
 Night. Your Memorialist staked out the Ground with his own Hands, & directed a 
 Trench to be thrown up sufficient to cover a thousand Men adjoining the Fascine Battery 
 & fronting the City, with a three Gun Battery at the other End of said Trench : In this 
 Trench your Memorialist continued four successive Days & Nights doing Duty and under- 
 going excessive Fatigues, scarce allowing himself common Refreshments. 
 
 Your Memorialist likewise assisted at the erecting the Light House Battery ; which 
 so annoy 'd the Enemy's Island Battery, that after one Day's playing upon them, they 
 capitulated. 
 
 During the Siege your Memorialist was thirty five days in the Trenches & different 
 Batteries ; and ten Days in the Camp where he was unwillingly detained by a Hurt he had 
 received the Winter before in prosecution of this Cause, which was now greatly increased 
 by his constant Fatigues, Watchings & Sufli'erings. 
 
 Your Memorialist was likewise one of those who embarked three times in Boats in 
 order to attack the Island Battery, tho' that Service could not be performed by reason of 
 the Difficulty of the Place. 
 
 In order to discover the Breach made in the City Wall by the advanced Battery, your 
 Memorialist went in the Night with one Man only, to the Picket of the hollow Way 
 adjoining the Foss ; where being discover'd, his Companion was shot down from the Breach. 
 
 To sum up the whole, your Memorialist (besides his previous Thoughts & Endeavours 
 in these Affairs) has been constantly employ'd in this great Work for twelve Months past, 
 at great Expences and thro' infinite Dangers and Difficulties ; exposing himself Night and 
 
 1 Waldie's.
 
 364 APPENDIX I 
 
 Day in all Places, and doing the Business of an Engineer, as well as the Drudgery of a 
 common Soldier upon all Occasions. 
 
 Your Memorialist humbly begs leave to observe, That when the Scheme for reducing 
 the Island of Cape Breton was first set on Foot, your Memorialist had an Offer from 
 Governor Shirley of a Regiment on this Occasion : But your Memorialist declined accept- 
 ing the same, that he might the more effectually apply himself to the enlisting of Men for 
 the Service, and doing such other Offices as the Emergency might require as well as attend 
 the Council of War, of which he was a Member. 
 
 For the Truth of the above Facts your Memorialist humbly begs Leave to appeal to 
 Certificates under the Hands of their Excellencies, Governor Shirley, Governor Wentworth, 
 Genl. Pepperrel, & to Letters from said Gentlemen & other Officers Sec. in your 
 Majesty's Service there. 
 
 Your Memorialist humbly recommends to your Majesty's gracious Consideration what 
 his Ancestors have formerly done in supporting the Province of New Hampshire ; and 
 what his Father did towards the Reduction of Nova Scotia, to your Majestv's Obedience, 
 as by a short Memorial hereunto annexed ^ may more fully appear. 
 
 For all these his Services, Hazards and Expences your Memorialist has received no 
 Sort of Gratification ; which he humbly hopes he has in some Degree merited by being so 
 instrumental in the Conquest of the Island and Territories of Cape Breton, those Countries 
 so famous for the Fish and Fur Trades : Acquisitions of infinite Value, for the Goodness 
 of the Soil, the many large & safe Harbours on the Sea Coast, most commodious for the 
 fishing Trade ; & for the advantageous settling of an hundred thousand Families of 
 Protestants, which with proper Encouragement may in Time be brought thither. The 
 Reduction of this Island will also be an additional Nursery for twenty or thirty 
 thousand Seamen to be employed annually in the Fishery ; as well as a very great 
 Increase of Trade to your Majesty's Dominions by the Consumption of Woollen & 
 other Manufactures of Great Britain. Canada is hereby in a great Measure blocked 
 up ; that great Mart of our Enemies, the French ; where they carry on a great Trade 
 & in return have fine Men of War built, are furnished with manv naval Stores, & the 
 finest of Furs. 
 
 By this acquisition the Trade of your Majesty's Subjects from the West India Islands, 
 the Provinces of Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Pensylvania, New Jersev, New York, New 
 England, Nova Scotia, New North and South Wales, Newfoundland and Bermudas is 
 much protected and secured ; whilst by these Means our Enemies are deprived of these 
 great Advantages. 
 
 Your Memorialist having thus constantly shewn his Zeal and Attachment to your 
 Majesty's Royal Person and Government, cannot doubt of such Recompence for his 
 Services as your Majesty shall in your great Wisdom k Bounty think meet. And as an 
 Instance of his Detestation of the Machinations and Malice of your Majesty's inveterate 
 Enemies, he humbly offers his best Services to disappoint as far as in him lies, all their 
 future Designs against your Royal Person and Government. Nothing doubting but with 
 proper Encouragement (concurring with the great Zeal and Affection w^hich your^Majesty's 
 Subjects in those Parts sincerely profess, and are ready to demonstrate for your Protection 
 & Increase of Happiness) he may be able on any Emergencies to do signal Services to your 
 
 ' [Not copied.]
 
 APPENDIX I 365 
 
 Colonies & Settlements in New England, No\a Scotia & the adjacent Countries, even to 
 the raising any Number of Men either for enlarging of those Settlements, or duly protecting 
 such as are at present under your Majesty's Dominion there. 
 
 And your Memorialist shall as in Duty bound for e\er pray. 
 
 (Signed) W. Vaughan. 
 
 (Endorsed : — To the King's most Excellent Majesty. The humble memorial of 
 William Vaughan, Gent., 1745.) 
 
 By his Excellency William Shirley, Esqr. Capt. Genl. & Govr. in Chief in & 
 over his Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. 
 
 These are to certify That Wm. Vaughan of Damariscotta in the County of York & 
 Province aforesaid Gentln. was very instrumental in setting on Foot the present Expedition 
 agst. the Fr. settlements on Cape Breton by first proposing it to me thro Col. Robert Hale, 
 informing me of the general Spirit of the People in the Eastern Parts of this Province for 
 undertaking it, & representing to me the favourable Opportunity of attempting it at this 
 Juncture ; that he was very serviceable in procuring Intelligence of the present weak 
 Circumstances of the Town & Harbour of Louisbourg, & producing it to the Committee 
 of both Houses of the Genl. Assembly in order to induce 'em to come into a Supply of the 
 Treasury for supporting the Expedition, & very much promoted within this Pro\ince the 
 Enlistment of Voluntiers into his Majesty's Service by personally encouraging the People 
 for that End. That he also voluntarily ofFer'd to take a Journey to the Province of New 
 Hampshire in order to promote his Majesty's Service by influencing Men to enlist there for 
 the aforesd. Expedition, & accordingly has been very indefatigable & successful in doing it, 
 & that he freely ofFer'd himself to proceed as a Voluntier in the Expedition to Cape Breton 
 & undertake any Service there, & to embark in the first Vessel wh. shall be order'd by the 
 General to proceed from thence to Great Britain with any Dispatches of Importance to his 
 Majesty ; All wh. the sd. Wm. Vaughan has done at his own Costs & Charges. 
 
 In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my Hand & Seal at Arms at Boston the 
 eighteenth Day of March 1744, in the eighteenth Year of his Majesty's Reign. 
 
 W. Shirley. 
 
 Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 
 
 March 23d, 1744. Recorded in the ^//. J. Willaro, Sm:y. 
 
 Secretary's Office in the Book of Powers 
 of Attorney, &c. Page 284 Sec. 
 
 eBy His Excellency Benning Wentworth Esq., Captain, Genl. & Govr. in 
 Chief in & over his Majesty's Province of New Hampshire in New England. 
 
 These may certify that Wm. Vaughan of Damariscotta in the County of York in the 
 Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Gentleman, & a native of New Hampshire, was very 
 instrumental in setting on Foot the present Expedition, agst. the Fr. Settlements on Cape 
 Breton, & first proposed it to me, whether, if an Expedition shd. be carried on by the
 
 ^66 APPENDIX I 
 
 Govt, of the Massachusetts, I wd. give a proper Encouragemt. to the Inhabitants of New 
 Hampshire, wh. I engaged to do, to the utmost of my power. The sd. Vaughan has also 
 been very industrious in promotg. & encouraging the enlistmt. of Voluntiers for the present 
 Expedition, & made a Journey fm. Boston to this Province for that End, He has also 
 attended me in reviewing several Regts. in this Province, k by my authority went to 
 several Towns the Captains whereof, had Orders fm. me to put their Companies under Arms, 
 in order to inlist Voluntiers for the Expedition, in wh. the sd. Vaughan used his utmost 
 Endeavours to promote the Soldiers to enlist, wh. has been attended with Success. 
 
 In Testimonv whereof I have hereunto set my Hand & Seal at Arms at Portsmouth 
 the 20th Day of March 1744. In the eighteenth Year of his Majesty's Reign. 
 
 B. VVentworth. 
 
 Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 
 March 23d, 1744. Recorded in the 
 Secretary's Office in the Book of Powers 
 of Attorney, &c. Page 285 &c. 
 
 ^..^ By His Honour VVm. Pepperrell, Esqr. Lt. Genl. & Commr. in Chief of his 
 
 (s«L j Britannick Majesty's Troops raised in N. England, for the Expedition against Cape 
 
 — Breton. 
 
 These certify That Wm. Vaughan of Damariscotta in the County of York & 
 Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, Gentleman, some Time past of the 
 Province of New Hampshire, & Son of the Honble. George Vaughan Esqr. late of sd. 
 Province deceased, did as a Voluntier without Pay, embark with me for the sd. Expedition, 
 & has attended his Majesty's Service in the Field, & behaved with Loyalty, Zeal it 
 Industry ; & that he sustain'd no Office but as one of the Council of War, by the Order 
 of Govr. Shirley. 
 
 Louisbourg, June 21st 1745. Given under my Hand & Seal at Arms. 
 
 Wm. Pepperrell. 
 
 These may certify all whom it doth or may concern That in the Month of December 
 last came to me the Subscriber at Portsmouth, New Hampshire in New England, ColL 
 VVm. Vaughan, pressing me to give him an Accot. of the French Settlements on the 
 Island of Cape Breton where I had been 4 Mos. Prisoner, also to draw him a Plan of 
 the Town & Harbour of Louisbourg wh. I did in the best manner I could. Immediately 
 after he the sd. Vaughan made it his whole Employment Day and Night while at 
 Portsmouth and other towns in sd. Province to stir up the People too, and encouraging 
 them to undertake an Expedition agst. sd. Fr. settlements. That he was the whole 
 winter driving about with great Rapidity at his own Expence wh. must be great, until 
 the Troops were formed & imbarked after wh. he the said Vaughan went down to Cape 
 Breton a Volunteer in the first Vessel & landed in Chapeau Rouge Bav with the first 
 Column of Men, & marched, driving the Fr. before them, until they came in open view 
 of the city of Louisbourg. That the 2d day he marchd. with a party of Troops to the 
 North East Harbour beyond the Grand Battery & the 3d day in the morng. enterd.
 
 APPENDIX I 367 
 
 the sd. Grand Battery with 12 men finding it deserted. A small Time after about 
 200 Fr. in boats made an Attempt to regain sd. Battery wh. Detachmt. of French he 
 with his 12 men beat back again & hoisted 2 English Flags, and soon after was re-inforced 
 with 500 Men from our Camp. That he the sd. Vaughan had the direction at the 
 advance Trenches wh. was done with the utmost Expedition. 
 
 That he sd. Vaughan was continually in the Trenches & Batteries working & 
 encouraging the People Day & Night. That he also came over to the Light House 
 Point where he commanded & assisted me in raising a Battery against the Island Fort 
 putting himself in the most dangerous Post & hazardous Employment during the whole 
 of the Campaign. The above I was an Eye-witness to & am ready to give Oath to. 
 
 John Tufton Mason. 
 London, October ye 25th 1745. 
 
 Middx. to wit : 
 Sworn voluntarily before me this Thos. de Veil. 
 
 28th of October 1745. 
 
 These may Certify to all whom it doth concern That I, the subscriber, being Captn. 
 
 of a Compy. of Volunteers from New England agst. the Fr. Settlements at Cape Breton 
 
 & Parts adjacent, was ordered by the Genl. on the 3rd day after our landing to go with 
 
 a small detachmt. to guard a quantity of Powder & Provisions to the Grand Battery ; 
 
 where I found & became acquainted with Coll. Wm. Vaughan, who had that Day 
 
 entered the aforesaid Battery with 12 men ; and also beat back a Number of Boats with 
 
 about 200 French who attempted to re-enter sd. Battery again, but the sd. Vaughan 
 
 marched out of sd. Battery with 8 men & picking up 4 more that were moroding 
 
 proceeded directly to the shore within point blank shot of the City Wall, where he 
 
 fired briskly on the aforesd. Boats & also reed, a continual fire fm. the cannon of the 
 
 city. A confirmation of wh. I had from 3 of my soldiers who were with the sd. Col. 
 
 Vaughan in the Action. And the sd. Vaughan was the Director of the advance Trenches 
 
 & most indefatigable in Duty with common Soldiers almost Day & Night, & embarked 
 
 several times for the attack of the Island Battery all wh. Slavery he did with great 
 
 difficulty being lame most of the Time. And the sd. Vaughan was continually 
 
 encouraging the Army to keep up their Spirits wh. were almost cast down through their 
 
 extraordinary Fatigue & Slavery. And in Testimony of the Truth hereof I have 
 
 hereunto set my Hand this 25th Day of Oct. 1745. 
 
 David Woaster. 
 
 Middx. to wit : 
 Sworn voluntarily before me this Thos. de Veil. 
 
 28th of October 1745. 
 
 f^~\ Francis Nicholson, Esqr., Genl. & Commr.-in-Chief of her Majesty's Forces 
 V^ on the Expedition agst. Port Royal now Annapolis Royal, etc. 
 
 These may certify whom it may concern, That George Vaughan, Esqr., after 
 having been at the Court of Great Britain whither he went Agent from the Govt, of
 
 368 APPENDIX I 
 
 New Hampshire in New England, with sundry Addresses to her Majesty wh. were 
 graciously reed. & answered, by a Supply of Cannon, Stores of Powder, etc., & returning 
 home when the Expedition for the Reduction of Port Royal now Annapolis Royal was 
 intended. He the sd. Vaughan freely offer'd himself as a Voluntier in the sd. Expedition 
 under mv Command, & accordingly was by the Council of War then sitting, directed 
 on Board the Dragon Man of War commanded by Capt. George Martin who was 
 Commandore [sic], imbark'd, landed & march'd with me into the Field, & behav'd himself 
 with good Courage & Diligence, & was the chief Gentleman Voluntier of New England 
 in that Expedition. 
 
 Given under my Hand & Seal at Arms at Annapolis Royal the 14th Day of Octor. 
 1710, in the ninth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lady Queen Ann. 
 
 Fr. Nicholson. 
 
 York Ss. Received Jany. 3, 1732, & Recorded 
 
 with the Records for Deeds &c in sd. County Attest. Joseph Moody. 
 
 Libo. 15, Folo. 154. 
 
 Province of Newhampsh., Janry. 5, 1732. Re- 
 corded the above in my Office in my 2nd James Jeffry, No. Pubk. 
 Book of Records of No. Pubk. p. me. 
 
 Prov. of the Massa. Bay, Iioston, March 23, 
 
 1744. Recorded in the Secrys. Office in the Attest. J. Willard, Seay. 
 
 Book of Powers of Attorney, etc., Page 283. 
 
 London, October 31st, 1745. 
 
 My Lord Duke. — My coming to this Country at a time so troublesome to yr. 
 Grace, & others, and having Attempted three times to make my case known to Your 
 Grace, which your great hurry of Buisnesse did not allow of, That I may be ye less ' 
 troublesome I have judged it My Duty to Inclose my Memorial! and some coppys of 
 Certificates yt. I have, and Deliver ye same to One of your Officers, to be Deliverd to 
 Your Grace. Praying ye Reading of ye Same, and Recommendation to His Majesty, I 
 think it my happyness yt. I had such an Oppertunity of serving his Majesty, and hope 
 throii Your Grace's favor, to have it in my Power to Do further, if not greater, Services 
 than these, and that I may as Soon as Your Graces Leisure will admit of ye same, be 
 allowed your hearing, as I am with Greatest Respects to Your Grace. — Your Most obt. 
 humble Servant, W. Vaughan. 
 
 His Grace the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 5 May 1746. /^. Faughan — D. of Newcastle [urging former Memorials]. 
 
 "... Give me Leave to say that from the small Knowledge I have of the Affairs of 
 these Countries it must be far more for the benefit of this Kingdom for his Majesty to 
 give up Nova Scotia & Cape Breton to the French, without being at any further Expence 
 about them, unless a truly new Method is taken to settle & secure these places. If that 
 be done they will be the most beneficial provinces belonging to this Realm, if not it 
 may be best to give them up as aforesaid. It may cost this Nation ten Millions to 
 keep these Provinces in such a Situation as they are at present, and after all ten Thousand
 
 I APPENDIX I 369 
 
 to one but they fall into the Hands of the French, if so these Expences must be lost & 
 the Trade of the Nation that Way ruin'd. There is no remedy but one, vizt. That 
 lEncouragement be given to such as understand these Affairs & will go on the spot & 
 execute them, notwithstanding the Difficulty, Dangers & Hardships attending the same, 
 according to a Scheme I deliver'd in to your Grace's Office, to Mr. Stone (long since) or 
 someone better of that Nature." 
 
 Offers of service & request for a post. Suggests the Govt. & Regt. of Nova Scotia. 
 
 16 May 1746. JF. Vaughan — D. of Newcastle [abstracts]. 
 
 Has been 7 months in attendance — his private affairs suffer from his absence — asks 
 ■award & dismissal. 
 
 Asks allowance of expenses & losses & "some civil Patent Posts in New England" 
 
 for his maintenance. "There are the Collectors Posts in the Massachusetts Bay, 
 
 Surveyor-General of the Woods & Customs, there being none other that I know of that 
 
 re beneficial, except the Govt, of Massachusetts Bay, wh. I have done all that could be 
 
 n my Power to establish Mr. Shirley in, by moving the Expedition against Cape Breton 
 
 n wh. affair (to his Honour) he has been very active." 
 
 Vaughan died in London in December 1746. 
 
 2 B
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 EXPENDITURE ON ISLE ROYALE i 
 
 Year. 
 
 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 
 Year. 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 1721 . . liv. 162,954 9 
 
 
 
 1738 • 
 
 I'v. 349,455 4 'i 
 
 1722 
 
 
 129,660 10 
 
 I 
 
 1739 • 
 
 • 304,904 17 8 
 
 1723 
 
 
 
 151,103 15 
 
 4 
 
 1740 . 
 
 . 355,845 II 
 
 1724 
 
 
 
 161,086 17 
 
 
 
 I 741 
 
 . 380,702 I 4 
 
 1725 
 
 
 
 120,901 7 
 
 6 
 
 1742 . 
 
 • 365,345 13 6 
 
 1726 
 
 
 
 145,791 7 
 
 
 
 1743 • 
 
 • 495,468 13 I 
 
 1727 
 
 
 
 159,829 I 
 
 8 
 
 1744 • 
 
 • 547,436 14 9 
 
 1728 
 
 
 
 14M46 17 
 
 I 
 
 1745 
 
 
 1729 
 
 
 
 151,795 6 
 
 9 
 
 1749 . 
 
 • 1,194,724 6 9 
 
 1730 
 
 
 
 311,162 10 
 
 II 
 
 1750 . 
 
 . 1,406,086 19 8 
 
 I73I 
 
 
 
 300,427 17 
 
 8 
 
 I75I 
 
 • 1,369,560 10 6 
 
 1732 
 
 
 
 296,682 13 
 
 7 
 
 1752 . 
 
 • 1,305,355 4 
 
 1733 
 
 
 
 310,703 12 
 
 4 
 
 1753 • 
 
 • 892,834 12 2 
 
 1734 
 
 
 
 313,586 II 
 
 II 
 
 1754 • 
 
 960,907 17 II 
 
 1735 
 
 
 
 338,481 15 
 
 5 
 
 1756 . 
 
 • 1,069,574 17 7 
 
 1736 
 
 
 
 337,370 6 
 
 4 
 
 1757 • 
 
 • 1,133,691 5 
 
 1737 
 
 
 
 346,044 14 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 COST OF THE FORTIFICATIONS IN LOUISBOURG 
 
 Ycnrs. 
 I7I4 
 I715 
 I716- 
 
 •23 
 
 
 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 40,000 livres 
 40,000 „ 
 610,000 „ 
 
 1724 
 1725 
 1726- 
 
 1743 
 
 1744 
 
 ■42 
 
 
 
 
 150,000 
 150,000 
 • 2,359,335 
 128,100 
 128,100 
 
 
 1754- 
 
 -58 . 
 
 3,605,535 
 
 480,000 
 
 
 Total 4,085,535 
 The figures from 1714 to 1742 are from the Memoir to the King (C, vol. 26, fol. 
 
 From 1743 to 1744 they arc taken from the same series, and the years 1754-58 
 
 from Moreau St. Mery, vol. 51, p. 478. 
 
 The total expenditure was almost certainly less than fi\e millions. 
 
 ' Ainericjuc du Nord, He Royale, C", vol. 2, f. zy. 
 
 t 
 
 219). 
 
 come 
 
 370
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 TABLES OF POPULATION IN L'lLE ROYALE 
 
 These statements are compiled from the Series C^\ Isle Royale ; that of Louisbourg In 17C2 
 from the Surlaville Papers (Laval University). The census of the island in 1752 bv the 
 pieur de la Roque is republished in full in Can. Archives Report, 1906. 
 
 LOUISBOURG 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 1717. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723- 
 
 1724- 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 I737- 
 
 Men 
 
 4.0 
 
 58 
 
 69 
 
 68 
 
 H3 
 
 153 
 
 159 
 
 163 
 
 Children . 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 Servants 
 
 29 
 103 
 338 
 
 37 
 115 
 358 
 
 5° 
 142 
 
 372 
 
 50 
 160 
 
 515 
 
 84 
 
 239 
 
 377 
 
 98 
 303 
 31 + 
 
 128 
 
 389 
 296 
 
 157 
 664 
 250 
 
 Engages . 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 157 
 
 229 
 
 Total . 
 
 510 
 
 568 
 
 633 
 
 793 
 
 813 
 
 963 
 
 II29 
 
 1463 
 
 Chaloupes 
 Vessels 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 6S 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 103 
 
 55 
 
 38 
 19 
 
 23 
 
 39 
 
 50 
 61 
 
 371 
 
 [Table
 
 372 
 
 APPENDIX 111 
 
 LOUISBOURG, 1752 
 
 R. du Quay 
 
 R. du Pont 
 
 Royal e 
 
 d'Orleans . 
 
 de France . 
 
 de Scatary . 
 
 Toulouse . 
 
 St. Louis 
 
 de I'Etang . 
 
 Dauphine . 
 
 du Rarapare 
 
 de I'Hopital 
 
 d'Estrees . 
 
 Le Fort 
 
 R. du Bn. Dauphin 
 
 Total of town 
 
 Barrachois . 
 Fond de la Baye 
 
 Total of town and 
 environs 
 
 '3 
 
 20 
 
 37 
 10 
 16 
 
 + 
 
 I 20 
 
 j 26 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 197 
 
 70 
 7 
 
 274 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 22 
 29 
 17 
 17 
 
 7 
 21 
 
 27 
 17 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 222 
 
 70 
 7 
 
 299 
 
 22 
 36 
 43 
 34 
 17 
 25 
 1 1 
 32 
 
 41 
 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 338 
 
 72 
 II 
 
 421 
 
 7 
 33 
 26 
 28 
 
 19 
 22 
 10 
 29 
 29 
 18 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 273 
 
 74 
 8 
 
 2 
 5 
 24 
 9 
 5 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 34 
 31 
 69 
 
 47 
 3 
 
 16 
 18 
 
 27 
 16 
 
 14 
 I 
 
 10 
 10 
 
 68 
 
 355 
 
 71 
 
 311 
 
 49 
 6 
 
 15' 
 106 
 
 78 
 
 24 
 
 108 
 
 47 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 3 
 
 56, 
 
 100 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 >3 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 4 
 6 
 
 3 
 5 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 67 
 
 8 
 II 
 
 I 
 13 
 
 5 
 II 
 
 7 
 2 
 2 
 
 10 
 I 
 5 
 3 
 
 79 
 
 366 
 
 674 
 
 1 1 
 I 
 
 18 
 12 
 12 
 21 
 
 4 
 16 
 10 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 44 
 
 142 
 
 79 
 
 87 154 
 
 Les Maisons du Gouverneur et CO. 
 
 Habitants newly arrived . . ■ 
 
 Garrison officers and soldiers, inhabitants 
 
 Total Louisbourg .... 
 Posts and harbours. Isle Royale 
 
 BALLAINE 
 
 Total 
 
 30 
 
 200 
 
 1500 
 
 4174 
 1671 
 
 5845 
 
 3 
 II 
 
 4 
 I 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 28 
 
 34 
 
 I7I6. 
 
 1717. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723. 1 1724- 
 
 1726. , 
 
 •734- 
 
 «737- 
 
 I7SI' 
 
 k— 
 
 Men .... 
 
 IC 
 
 15 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 Women 
 
 7 
 
 II 
 
 10 
 
 ... 1 7 
 
 II 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 Children 
 
 17 
 
 24 
 
 26 
 
 
 22 
 
 28 
 
 33 
 
 34 
 
 21 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 159 
 
 180 
 
 176 
 
 
 82 
 
 109 
 
 164 
 6 
 
 "I 
 
 21 
 
 Servants 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total . 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 193 
 
 230 
 
 225 
 
 ... 
 
 132 
 
 167 
 
 224 
 
 335 
 
 Si 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 32 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 17 
 
 ... 
 
 35 
 
 52 
 
 7 
 
 Vessels .... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 

 
 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 
 
 
 373 
 
 
 
 LE PETIT LOREMBEC 
 
 
 
 
 
 iyi6. 
 
 1717. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 '737- 
 
 •753- 
 
 Men .... 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 21 
 
 17 
 
 16 
 
 Women 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 15 
 
 •3 
 
 20 
 
 Children 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 
 39 
 
 55 
 
 62 
 
 j Fishermen 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 55 
 
 51 
 
 
 162 
 
 157 
 
 191 
 
 Servants 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total . 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 67 
 
 
 241 
 
 243 
 
 289 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 
 36 
 
 29 
 
 44 
 
 Vessels 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 Chafaux 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 5 
 
 Arpents en prairie . 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Arpents de terre en friche 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 SCATARY 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 1717. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 '737- 
 
 1753- 
 
 Men .... 
 
 22 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 17 14 
 
 H 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 Women 
 
 18 
 
 '5 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 II 
 
 H 
 
 II 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 Children 
 
 46 
 
 51 
 
 39 
 
 29 
 
 32 
 
 40 
 
 50 
 
 46 
 
 3> 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 319 
 
 261 
 
 323 
 
 325 
 
 137 
 
 148 
 
 198 
 
 160 
 
 35 
 
 Servants 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total . 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 405 
 
 3+7 
 
 398 
 
 387 
 
 204 
 
 224 
 
 281 
 
 234 
 
 81 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 
 
 
 65 
 
 9 
 
 27 
 
 18 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 Vessels 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 II 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Chafaux 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 2
 
 374 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 L'INDIENNE 
 
 GABARUS 
 
 
 1 716. 
 
 '753- 
 
 Men 
 
 
 7 
 
 Women . 
 
 
 6 
 
 Children . 
 
 
 5 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 10 
 
 '9 
 
 Servants . 
 
 
 
 Engages . 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 Fishing-boats . 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 Vessels 
 
 
 
 Chafaux . 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 1717. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 1726. , 173+. 
 
 «737- 
 
 '753- 
 
 Men . . . • 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 Servants 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total . 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 ... 
 
 
 ... 
 
 H 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 175 
 
 14 
 II 
 
 32 
 
 71 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 
 8 
 
 31 
 
 85 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 21 
 
 '5 
 
 39 
 
 
 
 205 
 
 131 
 
 141 21 
 
 
 48 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels. 
 Chataux 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 5 
 
 ... 
 
 
 35 
 
 15 
 2 
 
 >7 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 32 
 
 ILE MICHAUX 
 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 Men 
 
 Women . 
 Children . 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 4 
 10 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 •9 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 16 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 Fishing-boats . 
 
 Vessels . 
 
 2 
 ... 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 PORT 
 
 TOUL 
 
 OUSE 
 
 
 
 
 
 17'6. 
 
 1720.' 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 •737- 
 
 1750. 
 
 Men .... 
 
 21 
 
 35 
 
 50 
 
 47 
 
 59 
 
 34 
 
 27 
 
 46 
 
 Women .... 
 
 •i 
 
 27 
 
 45 
 
 40 
 
 52 
 
 30 
 
 26 
 
 41 
 
 Children .... 
 
 73 
 
 95 
 
 30 
 
 143 
 
 i88 
 
 120 
 
 123 
 
 118 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 <.. 
 
 112 
 
 
 15 
 
 ... 
 
 II 
 
 
 77 
 
 Servants .... 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 Engages .... 
 Total 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 109 
 
 269 
 
 125 
 
 262 
 
 340 
 
 202 
 
 182 
 
 282 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 Vessels .... 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 Cattle .... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 96 
 
 (18 horses, 
 
 66 pigs) 
 
 ' In 1720 includes Petit dc Grat.
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 375 
 
 ST. ESPRIT 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 >734. 
 
 1737- 
 
 ■753- 
 
 Men .... 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 26 
 
 14 
 
 Women .... 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 Children .... 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 55 
 
 40 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 20 
 
 40 
 
 175 
 
 20 
 
 177 
 
 i«3 
 
 440 
 
 53 
 
 Servants .... 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 1 1 
 
 10 
 
 
 Engages .... 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 52 
 
 209 
 
 58 
 
 241 
 
 i34 
 
 546 
 
 123 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 4 
 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 37 
 
 38 
 
 88 
 
 13 
 
 Vessels .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Chafaux .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 4 
 
 Heads of cattle . 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 (i horse) 
 
 Arpents en prairie 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Arpents de terre en friche . 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 BARRACHOIS— FOURCHE 
 
 Men . 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 Servants 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels 
 
 Heads of cattle . 
 Arpents in prairie 
 
 1723. 1724. 
 
 40 
 
 42 
 
 1726. 
 
 5 
 67 
 
 72 
 14 
 
 '734- 
 
 5 
 2 
 
 7 
 122 
 
 2 
 
 138 
 
 38 
 
 1737- 
 
 1753- 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 NERICHAC 
 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 '734- 
 
 Men . 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 Fishermen . 
 
 Servants 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 6 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 4 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels 
 
 2 
 
 ... 

 
 3/6 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 PETIT DE GRAT 
 
 
 1720.' 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 >;34- 
 
 1737- 
 
 1750. 
 
 Men 
 Women 
 Children . 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 20 
 
 135 
 
 16 
 
 «3 
 44 
 74 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 12 
 1 1 
 
 47 
 
 87 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 
 III 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 '4 
 
 50 
 135 
 
 I 
 
 '9 
 13 
 
 37 
 168 
 
 ... 
 
 173 
 
 151 
 
 165 
 
 175 
 
 218 
 
 237 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels . 
 Cattle 
 
 ... 
 
 27 
 
 14 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 2 
 
 27 
 
 25 
 
 * Population in 1720 included in Pt. Toulouse. 
 
 ILE MADAME 
 
 L'ARDOISE 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 1750. 
 
 Men 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 Servants 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 50 
 
 20 
 20 
 55 
 34 
 
 55 
 
 129 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels . 
 Chafaux 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 10 
 
 49 
 (1 horse, 
 
 31 pigs) 
 
 
 1750. 
 
 Men 
 
 Women . 
 Children 
 Fishermen 
 Servants 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 33 
 
 '5 
 
 66 
 
 Fishing-boats . 
 Vessels . 
 Chafaux . 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 43 
 
 (4 horses, 
 
 I I pigs)
 
 RIVER INHABITANTS 
 
 
 1750. 
 
 Men 
 
 Women . 
 Children 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 5 
 S 
 
 14 
 10 
 
 34 
 
 Fishing-boats . 
 Vessels . 
 Chafaux . 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 51 
 
 (4 horses, 
 
 10 pigs) 
 
 LE RET 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 L'ANCE 
 
 377 
 
 LARSALEJNE 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 Men 
 Women 
 Children . 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 9 
 7 
 
 14 
 92 
 
 122 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels . 
 Heads of cattle . 
 
 18J 
 
 
 1723. 
 
 Men 
 
 Women . 
 Children . 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 '7 
 
 75 
 
 108 
 
 Fishing-boats . 
 Vessels . 
 Heads of cattle. 
 
 '5 
 
 
 1726. 
 
 Men .... 
 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 Fishermen . 
 
 Servants 
 
 Engages 
 
 Total 
 
 10 
 8 
 
 «9 
 
 99 
 
 9 
 
 145 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 Vessels 
 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 
 Nord Est, 
 1753- 
 
 Petit Havre, 
 «753- 
 
 Men . 
 Women 
 Children 
 Fishermen . 
 
 Total . 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 22 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 1! 
 16 
 
 47 
 
 34 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 Chafaux 
 
 Arpents en prairie 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 I 
 
 
 Bras du Sud, 1753. Bras de I'Ouest, 1753. 
 
 Menadou, 1753. 
 
 Men 
 
 Women .... 
 Children .... 
 Fishermen .... 
 
 Total .... 
 
 32 
 
 33 
 126 
 
 24 
 24 
 60 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 4 
 
 191 
 
 108 
 
 13 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 Chafaux .... 
 
 Heads of cattle . 
 
 Arpents de terre en friche . 
 
 40 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 I 
 I 
 I
 
 378 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 
 Bouillc, 1753. 
 
 Allemnnts, 1753. 
 
 Mordiennc, 1753. 
 
 Men 
 
 Women .... 
 Children .... 
 Fishermen .... 
 
 Total .... 
 
 20 
 18 
 11 
 
 i6 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 «7 
 
 49 
 
 29 
 
 23 
 
 Heads of cattle . 
 
 Arpents dc terre en friche . 
 
 ... 
 
 2 
 
 20 (2 horses) 
 
 MIRE 
 
 
 Fausse Baye, 
 >753- 
 
 Bale des Espagnols, 
 •753- 
 
 Men 
 Women 
 
 Children 
 
 Fishermen . 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 36 
 
 6 
 6 
 
 20 
 
 Total 
 
 43 
 
 32 
 
 Heads of cattle . 
 
 28 
 (l horse) 
 
 22 
 
 
 •734- 
 
 >753- 
 
 Men 
 
 Women . 
 Children . 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 8 
 
 + 
 «4 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 44 
 "16 
 
 36 
 
 98 
 
 Fishing-boats . 
 Vessels . . • . 
 Heads of cattle 
 
 
 5 
 
 26 
 
 (cows) 
 
 PETIT BRADOR 
 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 •737- 
 
 1750. 
 
 '753- 
 
 Men .... 
 
 Women 
 
 Children . 
 
 Fishermen 
 
 Servants 
 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 3 
 2 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 3 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 18 
 
 28 
 22 
 
 11 
 32 
 
 13 
 I I 
 
 29 
 
 73 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 21 
 
 32 
 
 159 
 
 129 
 
 Fishing-vessels . 
 Vessels 
 Chafaux . 
 Heads of cattle . 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 403 
 
 (17 horses, 
 
 •49 pigs) 
 
 '7 
 
 9 
 5 (cows)
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 379 
 
 NINGANICHE 
 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734- 
 
 •737- 
 
 Men 
 Women 
 Children . 
 Fishermen 
 Servants . 
 Engages . 
 
 Total . 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 
 •9 
 400 
 
 19 
 15 
 
 28 
 214 
 
 13 
 
 39 
 
 27 
 76 
 
 424 
 43 
 
 37 
 
 29 
 
 no 
 
 375 
 66 
 
 32 
 
 30 
 124 
 
 500 
 
 55 
 
 448 
 
 289 
 
 609 
 
 617 
 
 741 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 Vessels . 
 
 80 
 
 33 
 
 5 
 
 33 
 
 5 
 
 59 
 IS 
 
 100 
 
 PORT DAUPHIN 
 
 
 1716. 
 
 1717. 
 
 1720. 
 
 1723. 
 
 1724. 
 
 1726. 
 
 1734. 
 
 1737- 
 
 "753. 
 
 Men . 
 Women 
 Children 
 
 16 
 
 14 
 18 
 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 32 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 20 
 
 9 
 6 
 
 26 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 20 
 
 4 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 Fishermen . 
 
 2 
 
 
 ee 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 Servants 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 Engages 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 50 
 
 
 133 
 
 9 
 
 29 
 
 43 
 
 57 
 
 44 
 
 32 
 
 Fishing-boats 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 * • • 
 
 Vessels 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 ... 

 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 A COMPUTATION OF THE FRENCH FISHERY AS IT WAS 
 MANAGED BEFORE THE PRESENT WAR' 
 
 {/Ibstract) 
 
 From the Gut of Canso to Louisbourg & thence to N. of Cape Breton, 500 shallops were 
 engaged annually. 
 
 These required 5 men each ..... 2500 men. 
 
 & 60 Brigs, schooners, Sloops, &c., 15 men ea. . . . 900 „ 
 
 The 500 shallops would catch 300 qt. of Fish each in the 
 Summer season ...... 
 
 & the 60 brigs &c. 600 qts. each .... 
 
 3400 
 
 150,000 qts. 
 36,000 „ 
 186,000 
 
 93 ships of 2000 qt. burthen each would be required to carry fish to Europe. 
 These need : 
 
 20 men each to navigate them 
 Fishermen empd. to catch fish 
 
 Men in Cape Breton fishery 
 
 i860 
 3400 
 5260 
 
 At Gaspay at the entrance of Canady or St. Lawrence River are empd. 6 ships, which 
 come out manned to catch their cargoes with shallops left there during the Winter & 
 have at least 60 men each, these are 360 men, wh. added to those on the N. side of 
 Newfoundland in the undermention'd Harbours, Ports, Gulfs, &c., amt. as follows & may be 
 allowed 3000 qts. of Fish each, vizt. : — 
 
 At Gaspay 
 At Quadre 
 Port au Basque 
 At Les trois Isles 
 At Cape Breton 
 
 6 ships 
 
 360 men 
 
 1 8,000 q 
 
 uents fish 
 
 6 „ 
 
 360 „ 
 
 18,000 
 
 5) 
 
 6 „ 
 
 360 „ 
 
 18,000 
 
 ■>■> 
 
 3 » 
 
 180 „ 
 
 9,000 
 
 5> 
 
 93 » 
 
 5,260 „ 
 
 186,000 
 
 5) 
 
 300 „ 
 
 18,000 „ 
 
 900,000 
 1,149,000 
 
 •it 
 
 414 
 
 24,520 
 
 
 ' CO. 5/900, f. 
 
 212. 
 
 
 
 380 
 
 

 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 381 
 
 The last mentioned 300 sail are fitted out from St. Malo & Granville on the fishing 
 voyage carried on at Fichaute Petit Nord &c. to N. of N'foundland & the Straits of 
 Belleisle, thence to G. of St. Lawrence & round to Gaspay. Some of these are included 
 in the above calculation among those of Gaspay, Port au Basques &c., but in Heu no notice 
 is taken of those fitted out at "St. Jean de Luz Bagonne nants Havre de Grace &c." 
 which go into those seas & number more than the 21 ships above mentioned. 
 
 The mud fishery, so-called by the English (Morice Vert [sic] by the French), 
 employs : — 
 
 From the River Leudre . . . .40 Sail of Ships. 
 
 From Olune & Poiteux 
 
 Havre de Grace 
 
 St. Malo . 
 
 & from other Ports 
 
 60 
 10 
 20 
 20 
 
 150 
 
 These are manned with 16 to 24 men each, & catch from 22,000 to 30,000 fish by 
 tale, which averages 20 men & 26,000 fish each, — in all, 300 men & 3,900,000. This may 
 be undervalued, as some say the fishery consists of 200 or more sail. 
 
 A large quantity of train oil is produced here, which is necessary to France, at home 
 for her woollen manufactures, lights, &c., & in their Sugar Islands. 
 Recapitulation : — 
 
 Mud Fishery . . . .150 ships & 3000 men. 
 
 & .... 414 _ „ 24,500 „ 
 
 554 27,500 
 
 employ'd from France on the banks of Newfoundland & adjacent shores, "and no less 
 quantity than 1,149,000 quints, of Baccaleau and of mud fish 3,900,000 in number Cacht 
 there and Transported in their own Bottoms by the French to North and South France as 
 much as they can consume and the Surplusage to Spain, Italy &c., & as to the quantity of 
 Oil it may be Relyed on that to every Hundred Ouentals of Fish they actually do (or with 
 care may) make i hogshead of oil clear drawn off from the blubber & this will produce 
 11,490 hhs. oil {i.e. hhs. of 60 Gallons each) & allowing 4000 Fish in number equal to one 
 hundred Quentalswhen cured & then the 3,900,000 mudfish by the same rule will produce 
 975 hhs. of oil & these added to the other 11,490 hhs. make in the whole 12,465 hhs. of 
 oil which is equal to 31 16 Tons & \." 
 
 1,149,000 Qt. of Fish @ 10/- pr. qt. only 
 3116^ Tons oil @ ^18 p. ton . 
 
 Mud fish @ 9d. each . . . . . 
 
 Add freight of 1,114,000 Qt. of Dry Fish @ 3/- 
 
 Sterg. RQt 
 
 Making in the whole 
 Generally supposed to be worth _^i,ooo,ooo sterg. 
 able seamen. 
 
 [Endorsed :— ] In Govr. Shirley's of July 10, 1745 
 
 ^574,500 o o 
 
 56,092 10 o 
 
 ^630,592 10 o 
 
 146,250 o o 
 
 172,350 o o 
 
 • ;C949,I92 10 o 
 
 a year as well as a nursery of
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 SHIPPING OF L'lLE ROYALE 
 
 
 From 
 
 From 
 
 From 
 
 From New Eng. and 
 
 
 
 France. 
 
 Canada. 
 
 W. Indies. 
 
 Acadia. 
 
 
 1723 
 
 77 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 1726 
 
 61 
 
 '5 
 
 9 
 
 33 
 
 118 
 
 1727 
 
 6+ 
 
 29 
 
 I 2 
 
 22 
 
 127 
 
 1730 
 
 81 
 
 3« 
 
 '9 
 
 37 
 
 168 
 
 1731 
 
 84 
 
 29 
 
 25 
 
 31 
 
 169 
 
 1733 
 
 70 
 
 17 
 
 25 
 
 46 
 
 158 
 
 173+ 
 
 53 
 
 3' 
 
 19 
 
 46 
 
 149 
 
 '735 
 
 68 
 
 25 
 
 16 
 
 52 
 
 161 
 
 1736 
 
 60 
 
 23 
 6 
 
 '4 
 
 35 
 / 5 = Acadia 
 
 132 
 
 "737 
 
 43 
 
 •5 
 
 l3o = New Eng. 
 
 99 
 
 ■738 
 
 73 
 
 •4 
 
 15 
 
 42 
 
 144 
 
 1739 
 
 56 
 
 20 
 
 24 
 
 49 
 
 149 
 
 1740 
 
 73 
 
 '9 
 
 22 
 
 50 
 
 164 
 
 1742 
 
 57 
 
 9 
 
 24 
 
 67 
 
 157 
 
 1743 
 
 58 
 
 7 
 
 . 32 
 
 78 
 
 175 
 
 FISHING IN ILE ROYALE 
 
 Year. 
 
 Quintals. 
 
 Barrels (Oil). 
 
 Value in Livres. 
 
 1718 
 
 166,500 
 
 3.130 
 
 
 1719 
 
 156,520 
 
 2,236 
 
 
 •723 
 
 121,160 
 
 1,672 
 
 3,212,920 
 
 1726 
 
 140,900 
 
 1,409 
 
 2,958,900 
 
 1727 
 
 114,680 
 
 1,146 
 
 2,385,280 
 
 173° 
 
 '65,530 
 
 1.776 
 
 3,490,200 
 
 I731 
 
 167,540 
 
 '.675i 
 
 3.5'8,35o 
 
 1733 
 
 165,365 
 
 '.653 
 
 3.500,185 
 
 >734 
 
 139,810 
 
 1,508 
 
 2,962,080 
 
 •735 
 
 142,495 
 
 1.425 
 
 3,019,850 
 
 1736 
 
 151,110 
 
 1,5:1 
 
 3,202,710 
 
 1738 
 
 152,470 
 
 1,724 
 
 3,239,040 
 
 1739 
 
 143,660 
 
 1,711 
 
 3,061,465 
 
 1740 
 
 123,150 
 
 1,231 
 
 2,629,980 
 
 1 741 
 
 
 
 2.585.440 
 
 1742 
 
 
 
 2,818.420 
 
 1743 
 
 88,720 
 
 1.237 
 
 1,922,840 
 
 1744 
 
 69.430 
 
 774 
 
 1,481,480 
 
 1750 
 
 90,560 
 
 905 
 
 1,919,860 
 
 «75« 
 
 95.580 
 
 955 
 
 2,026,200 
 
 1752 
 
 83.130 
 
 9" 
 
 1,771,960 
 
 «753 
 
 
 
 2,084,450 
 
 '755 
 
 72,000 
 
 ... 
 
 
 382
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 VESSELS INWARDS, LOUISBOURG 
 
 383 
 
 Year. 
 
 From 
 
 No. of 
 Vessels. 
 
 Tonnage of each Vessel. 
 
 Total 
 Tonnage. 
 
 I717 
 
 St. Malo . 
 
 3 
 
 65, 25, 20 
 
 1 10 
 
 
 Bordeaux . 
 
 4 
 
 10, 34. 30. 13 
 
 87 
 
 
 St. Jean de Luz . 
 
 5 
 
 48, 40, 21, 10, 40 
 
 159 
 
 
 Bayonne . 
 
 6 
 
 27, 16, 12, II, 22, 12 
 
 too 
 
 
 Quebec 
 
 3 
 
 5. 25. 45 
 
 75 
 
 
 Martinique 
 
 3 
 
 9, 10, 12 
 
 31 
 
 
 Nantes 
 
 2 
 
 30, 15 
 
 45 
 
 
 Guadeloupe 
 
 I 
 
 90 
 
 90 
 
 
 La Rochelle 
 
 3 
 
 '7, 47> 19 
 
 83 
 
 
 Rochefort . 
 
 I 
 
 53 
 
 53 
 
 
 Colonies — 
 
 
 
 
 
 Louisbourg 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 Gaberg . 
 
 3 
 
 42> 3°. 25 
 
 97 
 
 
 Baleine . 
 
 3 
 
 7, 12, 10 
 
 29 
 
 
 Ance aux Cannes . 
 
 I 
 
 60 
 
 60 
 
 
 Menadou 
 
 2 
 
 45,45 
 
 90 
 
 
 Scatary . 
 
 4 
 
 19, 37, 'o, 4 
 
 70 
 
 
 Ninganiche 
 
 2 
 
 64, 60 
 
 124 
 
 
 lies Michaux 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 
 
 He Madame . 
 
 4 
 
 60, 35, 42, 10 
 
 147 
 
 1723 
 
 Louisbourg 
 
 76 
 
 
 6348 
 
 
 Port Dauphin 
 
 16 
 
 
 1280 
 
 
 Nerichac 
 
 2 
 
 
 250 
 
 1740 
 
 Beaubassin 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 30 
 
 
 Restigouche . 
 
 4 
 
 8, 30, 30, 20 
 
 88 
 
 
 Baie Verte 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 
 Port Royal 
 
 5 
 
 12, 10, 12, II, 20 
 
 65 
 
 
 Chibeuctou . 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 Cap de Sable . 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 
 Mines . 
 
 3 
 
 19, 10, 12 
 
 41 
 
 
 Canada — 
 
 
 
 
 
 Quebec . 
 
 17 
 
 
 1 196 
 
 
 New England — 
 
 
 
 
 
 Boston . 
 
 19 
 
 30, 28, 30, 30, 16, 24, 30, 20, 30, 
 25, 20,12, 25, 20, 20, 20, 30, 30, 
 60 
 
 500 
 
 
 Canceau 
 
 7 
 
 20, 30, 30, 25, 30, 28, 30 
 
 193 
 
 
 Pise ado . 
 
 5 
 
 15, 50, 25, 12, 36 
 
 138 
 
 
 Newbay 
 
 4 
 
 30, 40, 40, 80 
 
 190 
 
 
 Roddan 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 30 
 
 
 Espthick 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 
 Debchig 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 30 
 
 
 Falmouch 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 30 
 
 
 lies d'Amerique — 
 
 
 
 
 
 La Martinique 
 
 10 
 
 40, 50, 40, 40, 60, 60, 40, 70, 45, 
 100 
 
 545 
 
 
 Cap St. Domingue 
 
 2 
 
 40, 40 
 
 80 
 
 
 La Guadeloupe 
 
 I 
 
 40 
 
 40 
 
 
 Les Garre 
 
 4 
 
 40, 70, 60, 60 
 
 230 
 
 
 La Grenade . 
 
 I 
 
 60 
 
 60 
 
 
 Cap Fran^ais 
 
 2 
 
 30, 40 
 
 70 
 
 u. 
 
 Fort St. Rene 
 
 2 
 
 1 10, 80 
 
 190
 
 384 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 VESSELS OUTWARDS, LOUISBOURG 
 
 Year. 
 
 Dotination. 
 
 No. of 
 Vessels. 
 
 Tonnage of each Vessel. 
 
 Total 
 Tonnage. 
 
 1740 
 
 La Martinique . 
 
 «7 
 
 40, 100, 40, 40, 90, 2 0, 80, 
 100, 30, 40, 40, 60, I 10, 
 120, 40 
 
 40, 
 60, 
 
 950 
 
 
 St. Domingue . 
 
 7 
 
 40, 90, 50, 60, 70, 50, 100 
 
 
 460 
 
 
 New England — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Boston . 
 
 16 
 
 3, 28, 30, 30, 24, 30, 30, 25, 
 12, 20, 25, 20, 30, 20, 30 
 
 30, 
 
 387 
 
 
 Ncwberrv 
 
 3 
 
 30, 40, 80 
 
 
 150 
 
 
 Piscadouet 
 
 4 
 
 15, 25, 50, 36 
 
 
 126 
 
 
 Canceau 
 
 2 
 
 3°. 25 
 
 
 55 
 
 
 Esphiche 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 Falmouch 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 Canada — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Quebec . 
 
 6 
 
 ... 
 
 
 450 
 
 VESSELS INWARDS, LOUISBOURG 
 
 Year. 
 
 From 
 
 No. of 
 
 Vessels. 
 
 Tonnage of each Vessel. 
 
 Total 
 Tonnage. 
 
 1752 
 
 France — 
 
 
 
 
 
 St. Jean de Luz 
 
 2 
 
 60, 100 
 
 160 
 
 
 St. Male 
 
 9 
 
 100, 150, 120, 90, 55, 50, 80, 10, 
 400 
 
 1055 
 
 
 Bavonne 
 
 7 
 
 70, ee, 50, 70, 100, i;o, 180 
 
 686 
 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 s 
 
 120, 120, 1 50, 140, 90 
 
 620 
 
 
 Sables d'Olonne 
 
 4 
 
 1 50, 105, 80, 1 10 
 
 445 
 
 
 Rochetort 
 
 2 
 
 150, 105 
 
 255 
 
 
 Nantes . 
 
 2 
 
 60, 80 
 
 140 
 
 
 Dunkerque 
 
 I 
 
 90 
 
 90 
 
 
 La Rochelle . 
 
 4 
 
 100, 200, 1 20, 400 
 
 820 
 
 
 Canada — 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ouebec . 
 
 4 
 
 
 465 
 
 
 lies de L'Amerique — 
 
 
 
 
 
 La Martinique 
 
 16 
 
 210, 60, 160, 288, 280, 40, 435, 
 406, 55, 300, 90, 60, 150, 60, 
 120, 180 
 
 2894 
 
 
 Du Cap 
 
 12 
 
 60, 80, 55, 100, 80, 160, 60, 80, 
 70, 100, 150, 70 
 
 1065 
 
 
 La Guadeloupe 
 
 3 
 
 40. 35. 40 
 
 US 
 
 
 Lcs Garre 
 
 2 
 
 65,80 
 
 145 
 
 
 St. Domingue 
 
 2 
 
 85, 60 
 
 145
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 VESSELS OUT OF LOUISBOURG 
 
 385 
 
 Year. 
 
 Destination. 
 
 No. of 
 Vessels. 
 
 Tonnage of each Vessel. 
 
 Total 
 Tonnage. 
 
 1752 
 
 ... 
 
 78 
 
 Unknown 
 
 Unknown 
 
 VESSELS BOUGHT IN L'lLE ROYALE FROM THE ENGLISH IN 
 1749. 17501 AND 1754 
 
 Year. 
 
 No. of Ships. 
 
 Total Tonnage. 
 
 Total Cost. 
 
 1749 
 1750 
 
 1754 
 
 24 
 30 
 24 
 
 1330 
 1668 
 
 1773 
 
 170,600 livres 
 
 ETAT DES bATIMENS QUI ONT tTE ACHETES DES ANGLOIS A L'ISLE 
 10 YALE PENDANT L'ANNEE MIL SEPT CENT gUARANTE NEUF, SgAVOIRi 
 
 Norn des Acheteurs. 
 
 Espices des Batimens. 
 
 Port Tonneaux. 
 
 Destination. 
 
 Les Sieurs. 
 
 
 
 
 Jean Charpentier ..... 
 
 Bateau 
 
 45 \ 
 
 
 Nicolas Hamelin ..... 
 
 id. 
 
 20 
 
 
 Baubassin et Silvain ..... 
 
 Seneau 
 
 100 
 
 
 Jean Laborde ...... 
 
 Goelette 
 
 25 
 
 
 Antoine Rodrigue pr Route 1 tt <■, 
 A • n J ■ n J ^Habitans 
 Antoine Rodrigue pr BaudeyJ 
 
 r id. 
 1 id. 
 
 60 
 15 
 
 Pour le 
 
 compte des 
 
 habitans 
 
 Mathurin Josset ..... 
 
 id. 
 
 25 ^ 
 
 George Desroches 
 Andre Tompic . 
 
 
 
 id. 
 id. 
 
 20 / 
 20 
 
 Etienne Heguy 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 30 
 
 
 Bertrand Imbert 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 70 
 
 
 Antoine Rodrigue pr la peche 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 25 
 
 
 Antoine Rodrigue 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 no 
 
 
 Antoine Castaiiig 
 
 
 
 Brigantin 
 
 70 / 
 
 
 Antoine Rodrigue pr^i 
 Ferret Ameriquaine / 
 
 
 
 Bateau 
 
 33 ] 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Charles Plantard 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 50 
 
 
 Charles Guillemin 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 60 
 
 
 Jean Baptiste Blanchard 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 60 
 
 Pour le 
 
 \ Dieu-Donnc 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 60 I 
 
 compte des 
 
 i Pierre Augreau .... 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 35 
 
 Ameriquains. 
 
 Michel Maux . 
 
 
 
 Goelette 
 
 27 
 
 
 Clignet de la Motte . 
 
 
 
 Brigantin 
 
 100 
 
 
 Jean Baptiste Dumas . 
 
 
 
 id. 
 
 70 
 
 
 Louis Azemar .... 
 
 
 
 Navire 
 
 200 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 Batimens 
 
 A Louisbourg, le 30 octobre 1749. — Prevost. 
 
 ' lile RoyaU, 1749, vol. 28, pp. 201-202. 
 
 2 C
 
 ;86 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 ETAT LES BATIMENTS QUI ONT tTE ACHET^S DES ANGLOIS A L'ISLE 
 ROYALE PENDANT L'ANNEE MIL SEPT CENT CINQUANTE, SgAVOIRi 
 
 Acheteurs. 
 
 La Floury, habitant .... 
 
 Castant Dubouquet, nigociant h la Louisane 
 
 Pierre Rodrigucs, habitant 
 
 Boivin, negociant a la Guadeloupe . 
 
 Antoine Rodrigues, habitant . 
 
 Pierre Rodrigues id. . . 
 
 Michel Delort id. . 
 
 Delort I'aine id. . 
 
 Pierre Augaux, Capitaine de I'Am^rique 
 
 Bcaubassin, habitant .... 
 
 Jean Baptiste Ferret, Capitaine de I'Amerique 
 Louis Delort, habitant .... 
 
 Jean Mercure, habitant 
 
 Pierre Rodrigues id. . 
 
 Louis Delort id. . 
 
 Nicolas Petitpas id. . 
 
 Fran9ois Fretel id. . 
 
 Pierre Cadis, Capitaine de I'Amerique 
 
 Jean Claparede, habitant 
 
 Louis Janet ...... 
 
 Nicolas Larcher, marchant i Louisbourg . 
 
 Antoine Rodrigues, habitant . 
 
 Simon Ic Cler id. . . . 
 
 Jean Francois Boutin, negociant a la Martinique 
 
 Pierre Rodrigucs, habitant 
 
 Jean Dages, negociant de la Martinique . 
 
 Fran9ois Castaing, habitant 
 
 Imbert id. ... 
 
 Pierre Cadis, Capitaine de I'Amerique 
 Le mSme ...... 
 
 Batiments. 
 
 Bateau 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 Goelette 
 
 id. 
 Bateau 
 
 id. 
 Goelette 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 Brigantin 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 30 Batiments 
 
 Leur Port. 
 
 I 5 tonneaux. 
 30 id. 
 
 100 
 
 50 
 50 
 
 +S 
 80 
 40 
 60 
 60 
 40 
 100 
 
 25 
 6 
 
 60 
 20 
 30 
 
 85 
 90 
 60 
 
 40 
 80 
 12 
 
 50 
 50 
 80 
 90 
 60 
 80 
 80 
 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 id. 
 
 Fait a Louisbourg, le 9 xbre. 1750. — Prevost. 
 
 ' Isle Royali, 1750, vol. 29, F. 161, pp. 202-203.
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 387 
 
 ETAT DES BATIMENTS ANGLOIS ACHETES A L'ISLE ROYALE 
 
 EN L'ANNfiE 1754 1 
 
 Norn des Acquereurs. 
 
 Noms de Batiments. 
 
 Fabrique. 
 
 Leur Port. 
 
 Lcur Prix. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tonncaux. 
 
 Livrcs. 
 
 Le Sieur 
 
 Laborde 
 
 La Fortune 
 
 Goelette 
 
 40 
 
 3,500 
 
 n 
 
 Larcher 
 
 
 
 La Anne . 
 
 
 id. 
 
 50 
 
 4,000 
 
 Les Sieurs Delort Freres 
 
 
 
 La Sallee . 
 
 
 id. 
 
 130 
 
 12,500 
 
 Le Sieur 
 
 Salaberry 
 
 
 
 La Dauphine 
 
 ' 
 
 id. 
 
 38 
 
 3,800 
 
 
 Leon Roussy . 
 
 
 
 La Merimac 
 
 
 id. 
 
 90 
 
 12,000 
 
 
 Beaupert 
 
 
 
 La Renoinmee 
 
 
 id. 
 
 100 
 
 I 3,000 
 
 
 Brisson . 
 
 
 
 L'Aventure 
 
 
 Bateau 
 
 55 
 
 4,500 
 
 
 Lustre . 
 
 
 
 Le Dauphin 
 
 
 Goelette 
 
 40 
 
 4,000 
 
 
 Boullot 
 
 
 
 La Samuel Joseph 
 
 id. 
 
 45 
 
 5,000 
 
 
 Laborde de I'lsle St 
 
 . Jear 
 
 
 La Charles Nanette . 
 
 id. 
 
 100 
 
 7,500 
 
 
 Augreau 
 
 
 
 Le Saint Jean . 
 
 Navire 
 
 130 
 
 24,000 
 
 
 Vital Chevalier 
 
 
 
 La charmante Louise . 
 
 Goelette 
 
 20 
 
 1,050 
 
 
 Boullot 
 
 
 
 L'Arc 
 
 id. 
 
 >i5 
 
 12,500 
 
 
 Remougin 
 
 
 
 La Bethy . 
 
 id. 
 
 70 
 
 10,000 
 
 
 Milly . 
 
 
 
 La Phanie 
 
 Bateau 
 
 50 
 
 4,500 
 
 
 Mesillac 
 
 
 
 L'EIizabeth 
 
 Goelette 
 
 60 
 
 3,500 
 
 
 Tjiimnnrf 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Brigantin 
 
 90 
 
 4,000 
 
 X^ Ll iiiUii V. V^i • • 
 
 
 
 Le Sieur La Borde 
 
 
 Le Cheval Marin 
 
 Goelette 
 
 80 
 
 10,000 
 
 Les Sieurs Solignac de Dulong 
 
 
 La charmante Sally . 
 
 id. 
 
 60 
 
 4,000 
 
 Le Sieui 
 
 Menadier 
 
 
 Le Neptune 
 
 Brigantin 
 
 80 
 
 5.500 
 
 » 
 
 Hiriart . 
 
 
 
 L'Esperance 
 
 Goelette 
 
 120 
 
 12,650 
 
 )j 
 
 Lemoine 
 
 
 
 La Anna . 
 
 id. 
 
 50 
 
 6,000 
 
 )) 
 
 Leraoine 
 
 
 
 La Sally et Polly 
 
 id. 
 
 60 
 
 12,600 
 
 )) 
 
 Chavigny 
 
 
 
 La Salisberry 
 
 id. 
 
 100 
 
 10,500 
 
 
 Total . 
 
 
 
 
 
 170,600 
 
 A Louisbourg, le 18 decembre 1754. — Prevost. 
 
 It is to be noted that many of these vessels were bought for the French West Indies and 
 Louisiana. In 1749 about an equal tonnage was bought by natives and for the southern colonies. 
 n 1750 the greater number were bought by natives. 
 
 ' Isle Rojjle, 175+, vol. 34, F. 167, p. 175.
 
 388 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 VESSELS BUILT IN ISLE ROYALE 
 
 •733- 
 
 1736. 
 
 »737- 
 
 Place. 
 
 No. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 
 No. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 No. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 Louisbourg . 
 
 Bras d'Or . 
 
 Port Dauphin 
 
 Ingonish 
 
 Scutari 
 
 Port Toulouse 
 
 Total 
 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 >4 
 
 90, 30, 45, 20 
 160, 50, 30 
 
 90. 35. 35 
 15, 12 
 
 40. 35 
 
 (A 
 
 < 
 
 5 
 
 70, 45, 25, 35, 38 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 80, 120 
 100, 25 
 
 ... 
 120, 50, 70 
 
 30, 50 
 
 5 
 
 Bot. from N.E. . 
 
 i6 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 EXPORTATION 
 
 Merchandise exported from Louisbourg in 1740 to the West Indies 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Quintals of dried Cod ..... 
 
 16,522 
 
 12 
 
 198,264 
 
 Feet of Oak Planking 
 Planks of the Country 
 Casks ot Fish Oil . 
 Bureaus 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3.900 
 3,091 
 
 39 
 18 
 
 4 
 80 
 
 65 
 
 60 
 
 975 
 2,472 
 
 2.535 
 1,080 
 
 Quarts of Peas 
 Quintals of Fine Flour 
 Barrels of Coal . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 177 
 2,336-60 
 
 475 
 
 10 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 «.77o 
 
 28,039.4 
 
 1,425 
 
 Thousands of Shingles 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 157 
 
 9 
 
 '.4 '3 
 
 Thousands of feet of N.E. planks 
 Casks of Salmon . 
 
 Etc. 
 
 
 
 
 94 
 
 13 
 
 30 
 80 
 
 2,820 
 1,040 
 
 Tota 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 242,988-4
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 Merchandise exported from Louisbourc in 1740 to Canada 
 
 389 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Tot»l. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Casks of Tafia 
 
 632 
 
 90 
 
 56,880 
 
 „ ,, Molasses . 
 
 
 
 
 
 262 
 
 60 
 
 15,720 
 
 Quintals of Raw Sugar . 
 
 
 
 
 
 222 
 
 5° 
 
 11,100 
 
 „ „ Coffee 
 
 
 
 
 
 163-80 
 
 100 
 
 16,380 
 
 Casks of Tafia Spirit 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 200 
 
 Rolls of Tobacco Leaves 
 
 
 
 
 
 183 
 
 4 
 
 732 
 
 Barrels of Rice 
 
 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 80 
 
 4,000 
 
 Casks of Bordeaux Wine 
 
 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 100 
 
 3,800 
 
 Barrels of Tar 
 
 
 
 
 
 128 
 
 25 
 
 3,200 
 
 (Quintals of Gayac Wood 
 
 
 
 
 
 47 
 
 18 
 
 846 
 
 Fans to Winnow Grain . 
 
 
 
 
 
 97 
 
 6 
 
 582 
 
 Etc. 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 
 114,776 
 
 Merchandise exported from Louisbourg in 1740 to N'ew England ' 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Casks of Tafia ...... 
 
 715 
 
 65 
 
 46,475 
 
 „ „ Molasses . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 460 
 
 40 
 
 I 8,400 
 
 Veltes 1 of Brandy 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 200 
 
 5 
 
 1,000 
 
 Quintals of Iron . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 48 
 
 20 
 
 960 
 
 Ells 2 of Sail Cloth 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 713 
 
 I 
 
 713 
 
 Quintals of Rope . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 930 
 
 Coal . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 670 
 
 3 
 
 2,010 
 
 Quintals of Iron Anchors 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 200 
 
 Etc. 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 Tota 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 70,678 
 
 ' Velte : an old measure containing thirteen imperial pints. 
 •■' Aune ; an old French measure for cloth, etc., equal to i m. 182 mill., or 46-5 Eng. inches.
 
 39° 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 IMPORTATION 
 
 Briif Statement of the Merchandise imported from the West Indies into Louisbourc, 
 
 YEAR 1740. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. '1 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Casks of Tafia » 
 
 2,308 
 
 65 
 
 I 50,040 
 
 „ „ Molasses . 
 
 
 
 
 
 '>969i 
 
 40 
 
 78,780 
 
 Pounds of Coffee . 
 
 
 
 
 
 9,420 
 
 40-12 
 
 5,652 
 
 Quintals of White Sugar 
 
 
 
 
 
 149.69 
 
 50 
 
 7,484.10 
 
 „ Soap . 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 45 
 
 6,977-14 
 
 Casks of Provence Wine 
 
 
 
 
 
 i'5 
 
 50 
 
 5,750 
 
 Cases ? of Olive Oil 
 
 
 
 
 
 182 
 
 30 
 
 5,460 
 
 Rolls of Tobacco Leaves 
 
 
 
 
 
 i,zo6 
 
 4 
 
 4,824.16 
 
 Quintals of Raw Sugar . 
 
 
 
 
 
 9+-4+ 
 
 20 
 
 1,888 
 
 „ „ " Sucre commun et de teste" 
 
 
 55-45 
 
 40 
 
 2,218 
 
 Pounds of Cotton 
 
 
 120 
 
 2 
 
 240 
 
 Etc. 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 
 269,315 
 
 ' Tafia : a kind of rum. 
 
 Brief Statement of the Merchandise imported from Canada into Louisbourc, year 1740. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 {Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 TotaL 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Quintals of Fine Flour ..... 
 
 6,956-98 
 
 12 
 
 83,483-15-2 
 
 „ „ Flour entire 
 
 
 
 711.24 
 
 10 
 
 7,112-8 
 
 „ „ Flour second quality . 
 
 
 
 1,666.41 
 
 9.10 
 
 15,831.17.18 
 
 „ „ Biscuits 
 
 
 
 7,500 
 
 10 
 
 75,000 
 
 Quarts of Peas .... 
 
 
 
 726 
 
 10 
 
 7,260 
 
 Quintals of Tobacco 
 
 
 
 63.82 
 
 40 
 
 2,552.16 
 
 Flanks of Pine Wood (12 ft.) 
 
 
 
 810 
 
 II. 15 
 
 607.10 
 
 Quintals of Nails .... 
 
 
 
 40-71 
 
 40 
 
 1,628.8 
 
 „ „ Candles 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 60 
 
 300 
 
 „ Iron .... 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 20 
 
 1,900 
 
 Etc, 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 196,403-5
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 391 
 
 Brief Statement of the Merchandise 
 
 IMPORTED FROM NeW EngLAND INTO LoUISBOURG, 
 
 YEAR 1740. 
 
 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Cows 
 
 H 
 
 50 
 
 1,200 
 
 Thousands ot Bricks 
 
 
 
 
 58 
 
 15 
 
 870 
 13,290 
 
 Thousands of Planks 
 
 
 
 
 443 
 
 3° 
 
 Bushels of " sageaux " . 
 
 
 
 
 239 
 
 3 
 
 717 
 
 Bushels ot Indian Corn . 
 
 
 
 
 J.237 
 
 2 
 
 2)474 
 
 Thousands of Shingles . 
 
 
 
 
 446 
 
 9 
 
 4,014. 
 
 Pounds of Pork 
 
 
 
 
 6,300 
 
 II-5 
 
 1.575 
 
 Gross of Pipes 
 
 
 
 
 316 
 
 3 
 
 948 
 
 Bureaus and Chests of Drawers 
 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 60 
 
 5,700 
 
 Quintals of Rice . 
 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 20 
 
 2,000 
 
 Live Pigs .... 
 
 
 
 
 52 
 
 20 
 
 1,040 
 
 Hatchets .... 
 
 
 
 
 1,122 
 
 4 
 
 4,488 
 
 Live Oxen .... 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 75 
 
 '.350 
 
 Quarts of Apples and Pears . 
 
 
 
 
 286 
 
 8 
 
 2,288 
 
 Sheep, etc. .... 
 
 
 
 
 445 
 
 10 
 
 4.450 
 
 Etc. 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 49.147 
 
 Brief Statement of the Merchandise imported from Acadia into Louisbourg, year 1740. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Live Oxen ....... 
 
 155 
 
 75 
 
 11,625 
 
 Cows . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 50 
 
 1,000 
 
 Natural Skins 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 322 
 
 15 
 
 4.830 
 
 Quintals of Flour 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 12 
 
 1,146 
 
 Barrels of Oats 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 349 
 
 12 
 
 4,188 
 
 Barrels of Peas 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 360 
 
 Fowls . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 246 
 
 II 
 
 246 
 
 Sheep . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 60 
 
 10 
 
 600 
 
 Quintals of Down 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5.9.50 
 
 80 
 
 44° 
 
 Quintals of Salt Bacon 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I0.9.80 
 
 35 
 
 378 
 
 Quintals of Dried Cod 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21.9 
 
 12 
 
 252 
 
 Figs, etc. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 zo 
 
 200 
 
 Etc. 
 
 
 
 
 Total .... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 25,959-12
 
 392 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 Statement of the Merchandise imported from Canada into Louisbourc, 1752. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Thousands of Bricks 
 
 26 
 
 25 
 
 650 
 
 Casks of Fish Oil . 
 
 
 
 
 6i 
 
 90 
 
 585 
 
 Thousands of Shingles 
 
 
 
 
 56* 
 
 12 
 
 678 
 
 Feet of Planks 
 
 
 
 
 25,269 
 
 50 the mile 
 
 I263-9-I I 
 
 Casks of Bordeaux Wine 
 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 100 
 
 3700 
 
 Rolls of Tobacco Leaves 
 
 
 
 
 1,9+3 pounds 
 
 15s. 
 
 1457-5 
 
 Barrels of Salted Salmon 
 
 
 
 
 7i 
 
 90 
 
 675 
 
 Horses . 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 200 
 
 800 
 
 Haberdashery . 
 
 
 
 
 1 70 pounds 
 
 6 
 
 1020 
 
 Etc. 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 i3,276-i4-ii 
 
 Statement of the Merchandise imported from the West Indies into Louisbourc, 1 75 2. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Casks of Molasses Sirop . 
 
 9>877i 
 
 55 
 
 543,262-10 
 
 „ Tafia 
 
 
 4.953 
 
 90 
 
 445.77° 
 
 Quintals of White Sugar . 
 
 
 +09.77 
 
 15s. 
 
 3.057-15 
 
 „ „ Ordinar)- Sugar 
 
 
 486-19 
 
 60-9 
 
 27,171-8 
 
 „ „ Raw Sugar . 
 
 
 9H-76 
 
 50 
 
 45.738 
 
 „ Olive Oil . 
 
 
 75-60 
 
 19s. 
 
 5,670 
 
 Gross of Pipes for Smoking 
 
 
 210 
 
 5 
 
 1,050 
 
 Butter .... 
 
 
 103-20 
 
 50 
 
 5,160 
 
 Negro and Negress . 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 2,000 
 
 Coffee .... 
 
 
 523-77 
 
 20s. 
 
 52,377 
 
 Cocoa .... 
 
 
 22-74 
 
 30s. 
 
 1. 137 
 
 Jars of Liqueurs 
 
 
 550 
 
 6 
 
 3.300 
 
 Rolls of Tobacco Leaves . 
 
 
 5.526 
 
 4 
 
 22,104 
 
 Quintals of Oakum . 
 
 
 31.80 
 
 3° 
 
 954 
 
 Casks of Bordeaux Wine . 
 
 
 80 
 
 100 
 
 8,000 
 
 Quintals of Assorted Ropes 
 
 
 25 
 
 40 
 
 1,000 
 
 Pounds of Jam 
 
 
 279 
 
 3 
 
 837 
 
 Ells of "Sciamoise" 
 
 
 450 
 
 3 
 
 '.350 
 
 Quintals of Starch . 
 
 
 30 
 
 50 
 
 1,500 
 
 Pounds of Cotton . 
 
 
 861 
 
 40s. 
 
 1,722 
 
 Etc. 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 Total . 
 
 • 
 
 1,180,246-13
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 393 
 
 Statement of the Merchandise imported from France into Louisbourg in i: 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Casks of Salt . 
 Quintals of Assorted Iron 
 Nails 
 
 „ Small Anchors 
 
 Casks of Thick Barley 
 Quintals of Ham 
 Mackerel and Herring Nets 
 Ells of Sail-Cloth . 
 Olive Oil . . . 
 
 Quintals of Biscuit 
 Casks of Aubagne Wine . 
 Quintals of Butter . 
 
 ,, Salt Bacon 
 
 „ Flour . 
 
 Casks of Vegetables 
 Quintals of Fishing Lines 
 
 „ Assorted Ropes 
 
 „ Balls of Lead 
 
 Pairs of Ball Slippers 
 
 „ Boots 
 Ells of House Cloth 
 Changes pour Matelots 
 Quintals of Haberdashery 
 Casks of Bordeaux Wine . 
 Quintals of Candles 
 Squares of Window-Glass 
 Assorted Caps 
 Quintals of Ironmongery . 
 Ells of Cloth from Brittany 
 Quintals of Salt Beef 
 Casks of Saintonge Wine 
 Quintals of Copper Ware 
 Pounds of Silk Goods 
 
 „ Groceries 
 Ells of Montauban Cloth 
 Etc. 
 
 Total . 
 
 (Quantities. 
 
 159-60 
 379-79 
 304-35 
 236 
 
 75-25 
 
 128 
 
 21,667 
 
 12,896 
 
 2,090 
 
 79 
 3,989-36 
 447-88 
 1,676-25 
 
 443i 
 156-75 
 
 2,532-30 
 88-6o 
 
 7,732 
 
 232 
 
 16,216 
 
 527 
 
 167-31 
 1,318 
 
 193-14 
 9,400 
 
 984 
 
 109-1 1 
 6,670 
 
 869-90 
 
 348 
 36-56 
 1,165* 
 1,464 
 5,986 
 
 Liv. 
 ■5 
 25 
 
 45 
 
 40 
 
 30 
 75 
 45 
 22 
 15s. 
 22 
 too 
 50 
 
 35 
 
 18 
 
 40 
 
 too 
 
 40 
 
 45 
 3 
 
 •5 
 
 40s. 
 
 20 
 
 6 
 
 100 
 
 60 
 
 8s. 
 40s. 
 
 3 
 
 30s. 
 
 25 
 80 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 Total. 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 Liv. 
 97,417-10 
 
 3,990 
 17,090-1 1 
 12,174 
 
 7,080 
 
 5,643' 
 5,760 
 
 23,833 
 9,672 
 
 45,991 
 
 7,900 
 
 44,918 
 
 15,675' 
 30,172-10 
 
 •7,740 
 15,675-16 
 101,292 
 
 3,987 
 23,196 
 
 3,480 
 
 32,432 
 
 10,540 
 
 100,386 
 
 131,800 
 
 11,588 
 
 3,760 
 
 1,966 
 
 32,733 
 10,005 
 
 21,74. 
 
 27,840 
 
 10,960 
 
 23,310 
 
 17,568 
 
 23,944 
 
 1,124,139 
 
 -10
 
 394 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 EXPORTATION 
 Merchandise exported from Louisbourg in 1752 to Nkw England. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 (Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Casks of Molasses Sirop 
 
 „ „ Tafia 
 Quintals of Raw Sugar . 
 
 „ Coffee 
 Casks of Bordeaux Wine 
 Pounds of Cocoa . 
 Veltes of Brandy . 
 
 Etc. 
 
 
 
 
 
 6,056 
 
 2.595 
 807 
 270 
 
 155 
 
 600 
 
 700 
 
 Liv. 
 
 55 
 90 
 
 50 
 100 
 100 
 
 I OS. 
 
 7 
 
 Liv. 
 
 333,080 
 
 233,550 
 
 4°.35o 
 27,000 
 
 15,500 
 
 300 
 
 4,900 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 
 654,680 
 
 IMPORTATION 
 Statement of Merchandise imported from France into Louisbourg in 1753. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Casks of Salt 
 
 9,617 
 
 21 
 
 201,957 
 
 Quintals of Fishing Lines 
 
 
 84.85 
 
 120 
 
 io,i8z 
 
 „ „ Assorted Ropes 
 
 
 722.37 
 
 40 
 
 28,894-16 
 
 „ Biscuits 
 
 
 2.434-34 
 
 25 
 
 40,858-10 
 
 „ Butter . 
 
 
 
 5 I2'2I 
 
 70 
 
 35.854-'4 
 
 „ Flour . 
 
 
 
 838-80 
 
 18 
 
 15,098-8 
 
 Ells of Sail-Cloth . 
 
 
 
 19,285 
 
 30s. 
 
 28,927-10 
 
 Casks of Bordeaux Wine 
 
 
 
 3.313 
 
 75 
 
 248,475 
 
 Veltes of Brandy 
 
 
 
 5,352 
 
 5 the gallon 
 
 26,760 
 
 Quintals of Olive Oil 
 
 
 
 112-78 
 
 i8s. 
 
 10,150 
 
 „ Candles 
 
 
 
 315-21 
 
 75 
 
 23,640 
 
 „ Soap . 
 
 
 
 269 
 
 50 
 
 13.450 
 
 „ „ Almonds 
 
 
 
 239-86 
 
 5° 
 
 11.993 
 
 „ „ Ironmongery 
 
 
 34.60 
 
 3 the pound 
 
 10,380 
 
 ,, „ Haberdashery 
 
 
 100-67 
 
 6 the pound 
 
 60,402 
 
 Ells of Montauban Cloth 
 
 
 5.370 
 
 4 
 
 21,480 
 
 Pairs of Men's Shoes 
 
 
 3.859 
 
 3 
 
 i',577 
 
 Ells of White Cloth 
 
 
 6,161 
 
 3 
 
 18,483 
 
 „ „ Household Cloth 
 
 
 9.530 
 
 40s. 
 
 19,060 
 
 Etc. 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 • 
 
 1,063,337.6
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 395 
 
 Statement of Merchandise imported from the West Indies into Louisbou 
 
 RG IN 1753. 
 
 Nature of the Goods, 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Casks of Molasses Sirop . 
 
 „ „ Tafia .... 
 Quintals of Raw Sugar . 
 „ Coffee . . 
 Casks of Provence Wine . 
 Etc. 
 
 8,998 
 
 4,854 
 1,233.22 
 
 226-1 I 
 
 392 
 
 Liv. 
 
 60 
 90 
 25 
 
 i8s. the pound 
 60 
 
 Liv. 
 
 539,880 
 
 436,860 
 30,830-10 
 20,349-18 
 23,520 
 
 Total 
 
 1,112,883-3 
 
 EXPORTATION 
 
 Merchandise exported from Louisbourg in 1753 to France. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 (Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Quintals of Cured Cod 
 Casks of Bank Cod 
 
 „ „ Fish Oil 
 
 „ „ Salmon 
 
 „ „ Coal 
 Feet of Oak Planks. 
 Martens 
 Natural Skins . 
 Otter Skins . 
 Ox Hides 
 
 Etc. 
 
 Total 
 
 37,855 
 430 
 680 
 
 51 
 
 1,208 
 23,360 
 
 1,898 
 256 
 548 
 209 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 16 
 
 605,680 
 
 90 
 
 38,700 
 
 70 
 
 47,600 
 
 90 
 
 4,590 
 
 4 
 
 10 the metre 
 
 4,832 
 2,569-12 
 
 3 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 5.694 
 4,096 
 
 3,288 
 
 12 
 
 2,508 
 
 ■35,805-
 
 396 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 Merchandise exported from Louisbourc in 1753 to Canada. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 
 
 TotaL 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Liv. 
 
 Casks of Tafia .... 
 
 664 
 
 90 
 
 59,760 
 
 Quintals of Coffee .... 
 
 79-58 
 
 i8s. 
 
 7,162.4 
 
 Rolls' of Tobacco Leaves 
 
 1,420 
 
 3 
 
 4,260 
 
 "Manoques"' of Tobacco Leaves in 
 
 
 
 
 quintals ... 
 
 87.5 
 
 75 the quintal 
 
 6,528-15 
 
 Quintals of Tobacco (de Hollande 
 
 
 
 
 "pe) 
 
 15-15 
 
 3 the pound 
 
 4.545 
 
 Ells of Carcassonne Cloth 
 
 528 
 
 12 
 
 6,336 
 
 Pairs of Men's Shoes 
 
 980 
 
 3 
 
 2,940 
 
 Morse Skins ..... 
 
 140 packets 
 
 20 
 
 2,800 
 
 Etc. 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 111,157-19 
 
 ^ Andoiulle : roll of tobacco leaves. 
 2 Manoque : small bundle of tobacco leaves. 
 
 Merchandise exported from Lolisbourg in 1753 to the West Indies. 
 
 Nature of the Goods. 
 
 Quantities. 
 
 Price. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Quintals of Cured Cod . 
 
 Casks of Bank Cod . 
 
 Stave Wood ..... 
 
 Feet of English Planks . 
 
 Planks of the Country . 
 
 Casks "knocked down" (Boucaux 
 
 en bottes) 
 
 Horses ...... 
 
 Etc. 
 
 Total 
 
 40,688 
 
 321 
 
 482,269 
 
 608,584 
 
 15,921 
 
 4.247 
 89 
 
 Liv. 
 12 
 90 
 
 50 the mitre 
 
 40 ., 
 
 10 the cent. 
 
 5 
 200 
 
 Liv. 
 
 488,256 
 
 28,890 
 
 24.113 
 
 24.343-7-2 
 •7.513-2 
 
 21.235 
 17,800 
 
 673,863-19-6
 
 APPENDIX VI 
 
 ISLE ROYALLE— CORRESPONDANCE GENERALE, 1 728-1 729, Vol. 10 
 
 M. DE Saint-Ovide, Gouverneur 
 
 Isle Royalle. — Sur le Commerce Etranger 
 
 17 mars 1728. 
 
 'Il est marqu^ a Mrs. de St. Ovide et de M^zy le 10 juin 1727 qu'il avoit est6 port6 des 
 blaintes au sujet du Commerce que les Anglois faisoient a I'lsle Royalle, que cependant Sa 
 jMajeste vouloit bien en attendant que la colonic fut mieux ^tablie leur permettre de con- 
 tinuer d'y admettre des Bestiaux, des rafFraichissements et des Bois a Batir, mais qu'ils 
 devoient empescher I'lntroduction d'aucunes marchandises ny mesme des farines a moins 
 Je disette et qu'on n'y en portat pas suffisamment de france et de Canada. 
 
 1 6 novemhre 1727. 
 
 Mr. de St. Ovide Marque que la crainte que les N^gocians de France ont eu que 
 .es habitans de I'lsle Royalle ne fussent pas en etat de faire la pesche a cause du d&ordre 
 krriv^ par le Coup de vent du mois de novembre 1726, a fait qu'ils ont envoy^ une tres 
 petite quantity de Batiments, ce qui a caus6 dans la Colonie une tres grande disette de toutes 
 choses et particulierement de Sel, viandes salees et boeurre, cela I'a d^termind et M. de Mezy 
 f. la Sollicitation des habitans d'en avoir des Anglois qui en ont fourny une assez grande 
 quantite pour continuer la pesche. 
 
 II dit que sans le secours des Anglois la Colonie auroit presque manqu^ de tout, lis 
 ant eu attention que les payements des marchandises port6es par les Anglois fussent faits en 
 denrees du pays comme charbon, vins, Eau de vie et autres efFets de france. 
 
 La pesche a itt parfaitement bonne, ce qui en partie a remis I'habitant de ses grandes 
 pertes. 
 
 Le Canada a fourny abondamment des farines, biscuits et pois, mesme a un prix trds 
 raisonnable. 
 
 26 no'vemhre 1727. 
 
 Mrs. de St. Ovide et de Mezy en envoyant la carte du Commerce par laquelle il 
 parroist qu'il a este 22 Batimens de la nouvelle angleterre ou de I'accadie Marquent qu'ils 
 ont tolere le commerce etranger par raport a la disette ou s'est trouv^ la Colonie a cause 
 de rOuragan de 1726, et qu'ils n'ont permis aux Anglois de prendre en troque que des 
 denrdes du pays et de france. 
 
 II fut recommande en 1726, a MM. de Beauharnois et dupuy de ne point n^gliger la 
 
 397
 
 398 APPENDIX VI 
 
 subsistance de I'lsle Royalle, mesme d'ayder cette Colonic en engageant les Commerceans 
 d'y porter des farines et autres denrccs. 
 
 lis r^pondent qu'ils auront toujours attention a fournir I'lsle Royalle des denr^es du 
 Canada, mais que peut estre cette Colonie ne r^pondra pas a leurs intentions par ce qu'on 
 y a bientost pris le party, sous un 16ger pr^texte, de s'en fournir a la Nouvclle Angleterre 
 qu'il y a bien de I'apparence que cette route une fois fray& continuera d'estrc frequentce, ce 
 qui fait un tort 6gal au Canada et au Commerce de France, parce que d'un cost6 I'lsle 
 Rovalle essaye a se passer du Canada et de I'autre elle introduit dans le Canada une grandc 
 quantity de marchandises dtrangeres lesquelles entrant a present dans la Colonie par deux 
 voves diiF^rentes ne laisseront bientost plus d'esp6rance aux Batimens Francois de debiter 
 en Canada les marchandises qu'ils y portoient de France. 
 
 Plainte des Jrmateurs et Negocians de St. Malo. 
 
 lis repr6sentent que Mr. de St. Ovide souftre les Anglois traitter a I'lsle Royalle, qu'il 
 les fevorise mesme jusqu'4 faire achetter par gens a Sa devotion leurs denrees comme pain, 
 sel, farine, viandes salees, Bceurre, fromages et toutes marchandises siches. 
 
 Que les Anglois dpuisent la Colonie d'especes d'or et d'argent, qu'ils enldvent mesme 
 le poisson quand ils ne trouvent plus d'especes. 
 
 Oue ce n'est pas la le seul mal que cause a I'l^tat et au commerce I'avarice de ce 
 Gouverneur, car les deniers comptants estant ^puisez, II empesche les habitans de livrer 
 leurs mortles aux vaisseaux marchands qui leur ont fourny les Cuires, marchandises et 
 ustensiles pour la pesche, qu'apres la my jbre quelque Traittd qui ait este fait, Et que dans 
 cet intervalle ceux qui font le commerce clandestin avec les Anglois pour le compte du 
 gouverneur ont le temps de se faire payer et les fran^ois sont forc(^s d'attendre I'arriere 
 saison a charger, ce qui est cause qu'ils ne peuvent quitter la coste qu'en novembre ou 
 Ddcembre et par la ils sont exposez a p6rir comme il arriva a plusieurs I'ann^e derni^re. 
 
 Cette conduite ruine absolument le Commerce de la Colonic, met les ndgociants hors 
 d'etat de la continuer et ils y ont fait des pcrtes considerables depuis plusieurs ann^es. 
 
 Ils se plaignent aussi que Mr. de St. Ovide employe son autoritd et pousse ses menaces 
 \ tel point que les Capitaincs marchands quoiquc munis de Commissions en guerre de M. 
 TAmiral, n'osent agir contre les Anglois qui traittent ct qu'il fait mesme emprisonner ceux 
 qui contreviennent a ses ordrcs, comme cela est arrivd le mois d'octobrc dernier au Sr. 
 Cotterel fils Capitainc du navire : Le Prudent de St. Malo qui a este emprisonnc avec ses 
 officiers et matelots par autoritd de ce Gouverneur pour avoir arrest^ un Batiment Anglois 
 qui traittoit impundment dans le port de Louisbourg. 
 
 Us demandent qu'il luy soit fait defFenses et a tous autres charges des ordres de Sa 
 Mate, de faire ou Tol^rer le Commerce Etranger, d'y troubler le Commerce des n^gociants 
 de france en empeschant ou retardant I'exp^dition de leurs Traittes et I'effet des Commissions 
 qui leur sont accord^es par I'amiral contre les Anglois Traittants. 
 
 ILE ROYALLE, CORRESPONDANCE GENERALE, 1738, Vol. 20 
 
 M. DE Brouillan, Gouverneur 
 
 Lettre des habitans pescheurs de /'Isle Royalle et ceux de Louisbourg, du 26 novembre J73S. 
 
 MoNSEiGNEUR. — Les habitans pescheurs de I'lsle Royalle et particulicrement ceux de 
 
 Louisbourg ont I'honneur de reprdsenter a Vostre Grandeur que le Sieur Duvivier Capitaine
 
 APPENDIX VI 399 
 
 d'Infanterie du detachement de la Marine en cette garnison qui fait depuis plusieurs annces 
 une partie du commerce de cette Isle au prejudice des habitans, a achettd le printemps 
 dernier la plus grande partie des cargaisons des navires venant de France, ce servant pour 
 cest effet de deux de ses freres officiers et du nomm6 Lascorret son commis qui conjoincte- 
 ment avec luys travailloit pour cella, ce qui a fait un tort considerable a tous les habitans 
 pescheurs de Louisbourg et nottament a ceux des havres circonvoisins qui ont pour la plus 
 part este obliges de rachetter de luy des denr^es pour leur pesche n'en pouvant trouver 
 ailleurs au prix qu'il a vouleu et a constraint les pescheurs a rdpondre pour leurs maitres, 
 ce qui ne c'etoit jamais pratiqu6 jusqu'a pr&ent et qui empeschera par la suitte que ces 
 mesmes pescheurs qui ce voyent genez par cest endroit ne voudront plus continuer la pesche 
 i I'Isle Royalle pour les habitans et prendront plutot le party de faire la pesche pour leur 
 compte ou d'aller pour les battimens sist a la grande Baye Gasp6 et ailleurs et par cette 
 mesme raison les habitans pescheurs ne seront plus en (5tat de continuer leur pesche, ce qui 
 faira tomber entierement cette Colonnie qui ne peut subsister que par la pesche de la moriie 
 qui est la base fondamentalle du commerce dans ce pais. 
 
 Niganiche qui est un port de cette Isle ou on fait la pesche des moriies ^tant assez bien 
 muny des provisions pour le commencement pour la pesche d'est6, un des habitans dudit 
 endroit qui avoit pour lors deux de ses battimens dans ledit port et qui savoit que Louisbourg 
 manquoit totalement de denrees pour la pesche y en envoya un avec la plus grande partie 
 de sa cargaison, ledit Sieur Duvivier trouva le moyen par I'entremise du Sieur Carnoyer a 
 qui ce navire avoit est^ recommande d'avoir par prefFerance a tous les autres ce qu'il voulait 
 de cette cargaison qu'on dechargea en partie la nuit, tandis qu'il y avoit beaucoup d'habitans 
 pescheurs de Louisbourg, Loranbec, Baleine et Scatary qui n'avoit pas de quoy faire sortir 
 leurs chaloupes en pesche. 
 
 La premiere cargaison de la M^rique qui est arriv& dans ce port a este pareillement 
 achett^e par ledit Sieur Duvivier et quoy qu'il n'y edt point pour lors de m61asse dans I'Isle 
 pour faire la biere, boisson dont uzent les pescheurs et de laquelle on ne scauroit ce passer, 
 cette dit cargaison fut chargee dans une goualette angloise et envoy^e a Baston pour son 
 compte a la consignation du Sieur Morel qui fut envoy^ audit lieu par ledit Sieur Duvivier 
 pour arretter aussy pour son compte tous les vivres qu'il y auroit audit endroit, avec I'ordre 
 de former une sossiette avec le nomme Pierre Faneuil, fran9ois refFugie a Baston qui a 
 envoyd dans ce port plusieurs cargaisons de vivres a I'adresse dudit Morel qui a mis le tout 
 en magazin et en a fait la vente pavable en argent, ce qui a fait aussy un tord considerable 
 a I'habitant pescheur qui avoit accoutume d'achetter les vivres eux-memes des Battiments 
 anglois k beaucoup meilleur compte et avoit d'ailleurs la facillit6 de les payer en denrees de 
 la Merique et de France sur lesquelles ils trouvoit encore une douceur avec lesdits anglois 
 qui leur prenoit en retour lesdites denrees a quelque choze plus haut que le cours. 
 
 Le nomm^ Renault, capitaine et propri^taire d'une goualette de la Martinique qui est 
 pareillement arrive dans ce port avec une cargaison de melasse et guildive qu'il vendit icy ; 
 dans ces entrefaittes arriverent deux battimcncs ou ledit Sieur Duvivier estoit interesse 
 jchargds pour lors de pareilles marchandises ; que fit pour lors ledit Sieur Duvivier, il se 
 servit du pretexte de la picotte qu'on disoit estre a bord de ladite goualette, qui a la verite 
 y avoit estd pendant le voyage mais qui avoit pour lors cess6, et trouva par ce moyen de 
 ifaire chasser ladite goualette de ce havre, ce qui obliga ledit Renault de monter a Quebec, 
 In'ayant peu obtenir la permission de livrer sa cargaison a ceux a qui il I'avoit vendue.
 
 400 APPENDIX VI 
 
 Le depart de cette dite goualette donna lieu audit Sieur Duvivier de faire valoir ses 
 deux cargaisons de la Mdrique k un prix beaucoup plus avantageux qu'il n'eust fait si ledit 
 Renault avoit resti, ce qui a tourn^ au d^savantage de I'habitant pescheur qui d'ailieurs 
 avoit a craindre la meme maladie des deux battiments dudit Sieur Duvivier qui avoit party 
 de la Martinique de mSme endroit que la goualette de Renault, il y eut mcme deux ou trois 
 hommes de l'(5quipage de ses deux b'ltiments qui moururent a I'hospital de Louisbourg 
 presque en y entrant. 
 
 Ledit Sieur Duvivier a aussy trouvi^ le moyen d'avoir le detail de la boucherie qu'on 
 a ^tablv dans cette ville qu'il fait tenir dans une de ses maisons faisant agir pour cella le 
 nomme Joseph Duga a qui il en a est6 passd un bail de six ans et pour empescher les 
 habitans d'entreprendre ladite boucherie, on a fait mension dans le bail qu'on tireroit une 
 certaine quantity de bceufs du Canada pour fournir ladite boucherie I'hiver comme Vesti, k 
 quoy on n'obligera pas seurement ledit Duga, attendeu que cette affaire retomberoit sur 
 ledit Sieur Duvivier qui en est le plus fort int^ress^. 
 
 Le Sieur Gourville, frere dudit Sieur Duvivier, fait a peu pri^s un pareil commerce de 
 sorte que Ton ne voit sur les graves que ses deux officiers qui I'epde au cott^ achettent et 
 livrent des moriles aux Capitaines avec qui ils font affaires et auxquels ils font prendre en 
 pavement des morues telles qu'ils les jugent a propos, ce qui par la suitte empeschera lesdits 
 capitaines de continuer leur commerce dans cette Isle Sy Vostre Grandeur n'a la bont6 d'y 
 metre ordre. 
 
 Ledit Sieur Duvivier a envoy^ un brigantin au petit d(5grat qui est un port dans cette 
 Isle k trois lieux de canceau habitt^ par les anglois avec lesquelles il a traittd pour des 
 moriles qu'il a eu pour la charge de sondit batiment, et cella sans crainte d'estre prix en con- 
 travention, raport a la protection de Monsieur Le Normant ; ce commerce est encore trfe 
 prdjudiciable k celuy de Louisbourg attendu que introduction de les moriles ^trangeres fait 
 que le compagnon pescheur a de la peine a trouver a vendre ses moriles et est oblig^ de 
 les donner k un bas prix dont ledit Sieur Duvivier tire encore un double avantage en les 
 achettant et les feisant prendre aux capitaines k un plus haut prix. 
 
 Vostre Grandeur sera pareillement instruitte que I'annee derniere dans le mois de May 
 les gouverneur et Intendant du Canada donnerent ordre a un batteau qui partait de Quebec 
 pour la Martinique de toucher i Louisbourg pour donner avis a Messieurs les Gouverneur et 
 Ordonnateur de cette Isle de prendre leurs precautions attendu que le Canada n'etoit pas en 
 6tat de fournir des vivres pour la subsistance de cette colonnie ; ce batteau arriva dans ce 
 port entre neuf et dix heures du soir, ledit Sieur Duvivier ne manqua pas suivant sa coutume 
 d'envoyer ou plutot d'aller luy-meme k bord pour savoir les nouvelles et ayant aprix ce qui 
 ce passoit en Canada le lendemain a la pointe du jour, avant que personne de cedit batteau 
 fut dessendu a terre, il feut dans toutes les maisons ou il savoit qu'il y avoit des vivres k 
 vendre qu'il achetta et revendit ensuitte au prix qu'il voulust, ce qui est contraire aux senti- 
 ments d'un Chretien qui ne doit jamais se prevaloir en pareille occasion et surtout dans un 
 endroit comme celuy-cy ou on est oblig6 de tirer d'ailieurs tout ce qui concerne la vie 
 animalle, il est k craindre, Monseigneur, sy Vostre Grandeur ne met pas des justes bornes 
 k I'ambition dudit Sieur Duvivier et des autres officiers qui a leur exemple pourroient faire 
 comme eux par la suitte que les habitans pescheurs seront obliges malgr^ eux de ce retirer 
 ailleurs ou ils pourroient faire leur commerce de pesche sans trouble et sans genne. 
 
 II est aise de concevoir par tout cest expoz6 qui est vt^ritable combien le commerce 
 
 I
 
 APPENDIX VI 401 
 
 que ledit Sieur Duvivier fait dans I'isle est ruineux a I'habitant pescheur, luy ^tant d'ailleurs 
 tres facille de le tout entreprendre, dtant aid6 d'argent et de I'authorittd de Monsieur Le 
 Normant que tout le monde croit estre int^ress6 dans toutes les affaires dudit Sicur 
 Duvivier, qui a eu I'agrement d'avoir I'automne dernicre du magazin du Roy tous les 
 
 jvivres qu'il a voulu pour faire son commerce, et qu'il a remplace cette ann(5e avec des 
 farines qu'il a fait venir de France et de chez les Anglois qui ne luy reviennent par cette 
 raison qu'a un juste prix, tandis que le malheureux habitant pescheur a est^ oblig^ dc payer 
 
 |les memes vivres qu'il a eu du magazin du Roy, a seize et dix-sept livres le quintal. 
 
 Nous avons lieu, Monseigneur, d'esp(5rer de Vostre Grandeur, qu'elle recevra avec bont^ 
 
 lies repr&entations que nous avons I'honneur de luy faire avec tout le respect et la soumission 
 
 'dont nous sommes capables, et qu'elle aura pour agreable d'empescher par la suitte que nous ne 
 soyons point inquiettfe dans notre commerce par Monsieur Duvivier ny par tous autres qui 
 voudroit le faire et dont nous prendrons la liberte d'instruire Vostre Grandeur sy cella arrivoit. 
 Nous ne discontinuerons pas, Monseigneur, d'adresser nos voeux au ciel pour la con- 
 servation et prosp^rit^ de Vostre Grandeur. 
 
 , A Louisbourg le 26 novembre 1738 : 
 
 ' Daccarette jeune. 
 
 A. Benoist. 
 
 B. Cassaignolles. 
 
 G. MiLLY. 
 
 Georges Rosse. 
 
 Noel Rosse. 
 
 R. E. marque d'EREGNY. 
 
 N. G. marque de Nicolas Gaudin. 
 
 F. MiLLY. 
 
 SuFLOURiE Thesson fils, faisant pour mon 
 perre Pether Breton, 1738. 
 
 I Le soussign6 a I'honneur de reprdsenter a Vostre Grandeur que depuis seize ann^es il 
 m'a est^ adresse de quatre a cinq navires par ann6e appartenant k Monsieur Viltreux Perr^e 
 de Nantes avec des cargaisons convenables pour fournitures de pesche, mais depuis quelques 
 anndes que ledit Sieur Duvivier et compagnie ce sont mis en train de fournir les habitans 
 pescheurs, j'ay est6 oblige voyant que c'^toit de I'avantage des interests dudit Sieur 
 Villetreux de I'informer qu'il n'eut plus a continuer de me faire des remises en si fortes car- 
 gaisons, seulement certaine quantity et pour la consommation des trois ou quatre goualettes 
 avec une dixaine de chaloupes que j'c-quipe par annee, luy estant plus avantageux pour le 
 surplus des retours de ses navires d'achetter des moriies icy en argent ou lettres que non pas 
 a ce trouver charge des marchandises a fournir aux memes personnes que ledit Duvivier peut 
 fournir, et que les personnes comme il arrive souvent n'ayant a beaucoup pres par la non 
 pesche de quoy satisfaire lesdits fournisseurs, il ne faut pas s'atendre d'aucun retour que ledit 
 Sieur Duvivier ne soit satisfFait de sa fourniture entiere, et meme peu permis de nous 
 plaindre parce qu'il est d'un autre rang a avoir I'authorit^ sur les marchands pour entrer au 
 prorata pour des fournitures pareilles qu'on ^toit en uzage de pratiquer parmy les marchands, 
 a cette occasion Monsieur Le Normant a pris mauvaisse opinion de moy et devoit s'en 
 plaindre des I'annee derniere a Vostre Grandeur pour le peu de vivres qu'il trouvoit que 
 ledit Sieur Villetreux envoyoit icy desquels cependant il en dispose d'une partie a tel prix 
 qu'il juge a propos. D. Martissans. 
 
 2 D 
 
 G. Chauvin. 
 Y. Cannet. 
 B. Lagoan^re. 
 Louis Causse. 
 Charles Yvon. 
 d'echeverry. 
 Louis Guillemet. 
 Lachainne. 
 Santoux. 
 Illislble.
 
 402 APPENDIX VI 
 
 ISLE ROYALLE: AMIRAUTE DE LOUISBOURG, 27 d^cembre 1738 
 Commerce que les Anglois font en cette Isle 
 
 Lorsque les batimens anglois viennciU au Port de Louisbourg, le Major des troupes 
 suivant les ordres du gouverneur y envoye des soldats auxquels on fait payer 5 liv. par jour 
 et souvent les Anglois les nourrissent pour n'estre pas inquiettez quoy que les maitres de ces 
 bittiments ayent fait leurs declarations a I'amirautd ct obtenu permission du gouverneur et 
 de rOrdonnateur pour la vente de leurs efFets et qu'en outre ils ayent fait leurs soumissions 
 de reprdsenter a leur depart les efFets dont la vente ne leur en seroit pas permise sous peine 
 de confiscation des batimens et de leur cargaison. 
 
 L'on observe meme que les 5 liv. par jour que les maitres de ces batimens donnent aux 
 soldats de la garnison reviennent k I'Etat Major et que les soldats n'en ont que la plus 
 
 petite part. 
 
 Que I'Etat Major de concert avec le Gouverneur font rester ces soldats a bord de ces 
 batimens le plus longtemps qu'ils peuvent, il y a meme des maitres qui ont paydjusqu'a 70 liv, 
 a 80 liv. a I'Etat Major pour les gardiens. 
 
 Second abus : Messieurs le Gouverneur et Ordonnateur permettent k quelques 
 fran^ois d'aller faire la pesche a la coste angloise de Canceau avec I'agrdment du Com- 
 mandant de cette coste et sous ce prdtexte de pesche les fran^ois y portent toutes sortes 
 de marchandises et en introduisent de contrebande dans la colonic par le moyen des 
 chaloupes et charroys qui vont et viennent continuellement. 
 
 * Par les lettres patentes du mois d'avril 1717, article vingt-six, il est defFendu aux 
 habitans des Isles de porter aucunes marchandises du cru desdites Isles dans les Isles 
 etrangeres, et Particle vingt-sept fait aussy defFences d'en charger aucunes dans lesdites 
 Isles k peine de confiscation et de mille livres d'amende. 
 
 Observations 
 
 Le dix juin 1737, Monsieur le comte de Maurepas a mande aux officiers de I'Amirauti 
 que I'intention du Roy dtoit qu'au moyen de la declaration que les Anglois sont obligd de 
 faire k leur arrivde au GrefFe de I'Amirautd de la quantity et qualitd des efFets de leur 
 chargement qui seront exactement dnoncez dans les permissions des Gouverneur et 
 Ordonnateur a I'efFet d'en faire la vente, il n'etoit pas a propos qu'on dtablissc a bord de ces 
 bStimens des gardiens, leur charge estant ordinairement de trop peu de valeur pour supporter 
 une pareille ddpense qui retomberoit sur les habitans par I'augmentation desdenrdeset qu'au 
 cas qu'il se trouve dans ces batimens d'autres effects que ceux contenus dans leurs declarations 
 et qui ne seroient pas dnoncez dans les permissions, que la cargaison et le batiment seroient 
 confisquez. 
 
 Pour empescher cet abus l'on pense qu'il conviendroit que le Roy rcglae ce qui doit estre 
 'payd par jour k chaque soldat gardien, qui cesseroit de faire la garde aussitost que les maitres 
 de ces bfttimens auroient fait leurs declarations au GrefFe de PAmirautd et fait enregistrer la 
 permission du Gouverneur et Ordonnateur pour la vente de leurs efFets. 
 
 Et qu'i regard des fran9ois qui font la pesche sur les costes angloises il leur soit 
 defFendu d'y aller ou que sy on leur en accorde la permission avant leur ddpart ils fourniront
 
 APPENDIX VI 403 
 
 au GrefFe de I'Amirautd un ^tat de leurs batimentts et de leur equipage avec un 6tat des effets 
 
 Iqu'ils y porteront qui ne pourroient consister qu'en aux choses propres pour faire leur 
 
 pesche et qu'a leur retour, qui ne porroit estre qu'au Port de Louisbourg, avant de rien 
 
 ddbarquer, ils avertiroient les officiers de I'Amirautd pour faire la visite de leurs batiments 
 
 I sous peine de confiscation des efFets qu'ils auroient d^barquez, moitii aplicable aux 
 
 I dinonciateurs et moiti6 a rAmiral. 
 
 I Qu'au surplus il seroit meme tres a propos que les permissions des Gouverneur et 
 
 ( Ordonnateur pour aller faire la pesche aux Isles angloises, fussent enregistrdes au GrefFe. 
 
 (Non Signi.) 
 
 ILE ROYALE, Vol. 33 
 
 Memoire sur le Commerce de L'Isle Royale joint a la Lettre de M. Provost, 
 Ordonnateur a l'Isle Royale du 4 janvier 1753 
 
 La traitt^ que les marchands de la Nvlle. Angleterre viennent faire a Louisbourg n'est 
 tol^ree que pour des simples rafraichissemens, des planches pour couvertures, des briques, 
 fardeaux en essentes, merrains et autres bois de charpentes et en un mot pour les batiments 
 de mer k I'usage de la pesche et du cabotage, elle est n&ntmoins aussi avantageuse que 
 I n^cessaire, non seulement pour l'Isle Royale qui en tire des secours essentiels qu'elle ne peut 
 esp6rer d'ailleurs, mais aussi pour les colonies m^ridionales qui y trouvent a placer des denrdes 
 et liqueurs qui n'ont absolument que ce debouchc', a se fournir de batteaux et goelettes qu'ils 
 ont a meilleur marchd qu'en France, ou on ne connoit guerres ces especes de constructions 
 propres a touttes nos colonies, les Anglois prdferant surtout pour former leurs carguaisons les 
 sirops ou melasses qui ne sont point prohibcs dans leurs colonies, ils les vendent avantageuse- 
 ment pour en tirer de I'eau de vie qu'ils appellent Roumme dont la consommation est 
 considerable a la Nvlle. Angleterre. 
 
 lis emportent aussi des guildives, quelques vins et eaux de vie, lorsqu'ils sont a bon 
 marchd et plusieurs autres marchandises d'Europe, dont ils ne prennent cependant que 
 lorsqu'ils ont de I'argent a employer et qu'ils ne trouvent pas suffisamment de molasses. 
 
 II arrive aussi lorsqu'ils ne conduisent point de Batiments a vendre, que le produit de 
 leurs mddiocres carguaisons ne suffisant pas a former leurs chargements ils apportent des 
 especes Espagnoles d'or et d'argent pour faire leurs emplettes et tant qu'ils ne seront point 
 receus dans nos Isles meridionales, ils seront obliges de venir prendre a Louisbourg ces 
 I molasses dont ils ne peuvent se passer et que leurs colonies ne fournissent pas assds abonda- 
 ment pour la consommation de toutte la Nouvelle Angleterre. 
 
 ILE ROYALE, Vol. 30 
 Coppie de la RipoNCE de Mr. Hesherbiers du 7^ avril 1751 a la Lettre de 
 
 Mr. de la JoNQUIERE a LUY icRITTE, EN DATTE DU 29^ NOVEMBRE 1 750, 
 QU'iL n'a RE^UE que LE 3^ AVRIL 1 75 1 
 
 . . . Je vous avoue. Monsieur, que j'execute avec douleur les ordres que vous me faittes 
 I'honneur de me donner a cet dgard, par raport aux batiments qui sont actuellement dans ce
 
 404 APPENDIX VI 
 
 port ; nous avons nous-m6mes solliciti ces malheureux capitaines h vcnir icy de primeur 
 apporter les rafraichissements que nous prcvoyons bien qui manqueroicnt dans cette ville, 
 nous leur avons donnd permission de vcndre leurs eftets, et d'en retirer ie produit en tafia et 
 m61asse et autres efFets des isles, qui sont abondans dans cette ville, de plus ils sont dans la 
 bonne foy, et contreviennent aux ordres du gouvernement d'Angleterre qui Icur defFend 
 d'apporter aucuns vivres et secours k Louisbourg sous peine de confiscation, ils se sont ecpos6s 
 a tout pour commercer avec nous et par leur moyen nous avons eu des rafraichissements qui 
 nous sont absolument nt-cessaires pour le courant de la vie ; de plus, Monsieur, permettds- 
 moy de vous repr6senter que le commerce des isles de I'Amerique avec cette colonic va cesser 
 entiirement parcequ'il est certain que les Bastonois ne viendront plus icy prendre les tafias 
 et mclasses dont viennent charges les batiments des isles, et qu'ainsi voila la principale 
 branche du commerce de cette colonic ann&ntie. 
 
 Capt. Robt. Young & Illicit Trade (abstract) 
 
 Sept. I, 1743. — Hibbcrt Newton, Collector of the Customs to Capt. Robt. Young, 
 dated from Canso.' 
 
 Methods for suppressg. illegal trade carried on by the smugglers on the coast of Nova 
 Scotia & particulars about the vessels engaged therein : 
 
 A vessel shd. be left to cruize oft Lewisburg this fall — this wd. be the most effectual 
 stop. The sloop, captured while engaged in that trade, wd. be the most suitable. Her 
 wintering here wd. enable her to check the fraudulent practices of the French in the Spring, 
 carried on thro' the Gut of Canso. As soon as Young leaves, the sloops, schooners, &c., 
 going daily to & from his Majesty's Plantations, as well as 18 sail now at Lewisburg, "will 
 without any Restraint Load & carry from thence to several Ports in his Majtys. Plantations, 
 Brandy, Wine, Iron, Sail Cloth, Rum, Molasses & several other French Commoditys 
 with which there is from 80 to 90 Sail generally Load with in a Year these Vessels generally 
 carry Lumber Bricks & live Stock there, they commonly clear out for Newfoundland, tho' 
 never design to go farther than Lewisburg, often they sell their Vessels as well as Cargoes" 
 & are paid in the abovementd. goods. The fish caught & cured at Canso last year & this 
 were almost entirely sold to the French also for the sd. goods. They yearly carry fm. 
 Lewisburg 6000 Hhds. of Rum & Molasses, besides brandy Sec, few or none paying any 
 duty, & run their cargoes into his Majesty's ports. 
 
 In spite of treaties of peace, the Fr. for many years have traded with British subjects 
 of Nova Sc. thro' the Gut of Canso in French bottoms — have introduced French goods 
 among them — & endeavoured to alienate them fm. his Majesty. 
 
 The "Natives of Accadie" are 5000 men fit to bear arms, & many children growing 
 up. Their vessels, in Fr. ports, wear Fr. colours. Some declare they believe themselves 
 French subjects, as the limits of British rule have not been settled. The Fr. have recently 
 settled St. Johns, erected it into a Govt., & fortified it. The above 5000 supply the 
 French at Lewisburg, and St. Johns, secretly, with 6 or 700 Head of Cattle, & about 2000 
 Sheep in a Year. But for them Lewisburg wd. probably starve, & at the same time, 
 Annapolis Royal & Canso (in their neighbourhood) are in great want, & can get beef & 
 mutton only fm. New England. These Accadians are dependent on the Fr. & get their 
 linens & woollens fm. Lewisburgh. Hopes the sloop will be left. 
 
 ' CO. 217/31, f. 167.
 
 APPENDIX VI 405 
 
 Sept. 2, 1743. — Patrick Heron to Captain Young, dated from Canso.i 
 Particulars as to the illicit trade carried on betn. Lewisburg & H.M's Northern 
 Plantations can be best obtained from the Collector of H.M.'s Customs at Nova Scotia 
 [Mr. Hibbert Newton]. 80 or 90 vessels are reported to load annually at Lewisburg, so 
 it must be considerable & shd. be stopped. Other things also require stopping. 
 
 " At a River called Pictou in Nova Scotia in the Bay of Vert, the French in the 
 
 , fall of the year go from Lewisburg, St. Johns & other Places, Winter there, & build 
 
 I Vessells, Cut Oak Timber & a large quantity of fine large Masts & carry them off before 
 the Man of War arrives here in the Spring without which Timber thev cou'd not well 
 build nor go on with their Fortifications & Fishery as they do, you found the Account I 
 
 I gave you about their carrying Cattle & Sheep from this Province too true, & you saw what 
 
 I a stir there was about it, & their claiming a sort of right for so doing, by a long forbearance. 
 
 I . . . You know they drew together a Number of Indians to revenge it on you & this 
 Garrison at St. John's an Island till of late look'd on as belonging to the province of 
 Nova Scotia, tho' now settled, fortified & hath a Garrison & a Governor separate from 
 that of Lewisburg, if this affair of Pictou is not look'd into, they'l next Settle & Claim 
 
 I that as they have done St. John's. I have just now reced. certain advice of a Frenchman's 
 having contracted to deliver a large quantity of masts at Lewisburg, & other parts of the 
 french Settlements in this Neighbourhood, that he intends to cut at Pictou before mention'd 
 where there is vast quantity's of as fine Masts as in the Universe, from 4 foot Diameter 
 downward & of great Length's, which I think ought not to be destroyed by the French." 
 Fine land is by the river side — rivers large & navigable. French goods are introduced 
 
 I among the inhabitants, who supply the Fr. with provisions, &c. A Sloop needed to stop 
 these practices. Promises to procure a pilot for her in the spring, & assist in every way 
 to send her "early in the spring to Pictou to take & destroy what Vessels & other things 
 
 I the French may do there this Winter," & to visit other places to check malpractices, & 
 to encourage loyalty. 
 
 Dec. 6, 1743. — Captain Robt. Young, of the Kinsale, Hamoze, to the Commrs. for 
 Trade & Plantations.- 
 
 Report on the Trade & Fishery at Canso & parts adjacent. 
 
 As far as practicable he encouraged the legal trade & fishery at Canso — unable to 
 prevent many abuses. The fish taken during his stay there was well cured, husbanded 
 & dried, but was all sold to the French. There was little trade carried on " but in a 
 smugling Way from Lewisburg, which I endeavoured to prevent." Illicit trade has been 
 carried on for years by the Fr. with H.M's subjects of Nova Scotia. Young captured one 
 of their vessels soon after he arrived at Canso. " They Supply the Nova Scotians from 
 Lewisburg with Spanish Iron, French Linnens, Sail Cloth, Woollen Cloths, & almost all 
 sorts of Goods, with Rum, Molasses, Wine, & Brandy, & this in considerable quantitys, 
 the Inhabitants being computed to be 20,000 great & small." A great illicit trade also 
 carried on by Massachusetts Bay & New Hampshire, which shd. be suppressed, it being 
 very detrimental to Plantation trade & all fair Traders. Young kept several vessels cruizing 
 to intercept them from Lewisburg & in the Gut of Canso, & left one to winter there to 
 prevent smuggling & the destruction of our naval stores by the French. "While I was 
 
 ' CO. 217/31, f. 170- ^ C.O. 217/31, f. 172.
 
 4o6 APPENDIX VI 
 
 at Canso I found the French incroach greatly in fishing on our Coast & claiming a Right 
 to do so, which I by every Means 1 could think of endeavoured to prevent, by Seizing 
 their Shallops, confiscating them & driving them from Our shore, insomuch that the 
 Govr. at Lewisburgh sent One of his principal Officers to know the Reason of my doing 
 so, his Querys & my answers thereto are herewjth enclosed, by which you'll see they claim 
 fishing S.E. from their own Shore, and even ye Islands of Canso, & great Part of the Main 
 of Nova Scotia." A draught & particulars sent to the Admty. They have fortified and 
 garrisoned St. John's. The Nova Scotians in the captured sloop declared they considered 
 themselves French, as no Commissaries had been sent to settle the bounds. The St. John's 
 settlemt. is not above 3 or 4 leagues from where the 20,000 Nova Scotians live, & was 
 doubtless established to keep them in the Fr. interest. Annual presents given by the 
 French to the Indians. The Indians fm. the S. coast of N. Sc. go to Lewisburg for their 
 presents, & those from the N. parts of Accadie, B. of Chaleur & Gapee to St. Johns, " where 
 last year I heard there was at least 500, & that they offered to bring looo more, if the 
 French would suffer them to come & destroy our Settlement at Canso." 
 
 " The Fishermen at Canso told me the Reason of the great Decrease of ye Fishery 
 there is owing to their not having any Fortification at Canso nor any thing to protect 
 them, no Guns mounted no Batterys no Castle no Shot no Powder but for the 
 Musquetry, no Barracks, 'tis true they have 200 Souldiers, but that woud not hinder any 
 Vessels of half a Dozen Guns to come & destroy all the Fishery there & their Craft, I 
 own I was surprized when I came there to find the Place in the Condition 'tis in, consider- 
 ing 'tis a Frontier next the French." 
 
 Boston, No'v. zoth, 174.7.' 
 
 My Lord — This will be deliver'd your Grace by Mr. McCulIock, who had some 
 thoughts of returning to England in the fall, to get Instructions from Your Grace relateing 
 to his Office, (as without Assistance from the Governour he never will be able to discharge 
 his duty ; wch. as it is a Military Govt. I conceive the Govrs. must have Authority from 
 Your Grace for so doing, or they will be subject to the malicious prosecutions of any 
 Masters of Vessels ;) but he has much stronger reasons lately, having Seized a Ship with 
 Contraband Goods from Leghorn (which was design'd by people in Louisbourg to be 
 introduced into the Colonies,) and the Deputy Judge of the Admiralty would not condemn 
 her, being an Officer in the Army, & her Cargo belonging to some of his Brother Officers ; 
 I assisted Mr. McCullock all in my Power (as being recomended by Your Grace ; which 
 will ever be commands to me) & sent him Govr. Shirley's opinion & the Judge of the 
 Admiraltys here, but as I cou'd not be present my self I apprehend the greatest fee, 
 weigh'd most with the Judge, but Mr. McCullock will be able to inform Your Grace 
 more particular ; all I can say is, if such irregular proceedings are suffer'd to go on, the 
 Colonies (who already are too well supply'd with the Manufactorys of other Nations,) will 
 never take any thing from Great Britain they can avoid. 
 
 This leads me to mention to Your Grace a Practice of the Govr. of Rhode Island, as 
 base in itself as Lawless, which is his sending 40 or 50 flaggs of Truce a Year, to the 
 French & Spanish Ports in the West Indies, with often times not more than two Prisoners 
 
 ' Brit. Museum Add. MSS. 32,713, f. 472. This letter is added to show that irregular practices were known during 
 the British occupation, and in other British colonies.
 
 APPENDIX VI 
 
 407 
 
 in them, & the vessels laden with provisions & Naval Stores ; who brings back French 
 Rum & Molasses. Since my being here I have had information of fifteen arriving, & 
 when there is no Prisoners in Rhoad Island Govt, they send to the other Neighbouring 
 Provinces for them, nay give money to gett them. One of my cruizcrs has taken two of 
 these Fictious Flaggs of Truce, which for my part I shall always look upon as worse then 
 the Common Enemys to my Country. There are several of the more Southern Govts. I 
 hear practices the same methods, wh. I hope Your Grace will be pleased to forbid & limit 
 them to a fixed number of Prisoners without which they shou'd not have leave to send a 
 Flag of Truce, nothing is more certain then that the Spanish squadron wh. has layn so 
 long at the Havanah could not have subsisted, had not our Colonies Supply'd them with 
 Provisions & as I am honored with the comd. at Jamaica it will be impossible for me to 
 distress the enemy so effectually as my zeal & Inclinations leads me, without a stop is put 
 to such unwarrantable proceedings. — I am, &c., 
 
 Chas. Knowles. 
 
 APPENDIX VII 
 will be found on large sheet (in pocket) at end of volume.
 
 -a 
 
 o 
 a, 
 
 BO 
 
 c 
 
 (/I 
 
 -a 
 
 c 
 
 O ■+ 
 
 !- 05 
 
 CJ .S 
 
 - o 
 >^ rt 
 »-. ^^ 
 
 PQ « 
 
 C ■" 
 
 C 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 h 
 
 c 
 s 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 •ajn)«{j 
 ijjea JO jjoijs 
 
 Q SO «*» r^ H 
 
 O \0 r»\ O*- 9^ 
 r« f4 - N •• 
 
 
 O 
 oo 
 
 £ <S 
 
 o 
 
 § 8 
 
 O * 
 : r4 
 
 o * 
 
 *rt so 
 
 
 1 
 
 ■aiqnjiAUS 
 
 ajojs 
 UI taStiJJco 
 
 •^ • : : : 
 <4 . . - • 
 
 
 : 
 
 : : 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 JO taipung 
 
 : i i i : 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ 
 
 JO ooai pio 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •SiJCg 
 
 ajcnbsajcu 
 uoji A\au 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 o 
 
 M-1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Powder found in ye Place Ic 
 
 Island Battery & Powder 
 
 put into Stores from yc 
 
 several Places, under 
 
 niention'd. 
 
 ■diqcajo)9 pueiSug i\\3n 
 
 JO SUjEtU3'){ 
 
 «•■■;: : : : : 
 : N . . . . . .... 
 
 
 tn 
 o 
 
 •t- 
 
 oo 
 rr, 
 
 C 
 're 
 
 £ 
 
 •diijsajojs 
 sjiodcssv JO )nO 
 
 re 
 CQ 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 o 
 
 •aziij qauDJj 
 E JO JUG ajois o}U| jn J 
 
 
 
 
 
 o : 
 
 
 O 
 
 •Xj3}5ca PUE|SI 
 poE HMOX 3i{J uj panoj 
 
 m 
 
 N 
 
 -* 
 
 
 
 
 o : 
 
 oo 
 
 
 •aiqEaaiAjasufi 
 
 pUB 
 
 ajjojq uonaE3 
 
 
 
 r*^ 
 
 
 
 : <^ : 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 •sjaino !>UE 
 
 •SJJ tt JO 633J) 
 
 -sixy oa5|OJa 
 
 ::■+:: 
 
 
 
 '■■ '■ 
 
 f^ : 
 
 t^ ■* : 
 
 
 
 
 ■ea^ids-pae^ 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 OO 
 
 
 
 : o : 
 
 so ; 
 
 
 
 •6MOJ3 UOJI 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 : ■^ : 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 ■S)JOS JO SUIJOAi 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 ; »*i : 
 
 oo 
 
 
 
 ■3jnjcj4 
 H3E3 JO saipcq 
 
 \o "- r^ w^ ; 
 
 
 T^ 
 
 ■* 
 
 f*-. r^ 
 
 : : - 
 
 ■<*- : 
 
 
 i 
 
 •ajnje^ l|Dca 
 
 JO sjauiuie-ji 
 
 ^ jaSundg 
 
 
 
 t*l 
 
 « ■* 
 
 SO r-. 
 
 OO 
 
 
 
 
 •ainjE^ tjDca 
 JO sipMS 
 
 
 
 
 r^ 
 
 ON 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 
 •SiBJiOJ^ 
 
 JO siaiaujciQ 
 
 Ol ; ; ; . : 
 
 C 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 o : 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 : : 
 
 ; : : 
 
 
 1 
 1 ^ 
 
 od 
 E 
 
 O 
 
 s 
 
 C 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 c 
 
 u 
 
 d 
 
 a. 
 n 
 
 ra 
 CU 
 u 
 
 j= 
 
 ■^ 1 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 -a 
 a 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 B 
 
 1 ! 
 
 1 1 
 
 in 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 r^ 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 ; i ; 
 
 
 t-v 
 
 |i 
 z 
 
 § 
 
 N N O N « 
 
 n 
 
 tN. 
 
 - _ 
 
 \J^ w 
 
 
 o : 
 
 rt 
 
 m 
 n 
 
 :::::::::::: : : : : '^ 
 
 •«3joa 
 
 JO sjaiatociQ 
 
 l o ^ -g $ :$ 
 
 
 % 
 
 < * 
 
 =e -E 
 
 $ : 
 
 
 
 ^ t^ VD \0 w^ »y 
 
 •* 
 
 •«*■ 
 
 T^ t*l 
 
 rn 1*1 
 
 N tv 
 
 if\ 
 
 •(twpanod) 
 sunr) JO 3in)e;<j 
 
 ^ m N M N 
 
 •>£! 
 
 N 
 
 On ^O 
 
 
 
 ^ CO 
 
 
 
 N^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 puBiq 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 UMOJ^ UJ 
 
 
 
 
 
 i
 
 APPENDIX IX 
 
 State and Condition of the Fortifications Publick and Private Buildings of Louisbourg 
 and the out Batteries, as they were on the 12th day of July 1749 when the Place was 
 returned to the French, with a general Account of Works done while in the Possession 
 of His Brittanick Majesty .^ 
 
 Art. 1st. — The Breach made by the New England Troops in the half face of the West 
 Gate Bastion, has been made good, and the Ruined Gate and Gateway with the Guard 
 Rooms entirely Repaired. 
 
 2nd. — The Battery facing the Inner Harbour, called by the French la Dauphine, 
 which was ruined by the Besiegers, has been totally taken down, and in lieu thereof, a 
 Grand Cavallier Erected, with Timber and Masonry for Eight Battering Pieces, facing 
 I the land. 
 
 3rd. — The Batardeau cross the ditch of the West Gate having given way at the Sluice, 
 and the outside wall of the Guard Room, threatening Ruin, both have been taken down 
 and new Built, but the Free stone Facing of the Batardeau next to the Ditch, was discon- 
 tinued, when orders came to stop the Works. 
 
 4th. — The Parapet of this Bastion Southward, has been intirely revested in the 
 Inside with masonry Coped with Sod work. Six Embrazures opened, and as many new 
 I platforms made. 
 
 5th. — The Powder Magazine at the Foot of the Rampart of this place, has been 
 repaired and a new Covering put upon its Arch. 
 
 6th. — The South Flank of this Bastion, the Merlons and Embrazures being intirely 
 Ruinous, they have been taken down, and Rebuilt with more thickness and a greater Talus 
 from the Foundation to the Cordon. The Merlons and Embrazures are Secured against the 
 Efforts of the Frosts by Strong Oak Frames, they want about one Foot and a half of their 
 Height to compleat them. 
 
 7th. — Two Strong Traverses of masonry and Earth have been Built, and raised on, 
 and along the Curtain, which joins the above Flank, to the Cittadel Bastion, and two 
 Embrazures with their Platforms made above the upper Traverse. 
 
 8th. — The next Flank having been much Shattered during the Siege, and the Parapet 
 I quite demolished a retired Battery for five Guns has been made Eighteen Foot Broad, with 
 
 1 CO. 5/44, ff. 239-24213. 
 
 409
 
 4,o APPENDIX IX 
 
 Framed Timber, well filled with Cement, and a Platform of Twenty Eight Feet, projecting 
 over the inside face of the Rampart, on large Timber Supporters, the Inside Wall of the 
 Parapet of the next face has been Rebuilt, Four new Embrazures made and the Platforms 
 deepened in the manner beforemention'd. 
 
 Qth. — The greatest part of the Stone Platform which covers the Casemates of the next 
 Flank, has been taken up, the deficiency of Stone made good and lay'd in Terras, to keep 
 those Casemates dry. 
 
 1 0th. — The Roof of the great Pile of Barracks (in the Gorge of this Bastion) which is 
 400 Feet long, was Totally beat down, during the Siege, an Intire new Roof has been 
 Built, and the whole Set of windows in both Fronts, with Jambs, Cills and Arches made 
 new, as well as the Coins Faciees and Brick Piliasters of this whole Building. 
 
 nth. — The Inside Cielings of the Chapel have been repaired Two Galleries Erected, 
 and the Area filled with proper Seats and Pews ; large window Frames and their Sash Sliders, 
 have also been made, but are not placed. 
 
 1 2th. — The Pavilion of the Citadel, Contiguous to the above Pile of Barracks, where 
 the French Governour usually did live, has been repaired & Some Chimnies added. 
 
 13th. — In the next Bastion called Denmark, are Erected four Buildings, two Stories 
 hisjh Each, which contain besides the Officers, the men of Two Regiments the wings are 
 200 Feet long, the upper and lower ones 132, and form a Quadrangle, whose Court is 
 about Sixty Yards by Fifty. The lower Building intended for Offices is not Finished. 
 
 14th. — At South Gate in the midle of the next Curtain and Contiguous to the Guard 
 houses Two Barrack Sheds of hundred feet long each, and of one Story only, were at first 
 run up in great haste, to lodge some of the New England Troops. 
 
 15th. — On the Face of Prince of Oranges Bastion and adjoining to the above Curtain, 
 the Rampart has been Raised and made Broader — a Strong Timber Platform for Ten Guns 
 en Barbette has been made, and the Gallery under this Battery fitted and turned into a 
 Powder Magazine. 
 
 i6th. — In Prince Henry's Bastion a Powder House for Two Thousand Barrels has 
 been Built (with Timber and Brickwork, well Secured against fire) to keep the Powder dry, 
 which upon an Enemy's approach was to be moved into Arches and magazines Bomb Proof. 
 
 17th. — A strong Fence of three Inch Plank (Palissade way) has been made on the 
 long Stockaded Bridge, which makes the Curtain between Prince Edwards Bastion and the 
 Dukes Battery. 
 
 1 8th. — All the Gates except that of Maurepas have been put in Serviceable order, all 
 the Platforms made new or Repaired, and the linings and Casings of the Walls next to the 
 Harbour Stript or damaged by the Besiegers Shots, have been made good, and the whole 
 Strand from the Market House to the West Gate, which was in a miserable Condition has 
 been raised, with a great quantity of gravel, lay'd to proper Currents and the drains opened 
 and cleared. Several of the Principal Streets which were intolerably dirty and bad, have 
 been cleaned, mended, and put in good order, and the filth which was found in the Place 
 totally gathered up as low as the gravel and Carried away.
 
 APPENDIX IX 411 
 
 19th. — The whole Front of the Parapet of the Line from the West to the Sluice Gate, 
 has been enclosed with Palissades, to prevent the Easy access in and out of the Garrison, 
 along this part of it which is very low. 
 
 Store Houses, Magazines & Buildings 
 
 20th. — In the Artillery Yard, and opposite to the old French Shed a Storehouse (for 
 dry things, the small Arms and petty Emptions) of 125 feet length by 32 Ft. Broad and 
 of three Stories, has been Built. 
 
 2 1 St. — The Grand General Magazine for Provisions has been totally Repaired, fitted 
 lin the inside with Binns and Partitions ; a new rough Shed made in the Yard Eighty foot 
 long. Two others for the Same use Repaired and an Additional one of 50 Feet and two 
 Stories Built near the Pond. 
 
 22nd. — The Ruinous Store House opposite to the beforementioned Grand magazine, 
 has been repaired and properly fitted for the Agent Victualler in that Capacity, and as 
 Paymaster to the Garrison. 
 
 23rd. — On the ground at the Back of the French Artillery Shed, Four good Houses, 
 Iwith proper Shops have been Built, for the Master Smith, Master Armourer, Master Mason, 
 and Master Cooper, and adjoining to these a good masonry Foundation has been raised, on 
 which a Timber Building was design'd for the Sub Engineers. 
 
 24th. — An open Frame for a house has been Improved for the Storekeeper and Clerk 
 of the Cheque's offices, and for lodging the Master Carpenter, and a large Comodious House 
 Built in the yard of two Stories, for the Carpenters to work in, with Shops for the Glaziers 
 k the Painters. 
 
 I 25th. — The Intendance where the English Governour's have lived since the Place 
 belonged to them, and which was very much Shattered by Cannon, has been totally 
 Repaired, Improved and Several additional outhouses made. 
 
 26th.— All other Buildings or dwellings under the Denomination of Kings houses, as 
 Well as all the Guard Rooms, have been put in very good order, and the whole of the rest 
 well repaired ; many additional Chimnies and fire places made, and every house without 
 Exception intirely Glazed ; the Artillery during the Siege, having Shaken otF or broke all 
 the windows in the Town. 
 
 27th. — One new House for the Clerk of the Cheque to the Office of Ordnance has 
 ilso been Built. 
 
 28th. — The Slip at the Governour's Gate, has been turned into a Wharf, Carried out 
 So Feet further, with a Head of 70 Feet Front, all on Strong Piles, and the whole well 
 Boxed, and Secured on the outside, with large Fenders and Capcills. 
 
 I 29th. — At the Water Gate contiguous to the Ordnance Timber Yard, a new Peer, 
 (hundred Foot long, has been carried out, on Piles to facilitate the landing of Materials, and 
 iecure the Lighters and Boats. 
 
 30th. — New Flag Staffs have been Set up, many new carriages placed in lieu of 
 decayed and unserviceable ones, and the whole of them painted over.
 
 412 APPENDIX IX 
 
 2 1 St. — Several Sheds for holding the Ladles, Spunges and other Utensils for the 
 Batteries Round the Place, have been made, and a great number of new Centinels Boxes. 
 
 32nd. — As to the Walls and Enceinte of this Garrison they are by the badness ol 
 Materials and careless manner of Building, in very bad order, where they have not been 
 based in, and every Spring, some part or other of the former falls down. The worst places 
 are at the Faces and Angles of the King's Bastion one of which is Intirely parted from tht 
 Solid Masonry, and the Contrcscarpe at the Traverse of the Place of Arms, near South Gate 
 Bridge, is fallen down into the Ditch, and the Revetement is every where Mouldring. 
 Maurepas Gate is quite Shaken, and all the Palissades round the Covered way are Rotten 
 and Useless. 
 
 33rd. — The Island Battery is in pretty good order. The Merlons and Embrazure.s 
 only, want some Repair. 
 
 34th. — The Grand Battery has been Palissaded in by the English, the Barracks made 
 more lodgeable and well repaired, but the old Platform is very much decayed. 
 
 35th. — The Artillery in the Town and Batteries is all in order, and left with proper 
 proportions of Battery Utensils &c. 
 
 P. HoPSON. 
 
 J. H. Bastide.i 
 
 ' Enclosed in Col. Hopson s letter of Jvily 14, 1749.
 
 APPENDIX X 
 
 V Statement of the Movements of the fleets under Admiral Edward Boscawen, Commander 
 of the Namur, and Rear Admiral Sir Charles Hardy, Commander of the Royal 
 William, outside Louisburg, from June i to July 31, 1758. (Compiled from Logs. 
 The spelling follows the originals with all their variations.) 
 
 Date. 
 
 I '758. 
 
 fune 1. 
 
 „ 2. 
 
 » 3- 
 
 » 9- 
 
 *'namur;' 
 
 Fresh gales and cloudy. W. pt. of Gabarus Bay N.E. 
 4 leagues. Chased a fleet to the N.E. Spoke the 
 Gramont from Gabarus Bay, 
 
 Moderate gale and hazy. Joined by Royal PFilliam and 
 Prince Frederick, Saw ships in Louisburg Harbour. 
 
 Light airs and hazy weather. In Gabrous Bay. Boats, 
 manned and armed, rowed away to raise an alarm. 
 Gun fired from shore. Kennington fired on the enemy 
 from Cormorant Cove. Enemy replied with guns 
 and musquetry. 
 
 Light airs and hazy. The Kennington and Halifax en- 
 gaged the enemy. Gale. 
 
 Fresh gales and thick weather. Kennington ceased 
 firing. 
 
 Little wind and hazy, later foggy. Futile attempt 
 made to land troops. Boscawen, Amherst, Lawrence, 
 and Wolfe returned. 
 
 Moderate and foggy. All boats returned, l/uno sailed 
 with Bragg 's Regiment to make a feint of landing at 
 Laurembeck. Boats ordered to assemble silently at 
 midnight. 
 
 Moderate gales and fair. Troops landed. Boats fired 
 on by enemy. Kennington and Halifax still engaged. 
 yuno and Bragg *s Regiment returned. 63 men killed 
 and 1 16 wounded. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy, later very foggy. Men sent to 
 level a passage through the breast works. 
 
 Light airs and thick fog. 
 
 Fresh breezes and hazy. Ordered Royal fVilliam to 
 chase. Bedford, Pembroke^ and Captain ordered to 
 join the Royal ff^illiam and Prince Frederick^ 
 
 Moderate and fair, later foggy. 
 
 "ROYAL WILLIAM.' 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy. W. pt. of Gabruss Bay 3 
 or 4 miles. Saw 6 sail in Louisburg Harbour. 
 Saw Boscawen's fleet to S.W. 
 
 Moderate and cloudy weather. Joined Boscawen's 
 fleet. 
 
 Hazy weather. 
 
 Light airs and hazy. Anchored in Gabruss Bay. 
 
 Moderate gales and foggy, with rain. Assisting to 
 land troops. 
 
 Little wind and foggy. 
 
 Moderate gales and foggy. Made sail to sea. Joined 
 by Prince Frederick, Chased to N.E, Spoke the 
 Somerset. 
 
 Moderate gales and foggy. Saluted Admiral Hardy 
 in the Captain, 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy weather. Anchored In Gabruss 
 Bay. Sir C. Hardy hoisted his flag on the Royal 
 fVilliam, Assisting to land soldiers and baggage. 
 
 Little wind, later fresh gales and hazy. Terrible^ 
 Orford, Somerset and Boreas anchored. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy. Made sail to sea. Signalled 
 Prince Frederick to chase. Joined by the Bed- 
 fordj CaptaiHy Pemhrook, Shannon and Gramount. 
 Anchored again. 
 
 Moderate and hazy. Off and on Louisborg. 
 
 413 
 
 I
 
 414 
 
 APPENDIX X 
 
 Dati. 
 
 1758. 
 June 13. 
 
 » »4- 
 
 » <5- 
 
 „ 16. 
 
 » 17- 
 „ 18. 
 
 » 22. 
 .» 23- 
 
 » 24- 
 
 » 25. 
 „ 26. 
 
 » 27. 
 » 28. 
 
 „ 29. 
 
 30- 
 
 "NAMUR." 
 
 July 
 
 Fresh brccrcs and hazy. Hunter sent with a fascine 
 
 ship, etc., to Laurcmbeck. Tork and Scarborough 
 
 sent to reinforce Rear -Admiral. Boats landing 
 
 stores. 
 Strong gales, later fair. 
 Fair, then thick fog, later moderate and cloudy. Boats 
 
 as before. 
 Fair weather. Nightingale sailed with sloops for 
 
 Laurembeck. 
 Fair weather. Landed ordnance and military stores. 
 
 Erected tent on shore for sick. 
 Fair weather. Landed ordnance and military stores. 
 
 Squirrel cruizing off Scalari. 
 Fair weather. Juno and her French prize, the Echoy 
 
 arrived. Sutherland and Portmahon sailed to join the 
 
 Rear-Admiral. 
 Fair weather. Rockets thrown by Wolfe and repeated 
 
 by Hardy and Amherst. Wolfe fired on ships in 
 
 the harbour and enemy returned it. Continued all 
 
 night. 
 Light airs and hazy. Great guns firing all night. 
 
 Hazvke and Nightingale sailed to join Hardy. 
 
 Marines ordered to be ready to land to scour Indians 
 
 from the bottom of the bay. 
 Moderate weather, later fresh gales and thick fog. 
 
 Great guns firing all night. 
 
 Fresh gales and foggy. 
 
 Moderate breezes and cloudy. Sent small arms on 
 shore. 
 
 Light airs and fair. Firing all day from Wolfe's 
 Battery upon the Island Battery. Returned by it 
 and the ships in harbour. 
 
 Fair weather. Building a hospital near the camp. 
 Cornwallis* and Drucour's regiments landed at Ken- 
 nington Cove. Guns landed for Wolfe's use. Can- 
 nonading continued. 
 
 Moderate and cloudy. 
 
 Moderate breezes. Hunter and Scarborough sailed to 
 join Hardy. 
 
 Fresh gales and cloudy. Dublin and De'vonshtre arrived. 
 3 French ships of war seen, Gramont sent to Hardy 
 with orders to chase. 
 
 'ROYAL WILLIAM." 
 
 Moderate and cloudy. 
 chase. 
 
 Royal fViUiam and 4 ships in 
 
 Moderate and cloudy. Dublin^ Dezfonshirc, and Captain 
 sailed to cruize off Louisburg. 2 guns landed from 
 the Dublin for Wolfe. 
 
 Moderate and cloudy. Sutherhmd and Hynd arrived. 
 Hardy's squadron off Louisburg. Marines sent to 
 Wolfe's camp. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Surprize^ Scarborough^ and Captain 
 arrived. Also the Squirrel with a Spanish brigantine. 
 
 Moderate and cloudy. 
 
 Moderate gales and thick weather. Lani'ing stores. 
 yuno in chase to the S.E. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy. Made sail. 
 
 Light gales and fair weather, later thick fog. Fired 
 signal gun. Landing stores. 
 
 Little wind and cloudy. 
 
 Moderate and fair weather. Off and on Louisborg. 
 
 Little wind and fair weather. 
 
 Light airs and fair weather. Scarborough and Juno 
 joined the fleet with a French prize. Joined by 
 Sutherland. 
 
 Moderate and hazy weather. Wolfe began to fire at 
 the enemy. The French men-of-war in Louis- 
 borg Harbour warped close to the town. 
 
 Little wind and cloudy. Wolfe began to bombard 
 the Island Battery, 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy, fog and rain. Lost the long- 
 boat. A great sea from the S.W. 
 
 Moderate and hazy. French continued to fire at 
 camp to E. of the harbour. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Continual firing on shore. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Wolfe opened a 6 gun battery 
 uniter the Lighthouse. Continual firing ashore. 
 
 Fresh gales and fair. The Captain sailed for Gabrusc 
 Bay. Diana signallcil that the Island Battery was 
 much damaged by Wolfe's battery. 
 
 Moderate and fair. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Sent the Gramont on shore with 
 guns and shot for Wolfe. Continual firing .Tshore. 
 
 Moderate and fair. The Dublin and Devonshire went 
 into Gabruse Bay. Gramont sent to sea after 
 2 sail. The French sunk 5 sail in the harbour's 
 mouth. 
 
 Moderate and fair. In company, Bedford^ Pembrook, 
 Yorky Shannon, Dianu^ and Gramont, Diana in 
 chase. Squirrel parted company. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Prince Frederick and Shannon in 
 chase. 
 
 Little wind and fair weather, Gramont joined. 
 Anchored off Scatery Rock. 
 
 Moderate and fair. 
 
 Little wind and foggy. Wolfe opened a new battery 
 against the town and ships. Continual firing ashore.
 
 APPENDIX X 
 
 415 
 
 Date. 
 
 1758. 
 July 5. 
 
 13- 
 
 14. 
 
 15- 
 16. 
 
 » 17- 
 
 21. 
 22. 
 
 » 23- 
 
 'NAMUR." 
 
 Little wind and foggy. 
 
 Fresh breezes. Surprize sailed, Tork and Haivke 
 arrived. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Two 32-pounders and shot landed 
 for the army. Hind and Scarborough sailed to cruize 
 off the Bay of Verte. 
 
 Little wind and fair. Diana arrived. Guns and shot 
 landed. Vanguard arrived. 
 
 Fresh breezes and cloudy. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Privates of Drucour*s Regiment 
 and miners sent on shore. 
 
 Moderate breezes. Directed Hardy to send the Bedford 
 to Gabrous Bay. Guns and gunners' stores sent on 
 shore. 
 
 Little wind and hazy, later gales and thick weather, 
 with much rain. Bedford zu'wtA. 
 
 Moderate and foggy. Vanguard sailed to join Hardy. 
 
 Fresh breezes and fair weather. Boreas with 2 sloops 
 and a schooner arrived. Also the Prince Frederick. 
 
 Fresh breezes and fair weather. Several vessels arrived 
 with fascines, etc. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy weather, later clear. Boreas 
 sailed. Hardy's squadron gone to sea. 
 
 Fresh breezes and cloudy. Hanvke reconnoitred Black 
 Point. Lancaster^ Captain^ Prince Frederick^ York^ 
 Notti>:gham^ and Centurion sent to cruize ofFLouisburg. 
 Squirrel sailed. 
 
 Little wind and clear. Hardy's squadron returned. 
 
 Light airs and fine weather. Arrived the Lancaster^ 
 Captain, Nottingham, York, and Centurion. Nightingale 
 arrived with a Spanish ship bound for Louisborg. 
 
 Fresh breezes and hazy. Seamen sent on shore to 
 assist in building batteries. 
 
 Moderate and hazy. Men sent ashore to build batteries. 
 
 Moderate gales and fair weather. Entreprennant blown 
 up in the harbour. Celebre and Caprideux burnt. 
 Marines, etc., landed. 2 batteries completed which 
 played on the town. 
 
 Moderate and clear. Men landed. Gramont arrived 
 with a Spanish sloop bound for Louisburg. Gramont 
 sailed. 
 
 Moderate and clear. Men landed. Etna sent to re- 
 connoitre Lighthouse, shore, and entrance of Louis- 
 burg Harbour. 
 
 * ROYAL WILLIAM." 
 
 Little wind and foggy. 
 Do. Do. 
 
 Moderate and fair weather. A flag of truce from 
 Louisborg came aboard with baggage for French 
 officers. 
 
 Little wind and hazy. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Gramont in chase. Chase proved 
 an English schooner. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Gramont in chase. An English 
 privateer who joined the fleet. 
 
 Little wind and cloudy. 
 
 Little wind and cloudy, later fresh gales. Prince 
 Frederick parted her cable and stood to sea. 
 
 Uncertain weather, fresh gales. Devonshire parted 
 her cable and stood to sea. Vanguard zrnved from 
 Gabruse Bay. 
 
 Moderate and fair weather. 
 
 Moderate and hazy. 7 sail seen standing in for 
 Gabruse Bay. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy. Received a private signal 
 from the lighthouse. The frigates in shore. Fired 
 several guns. Answered the signal by a gun. 
 Made sail to the Eastward. Clear'd ship. Spoke 
 the Nightingale and her prize, a Spanish provision 
 ship for Louisburg. All the ships joined us. 
 
 Fresh gales and fair weather. 6 sail of our ships at 
 anchor off Louisburg. Continual firing ashore. 
 
 Moderate and fair weather. A frigate got out of the 
 harbour. Anchored off Louisburg and found lay- 
 ing there the Lancaster, York^ Captain, Prince 
 Fredericky Nottingham^ Centurion, Squirrel. The 
 above ships went into Gabruse Bay, except Prince 
 Frederick and Squirrel to sea. 
 
 Little wind and fine weather. 
 
 Moderate and fair weather. 
 
 Fresh gales and cloudy weather. 
 
 Moderate gales and fair weather. Saw 3 French 
 ships in the harbour on fire. The citadel of Louis- 
 burg also on fire. Gramont sent to chase in the 
 N.E. 
 
 Moderate and fair. Gramont brought in her chase, a 
 Spanish sloop. Ordered them into Gabruse Bay. 
 Shannon in chase to N.E. 
 
 Little wind and hazy. Shannon returned. Saw the 
 barracks on fire.
 
 4i6 
 
 APPENDIX X 
 
 Date. 
 
 "NAMUR." 
 
 'ROYAL WILLIAM.' 
 
 1758. 
 July 25. 
 
 26. 
 
 ,. 27- 
 
 „ 28. 
 ., 29- 
 
 „ 30- 
 ,, 3>- 
 
 Moderate breeies and haiy. Men landed. Barges and 
 pinnaces, armed and manned, sent off in 4 divisions 
 to join Sir C. Hardy. These, and the boats of his 
 squadron to be divided into 2 ciivisions under Capts, 
 Laforey and Balfour, and to attempt to take or 
 - destroy the ships in Louisburg Harbour, 
 
 Little wind and hazy, later moderate and foggy. Men 
 ordered on shore to help fight the battery guns. The 
 Prudent burnt and Bienfaisant captured. Received 
 letter from Drucour offering to capitulate. Articles 
 of Capitulation agreed upon. 
 
 Little wind and hazy. Louisburg delivered up and 
 English colours hoisted. Men received from the 
 shore. 
 
 Moderate breezes, thick fog. Miners, etc., received on 
 board. Entrance of Louisburg harbour sounded. 
 
 Little wind and foggy, later clear. Directions issued 
 for position of squadron in the harbour. Scarborough 
 and Boreas arrived. 
 
 Moderate and fair weather. Squadron weighed. 
 Anchored off Louisburg Harbour. Hardy and part 
 of his squadron in the harbour. Directions issued 
 for squadron to row-guard. 
 
 Fresh breezes and clear, later foggy. Shannon sailed for 
 England with news of the capture of Louisburg. 
 Anchored in Louisburg Harbour. 
 
 Little wind and hazy weather. Gramont came out of 
 Gabruse Bay and stood to sea. 
 
 Do. weather. 2 p.m. Two boats from each ship in 
 Gabruse Bay came aboard manned and arme<l, with 
 an officer in each boat. At 6 sent a boat manned 
 and armed with a Lieutenant in each boat, with 
 the other boats. At 10 a great firing ashore. At 
 ^ past 4 saw a fire in the harbour. The boats had 
 set the PruJcni on fire and towed the Bimfaisanl 
 into the N.E. harbour. At 10 they left off firing. 
 
 Little wind and foggy weather At 10 the to- 
 surrendered. 
 
 Moderate gales and foggy. 
 
 Moderate gales and foggy. Made sail in order for 
 Louisborg Harbour, 
 
 Moderate and fair. Anchored in Louisborg Harbour. 
 Boscawen anchored off the harbour.
 
 APPENDIX XI 
 
 1758— GASPEE 
 
 My Journal of the Gaspee Expedition & other Matters 
 
 (Bell MSS.) 
 
 August igXH. — . . . Sailed from Louisbourg Harb. for Gaspee in the Royal JVilliafn, 
 Sir Charles Hardy, Bedford ; Capt. Fouke, Vanguard ; Cpt. Swanton, Devonshire ; Capt. 
 Gordon, Lancaster ; Cap. Man, Pembroke ; Capn. Simcoe, "Juno & Kennington frigates 
 & fireship, six sail of Transports having Amherst's, Anstruther's & Bragg's Regiments on 
 board & an ordnance sloop with some six Pounders & 2 Howitzers, & anchored at the 
 Grand Grave in Gaspee Bay the 4th of September. . . . 
 
 ... It was about 2 o'clock when we anchored in the Bay, the General went directly 
 up to reconnoitre & sent me with a letter & flag of truce to Mr. Revoke, the Lord of 
 the Seignury. I got up to Gaspee about 5 the people imagined we were enemies & 
 had fled into the woods, the General who got up rather before me, mett with one pierre 
 arbour & his wife, who submitted & rejoiced to find Quarter given them, they were sent 
 to bring in the other Inhabitants, the Genl. also took five more with Revoke's Comysy. 
 who were sent also to bring in the rest, we did not go on shore in order to prevent 
 plundering & returned on board the Juno after having escaped drowning very narrowly. The 
 next morning we went up again with Coll. Murray & Howe, found about 3000 Quentil 
 offish in staks in the Magazine were great numbers of netts. Hooks, fishing Lines, some 
 Barrells of Gunpowder, some Brandy, & Pork, there were also a few Cattle, sheep. Ducks, 
 & Fowls belonging to Revoke (who died a little before with the hearty curses of the whole 
 place). Amherst's Light Unfantry landed and took poyseysion of this great settlement, 
 consisting of Revolts House, a good Magazine, a Smith's shop with its utensils, about 5 
 Hutts, the Fish ; 25 Shaloupes 6 Canoes & a large Shaloupe going to Quebeck Arbour 
 was there & said the Inhabitants were fled up the two arms, the Comysy. left a letter to 
 say he was gone after the Inhabitants, spent this Day without vivres & had the pleasure of 
 consoling myself at night on the Boards next to Coll. How, on the 6th next morning very 
 early we went up the hither arm, Arbour was Pilott, a very difficult Channel, the shoals 
 of sand running from both shores, so as to make it very narrow, Shaloupes only can go up 
 at high water, the Tide flows 6 feet we saw in a little Bay above 50 Shaloupes (they always 
 lay them up there in winter) a mile further some people bawling a shaloupe laden with fish, 
 on receiving a good many assurances of Quarter, they at last promised to go down with 
 
 417 2 E
 
 41 8 APPENDIX XI 
 
 their shaloupe, about 5 mile farther at the upper end of the arm saw a number of people ] 
 
 rowed towds. them, but after getting about 2 mile we found the Channel ceased, two o 
 
 the people came to us in a Canoe, the General sent me back in the Canoe, to assure Madan 
 
 Revoke & the rest of the kind treatment the English always give to their prisoners, she 
 
 said, she & the rest only waited for the Tide to carry them to the Penisle where we al 
 
 returned & spent the remainder of the evening in picking Cranbery's & Raspberry's, th( 
 
 above arm winds a little, in some parts 3/4 and i mile & 1/2 over, the marks to go up art 
 
 particular Hills which 'tis not possible to lay down so as to be of any service : on the ythj 
 
 at day break we went up the farther arm having heard some of the people were there, 'ti: 
 
 ten mile up to the Morass, the Channel the same in regard to its difficulty as to other, w<j 
 
 took 8 men here & sent them down in the Barge (i an Indian) then went to a saw mill 
 
 just bye where we found a vast number of plank, we immediately fell to work & sett fir( 
 
 to the Moulin, plank & 3 houses which blazed very handsomely to the no small grief 
 
 the poor people we found a great many shaloupes here & there ; we came back by lant 
 
 along the shore, which was not the pleasantest walk in the world, nothing but stone 
 
 extremely slipperay & every 3 yards a great Tree to get over ; it may be walk'd up botl 
 
 arms at low water on the left hand side, this farther arms runs in two small Channels thro 
 
 a marsh about 15 mile up the Country the hither arm runs thro' a marsh also in 3 Channel: 
 
 the General went down in the afternn. to the R. TVlUiam & left me to take of the peopli 
 
 & stores, we found on our coming down to the penisle some women & Children. On th( 
 
 8th the Army & Navy had some fish & the Cattle distributed among them, in the afternooi 
 
 we had the pleasure of seeing Madame Revoke, who said that there were about 16 mer 
 
 would not come in, a party was sent to day but they could not find them. 
 
 9//;. — The General came up again & sent a party at low water (about 12 at night 
 who brought in next morng., except six who escaped by its being so very dark. 
 
 10th. — The General gave orders for every thing being burnt, & this day and the ml 
 was employed in executing those orders, we all returned with the General to the Camp a 
 the Grand Grave. On the 12th sailed Coll. Murray with Amherst's & part of Bragg': 
 under Convoy of the Juno to Miramichi. On the 13th Cap. Irvine was detached witl 
 several small parties in Shaloupes under Convoy of the Kennington to destroy Pas beau & 
 Grand Riviere and any other settlement to the Westward. On the 14th Mayor Dallinj 
 was detached to Mont Lewis about 130 mile up the River, (we remained with a kw o 
 Bragg's & Anstruther's encampt.) 
 
 17//). — Sailed Sir C. Hardy, he left the Devonshire to take care of the Transpts. 
 
 lyd. — Returned Major Bailing. ' 
 
 2^th. — Returned Sir C. Hardy. 
 
 25//1 and 26//). — Embarked the Troops. 
 
 ijth. — Sailed. 
 
 30//;. — Arrived at Louisbourg & went on board Adml. Boscawen with ye General 
 
 Gaspee 
 
 The Bay is a very fine, good anchoring Ground any fleet may ride here in safety, thJ 
 inward Bay formed by the sand is perhaps one of the best in the world, an excellent for ; 
 rendezs. for ships going to Quebeck, the water is remarkably good the property of fishind 
 there belonged to a Mr. Revoke, who paid the King or at least the Intendant a certain sur
 
 j APPENDIX XI 419 
 
 a year, there were about 300 inhabitants here when the war broke out, who finding by 
 Cap. Spry of the Fougueux's visiting them, they would in all probability be one Day 
 carried oiF & their settlement destroyed, quitted it. This Gentleman soon after he sailed 
 from Gaspee got to the Harbour of Pas beau & told the Land officers that where he was 
 was a bad place for his ship to lay in, and therefore if they did not go on shore directly & 
 burn every thing, he would not stay for them as His Majts. ship was in danger, observe 
 this Capt. Jacobs was sent purposely to protect & wait till the Land officers thought it 
 proper to come off. the General's Instructions to them were to go on shore with the 
 Greatest Circumspection & endeavour by all manner of means to assure the Inhabitants of 
 good treatment & bring them to Gaspee, which they would have done had not they been 
 threatened being left, and also that if they did not burn the places Mr. Jacobs would, who 
 hinted as if the going on shore at all was not agreeable, they immediately went, landed & 
 ifound the Inhabitants all fled & every thing was burnt. 
 
 Pas Beau 
 
 Is 15 Leagues to the westward of Gaspee I forget who had the Segniory, they burnt 
 27 good Houses about 17 indifferent ones about 3500 Quentil of fish, a very good sloop 
 ■'aden with fish, vast Quantities of netts hooks, Lines Great Quantity of salt destroyed, 
 ,:heir Magazine was large & contained all their winter stock, Cloathes, Brandy etc. & I 
 together with a good deal of plank and about 40 Shaloupes were all burnt & then the 
 ;roops embarked, having left the miserable inhabitants in the woods destitute & deprived 
 ,)f everything. 
 
 Grand Riviere 
 
 Is 12 Leagues to the Westwd. of Gaspee. A Mr. Bellfeuille, Lord of the Seignory, 
 :he Troops who landed here proceeded in the same manner with those at Pas beau, by the 
 nost scandalous timidity of Cap. Jacobs who made the signal twice to come off before they 
 lad been on shore 3 Hours which was not a Quarter time enough to burn every thing : 
 Bellefeuille's House was situated upon a little Island in the River, had 8 rooms on a floor 
 'ast Quantities of things packed up in Bureaus and Chests to send in safety to Quebeck, 
 he people fled leaving the victuals on the fire, about 60 Houses were burnt, many good 
 mes & all the goods in them about 80 shaloupes : there were sheep, oxen. Fowls etc. 
 i)oth at this place and Pas beau : the Magazine was very large and contained a considerable 
 l^uantity of Brandy and salt : 200 Chests of warm dreses, valuable in this country, 60 
 pasks of molasses whose worth an American need not be told, & numbers of other things 
 hat they took no account of 8000 Quentil of fish & netts Lines Hooks without number, 
 '11 the above valuable things were destroyed. 
 
 There needs no great discernment to perceive the bad Consequences of Cap. Jacobs' 
 iresuming to stint the Land officers in time (indeed if they had behaved properly they 
 I'ould not have heeded him, but let him have gone, as they might reasonably have supposed 
 he General wd. have taken care of their being fetched back), for had they gone on shore 
 greeable to the General's intentions & stayed 2 or 3 days without destroying any thing, 
 nd sent the french men (they carried on purpose) into the woods to assure their Country- 
 nen of the good treatment they wd. meet with & that they might keep anything they
 
 420 APPENDIX XI 
 
 chose, the Consequences would have been totally different, they would have been happv 
 and the troops benefitted, but as it was, what could these unhappy people hope for when 
 they saw their all in flames with the least Ceremony, surely they could not expect anv 
 thing gentle at our hands — not that they deserved better, but for our own Honor we ought 
 to have proceeded differently. 
 
 The General when the Kennington came back, finding how matters had gone on, out 
 of compassion to the Inhabitants, sent a Shaloupe to Bellfeuille with French men in to tell 
 him, that he was sorry his officers were obliged to act in the manner they did, far from 
 their own Inclinations or His Intentions, but as he thought he & all the Inhabitants must 
 perish in the winter having no subsistence & thinking it too late to march to Ouebeck he 
 sent that Shaloupe to fetch him, & would send others for his people but if he & his people 
 preferred Liberty, the Shaloupe was at his service & the men in her had their Liberty — an 
 offer worthy of the General — we sailed, no answer having come. The Seamen at both 
 places, shewed their accustomed rage for plundering in a very shameful manner, they got so 
 drunk that a shaloupe full of our soldiers owed their lifes to a french man who managed 
 the Boat. 
 
 The fish which was destroyed amounted to a very considerable value at Quebeck 
 'twas 30 shillings a Quentil at Martinique — ^3 <?<: 3.10 — ships from Europe came to fish 
 and load here every year before war. These settlements were the most flourishing they had 
 for they had been no burden to the Government for a great while (the Government supplies 
 & supports all settlements at first) — the people had not had leisure to cultivate the Earth, 
 there were only some Turnips & Cabbages — they were supplied with every thing from 
 Ouebeck of late, before the warr from Europe — they had not seen corn for 16 months. 
 Bigaut (Bigot) the Intendant not suffering any to be carryed to ye out settlements. 
 
 2yd. — I have said Major Bailing came back to Gaspee with his Party from Mt. 
 Louis where they arrived the 19th. they took about 35 People women & Children included, 
 the Seignory belonged to a Mr. Maillett (who was taken) who gave the King ^^3000 foi 
 it, only 3 shaloupes were there, all his fish had been sent to Quebeck except 2000 Quentil. 
 there was but little in the Magazine Maillett offered j/^3500 ransome for the place : while 
 the Major was there, a sloop appeared off the place, he made use of the usual signal to cal 
 her in. She stood in and was taken, she had on board wine & Provisions for the settlement, 
 having delivered which, she was to gett Intelligence of our Squadron, there was on board ; 
 good jolie fille enough Mile. Le Bruys going to Gd. Riviere & a Reverend P^re going tc 
 Miramichi — he found by them that Mons. Chaufort ' was getting under way from thi 
 Kamaruska's the 17th Sept. with the Dragon, Belliqueux & 4 other 64 Gun ships with 
 two frigates & 3 or 4 Merchantmen, was to go thro' the streights of Bell Isle & sc 
 to Brest. 
 
 The march to Mt. Louis was extremely bad, all the way along the sea shore upoi 
 sharp stones & rock, they were obliged to wait for the Tides going out at 2 places & onl\ 
 sutt into the wood a League the whole march they returned to Gaspee in the sloop anc 
 Shaloupes. . . . Thus ended our proceedings. 
 
 We were extremely ill fitted out for such an expedition, having no small craft b} 
 which means the Enemy ever were apprized of our coming & we never could catch then 
 unprepared, small sloops & Boats with Guns in their Prows & others without, are th' 
 
 ' Du Chaffault. 
 
 I
 
 APPENDIX XI 421 
 
 proper veysels for the kind of work we were sent upon of which we had none and were 
 obliged to shaloupes for transporting our soldiers which can't live in the East Sea ; The 
 General as soon as he found what a small Game he had to play wanted Sir C. Hardy to go 
 to Quebeck, if not so high as that, to go some way up in order to destroy their settlements 
 but Sir Charles urged many reasons & difficulties which timidity ever suggests & which 
 great souls have a pleasure in encountering and almost always over come : such a bug bear 
 was the River to him (& indeed to every one else of the Navy) that he even would not trust 
 any of his seamen to carry Provisions in Shaloupes along shore for Mr. Balling's Detachment 
 tho' he knew lOo's went up every year in short tho' he knew he would infallibly meett 
 Chaufort's ^ Squadron and might gain immortal Honor that way tho' all the people we 
 took assured us in great measure the danger of the River was a lye tho' we had Pilots to 
 carry us up, & lastly tho' he knew all the Canadians were on the Tiendirago ^ side & had 
 left the River all free yet no notice could induce him to make his ships head point westward 
 but contented himself with cruizing between Anticosti & Gaspee for a few Days (never 
 out of our sight) and then came back leaving Chaufort^a free Passage home. Had Sir 
 Charles Hardy pursued Gen. Wolfe's advice, Quebec must certainly have fallen. 
 
 Purport of Coll. Murray's Report of his Proceedings at Miramichi 
 
 (40 Leagues from Gaspee) 
 
 That all the people fled upon the sight of the fleet ; expecting no Quarter ; that they 
 consist of neutral french that fled from Nova Scotia. 
 
 (They arrived there the 15th September anchored in an open road 7 Leagues from 
 the Settlement & 3 from the Bar that runs arroys the entrance of the place.) 
 
 That Pere Bonaventure (a famous Priest) was with them, their number about 40 ; 
 that there are several habitations dispersed all over the Bay for many Leagues, both above 
 and below where they were ; That many Indians inhabit the Bay, but chiefly about where 
 they were ; In summer always rambling but fixed in winter ; that on the other side the 
 Bay there was a Settlement of about 30 family's to which the Coll. detached a party who 
 found it just deserted. That 10 Leagues up the River there was another very considerable 
 settlement of Neutrals and some family's who fled from the Island of St. John since the 
 taking of Louisbourg (for want of small craft the Coll. could not go up there). That the 
 whole were in a starving Condition & had sent all their effects to Quebeck and were all 
 to follow without Delay as they every hour expected the English and besides could not 
 subsist, since they could not now be supported by Sea as they were before the Reduction of 
 Louisbourg ; That the Inducement for settling in that River was the furr Trade which is very 
 considerable, no less than 6 vessels having been loaded there this summer with Furr. That 
 Mr. Boisbert commands the whole as well as the settlement on St. John's River ; That 
 he is at present near fort George, against which he is to act with a Detachment from 
 Montcalm's army & is no more to be return (sic) to Miramichi, which is deserted for the 
 above reasons. That the Channel was narrow to the Settlement 10 Leagues up, but water 
 enough for a sloop, (our ships chaced two sloops into the Bay who escaped by going up 
 this River the one a Privateer of six Guns, the other going to Ouebeck with an officer & 
 25 men who escaped from Louisbg. after the Capitulation, the officer & men on getting 
 
 ' Du ChaffauU. " Ticonderoga.
 
 422 APPENDIX XI 
 
 back directly sett out for Quebeck by Land ^). That there is a Communication from the 
 head of Miramichi River to Quebeck by River & Lakes a few portages excepted ; The 
 Colonel, after hunting about 2 Days & finding nothing destroy'd all the Houses etc. & 
 a good stone Church, there were found 3 Hogsds. of Beaverskins, some Cattle & sheep 
 & then embarked for Louisbourg coming thro' the Gutt of Canso. 
 
 [Copy] 
 
 ADMIRALS' DESPATCHES, Vol. 481 
 
 An Account of the Damage done in the Gulph of St. Lawrence 
 
 Sept. 17, 1758. — The Detachment sent upon the Western shore under the command 
 of Capt. Irving, burnt & destroyed as follows. Vizt. : 
 
 Houses . . . . . 60 "I 
 
 Shallops & Boats .... 8° I At the Grand Riviere. 
 Stacks of r ish . . . .0 
 
 All the Stages & Nets and a considerable Fishery, j 
 
 Houses . . . . . 27 ^ 
 
 Shallops & Boats .... 15 > At Pas Beau. 
 
 A sloop with fish and a considerable Fishery. J 
 
 Houses . . . . , 6 -s 
 
 Shallops & Boats . . . .16 
 
 Brought off a man & his Family & 5 French- V At the Bay de Sauvage. 
 
 men that came in & surrendered & burnt 
 
 their Habitations & a Sloop. J 
 
 11°"^^^ ^ 1 At the Isle Bonaventure. 
 
 Shallops . . . . • 1 I 
 
 Sept. 18, 1758. — The Detachment under the Command of Capt. Byrd burnt & 
 destroyed on Gasp6 side : 
 
 Shallops . . . . . . .2 
 
 Do. round the point over the Bay . . . -34 
 
 Houses near Gaspe Mills . . . . .7 
 
 Sent on board the Fleet French prisoners . . .22 
 
 The party under the command of Lt. Warren burnt & destroyed at Gasp6 : 
 
 Houses . . . . . . • .6 
 
 Houses up the North West River . . . .2 
 
 A Smith's Forge at Lower Gaspd. 
 
 Shallops . . . . . . • .11 
 
 Ditto brought off . . . . ■ .2 
 
 Canoes brought off . . . . . -4 
 
 With 13 Men, i Woman & a child Prisoners. 
 
 Sept. 23, 1758. — Major Dalling with a Detachment under his Command marched to 
 Mount Lewis, and on his march surprised 6 people curing fish at Les Grand Etangs, and 
 
 ' I'robably the Chevalier Johnstone.
 
 APPENDIX XI 
 
 423 
 
 took three of them, destroyed their fish & rendered their Shallops useless, but~the others 
 got into the Woods. At Le Grand Vale he took another prisoner. 
 
 After 5 days' march to Mount Lewis he burnt & destroyed at that place : 
 
 Houses .... 9 
 
 Storehouses ... 7 
 
 Quintals of Fish . . . 6,000 
 
 With Stables, Outhouses & a Cellar with Molasses. 
 
 Schooner . . . . 
 Shallops . . . . 
 Boats 
 
 With Fish Stages 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 Found there : 
 
 a Barrel of Powder 
 
 4 Barrels of Musquet Balls 
 
 2 Cows & a calf. 
 
 
 And brought from thence : 
 
 
 Cannon . 
 Swivels . 
 Drums 
 Fuses 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 16 
 
 Colours . 
 
 I pair 
 
 He also took a sloop with Provisions on board for 7 men for a month, & some of 
 Monsieur Macketti's Effects, & took Monsieur Mackett^, his wife with 22 men, 4 
 Women & 14 Children Prisoners. 
 
 According to Calculation the Fish burnt & destroyed in the Gulph of St. Lawrence 
 amounted to 36,000 Quintals Vizt. : 
 
 At Mount Lewis . . 5,000 
 
 Gaspe 
 
 Grand Riviere 
 
 Pas Beau 
 In a sloop 
 At Miramiche 
 
 6,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 With Stores in the Magazines of Miramiche, Pasbeau, Gasp^, & Mount Lewis to a 
 considerable Value. 
 
 N.B. — A Quintal of dried Cod sells at Quebec from 36 to 40 Livres. 
 
 Coll. Murray who was detached to Miramichi destroyed 16,000 Quintals of Fish, 
 the Kings Magazins, & brought off some of the Inhabitants, but as the water was so 
 shoal, & they had but one sloop, could not proceed higher up the River. 
 
 Sir Charles Hardy took 4 Sloops or Schooners, destroyed about 200 shallops in the 
 B. of Gasp^j and brought off about two hundred Prisoners. 
 
 (Signed) E. Boscawen.
 
 APPENDIX XII 
 
 SCALPING 
 
 The French have had an evil pre-eminence, at all events in the minds of most English 
 readers, on account of their use of Indians and their savage customs in warfare. This was 
 the consequence of French skill in attaching the savages to their side, rather than to any 
 abhorrence of the English colonist to the use of Indians and their methods in warfare 
 against hostile savages as well as the French. 
 
 We find that most of the English colonies sanctioned, and encouraged scalping 
 Indians, and sometimes their French allies, at one time or another. Massachusetts in 1694 
 gave j^50 a head for every Indian, great or small, killed or captured. Similar enact- 
 ments were passed with varying amounts in 1695, 1697, '7°3' ^" '7°^) '7'^7j ^"'^ 
 1 7 12 the law was again amended. ^ In 1723 there was further legislation.^ 
 
 An unusual occurrence on the frontier attracted attention even in the capital of the 
 Province: "James Cochran the Youth that came into Brunswick Fort with the two 
 Scalps came to Town on Monday last, and on Tuesday produced the said Scalps before 
 the Honourable Lieut. Governor and Council, for which he Received a Reward of Two 
 Hundred Pounds, and for a further encouragement to Young Men and others to perform 
 Bold and Hardy Actions in this Indian War, His Honour the Lieut. Governor has been 
 pleased to make him a Serjeant in the forces."^ 
 
 In New Jersey it is stated that in 1756 friendly Indians were killed for the bounty.* 
 
 Colonel Sir W. Johnson writes to the Governor of New York on the 7th of May 
 1747: "We shall soon have abundance of prisoners and scalps v/herefore will require a 
 great deal of money, which they expect will be ready here at their return." * 
 
 On October 25, 1744, Shirley recommended the establishing of a premium for scalps 
 and prisoners, which act was passed the same day. In his message of Jan. 7, 1744-45, he 
 says : " I cannot but suggest to you how serviceable it may be for the Interests of this 
 Province if you would allow our own troops at Annapolis the Premium for Scalps and 
 Prisoners which you do to those of them that are in the Pay of this Government." 
 
 Connecticut, in 1746, gave by enactment a reward of j^ 150 for the scalp of every 
 Indian over 16 years, and for every scalp of such Indian, female or child, half as much, 
 to be paid by the Committee on the production of such prisoners or scalps. In another 
 
 ' Mass. Province Laws, vol. i, pp. 176, 211, 292, 530, 558, 594, 600, 696. 
 
 2 Acts and Resolves, vol. 10, p. 263. ^ Bcsnn News Letter, April 29, 1719. 
 
 ' N.J. Archives, vol. 20, p. 40. 
 
 ' N.Y. Colonial documents, vol. 6, p. 361. See also Narrative and Critical HUt., vol. 5, p. 6S1. 
 
 424
 
 I 
 
 APPENDIX XII 
 
 425 
 
 enactment of the same state the reward for scalps of male Indians was ;^350, for those of 
 women and children, jCiyS- 
 
 In 1 744, the Governor of New Hampshire sent a message to the Assembly asking 
 their sentiments for the premium it might oiFer for scalp money. A vote of ;^5500 for 
 soldiers, powder, scalps, etc., was sent up.^ In 1747 the Assembly prayed his Excellency 
 to give proper encouragement to all suitable persons who may appear as volunteers to go 
 out upon the first scalp vote. In 1747 Mr. Samuel Walton had enlisted 20 men to go 
 out after the Indians upon the scalp bounty. - 
 
 We find the Rev. Mr. Stephen Williams making in his diary the following entries : 
 
 Jl4ay 5, 1747. — "I hear as if or. Mohawks are gone out a scalping agst. ye french — 
 and yt. many of ye English are prepareing to go upon ye same design. I pray God to go 
 with those yt. are called forth, and cause oh Lord yt. ye issue may be ye leaveing of ye 
 inhumane manr. of manageing ye war between us and Canada this day" (p. 248). 
 
 May 6, 1747. — "This evening I hear ye man at Numbr. 4 are returned, yt. others 
 are gone in yr. rooms and yt. people are preparing to go a scalping. Oh yt. they may go 
 forth in ye fear of ye Lord, and with Entire dependance upon him " (p. 248). 
 
 JUiiy 8, 1747. — "This day we hear yt. ye Mohawks have been out and killed severall 
 frenchmen and Brot in their Scalps. I hope this is a good omen : but I desire we may be 
 careful! not to put or. trust in men " (p. 249).' 
 
 "For which Reason I think it of such Consequence to his Majesty's Service that the 
 Indians and other New England Auxiliaries enlisted in it at Annapolis Royal whould have 
 premiums for scalping and taking Captive the Indian Enemy as the People within this 
 Province have." * 
 
 ' New Hampshire Province Papers, vol. 5, pp. 231, 236. 
 - New Hampshire Province Papers, vol. 5, pp. 424, 532. 
 
 3 Diary of Rev. Stephen Williams, Ottawa. See Journal at Louisbourg, vol. 70, M. 643. The pages are given 
 from the copy in the Canadian Archives, copied from that in the Library of the Mass. Hist. Soc, Boston. 
 * Shirley to Newcastle, CO. 5/900, ft. 135-7, Nov. 9, 1744.
 
 APPENDIX XIII 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Since the bibliographies of Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, vol. v., and of 
 the American Library Association have been printed, besides the more widely known 
 works of Waddington, Corbett, Wood and Bradley, and some works referred to in the foot- 
 notes, there may be mentioned : 
 
 The Cambridge Modern History, vol. vi. 
 Lavisse, Histoire de France. 
 
 G. L. Beer, British Colonial Policy, 1734-1763 (Macmillan, 1907). 
 Lucien Schone, £17 Politique Coloniale sous Louis .^/^ (Challamei, Paris, 1 907) ; also 
 Etat sommaire des jfrchives de la Marine (Paris, Baudoin, 1 898). 
 La Marine militaire de la France (La Cour-Gayet, Champion, 1902). 
 Kimball, Correspondence of William Pitt with Colonial Governors, 1 vols. (Macmillan, 
 
 1906). 
 H. S. Burrage, Maine at Louishourg (Augusta, 1910). 
 Stewart L. Mims, Colbert'' s JVest India Policy, Yale Historical Studies, 1 912. 
 
 Although published earlier, attention may be called to the great value of two printed 
 accounts, one of the siege of 1745, the other of 1758: A Particular Account of the 
 Taking of Cape Breton, etc., by Philip Durell, Capt. of His Majesty's Ship Supcrbe, etc. 
 (London, W. Bickerton, 1745);' An Authentic Account of the Reduction of Louisbourg, 
 by a Spectator, etc. (London, Owen, 1758). The Spectator may have been Valentine 
 Nevill of Greenwich in Kent, in 1746 Secretary to the Honourable Admiral Townshend. 
 He wrote a poem, which is still extant, although, even with the popular interest in the 
 siege, it seems never to have found a printer, entitled "The Reduction of Louisbourg." 
 It was "wrote on Board His Majestys Ship Orford in Louisbourg Harbour" and dedicated 
 to Boscawen. The revised and corrected copy is dated Aug. 7, 1758, which shows that 
 the work was promptly done. 
 
 Lcs Derniers Jours de F Acadie, by Du Bosc de Beaumont (Lechevalier, Paris, 1899), 
 has also great value, as it is so largely transcripts of documents. The author's notes are 
 valuable. The original letters are in Laval University, Quebec. I have given (after 
 verification) references to the book rather than to the documents, following what seems to 
 be the sound practice of choosing the reference most easily found by the reader. 
 
 Two works well known have been sparingly used. One, the Lettre d'un habitant, 
 
 * The copy in the Boston Public Library is said to be unique. 
 42S
 
 APPENDIX XIII 427 
 
 is a pamphlet written as a libel. The other, Pichon's Histolre, was written by a man who 
 was a spy in English pay, and had not been in Louisbourg for some years before the siege 
 of 1758. His account of it is a compilation from English sources. 
 
 Documents 
 Archives Nationales, Paris (removed from the French Colonial Office). 
 
 Correspondence G^nera/e, C. 1 1 
 Isle Royale, vols. 1-38. 
 
 Isle Royale, Am^rique du Nord, vols. 7-10. 
 Acadia, vols. 6-10. 
 Canada, vols. 31-124. 
 B Series, vols. 35-189. 
 
 F Series, Moreau St. Mery, particularly vols. 50 and 51. 
 D Series, Troops. 
 
 G^ Series, Etat Civil, vols. 406-411. Copies in Ottawa {Census 0/ Isle Royale). 
 GG-, Judicial Records. 
 GG^ Notarial Records (not shown in Paris, no copies in Ottawa). 
 
 Ministere de la Marine, Series G. 
 
 Ministere de la Guerre, Personnel and Documents, 1756-58. 
 
 London 
 Colonial Office Records. 
 
 Record Office — War, Navy, and Board of Trade, etc. 
 British Museum, Warren, Newcastle : Knowles MSS. 
 
 Massachusetts 
 State House Archives. 
 
 Harvard University (Journal of Hamilton). 
 Essex Institute, Salem, Mass. 
 
 American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. (Pepperrell's Journal). 
 Massachusetts Historical Society and others : Parlcman MSS. 
 
 Canada 
 
 Laval University, Quebec : Surlaville Papers. 
 Canadian Archives, Ottawa. 
 
 Printed Records 
 New York State Documents. 
 New Hampshire Records. 
 Rhode Island Records. 
 
 Massachusetts Historical Society, particularly Series I. vol. i, and Series VI. vol. 10. 
 American Historical and Genealogical Register (Bidwell Journal). 
 Connecticut Records.
 
 428 APPENDIX XIII 
 
 Documents relatifs a I'Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 4 vols. (Quebec, 1884). 
 
 Reports Canadian Archives. 
 
 Nova Scotia Archives. 
 
 Nova Scotia Historical Society. The fifth volume of the Collection of this Society 
 contains the Journal of Gordon at the Siege of 1758, which is extremely valuable. 
 
 The author of this journal was William Augustus Gordon, son of Capt. David 
 Gordon of Col. Lascelles' 47th Regt. of Foot. The origin of Capt. David is unknown. 
 
 William jfugustus Gordon is supposed to have been born in 1739, because of the 
 statement in Hake's History of Chinese Gordon that the Duke of Cumberland stood sponsor 
 for him six vears before 1745. He was appointed Adjutant in the 47th, May i, 1745; 
 Qr.-Master, July 30, 1751 ; Ensign of the 40th, April 24, 1755.' It would seem 
 remarkable that he was appointed Adjutant when only six year old, and Qr.-Master at 
 twelve years of age ; but funny things happened in those days. 2 As he was serving in the 
 same regt. as his father, perhaps the father did the work, or else he was born some years 
 before he was honoured by the Duke of Cumberland. 
 
 He is said to have embarked for America with his father in 1750. He was appointed 
 Lt., 40th, July 2, 1755.^ He fought at Minorca in 1756, and served with distinction at 
 the siege of Louisbourg in 1758. In 1759 he was with Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham, 
 and in 1762 was at the surrender of Navo Castle, Havana. He was placed on h.p. as 
 Capt.-Lt., 1763-64. From h.p. he was appointed Capt.-Lt. of the nth, Dec. 12, 1767 ;^ 
 Capt., Jan. 30, 1770 ;^ and retired May 12, 1776.^ 
 
 In 1773 he married Anna Maria Clerke, daughter of the Rev. .' (S)laughter Clerke. 
 He died in 1809.^ He was grandfather of General Gordon of Khartoum. 
 
 The original MSS. of Capt. W. A. Gordon's Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg is now 
 (August 1908) the property of Col. Louis A. Gordon of the 32nd Lancers, a nephew of 
 "Chinese" Gordon. He is now serving in India. It is, however, under the guardianship 
 of his sister, Miss S. B. Gordon of Hove, Sussex, England. It is written very clearly, 
 neatly and legibly, although the ink and paper are rather yellow with age. There are 
 45 P^g^s, 13 X 8|^ inches, and the original MSS. with paper cover has on it : 
 
 JOURNAL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SIEGE OF LOUISBOURG 
 
 IN 1758. 
 
 Note. — This information was supplied by Mrs. Constance Skelton to Ray C. 
 Archibald, Esq., of Brown Universitv, and was incorporated bv him in a paper since 
 published by the No\a Scotia Historical Society. 
 
 (The above list is not intended to be exhaustive, but only to indicate the principal 
 sources used by the writer.) 
 
 ' MSS. Army List, 1752, p. 369, Record Office. 
 
 '■^ One Gordon, Lord George, got a cammisskn at eight years of age. 
 
 ' Army Lists, 1754-63. ' London Gazelle. 
 
 5 Ibid. ' Ibid. ; Army Lists, 1768-76. 
 
 ' Hake, Gent. Mag., vol. 66, p. 256 ; voL 78, p. 557 ; vol. 102, Pt. I, p. 464 ; Aberdeen Journal., Jan. 1 1, 1768.
 
 APPENDIX XIII 429 
 
 Maps, Plans, and Views 
 
 In addition to the lists given in the reports of the Canadian Archives, the following 
 collections may be named : 
 
 »A. Archives Nationales, Paris (C. 11, Carton 125). 
 B. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 
 C. Service Hydrographique de la Marine, Paris. (Lists below.) 
 
 The collection of maps, etc., in the Archives, Ottawa, is to be consulted. The 
 Congressional Library at Washington is rich, and there are a considerable number in the 
 Public Library and the Athenaeum in Boston, Mass. 
 
 MINISTERE DES COLONIES 
 S^rie C. II, Carton 125. 
 
 Plan signd de la main de Chaussegros de L6ry. Quebec, 26 Oct. 1719. 
 
 Croquis du Fort de Ponchartrain et du Village des Hurons. 
 
 Plan de Louisbourg, 1723. 
 
 Plan de la Porte Dauphine de Louisbourg, 1733. 
 
 Plan de Louisbourg " ou on a represent^ en couleur jaune les Ouvrages auxquels on 
 travaillera I'annee 1739." Sign6 de la main de Verrier. 
 
 " Plan, Profil et Elevation, pour le r^tablissement de la Lanterne qui doit estre plac& 
 sur la Tour scitu^e a L'Entrde du port de Louisbourg, dans laquelle il y aura un feu a huille 
 pour la siirete de la navigation." Signe de la main de Verrier. 
 
 La Porte de la Nouvelle Enceinte de Louisbourg. Signd de la main de Verrier. 
 
 Plan de la Ville de Louisbourg en I'lsle Royale, joint a la lettre de M. frauquet du 
 20 x''^^ 1756. 
 
 Plan, Profil et Eli^vation de la Porte de la Reine, dans une des Courtines de I'Enceinte 
 de la Ville de Louisbourg. 
 
 " Plan du terrain dans lequel est marqu6 les limites de I'emplacement que M'. le 
 gouverneur occupe au fond du havre de Louisbourg, etc." 
 
 " Plan d'une Partie- de la Ville de Louisbourg ou est represent^ en jaune la corection 
 que I'on peut faire pour le bien public et pour I'arengement des maisons qui sont hors des 
 Alignements de la rue du Quay." Signatures autographes de S' Ovide de Brouillan, 
 Bessiere, Verrier. 
 
 " Estat des Emplacements concedes a Louisbourg dans I'Enceinte de la Place, relatif 
 au plan de 1723." 
 
 "Le Plan, Profil et Elevation du Clocher de I'hopital du Roy a Louisbourg, 1729." 
 
 "Profil et Elevation de la Tour de la Lanterne scitu^e sur un Rocher k VEntvie du 
 I Port de Louisbourg, 1733." 
 
 " Le Plan, Elevation et Profil de I'Horloge des Cazernes de Louisbourg, 1733." 
 
 " Plan de Louisbourg ou on a r^present^ en couleur jaune les ouvrages projetds qui 
 doivent se faire pendant I'ann^e 1737, pour la perfection de I'Enceinte et de ses dehors." 
 Signe de la main de Verrier, joint a la lettre de M. Verrier du 10 g^"^^ 1736. 
 
 "Louisbourg 1737, Plan d'une partie du Bastion Princesse et de la Batterie du cap
 
 430 APPENDIX XIII 
 
 noir au prolongement de laquelle on a repri-sent(J en couleur jaune I'Eperon projet^ pour 
 empccher de mer basse la communication dans la Ville." Sign6 de la main de Verrier. 
 
 " Plan et profil Color^ en jaune du Battiment propose pour les prisons, logem' du 
 Geolier et chambre du Conseil Superieur a Louisbourg, 1739." Sign6 de la main de 
 Verrier. 
 
 " Partie du plan de Louisbourg oii sont reprd-sent(5s les Terrains qui seront occup6s par 
 la Nouvelle fortification color^e de jaune, 1738." Verrier. 
 
 "Projet d'un Corps de Cazernes pour huit Compagnies de soldats et trente-deux 
 officiers, et qui sera Etably Contre le mur Cr(!'nell6 de I'Enceinte de Louisbourg, 1739." 
 Sign^ de la main de Verrier. 
 
 " Plan du Fauxbourg de la Porte Dauphine a Louisbourg, ou on a repr^sentd en jaune 
 I'Estacade de pieux a faire pour retablir le chemin public et les graves que la mer a digrzdi 
 par le coup de vent arrivd le 12 Janvier 1740." Signe de la main de Verrier. 
 
 " Plans et Profil d'une Digue et d'une porte busqude, avec les Ecluses ; que Ton 
 propose d'Etablir vers le fond du Port de Louisbourg, pour former un bassin, dans lequel les 
 battim'^ pescheurs hiverneront, 1739." 
 
 " Plan de Louisbourg ou on a repr6sent6 en couleur jaune les ouvrages k faire Tannic 
 1740." Signe de la main de Verrier. 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — Premier plan des Ouvrages Projettes, sur les deux fronts de 
 fortification, compris, I'un entre le Bastion de la Reine et celui Princesse ; Et I'autre d'entre 
 ce dernier Bastion, et celui Brouillan." 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — Premier projet sur la porte Dauphine." 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — Plan du front de fortification d'entre le Bastion du Roy, celuy 
 de Dauphine et la tenaille de la Porte Dauphine k Louisbourg." 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — M^moire sur le front de fortification, d'entre le bastion princesse 
 et le bastion de la Reine." 
 
 " Profils du front de fortification." 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1 75 1. — Mimoire sur la Batterie de I'jslot, cottie 47, au Plan de la 
 Place." (L'lle aux chevres.) 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — M6moire sur la piece de la Grave cottee 7, au Plan, et des 
 ouvrages projettds pour la remettre dans son premier Etat de defFense." 
 
 " Plan, coupe sur la ligne L.M. dans le milieu de la face gauche de la piece de la grave 
 cottie 7 au Plan." 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — Mimoire sur I'Etat des ouvrages du front de la Tenaille de la 
 Porte Dauphine, et de ceux qu'on y propose en augmentation." 
 
 " Plan, Profils sur le Petit Front de la Tenaille de la Porte Dauphine." 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — M6moire sur le front d'entre le demy-bastion de Maurepas et 
 demi-bastion Brouillant." 
 
 Plan. 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — Mimoire sur le front de fortification d'entre le bastion du Roy 
 et celui de Dauphin." 
 
 Plan. 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1751. — Mimoire sur la Batterie Royalle Cottle 48 au plan; Eloignic 
 de cette Place de 1600 Toises par terre, et 750 par mer." 
 
 " Profil coupe sur la ligne No de la redoute projettee, sur la hauteur du Cap Noir."
 
 APPENDIX XIII 431 
 
 " Plans des cales Frederic, de I'Etang, Dauphine avec leurs prolongements projet^s j 
 profil de construction." Joint a la lettre de M. Franquet du 14 x 1 75 1. 
 
 "Plan de la Batterie de I'lslot a I'Entr^e du Port de Louisbourg." 
 
 " Plan, Profil et Elevation du mur cr^nel^ Projettd pour fermer totalement I'intdrieur 
 de la Batterie de I'lslot." 
 I "Tois6 definitif des ouvrages qui ont Est6 faits pour la construction du bastiment 
 
 destin^ pour une brasserie a huit chaudieres a I'usage des troupes, tant en terre que ma^onnerie, 
 Pierre de taille, charpente, gros fer, Et autres, par le S^ Claude Creuzet Entrepreneur, En 
 consequence de son march6 pass6 a Louisbourg le 13 aoust 1752." 
 
 Plan, Signe de la main de Boucher. 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1752. — Plan pour servir au projet du retablissement du batardeau cottee 
 26, et d'une Estacade ou digue de gros pilots pour garantir la pifece de la grave centre 
 I'impetuosite de la mer." 
 
 " Lettre de M. Franquet au ministre, II annonce I'envoi du plan ci-dessus et de 
 I'estimation." Sont sign^es de la main de M. Franquet. 
 
 " Plans, coupes et Elevations du Bastiment de I'Hopital de Louisbourg, fait sur la 
 prolongation de I'aille gauche de I'ancien Bastiment acheve au mois de Mai 1752." Signd 
 de la main de Boucher. 
 
 " Plan et Profil du Batardeau de la piece de la Grave et de la ligne des Pilots enfonc^s 
 pour la conservation de cet ouvrage et de la face de la dite piece." Signe de la main de 
 Boucher, joint a la lettre du 20 q^'" I'JS'^- 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1756. — M^moire sur I'etat actuel des ouvrages du front des fortifications 
 d'entre les Bastions du Roy, et du Dauphin et la mer." 
 ■ "Profil coupe sur la ligne a, b, c, d, e, f." Joint a la lettre de M. Franquet du 
 20 x''"^ 1756. 
 
 "Plan coupe sur la ligne a, b, de la hauteur de la justice." Joint a la lettre et au 
 m6moire de M. Franquet du 20 x''"^ 1757. 
 
 " Profil coupe sur la ligne h, i, K, L, de la face droite de la Tenaille de la Porte 
 Dauphine." Joint a la lettre et M6moire de M. Franquet du 20 x'"^<= I757- 
 
 " Plan du front d'entre les Bastions du Roy, celui de Dauphin et la mer." Joint a la 
 lettre de M. Franquet du 20 x'"^*^ 1756. 
 
 Lettre de M. Franquet au ministre, Louisbourg, 4 novembre 1755. II rend compte 
 ies "ouvrages faits en augmentation, et en reparation pendant Campagne, aux fortifications 
 de cette place." 
 
 Duplicata de la lettre du 14 octobre 1755 de M. Franquet au ministre au sujet des 
 ■"ortifications de Louisbourg. 
 
 Louisbourg, 1755. — "Plan depuis I'angle flanqud du Bastion du Roy jusqu'au bord du 
 Port, et des changements proposes." Joint a la lettre de M. Franquet du 4 9'"^ 1755- 
 1] Louisbourg, 1755. — " Plan des changements ordonnds aux fortifications sur le front du 
 'iiur crenele." Joint a une lettre de M. Franquet du 4 c)^'^ 1755- 
 
 Louisbourg, 1755. — "Plan des changements ordonnes au front du mur crenele et a 
 :elui d'entre le Bastion Princesse et celui de la Reyne." Joint a la lettre de M. Franquet 
 iu 4 g*"* 1755. 
 
 Louisbourg. — " Plan des ouvrages projett^s sur le front d'Entre le Bastion Princesse et 
 elui de la Reyne." Joint a la lettre de M. Franquet du 20 x'"'^ 1756. 
 
 L
 
 432 
 
 APPENDIX XIII 
 
 " Etat des papiers concernant la fortification de cette place qui ont M extraits du 
 cabinet de M. Boucher a la lev6e du scel6 qui en a 6ti faite en presence de M. Prdvost 
 ordonnateur en I'lsle Royale le 22 d'Aoust 1753." Joint a la lettre de M. Franquet du 
 17 7!"^ 1753. 
 
 "Louisbourg, 1755. — Plan des ouvrages faits et a faire entre le Bastion du Roy et celui 
 de Dauphin et la Tenaille de la porte Dauphine." Joint a une lettre de M. Franquet du 
 
 49'" 1755- 
 
 " Retranchements de I'anse a la pointe Platte, 1757." 
 
 " Plan de la ville de Baston." 
 
 " Plan de la Baye de Baston." 
 
 Lettre de Chaussegros de Lery au ministre (16 S^'^ 1734) au sujet des fortifications de 
 Montreal. 
 
 Description de I'lle Percee. L'lle Perc^e, le Cap Breton et Terreneuve servent toujours 
 de port pour "embarquer les Castors que les habitants du pays font passer en fraude en 
 Europe." 
 
 "Croquis du fleuve St. Laurent." 
 
 " Additions au Projet de Lettre k M. Franquet sur les fortifications de Louisbourg." 
 
 " Observations Particulieres sur la Batterie roiale qui defFend le Port de Louisbourg." 
 
 " Proposition pour la carte de I'lsle de sable, du Golfe et du Fleu\e St. Laurent." 
 
 " Plan et profil du Bastiment a faire au port Toulouze pour servir de Magasins des 
 vivres, de chapelle, de Boulangerie, 1733." Signe Verrier. 
 
 "Profil et Eldvation du Logement du Commandement du port Toulouze, 1733." 
 
 " Plan general pour L'Etablissement de la Batterie et des Logements a faire au port 
 Toulouze, 1733." 
 
 " Plan du magasin des vivres et du Logement des oificiers, four, etc., a feire au port 
 Toulouze, 1733." 
 
 "Plan du Logement pour le Commandant du port Toulouze, 1733." 
 
 "Plan des Cazernes a faire au port Toulouze, 1733." 
 
 "Profil et Elevation des Cazernes a faire au port Toulouze, 1733." 
 
 "lie Royale, 1752. — Profil d'une Redoute a construire avec foss^ sur un plateau de 
 terres ordinaires." 
 
 Lettre de M. Franquet au ministre au sujet des fortifications de l'lle Royak 
 (Louisbourg, le 14 Janvier 1752). 
 
 "Etat Estimatif des ouvrages proposes a la Construction d'une des Redoutes projett^es 
 le long des Cotes de I'lsle Royalle." Joint k la lettre du 14 Janvier 1752. 
 
 Lettre du C^'^ de Raymond au ministre au sujet des fortifications de I'lsle Royale. 
 Louisbourg, le 14 Janvier 1752. 
 
 " Copie de la lettre de Mgr. Rouill^ au S'. Franquet," au sujet des fortifications de 
 Louisbourg et reponse de celui-ci. 
 
 " Plan de la pointe a Rochefort." 
 
 " Carte des environs de Louisbourg." 
 
 [Table
 
 APPENDIX XIII 
 
 433 
 
 PLANS DE LOUISBOURG 
 
 A LA niBLIOTHio^UE NATIONALE, PARIS 
 
 La C6te. 
 
 Reg. C. 3714 . 
 Reg. C. 3715 . 
 Reg. C. 4141 . 
 C. 7484 Barb. 1884 
 C. 7485 Barb. 1885 
 C. 7486 Barb. 1886 
 C. 7487 Barb. 1887 
 C. 7488 Barb. 1888 
 C. 13522 (3) . 
 C. 15980. 148 
 C. 15980. 
 C. 15980. 
 C. 15980. 
 C. 18830 
 
 149 
 150 
 '51 
 
 C. 19971 
 CC. 267 . 
 Ge. D. 1348 
 Ge. D. 3455 
 
 FF. 3949 Plan XII. 
 DB. 1501 pi. 37 
 
 12S. (No. 16) . 
 12S. (No. 15) . 
 
 FF. 4693 pi. 23 
 FF. 4693 pi. 24 
 FF. 8726 pi. 109 
 
 CC. 1 184 pi. 5 
 
 DD. 675 pi. 5. 
 
 CC. 1 123 pi. 19 
 
 CC. 1076 pi. 5 
 
 Archive 2865 . 
 
 Louisbourg (plan He), cote d'Acadie. Manuscrit. 1723 
 i Louisbourg (plan de). MS. 1734 . 
 Louisbourg (plan du port et de la ville de). MS. 
 Louisbourg (Plan du port de). MS. 
 Louisbourg (Environs de) dans I'ile Royale. MS. 
 Louisbourg (Environs de). S. nomenclature. MS. 
 Louisbourg (plan du port de) .... 
 
 Louisbourg (plan du port et de la ville de). 1742 
 Louisbourg. MS. ...... 
 
 Louisbourg (plan du port de) et ses batteries 
 
 Louisbourg (plan de). MS. en coul. 1723-1724 
 
 Louisbourg (plan de la ville de). MS. 
 
 Louisbourg (profils du terrain p. les batteries de). 1722 
 
 Louisbourg (Vue de la Ville de) prise en dedans du port, 
 
 MS. 1731 
 
 Louisbourg (plan de) ...... 
 
 Louisbourg (Vue de la Ville de). 173 1 
 
 Louisbourg (plan de la ville de) en 1757 (s.l.s.d.). MS. 
 
 Louisbourg. — Vorstellung einiger Gegenden und Plaetze in 
 
 Nort-America unter Franzoesisch und englichen Justiziren, 
 
 Nurmberg^ 1756 . 
 Plan de Louisbourg. 1757-58 ..... 
 Louisbourg (Plan du port et ville de) dans I'lsle Royale, 
 
 iS^me si. ...... . 
 
 Louisbourg (Rade de). (s.d.) Carte. MS. i8^me siecle 
 Louisbourg (Plan de). (s.d.) Plan MS. legende. iS^me 
 
 siecle ........ 
 
 Louisbourg (Port de) dans I'lsle Royale. 1764 
 Louisbourg (Plan de) dans I'lsle Royale. 1764. 
 Louisbourg (Attack of), the Fleet commanded by the Honble. 
 
 Adml. Boscawen, etc. 1772 . . . . , 
 
 Louisbourg (Plan de la Ville et du Port de) lev^ en 1756, 
 
 Paris, 1779 ........ 
 
 Louisbourg (Plan de la Ville et du Port de) lev6 en 1756, 
 
 Paris, 1779 ........ 
 
 Louisbourg (Plan de la ville et du port de) lev6 en 1756 pai 
 
 ordre de Mr. de Sartine. 1779 .... 
 Louisbourg (Plan de la ville et du port de) leve en 1756 par 
 
 ordre de Mr. de Sartine 1779 
 Plan du Port et ville de Louisbourg dans I'lle Royale, 
 
 P.V.B. ing, de la M. 1744 .... 
 
 I fli. gm. 
 
 I f. gf. 
 
 I f. aig. 
 
 I f . 
 
 I f . 
 
 I f . 
 
 I col. 
 
 I f . 
 
 I j^s. 
 
 I col. 
 
 I col. 
 
 I aig. 
 
 5 pieces 
 
 [ bandej^s. 
 I aigle. 
 
 S. nom. 
 S. nom. 
 S. nom. 
 
 S. nom. 
 S. nom. 
 de La Rigaudifere 
 Nic. Bellin. 
 S. nom. 
 S. nom. 
 S. nom. 
 S. nom. 
 S. noms. 
 
 ..I 
 
 Exposition No. 215. 
 
 Le Rouge. 
 
 Verrier, 
 
 Bellin. 
 Bellin. 
 
 SERVICE HYDROGRAPHIQUE DE LA MARINE 
 
 ortefeuille. 
 
 Division. 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 Piice. 
 10 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATIFS A LOUISBOURG 
 
 C6te S. E. de I'isle Royale depuis I'isle 
 Guion jusques k la Pierre a fusil, de 
 Chabert 
 
 Chemin Royale de Mir6 depuis Louisbourg 
 jusqu'au Lac avec les rivieres, ruisseaux, 
 lacs, estangs et fleuves qui s'y trouvent, 
 0.130 pour 1000 toises (envoy(5 par Mr. 
 de St. Ovide 1725) .... 
 
 1756-57 imprimd 
 
 manuscrit 
 2 F
 
 434 
 
 PortefeuiUe. 
 
 131 
 
 '3> 
 
 131 
 
 131 
 
 131 
 
 131 
 
 131 
 131 
 ^31 
 
 131 
 
 Division. 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 1 1 
 
 Piice. 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 12 
 
 APPENDIX XIII 
 
 Carte des environs de Louisbourg avec la 
 
 riviere partie du grand lac et le chemin 
 
 de Myrd ensemble les concessions des ' 
 
 terrains accordees a dilRrens particuliers, 
 
 0.112 pour 2500 toises (joint a la lettre 
 
 du Sr. Brouillan du 29 mars 1738) . manuscrit 
 
 Carte des environs de Louisbourg depuis la 
 
 baye de Gabarus jusques a la riviire 
 
 Mir6, 0.107 pour 1200 toises . . „ 
 
 Carte topographique da port, ville et environs 
 
 de Louisbourg ou sont repr6sent6s les 
 
 ouvrages d'augmentation des fortiffica- 
 
 tions qu'a fait faire Mr. le Comte Dubois 
 
 de Lamothe, Vice-Amiral de fVance lors 
 
 du siege avec les Anglois en 1745 (0.078 
 
 pour 600 toises), avec plusieurs plans 
 
 particuliers des anses et des ports des 
 
 environs ...... „ 
 
 Plan du port et des environs de Louisbourg 
 
 avec les Sondes marquant les endroits 
 
 du debarquement des Anglois en 1745? 
 
 0.109 pour ^ lieue .... „ 
 
 Carte des environs de Louisbourg, 0.090 
 
 pour 1000 toises. Communiqu6 par 
 
 M. de la Rigaudic-re en 1756 . . „ 
 
 Plan de la Ville et du Port de Louisbourg 
 
 avec ses environs assi6g6 par les Anglois 
 
 cette pr^sente annee MDCCLVIIL 
 
 par Lartigue, avec divers plans des anses 
 
 et ports environnants, 0.104 pour 600 
 
 toises ....... „ 
 
 A plan of the city and harbour of Louisbourg 
 
 with the French batteries. Siege in 
 
 1758, avec plan particulier de la ville et 
 
 forts de Louisbourg par J. JefFerys, 
 
 0.076 par mille ..... imprimd 
 
 Plan du Havre de Louisbourg, O.135 pour 
 
 500 toises, par I'Hermitte, 1 716 . . manuscrit 
 
 Veue perspective du port de Louisbourg, 
 
 1717 • 
 
 Plan du port de Louisbourg avec des projets 
 
 de fortifications et les sondes, 0.106 pour 
 
 400 toises ...... ,> 
 
 Plan de la rade et forts de Louisbourg, 0.098 
 
 pour 500 toises (d^di^ au Comte de 

 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 APPENDIX XIII 435 
 
 'brtefcuille. Division. Piece. 
 
 Toulouse, Amiral de France, par les 
 gardes : O'brien, de Parcevaux, Du 
 Rougelm, de St. Reveul, de Kuzout, 
 de Chancy) ..... maauscrit 
 
 131 II 6 Plan de la ville et du port de Louisbourg, de 
 
 ses batteries avec sa perspective ou Ton 
 voit les ouvrages et fortifications faites 
 par les Anglois pour I'attaque de la place 
 en 1745, 0.1 pour 400 toises — avec des 
 vues et divers plans particuliers . . „ 
 
 131 II 7 Plan de la rade et baye de I'isle Royale a 
 
 I'entrte de la riviere Canada, leve par 
 Mirabert en 1753, 0.080 pour 250 pas 
 g&m. ...... „ 
 
 131 II 8 Plan de la rade de Louisbourg leve par le 
 
 Sr. S^ligny ecrivain sur le vaisseau le 
 Bisane command^ par Mr. Hoquart, 
 1753, 0.054 pour 400 toises. • • >j 
 
 131 II 10 Plan de Louisbourg avec les attaques des 
 
 Anglois contre cette place lors du siege 
 en 1758 (Communique par Mr. le Chev. 
 de Drucourt, capitaine de vaisseau 
 Gouverneur) ..... „ 
 
 131 II II Plan de la ville et du port de Louisbourg leve 
 
 en 1756 par ordre de Mr. de Sartine, 
 0.097 pour 400 toises .... imprimd 
 
 131 II 12 A Survey of Louisbourg harbour, 0.073 pour 
 
 300 brasses (Laurie et White, 1798) . „
 
 APPENDIX XIV 
 
 EXTRACT FROM "MEDALS & DECORATION OF THE 
 BRITISH ARMY AND NAVY" (page 96) 
 
 By J. H. Mayo 
 George Young, Midshipman,/ 
 
 No. 120. Sir Alexander Schomberg, 
 
 Young, Mid 
 
 Gold Medal 
 
 Obv. — A sailor and a soldier supporting a globe inscribed Canada America, above 
 supporters pariter . in . bella {sic\ under globe prostrate figure of France. 
 Rev. — Fort firing on the Prudent and the Bienfaisant. 
 Leg. — lovisbourg . taken . mdcclviii. 
 
 Circular, 17 inch. 
 
 Struck. 
 
 Ring for suspension. 
 
 Blue and yellow ribbon. 
 
 Artist, Thomas Pingo. 
 
 This medal was presented to Sir Alexander Schomberg for his distinguished service 
 at the second siege of Louisbourg, in command of the Diana frigate, 36 guns. TIk 
 medal is in the possession of his great-grandson, Lieutenant-Colonel Schomberg, Royal 
 Marine Light Infantry. 
 
 It was also awarded to Senior Midshipman George Young, afterwards Sir Georgt 
 Young. He was serving on board the Tork^ under Captain (afterwards Sir) Hugh Pigot. 
 and was in charge of one of the boats, which, carrying in all 600 men, started at midnigln 
 on the 26th July 1758, and divided into two squadrons, one of which, led by Laforey 
 attacked the Prudent^ the other under Balfour surrounded the Bienfaisant. Giving thret 
 hearty cheers in reply to the fire of the sentinels, on the order being given, the cre\v 
 seizing their arms with the most intrepid activity followed their brave leaders and boarda 
 the ships on each bow, quarter, and gangway. Both ships were taken, with the loss to ui 
 of one officer and three or four seamen. 
 
 This notable exploit, performed under the batteries of Louisbourg, is the subject of: 
 contemporary oil-painting in the possession of the present Baronet, Sir George Young, wh( 
 says in a letter to The Times., 2nd July 1895 : "The story is told that long after, when th 
 
 4S6
 
 = /r '-. 
 
 0\
 
 APPENDIX XIV 437 
 
 Revolution had driven many naval officers from their country, one of them was brought 
 by a neighbour to luncheon with Sir George Young at Formosa, who, entering the dining- 
 room, threw up his hands, exclaiming, 'Ah, voila mon pauvre Prudent ! ' He had been a 
 midshipman on the ship that was destroyed. The picture was painted by Swaine, from a 
 sketch by Sir George Young. The medal is in the possession of his descendants. . . ." 
 
 LouiSBURG TAKEN, 26th July 1758. (404.) 
 
 The British flag waving over the globe, marked Canada America. On one side a 
 sailor waves his hat ; on the other a grenadier points to a female figure writhing beneath 
 the globe, pointing to English boats approaching, and dropping the French Lily into the 
 sea ; above, a flag and a band inscribed, pariter . in . bella. (Equal in wars.) Above 
 hovers Fame with her trumpet and a laurel wreath. T . Pingo . F. 
 
 Rev. — Batteries firing ; the English Fleet in the offing ; a French ship in flames and 
 another towed away by English boats. 
 
 Leg. — LoviSBOVRG . taken . MDCCLViii. Somewhat rare. 
 
 Louisburg was captured from the French 26th July 1758 ; Generals Amherst and 
 Wolfe commanded the land forces, and Admiral Boscawen the fleet. The time chosen for 
 the representation on this medal is when an attack was made upon the two remaining 
 ships of the French squadron, which were in the harbour ; one was towed away ; the other, 
 being aground, was necessarily destroyed. The perfect harmony which prevailed between 
 the military and naval commanders is alluded to in the legend on the obverse. Mr. Thomas 
 Hollis, who had much intercourse with artists, and exercised great influence in the carrying 
 out of the designs of medals struck about this time, appears to have superintended the 
 execution of this one. The specimen in silver in the British Museum was in his own 
 collection, and by his own direction was inscribed upon the edge, edward . boscawen, 
 
 ADMIRAL . lEFFERY . AMHERST . GENERAL . COMMANDING . WILLIAM . PITT . ADMINISTRING. 
 
 Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (405.) 
 
 Bust of Britannia, /., head bound with fillet, hair twisted into a knot behind, no 
 draperv ; behind, a trident projecting from the neck. 
 
 Leg. O . fair . BRITANNIA . HAIL. 
 
 Rev. — Victory, bearing a laurel wreath and a palm branch, walking r., on the prow 
 of a vessel. Leg. — Lovisbovrg . taken . mdcclviii. Not uncommon. 
 
 This medal was executed by Thomas Pingo, probably under the auspices of Mr. 
 Thomas Hollis. It varies a little from the following one. On the obverse the trident, if 
 prolonged, would cut the letter H in hail. On the reverse the wreath extends between 
 the legend and the date. The legend on the obverse is from Dr. Akenside's " Ode on 
 leaving Holland." 
 
 Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (406.) 
 
 There is a variety of the preceding. On it the trident, if prolonged, would not 
 touch the letter h, and the wreath nearly touches the bottom of the first letter of the date. 
 Very rare. 
 
 This specimen belonged to Mr. Thomas Hollis, and on the paper in which it was
 
 438 APPENDIX XIV 
 
 wrapped he stated it to be unique. This was not quite correct, fqr there was another also 
 in lead in the collection of the late Mr. Dimsdale. 
 
 LOUISBURG TAKEN, 26th Jul}' 1 758. (4O7.) 
 
 Bust of Britannia, /., head bound with fillet, hair twisted into a knot behind, no 
 drapery ; in front, the cap of Liberty ; behind, a trident. Leg. — O fair . Britannia . 
 HAIL. I . Kirk . F. 
 
 Rev. — Victory, running, ;-., bears in her left hand a trophy consisting of a palm 
 branch, armour, and shield with the French lily, and in her right a large fish, from whose 
 mouth issues a number of small ones. Leg. — Lovisbovrg . taken . mdcclviii. Rare. 
 
 The trophy shows that the conquest was obtained from France : the fish alludes to the 
 valuable fishery which existed near the coast. This medal was designed by Cipriani at 
 the request of Mr. Thomas Hollis. 
 
 There is a variety of this medal, differing only in having a cornucopia instead of a 
 fish in the hand of Victory. It was probably the earlier of the two, and is extremely rare. 
 
 Admiral Boscawen ; Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (408.) 
 
 Bust of Admiral Boscawen, r., hair in twisted tail behind, in coat, and riband across 
 the breast ; in his right hand is a baton. Leg. — admi. boscawen took cape breton. 
 
 Rev. — View of the harbour of Louisburg : ships entering, castle on the left. Leg. — 
 LOUISBURG harbour. Ex. — lUL . 26 . 1758. Rare. 
 
 This and the following brass medals are rare because they are of very inferior work- 
 manship, and at the time were thought not worth preserving. 
 
 Admiral Edward Boscawen was the second son of the first Viscount Falmouth ; he 
 was born in 171 1 and died loth Jan. 1761. Lord Chatham bestowed upon him the high 
 praise of always finding expedients, whilst others were looking out for objections. No 
 reason has been discovered why the Admiral alone should be commemorated and no 
 allusion made to General Amherst, who commanded the army with great skill and success. 
 Louisburg is the capital of Cape Breton. 
 
 Admiral Boscawen; Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (409.) 
 
 Bust of Admiral Boscawen, r., etc., similar to the preceding. 
 
 Rev. — View of the harbour of Louisburg with ships and castle on the left. Leg. — 
 Louisburg. Ex. — iul . 26 . 1758. 
 
 Admiral Boscawen; Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (410.) 
 There is a variety of the preceding piece differing slightly in its type, and smaller. 
 
 Admiral Boscawen; Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (411.) 
 
 Bust of Admiral Boscawen, r., with hair long, and tied behind, in armour, mantle, and 
 riband across the breast. Leg. — admi . boscawen . took . cape . breton. 
 
 Rev. — View of the harbour of Louisburg with ships; a mortar firing a shell against 
 the castle on the right. Leg. — Louisbourg. Ex. — jul . 26 . 1758.
 
 APPENDIX XIV 439 
 
 Admiral Boscawen ; Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (412.) 
 
 There is a variety of the preceding piece, scarcely to be distinguished from it, except 
 that there is no shell proceeding from the mortar. 
 
 Admiral Boscawen ; Louisburg taken, 26th July 1758. (413.) 
 Bust of Admiral Boscawen, ?-., etc., similar to No. 411. Leg. — to . brave . admi . 
 
 BOSCAWEN. 
 
 Rev. — A French Officer, kneeling, delivers his sword and the key of the citadel to 
 Admiral Boscawen. Leg. — I surrender prisoner. Ex. — 1758. 
 
 The French Officer who commanded the defence of Louisburg was the Chevalier 
 de Drucour. 
 
 The medal struck in 1719 to commemorate the foundation of Louisburg, and that 
 by the Society of Colonial Wars, are the other two principal medals.
 
 INDEX 
 
 AEi.y.-iQfisE. r, 208-9 
 
 Abercromby, General, Pitt's instructions to, 236 jyy. ; 
 
 defeat of, at Ticonderoga, 253, 2S9 
 Acadia {see also Nova Scotia), British claims in, 184 
 
 Chabert's map of, 1S9 
 
 Early history of, 2 
 
 Forant's plan for attack on, 96, 100 
 
 French policy as to (1749), 1S9-90 
 
 Piracy off, 72-3 
 
 Settlers and pioneer visitors from : on Isle Royale, 
 17-19 
 
 Sovereignty problems (1750), 184-5 
 
 Trade of Louisbourg with [see also Illicit Trade), 
 44 <■/ alibi 
 Acadian Brides, in Isle Royale, 88 
 
 Cruise to Louisbourg (1714), 18-19 
 
 Petition to De Cannes, 115, text, 125-6 
 
 Settlements on Isle Royale, 195 
 Acadian Companies, the, 1 1 
 Acadians, boat-building by, 220 
 
 Ecclesiastical affairs of, 57 
 
 French attitude to {1744), 11 3-14 
 
 Removal of, to Isle Royale : delays, difficulties, and 
 failure of, and the reasons, 14 /yy., 34-6, 
 
 , 40, 5 3-4. 197 
 Share of, in defence of Louisbourg, 246, 248 
 Untrustworthiness of (1734), 82 
 I Verville on, 53, 77 
 Admiralty Court, French, set up, 46 
 Affrirjuain, the, 18, 33, 35, 38, 40 
 Agrain, Count d', murder of, 66 
 Aillebout, D', — , and the defence of Louisbourg, 
 
 157, 160 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, and the restoration of 
 Isle Royale : other exchanges and agree- 
 ments under, 181 
 Albany, the, activities of, 186 
 Albemarle, Earl of, 195 
 Ahide, the, capture of, 196 
 Alex, Pure, 232 
 Alleghany Mountains, in French sphere of influence, 
 
 I ; difficulties concerning, 182, iS3«.6 
 Alogny, d", — , French Commander in Canada, 1 1 
 America, British Colonies in, see New England, <tf., 
 see also Colonial, Provincials, <£• Rangers 
 French and English relations in, 70 
 French possessions in, before 1713, i 
 Boundary delimitation of, i82<t-nn. 
 Pax Gallica in, bsftes of, 64 sqq. 
 
 America [coiitci.) — • 
 
 Piracy on coasts of, 62, 72, 73, it- see Piracy 
 Trading regulations for shipping between, and 
 
 Europe, 75 
 War with France waged in, by Pitt, 201 iyy. 
 
 American Colonies, tension in (174S-56), 1S3 
 Opinion on the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 181 
 
 Amherst, Captain, 2S8 
 
 Amherst, Major-General Jeffrey, and the siege of 
 Louisbourg (1758), 150, 236, 237, 242, 
 248 iyy., the capitulation, 2S5 ; thanked 
 by Parliament, 289 ; and the demolition 
 of Louisbourg defences, 228, 290-1 
 
 Anemone, the, 1S7 
 
 Angelique, the Louisbourg foundling, 187 h. 3 
 
 Annapolis Royal, 14, 174 ; early years of, and bad 
 conditions at, 40, 82, 229 ; siege of 
 (1708), 138 
 Fortifications of, 105, no, 112, 113 
 French operations against (1744), 113 sqq.; re- 
 inforcements at, 113, 122, moral effect 
 of, iiS ; Meschin's baulked attempt on, 
 117 ; vessels taken off, 119 ; new expedi- 
 tion proposed against (1744), 122; results 
 of the attacks, 133 ; Marin's attack on, 
 149 ; La Jonquiere's voyage to, 175 
 
 Anne, (^ueen, and the Acadians, 14, 16, 35 
 
 Anse, L', a la Coromandiere, 246 sqq., 249 <f;«. 1 
 
 Anse, L', a Gautier, 245, 250 
 
 Anson, Admiral Lord, 196, 203 h. i ; defeat by, 
 of La Jonquiire, 1S8 ; victory of, off 
 Finisterre, 297 ; and Warren, relations 
 between, 168, 172, 296-7, 303-4 
 
 Anson, Lady, on the chance let slip by Du Bois de 
 la Motte, 300 
 
 Anson, W., 168 
 
 Anthonay, Henri Valentin Jacques D', at the siege of 
 Louisbourg (1758), 245-6 tt«. I, 252, 285 
 Biographical note, 316 
 
 Antigonish, Acadian Indians at, 36, 65 
 
 Anville, Due d', French expedition under, against 
 Louisbourg (1746), 174, 294; body of, 
 sent to Louisbourg, 1S9 
 
 Arc-en-Ciel, V, capture of, 200, 237 
 
 Arceneau, — , canoe-voyage of, to Isle Royale, 19, 
 64 n. 1 
 
 Ardent, the, 117 
 
 Ar^t/iuse, the, 137, 269, 274-5 tt«. '' ^77> ^7^ 
 
 Argal, ■ — , foray of, 2 
 
 
 441
 
 442 
 
 INDE] 
 
 Argonaule, the, 1 1 8 
 
 Armstrong, Major Lawrence, 184 ; and illicit trade, 
 77 ; and the Indian attack on Canso, 68, 
 
 69. 97 
 Asfeild, — , d", 42 
 Atlante, the, 52, S3. 5+. 55 
 Aubigny, Captain D', loi 
 Auchmuty, Judge, on the " Importance of Cape 
 
 Breton" (pamphlet), 131, 226 
 
 Baie des Espacnols, 9, 25, 33 
 
 Baie Verte, 77, 143 
 
 Baillie, Captain, 253 «. 2 
 
 Baleine, 73«. 3, 92«. i, 109, 118, 148 
 
 Baleine, the, cargo of, 104-5 
 
 Balfour, Captain, of the fire-ship Etna, 283, 436 
 
 Barnard, Rev. John, 13S 
 
 Barnsley, Captain Henrj', 209, 210 
 
 Barrailh, — , 56 ; sent to remove Acadians, 53-4 
 
 Basques, the, and Cape Breton, 8, 9, 19, 21, 81, 
 109, 220 ; feat of, at the siege of Louis- 
 bourg (1758), 248 
 
 Bastide, Colonel J. H., 113 ; drawing by, of Louis- 
 bourg, 86 ; and the two attacks on 
 Louisbourg (1745). '34. 167; (1758), 
 237, 365. 276-9 
 
 Beaubassin, burning of, 185 
 
 Beaucour, — (or Beaucours), 37 ; and the Louisbourg 
 defences, 34, 50, 55 
 
 Beaudeduit, — , 232 
 
 Beauffremont, — , De, 232 ; English fleet evaded by, 
 202, 203, 244 
 
 Beauharnois and Hocquart, convoy demanded by, 
 119 ; storehouse proposed by, 98 
 
 Beaus^jour Fort, Acadia, and its commandants, 186 
 <£•«». i<t2, 194 ; fall of, 197, 235 «. I 
 
 Beaussier de Lisle, — , sea-fight of, with Holmes, 
 199-200, 210 sqq., 294, 299 ; squadron 
 of, at siege of Louisbourg (1758), 244, 
 272 
 
 Bea'ver, the, 238 
 
 Bedford, Duke of, instructions to Cornwallis, 184 
 
 Begon, — , Intendant of Canada, 11, 13 
 
 Bennett, Lieut., see Mascarene and Bennett 
 
 Benoit, — , and the lost Scout, 148 
 
 Berrichon, — , firm ot, 20 
 
 Berwick, Duke of, 58 
 
 Bibliography, 426-32 
 
 Bien Aim^, the, 138 
 
 Bienjaisant, the, at the siege of Louisbourg, 280 ; 
 crew landed, 273 ; capture of, 284, 436 
 
 Bienville, — , De, Ohio expedition of, 186 
 
 Bigot, Francois, Commissaire-Ordonnateur, activities 
 of, in Isle Royale, 94 jyy., 1S8 ; and the 
 siege of Louisbourg (1745), '4^ •''"■ 4. ^^^ 
 . King's cash secured by, 165 ; later offices 
 held by, i8Sn. i 
 On the cost of living in Isle Royale, 103, 104 ; on 
 sales of prize ships, 119 ; on illicit trade, 
 loo-i, and on trade with New England, 
 104, and with the West Indies, 226 ; on 
 the Swiss mutiny, 123-4; on value of 
 land in Louisbourg (1739), ^7 
 
 Biographical Notes on persons mentioned in the 
 
 body of the book, 3 1 5 ;yy. 
 Bizarre, the, 245, 266, 301 
 BlanhforJ, the, capture of, 198 
 Boarding, French love for, 297 
 Bois Berthelot, Du, — , and illicit trade, loi 
 Bois, Cardinal Du, attitude of, to England, 71, 295 
 Bois de la Motte, — , Admiral Du, and his fleet, 
 
 196, 203, 205, 232, 234, 245, 294, 297, 
 304; chance lost by, 299-301 ; maladies 
 conveyed by, to France, 243, 310 
 
 Boishebert, — , at St. John River, 185, 186, at 
 Gabarus, 204 ; and the proposed Halifa.x 
 raid, 235)/. i ; failure ot, at Louisbourg, 
 270 
 
 BoUan, — , 167 
 
 Bonaventure, Father, 16 
 
 Bonnaventure, — , and De Cannes, 82, 116 
 
 Bonrepaus, — , 42 
 
 Bonteur, Captain, 277 
 
 Booty, incentive of, 307 
 
 Borde, La, — , 270 «. i 
 
 Boscawen, Admiral Hon. Edward, and Amherst's 
 expedition against Louisbourg, 196, 236 
 sqq., 267 ii:n. 2, 286, the surrender, 284-5, 
 entry into the town, 2 8 8, thanks of 
 Parliament to, 289 
 Epitaph of, 308 «. 2 
 Fleet of (175S). 197 n- 2, ^37 'iq-, 264 
 
 List of, 261, and movements of, 413 sqq. 
 Letters to his wife, 203 n. i, 206-7, 308 
 Medals showing bust of, commemorating the tak- 
 ing ot Louisbourg, 43S-9 
 On Holbourne, 203 «. i ; on damage done in the 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence (1758), 422 ; on 
 hopes of prize-money, 308 tt n. 2 
 
 Boston, privateers of, 120 
 
 Reception at, of Warren and Shirley (1746), 174 
 Warren ordered to (1745), '+' 
 
 Boucher, — , 89 
 
 Boularderie, see de la Boularderie 
 
 Boularderie Island, 57 
 
 Bourbes, — , Des, optimism of, 200-1 ifcn.i; on 
 gambling, &c., 230, 231 ; on Indian 
 scalpings, 190 
 
 Bourdon, — , on the relative advantages of Louis- 
 bourg and other ports, 33 
 
 Bourville, Major De, Acting -Governor of Isle 
 Royale, 73, 83, 92, 9S-9 ; Louisbourg 
 fortified by, 72 ; origin of, 89 
 
 Bourzt, Marin Michel du, Marquis de St. Colombe, 
 see Marin 
 
 Bouville, Vicomte de, sea-fight of, 296 
 
 Boyer, Captain, 241 
 
 Braddock, General, sent to America, 195 ; defeat ot. 
 
 197, 201 it «. 3 
 
 Bradstrect, Colonel, and the Louisbourg expedition, 
 131, 151 ; trading interests of, 103 «. 2; 
 on prices at Louisbourg, 56 
 
 Bragg's detachment, 242, 250 
 
 Bray, Captain, of the Adventure, capture by, of the 
 Macliault, 302, 304 «. 3 
 
 Brest, blockade of, 203
 
 INDEX 
 
 443 
 
 Brick-clay of Isle Royale, 53 
 
 British [see also English) action in America after the 
 
 defeat at Fort Necessity, 195 sqq. 
 British Colonial administration, defects of, 105, 
 106-7, 1 10, 229 
 Failure to handle Indians, 63, 64, 65 sqq. 
 Forces at the siege of Louisbourg (175S) 
 Land, 262 
 
 Sea, 197 "•2, 237 sqq., 261, 26+, 413 sqq. 
 Smallpox in, 277 ttn. 2 
 Brouillant, St. Ovide de, see St. Ovide de Brouillant 
 Brown, Lieut., e.xploit of, at siege of Louisbourg, 
 
 253, Memo, re, 254-5 
 Brugnon, — , de, 301 
 Bureaucracy and the Colonist, 5 
 Burgundy, Duke of, 41 
 Burton, Colonel, 250 
 Byng, Admiral, defeat of, 182 «. i ; execution of, 199 
 
 Cailly, Lieut., or M. Charrer, of the Swiss regi- 
 ment, S7, 100, 123, trouble with, 102 
 Calcutta, fall of, 201 
 Cambis, battalion of, 245, 247, 266, 2S5 
 Canada, 59 
 
 Cold of, theory on, 23 
 
 Coureurs du bo'is of, 5, 2 1 
 
 French troops from, 1 1 
 
 Furs of, 22 
 
 Lands claimed for, 1S4 
 
 Menace to, of New England, 22, 29-30 
 
 Proposed expedition from, to retake Louisbourg, 170 
 
 Reinforcement sent to, 199 
 
 Saved by Drucour ; British proceedings against, 
 289-90' 
 
 Scarcity in, 106 
 
 Trade with Isle Royale, 43, 44, 49-50 
 
 and the Treaty of Utrecht, 2 
 
 Troops of, 194-5, 231, quality of, 13 
 
 Value of, to France, 22, 30 
 Canadians in Isle Royale, 88, 231 
 Canso, 103 
 
 Bad fish-curing at, 104 
 
 Base for Louisbourg expedition (1744), 142, 143, 147 
 
 British garrison established at, 69-70 
 
 Capture of, 109, 110-12, 113, 118, 133 
 
 Conditions at, 4, 82, 229 
 
 Defences of, 4, 69-70, no, 148 
 
 French and English fisher)' at, 62, 3ifficulties over, 
 62-3, 67, 78, 105, 106-7 
 
 Illicit trade from, 76-7, loi, 224, 405-6 
 
 Indian turbulence at, and attack on, 64 sqq. 
 
 Limestone found at, 52 
 'ijCanterbury, the, 143, captures by, i68<{;«. 2 
 
 Cape Breton, see also Isle Royale 
 J Anonymous Memoir of 1706, on its advantages, 
 I fisheries, ports, trees, possibilities, &c., 
 
 M 22 sqq. 
 
 Climate, 22, 23 
 
 Coal of, 5, 23, tfc see Coal 
 
 Correct present name of, 218 
 
 Currents off, 73 
 
 Early history, 9 sqq. 
 
 as Entrep6t, 26-7 sqq. 
 
 Cape Breton (could.) — 
 
 Famous gales at, 75, 207 sqq. 
 
 Fisheries of, see also Fisheries, and passim 
 
 Memoir on, 22, 23 sqq. 
 French ownership of, 1-2 passim {see also, and 
 
 chiefly. Isle Royale) 
 French possession retaken, 10-12 
 Maps ot, 33, 429 
 Name changes, 12 
 Ports or harbours of, 9, 18, 19, 22, 25, 32, 33 ; 
 
 names changed, 12 
 Strategic value of, 2, 30, 31 
 
 Cape Finisterre, British victory off, 297 
 
 Cape Ray, pirate headquarters, 73 
 
 Cape Sable, 144 
 
 Capon, — , mission of, to Louisbourg, 36-7 
 
 Capricieux, the, 273, 280 
 
 Carey, Captain, and the pirate, 72 
 
 Caribou, the, 1 1 1, 117 
 
 Carrerot, Marie Therese, Madame Prevost, 232 
 
 Carthagena expedition, 129 
 
 Carthagena, English victory off, 244 
 
 Castor, Le, 124 
 
 Catalogne, Joseph de, learning of, 49, and lands 
 of, 90 
 
 Caubet, — , Du, fate of, 231 
 
 Caulfield, — , Lieut. -Governor, 14 
 
 Cayenne, benefited by Forant's legacy, 291 b. 2 
 
 Ce'lihre, the, 271, 272, 280 
 
 Chabert, Marquis de, map-making by, 1S9 
 
 Chaffault, — , De, 247, 421 
 
 Chambon, De Vergor du, iS6h. 2 
 
 Chambon, Louis, Du, Governor of Isle Royale, 100, 
 116, memorandum of, on the defence- 
 needs of Louisbourg, 122, text, 126-7 j 
 position of (1745), H^, and defects of, 
 148-9; and the siege of Louisbourg, 
 147 iyy., 154, 155, 161, i6l sqq., 171; 
 and the Swiss inutiny, 123 ; vessel of, 
 taken by the English, 106-7 ; on scarcity 
 in Isle Royale, 109-10 
 
 Chambon, Mesillac Du, 149 
 
 Chameau, the, wreck of, 73 sqq., 79 
 
 Champigny, — , 42 
 
 Chapeau Rouge, see Gabarus 
 
 Char elite, the, i8, 53 
 
 Chariot Royal, the, 196 
 
 Charmante, French Indiaman, capture of, 168 
 
 Charrer, — , see Cailly 
 
 Chassin de Thierry', — , 90, 150, 229 n. 3 
 
 Chateau St. Louis, Louisbourg, 85-6 
 
 Chateaugue, — , Governor of Isle Royale, 125, 148 
 
 Chaussegros de Lery, — , on defence problems, 83 
 
 Chazel, Intendant, death by shipwreck, 74 
 
 Chebuctoo Bay, renamed after Lord Halifax, 182 
 
 Chester, the, 143 n. i, 174, 175 n. 3 ; capture by, 16S 
 
 Chignecto, Isthmus of, opposition forts on, 186; 
 marsh-reclamation at, 14 
 
 Chointeau, Pilot, death of, 74 
 
 Clark, — , Governor of New Vork, and the Louis- 
 bourg expedition, 130 
 
 Clerical Influence, New Eilgland, Cape Breton, &.C., 
 •7-i8, 53. 116-17
 
 444 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Clinton, — , Governor of New York, 139, 141 
 
 Clue, — , La, voyage of, 243, 24+ 
 
 Coal of Cape Breton (Isle Royale), 5, 6, 9, 23, 43, 
 75. 97. 106, 176, 224 
 
 Coastguard established, loi 
 
 Cobequid, Acadian removal from, 17 
 
 Cod-fishery, importance of, 3, 22, 23 jyy. et passim, 
 see also Fisheries 
 
 Cofitlogon, — , 42 
 
 Colbert, — , 6, 42, 295 ; on French colonial ad- 
 ministration, 4-5, 50 
 
 Colonial and British attitude on American boundary 
 questions, 182, 183 
 Free trade, French views on, 4-5, 9-10, 50, 77, 
 
 Prosperity, and prospects of separation from 
 
 England, 131 
 Troops [see also Provincials, and Rangers), evolu- 
 tion of, 173 
 Colonies and Colonials, European attitude to, 22, 
 
 53. 70 
 Participation in the Louisbourg expedition, 13517?., 
 
 repayment of, i66({-«. 5, 1 6j ik nn . i-^i 
 Rejoicings in, on fall of Louisbourg, 209 
 Comet, the, 120 
 Comite, the, escape of, 266 
 Commerce, damage to, by privateering, 119 
 
 and Officialism, 225-6 
 Commissaire-Ordonnateur, functions of, 44-5 
 Compagniedes Indes, see Fi-ench East India Company 
 Compagnies Franches, the, 47 
 Connecticut, share ot, in Louisbourg expedition, 137, 
 
 144, 146 
 Corbett, — , Secretary to the Admiralty, 130, 139, 
 
 140 ; on the Carthagena fight, 244 
 Corne, Chevalier La, and Lawrence, at the St. John 
 
 River, 1S5-6 
 Cornwallis, Colonel the Hon. Edward, first Governor 
 
 of Nova Scotia, 182, 1S5, 1S7, 229 
 Costebelle, Philippe Pasteur de. Governor of Isle 
 
 Royale, 10, 13, 19, 20, 32 jyy., 37, 38, 
 
 45. 53. ^4. i°2 > possessions of, 91-2 ; 
 
 voyage to France, pecuniary claims, 
 
 return, death and will, 54-5 
 On Acadian Indians, 66 ; on advantages of Port 
 
 Toulouse for capital, 32 ; on need for 
 
 trade with New England, 225 ; on his 
 
 position and associates, 37-8 
 Costebelle, Mme., fate of, 55 A- n. z ; long life of, 
 
 291 
 Couagne, — , De, 12, 13, 19, 34, 27, 90 
 Couange family, engineering work of, 49 
 Councils, set up by the French Regent, 41 
 Cour-Gayet, — , La, on the French Navy Board, 
 
 41, 42 
 Courbon de Blenac, Chevalier, 245 ; biographical 
 
 notes on, 316 
 Courcey, Captain de, 35 
 Coureurs du Bois, 5, 21 
 Crosby, — , Governor of New York, in favour of 
 
 attacking Louisbourg, 130 
 Cross, the, of St. Louis, 60-1, 270 
 Holders of, at Louisbourg, 6 1 <1- n. i 
 
 Cunninghame, James, on preparations at Halifax for 
 
 Amherst's expedition, 237 S(j(j. 
 Cuthbert, Lieut., 253);. 2 
 
 Daccarette, firm of, 20 ; and illicit trade, 78 
 Daccarette family, marriages of, 90, 270 n. i 
 Daccarette, Michel, the elder, 270 n.i 
 Daccarette, Michel, the younger, at the siege of 
 
 Louisbourg, 270 <t n. i, 287 
 Dangeac, — , 291 
 Dangeac family, 90-1 
 Daniel, Captain, 9 
 Darvers, Admiral, 139 n. i 
 Dauphin Bastion, 269 
 Dauphin Royal, the, 208 
 
 Deblois, Gilbert, on trading methods {1759), 7-8 
 D(fenseur, the, 196 
 
 Defensive offensive, instance of, 133, 134 
 de la Borde, Treasurer of Isle Royale, 234 ; trial of, 
 
 233 H.I 
 
 de la Boularderie, Poupet, 11, 52 ; and the Canso 
 expedition, 1 1 1 «. 2 ; and the defence 
 of Louisbourg, 149, taken prisoner, 
 150 <t «. I ; grants of land secured by, 
 57-8 ; pension to, 291 ; ventures of, j8 
 & n. 3 
 
 de la Boularderie, Mme., 230 
 
 de la Boularderie, — , the younger, 58 
 
 de la Chasse, Father, on grace among Indians, 65 
 
 Delaforest, — , house of, 87 
 
 De la Houliere, Mathieu Henri Marchant (or Des 
 Houliires), biographical notes on, 325-6 ; 
 Commander of land forces at the defence 
 of Louisbourg (1758), 245 it n. 7 
 
 De la Maisonfort, see Maisonfort 
 
 de la Marche, Father Dominique, 12, 54 ; on the 
 Acadians, 35 
 
 De la Martiniere, — , 1S6 n. 2 
 
 de la Perelle, Eurry, and the capitulation of Louis- 
 bourg, 163 
 
 de la Perelle, Mme. Eurry, life of, 291 
 
 de la Perrelle, Major, 12, 35, 46 h. 2 ; and the Swiss 
 mutiny, 123 
 
 De la Tour, family, 90, 103 
 
 de la Valliiire, — , 1 1, 12 
 
 de la Valliere, family, 90, marriages of, 270 n. i 
 
 de I'Esperance, Baron, marriages of, and of his 
 descendants, 90, 91, and later life, 291 
 
 De I'Etandu^re, — , 191 n. i 
 
 Deloit, — , marriage of, 90 
 
 Demarets, — , 40 
 
 Denis, — , marriage of, 270 n. i 
 
 Denis, Messieurs, of Tours, and Cape Breton, 12 
 
 Deny, Sieur, on the Fishing Industry of Isle Royale, 
 2 1 8 sqq. 
 
 Denys, see La Ronde Denys 
 
 Denys, Nicholas, settlements of, on Isle Royale, 9 
 
 De Ruvyne, Captain, 291 
 
 Desenclaves, — , 116, on sea-power, 3 1 1 
 
 Devonshire, Duke of, 201 
 
 De-Tjonshire, the, 238 
 
 Diana, the, 436 
 
 Diane, the, 188, capture of, 237, 238
 
 f 
 
 INDEX 
 
 445 
 
 Dieskau, capture of, 197, 199 
 
 Doloboratz, the privateer, no, 117, 118, 124, 125, 
 234; capture of, 118, 13S, report by, 
 on New England towns, 121-2, 128 
 
 Doucette, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, 54 -X- n.i 
 
 Doughty, Dr. A. G., 289 n. 3 
 
 Douglass, Captain, of the MermaiJ, 156 ; on the 
 French colonial fisheries, 227 ; on Shirley, 
 129 n. 2, 167 
 
 Dragon, the, 245 
 
 Dromedary, the, 74 
 
 Drucour, Chevalier Augustin de. Governor of Isle 
 Royale, 230, biographical notes on, 316 
 iyy. ;, character of, 2S7 ; reliance on 
 Prevost, 231 ; earlier career, 233 ; diffi- 
 culties, kc, at Louisbourg, 233 ; and the 
 blockades of Louisbourg, 195 jyy., 245 
 jyy., 266 irjq. ; capitulation of, 284-6 ; on 
 British handling of ships in port, 296 
 
 Drucour, Mme., 276 ; charm and courage of, 
 
 233-4, 281 
 
 Due d'Anjou, the, :i8 
 
 Duchaffault, — , 245, 266 
 
 Dudley, Governor Joseph, 64 
 
 Duguay-Trouin, — , 41 
 
 Dundonald, 7th Earl of, killed, 277 n. 3 
 
 Dunkirk, dismantling of, 181 
 
 Dupleix, — , 196 
 
 Durrell, Captain, of the El'.ham, 142 ; as com- 
 modore at siege of Louisbourg, 158, 251, 
 squadron of, 238 ; as Rear-Admiral of 
 British American fleet, 290 
 
 Durrell, Captain P., of the Siiperbe, on the capture 
 of the l'igila?it, 1 56 «. 4 
 
 Dutch view on the Franco-British conflict of 1755, 198 
 
 Dwight, Joseph, Colonel of Artillery, Louisbourg 
 expedition, 138 
 
 Echo, the, capture of, 266 
 
 Edgecumbe, Captain, 288 
 
 Edward, Captain, 168 
 
 Elt/iam, the, 142, 144, 156; log of, on capture of 
 
 Figilauf, 177 
 Emerson, Rev. Joseph, diary cited, 15S ctH. 3 
 England, and control of the narrow seas, 181 
 Naval strength of {see alio English Navy), 201 
 Punic faith of, 70, 196 
 English anticipations of war [iiria 1753-5), 193 «• 3 
 Colonies, shipping of, table of, 222 
 
 Cargoes carried, list of, 224 
 Garrison of Louisbourg, 173 
 
 Difficulties of recruiting, 173 
 Na\'y, non-aristocratic character of, 304 
 Movements of (1757), 202 iyy. 
 Numbers and guns (1751 & i75S), 295 
 Promotion in, 302 
 Opinion on the Treaty of Aix-Ia-Chapelle, 181 
 Trade with Louisbourg, documents on, 402-3 
 D'Entiemont, Charles, Sieur de Pobomicou, Acadian 
 
 settler, 17 
 Entreprenant, the, 271, 272, 273 
 Esp&ance, V, 196 ; fight of, with Orford, 297 
 d'EstimauviUe, — , property owned by, 157 «. 3 
 
 D'Estournel, — , suicide of, 174 
 
 D'Estrees, President, French Navy Board, 42 
 
 Etna, fire-ship, 283 
 
 Eugene, Prince, Wolfe's likeness to, 315 
 
 E'vetiing Post, on French colonial administration, 183 
 
 Faneuil, — , of Boston, trade of, with Louisbourg, 
 
 76, 78, 224 
 Felix, Father, 36 
 Ferraud, — , 42 
 Fierrot, Lieut., 90 
 Fish exports of Louisbourg, 75 
 Fish-curing defects, 104 
 Fish-glue trade, 97, 106 
 Fisheries of the North Atlantic, z sqq. passim 
 
 Chief concern of British 18th-century colonists, 131 
 and Commerce, 33, 43 
 
 French regulations and resultant friction, 49 
 Neutrality of, proposed and refused {1744), 112 
 Seamen from, 32, 220, 228 
 Vicissitudes of, 39 et alibi 
 Fishermen of Isle Royale, value of, 3, 21, 220, 
 
 228 
 Fisher)' troubles, as occasioning the Louisbourg ex- 
 pedition, 133 
 Fishing Boundaries, defective documents on, 107 
 Fishing Firms of Isle Royale, memorial of, on trading 
 
 by officers, 78, 398 sqq. 
 Flat Point, Gabarus Bay, British landing at, 149, 150 
 Fletcher, Colonel, 251 
 
 Fteur de Lys, log of, on the storm of 1757, 207-8 
 Fleury, Cardinal, and Isle Royale Fisheries, 226 ; 
 
 and the Navy, 295 
 Fones, Captain, of the Tartar, 144, 156 
 Forant, Captain Isaac Louis, Governor of Isle Royale, 
 
 94ctH. I ; improvements and plans (with 
 
 Bigot), 95 sqq. ; death of, and summary 
 
 of character, 98 ; legacy of, 98, 291 h. 2 
 Formidable, Le, 245 
 Fort Gaspareaux, 194, fall of, 197 
 Fort Necessity, French victory at, 195 
 Foster, Colonel, 250 
 
 Foudroyant, surrender of, to Monmouth, 244 
 France, colonial trade with, restrictions on and 
 
 results [see also Illicit trade), 75 sqq. 
 Financial state of, at end of Louis XIV'. 's reign, 
 
 as reacting on Isle Royale, 37, 39 sqq. 
 France and England, war bet%veen, see War 
 Franquet, — , Director-General of Fortifications at 
 
 Louisbourg, 189, 191, 197-8, 234, 245, 
 
 283, 285 
 Free trade of Colonies, Colbert on, 4-5, 50, Raudot 
 
 on, 9-10, 77, 225 
 French accounts of the British landing at Louisbourg 
 
 (1758), 260 
 Admiralty, increased vigour of, at Louisbourg 
 
 (i75')> 19' 
 Chivalry, instances of, 19S, 209 
 Colonial administration, principles of, ^sqq., 50, 84, 
 
 183, 228, weakness of, 66sqq., So, 170 
 Colonial empire, before 1713, i, advantage of, 
 
 to France, 310, extent of, 295, loss of, 
 
 causes of, 3 10- 11
 
 446 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Frencli {conlJ.) — 
 
 Colonial policy, and relations with the English, 
 
 35-6, 70, 82-3, 189-90^^7. 
 Competition in colonial trade, English recognition 
 
 of, 226 jyy. 
 Council of Commerce, 6 
 Encroachments at Canso, Smart's action, St. 
 
 Ovide's attitude, 62-3 
 Fishing Rights, oft" Newfoundland, 1-2, 10 
 Forces at siege of Louisbourg (1758) 
 Military, 2+5, 248, 263, 265 
 Naval, 244179., 263, 265 
 Merchants, and the Isle Royale-New England 
 
 trade, 224-5 
 Military characteristics, 161 
 Missionaries, self-sacrifice of, 64, 65 
 Navy, 3, 41-2 
 
 Compared with British, 294 J77., 304, 309 
 Fleets in American waters (1757), list of, 203 >i. 2 
 Ineffectiveness at Louisbourg (1758), causes, 
 
 286, 292, 294177., 302, 303-4 
 Numbers and guns (1751 & 1755), 295 
 Operations (1756-7), 199-200, 202/77. 
 Seamanship and strategy of, 203, 296, 297 
 Deterioration in (1758), 243-4, an"! revival 
 (1763), aid given by, to America, 310 
 Navy Board, 41, and Isle Royale, 42, 43 ^77. 
 
 Naval minister substituted for, 71 
 Promises to Acadians, 16 ; non-fulfilment of, 
 
 53.5+ 
 Reinforcements for Canada and Louisbourg (1754), 
 
 195, 196 
 Rights in America, English violation of, 183 <t«. 6 
 Skill in handling Indians, 64J77. 
 Territories returned in 1748, 181 
 Troops in America, see Canada, Troops of, i 
 Indians 
 French East India Company, growth of, 169, ships 
 
 of, 307, capture of, 1 17-18, 168 
 French West Indies, trade with, 43-4 
 Frires de Charite, the, 57 <£,•«. i 
 Fresh Water Cove, location of, problem of, 249, 
 
 (/■ 247 
 Fresnel du Motel, — , Du, on Indian scalpings, 190 
 Fullavie, the, 1 1 8 
 
 Fundy, Bay of, fertile shores of, 14, 19 
 Fur entrepot trade of Louisbourg, 75 
 Fur trade, the, 2, 3, 22 
 Furber, Jethro, on Louisbourg, circa 17 15, 21 
 
 Gabarus Bay (Chapeau Rouge), 51, 138 «. i, 204 ; 
 described, 246-7 ; landings at, 143, 147, 
 149-50, 237, 242, 251-3 <i-n. 2 
 
 Gallissonnierre, Roland Michel Barrin, Count de la. 
 Governor of Canada and Acadia, 184, 
 185-6; career of, defeat by, of Byng, 
 182 ». I, 244 
 
 Gannes, Captain De, 82 ; and the Annapolis opera- 
 tions, 1 1 5-1 6 ; Acadian petition to, 115, 
 text, 125-6 
 
 Gannes-Falaise, De, family, 90 
 
 Gaspee Expedition and other matters. Journal of, 
 417-22 
 
 Gaulin, Father, 16, 36, and the Indians, 66 
 
 Gauticr, the scout, 235 
 
 Gayton, Captain, of the Bien Aim/e, 139 
 
 Geary, Captain, of the Somerset, 197 
 
 Georgia, failure of, 4 
 
 Germanj', "as ruinous abyss" to France, 201 
 
 Gibraltar, the, 206 
 
 Gibson, John, or James, and the siege of Louisbourg, 
 
 '3^> '37 i '■"'''/> 89 ; on the siege and 
 
 surrender of Louisbourg, i53-4itn., 164 
 Gooch, — , Governor of Virginia, on umbrage given 
 
 bv grants, 183 
 Gordon, William Augustus, and his Journal of the 
 
 Siege oj' Louisbourg in IJSS, 428, cited, 280 
 Gorham, Colonel, and the attack on Island Battery, 
 
 157, 161 ; raid by, on the St. John 
 
 River, 185 
 Goutins, ■ — , Des, Treasurer, 79 
 Gouttes, Captain le Marquis Charry Des, 244 ; 
 
 biographical notes on, 320 ; inefficiency 
 
 at siege of Louisbourg, 267, 269, 271-3 
 
 &n. 3, 274, 280, 301 
 Governors, functions of, 44, 45 
 
 Instructions to, 8 
 Grafion, the, 294 
 Grand Banks, the, distances from, table of, 22 1 it «. a ; 
 
 piracy at, 72, 73 
 Grand Battery, Louisbourg, 150-1, 268, 269 
 Grand St. Esprit, Le (ship), 189 
 Grant, Ensign, exploit of, 253, memo re, 255 
 Granville, Earl, 196 
 Gras, — , Le, privateer, 120 
 Gridley, Richard, of the artillery, 167 ; map of 
 
 Louisbourg by, 138 
 Grouard, Pierre, i^' others, illicit trading by, 76 
 Guay, Comte du, 299 h. j 
 Guebriant, — , 307 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence, see St. Lawrence, Gulf of 
 
 Hale, Captain, on fish-fare at Louisbourg, 230 
 Halifax, Nova Scotia, 308 
 
 Base for British operations against Louisbourg, 
 
 197;;. 3, 236 J77. 
 Death at, of D'Anville, 174 
 Foray against, planned by Drucour, 233 tfc h. i 
 Garrison of, 204 
 Naming of, 182 
 Reinforcements sent to, 289 
 Surlavilles report on, 193 
 Halifax, the, engaged, 242-3 
 Hamilton, — , on the burning of the French ships 
 
 at Louisbourg, 2S0-1 
 Hanbury, John, 183 
 Handfield, Colonel, 251 
 
 Hardy, Rear- Admiral Sir Charles, captures by, 196, 
 237, 238 
 Second-in-command to Boscawen in the attack on 
 
 Louisbourg (175S), 236/77., 265, 288 
 Squadron under (1757)1 202; (175^), 236, 238, 
 264, movements of, 413/77., 417 J77. 
 Hastings, the, 141 
 Hawt, the, privateer, 121 
 Hawke, Admiral, naval doings of, 198
 
 INDEX 
 
 447 
 
 Hector, the, I43<t«. i 
 
 Henriau family, 291 
 
 Henshaw, — , 68 
 
 Herbier, Charles Des, Sieur de la Katiire, first 
 Governor of the restored Isle Royale 
 {1749), 187 ; and Prevost, 231 ; reforms 
 of, 188-9 > relations of, with the English, 
 189-90 ; retirement of, 190-1 ; on Eng- 
 lish trade with Louisbourg, 403-4 
 
 Hercule, the, i 3 
 
 Heretics, Indian hostility to, 65 
 
 .Hermitte, Major L", an engineer, losqrj., 18, 48; 
 and the Louisbourg fortifications, 13, 
 19, 20, 32, 33, 34, 50 ; later career and 
 death of, 34, 50, 74 ; letter of, to 
 Nicholson, on Acadian removal, 15 ; 
 views of, on Acadians as settlers, 19, on 
 Canadian soldiers, 13 
 
 Heron, Captain Patrick, and the fall of Canso, iii, 
 112, 11; 
 
 Heron, French Indiaman, capture of, 168 
 
 Heros, the, 19 
 
 He'ros, Le, Beaussier's ship, 199 
 
 Heureux, U (ship), 191 
 
 Highland Regiments, dash of, 253 ; Wolfe on, 241 
 
 Hind, the, 141 
 
 Hiromlelle, the, illicit trading by, 76 
 
 Hobby, Colonel, 16 
 
 Hocquart, see Beauharnois and Hocquart 
 
 Hogue, La, French defeat at, 243, Louis XIV. on, 310 
 
 Holbourne, Vice -Admiral, squadron under and 
 blockade by, of Louisbourg (1757), 197 
 «. 3, 202-3 '^ "■ ■> ^°+) ^'^S '^ "■ "> 210, 294, 
 235, 299, failure of, 204-5 i prizes taken 
 by, list of, 206 
 
 Holmes, Commodore Charles, fight of, with Beaussier, 
 ships engaged, and accounts of, 199, 
 210 S(jg., other operations by, 200 
 
 Hopkins, Lieutenant, exploit of, at siege of Louis- 
 bourg, 253, memo re, 254-5 
 
 Hopson, Colonel Peregrine (later General), as 
 Governor of Isle Royale, 176, Louisbourg 
 handed over by, on the Peace, 187 ; and 
 the siege of Louisbourg (1758), 238, 266 
 n. I, 285 
 
 How, Captain, murder of, 1S6 
 
 Hniter, the, 283 
 
 Illicit trading, 7, 76, 77, 78, 84, loc, loi, 18S, 
 223, 224 jyy. ; documents on, 404 jyy. 
 
 Illmtre, the, 199 
 
 India, English gains in, by Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 i8i 
 
 Indians, sec also Micmac, and Mohawk 
 
 Acadian, aid gi\en by, to crew of the wrecked 
 Tilbury, 209 ; attack by, on Canso, 68- 
 70 i captures by, 176 ; number of, 66 ; 
 pillage by, 113 j relations with French 
 and English, 31, 635^^., 190; seaman- 
 ship of, 67 
 Allies of the French, 54, 65, 66, 109, 113, 114, 
 185, 197, 240, 246, 248, 424-5 
 lexible, V (ship), 208 
 
 Ingonish or Ninganiche, 57-8 ; fishery of, 71 ; illicit 
 trading at, loi ; piracy at, 73 ,- rise of, 
 5 ; settlement at, 7 1 ; wreck at, 8 1 
 
 Innis, Captain, of the Hind, 141 
 
 Intrepide, the 187 
 
 Isabeau and Ganet, and the Louisbourg fortifications, 
 45. 55 
 
 Island Battery, the, 122, 155, 157, 158, 160-2, 164, 
 172, destruction of, 268, 269 
 
 Isle Madame, attempt at settlement on, 59 ; English 
 fishers at, 67 ; wreck on, 52 
 
 Isle Royale {see also Cape Breton, and Louisbourg), 
 
 5. .'9> 21 
 Administration, see Maurepas, Navy Board, Pont- 
 
 chartrain. Governors, under their names, 
 
 &c., passim 
 Chabert's map of, 189 
 Climate, 5, 92-3 
 Commerce and Trade {see also Coal, Fisheries, and 
 
 Illicit trade), ydsqq., zzsqq., 43-4, 52-3, 
 
 75' 97. 22+ W-. 
 Effect on, of privateering, 121 
 Foreign trade, documents on, 397 sqq. 
 Defence of, Wolfe on, 286 h. i 
 Defences, see Fortifications, under Louisbourg 
 Drink prohibitions {see also Drunkenness, under 
 
 Louisbourg), 8, 102 
 Early settlements, 9, 1 2 sqq. 
 Entrepbt for trade, 6, 26, 27, 30, 43, 77, 229 
 Families from, on return to Rochefort 
 Pensions to, 291, 354, 355577- 
 of Officers, on the return to Rochefort, list of, 
 
 347 m- 
 Famine and frequent scarcity at, 4, 13, 39, 43 sqq., 
 8i-2, 98, 103, 104, 106, 109-10, 131-3, 
 229, 230, 234-5 
 Farms and private estates in, 89 
 Fisheries, 8, 20-1, Z2 sqq., 33, 38, 43, 48, 52, 62, 
 71-2, 85, 97, 104, 106, 2\%sqq., 226 
 
 Computation as managed before 1745, 380/77. 
 
 Quantities and values (1718-55), 382 
 French expenditure on (1721-57), 370 
 Game regulations, 9 1 h. i 
 Negro servants in, 88 
 Piratical attacks on, 72, 93 
 Population, growth of, 71, 85 
 
 Tables of, 371-9 
 Restored to France (1748), iSi, 187 
 Roads in, 89 
 Shipping of, tabulation, 221, 222 
 
 Vessels in and out, bought and built, 382, 383177. 
 Smallpox brought to, by the Ruby, 81 
 Sources of sustenance, 44 
 State of, early iSth century, -izsqq., causes, 37, 
 
 39 m- 
 
 Trees of, 9, 23, 32 
 
 Troops and Officers, see under Louisbourg 
 
 Under British rule {cf. Louisbourg), 1746, 174. sqq. 
 
 a Victory of Peace, 229 
 Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island), and the 
 Acadians, 19, 54, and Indians, 66 ; agri- 
 culture at, 97-8 ; attacks on, 166, 289, re- 
 sults, 290; attempts at settlement on, 589-
 
 448 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jacobs, Captain, of the Kmnington, 251 n. 
 
 Jamaica, pirates of, 7S 
 
 Jamaica, the, and her Captain, 304 n. i 
 
 Jason, the, 9+, 96 
 
 JetFo, Captain, of the S^vallo-iu, privateer, 120 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, 65 
 
 Johnstone, James, of Moffat, Chevalier, 247 n. i ; 
 biographical notes on, 320-3 ; on Louis- 
 bourg betore and during the siege, 193 
 jyy., 230, 231, 274; on the storm of 
 
 •757, 207 
 
 Jonquiire, — , La, Governor of Canada, 174; and 
 the Acadian territories, 1S5-6 ; defeat ot, 
 by Anson, 18S, 297<£-«.4 ; and Prevost, 
 232 ; reply to, of Des Hcrbiers on English 
 trade with Louisbourg, 403-4 ; and the 
 survivors of D'Anville's expedition, 174 
 
 Joubert, Sieur, biographical notes on, 276 tt n. 2, 291 ; 
 on spruce beer at Louisbourg, 230 
 
 Juno, the, 250 
 
 Justinien, Father, 16 
 
 Karrer Regiment, see Swiss Regiment 
 Kennington, the, engaged, 242-3 
 Kersaint, Captain, oi La Renomm^e, 144 
 Kersaint, Cofitnempren de, on the state of the French 
 
 Navy (1755)- =94 
 Kidd, Captain, treasure of, 73 n. i 
 Kilby, — , attack on Louisbourg urged by, 130 
 Kinsale, the, iiocfcw. 3, damage done by (1744), 
 
 119, 120 
 Knowles, Captain Charles, and the Superbe, 141, 173, 
 269 ; Governor of Isle Royale, 174-6, 
 foresight of, 174, i76tC'H. 3, promotion 
 of, 176 ; on irregularities in British 
 Colonies, 406-7 
 
 Laforest, — , 39, 63 
 
 Laforey, Commander John, of the Hunter, 2S3 <t- n. 2, 
 436 
 
 Lage de Ramezay, — , de, death of, 74 
 
 Lagoudalie, Father, 116 
 
 Lagrande, — , and illicit trade, loi 
 
 Lambart, — , at Belle Isle, 253 
 
 Langis brothers, and Du Caubet, 231 
 
 Lark, the, and other reinforcements, for Warren, 
 143 «. I 
 
 La Ronde Denis or Denys, Captain, Chevalier de 
 Saint Louis, 11, 12, 13, 20, 47, 54 ; and 
 the Annapolis Mission, 15-17, 53, 185 n. ; 
 biographical notes on, 323-5 ; Costebelle 
 on, 37 ; oratory of, 16 ; Port Dauphin 
 favoured by, 32 ; on the Acadians, 35-6 
 
 Lartigue, — , attainments of, 49 ; and illicit trade, 78 ; 
 at the two sieges of Louisbourg, 49, 
 15S «. 4, map by, 49 ; on the defences of 
 Louisbourg, 247 n. 3 
 
 Lascelles, — , 266 n. \ 
 
 Law, John, of Lauriston, schemes of, 41, 57, the one 
 successful, 169 
 
 Lawrence, Major, expedition of, against La Come, 
 185-6 
 
 Lawrence, Brigadier-General, and Amherst's expedi- 
 tion against Louisbourg, 202, 236/77. 
 
 Lescarbot, — , 8 
 
 Lighthouse Battery, Louisbourg, 161-2, 266 
 
 Ligondcz, Major, Costebelle on, 37 ; on the Louis- 
 bourg officers, 38 
 
 Ligonier, Lord, and munitions, 242 
 
 Limestone of Isle Royale, 52 
 
 Litant, Captain Pierre, taken prisoner, 168 
 
 London, rejoicing in, on fall of Louisbourg (175S), 
 2S8-9 
 
 Loppinot, — , and the capitulation of Louisbourg 
 
 (.758), 284-5 
 
 Lorambec, Grand et Petit, 73«. 3, 109, 148 
 
 Loring, Captain Joshua, 143 
 
 Loudon, Lord, Commander-in-Chief in America, 
 plans of, 202, failure of, 203-4 ; superseded 
 by Abercromby, 236 
 
 Louis XIV., 37 ; and the Acadians, 34, 35, 40 ; 
 and European conquest, i, 295 ; France 
 under, 5, decline ot, 39 sqq. ; and Louis- 
 bourg, 32 ; death of, 41 ; on the defeat 
 at La Hogue, 310 
 
 Louis XV., accession of, 41 ; end of the Regency, 
 71 ; foreign trade prohibited by, to 
 colonies, 226 ; French Navy in reign of, 
 41 ; neglect by, of Louisbourg, 107-8 ; 
 policy of, as to Isle Royale and Nova 
 Scotia, 189-90179. ; and the Seven Coun- 
 cils, 41 ; and the Treaty of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, 180 ; on using Indians as 
 allies, 109 
 
 Louis XVL, 296 
 
 Louisbourg, Foundation and Naming of, 1 sqq. 
 After its return to France {circa 1 749), 182, 187 sqq. 
 Bells of, 88 
 Blockades of, ig^ sqq., 197, 200, 204, 218, 229, 
 
 23.4, 235, 236-7 
 British garrisons at (1748 & 1760), 173, 176, 290 
 Choice of, as capital, 32 sqq., 59 
 as Clearing-House, 228 
 Commerce, Industry and Trade at {see also Fisheries 
 
 umier Isle Royale, and Illicit trade), 21, 
 
 53, 56, 218 iqq., 221 ct n. 3 Jyy., 226-7, 
 
 228-9 
 Exports to various markets, 388-9, 394, 395, 
 
 396 
 Imports from various markets, 390 - 3, 394, 
 
 395 
 Lack of balance of, 76. cf Ch. XII. 
 Merchants' attitude to illicit trading, 77-8 
 Documents of the Service Hydrographique de la 
 
 Marine, relative to, 433-5 
 Drunkenness and canteens at, 4, 20, 37, 47, 59, 
 
 79. 95. loz. 123. '52. 189. '93. '94. 
 
 237, 277 «. 3 
 Early days of (1713). '. i2-'3. ('7"4). i8-'9> 
 
 .(>7'5). 37. (i7'6). 43 W-> ('73'). ^^W- 
 Ecclesiastics and their properties at, 87, 88, 89 
 Embargo on trade with (1744), 118 
 as Entrepot, 75, 77, 97, 223, 224-5, 229, 28a 
 Expeditions against (1744), 122, 128, iigsqq., 
 
 (1758), lid sqq., 428
 
 INDEX 
 
 449 
 
 Louisbourg {contd.) — 
 
 Fortifications at various periods, 4, 13 sqq., 34, 37, 
 45. 49. 50. 51. 55. 59. 72. 85, 99, 101, 
 107, 193-4. 19S. 228-9, 234. 2+6-7, 370. 
 409 jyy. 
 
 Hospital, and tax for, 34, 49, 56-7, 86 
 
 Illegitimacy at, 8S-9 
 
 Lighthouse built at, 79 
 
 Map of, by D wight, 138 
 
 Medals relative to, 436-9 
 
 Merchants of, see Daccarette, Onfroy, <t others 
 
 Munitions at (1740), 99<t«. 2, (1745), 408, (1759), 
 292, 293 ■ 
 
 Naval action off (1756), 199, tt see Beaussier 
 
 Pitt's policy as to, 202 
 
 Plans of, list of, 429 jyy., 433 
 
 Population in 1715, composition and occupations 
 of, 20-1, 56, 87-8, 175 
 
 Possible return of, to France (1758), Pitt's in- 
 structions in view of, 290 
 
 Principal buildings, 85 xyy. ; merchants' and other 
 houses, 87 
 
 Prizes captured off, 167-8, 229, 23S, 266, list 
 of, 205-6 
 
 Refugees from, in France, 61, provision for, 291, 
 
 354, 355 "il- 
 Reinforcements sent to (1758), 244-5 
 Religious houses at, 87 
 Reshipment of inhabitants to France, 165 
 Return of the former inhabitants, 188 
 Scarcity at, see Famine and Scarcity, under Isle 
 
 Royale 
 Shipbuilding at, 85 
 Social lite at, 92, 229 sqq. 
 Spelling and pronunciation of, 138 n. i 
 Storehouse for, 98, 103, 104, 235 
 Storms, memorable, at, 75, 204, 207 s/jq. 
 Strategic importance of, 9, 21, 22, 83, 107 
 Troops and Officers (French) at [see also Drunken- 
 ness, Swiss Regiments, and Officers under 
 their Names), 4, 20, 34, 368, 43, 46 /yy., 
 
 63, 89 *??•. 95. 1°' m-> '°5. 107. 
 148 (l'». 4 
 Officers, Families of, at Rochefort, list of, 347 
 Fishing by, forbidden, 48, 52 
 List of (1747), 331-46 
 Marriages and means of, 90-1 
 Uniforms, rations, pay, ice, 46 sqq., 60 
 Louisiana, 5, 59 
 
 Loutre, Le, Abb^, 116 ; French policy carried out 
 by, in Acadia, 190 <t«. 3 ; Indians of, in 
 Isle Royale, 235;;.! 
 Louvois, Marquis de, 5, 23, 295 
 Ludloiv Castle, the, 238 
 Lys, the, capture of, 196 
 
 MacDonald, — , book by, on last siege of Louis- 
 bourg, 287 
 acDonald, Captain James, Pepperrell's opinion of, 
 
 155 i-«. 4 ; on the capture of the Vigilant, 
 
 156 n. 4 
 \achault, privateer, fine fight of, 304 n. 3 
 'cKellar, — ,265 
 
 Magnifiqiie, the, in the drift ice, 239 «. i, 244 
 Maillard, Abbe, and his Indians, troubles caused by, 
 
 270-1 ; on the Annapolis affiiir, 115-16 
 Maisonfort, Captain Alexandre Boisdescourt de la, 
 biographical notes on, 326-7 ; fight of, 
 in the Vigilant {q.-TJ.), i56<t«. 4, 157, 
 
 '77, 199. 297 
 
 Marguerite, the, 173 
 
 Marie Joseph, the, 17 
 
 Marin, Lieut. -Col. (Marin Michel du Bourzt), bio- 
 graphical notes on, 327-9 ; and the siege 
 of Louisbourg, 149, 176, 252, 277 
 
 MaroUes, — , 271 n. 4 
 
 Mars, the, 118, 124 
 
 Martengo, illicit trade at, loi, 224 
 
 Mascarene, Major, Governor of Nova Scotia, negoti- 
 ations by (with Bennet), at Annapolis, 16, 
 53 ; in command at Annapolis, 1 12-14, 
 116; on Canso defences, no h. 3 
 
 Masonr)' 1;. Earthworks, 51 
 
 Massachusetts, Finances of (1744), 128 
 Fisheries of, decline of, 128 
 and the Louisbourg expedition, 12% sqq., 172 
 
 Massachusetts, the, 143 
 
 Massachusetts, privateer, exploits of, 1 20 
 
 Massey, — ,68 
 
 Massiac, — , 83 
 
 Maurepas, — , as Minister of the Navy, 71 
 Attitude of, to intercolonial trade, TJ sqq. 
 and Isle Royale, its Governors and requirements, 
 66, 67, 79-80, 83-4, 94, 99, loo-i, 103, 
 105, 107, 109, 122, 14S, iSo, 229 
 and the Navy, 295 ctwn. 2 cfc 4, 296, 299 
 
 Mercury, the, at Louisbourg, 79 
 
 Mermaid, the, 141, 142, 157; captures by, 168; 
 log of, on capture oi l^igilant, 177 
 
 Meschin, Lieut. Jeremie de, of the Semslack, 1 1 i: «. 2, 
 32, 117, 118,294; feast given by, 39, 92; 
 on Capon's mission, 36-7 
 
 Messervy, Colonel, 277;;. 2 
 
 Mezy, — De [see also Normant, Le), Commissaire- 
 Ordonnateur, 45, 50, 54, 59. 78, 92 ; 
 long sea-faring life of, 73ct'n.2 ; general 
 slackness of, and supersession of, 79-So ; 
 piratical robbery from, 73 ; residence of, 
 87; on Foreign trade, see St. Ovideand, 76 
 
 Mezy, — De, junior [see also Normant, Le), made 
 Commissaire-Ordonnateur, 80-1 
 
 Micmac Indians, 36 
 
 Milly, Sieur Jean, estate of, 89 
 
 Minas, Acadian removal from. 17 
 
 Miniac, Father, 116 
 
 Minorca, loss of, 182 h.i, 199, 201, 244 
 
 Mirabeau, Chevalier de, refusal by, of a squadron, 243 
 
 Miramichi, Murray's proceedings at, 421-2, 423 
 
 Mir^, or Mira, 13, 237 et alibi 
 
 Mirepoix, — , 195, 196 
 
 Mississippi Company, the, 57 
 
 Mohawk Indians, English with, on scalping expedi 
 tion, 65 
 
 Monarque, the, Byng executed on board, 199 
 
 Monckton, Colonel, 238, 240, 248 
 
 Monk, General, on English needs (1665), 196 
 
 2 G
 
 45° 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Monmouth, the, success of, 244 
 
 Montalais, Captain, of the lUustre, 199 
 
 Montalembert, — , suicide of, 231 
 
 Montbazon, Prince de, ship of, captured, 245 
 
 Montcalm, Marquis de, 199 ; capture by, of Os- 
 wego, 201 
 
 Montholon, Intendant, 40 
 
 Moody, Colonel, 19 
 
 Morel, — , agent of Faneuil, 78 
 
 Morpain, — , Port-captain of Louisbourg and 
 privateer, 74, 102, no, 112, 117, 118, 
 124, 125 ; and the defence of Louisbourg, 
 149-50 <fc«. I 
 
 Morrion, — , de, 74 
 
 Mostyn, - — , ships commanded by, and actions of, 
 197 n. 3 
 
 Motheux, — De, vessels under, 244 
 
 Muiron, — , contractor for Louisbourg fortifications, 
 
 lOI K. 2 
 
 Munitions of war at siege of Louisbourg (1758), 
 
 242, 263 
 Murray, Colonel, 251 
 
 Proceedings ot, at Miramichi, 421-2, 423 
 Mulhie, the, 35, 40, iSg «. i 
 
 Namur, the, 242, 4 1 3 
 Nantasket Road, 142 
 Narrow Seas, English command of, secured (1748), 
 
 iSi 
 Naval efficiency, essentials of, on what depending, 
 
 297-8 
 Negroes in Isle Royale, 88 
 Neven, Le, de Rameau, 61 
 Newcastle, Duke of, 176, and the American colonies, 
 
 195-6, privateering encouraged by, 121 ; 
 
 and the Louisbourg expedition, 130, 134, 
 
 142-3; Pepperrell's request to, for 
 
 Governorship, 166 ; resignation of, 201 ; 
 
 on Warren's instructions, 148 
 New England, attitude of, to d'Anville's expedition, 
 
 17+ 
 Commerce of, and the Treaty of Utrecht, 33 «. 2 
 Compared with Cape Breton, 32 
 Fisheries of, 2, 3, 67, 219-20, 226 
 Increasing population of, as menace to Canada 
 
 (1706), 29-30 
 Piracy along shores of, 72 
 Privateers ot, 118 /yy. 
 Stability and progress of, 31, 32 
 and the Surrender of Louisbourg, 171 ; cost of, in 
 
 lives, 170 n. 2 
 Timber trade of, 169 
 Towns of, Doloboratz's memoir on, 12 1-2 
 Trade and relations of, with Louisbourg, 7, 44, 
 
 52. S3. S2-3, 223, zz^sqq. 
 Trade embargoes of {1744), 118 
 Newfoundland, Chabert's map of, 189 
 English take possession of, 19 
 Fisheries, troubles concerning, 28, 29, and injury 
 
 from pirates, 72, 73 
 French fishing rights off, 1-2, 10 
 Slow growth of, 229 
 New France, 44 
 
 New Hampshire, share in Louisbourg expedition, 
 
 •35> <37. H^ 
 
 New Jersey, and the Louisbourg expedition, 137 
 
 New York, share of, in Louisbourg expedition, 137 
 
 Newton, — , on illicit trade at Canso, 76-7, 78 
 
 Niagara expedition, failure of, 197 
 
 Nicholson, Francis, Governor-General and Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of Acadia and New- 
 foundland, 14, and the Acadians, 34, 
 French mission to, on their removal, 
 \^sqq.. La Ronde Denys and, 35-6 
 
 Nicholson, Lieut., 253 n. 2 
 
 Ninganiche, see Ingonish 
 
 Noble, Colonel, and the attack on Island Battery, 
 
 • , '^^ 
 Nomtel, — , de, 40 
 
 Normant, Le, see also Mezy, De, 74, 75, 80-1 ; and 
 
 the fisheries, 97 ; and illicit trade, 78 ; 
 
 promotion of, 83 ; quarrels of, 94-5 
 
 North America, see America 
 
 Norwic/i, the, landing from, at Louisbourg (i756),200 
 
 Nostra Sigiiora de la Toledo, at Louisbourg, 79 
 
 Notre Dame de la DeTiuerance, capture of, 168, 308-9 ; 
 
 specie on board, i6S<t«. 2 
 
 Nottingham, the, 294 
 
 Nouoal, — , Commander of the Charmante, 168 
 
 "NoOes de morues," shipment of, 106 
 
 Nova Scotia, see also Acadia, Acadians, and Indians 
 
 Development of, impetus given to (1749), and 
 success of, 182 
 
 Ecclesiastical arrangements, 57 
 
 English neglect of, 83 
 
 Furs of, 75 
 
 Relations of, with Isle Royale, 195 
 
 Timber of, 85, 220-1 
 
 Trade (illicit) with Louisbourg, 77, 97 
 
 Ober, Captain, 7, 8 
 
 Ochiltree, Lord, 9 
 
 Odiorne, J., advice on attacking Louisbourg, 138 
 
 Ogle, Sir Challoner, 139 «. 1 
 
 Ohio Company, and its grant, 183, French and 
 English quarrels concerning, 186, back- 
 ing of its English shareholders, 225 
 
 Onfroy, Mme. Veuve, fishing vessels of, 20-1, 220 
 
 Orford, the, fight of, with V Esfe'rance, 2.g^ 
 
 Orleans, Duchesse d', 58 
 
 Orleans, Philip, Duke of. Regent of France, 41 ; and 
 Isle Royale, 42, 46 ». 2 ; neglect by, of 
 the Navy, 295 
 
 Orphc'e, the, 244 
 
 Osborne, Admiral, 244 
 
 Osborne, John, and the Louisbourg expedition, 138 
 
 Oswego, capture of, 201 
 
 Otway, — , 266 H. I 
 
 PaCHOt, — , 74 
 
 Pain, Father Felix, 19 
 
 Palais, Chevalier du, at Cape Breton (1692), 22 
 
 Paon, Le (ship), 58 
 
 Paper money, issues of, in North American Colonies, 
 
 135, 137, 167, and in Canada, 225 
 Paris, Treaty of {1763), 310
 
 INDEX 
 
 451 
 
 Parkman, — , cited on De Bienville's expedition, 186-7 
 P^an Delivandiere, — , 11, 12, 20 
 Pemberton, B., 150?;.! 
 
 Pennsylvania and the Louisbourg expedition, 138 
 Pensens, Captain De, 34, +7, 74, 100 ; and the 
 Annapolis mission, 15-17, 35, 185 «.i; 
 and Armstrong, 69, 77 ; and St. Ovide's 
 illicit trading, 78, 84 
 Pepperrell, William, President of the Governor's 
 Council, Massachusetts, career and char- 
 acter of, 129-30 
 Commander of the Louisbourg expedition, 1^0 sqj., 
 conduct of the expedition by, 138, 142 
 sjrf., danger from ice, 143, 147, reinforce- 
 ments for, 155, staff and subordinates, 
 138, terms offered by, 163-4; success, 
 164-5, ''eward, c^'c, 166, 167 
 Contribution by, to expenses of Louisbourg ex- 
 pedition, 166 n. 5, i67<£.-n. 2 
 Joint administration at Louisbourg (1745), '^9 '??■' 
 
 later career, 1 7 1 
 Optimism of, on the future of Louisbourg, 171, 175 
 Request for Governorship of Isle Royale, 166 
 and Warren, letters between, 159-60 
 On the capture of the l^igilant, 177-8 ; on his 
 relations with Warren, 17 1-2 
 Petit de Grat, 67, 69, illicit trade of, loi 
 Philibert, —,68 
 Philibert, the, 1 1 8 
 
 Phillips, — , Governor of Cape Breton, 65, 67, 72, 
 and the Indian attack on Canso, 68, 69-70 
 Phillips, Lieut. -General Richard, regiment of, iio, 
 
 cost of. III 
 
 Pichon, Thomas, Raymond's secretary, writings of, 
 191 «. 3, 193, 221 «. I, 231 
 
 Pickman, Dudley, i66cfc». 5 
 
 Pictou, French wood-grabbing at, 85, 220-1 
 
 Pigot, Captain (Sir^Hugh), of the York, 436 
 
 Piracy and its causes, early i8th century, 72-3 
 
 Pitt, William, the younger, 196 ; accession of, to 
 power, results on the war, 201 J77., 236 
 sqq. ; and colonial claims, 173 ; and the 
 CommercialTreaty of Utrecht, 77; demo- 
 litions ordered by, at Louisbourg, 290-1 
 
 Place-names in Isle Royale, 138 h. i 
 
 Placentia, i ; evacuation of, 4, 10 sqq., 19 ; guns from, 
 38 ; proposed expedition against, 122 
 
 Plestay, — , Du, on Sea power, 311 
 
 Poilly, — , on British army, and French navy at 
 Louisbourg (175S), 276, 2S4 
 
 Pompadour, Mme. de, exonerated as to Louisbourg, 
 loS ; and the Le Normants (De Mezys), 
 75, 80 H. 4 ; and Maurepas, 296 
 
 Pontchartrain, Count, Minister of Marine, 4, 295 h. z, 
 dismissal of, 42 ; and Isle Royale and 
 Louisbourg, 4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 21, 22, 32, 
 40, 54, Memorials to, on the fishery, 227 
 
 Port Dauphin, 12, 32, 33-5, 38 jyy., 50 
 
 Port Mahon, 265 n. 4 
 
 Port Rossway, Southack's report from, on Indian 
 captures, 64 
 
 Port Royal, Acadia, 2 ; privateers of, see Morpain 
 
 Port Toulouse, 12, 32, 33, 34, 35-6, 43, 59 
 
 Porta Nova Island, currents ofT, 73 
 
 Pownall, Governor, on English relations with 
 Indians, 64-5 
 
 Prevost, — , Commissaire- Ordinaire at Louisbourg 
 (1749), iSSj 190, 228, 2 35,297;;. 4; attitude 
 of, to Raymond, 193 ; independent actions 
 of, 231, 232 ; later career, 233;;.! ; and 
 the siege of Louisbourg, 267, 272-3 ; on 
 the fish trade of Isle Royale, 222-3 
 
 Priests, influence of, on Acadians, 17-18, 53, 116-17 
 
 Prince Edward Island, see Isle St. Jean 
 
 Prince Frederick, the, 237 
 
 Prince of Orange, the, 118, 121 
 
 Princess Mary, the, 143 dj ;;. i, captures by, 168 
 
 Privateering during the War (begun 1744), 111, 112, 
 iiy sgq. ; official encouragement of, 109, 
 121, results, alleged, of, 133 ct;;. 4 
 
 Privateers {see Doloboratz, d- Morpain), prisoners of, 
 1 18-19 
 
 Privateersmen, courage of, 304 
 
 Prize money, equivalent to Booty as incentive, 307-8 
 French, 309 
 System of, effects of, 168, 169 
 
 Prizes, Naval, 205-6, 237, 238, 239, 244; sums 
 realized by, 1 19 
 
 Provincial Troops {see also Colonial, <£■ Rangers), 
 
 characteristics of, 113, 152-4, 155, 157, 
 
 159 jyy., 165; at Louisbourg, 1445^7., 
 
 Warren on, 172, Wolfe on, 241 
 
 Evolution of, during the Seven Years' War, 173-4 
 
 Value of, as reinforcements (1744), 118 
 
 Prudent, the, 238, 244, 271, 272, 273, 280 ; capture 
 of, 283, 436-7 
 
 Puysieulx, — , 94 n. 3 
 
 Quebec, British expedition against (1759), ^^^^ ^°'^> 
 290 ; munitions found in, 293 ; trade of 
 Isle Royale with, 75 ; Vergor's share in 
 the fall of, 186 n. 3; the vulnerable side 
 of, 8 3 ; see also 42 1 
 
 Quesne, — Du, and Vergor, 186 
 
 Quesnel, — Du, former Governor-General of Canada, 
 defeat of, by the Monmouth, 244 
 
 Quesnel, Jean Baptiste Louis Le Prevost, Seigneur du. 
 Governor of Isle Royale, 99tfcn. i, plans 
 of, and events of his period, 99 sjq., 123 ; 
 courtesies exchanged with Shirley, ii2 ; 
 and the defences of Louisbourg, 105, 107 ; 
 and the conduct of the war, logsgg.f 
 death of, 116; successors of, 148 ; on the 
 military needs of Louisbourg, 105, 107 
 
 Quiberon, 243 
 
 Raiso.\'.4Ble, the, capture of, 244 
 
 Rangers, Colonial, 236;;.s, 239, 241 ; at siege of 
 
 Louisbourg, 25216;;. 3, 266 
 Raudot, — , Intendant des Classes, 42 ; report of, on 
 
 Cape Breton, and freedom of trade, 9-10, 
 
 77, 225 
 Raudot, — , the younger, 32 
 Raymond, Comte de. Governor of Isle Royale, 191, 
 
 234 ; ceremonial and festivities of, 191-3 ; 
 
 difficulties of, with his staff, 193, 231
 
 452 
 
 INDEX 
 
 RecoUet missionaries, 12, 19, S7 
 
 Renau, — , naval invention of, 42 
 
 Renaud, — , and the Indian attack on Canso, 6S-9 
 
 Renommt'e, La, 124, Tyng's fight with, 143, 148 
 
 Renon, — , 35, 38 
 
 Revest, — Du, Commander of the Hector, death of, 
 301 ; squadron of, 203 
 
 Rhode Island, lawless practices of, Knowles on, 406-7 ; 
 privateers of, 73 ;;. i, 120, 121 ; share of, 
 in Louisbourg expedition, 137, Wanton 
 on, 144 jyy.; and the West India ex- 
 pedition, 129 
 
 Richards, Capt., and the Indian attack on Canso, 68 
 
 Richelieu, Due de, 58 
 
 Richelieu, regiment of, 58 
 
 Robicheau, Prudent, 68 
 
 Robinson, — , 196 
 
 Robusle, the, voyage and fight of, 304-7 <t «. i 
 
 Rochefort, outfitters' strike at, 40 
 
 Refugees at, from Louisbourg, 61, pensions of, 
 
 355 W- 
 Rodney, Admiral, and keenness for prize-making, 308 
 Rodrigue family, 90 
 Rodrigue, firm of, 20 
 Rodrigue, Mme., house of, 87 
 Rodrigue, — , pilot, 18 
 Rollo, Lord, 289 
 Rose, the, 52 
 Rosier, Captain Jean Joseph, of the Robuste, voyage 
 
 and fight of, 304-7 <tn. i 
 Ross, Major, 266, 268 
 
 Rouille, — , French Minister of the Navy (1749), 188 
 Rous, Captain, 156 ; capture by, of French vessels, 
 
 1 8 6 <t- n. 4 
 Rouse, Captain, of the Sutherland, 238 
 Rouville, — de, 12, 13, 32, 34 ; character of, Coste- 
 
 belle and Ligondez on, 37, 38 
 Royal If^illiam, the, 239, Hardy's flag-ship, 413 
 Ruhy, the, smallpox imported by, 81 
 Ruette, — , D'Auteuil, and Isle Madame, 59 
 Rum, as staple trade of Louisbourg, 175 
 Ryall, Lieut. George, at Canso, iio 
 
 Sabatier, — , Comptroller, 73, 74, 83, 100 
 Sable Island, plans for settlement on, 50 
 Sackville, Colonel Stopford, 241 n. i 
 Sackville, Lord George, letters to, from those con- 
 cerned in the attack on Louisbourg, 237, 
 24 1 <C- ». 5 
 St. Andero, 296 
 
 St. Castin, Baron de, and the Acadian removal, i 5 
 Saint Esprit, Order of, 60 
 St. Franfois Xavier, the, made prize, 120 
 St. James, — de. Commander of the Chameau, 74 
 St. John's, Newfoundland, French capture of, i 
 St. Julien, or Julhien, Lieut. -Colonel De, 232, 252 ; 
 
 biographical notes on, 329 
 St. Lawrence, Gulf of, expeditions up, under Rollo, 
 Wolfe, &C., 289-90, 422-3 
 Islands in, ceded to the French, i, 2 
 Privateers in, 119-20, 124 
 Strategic command of, by Cape Breton (y.i'.), 2, 30 
 
 St. Lawrence River, diversion up, planned by Bos- 
 cawcn, 240 
 
 St. Louii, the, 17 
 
 St. Malo, merchants of, and the Gulf Fisheries, 58-9 
 et alibi 
 
 St. Marie, — , 35, 162 ; and the Canso affair, 63 ; 
 character of, 37, 38 j and international 
 trade, 77 
 
 St. Michel, Order of, 60 
 
 St. Ours des Chaillons, — , at the St. John River, 
 186 
 
 St. Ovide de Brouillant, — , 10 An. s, 48 «. i, 51, 72 ; 
 Commander of the Semdack, takes posses- 
 sion of Cape Breton, 11-12; and the 
 Acadian removal, 15, 35; becomes 
 Governor, 55, 85, 98, administration of, 
 84 ; and the Canso affair, 62, 63, 68-9, 
 84 ; characterized by De Mezy, 79 <f- «. < ; 
 and the choice of Louisbourg, 32, 33, 59 ; 
 Costebelle on, 37 ; defences of Louis- 
 bourg, cared for by, 72, 131 ; and illicit 
 trading, 78, 84 ; and intercolonial trade, 
 49, 77 ; landsof, S3, 89, 104, 191 ; origin 
 ot, 90 ; relations of, with Indians, 65, 66, 
 with the Le Normants or De Mezys, 79, 
 80, 81,84,94-5; final return to France, 83, 
 and retirement, 84 
 On relations between Isle Royale and New 
 England, 82-3 ; on early commerce at 
 Isle Royale, 52 ; on English neglect of 
 Nova Scotia, 83 ; on the Indian attack 
 on Canso, 69 
 
 St. Ovide and de Mezy, on Foreign trade of Isle 
 Royale (1728), full text, 397 J97. 
 
 St. Peter's, 12, 65 ; expedition against, 143, 147 
 
 St. Pierre, Count, schemes of, 58 
 
 St. Simon, — , Memoirs by, 10, on the Count of 
 Toulouse, 42 ; on Pontchartrain, 295 «. « 
 
 Salle, Mme. La, 74 
 
 Salvert, Perrier de. Governor of Isle Royale, 124, 
 148, 167, 170 ; escape of his ships from 
 Boscawen, 196, 197 «. 4 
 
 Sandwich, Earl of, and Warren, 166 ; on the Pro- 
 vincials, 172 
 
 Saratoga, 173 
 
 Saugeon, Captain de, of the Affriquain, 33 
 
 Saunders, — , 203 
 
 Scalp-bounties, 65, 1 1 5 <t n. i, 424-5 
 
 Scalp-hunting, 246 «. 1 
 
 Scarborough, the, 238 
 
 Schomberg, Sir Alexander, medal presented to, for 
 his services at the siege of Louisbourg 
 
 (■75S). 436 
 Scott, Captain, and the Rangers, 239, 250 
 Seamen, hsheries as furnishing, 3, 21, 220, 228 
 Sea-power, importance of, 310-11 
 Segur, Marquis de, on Maurepas, 295 «. 4 
 Semslack expedition, the, 11-12, 35, 38, 39, 40 
 Seven Years' War, the, 129 ; effects of, on American 
 
 troops, 173 i first important success in, 
 
 286 ; new note in, 253 
 Sewall, Captain, recruiting methods of, 1 36 
 Shipbuilding bounties, 97
 
 INDEX 
 
 453 
 
 Shirley, Sir William, Governor of Massachusetts, iii, 
 1 12, 1 19, 139, 141, 144, 155, 166 ; career 
 of, and policy, i2^ii-i:.2, 182?/. i, 197; 
 expedition against Louisbourg urged 
 and promoted by, 129, 130, 131 jyy., 
 despatches on, 134 ; letters of, to Warren 
 and Pepperrell, and to Wentvvorth, 
 I40<£«. 2; at Louisbourg, 169, mutiny 
 averted by, 169-70 ; Pepperrell's letter to, 
 on his relations with Warren, 171-2 ; 
 and the prisoners of Canso, 112; scalp 
 bounties of, ii5dtH. i; support of, to 
 privateering, 121 
 On the latter days of the siege of Louisbourg, 
 1 6 1-2 ; on value of Louisbourg Fisheries, 
 226, optimism unfounded, 176 «. 3, 181 ; 
 on Warren's acceptance of the Louis- 
 bourg expedition, I42tl-«. 4 
 
 Shirley, the, 143, 156, 173;;. 3 
 
 Shute, Governor, and the Canso affair, 62 
 
 Silhouette, — , and the Acadian Boundary, 182 k. i 
 
 Smart, Capt., and the Canso incident, 62-3, 67, 69, 
 70, 78, 84 
 
 Smoke screen, proposed naval use of, 122 
 
 Societe, the, 14S 
 
 Somerset, the, at Louisbourg, 197 
 
 Soubras, — , Commissaire-Ordonnateur, 19, 20, 33, 
 34i 35. 37. 38, 39' 45> as Civil Governor, 
 38 ; and the Canso affair, 63 ; and the 
 defences of Louisbourg, 51; and the 
 drink problem, 57 ; and the hospital, 
 56-7 ; retirement of, 50 ; successor, 59 ; 
 on the Acadians, 53 
 
 Southack, Capt. Cyprian, 63 
 
 Memorial of, on difficulties with Indians, 64 
 
 Spanish Succession, War of, results of, i 
 
 Spruce beer brewing at Louisbourg, 221 «. i, 230 
 
 Spry, Captain, of the Cornel, 175; capture by, 120, 
 I75n., 290 
 
 Squirrel, the, 62, 63, 238 
 
 Stoppages, and the Louisbourg garrison, 176 
 
 Stuart, Prince Charles Edward, expelled from 
 France, 181 
 Prince James Edward, 35 
 
 Succis, privateer, 1 1 1, 113 
 
 Sunderland, the, 143 «. i, captures by, 168 
 
 Suferhe, the, Warren's flagship, 141-56 
 
 Superior Council, the, in France, 46 
 
 Surlaville, Michel Le Courtois de, biographical notes 
 on, 329-30 ; functions of, 191, diffi- 
 culties in exercising them, 193 ; improve- 
 ments effected by, 193-4 ; relations with 
 Raymond, 193 ; on Raymond, 194 n. 3 ; 
 on uniforms at Louisbourg, 194 it n. 2 
 
 Sutherland, the, 238 
 
 Sivalloiv, the, 1 20 
 
 Swiss (Karrcr) Regiment, at Louisbourg, 49, 87, 91, 
 loi ; trouble given by, 102 ; mutiny of, 
 123-4, 131 ''-3 
 
 Sydney Harbour, coal at, 9 
 
 Table Head, attack on, 176 
 Tarranguez, — , 64 
 
 Tartar, the, 137, 144 
 
 Tesse, — ,42 
 
 Thame, — , first officer of the Tilbury, 209, 2 to 
 
 Ticonderoga, 253, 289 
 
 Tigre, the, 1S7, 284 
 
 Tilbury, the, wreck of, 209, 210, Indian aid to wrecked 
 
 sailors of, 209 
 Tobacco used as defensive, 268 <fcn. i 
 Tonnant, the, 204, damage to, 208 
 Toulouse, Comte de. Head of French Navy Board, 
 
 41-2 
 Tour, La, du Chemin, — , biographical notes on, 3-jo 
 Tourville, — , 273, 274 «. 2, 276, 310 
 Townsend, Vice-Admiral, Warren's successor, 174 
 Trade, as casus belli, 196 
 
 Illicit, see Illicit trade 
 
 Liberty in, Colbert on, 4-5, 50, Raudot on, g-io, 
 
 Treaties, see under Names 
 
 Trent, the, 243, 247 
 
 Triton, French Indiaman, 168 
 
 Tyng, Captain Edward, of the Prince of Orange, 
 capture by, of Doloboratz, 118, 124-5, 
 138 ; fight off Louisbourg with La 
 Renomnu'e, 143, 148 
 
 Tyrell papers, 191 n. 3 et alibi 
 
 Ulloa, Don Antonio d", 86, 327 ; on English 
 treatment of prisoners, 308-9 
 
 Utrecht, Treaty of, as affecting Acadia, Cape Breton, 
 Newfoundland, Sec, i iyy., i^sqg. 
 Commercial, far-sightedness of, 77 ; and New 
 England commerce, 53 «. 2 
 
 Vassin, — De, 186 h. 2 
 
 Vaudreuil, — , Governor-General of Canada, 11, 33, 
 34, 128 ; and the Acadian removal, 34 ; 
 at Louisbourg, 13, 19 ; on French policy 
 as to Indians, 65 
 
 Vaughan, George, on the Canso fishery, 62 
 
 Vaughan, William, biographical and other notes on, 
 and letter from, to Shirley, 315, 361 sgq. ; 
 and the expedition against Louisbourg, 
 131 cCk. 3, 135, i36ifcn. 2, 151, 155 ; on 
 indiscipline ot troops, 155 
 
 Vauquelin, Captain Jean, of the Art'thuse, biographical 
 notes on, 330-1 ; at Louisbourg, 274-5 
 <t«. I, 277, 286, escape of, 278, 296, 309 
 «. 2, Boscawen on, 302, Wolfe on, 278 
 
 Vauvre, — De, Intendant of the French Navy, 42 
 
 Velez Malaga, sea fight at, 42, 99 
 
 Vergor du Chambon, — De, 186 n. 2 
 
 Vergore, — , at Beausejour, i86<0«. 3, surrender of, 
 197 
 
 Vernon, Admiral, 196 
 
 Verrier, — , engineer, drawings by, of Louisbourg, 
 86 ; and the fortifications of that place, 
 45, 102 ; house of, 87 
 
 Verville, — , engineer, 42 ; and the fortifications of 
 Louisbourg, 50 -<yy., 162 ; on the Aca- 
 dians, 53, 77, on drunkenness at Louis- 
 bourg, 57
 
 454 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Vetch, Colonel, Governor of Annapolis, 14, 16, 17, 
 54 ; on Louisbourg as menace to Great 
 Britain, 21 
 
 l^igilant, the, 12+, 146, 158, 159, 327, capture of, 156, 
 details of, 177 jyy., gains from, 157 
 
 Villejouin, — , 35, character of, 37, 38, death of, and 
 marriages of his family, 9c 
 
 Villejouin, — , the younger, 246 
 
 Villeon, Commander, 244 
 
 Villien, — , advice of, to Pontchartrain, 11, 59 
 
 Vincent, Father, 68 
 
 Vivier, — Du, 285 
 
 Vivier, Captain Du (or Duvivier), 12, 13, 102, 122, 
 12S ; Annapolis scheme of, 100, 105, 
 135, and operation against, msgq., 
 capture by, of Canso, in; trading by, 
 memorial on, of fishers of Isle Royale, 
 78, 398 /yy. 
 
 Vivier, Mme. Du, fishing establishment of, 20-1 
 
 Vivier, — Du, the younger, retreat of, to Quebec, 
 166 
 
 Volontaires Etrangers, the, 244, 265 
 
 Waldo, Brigadier-General Samuel, and the Louis- 
 bourg expedition, 138, 151-2, 157, 158, 
 161, 237 n. 2 ; back-pay of, 167 >i. 2 
 
 Wanton, Governor on Rhode Island, and the Louis- 
 bourg expedition, 144 jyy. 
 
 War, see also Seven Years' War 
 of the Austrian Succession, 307 
 between England and France, long menace of, 
 82-3, 99, 100, loi, 105, 107-8 ; outbreak 
 of, 109, events of, iiojyy. ; begun in 
 America (1755), 198-9 etprae'V.; declara- 
 tion of, in Europe (1756), 199 
 
 Warburton, — , 266 «. i 
 
 Warren, Commodore Peter, Commander-in-Chief of 
 North American naval forces, 139 jyy. ; 
 capture by, 120 ; and the d'Anville 
 expedition, 175 ; and the Louisbourg 
 expedition, preliminary views and letters, 
 139 jyy., 264 ; orders to (1745), 141 ; re- 
 inforcement, i43€t'«. i; the blockade, 
 144, 147 jyy. ; illness during, 170, 174 ; 
 joint letters from, stating terms to Du 
 Chambon, 163-4, 178-80 ; letters from, to 
 Anson, 139, to Corbett, 130, to Wanton, 
 137 »• 5 i optimism of, as to Louisbourg, 
 175, 181 ; prize money of, 30 7itn. j, 
 308 ; promotion as reward, 166 ; relations 
 with Pepperrell, 142, 153, i^^etsi/ij., 
 171; friction between them, 159-60, 
 171-2, their joint administration at 
 Louisbourg (1745), 169; illness, 170 ; 
 rise of, 303-4 
 
 Warren, Commodore Peter [contd.) — 
 
 On the Acadian expedition, 116-17; on the 
 Americans at the siege of Louisbourg, 
 172 ; on the attitude of New Engl,,; 1 
 on the fall of Louisbourg, 172 ; un 
 capture of French East Indiamen, 168 ; 
 on the French Navy, 296-7 ; on naval 
 prizes, 168 ; on his relations with 
 Pepperrell, 172 ; on the success at 
 J ouisbourg, 165 
 
 Warren, Mrs., 139, 169 
 
 Washington, George, French defeat of, at Fort 
 Necessity, 195 
 
 Washington, Lieut., 69 
 
 Waterhouse, Captain Samuel, of the Hnivk, privateer, 
 rebuked for lack of vigour, 121 
 
 Weeden, — , on the importance of the French 
 Colonial fisheries, 227 
 
 Wentworth, Benning, Governor of New Hampshire, 
 and the Louisbourg expedition, 135-7 
 
 West, Temple, and the blockade of Brest, 203 
 
 West Indies, the 
 
 English privateering off, 102 
 
 Expedition to, 129 
 
 French menace to (1745), 141 
 
 Friction in, 78 
 
 Trade with, 75, 97 
 
 IVeymout/i, the, 141 
 
 Whitmore, Brigadier-General, and the siege of Louis- 
 bourg, 236, 237 jyy, ; instructions to, on 
 demolitions, 228, left Commander at 
 Louisbourg, 290; privateer owned by, 308 
 
 Williams, Rev. Stephen, 170 
 
 Williamson, — , of the Artillery, 263 
 
 Wilmot, Colonel, 251 
 
 Wolcott, Major-General Roger, second in command 
 at siege of Louisbourg (1745}, 137 
 
 Wolfe, Brigadier-General, appearance of, 315 ; and 
 Amherst's siege ot Louisbourg, 236 Jyy., 
 268-9, celerity of, 269, 295, as com 
 mander, 266, summary of his activities, 
 286-7 j expeditions under, up the St. Law- 
 rence, 289-90 ; at Quebec, 186 «. 3, 253 
 On the Highland and Colonial troops at Halifax, 
 241, on Vauquelin, 278 
 
 i 
 
 York, the, 436 | 
 
 Yorke, Hon. Jos., on Maurepas, 295 n. 4 
 
 Yorktown, 173 
 
 Young, Captain Robert, of the Kinsale, and the 
 Canso fishery, 67, iio, 119; and illicit 
 trade, documents on, 404-7 
 
 Young, Lieut. B., of the Rose, 52 
 
 Young, Midshipman (Sir George), of the Tort, 
 medal given to, for siege of Louisbourg, 
 436-7 
 
 THE END 
 
 Printed iy R. & R. Ci.ark, Limited, Edinburgh.
 
 s 
 
 s 
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 
 
 Return this material to the library 
 
 from which It was borrowed. 
 
 APRiyi9j3 
 
 SEP 2 5 1S|97 
 
 2 WEiiK 
 
 C>^^ 
 
 ^^' 
 
 NOf^REMB aeiE 
 
 OUti: 
 
 'ULU 
 
 '^i^'O ;,) 
 
 L 
 
 109^ 
 
 IVtL
 
 VEUE « PERSPECTIVE I)E LA ViLLE DE LoUISBOtrRG I 
 
 ^ 
 
 % if\ 
 
 M 
 
 E 
 
 R 
 
 DU 
 
 ---—--■^'11 ^hii^iit ml 
 
 F 
 
 fcfcaCjJ—^BBBg^^ --'t— ^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 H
 
 1.2.
 
 I
 
 /A.
 
 
 
 ^nceJcln conriL'i-.mdi 
 
 A R T I £
 
 W.SJ>.
 
 1 VlAH D^LATA<yUJB DtLATtfCE-P^LACORMORAND 
 
 * "p-irle-Brtg.naKrWolfe p-JT 
 
 n • il(> TraufitJ fnincB.H 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ,'j V- - • I r ••■ »- ■■< - ■L>'^^^** ■ / V -■ - — .;. ■'^■" - . ■ - f rriiri 
 
 Plandi:. la ville xt 
 
 J3I7 FORTVl, 
 
 LOUISBOURG 
 
 ceffe pj-e/ente^nne« ai Dccx-vnt. 
 
 huif Juxn Jiu^.i .-.« i-Juillec (jtiiij out 
 roiTrif i£ur (Jr"oi(& Attti q\xe jyowr {.i-phtce 
 
 ,i<fuej>i 
 
 Com) iH'Aiidieitp.ir le. 
 B 1 1 ^.1 di er Woife Jpu ((■„„ 
 
 ^Kiu/Yc AtM^uf /J.irJ.idivi. 
 J"i i>ri dii G<rner.il L.iut'enj 
 
 F G.ird^j Av-mcc er.-ibto imme- 
 di.itfmtnr.ipi-fjla/TlitditCa' 
 
 I.i C.Tn»p.irf»»tvwjl,ipl.i«/e* 
 H a»ifreo C.iinp etjhiij left. 
 
 ir\pr,itic|U.ibic c^t fur ieuii<\ ' L C.n»t»|> diJ r»-oiipej Itferoj, 
 fit .iu.wicJf pe.J.mt du..».jn- 
 
 
 .^ ^ 
 
 
 P L A r N K 
 
 
 Jernri-c cej h .i »m» 
 
 .int luboij drrri* 
 
 N Cimp JuB'irtidia-W«lf* 
 P rc(.te.T».i«.r.<.d«.a C.>no..j 
 
 pUl>re.v.i>»cJiri- vne fxirnnft njc 
 
 4 j4uirtB%>°>"'»'"""rt.f-.inl > 
 
 Jy OMEiLZlEj de boo toises . on j/^ lie 
 
 ,1« [.l^j J., Port .,|.iV.. 1 .. J^DVnte Jo Gcnc.i'l A"- 
 
 M 
 
 jE 
 
 K 
 
 p.i.- 
 
 Uclier 
 
 i? -B.7f(<r.^d. 
 
 *d.. C.inonj 
 
 ^<.in^ SxjtitJ. cUm on* t'U'fr.infjMrt< 
 nilliiirj .1 fd -rcftrvc de-ullc |n-ri 
 
 T P/.xtda.wt « B.^ff'^dcf c.>MJn> 
 
 ^11 c Mat- ln»p •ioitfn»'»'hi^<<l«^ 
 poiitr-eit M.-inc^uffi £Ue •' t^aruft^ 
 
 r.i^v (jUflcniM^i iiJV pro|iDf<ni di.r^ 
 
 X f|3.luletn<nt F.ltf pour |j.in«r tt^ 
 tn.tr.M-i affVit d« J».^:i»-Mit>trdu riu 
 
 fVnoii. Ct>nh'iStt'oMtrrim\t Ic^incint 
 eiM<i-p<irvc«)irJ »/J ai-#if«. «((J()ut^ 
 
 dt !■■ n.xi- 
 
 CJiTttnuni^'^p.ii- le cnch***^ Ju. 
 
 ■ Jt/de lenrtemi J3«ui' i."ou|tr 
 Coi.>imi^''"d.t-cli.m,n JcAlirv- 
 
 ^V t'cdoiirf ■^out'nm cjnteiiir ioo-h- 
 
 pour It-v'ouiia.t JelJ Tr.inclt.^ 
 Ill jr-^jiit'p.ir d<!»xxAVi|u»- l*«iT\«wii 
 .illn^ (Vi.-ep'I.n ru.n. J" V^iffr 
 
 cf J.. r,i..'/M^dci»riiu -'»'..fi 
 
 quil p^i.-jIrJt r->.- Ic* t.iiir.'w d.ftr.i 
 Jvv \L \^^**twi„^ .ipdlc dt M.-o-tirfnnJ 
 Ouvr.iA ,ln« fenncrtti, .i faif ^.inj pf**!*'
 
 a, A.
 
 LAN 
 HE i,A ViLLE X)E 
 
 LOUISE OL/RG 
 
 I:N ll'SLE RoYALLT. 
 A\ec \csZininenccs qui ] nT-oismcnt lem- 
 disfoncesF.sltr'enes ,ninfi que de ' 
 hn Kii-tirric.Kion, XnJeinfale 
 
 lennemi et celled de deff' 
 de 1.1 pan Je^sAfTicce 
 
 J eve et deffine /"u.-lej f.cx. 
 p.irle ifL.nrhVue 
 
 L£ GENDT, TOUR LB 
 /orfific.mon deloutfliouro^ 
 
 _ 21/ ^ 
 
 C Cnv.'lier d« 6 litm tU ^ 
 
 J* c.iv.ilie"-de6 t": 
 
 .. a.V/ 
 
 O CoT)der»"o.«b..«..i ,^ Louiaour,>p.,rlu-iJ-.''<3"yj,lr..,;N 7>- "' V B™,r,. J. J |.«».n 
 
 ' » .- J a I I I noi'lf-T "" l\.OY ,111 
 
 H B: B.-.-OIII.'." d. C «■'•"■> d.^» L B,,«-d. 2 ^roo'Alo.v,,,-., ™ 
 
 «J6* ff Bern l,,«^,m .>.»,( ,^^ VV^ 
 
 
 
 2 Ouvfritii-c A 
 
 I>nr lemur duqu^^V JeCl'*'<i> 
 
 -pUo 4Armii. (xJoubUjialiltidc 
 g Tr.'vrrr* (3,1 J'.itfhrrittu 'fipM A 
 
 y Bel 
 
 .ch.fn'Ca. 
 

 
 o 
 
 .B.
 
 £XFLICAri OJSfdes 
 \ettres marqutrtfur 
 lepliiii cyAcofte'. 
 
 f.iitAirl.i Gi-.ioJetiitrt A 
 
 3nCfonetic 2^,Ju.i.. 
 
 d»i So .T m "JUilltt 
 CTmn.che! Ouvcrft J.i JVui* Ju. 
 
 Niiit du J nil. 4 . du d'^-pc^f 
 (•lire furlcj fijt.tUun> deM.iThfm 
 
 ] a ?y<V.i te 1 a r-ethetvf * a fUn 
 dtfloWitftfr ,T J'c'rffii^rdumo- 
 3V JB n M *^ e J" Jr^ffetJ four - 
 poxxv i~uitter le^ VaiiTe.i 
 
 lie depui.iledemt ^'"-P-Auplnii 
 
 out fnhlcimfleur chemin "' 
 
 V trt de c<«< pnrri e 
 G*J5.ncfer-ie dcdfnx^tvJWoi-*i«rj 
 H-7?idcnxix^it-ieqoel l*nnem.' 
 
 »j"f ft (^ifle /cTtiiaE de /pn "hoy e-tu 
 fnrti'''ttie'X7.p. VMiirpt-mdi-fcYCUe 
 fur Jfl bu«e .1 L.lrHgiie^f/i^ntru. 
 cpplj.li p.ir f le [(T.Je Ju.iitt 
 
 tij ouvnt .luffitort,,! 1.-, f.iv*,,( 
 df cefte}>u(R Ic fcpve.iii L 
 lFo/re;d'.2Vbmmel.irt./i done 
 
 
 
 
 I.i>m;,-.IB. 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 J fumJ^loph.:.^ 
 
 VII 
 
 .fifuuui.. Trx...«r™.„r 
 
 
 
 
 ■Twl>col>ncarfri(. c}wn)>n» 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 B.im«h«u r„,,r,«- IX 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 i)r'n.>tft.r.T>.r.in. .->r<^j( 
 
 
 Ginff fa rttTMlK'peui-dfv. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i..„oui»T™i4J"f<ro,.t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 wIo-c.C..i.<ht^ 
 
 Xtl 
 
 
 
 f. JcfWr ..p-... .iX.vl.ini 
 
 
 1o r<rv,„tl.™...« J^IjP* 
 mi."cl.tp,„, .,11,, „„ (^^ 
 
 
 ,u. j.wc,™,^i,.„i.i/;;^. 
 
 
 
 
 (W 
 
 r™upol«J.r-« 1 
 
 XV 
 
 
 d.l.ea^i^^J-W.^^ / 
 
 
 
 
 XVI 
 
 l..«o-!«„^. f«t / / 
 
 
 fe.^.L'r.ras// 
 
 
 
 
 
 fenvoypoui laPnrr.«/deIaBd«^ 
 II. Camp del;i Cormtn^ndt'crtJ 
 
 rV. pcn> cimp d-el.iP°BInncK«. 
 
 V Pofte du Cap Noir 
 
 renVL»yp<,url.ij.ar..e i« IVf. g 
 
 VI ■ ] .l*Toui- de. 1 .1 Jertt«/^^t vnjpoAe- 
 VlMw^nco .1 G.inlncr ouily.ivwit. 
 
 Ufl peni- Cflinp 
 
 V1[I fiutrepefitc.impdu G'^^lnui-.mlx' 
 
 DI5TR IBUTION PE^S" T/ZOtrp" 
 
 er de InitiHevitf dnno Icj^^ncw 
 
 y dfj cnV 
 
 drifij'ltj Ancej dej cnyi'<"on,» de 
 Lpuilbiaurv ^ucepFiblede deb^r- 
 
 
 tlnr.u.- 
 
 
 
 i
 
 ' LARK.' 
 
 "BIEN AIME.' 
 
 her with squalls. Lizard ilistant 237I 
 
 ;in(l cloudy. 
 
 and fair weather. Spoke the Apollo^ 
 i: ichantman. 
 
 ain weather, with rain. 
 
 ^> , later hard gales and squally. 
 
 ^*\ 
 
 ^ ind squally. 
 
 f£ and squally. 
 p? ' »nd hazy. 
 
 %\ 
 
 -4*d hazy, later fresh gales and squalls. 
 
 and cloudy, 
 nnd hazy. 
 
 les and hazy. 
 1 Ics and cloudy. 
 
 uncertain, with large swell. In chase. 
 
 les and cloudy. 
 
 and hazy. 
 
 with calms and thick fog. 
 
 Fresh gales and squally. Anchored in Nantaskct Road. 
 Moderate and hazy. 
 
 Moderate and clear. 
 
 Fresh gales and rain. Sailed. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy. 
 
 Fresh gales. 
 
 Fresh gales and hazy. 
 
 Moderate wind and fogs. 
 
 Light winds and foggy. 
 
 Moderate gales and thick fog. 
 
 Little wind and foggy, later clear and fresh gales. 
 Fresh gales and hazy. In chase. 
 
 Little wind and fair. 
 
 Little wind and hazy. Captured a French fishing- 
 boat bound for Louisburg. In chase. Spoke the 
 Massachusetts and a schooner from Chaperogue Bay. 
 
 Hard gales of wind and squally. 
 Do, weather. 
 
 Little wind and fair. 
 Do. weather. 
 Do. weather. 
 Fresh gales and fair. 
 
 Moderate gales an«l thick foggy weather. 
 
 Fresh winds and hazy, sometimes thick fog. In chase. 
 
 Joined Afu/Zmn/r, etc. In chase again. Joined 
 
 Launccston, 
 Fresh gales and thick fog. 
 
 Little wind and fair weather. Anchored in Chaberouge
 
 APPENDIX VII 
 STATEMENT OF THE MOVEMENTS OF HIS MAJESITS SHIPS EMPLOYED IN THE SIEGE OF LOUISBURG, 17*5, WITH REMARKS UPON WEATHER, ETC. 
 
 I
 
 
 UC SOUTHERN REG(ON»l:(R( 
 
 D 000 416 385 3 
 
 :+■; 
 
 ipifi'i^^^v:-!;'!;!! 
 
 
 i^SiiilVll'l':^ 
 
 ''^■~'^|!:f|(:'l'' ■:;,;:■■