Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN /r^^ A^/^'"?"'^ IVORKS Br' PROFESSOR C. tVALDSTEIN. ESSAYS ON THE ART OF PHEIDIAS. i Vol. Royal 8vo. THE ARGIVE HERAEUM. With the co-operation of Dr. Hoppin, De Cou, Tilton, R. Norton, and others. 2 Vols. 4to. THE WORK OF JOHN RUSKIN. 8vo. THE STUDY OF ART IN UNIVERSITIES, i Vol. 8vo. THE BALANCE OF EMOTION AND INTELLECT. I Vol. 8vo. THE EXPANSION OF WESTERN IDEALS AND THE WORLD'S PEACE, i Vol. 8vo. THE JEWISH QUESTION AND THE MISSION OF THE JEWSr I Vol. 8vo. THE SURFACE OF THINGS. Three Conversation Stories, l Vol. 8vo. HERCULANEUM PAST PRESENT AND FUTURE MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK • BOSTON ■ CHICAGO ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. TORONTO PI. XI. THESEUS. Wall-Painting. HERCULANEUM PAST PRESENT & FUTURE BY CHARLES WALDSTEIN Litt.D. Ph.D. L.H.D. SLADE PROFESSOR OF FINE ART IN THE UNIVERSITY AND FELLOW OF KING's COLLEGE C.AMIIRlDGE LATE REAPER IN CLASSICAL AKCHAEOLOGY AND DIRECTOR OF THE FITZWILLIAM MUSEUM CAMBRIDGE FOa.MERLY DIRECTOR OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF ARCHAEOLOGY ATHENS AUTHOR or ESSAYS ON THE ART OF PHKIDIAS THE ARGIVE HERAEUM ETC. AND LEONARD SHOOBRIDGE M.A. (Balliol Coll. Oxford) WITH APPENDIXES ILLUSTRATED MACMILLAN AND CO. LIMITED ST. MARTIN'S STREET LONDON I 908 TO ARRIGO BO'lTO POET-MUSICIAN PATRIOT AND CITIZEN OF THE WORLD THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED Giunto sul passo estremo Delia pill estrema eti, In un sogno supremo Si bea I'anima giJ : Re (V un placido mcmdo, D' una spiaggia infinita, A un popolo fecondo Voglio donar la vita. Sotto una savia legge Vo' che surgano a mille A niille e genti e greggic E case e campi e vllle. Voglio che questo sogno Sia la 5ianta poesia, E r uUimo bisogno Deir esistcnza niia. Mefisto/e/e^ Epilogue. PREFACE Herculaneum is to be excavated. The main object for which my colleague Mr. Shoobridge and I have laboured has thus been attained. The Italian Government has decided to undertake the work by itself and at once. It is fully a year since this decision was published and a Commission of highly competent experts was appointed. Let us hope that there will be no further delay in actually beginning this important enterprise. This book owes its origin to the following circumstances, which also determined its form and contents. While the scheme of an international excavation of Herculaneum was actively pushed forward from 1903 to 1907, I was frequently advised to make my own plan for the excavation known to the public. It was thought that this would increase interest and avoid misunderstandings. But I felt — I believe rightly — that it would be unwise to give any prominence to my own views on so important a matter, because, in the first place, it would have identified the whole project too much with my own personality, a side on which I endeavoured, as far as possible, not to lay stress. In the second place, it would have looked presumptuous in any way to prescribe to the Committees and to the International Staff the modes and methods of carrying out the work. The moment the International Staff, consisting of the best experts in every department and from every part vii b viii HERCULANEUM of the world, had been called into existence, it would have been their most important task to consider thoroughly and to determine the actual plan of excavation ; and if my own views could have been of any service, they would then have been submitted to them for their consideration. Since, in the spring of 1907, the plan of such an inter- national excavation was rejected and the Italian Government had decided to carry out the excavations by itself, my friend and collaborator, Mr. Shoobridge, urged upon me the need for publishing my scheme fully and in a final form. When, furthermore, my friends. Professor and Mrs. J. G. Frazer, arranged for a meeting between myself and Commendatore Boni, I found that even he had in no way realised what had actually taken place during our propaganda, nor had he any adequate notion of the nature of our scheme. He himself felt the need of a full publication of what had been done, and what it was proposed to do, and urged upon me to bring this book before the world as speedily as possible. Thus in the Introduction I give an account of the reasons which led me to attribute such supreme importance to Herculaneum, as the one site which ought above all others to be excavated, and a succinct account of my plan for the international excavation, as well as of its fate during the three years in which it was brought so near to realisation. The more detailed elaboration of the methods, by means of which I conceive such an international excavation ought to be carried out, is given in the four chapters of Part II. of the book. The history of the propaganda itself has been given succinctly in the Introduction, with the avoidance, as far as possible, of all controversial matters ; whilst in Appendix I. there will be found a selection of actual documents illustrating and verifying the several stages in the enterprise. These documents have PREFACE ix been selected from a huge mass of correspondence and from hundreds of newspaper cuttings from every part ot the world ; and here again, as far as was possible, all matter has been excluded which would fix and prolong controversy. This applies especially to the last phase of the propaganda. On the other hand, it is manifestly necessary to furnish some records of what actually took place, both in the general interest of truth, and in order to show how widespread was the support of this ideal scheme among people of judgment and influence all over the world. I may add that for all the private letters printed in the Appendix, permission to publish has been obtained from the writers. At the same time, it has been and is my firm conviction that the practice and art of excavation itself requires complete reform. The points in which the present methods of excavation are at fault, and the direction in which these reforms can be initiated, would receive their most striking exemplification in such an enterprise as the international excavation of Herculaneum as we conceived it. Herculaneum would thus have become the type to inaugurate a new era in the science and art of excavation. On this account also it seemed important that our convictions should thus be expressed and exemplified. In order to write on Herculaneum at all it was, however, found necessary to furnish the reader with the material concern- ing its past history, to bring to his cognisance all that is practically known about this ancient site up to the present moment. In spite of such an excellent publication as Ruggiero's Scavi di Ercolano, information concerning Herculaneum is incomplete, and is certainly not accessible. Though we did not presume to write a voluminous work, dealing exhaustively with every aspect of this great subject, we determined to furnish a proper account of what is known of its past, which should be not only X HERCULANEUM interesting to the general public, but be of permanent use to scholars and archaeologists as well. We have accordingly given the four chapters of Part I. dealing with the past, with the topography, the inhabitants of the town and district, the great earthquake of 79 a.d., and the history of the site since that eruption down to our day. We thought it would also be useful to the student to furnish him with all the passages in ancient authors referring to Herculaneum, and, for the benefit of the general public, we have also given translations of these passages. These will be found in Appendix II. Furthermore, we deemed it important to provide a list of the principal objects discovered at Herculaneum and deposited in the Museum of Naples, and for this purpose both Mr. Shoobridge and Mr. Robertson spent some time at Naples, carefully studying the collections and consulting the inventories of the Museum. We thought it right to exclude such works, however important and however great the probability that they did come from Herculaneum, which could not be definitely identified from the documents as having been actually found there. The marble statue of the Doryphorus of Polycleitus, for instance, belongs to this class. This list is given in Appendix III. To illustrate more fully the rich finds which we may expect to make in the villas adjoining Herculaneum, Mr. Shoobridge has drawn up a careful index-guide to accompany the plan of the Villa Suburbana published by Comparetti and De Petra, so that the reader can wander through the different rooms and identify the exact spot where the various treasures of art were discovered. This index-guide is given in Appendix IV. In compiling a bibliography of Herculaneum, the work done by Forchheim and by Giibrici was of the greatest help PREFACE xi to Mr. Shoobridge. The bibliography of this subject is given in Appendix V. In order, however, to impress upon the reader as vividly and convincingly as possible the wealth and value of the discoveries already made at Herculaneum, and the astounding state of preservation of these objects, we deemed it of paramount importance that numerous and adequate illustrations should be presented. We have thus given ten plates in photogravure (produced by M. Paul Dujardin of Paris), one coloured plate by Andre and Sleigh, and forty-eight half-tone plates made by the Swan Electric Engraving Company. We must thank. Messrs. Brogi, photographers of Florence, for allowing us to use some of their excellent photographs in the production of several plates. These works we selected chiefly with a view directly to impress through the eye upon the reader the splendid harvest of ancient treasures in literature and art which may be expected from the complete excavation of that site. I need hardly add that, from the nature of this book, we could not do more than give a short description of these works, and had to avoid a further discussion. Such an attempt would by itself have led to the production of a volume larger than the one we have actually written, and a partial attempt would have been inadequate and misleading. We reserve the fuller discussion of the works of art found at Herculaneum for a separate publication to be made in the future. While thus the book as a whole is meant before all things to impress the desirability, nay the moral necessity, of a com- plete excavation of Herculaneum, it is hoped that it also contains information of some permanent value to the general reader and to the archaeologist and classical student as well. I may be allowed to seize this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to all those who gave direct or indirect assistance and xii HERCULANEUM encouragement to us in our endeavours to realise our international plan as well as in the writing of this book. Most of those who have thus helped us are mentioned in the book. ; but some are not, and these I should like to thank now. Among such helpers, not adequately mentioned in the book, are my friends Mr. George Leveson-Gower, Sir Edwin Egerton (H.M. Ambassador to Italy), Sir Rennell Rodd (H.M. Minister to Sweden), Baron de Bildt (Swedish Minister to Italy). I should like to add that, whenever I had occasion to apply to the Foreign Office — be it under Lord Lansdowne with Sir Eric Harrington, or under Sir Edward Grey and Lord Fitz- maurice with Mr. Mallet, — I have always met with the greatest courtesy and readiness to help. In the writing of this book we have incurred numerous obligations. We must thus gratefully acknowledge the willing and efficient help given us by all the authorities of the National Museum of Naples. We are especially grateful to our friend Professor M'Kenny Hughes, who has allowed us to incorporate some passages from his own unpublished essay on the Geology of Herculaneum in Chapter III. of Part I. ; and though his work is there indicated, we feel that we have exceptional cause to be grateful to him for his advice and encouragement. So, too, I should again like here to record my sense of deep gratitude to my friends Professor and Mrs. J. G. Frazer, for the interest they have shown in the making of this book. I have also received help and advice from my friends Dr. Walter Headlam and Mr. Wedd, both Fellows of King's College, Cambridge. Professor von Duhn of Heidelberg has given me some valuable advice on the bibliography of the subject. I wish also gratefully to acknowledge my indebtedness to the authors and publishers who have allowed us to reproduce illustrations from Beloch's Campanien and Comparetti and De Petra's Villa Ercolanese, to PREFACE xiii Messrs. George Bell for allowing us to reprint the late Sir Richard Jebb's translation of the two letters of Pliny the Younger, and to the Palaeographical Society for the reproduction of papyri. We wish specially to acknowledge the kindness of Professor Beloch for correcting the two maps which we repro- duce from his work, so that they now present his latest views on the subject. I am also grateful to my publishers and printers for the help they gave us in the difficult task of pro- ducing a book of this kind in comparatively so short a time. I have kept for the end the expression of our thanks to our friend, Mr. D. S. Robertson, Scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge, whose help in the collecting of the material as well as in the writing of the book has been to us invaluable. He travelled to Naples and supplemented Mr. Shoobridge's work there, and has shown ability, scholarship, and maturity of judgment which promise well for his future career. CHARLES WALDSTEIN. King's College, Cambridge, February 1908. F,S. — The publication of this book has been delayed owing to circumstances beyond the control of both authors and pub- lishers. I regret to find that up to the present date the excavations at Herculaneum have not yet begun. It is to be hoped that the work will be taken in hand by the Italian Government without further delay. Since this book has been in the Press the official catalogue of the National Museum of Naples has appeared under the title Guida del Museo Nazionale di Napo/i. The book has been written, under the editorship of Sign. A. Ruesch, by the joint- authorship of D. Bassi, E. Gabrici, L. Mariani, O. Marucchi, xiv HERCULANEUM G. Patroni, G. de Petra, and A. Sogliano. Among these eminent authorities we are chiefly concerned with the work, of Sign. Sogliano (Bronzes and Paintings), L. Mariani (Sculpture in Marble), Ettore Gabrici (Iconography). In the list of the principal objects discovered at Herculaneum, compiled by Mr. Shoobridge and Mr. Robertson, given in our Appendix III., it will be seen that some objects are not mentioned which appear in the Guida. This is chiefly due to the fact that our list was designed to mention the principal objects. On the other hand, it will be seen that our list includes a number of articles from Herculaneum — especially the objects in gold — which are not mentioned as being from Herculaneum by the Guida. In several cases, some of them important, the Guida mentions no origin, or assigns some other origin (Pompeii, etc.), to objects which, from a careful study of the inventories, etc., on the spot, we assign to Herculaneum. On the minute controversial matter suggested by these divergences it would not be the purport of our work to enter. On the other hand, in order that the fullest material at present available may be submitted to the student of finds derived, or probably derived, from Herculaneum, we have added to our list complete quotations from the Guida. We have also given the reference to the passages in the Guida of every item mentioned by them both in our list and in our description of plates, especially as the Guida will enable the student to find the chief books and articles in which the works from Herculaneum are published or discussed. C. W. June 1908. CONTENTS PACE INTRODUCTION ...... i PART I.— THE PAST AND THE PRESENT CHAPTER I Topography . . . . . . -57 CHAPTER II The Inhabitants of the District and of Herculaneum . 85 CHAPTER III The Earthquake of 63 a.d. and the Eruption of 79 a.d. 97 CHAPTER IV The History of the Site since the Eruption . . 125 PART II.— THE FUTURE CHAPTER I Reform of Excavation ..... 135 XV xvi HERCULANEUM CHAPTER II PACE Before Excavation . . . . . .147 CHAPTER III During Excavation ...... 160 CHAPTER IV After Excavation ...... 169 APPENDIX I Documents relating to the International Scheme of Excavation, 1903 to 1907 . . . .187 APPENDIX II Passages from Ancient Authors referring to Herculaneum, WITH Translations ..... 255 APPENDIX III List of Principal Objects which can be identified as coming from Herculaneum .... 271 APPENDIX IV Guide to the Villa Suburbana, with accompanying Plan 297 APPENDIX V Bibliography of Herculaneum .... 306 I DESCRIPTION OF PLATES IVe here give the titles according to our List of Principal Objects in Appendix III. Roman numerals are given to the plates in heliogravure. Arabic numerals are given to the half-tone plates. The height is given in metres. JVhere several works are grouped together we proceed from left to right, beginning above. JVe generally adopt the latest designations given by the authorities of the National Museum of Naples. The appearance, since this list was in print, of the official " Guida del Museo Nazionale di Napoli " lias led us to refer to the descriptions of the works of art in that publication by adding the number in the '■'■Guida" [e.g. G. 841) at the end of our description. This will be especially useful to the student, as the " Guida " gives references to further publications and discussions. HELIOGRAVURES AND COLOUR PRINTS HATE FACE PACt I. Hermes in Repose. Two views of this well-known and most beautiful ancient bronze statue, probably a direct illustration of the Lysip- pean art of the second half of the fourth century B.C. Illustrates well the wonderful preservation of the bronzes from Herculaneum. The statue was found in the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 1. 15. Index, No. 5625 (G. 841) ...... 4 II. Wrestler (.''). Two \'iewsof one of the two bronze statues of a wrestler. They have also been considered to represent a discobolus after he has just thrown the discus, or a runner. They may belong to the same school as the preceding statue, and also illustrate the excellent preservation of bronzes. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 1.18. Index, Nos. 5626 and 5627 [G. 861) .... 6 III. Sleeping Faun [Fauno Dcrmiente). Bronze statue. The stone base modern. Hgt. 1.42. — Drunken Satyr [Fauno Ebbrio). Bronze statue. Hgt. 1.79. Both arc probably of the Pergamenian School, and were found in the Villa Suburbana. Nos. 5624 and 5628 (G. 842 and 858) . . . . . .11 IV. Six Decorative Bronze Statues, " Dancing Maidens." Probably between 470 and 450 B.C. From the Villa Suburbana. With the exception of the smallest of them (1.22) they vary between 1.50 and 1.75. Nos. 5603, 5604, 5605, and 5619, 5620, 5621 [G. 852 and 843 sq.) 22 V. Four Bronze Busts. ? Amazon, from an original of Polycleitos, second half of fifth century B.C. Hgt. 0.45. No. 4889 [G. 856). — Dory- phoros of Polycleitos, ancient copy by Apollonius of Athens. xvii xviii HERCULANEUM FACE PAGE Hgt. 0.53. No. 4885 {G. 854). Archaic head, early fifth century B.C. — Athlete or Apollo. Hgt. 0.48. No. 5608 (G. 850). — Dionysos (formerly called Plato). Archaic, first half fifth century B.C. Hgt. 0.48. No. 5618 (G. 857). All are from the Villa Suburbana . 24 VI. Bronze Female Bust, unknown. ? Sappho. .? Fourth century B.C. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.47. No. 4896 (G. 891 ) . 26 Bearded Bronze Portrait Bust (two views), formerly called (?) Seneca, (?) Lucius Calpurnius Piso, etc. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.34. No. 5616 (G. 879) . . . . .26 VII. Three Female Draped Marble Statues. Two of them (the girl to the left and the matron in the middle) are from Dresden (Albertinum), where a third, a repetition of the more youthful figure, came with them from the theatre of Herculaneum. Whether they are meant for portraits or mythological figures (Muses) cannot be decided. They may have been made at a later date, but they are derivatives of the best Greek style of the fourth century B.C. (see end of Appendix III.). The one to the left is in the Museum of Naples. Hgt. 2.12. No. 6378 (G. 227) . . . . -52 VIII. Five Bronze Busts. Ephebus or Apollo, type of the fifth century B.C. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.34. No. 5633 (G. 851 ). — Heracles, style of Scopas, fourth century B.C. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.40. No. 5614 (G. 853). — Theseus or Athlete. The inlaid eyes are in excellent preservation. Compare this head with that of Theseus on the wall-painting (Plate XI.), which has led us to identify the head. It is not improbable that the artist of the wall-painting may have been directly influenced by this bust in painting his picture. Style of Scopas. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.50. No. 5594 (G. 848). — Ideal Head. The style, though severe, is probably that of the fourth century B.C. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.45. No. 5610 (G. 855). — Artemis, called Berenice. Style of the fourth century B.C. Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.51. No. 5592 (G. 849) . . . . .90 IX. Five Bronze Busts. Male Portrait, bearded (? Philosopher). Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.56. No. 5623 (G. 881). — xVIale Portrait, bearded (? Philosopher). Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.63. No. 5602 (G. 880). — Portrait, unbearded. ? Scipio Africanus Major. Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.46. No. 5634 (G. 883). — Male Portrait, unbearded, younger man. Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.55. No. 5588 (G. 885). — Bearded Head with Taenia. Not clear vv^hether a portrait or a bust of Heracles, or a victorious athlete. ? Archita. Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.52. No. 5607 (G. 882) . . 94 X. Eight Bronze Statuettes. Venus standing on left leg, drapery in right hand beside vase. Hgt. 0.185. No. 5132 (G. 1569). — Aphrodite, standing on right foot, removes gold anklet from left ankle. Base inlaid with silver. Hgt. 0.182. No. 5133 (G. 1570). — Cupid running with torch. Very similar to one reported to have been found at Bosco Reale. Now in possession of Mr. Pierpont Morgan. Hgt. 0.56. No. 5017 (G. 1677)- — Pallas Athene with J DESCRIPTION OF PLATES xix FACK fAGF high-crested helmet, probably from original of fifth century B.C. Hgt. 0.250. No. 5288 (G. 1565). — Fortuna, female figure- standing on globe. Traces of wings on back. Hgt. 0.39. No. 5010 (G. 1590). — Marsyas playing the flute. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. .0115. No. 5296 (G. 899). — Alexander the Great on horseback. Hgt. 0.49. No. 4996 (G. 1487). — Faun, standing on right foot, thyrsus in right hand upraised. From the Villa Suburbana. Hgt. 0.0191. No. 5292 (G. 903) . . 97 XI. Theseus, Conqueror of the Minotaur, surrounded by Athenian boys whom he is supposed to have freed. Coloured plate of wall-paint- ing. Compare this with the bronze bust on Plate VIII. Hgt. 1.95. Width, 1.55. No. 9049 (G. 1300) . . Frontispiece HALF-TONE PLATES 1. Map of Campania. From Beloch's Campanien, etc. 2. View of the Bay of Naples. Site of Herculaneum at the slope of the mountain near the sea ..... . 3. Two Manuscript Fragments of the work Ylepl alcrOi'io-ewv by the Epicurean Metrodorus, Palaeogr. Sac. vol. i. PI. 152. Two Fragments of the work Tlepl (Ti]fi(i(i>i' Koi 0.175, 0.285. Nos. 5466, 5465, 5467, 5468, 5469 (G. 900, 902,893,894,901). All from the Villa Suburbana . . . 44 10. Plan of Herculaneum. From Beloch's Campaiiien . . -SI 11. La Vega's Pl.ui of Herculaneum. From Ruggiero's Scavi, etc. . . 61 12. Plan of Theatre at Herculaneum. From Ruggiero's iScax//, ^/c. . 69 13. Elevation of the Post-Sccnium. From Mazois et Gau, Les Ruines dc Pompyi, etc., part iv. 1812 . . . . . .71 14. Plan of the Basilica, Herculaneum. From Cochin et Bellicard, Observa- tions sur les antiquites de la ville d^ Herculanum, '757 • • 73 12 14 16 18 XX HERCULANEUM f'-ATE TACE PACE 15. Two Marble Ilquestrian Statues. Marcus Nonius Balbus the Younger (the head is restored). Hgt. 2.60. No. 6104 (G. 59). — Marcus Nonius Balbus the Elder. Hgt. 2.60. No. 621 1 (G. 23). Probably from the Basilica ........ 78 16. Wall-Painting. Cheiron and Achilles. From the Basilica. Hgt. 1.27; width, 1.27. No. 9109 (G. 1279) . . . . .80 17. Wall-Painting. The Childhood of Telephus. Telephus as an infant in the foreground. Heracles and personification of Arcadia. Hgt. 2.18 ; width, 1.82. No. 9008 (G. 1272) . . . . .82 18. Three Marble Roman Portrait Statues. Marcus Nonius Balbus the Elder. Hgt. 2.20. No. 6167 (G. 60). — Viciria Areas, mother of the Proconsul Nonius Balbus. Hgt. 2.20. No. 6168 (G. 20). — Male portrait holding papyrus in left hand. Hgt. 1.70. No. 6252 (G. 69) 85 19. Three Bronze Roman Portrait Statues. Two views of statue of Lucius Mammius Maximus, priest of Augustus. Hgt. 2.13. No. 5591 (G. 765). — Marcus Calatorius. Hgt. 2.08. No. 5597 (G. 755). — .'Tiberius. Hgt. 2.19. No. 5615 (G. 793) . . .86 20. Pallas Athene, advancing with spear and aegis. Marble Statue. Prob- ably a direct copy of archaic Greek statue, in which the copyist has involuntarily introduced later elements of style in the treatment of the face. Hgt. 2.00. No. 6007 (G. loi) .... 100 21. Two Marble Busts of pure Greek style. Demetrius Polyorcetes. Hgt. 0.43. No. 6149 (G. 1 146). From the Villa Suburbana. — Female Head, ? Aphrodite. Style of the fifth century B.C. Hgt. 0.60. No. 6369 (G. 139) . . . . . \ .102 22. Bronze Portrait Bust, unknown. There is difference of opinion whether the curls are ancient or modern, whether the head is that of a man or a woman. Hgt. 0.42. No. 5598 (G. 884). From the Villa Suburbana . . . . . . . .108 23. Two Marble Busts with Helmets. ? Pyrrhus. Hgt. 0.48. No. 6150 (G. 1144). — Young Warrior. Hgt. 0.55. No. 6151 (G. 1153). Both from the Villa Suburbana . . . . .112 24. Aeschines. Marble Portrait Statue. This replica is inferior to the one in the Lateran Museum, Rome. Hgt. 2.20. No. 6018 (G. 1139) . 114 25. Four Marble Portrait Busts. Unbearded youthful man (? Ptolemy Soter). Hgt. 0.58. No. 6158 (G. 1152). — Head with short beard (? ZenoofCitium). Hgt. 0.43. No. 6152 (G. 1 143). — Older bearded man (? Anacreon). Hgt. 0.56. No. 6162 (G. 1 136). — Bearded man with armour (.? Archidamas 11.). Hgt. 0.56. No. 6156 (G. 1148). The two first are from the Villa Suburbana. The others may be from the same site . . . . . . .122 26. Five Marble Busts. Beardless Head. Supposed Attilius Regulus. Hgt. 0.43. No. 6148 (G. 1 151).— Bearded (?) Philosopher. Hgt. 0.52. No. 6155 (G. 1 140). Both from the Villa Suburbana. — Supposed Periander of Corinth. Hgt. 0.54. No. 6144 (G. 1137). — Euripides. Hgt. 1.96. No. 6414 (G. 1127). — Roman Portrait. No. 6201 (G. 1097). ...... 126 27. Marble Statue of Nude Boy. Roman in subject, but Greek in style, i DESCRIPTION OF PLATES XXI PLATE FACE PACE corresponding in this to " Germanicus " of the Louvre Museum. Hgt. 1.29. No. 6105 (G. 1 145). Villa Suburbana. — Bronze Statuette of Youth with Chlamys. It ma)' represent a youthful Alexander the Great in Lysippean style. Hgt. 0.33. No. 5026 (G. 1606) 28. Bronze Horse and Horse's Head. Colossal. Hgt. of horse, 2.16. No. 4904 (G. 775).— Head (restored). Hgt. 0.35 ; width, 0.37. No. 115391 (G. 801) ....... 29. Three Bronze "Grotesque" Busts. Hgt. O.176. No. 5306 (G. 1608) 30. Marble Statue of Augustus (Head restored). Hgt. 2.15. No. 6040 (G. 965) • 31. Marble Reliefs. Bacchanalian Procession. Hgt. 1.49; width, 0.92 No. 6726 (G. 281). — Dionysos seated, a figure (wanting) pouring i libation into a cantharus held by the god. Head restored. Hgt, 1.30 ; width, 1.05. No. 6728 (G. 290) 32. Wall-Painting. Toilet Scene. Severer style. Hgt. 0.44 ; width, 0.44 No. 9022 (G. 1471) ...... 33. Wall-Paintings. Tragic Actor, etc. Possibly scenes relating to the theatre. Hgt. 0.39. No. 9019 (G. 1470). — Concert of Music Hgt. 0.44. No. 9021 (G. 1473) .... Medea. This is probably only a portion of the original Hgt. 1.33 ; width, 0.42. No. 8976 (G. 1316) .? Muse or Sappho. Hgt. 0.31 ; width, 0.31. No 34. Wall-Painting. composition. 35. Wall-Painting. 9884 36. Wall-Painting. A Frieze of Amorini variously occupied. Hgt. 0.24 Nos. 9176, 9177, 9178, 9179 (G. 1455) 37. Three Wall-Paintings. Male and Female Centaurs with Bacchanalian Figures. Bold decorative brush-worlc. Hgt. 0.22. Nos. 9133 sq- (G. 1447, .'' Pompeii) ..... 38. Wall-Painting. Ceremony in the Worship of Isis. Conventional style This picture is interesting as illustrating the rites connected with Isis Hgt. 0.86 ; width, 0.85. No. 8924 (G. 1346) 39. Bronze Statuette of Amazon on Horse. Hgt. 0.51. No. 4999 (G. 1489) 40. Bronze Helmet, with Battle Scene in relief (? Hi upersis). Hgt. 0.450, No. 5673 (G. 1897, origin uncertain) 41. Bronze Tripod. Rich decoration. Hgt. 0.925 ; diameter of basin, 0.450 No. 72995 (G. 1542, ? orig. Pompeii) 42. Two Pails. Bronze and silver ornaments. One resting on winged animals (restored). Hgt. 0.42 ; diameter at rim, 0.32. No. 68854 (G. 1647, ? orig. Pompeii). The other stands on plinth. Hgt. 0.38 ; diam. 0.32. No. 68866 (G. 1614) . . . . . 43. Three Bronze Handles. In middle, Phrygian figure of Boy standing on mask. Hgt. 303 ; width, 065. No. 72592 (G. 1659). To left, Female Figure with lyre. No. 72637. To right. Head of Medusa. Hgt. 0.225. No. 72600 44. Silver Situla. In repousse work women in bath. diam. 260. No. 25289 (G. 1875) . 45. Two Silver Cups with two Handles. Frieze of ivv 25379 (G. 1880) . . . . ' Hgt. mill. 270 ; Nos. 25378 and 128 130 135 '38 142 144 148 150 152 '5+ 156 .58 160 162 164 166 168 170 172 xxii HERCULANEUM FACE PAGE 46. Silver Mirror Case. Female figures with Eros in low relief. (.'Ariadne.) The rim is modern. Diam. mill. 170. No. 25490 (G. 1881, .? Pompeii) . . . . . . . -174 47. Four Silver Medallions in repousse work. The upper ones in high relief, Apollo and Artemis. Diam. mill. 230. Nos. 25492 and 25493 (G. 1877). — Low relief with seated Silenus playing the lyre. Diam. mill. 98. No. 25495 (G. 1876). — Two Amorini dancing. Diam. mill. 95. No. 25488 (G. 1876) . . . . .176 48. Plan of Villa Suburbana. From Comparetti and De Petra's Villa Ercolanese, etc. ....... 296 INTRODUCTION It may fairly be said that all authorities concerned with classical antiquity are agreed that of all ancient sites, without any exception, Herculaneum promises to yield the richest treasure to the excavator. The reasons tor this belief in no way rest upon the intrinsic importance of Herculaneum in the ancient world. It was a colony of no great prominence in the period when Greek culture was actively predominant in the Mediterranean basin ; while in the Roman period it cannot claim to have been a provincial town of large size or influence.^ In this respect it cannot compare in any sense with such sites as Athens or Rome, Delphi or Olympia, Alexandria or Pergamon, nor with any of the cities of historical importance in Greece or Asia Minor, nor with the numerous centres of wealth and culture in Magna Graecia and Sicily. Nevertheless the excavator has every reason to believe that the artistic treasure to be found, and the intellectual harvest to be reaped, in the thorough excavation of Herculaneum will be greater and more valuable than in any ancient site, including even the great centres mentioned above. ' Even in the eighteenth century tliis was recognised by some. A correspondent sends a letter to the Mercure de France o^ September 1751 (pp. 172 seq.) from Brussels, dated January 20, 1 751. In it he says : "L'Europc entidre soufFre impatiemment I'attentc dans laqucUe on la fait languir depuis dix ans sur Ic detail dcs decouvcrtes dc I'ancien Hcrculanum ou Hcraclca, comme on dit aujourd'hui a Naples ... (p. 174) J'accordc i la ville dont nous examinons Ics ruines, tous les degres de magnificences qu'elle peut avoir posscdes, j'cn ai mcmc etc tcmoin ct avec etonnement, cepcndant, tranchons le mot, elle n'a jamais etc qu'unc petite ville de province, dont le commerce n'a pas meme etc celibrc." I B 2 HERCULANEUM The position of primary archaeological importance possessed by Herculaneum is maintained even when we consider the other ancient cities grouped round Vesuvius, such as Cumae, Naples, Stabiae, and Pompeii, each of which was a larger centre of ancient political and civic life than Herculaneum. To bring this home by one striking instance we may anticipate the fuller proof, which this book taken as a whole will amply give, and merely point to the fact, that one villa excavated at Herculaneum in the eighteenth century has yielded greater treasure in original ancient bronzes, and more ancient manu- scripts, than the excavations of Athens or Rome, Olympia or Delphi, Alexandria or Pergamon. But, in order still further to impress the reader with the justification for this well-founded conviction of archaeologists, we may select the following principal reasons. The first is to be found in the conditions of its sepulture during the eruption of 79 a.d., which arrested ancient life as it was. The more sudden and complete the catastrophe during the eruption of 79, the greater the chances of finding the actual life of the past arrested and fixed for posterity to discover : the more complete for the ancient inhabitants the sway of Death during those fateful days, the greater the chances of Life — of the resuscitation of ancient life — for the modern explorer. It almost reminds one of the classical conception of the shafts of Apollo, which struck down the living in full vigour, instead of allowing them to waste away in old age or in disease which disfigures and corrupts : thus to be struck down was considered a grace granted by the gods. Thus the sudden destruction of Herculaneum resulted in the arrestation of the life of that ancient community in its full vigour and completeness — it was, as it were, hermetically sealed and preserved ; and while in other sites we may have an illustration of the one or the other side of ancient life and of man's work, we can never hope to find a picture of life from all sides and in its organic completeness. Moreover, INTRODUCTION 3 every ancient city, excepting those of Campania grouped round Vesuvius, has passed through the vicissitudes which centuries of eventful history entail, and those consequent changes which cause the complete destruction or the long transformation of its life and monuments during the Middle Ages down to modern times. The inroads of the barbarous hordes which usher in the Decline of the Roman Empire continue in devastating frequency throughout the Middle Ages down to the very threshold of our own day, when, even in the early nineteenth century, Moorish pirates made raids on the seaport towns of the Mediterranean coast. The changes of rulers — not only Christian and Mohammedan, but among the Christians themselves — and the iconoclastic activity of each successive dominion ; the wars and sieges ; the sacking and burning and all the wanton destruction in their wake, — when we remember these, we must ask how much of the ancient splendour were we justified in expecting to find under the ruins of modern Rome, the Forum, Athens, Delphi, and Olympia ? Think of the wealth of classical treasure massed within the walls of the ancient Byzantium : and what may we hope to find remaining there even if we could level modern Constantinople and dig beneath its ruins ? How much would remain of Alexandria, that metropolis of classical culture in later times, even if we could raze the modern city to the ground and dig down (often below sea-level) beneath its soil, where in the mud the ancient remains lie buried ? Even without the destructive hand of man, envious Time of itself sees that its own soul of change should feed on the death of the spirit of each age of man and on his works, perennial as bronze, on which he has imprinted his living spirit. Exposed to the vicissitudes of weather, cold and heat, storm and sunshine, they crumble away and lose the clearness and beauty of their features and form. What is upright is levelled to the ground by slow waste and corrosion or by sudden earthquake, and what is hollow is filled in ; dust- 4 HERCULANEUM. storms and streaming water soon choke and bury what has not crumbled away. When once these works of man are below the covering dust, and vegetable and animal life is buried with them, the organic matter, the biting acids of the earth, eat into the hard bronze to the very heart of its beauteous shape, rasp the smoothly modelled marble, and destroy its subtle grace of line. The dry sands of Egypt are kinder. Yet the sands of Egypt had not to nurse Hellenic Beauty and Truth but as rare and exotic intruders into its ancient life. But our Herculaneum died young and in full vigour, and its embalmed body was hidden away beyond the hands of all rapacious men, excepting those who long lovingly to restore it to the pristine beauty of its early lite. Here Vesuvius, as it were, arrested Time, arrested the hand of man bent on ravage or raised in internecine warfare. Thus were the towns of Campania preserved for posterity by the very agencies which of old caused their destruction. Among these cities, again, Herculaneum holds a unique position, and has preserved what neither Neapolis, Cumae, Stabiae, nor even Pompeii can ever yield. For the entombment of Herculaneum ^ was both sudden, complete, and secure, and this was not the case with the other Campanian cities nor with Pompeii. A glance at the map of Campania (Plates i and 2) will show that Pompeii is about five and three-quarter miles from the foot of Vesuvius, while Herculaneum is considerably nearer, a distance of only four and a half miles. From the account of the catastrophe in the letter of the younger Pliny ^ we learn that Pompeii was ultimately buried by the rain of ashes which the wind, blowing from the north - west, gradually sent over the distant city. The process, though more destructive and terrible, was very similar to that which was seen during the most recent eruption. The inhabitants had every reason to hope that their city might be saved from 1 See Part I. Chapter III. 2 Pliny, Ep. vi. i6 and 20; Ruggiero, Scat'i d" Ercolano, 1885, pp. v seq. CL Chapter III. -.ir^TMyaw INTRODUCTION 5 total destruction ; so that many of them lingered on, hiding in cellars and elsewhere for some time. Even ultimately the city was not completely buried, the ashes not reaching a greater height than 20 feet,^ so that the upper storeys of the houses projected after the eruption had ceased. The result was that there was ample time to save and remove all valuables. No doubt the inhabitants returned immediately after the destruc- tion and entered almost every house, clearing it of nearly all furniture and all that was valuable and portable. Even in later times the city was continually approached by easy passages dug into the friable covering, so that hardly a house remains the walls of which were not broken into so as to admit those who were bent upon carrying off its contents. The number of statue-bases that remain, the statues themselves having disappeared, show how even heavy articles were taken from the public places. In Herculaneum, on the other hand, there is no evidence that there was time to save the valuables ; the statues remain on their bases or are found in close proximity to them. In the lower portions, where the covering was not so thick ^ (nearer the sea, where the newer excavations are now to be seen), there is evidence that attempts were made to excavate and save what was buried.^ In later times also the workers in the field and those who dug down for wells — as in 1709 such digging led to the finds which initiated the first excavations — were casually and sporadically led to seek for treasure in the buried remains. But the mass of ancient Herculaneum was completely buried to a depth of about 80 feet, which made it impossible for the inhabitants to recover what they had lost. The city was not gradually ^ Cf. Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii: its Life and Art, 1904, p. 25. Even building materials were carried away. "The large buildings about the Forum were almost completely stripped of" their marble." In the theatre of Herculaneum the excavators of 1738 found all the beautiful marble scats. ' Bonucci, Giornalc di, R. Scavi li' Ercohno, No. 2, February 1828; Ruggicro, Scavi, etc., p. 544. Cf. Part I. Chapter III. ' Ruggicro, Scati, etc., p. \\. Cf. below, Part 1. Chapter IV. 6 HERCULANEUM covered by the rain of ashes lasting for days ; but suddenly ^ there appeared the torrent of liquid mud, of ashes mixed with water from the torrential rains or from the lakes and rivulets, along the courses of which it moved down the slope, and this swept all before it. The danger was imminent and unmistak- ably recognisable by the inhabitants. There could be no hesitation, no wavering or faltering, no hope such as kept the dwellers of Pompeii in their homes for days praying for the cessation of the catastrophe. Thus it was a general sauve qui peut, the stream of mud advancing with terrible, relentless slowness, so that there was time to escape from the town, though most of those who could not flee by the sea must have found their death in the fields of the neighbouring country. These conditions explain the circumstance — at first striking us as singular and unexpected — that comparatively so many bodies were found at Pompeii and so few at Herculaneum.^ The one fact, so important for the question we are con- sidering, remains : that Herculaneum difl^ers from Pompeii in that the treasures and all portable objects, including works of art, remained securely buried at Herculaneum and were not disturbed in later times, while this is not the case at Pompeii. A second most important point in which the case for Herculaneum is unique among ancient sites — with the exception, perhaps, of Egypt — is the comparatively perfect preservation in which the objects there buried are ready for the hand of the excavator. The stream of liquid mud no doubt swept through the streets and open places and carried before it all detachable objects ; some fragments of statues were found in the lower portions of the city towards the sea, having been pressed down from their position higher in the ' Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. v ; Mau-Kelsey, pp. 20, 2 1. Cf. below, Part I. Chapter IV. ^ Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., pp. v and vi ; Mau-Kelsey, p. 23. About 2000 persons are computed to have perished in Pompeii. At Herculaneum, in all only six bodies have been found. Cf. below, Part I. Chapter III. PI INTRODUCTION 7 town.^ But where the objects were not thus removed and stood firm, the plastic mass became a kind of matrix, covering and preserving the forms it enveloped. Gradually it penetrated the houses, and in these, gently, without violent breakage, it filled up the interior, preserving the articles of furniture and decoration from undue pressure and from the corroding influence of moisture and chemical disintegration, except for the carbonisation of wood.'^ It has been maintained that the ashes and pumice-stones (lapilli) reached Pompeii in a hot condition and thus burnt, charred, or destroyed objects. The beams of houses were found charred. But it is also held, with greater justification, that the apparent charring was caused by the chemical action of the soil, and that the pumice-stones would have been cooled during their transit through the air.^ Be this as it may as regards Pompeii, the tact remains that the actual finds made at Herculaneum during the excavations of the eighteenth century and later, absolutely prove the exceptionallv favourable preservative quality of the material covering it. The numerous bronzes to be seen in the Museum of Naples have the most delicate patina preserved with a freshness sometimes approaching the quality of their original production.* When one remembers the pitiful state in which in most excavations bronzes appear, not only with their surface patina destroyed, but with their outline and design vitiated, one looks forward with the keenest delight to the prospect of the finds of these rarest works of ancient skill which are nearest the original masterpieces of Greek art. For we must never forget that by far the greater number of extant marble statues are later Hellenistic or Roman copies of Greek originals. We find, moreover, that glass is not melted, marble is not calcined, and, above all, that rolls of manuscripts, though ' Ruggicro, Scavi, etc., p. vi. Cf. below, Part I. Chapters III. and IV. - Dair Osso, article in the Tribumi, January and February 1907. 8 Mau-Kclsey, p. 22. Cf. Part I. Chapter III. •• Our illustrations of the seated Hermes (Plate I.), the Wrestler (Plate II.), the Fauns (Plate III.), the various bronze busts, will amply bring this characteristic quality of Herculaneum bronzes home to the reader. 8 HERCULANEUM carbonised or discoloured, are not damaged beyond the possi- bility of their restoration to a state in which they can be read. Here we come to one of the most important and exceptional features of Herculaneum, which, moreover, is one of the chief reasons why we consider this site so unique. No doubt we have all been rejoiced by the rich harvest of important manuscripts which have of late years been discovered in Egypt, where the nature of the soil favours the best preserva- tion of these delicate objects. Our hopes have been justly raised that the future may have further important additions to ancient literature in store for us from this quarter. But these manuscripts necessarily come in isolated numbers and in fragmentary condition from the nature of their use in the tombs and round the mummies of ancient Egypt. Quite different is the case of Herculaneum. Here in one villa about 800 manuscripts were found together forming the library of one man.^ Unfortunately, the possessor of this villa was a specialist and not a man of all-round culture ; he was a student of ancient thought, in which he again specialised in Epicurean philosophy. The result is that a very large proportion of the manuscripts treat of that subject.^ Imagine a modern student who collected sermons, and left a future excavator to discover a whole library consisting exclusively of this edifying literature, which, however, can hardly be said to be fully representative of the thought or life of our age. But all the rich dwellers in the villas of Herculaneum were not such specialists ; and should we come upon the library of an ordinary lady or gentleman of the age, we may certainly expect to find the classical representatives of ancient thought and literary art. All the great Greek tragedians or writers of comedy (including Menander) may be there waiting for us in their completeness. The works of the early Greek philosophers, Heracleitus, Parmenides, Empedocles, Demo- 1 See for specimen, Plate 3. Cf. Part 1. Chapters I. and IV. ' Comparetti and De Petra, La VilLi Ercolanese, p. 75. ht^'i^^ i^fvrlR^fv >- ---'-boyi?.j,^7)raY'- tf ■ HKKCI. 1. ANKUM MANUSCRIPTS. I'j.ate 3. Two fragments truni Mctrodorus' wepi ai icai ffijfjiauijcwv. INTRODUCTION 9 critus, Anaxagoras, and all the treasures of thought only- known to us from fragmentary lines in later writers ; the missing works of Plato and Aristotle (what would one not give to see a complete Poetics ?) ; the whole of Roman literature, the lost books of Livy, — one hardly dares to allow one's imagination to roam in these dazzling fields of classical light. Nor is it impossible that we may find contemporary records, letters referring to the rise and the early years of Christianity. All this seems to await us. At least we are forced in conscientious sobriety to the conviction that the mere promise makes it the duty of the whole of civilised humanity to strain every nerve in view of the possibility of such discoveries. The presence of these libraries brings us to a further point of difference between Herculaneum and Pompeii which constitutes another important ground for the exceptional position of our site. Pompeii was a thriving provincial town, essentially commercial in character and tone. Though possessed of a certain luxury, it was distinctly devoid of higher culture. It is a most striking confirmation of this, that among all the numerous finds made at Pompeii there has not been a single manuscript. Ruggiero ^ maintains that there were traces of manuscripts at Pompeii, and that their absence is entirely due to the less favourable conditions for preservation there as compared with Herculaneum. We do not share this opinion. It is true there were wax tablets ; but these were the account-books of an auctioneer.^ Herculaneum, on the other hand, though smaller as a town than Pompeii, was distinctly not a commercial centre. Beloch ^ draws attention to the marked quantity of shops and commercial warehouses, the manifest dwellings of merchants, found in large numbers at Pompeii. As a town Herculaneum was immediately under the active protection of such families as > Delia Eruzione, (tc, p. 22. * Mau-Kelscy, p. 498. ' Campanien, p. 224. Cf. Part I. Chapter II. lo HERCULANEUM the Balbi,^ prominent in the Roman state and representatives of the highest culture. But especially its salubrious climate attracted the leaders of the Roman world such as Servilia, Agrippina, the Consul Appius Claudius Pulcher, who built their villas at its walls or in immediate proximity, and these would be filled with works of art and libraries of which the one villa attributed by Comparetti and De Petra to L. Calpurnius Piso gives us a foretaste. Even this villa was not completely excavated, and one of the first tasks will be to complete its excavation. To find an analogy to the character of Herculaneum in modern life we can best turn to Newport, where the wealthy citizens of America have grouped their splendid villas round the old colonial town. Pompeii, on the other hand, corresponds to the ordinary commercial town in the provinces — though the traders of America, even in the provinces, would be far more advanced as patrons of literature and art than were those of ancient Rome, who had a patrician class, unknown in America, above them, and were satisfied to leave the cultivation of the higher amenities of life to their political and social superiors. A last reason for the greater promise in the excavation ot Herculaneum compared with that of Pompeii, upon which writers like Beule and Dall' Osso lay considerable stress, is the contention that Herculaneum was a Greek settlement while Pompeii was Oscan. The most conclusive ground for the belief in its Hellenic origin lies in the name'" — as at Cumae, Dicaearchia (Puteoli), Parthenope (later Neapolis), — so that Heracleion (this and similar names occurring more than once in the Hellenic world) distinctly points to a Greek origin. Dall' Osso adduces as a further argument the adoption of the Hippodamian system of laying out the town, while in Pompeii we have the Etruscan system. We shall consider 1 Cf. Beloch, Campanieti, pp. 221 ff. Cf. Part I. Chapter II. ^ Beule, Le Drame du Vesuve, pp. 246 seq. ; Beloch, Campanien, p. 218 ; Dall' Osso, Trihuna, passim. PI. Ill xC ' M 9 J a^^ ^H^^^B^B?"-^^ ^^^^ ~.ii I INTRODUCTION ii below the objections to this argument.^ The conclusion drawn from this is that Greek traditions, preserving the essence of Hellenic civilisation, were continuously maintained in their vitality. Though this is not without probability, we hold that it would have been chietiy through the revival and domestication of Hellenic civilisation, its art and literature, during the Augustan period at Rome, and through the leading Romans who made their home at Herculaneum, that Greek art and literature became established in that city. One thing remains certain : that the finds from Hercu- laneum furnish a fuller illustration of specifically Greek culture and art than do those of Pompeii. Wickhoff maintains that the paintings found in Rome and at Herculaneum are superior in quality to those of Pompeii.'^ This cannot, under present conditions, be finally settled ; for the buildings containing paintings are too few in number, and the examples of painting too isolated, to admit of such a comparison between them and those of Pompeii,^ Still, nothing from Pompeii seems to me 1 Dair Osso, Tribuna, January 29, 1907 ; and below, Part I. Chapters I. and II. - Roman Art (translated by Mrs. Strong), p. 143. ^ Professor Herrmann of Dresden, whose studies on ancient wall-painting [Denk- mSler der Malerei des Alterthums) promise to be the most thorough and exhaustive of any yet made, has kindly communicated to me his views on this question. While fully recognising the excellence of the Herculancan paintings, he, points to their small number and to the fact that they come chiefly from two buildings or sites. He admits that nothing has yet been found at Pompeii like the four " CabinettstUcke " from Herculaneum, though the friezes of the Casa del Vctti approach them closely. He, however, holds that several Porapeian wall-paintings surpass those from the Herculanean Basilica. Such arc : those from the Atrium of the Casa del I'octa Tragico, the great Triclinium of the Casa di Marco Lucrezia, those from the Casa del Citarista, and those in the Casa dei Dioscuri. In short, he believes that we only have individual instances in the case of Herculaneum which do not admit of such wide generalisation as is made by Dr. Wickhoff; while out of the mass of works from Pompeii a comparison might lead to the preference of Pompcian painting. I quite agree with this opinion. Only it must be remembered that if, on the one hand, the excavations of Herculaneum should hitherto have yielded but few paintings, it is, on the other hand, curious, and may be significant, that these individual specimens should all be of comparatively such high quality, equal to, if not surpassing, the best specimens from Pompeii ; while Pompeii, with its great quantity of paintings, has yielded few works of a higher class and a large number of decidedly inferior art. In fact, the vast majority of Pompcian paintings is of inferior artistic quality, and might be described as un-Hellcnic ; the tew specimens found at Herculaneum are all of superior quality and arc characteristically Hellenic. 12 HERCULANEUiM more strikingly to convey the impression of the distinctive characteristics of Greek art than the paintings on marble given in our Plates 4 and 5. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that the works found at Herculaneum (not only in the one villa, but in the town as well) illustrate a distinct love of Greek art as such on the part of the inhabitants. We have representative work of every period of Greek art, from archaic sculpture, from the great fifth century B.C., statues and busts typical of the art of the fourth century B.C., and of every subsequent period. This feature of Herculaneum finds is fully shown in the selection of works which we have chosen for illustration in our plates. Whether this means that Greek culture was continuously maintained from the early Greek foundation of the town to its destruction, or that the tradition of such an origin predisposed the inhabitants to facilitate the domestication of Greek culture and art more readily in their midst, or whether it was due to the prominent Roman dwellers in the villas and the town who were themselves patrons of Greek art, the fact remains that, from the actual finds made in earlier excavations, we are justified to hope, nay, bound to expect, that discoveries of valuable works of Greek art will be made in the future, and this to a far higher degree than at Pompeii or any other site hitherto known in classic lands. These are the main grounds supporting our contention that Herculaneum is, above all other sites, the one which must be explored because of the exceptional results to be expected from its complete and systematic excavation. All that we can glean from the ancient authorities is entirely borne out by the excavations carried on in the eighteenth century under the Bourbons, and by the subsequent attempts on a smaller scale. ^ Though these first excavations were at times conducted with far more system and intelligence than is generally attributed to them, as excavations they no longer exist for us. For, with 1 See below, Part I. Chapter IV. MONOCHKOMK PAINTING ON MARBLE. Latona. Astragala-piayers. Greek work. INTRODUCTION 13 the exception ot the underground passages of the theatre, the work has all been filled in again and partly even built over, and it required the scholarly and searching labours of a Ruggiero and De Petra to identify to a considerable degree the points where this earlier work had taken place. But, at the time, the enthusiasm throughout the whole civilised world was intense and universal. The eloquence and the justified reputation of such leaders as Winckelmann greatly contributed to this.^ In England the Prince of Wales, subsequently George IV., himself sent a mission to the scene of excavation, and undertook at his own cost to further the publication of the manuscripts, his envoy being the Rev. John Hayter, who devoted himself for years to this task. After a pause of fifty years several further attempts at excavation were made, first in 1828 at a point where digging had already taken place in the eighteenth century."'^ But after a few houses had been cleared the work flagged, and was given up completely in 1855. From 1869 to 1875 it was again resumed vigorously, and resulted in the greater part of the " Scavi Nuovi"'' representing the parts which are now visible. Since 1875 no further attempts have been made, and all idea of a complete excavation of Herculaneum was practically abandoned, though occasionally a powerful voice, such as that of Beule,"* was raised in its advocacy. But the general attitude, even of the archaeologist, is represented by the words of Beloch : ^ " The newly discovered Pompeii began more and more to absorb all interest, and the work at ' Comparetti and Dc Pctra, La FilLi Ercolanese, pp. 58 ft'. Ct. Part I. Chapter IV. - Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. 537. Cf. Part I. Chapter IV. ' Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., pp. xlvi ft'., and cf. Chapters I. and IV. See Plates 6 and 7. ■■ Beulc, Le Drame du Vhuve, pp. 245 seq. ^ Campanien, 2nd ed. 1890, p. 227: "Das neuentdeckte Pompeii bcginnt mehr und mehr alles Intcresse zu absorbircn, und die Arbciten in Herkulanura schlafen allmahlig ein, um nie wieder aufgenommen zu wcrden. Von alien in den Jahren 1 738-1 766 ausgcgrabcncn GcbUudcn ist heut nur das Theater noch zugilnglich. Der Grund davon licgt zum Thcil in der Lage der alten Stadt unter den Hilusern dcs hcutigcn Rcsina, die einc Aufdeckung Herkulanums in der Art wie Pompeii wohl t"Ur immcr unmOglich raacht." 14 HERCULANEUM Herculaneum gradually lapsed into sleep, never again to be seriously resumed. Of all the buildings discovered between 1738 and 1766 only the theatre is accessible. The reason for this lies partly in the situation of the ancient city under the houses of the modern Resina, which presumably makes it for ever impossible to lay it bare in the manner of Pompeii." It is, in truth, inexplicable how, after the wonderful finds at Herculaneum in the eighteenth century and the enthusiasm then aroused, the work should not have been resumed with greater exertions, and the world should have become resigned to leave these treasures for ever undiscovered. The main reasons for this are to be found, in the first place, in the fact that Pompeii, with the facile means of its excavation, yielded so many tangible results in the way of buildings, etc., that it soon became the most important Campanian excavation, thus years ago superseding the earlier work at Herculaneum, from which latter site it derived much of the glory that pertains to it now. For the general public believes that the great treasures in the Museum of Naples come from Pompeii, or, at least, they group the two sites together in their mind. The ease with which that site is excavated, coupled with the comparatively small sum which has to be devoted to the work there, led the Italian authorities, perhaps wisely, to concentrate their attention and energy on it. But we must remember that, even on that scale, we may compute that the whole of the present century will have passed before Pompeii is completely uncovered.^ In the second place, the erection of the town of Resina over the ancient site has made its excavation, if not impossible, at least attended with such enormous cost and such incon- venience to the inhabitants, that the Italian authorities could not reasonably be expected to make such a stupendous sacrifice, especially in view of the numerous responsibilities in archaeological work, and the expense which they have ^ Mau-Kelsey, p. 29. o < S o T. INTRODUCTION 15 incurred, and will have to incur for many years to come, in every part of their country. Finally, at some time or other, the belief has sprung up (we have in vain endeavoured to discover its definite origin) ^ that the ancient Herculaneum was covered by a solid and impermeable mass of lava, and that thus, while Pompeii can be excavated with comparative ease, Herculaneum presents insuperable difficulties. That this belief is absolutely unfounded, we shall see.^ The lava which may have covered the surface of Resina in the seventeenth century is to be found in patches above the actual covering of the ancient remains. Where it occurs, it may, under certain conditions of excavation, even be highly favourable, by producing a solid supporting mass above. But the belief that this circumstance is a reason why Herculaneum cannot be excavated is so widespread that we have hardly met any layman who did not at once put it prominently forward as such a reason. In view of the overwhelming grounds for which Herculaneum ought, above all other sites, to be excavated, these objections should on no account stand in the way. For many years I have been convinced that the complete and systematic excavation of Herculaneum was one of the few great tasks to which civilised humanity ought to devote its best energies. I was convinced that, in spite of all difficulties inherent in the conditions of the volcanic covering and in the presence of Resina above the remains, the task, could be fulfilled. Always present in my mind, the plan took a more and more definite shape. It seemed to me quite out of the question that Italy by herself — in fact any one of the great nations, even the richest among them — could be expected to grapple with the stupendous difficulties in the way of its realisation. These difficulties were not only concerned with the enormous financial means needed, but with the necessity ^ Bculc, Dp. cit. pp. 250 seij., gave a most convincing refutation of the current view. 2 See below, Part I. Chapters III. and IV. i6 HERCULANEUM of furnishing a concentrated band of experts in every department to make up the staff, in such large numbers, that no one nation could provide them, nor could be expected to support them when at work. The work would thus have to be undertaken on a scale hitherto unknown in the history of excavation. This at once brings us face to face with another question, of the greatest importance to the development of archaeological science, and, through it, to the general advancement of know- ledge ; and this became in my mind inseparably interwoven with my conception of the excavation of Herculaneum.^ This is the reform of our whole system of excavations, and of the methods we apply before, during, and after the actual work of digging. During the course of my work it has for years been impressed upon me that the art or science of excavating has seriously lagged behind the times, to the detriment of the actual prosecution of the work of digging, and especially of the accuracy and completeness of the information to be derived from it. For I maintain that, while all the experi- mental and mechanical sciences have within the last few- generations been improved and have kept pace with all the discoveries of modern times, archaeological excavation has remained — to use an analogy of warfare — in the cross-bow stage as compared with the modern repeating rifle. This has certainly been the case in the excavations which I myself undertook ; and though some of my colleagues may have been better equipped than I was, it is only a question of degree and not of kind in which we differed. We may, surely, demand that the same intelligence and material advantages be applied to such important and delicate work as are brought to bear upon the construction of roads and railway-tunnelling. But further, beyond the mere excavation itself, the objects which are found ought to have the benefit of all that modern science can apply to them. This is not the place to enter into details ' For the fuller treatment of this question see Part II. Chapter I. > c 9 s > < Z D = INTRODUCTION 17 with regard to the means which naturally suggest themselves, and to the manner and mode in which these reforms are to be effected — reforms which will not make research mechanical, which are not primarily meant to accelerate the work, and in no sense stand in the way of the most thorough study ; on the contrary, they furnish the only means for the systematic elaboration of what the spade of the excavator presents to the archaeologist. Only so can our observation and study become truly methodical and exact, and yield results adequate to the rich material for knowledge that lies within our reach. The vastness of the enterprise, the huge scale of work necessitated by the conditions of its execution, necessarily lead to a reconsideration and reorganisation of the methods of excava- tion. And thus this important and fundamental reform of a department of archaeological science necessarily became associated in my mind with the plan of an excavation of Herculaneum, which, if carried into effect, would be not the smallest of the advantages arising out of that great scientific enterprise. Moreover, while the excavation was proceeding, the constant presence at every point of experts supervising the work became in my conception of the reformed methods an absolute necessity. At the same time, the care and elaboration of the objects discovered required the presence of an equal number of experts. I should roughly estimate that the staff should consist of at least a hundred experts and students. Now, apart from the enormous financial sacrifice, it seemed impossible for any one country — even one so rich in the experts required as is Italy — to provide this large number, and to support them while at work. More and more the only conceivable way by which Herculaneum could be restored to the light of day which presented itself to my mind was that of international co-operation under the predominant guidance of Italy, and in accordance with Italian laws. This international aspect of the undertaking necessarily i8 HERCULANEUM arose out of the exceptional conditions which would make the excavation of Herculaneum possible. But for itself and in itself it appeals to the ardent and enthusiastic support of the best that is in all thoughtful and honest men who can look further and rise higher than their own immediate hearthstone, whether personal, communal, or national ; it became inex- tricably interwoven with the whole idea of the excavation of Herculaneum, an essential feature in the whole plan. And how worthy of such enthusiastic acceptance and support is the idea of international co-operation in the cause of science and art ! Who will gainsay what is constantly repeated by leaders of politics and of thought all over the world, that Science and Art know no national boundaries ? Here, more- over, we have the type for this unifying element of Science and Art : for we should be working together on the very soil on which our common civilisation rests, and our object would be to restore the living testimonies of culture which belong to us all. We may differ in language (even here the roots or essential elements have been taken from the same sources by most of us), in religion, in political institutions and aims, in customs, in manners, and in material interests ; but we all have — in our best moments — the same ideas of the value of Art and Science, the same ideals as to the pursuit of the Beautiful and the True out of which, or on which, our conceptions of the Good must grow, or by which they must be tested and modified. They have come to us from Hellas, to a great extent as they have passed through Rome or the Italian land. Such a united effort of civilised nations would become the type for other co-operation in the domain of Science and Art where now there is wastefulness — often ineffectiveness — of national or individual effort, sometimes even leading to antagonism where there ought but to be union. In this time of the maleficent recrudescence of Chauvinism, as stupid and as vapid in its argument and claim to racial or historical TWO VIEWS OF SCAVI NUOVI, WITH HOUSES OF RESINA ABOVE. Plate 7. INTRODUCTION 19 foundation as it is baneful to the best that is in man and in men, to have before the eyes of the world such a scene of common labour in an ideal cause, actually to see, and to have our interest aroused and kept alive by, the representatives of all nations toiling together on that ancient site, with the most modern appliances and the ingenuity born of modern discovery, — to see this peaceful co-operation of the peoples of the world to effectuate our common ideals, this would do more for the advance of mankind and the peace of the world than all the Hague Conferences, noble as their task is. Could there be any opposition to such a movement ? Could any national self-respect, or even national vanity, be touched ? We can well conceive — nay, we can sympathise with — the feeling which nations have of the responsibility which the inheritance left for them in the soil of their fatherland brings with it. Noblesse oblige applies to those who have great traditions to uphold, whether individuals or nations. In any case it is a duty to live up to rather than a privilege to be proud of The Italian people and the Italian Government have been living up to this duty as regards their inherited art and antiquities ; they have made, and are making, greater material and moral sacrifices for such purposes than any other nation, including the richest and most populous. But there are limits to the power of such sacrifice. If Italy were to proceed at the present high pressure of archaeological activity for several centuries, it could not cope with all the tasks actually before it for the excavation and preservation of its classical sites and remains in the peninsula and in Sicily — without taking into account all the important work that is to be done on prehistoric sites. The importance of the latter and the urgency of the need to excavate them fully are growing every day. There are, furthermore, the early Christian and mediaeval antiquities to be dealt with seriously : until later ages, which are now material for the historian, will in their 20 HERCULANEUM turn demand the work of the excavator and archaeologist. Meanwhile, not only will the present and future generations be deprived of those priceless treasures of light which widen and enrich their mental and moral horizon, but the work, delayed becomes more difficult : sites are built over and rise in value, and the methods of excavation with limited means and on a small scale make the proper restoration to the light of day of many of the most important centres of life impossible, or at least improbable. Still, we can understand the opposition telt to see the "foreigner" (if such we choose to consider and to call him in the domain of Science and Art) come into " our " country and excavate its remains. We might each of us be asked, how in our turn we should like such an intrusion into our national home .? Here, however, we must always remember one of the essential differences between the position of the nations inhabiting the soil of ancient classical civilisation and all others. A comparatively small expenditure of work and treasure will fulfil the task of archaeological excavation in non -classical countries such as England and the United States ; and it is their national duty to accomplish more than they have hitherto done. But we must never forget that the antiquities there found are specifically of a national, not an international, character ; or, rather, that they cannot claim to form a direct and- integral part of the past of the other civilised nations of the world. This is emphatically not the case with the classical remains of Italy. As we have seen, they form an essential part of what is fundamental to the civilisation of all Western nations — they are an organic part of our past. In this inheritance Italy holds the place of the eldest son ; the other European nations are the younger brothers. The eldest son is the responsible curator ; but he cannot and will not refuse some share of interest to the younger members of the European family : he has a right to expect that they should show an effective interest in their INTRODUCTION 21 common inheritance ; he might, if he so chose, call upon them to make some sacrifice in maintaining it in its integrity, especially when this object demands efforts far beyond his own power of fulfilment. Even taking all this into account, we can conceive that there would be some hesitation in admitting the intrusion into their land, digging into that very land, of foreign archaeologists who are distinctly and manifestly representative of foreign nationalities. There may even be other reasons justifying such hesitation. Though there can be no doubt as to the brilliant results in archaeological research achieved by the different schools and national institutes in Greece and Italy ; and though ultimately the interest thus kept alive in our common past, the widening of knowledge and the refinement of culture, are wholly good and tend to bring the civilised nations together ; though nobody can withhold his grateful admiration from the nations and the individuals who achieved the great excavations of Olympia and Delphi, Mycenae, Tiryns, Hissarlik and Cnossus, to the Governments who founded their national schools in Athens and in Rome to foster higher archaeological research, opening their hospitable doors to their colleagues of all nations, — still, we may sometimes doubt whether the immediate result may not often tend to accentuate national differences, to separate the different nationalities, and to encourage the hateful sway of Chauvinism. We may even occasionally doubt whether this method of carrying on excavation has not its disadvantages in its bearing upon the preservation and elaboration of the sites discovered and the objects found. I am far from convinced that the immediate effect upon the workers themselves — the rivalries in securing what are thought desirable sites ; the appeal to the instincts of jealousy, which are, alas ! so deeply imbedded in the hearts of nations and of individuals, when the finds are compared with one another ; the jealous guarding of the objects in order to secure exclusively national publication 22 HERCULANEUM as some recompense tor the sacrifice made ; the reflection of the workers' spirit upon their countrymen who are justly proud of the success of those whom they sent out to represent them scientifically — emulation degenerating into rivalry, — I am far from convinced, in view ot these facts, that the effect is perfect from the point of view of what I should like to call international ethics. The reverse of the medal may at times show us the hideous features of international jealousies, vanities, and even intrigues. I think that an institution, owing its origin to the admirable capacity and enthusiasm of one individual — I mean Dr. Dohrn's Zoological Station at Naples — has, from the nature of its international organisation, avoided all these dangers which impede the best results in work and block the way to the realisation of higher ideals for the civilised nations. My experience, when for some years I had the honour of being Director of the American School at Athens, while at the same time retaining my academic post at the University of Cambridge, led me years ago to hope that, as a beginning in the right direction, because of the practical facility with which such a union might have been effected, the British and American Schools at Athens might have been combined into some form of confederation, if not federation. Apart from the higher and more remote effect of such a closer union in the domain of science, the practical economy in buildings, libraries, general apparatus, and in the teaching staff", would naturally have recommended such a scheme in a case where teachers and students speak the same language. At all events, in the case of excavations it would be desirable that foreign bodies should cease to be foreign national bodies when they work in any land, and should each and all co-operate with the dwellers in the land, the custodians of the past traditions of civilisation which are common to us all. There would then be no ground for national sensitiveness, and still less for national Chauvinism, on the part of the people who receive Pl.R^ Shr. Decornlivi' /irn/ttf Stahu-.y f "Dn/wi'na Maide.ns"J INTRODUCTION 23 foreign co-operation and offer scientific hospitality to the whole civilised world. In the case of excavations, another consideration must be emphasised in this connection. It is not only important to excavate, but also to preserve the monuments and objects which have been excavated. When once foreign bodies have completed their excavation, their authority and their responsi- bility seem to have ended. I can show that such a result is disastrous.^ The evils which arise from this state of affairs would be obviated if all foreign excavations were undertaken with the co-operation of the countrv in which those objects are to be preserved, so that the responsibility should not end the moment the objects have been brought to the light of day. All these doubts and objections could not apply to the scheme of an international excavation of Herculaneum in co-operation with, and under the leading guidance of, the Italian authorities themselves. There could not be anything in any sense derogatory to the national honour or self-respect of the Italian nation. On the contrary, it would add to the glory of Italy to have thus led the way in a new departure, which would tend to unite the civilised peoples in the domain of culture, would elevate " international ethics," and would bring us a step nearer to the ideals which all right- minded people profess to hold. All these considerations combined strengthened my con- viction that Herculaneum could only, and ought only, to be excavated by the co-operation of all civilised nations ; and so the plan for this enterprise was gradually evolved and matured, and took the following shape, which I now give in outline.'^ In order to raise the great sums necessary and to secure ^ See Part II., Chapters I. and I\'. ' For the more definite account sec below. Part II., Chapters II., III., and IV. 24 HERCULANEUM the international staff, committees were to be formed in all the countries of Europe and America. These committees, in no way political, were nevertheless to be thoroughly repre- sentative of each nation, of every class and vocation among the people. The educational effect upon the people in thus having their interest led into a sphere far removed from their material desires, in having it aroused in a great spiritual and refining cause, was of itself a consideration of the utmost importance. Though there was no reason why in some countries a contribution or subsidy from the State should necessarily be excluded, still this was to be made in a national and not in a political spirit, and was not to exclude contribu- tions from the citizens of the country. Nor was the work to be undertaken by the munificent donation of the whole sum required by one man of excessive wealth ; not only because this would not give the great moral and educational advantage to the nation thus contributing, but because in the mere material presentation of " foreign " money, without the accompanying and dominant reason of scientific co- operation, the national sensitiveness of a self-respecting people might perhaps justly be wounded. Above all, these committees were to be truly representative of the people of each country : including not merely archae- ologists, not merely learned bodies or individuals or men of great wealth who could contribute most lavishly to the funds, but representatives of all classes. Of course such committees ought to have a nucleus of experts interested in the subject, but even these ought to represent every shade of subject and of opinion. Still, to avoid all antagonisms and jealousies (from which these bodies and individuals do not seem to be quite immune), they were to include prominent men of every class in the community : statesmen, a sailor and a soldier, financiers, men of business and representatives of labour, the various professions and educational bodies — in short, all that goes to make up the representative life of the '1 \- Hebug Dujortiin i^i ^■slL* I'ori,' MHONZK imSTS Anuixon ,l><>i-i/phorox, Arrhitic Hi'ini , l)ioni/,yi>s INTRODUCTION 25 nation, so that the nation as a whole should be led to take an active interest in the work. This active interest would, in the first instance, be shown by the act of making a material contribution to the fund. No doubt the men of great wealth might be expected to contribute more lavishly ; but, through the labour organisations in the centres of industry and trade, the penny of the working man would manifest his interest in the ideal international enterprise as much as the hundreds or thousands contributed by the millionaire. Even in the schools the pupils might be led to organise collections — though it might be feared that the promise of discovering new manuscripts of the ancient authors might not prove attractive to those who find that there exist already too many ancient authors standing between them and the serious occupations of the playing-field. Over all these representatives on the national committee, giving it at once the stamp of a truly national — though distinctly not a political — body, would sit, as the honorary president or patron, the head ot the nation, be he Emperor, King, or President. Besides manifestly and effectively stamping the committee and the cause it pursues in the eyes of the outer world and of the people themselves as a truly national body and a national cause, the presidency of the head of the State would most efficiently counteract those pettinesses and personal or professional jealousies which so often endanger the success of great movements. Such committees were to be formed in every State laying claim to be representative of our civilisation. In this manner there would equally be a national Italian committee working apart from the action of the Government. Nay, perhaps Japan, which is showing such interest in our culture and such aptitude for assimilating it, might be led to take part in the general movement, the more so as, in my opinion, the element most urgently needed to bring the admirable mentality of that vigorous nation within closer relationship to the best of Western civilisation, while preserving the best inherent 26 HERCULANEUM in their own national character, is the assimilation of Hellenic culture and Hellenic ideals. Now, these national committees were to be in direct and in constant communication with the International Committee, and were to appoint one or two representatives, as the case might be, on that international body. The International Committee was to have as its honorary head the King of Italy, and was to consist of four ex-officio Italian members, including the Minister of Public Instruction, the Sindaco of Naples, and two members appointed by the Crown. With them were to sit the representatives — one or two — of each nation contributing to the fund and to the work. The members were to hold their meetings at Rome. Their committee was to be in communication with the various national committees, and to be the trustee of the funds handed over to its care by the national committees, to administer these funds, to determine the limits of authority of the international staff, and to be the final court of appeal in all matters raised by the actual work or referred to it by the staff. In fact, all final authority would be vested in this body ; though freedom of action and self-government would be granted to the working staff within the limits of the constitution, from time to time changed, as necessity arose. The action of the International Committee would be in this respect analogous to that of the State granting constitutions or charters to corporations, only that its authority, as administrator of the funds and mediator between the international staff and the national committees, would be greater and more active. In all likelihood the representatives of the several national committees on this international body would be the diplomats of the several countries residing in Rome. The presence of such men would be distinctly advantageous for such purely administrative work, especially as that body would be the final court of appeal when differences between experts arose and when professional sensitiveness had to be considered and jealousies counteracted. For such a body, neutral in character. I'l.VI It-iiuilc llt'iiil . iinliiii'iiui l'i>rl/util iinhiii'ti'it ' '.' Sc/u-id. "/'i.\i>y /lf(>/i-,i\v. INTRODUCTION 27 should be possessed of the qualities which men of the world, with experience in the conciliation of differing interests and passions, may be expected to possess.^ The most important body would be the international staff of actual workers at the excavation. Of course a large number of Italian experts would be employed. The foreign members of the staff would be appointed, either by the International Committee in communication with the national committees, or by the Italian Government.'-^ As a rule, the national committees would be consulted and invited to send men : in some cases the actual kind ot expert required, or even some well-known foreign expert might be definitely suggested to them. Sometimes the national committees might usefully take the initiative, and on their part suggest definite members to the International Committee or to the Italian Government through them. So, for instance, if definite help was required from an archaeologist prominent in one distinct speciality, or from some civil or mining engineer or chemist or geologist, the foreign nation which had authorities available in these departments might be asked to send them or might offer to supply them. Besides these, a number of advanced students, who had completed their education at home, might be admitted as associates or assistants on the regular staff, and could do very useful w^ork where supervisors would be required in such large numbers, and where so much help would be needed in cleaning, sorting the finds, and in keeping the records of all discoveries. Moreover, the opportunities for study on the spot during excavation would prove invaluable to the archaeologist who had received his more theoretical study in a university far removed from the sites and monuments of the ancient world. I even venture to say that our knowledge of ancient works of art and crafts will always ' For the actual and detailed functions of this International Committee sec below, Part II., esp. Chapter II. - Hoth these alternative proposals were laid before the Italian Government. Sec Appendix I. 28 HERCULANEUM be imperfect until we have seen them issuing from the ground in a systematic excavation. With a sceptical smile, implying an unpractical, if not fantastic optimism on my part, people have often asked : " How do you expect that this heterogeneous body of scholars, who in each nation so often quarrel among themselves and are far from being able dispassionately and justly to appreciate each other's work, will be brought into line, and will peacefully, without friction or final disruption, be held together to complete so stupendous an undertaking, when national antagonisms are there to strengthen and intensify personal antipathies i* " In the further development of this book ^ I shall show the practical working of the scheme ; and I believe that I shall be able to convince the reader that, compared with what exists at the present moment, friction and antagonism will be diminished within the body of experts of each nation ; that the whole result of the enterprise, as it concerns those actively engaged in the work, as well as in its effect upon the nations themselves, will be to diminish and to frustrate national Chauvinism. Should quarrels arise within the staff, such as cannot be amicably settled by their own council, the Inter- national Committee will act as a court of appeal, and their decision (in the impartiality of which we can a priori have faith) will be final. But the organisation and working of the international staff itself will have a preventive effect upon all tendencies towards dissension. In the first place, the nation- alities will not be grouped together, as solid bodies asserting their corporate interests or differences ; but the individuals from each nation will be dovetailed into one another, within the groups forming separate units of workers. The active and continuous co-operation of such complex units will even pacify and counteract the litigious instincts now existing among the body of students within each nation. This is so ' See Part II., Chapters II. and the following. INTRODUCTION 29 pronounced, that to such internal antagonisms is to be ascribed to some degree the difficulties which have hitherto stood in the way of the realisation of the plan. These gangs of workers of all nationalities will be impersonally grouped together" by the principle of separate localities: by the diffisrent sites that are being excavated : by a distinct piece of excavating work which has to be done : and by the definite task of recording, cleaning, and sorting the finds when made. Then, in the question of the preliminary publication of results (where credit is given and made public for success in discovery or elaboration), the individual is to be entirely submerged within the gang or group, and the outer recognition will be bestowed upon the corporate body to which the individual must subordinate all his desires and ambitions for recognition. These are the preventive and more negative forces. But the spirit of unity will be positively fostered and impressed by all those means which tend to develop an esprit de corps, and give the feeling of comradeship. There will be the meals in common during the work, with discussion of results and consultations, besides the evening gatherings when, in a more organised form, there will be conferences, leading to decisions as to the course of work ; occasional reports will be made by the departments, and lectures given in the evenings. Thus each group and gang will not be isolated in its interests and activity, but will maintain an active eagerness concerning the work of the other departments, and all will tend to confirm the organic nature of the staff and its work, and will favour the most efficient fulfilment of the enterprise as a whole. These active forces combined will give a corporate feeling to the staff in its relation to the outer world. The relationship to the world outside will be kept up by the weekly reports of finds in a publication printed and issued in several languages from a printing-press and studios for illustration (the department of publication) on the spot. Visitors flocking to the site from all parts of the world will 30 HERCULANEUM keep alive throughout the civilised globe the interest in this international enterprise ; while the manifestations of such interest from the outside will react upon the staff and consolidate the corporate feeling of unity. Thus every element will tend to make it a united body, to whom the motto e pluribus unum will truly apply, representing as it will all civilised nations, and impressing upon the world the ideal character of the enterprise, the mission of universal brother- hood, in a practical and tangible instance, in the pursuit of a definite and real object of common interest to them all. Such was, in outline, the plan gradually formed in my mind. But I was always conscious of the one great initial difficulty : How could the whole world be moved to take action, tangible action, implying material sacrifice, and work in common towards such an ideal goal } How could the sums be raised ? How could the people dwelling in countries far removed from the centre where the work was to take place, of difi^ering nationalities, be brought to feel enough interest or enthusiasm to contribute large sums towards an excavation, when the discoveries made, the objects found, should all remain in Italy, and no material return or compensation be given for their financial contributions ? No doubt they ought to realise the value of scientific discovery equally affecting them all ; no doubt they can all feel how worthy of sacrifice it would be for every country to contribute to a costly expedition for a distant astronomical observation — though they get no stars to carry home in return. I felt convinced that, when once enthusiasm could be aroused among the wider circles in each country and community, it would not be difficult to raise the required sums, however considerable they might be. I came to the conclusion that this first step could never be taken if it were left to public bodies to move. Even if such scientific bodies — not always free from individual prejudice and the intrusion of personal equations — could be brought to act together, they were clumsy in their modes INTRODUCTION 31 and measures of action, and, by their very constitution, they were often divorced from, if not opposed to, the wider public, the whole people, whom it was the object to move. Such an international movement, I felt convinced, could only be set on foot by one individual, deeply inspired with the conviction of the absolute rightness, the absolute necessity, of excavating Herculaneum by means of the co-operation of the whole world : possessed of adequate knowledge of the subject itself, an average of tact, an ordinary power of persuasion, but an uncommon readiness of self-effacement when once the work was fairly organised ; ready at all times to recede to the background and leave the work in the hands of those fitted to do it ; and, above all, an extraordinary enthusiasm for the cause itself Such a man, devoting his whole time and energies to the task, it seemed to me, must ultimately succeed, because the object was true and good in all its aspects. For years past I had often expressed these views to my friends, only regretting that my numerous duties and occupa- tions prevented me from taking up the mission to preach this peaceful crusade in the sphere of science and art and universal culture. I would not give up the hope that some day, circumstances being favourable, I might be able to devote myself to the consummation of this end devoutly to be wished. It was in the autumn of 1903 that my friend, Mr. Leonard Shoobridge (formerly of Balliol College, Oxford), who himself had always been convinced of the necessity of excavating Herculaneum, urged upon me that I should actively undertake to carry out my plan. Knowing the conditions of my life and duties, he assured me that he would assist me in every way, take the burden of much of the work off my shoulders, and see that under my direction my ideas were carried out. His own advocacy of my plan, and the assurance that, with proper help, I could carry it into execution, were so con- 32 HERCULANEUM vincing, that I decided to devote all my spare time to this cause. So it was agreed that we should begin operations during the Easter holidays of 1904. But we also agreed that, to carry our design through the initial stages, in which, before all things, the authorisation, nay, the active support, of the Italian authorities were to be obtained, we should have to keep our plan from the public until this authority was secured, and that we should only initiate those whose active help was indispensable. The personal interest which H.M. King Edward had previously shown in my work encouraged me to acquaint him from the outset with the plan I had formed, and to invoke his sympathetic support. On December 27, 1903, I wrote to His Majesty, giving him an outline of my plan, and praying for an audience in case he desired to hear further details. On December 28 I received a letter ^ from Lord Knollys expressing the interest which the King took in the scheme, yet pointing out that it was important that certain preliminary conditions should be fulfilled before the scheme could be further discussed — namely, (i) an estimate of the cost of the excavation, and (2) the consent of the Italian Government. The opinion of the King corresponded entirely with what my colleague and I felt, as to the urgency of settling the preliminary stages before the scheme could, wholly or in part, be made public, and any further active step in the propaganda could be taken which was to enlist the interest ot the world. I may say at once here that at no stage were we ignorant of the great difficulty of securing the consent of the Italian authorities — being perfectly acquainted with the internal history of Italian archaeological affairs, the antagonisms existing between the sections and individuals representing that study, and the sensitiveness of the whole Italian people with regard to anything that might even remotely suggest foreign inter- 1 Appendix I. INTRODUCTION 33 vention in their own affairs. Moreover, we anticipated the difficulties and dangers arising out of misunderstanding or misrepresentation, especially in the early phases, and therefore decided upon keeping our work as much to ourselves as was possible. Having been provided with proper official recommendation from the Foreign Office for our Ambassador in Rome (Sir Francis Bertie), Mr. Shoobridge and I met in Florence in March 1904 and at once proceeded to Rome. Among those who were most helpful to the cause there I must single out my friend the late Marchese Vitelleschi, a senator, a man of highest culture and refinement and of lofty integrity of character, respected by all, even those who differed from him politically, whose word, moreover, carried weight with all sections of the community. To him we confided our scheme, and received from him criticism, advice, and support which were of the greatest use to us in this stage of our proceedings. We arrived in Rome on April 4, and decided to lay the matter before the King of Italy in the first instance. Before doing this, however, we felt that our studies on ancient Herculaneum and the question of its excavation ought to be supplemented by further examination on the spot. We therefore started for Naples on April 1 2, and remained there till April 17. Here we received most active help in carrying on our inquiries from the British Consul-General, Mr. Neville Rolfe, for many years an ardent student of Campanian antiquities ; from Professor Pais, at that time Director of the Museum and of the Pompeian excavations ; and from Professor Mercalli as regarded the geology of Vesuvius and of Her- culaneum. We made a careful study of the site and the remains, and came to the preliminary conclusion — of necessity a rough estimate — that Herculaneum could not be thoroughly excavated in the manner we thought desirable under an expenditure of ^(^40,000 a year. Through the intervention of the British Ambassador and 34 HERCULANEUM the support of Count Gianotti, the Master of the King's Household, I had an audience with the King on April i8. I laid our plan of an international excavation before His Majesty, who showed the keenest and most intelligent and sympathetic interest in the question, which he had evidently studied with thoroughness. His Majesty pointed out the difficulties in the way of its realisation, but manifested the greatest sympathy with such an effort. He knew that I was to bring the matter before the Prime Minister (Signor Giolitti) and the Minister of Public Instruction (Signor Orlando), promised to mention the matter to the Prime Minister, and advised me to lay definite questions — such as whether it would require a special Bill — before the Minister of Public Instruc- tion. To my request whether he would authorise me to publish the fact that he was in favour of the scheme at this stage, he answered in the negative ; for, as a constitutional monarch, he would only give his consent in case the responsible Ministers agreed. He promised himself to talk to the Prime Minister about it. On April 19 I had a conference with the Prime Minister at the Palazzo Braschi. To him also I gave an account of our plan, with the outlines of which he seemed already acquainted. He said it would be difficult to introduce a Bill that session. I asked him whether he would authorise me to say that he was in favour of the scheme. He replied in the affirmative ; but that it all depended upon the consent of his colleague, Signor Orlando. He gave me an open letter to the Minister of Public Instruction, warmly recommending myself and the scheme to his attention. On April 21 I had a conference with Signor Orlando at the Ministry of Public Instruction (Minerva). He at once hailed the scheme with unqualified approval. He maintained that it needed no Bill, and that the work could begin soon. I told him that the great difficulty would be to interest the world sufficiently to raise the funds required ; but that I INTRODUCTION 35 would start on my mission to the various centres as soon as my regular duties allowed of this, and would organise the different national committees. I told him that, though his word was a sufficient guarantee to enable me to begin my propaganda over the world, yet, in view ot the fact that governments change, and that without some written authorisa- tion from the Italian Government doubts might arise whilst 1 addressed myself to foreign bodies, and my work thus be impeded, I ought to have, if possible, some assurance in writing that the international scheme had his official support. This he promised to send me at once. It arrived next day, and it is included in the Appendix.^ He agreed to the publication in the press of this first authorisation, but thought it would be better to publish it abroad in the first instance, as difficulties, misrepresentations, and unnecessary opposition might arise if it were first made known in one or the other Italian news- papers. Accordingly, the first short notice of the authorisation was given through the Roman correspondent of the Times in the issue of April 23.^ Meanwhile my colleague, Mr. Shoobridge, began his work on the complete elaboration of the literature as well as the monuments in Italy (collecting illustrations of the latter) pertaining to Herculaneum. Unfortunately for myself and the whole enterprise, he was taken seriously ill shortly after I left, and had himself to leave Italy unable to return for a long time, so that I was deprived of his active help on the spot. Especially when later complications arose, his presence in Italy would have been invaluable had he been able to clear matters there. It has only been within the last year that I have again enjoyed his valuable co-operation. I now felt free to begin the invziativa mondiale^ of the granJezza e difficolta of which I was well aware. The first step to take was manifestly to organise the several committees in each country, so that the matter should no longer be in * Appendix I. 2 Appendix I. 36 HERCULANEUM the hands of individuals, but should be raised to an impersonal level, and that interest should be aroused all over the world and funds collected. I had reported the successful result of my Italian visit to the King (of England), and had received his congratulations in reply. ^ But there was considerable difficulty in first starting the English committee, it being felt that a certain assurance of adequate financial support would be necessary before that body could be formed. I thus had to face a " vicious circle " from which it was not easy to escape. Promises of considerable support had already been made to me by private friends {e.g. my first ofi^er was from Mr. Henry Phipps, who promised ^^5°°) '■> but not only was I loth to have any direct concern personally in the control or even the collection of the funds, but also I felt that, as soon as possible, the whole undertaking ought to be dissociated from ourselves and put in the hands of wider official bodies. Thus the funds could not well be raised until the committees were formed, and the committees — at least as concerned England — could not well be started until there was some guarantee of financial support. It seemed clear that the United States — where more than in any other country a tradition exists among the possessors of great wealth to give active support to educational and scientific enterprises — was the centre whence such guarantee of financial support would be most readily forthcoming. A letter received from my friend, the late Mr. John Hay,'^ moreover, assured me that President Roosevelt would prospectively consent to take the moral leadership in that country ; while my friends informed me of good prospects of help among the prominent individuals who were able to assist. But my academic duties and other pressing work kept me tied to England, and there was no chance of undertaking a journey to the United States till the Christmas holidays. I therefore turned to Germany and France. It was not till the end of June, when my academic work 1 Appendix I. ^ Appendix I. CO = w N Z o «; ca I t-c a. < INTRODUCTION 37 was over, that I was able to go to France. M. Cambon, the French Ambassador in London, and my friend and former colleague, M. Homolle, had smoothed the way, the former having written to the Minister of Public Instruction, M. Chaumie, while the latter had prepared my archaeological colleagues in Paris to give a favourable reception to the scheme. I arrived in Paris on June 30. At a meeting of the Institute on the following day I had the pleasure of meeting, and of receiving the grateful and enthusiastic support of, the veteran scholar, Gaston Boissier ; while at a luncheon given by M. Homolle, at which Messieurs Perrot, Heuzey, the Due de Loubat, and Messieurs Collignon, Bayet, and Pottier were present, I was invited to lay my whole scheme before my colleagues, who each and all gave their unqualified support. In the evening, at a dinner at M. Georges Perrot's, the same approval was confirmed by other colleagues. At the same time, through the friendly and efficient intervention of my friend, Sir Edmund Monson, H.M. Ambassador to France, with unusually short notice, President Loubet received me at the Elysee, and consented to become the honorary president of the French committee, which all my friends promised to organise speedily as soon as the moment arrived and the word was given. Through the intervention of M. Bayet (Directeur de rinstruction Superieure at the Ministry) a meeting was arranged with the Minister, M. Chaumie, who, after taking full cognisance of the scheme, promised his ofiicial support, which he subsequently confirmed in writing in a letter ot July 22.-^ My supporters in France agreed that the committee should be formed on the broad and representative lines which I have given above ; while the official adhesion promised that any experts whom the Italian authorities or the International Committee should ask to join the international staff would be sent. The advantage to the advanced students who might be utilised was also recognised. ' Appendix I. 38 HERCULANEUM On my return to England I wrote to Signer Orlando (incidentally congratulating him on the speech which he had made at the inauguration of the statue of Giordano Bruno), informing him of the success of this first step and of my future movements. My plan was to leave at once for Germany, then to proceed to Austria, and I asked Signor Orlando whether I could meet him in the north of Italy to discuss further details of the plan. I received no answer to my letter. Arrangements were now being made for laying my plans before the Chancellor, Prince Billow, and the Emperor of Germany. My friends, the German Ambassador in London (Count Paul Metternich) and Count Seckendorff, took the active steps necessary. But it was not till August 5 that I could travel to Norderney, where for four days I was able, while receiving most cordial hospitality, to lay the whole matter before the Imperial Chancellor. He entered most sympathetically into the whole plan, which appealed not only to his cultured nature, but also to wider and more ultimate political ideals, and promised his full support, suggesting provisionally the names of prominent and repre- sentative men to form the German committee. He also promised to bring the matter to the cognisance of the Emperor and to secure an audience for me. How well he kept his promise and how fully he grasped the spirit of the scheme is shown by the letter of August 13, 1904, published in the Appendix.-* There were, however, some inevitable delays before I could be received in audience by the Emperor. This took place at the Parade-Diner in the Schloss of Berlin on September 2. His Majesty had already been informed of the essential features of my plan through the Chancellor. He asked further pertinent questions, showing deep insight and interest, and ended by consenting to become honorary president of the German committee and to arrange that one of the 1 Appendix I. INTRODUCTION 39 Princes should take the active presidency. This support on the part of the leading German authorities was confirmed by a letter from Prince Biilow of September 13.^ It was now too late to continue my journey to Austria and Italy, as I was called back to England. Moreover, through the kindness of the Austrian Ambassador in London, Count Albert Mensdorff-Pouilly, preliminary steps had been taken for the formation of a powerful and representative committee in Austria and Hungary.- It was my intention to prepare the ground for other committees through the diplomatic repre- sentatives in London, several of whom already took an active interest in the scheme. But the most important field of operation remained the United States, especially as successful results in that country would facilitate the efi^ective formation of a committee in England. The establishment of each strong committee in one country would favour the work in the other. This was also felt by the King, who recognised the good influence which the support of the German Emperor would have on my proposed propaganda in the United States.^ But my academic duties kept me at work in England till the beginning of December. Before going to the United States, where the widest publicity would have to be given to the scheme, I felt that the time had come for a fuller publication of the plan than had hitherto been admitted. I decided to initiate this phase by means of a lecture, for the delivery of which the President and Council of the Royal Academy of Arts offered me hospitality in Burlington House. Under their auspices it was arranged that I should deliver a lecture on December 13, and thus publish my plan, give an account of what had already been achieved, and point out what remained to be done. In the name of the Royal Academy a distinguished audience was invited, including the representatives of the foreign countries, among whom were the Italian Ambassador and the Secretaries ^ Sec Appendix I. ^ Appendix I. ^ Sec Appendix 1. 40 HERCULANEUM of the Embassy. A wider publicity was to be given by the press. Here begins a chapter of accidents, apparently unavoidable in all important movements, insignificant in themselves, yet often fraught with grave consequences. The Italian Am- bassador, Signor Panza, who throughout proved himself a most generous supporter of the scheme, when consulted as to how the presence of the representatives of the Italian press could be secured, had kindly offered to distribute the invitations among them. They were sent by him to the correspondent of one of the chief papers for distribution among his colleagues. Unfortunately, that gentleman having changed his address, the invitations did not reach the correspondents till after the lecture had been delivered, and they were thus dependent for their information upon the shortened reports in the London papers. The real misfortune ensuing from this accident was, that whereas I had taken especial pains in the beginning of my lecture to emphasise all that I could with truth and sincerity say in praise of my Italian colleagues and the national work in Italy, all that was rightly calculated to conciliate the just amour propre of Italy, these important passages, giving a tone to my whole discourse, were omitted in the English and hence also in the Italian reports. The lecture was delivered on December 13, and was well reported in the London papers the next day.^ On the 14th I sailed from Liverpool for the United States. Here my friends, the Hon, John Hay in Washington, Mr. Whittridge and Mrs. Cooper Hewitt in New York, and Mr. S. D. Warren in Boston, had made the necessary preparations. Christmas intervening, I could not give the lecture, which was delivered under the auspices of the American Institute of Archaeology, until December 27, at the house of Mrs. Wadsworth in Washington. The question of an American committee was discussed by competent advisers after the lecture. As it is 1 Appendix I., Times' Report. INTRODUCTION 41 against custom for the President to attend any function in a private house in Washington, I repeated my lecture at the White House the next evening (December 28). President Roosevelt cordially consented to become honorary president of the American committee. The next important meeting was to take place in New York, where arrangements had been made that my lecture should be given to an audience repre- senting those chiefly interested in the subject, as well as those most favourably situated to give material support to the scheme, at the house of Mr. Pierpont Morgan on January 3. This lecture, and the conference with those in a position to forward the movement most effectively at this stage, formed the crucial point in the work during the first phase : it was the moment psychologique of the movement. Then, two days before the lecture was to be delivered in the house of Mr. Pierpont Morgan, an evening paper in New York published a telegram from Rome denying that I had any authority to act in the matter, and maintaining that the Italian Government was opposed to the scheme. Up to that moment I had felt so absolutely confident and at rest con- cerning the Italian authorisation, that I was convinced the Roman telegram was based on a misunderstanding of the Roman correspondent. My communications with the news- paper in question, and with others publishing similar accounts the next morning, however, proved that here was not merely a slip on the part of one correspondent. I at once cabled to Signor Orlando, demanding that, before January 3 (the day of my lecture), he should publish the true facts of the matter, so that I might not stand before the world as an impostor. To this I received the following cablegram on January 2 : " Provedero con istruzioni nostro rappresentante perche sia chiarita situazione fatti [fatta]. — Orlando." I was thus referred to the Italian Ambassador at Washington for an explanation, with the materials for which Signor Orlando had supplied the Ambassador. In answer to my telegram to the latter I received 42 HERCULANEUM the following explanation on January 3, the morning of the day on which I was to lecture : " Italian Government notifies that no concrete plan was presented to it about Herculaneum excavation, that consequently it did not pledge itself, and that it preserves its complete liberty of action. Please take note of this declaration. — Italian Ambassador." The spirit and contents of this despatch were essentially altered by subsequent telegrams and letters.^ As a matter of fact, the cipher despatch received by the Ambassador from Rome was not quite intelligible to him. In his letter of January 6, his own opinion was, that a misunderstanding had arisen in Italy owing to the erroneous newspaper telegrams published by the European press, announcing that President Roosevelt had been designated by me as president of the International Committee ; whereas, in my plan as communicated to the Italian Govern- ment, this leading position was to be reserved for the King of Italy. His letter ended with the expression of his personal belief that " the whole incident only resulted from a mis- understanding provoked by erroneous notices in the newspapers, and that I would succeed in clearing the whole matter on my return to England," Meanwhile, however, I had to face my audience in New York — an audience from which I had reason to hope that in its hands at this critical juncture lay the success of the whole enterprise — with the disheartening information contained in the first despatch of the Italian Ambassador at Washington before me. I was thus forced, while mentioning the newspaper reports and the despatch, to begin my address by explaining the situation and by communicating to the audience my credentials to act in the matter. In spite of the weakening effect which such a declaration at the outset must needs have had when facing the arduous task of arousing enthusiasm for an ideal cause, so that those able to do so should make material sacrifice for a purely spiritual gain to be derived from ^ Appendix I. INTRODUCTION 43 work in a distant hemisphere, — in spite of this unfortunate accident, I was assured, and had undoubted evidence, that most of those who were present were intensely moved in sympathy with the great international enterprise. Then and at no other time did I personally ask for contributions. I had from the outset decided that I could have nothing to do with the financial side of the project. The committees with their appropriate officials were to be responsible for this department, and on these committees, as well as on the International Committee, the strictest regard to business-like principles and procedure in the trusteeship of the funds was to be safe- guarded. But I was satisfied that, when once the American committee and its officials were organised, the financial support of the scheme, so far as the United States was concerned, was assured. The next day I travelled to Boston, and lectured there to a similarly selected audience at the house of Mr. Montgomery Sears on January 5. Here too the same enthusiasm was aroused, and preliminary arrangements were made for the formation of a committee. I returned to New York the next day, where, for the next five days, my time was amply filled with personal visits to those who could materially further the scheme and in consultations with those friends who undertook to organise the committees, as well as in correspondence and in the writing of an article on the ques- tion, which subsequently (April 1905) appeared in Harpers Monthly Magazine. The plan adopted was, that there should be one American committee, with the President as honorary president, and local committees in the important centres of the East and West, the North and the South. But the actual inception of their organisation and activity should be deferred until, on my return to Europe, I could clear up the misunderstanding arising out of the erroneous news- paper reports. In the United States the press had warmly taken up the propaganda, and had done its share to arouse 44 HERCULANEUM interest in the enterprise throughout the length and breadth of the country. As I was due in residence at Cambridge on January 20, I sailed from New York on January 11. On my arrival at Queenstown I received a large packet of correspondence and newspapers from England and Italy, showing, to my great distress, that misunderstandings and misstatements of an invidious nature, distinctly antagonistic to the scheme, had been circulating freely throughout the press during my absence. Some of the Italian papers even referred to the American Society ot Waldstein and Co. as if it were a commercial enterprise to carry off, and profit by, the discoveries made at Herculaneum. Even in the London Times the invidious personal attitude made itself manifest in letters of January 7 and 10, 1905, in which complaint was made that the Royal Academy and not some other learned body had taken the matter under its wing, and that some individual archaeological colleagues had not been associated with the movement. To this Sir Edward Poynter had aptly replied.-' On arriving in London on January 18, I at once called on the Italian Ambassador, who explained the situation to me, read me a despatch from Signer Orlando (which in no way sounded unpromising), and reassured me in expressing his belief that, if I would draw up in writing an account of what I had been doing, and proposed to do in the future, he would forward it to Rome. He expressed his opinion that all would be readily cleared up, and even suggested that the present misunderstandings, through the wide publicity which they had given to the scheme, had stimulated the sluggish interest of the general public and would ultimately be helpful in furthering the project. The same day I wrote out the account he desired and forwarded it to him, while I also wrote a letter to the Times calculated to remove all misunderstandings and to appease the ' Appendix I. FIVE SMALI.KR BRONZK Bl'STS OF PHILOSOPHERS. Among them Hermarclius, Epicurus, Demosthenes, and Zcno. Plate y. INTRODUCTION 45 turbulent and antagonistic spirits in Italy and elsewhere.^ I also communicated with the correspondent of the Trihuna of Rome in order to make the truth known in Italy. Then ensued during the following months a continuous journalistic warfare, of which some of my letters published in Italy and in England given in the Appendix will convey an idea.^ Every attempt was made on my part, while practising self- repression and moderation, to secure the victory of truth and to put before the Italian people and the world what had actually happened and what was the real nature of the scheme of future international excavation. Had Signer Orlando at the very outset simply made a statement of the conditions on which the Italian Government had consented to the plan of an international excavation, in co-operation with, and under the leadership of, Italy, and stuck to this in face of some opposition (which in all parliamentary States must be expected), all the misunderstandings would have been avoided, and the great work at Herculaneum would now be proceeding to the profit of the civilised world and the glory of Italy. This he did not do. On the contrary, his speeches in the Italian Chamber only tended to obscure the situation and to give rise to misunderstandings and mis- statements by the press, which lasted for months, and which all efforts have not availed to dispel radically even now ; though at one time the whole Italian press and the Italian public appear to have grasped the true nature of the project, to which they gave their hearty and unqualified support. Though the Giolitti Ministry fell, the whole question had been referred by them to the Central Commission of Fine Arts and x^ntiquities, the highest authority concerned with these matters in the kingdom. It was not till the winter of 1905 (December 2) that, at their meeting, the Commission, having my proposal before them, decided by seven votes against four in favour of my scheme for the international excavation of 1 Appendix 1. - Appendix ]. 46 HERCULANEUM Herculaneum.^ It was some months later that I was officially informed, through the Italian Embassy in London, of this decision. But no further steps were taken. During all this period I was keeping the foreign friends, who were ready to set to work on the task of forming the various national committees, in suspense. Early in 1906, therefore, I inquired, through the British Embassy in Rome and the Italian Embassy in London, whether, should I travel to Rome, Signor Bianchi, at that time Minister of Public Instruction, would grant me a conference in order definitely to decide whether the project could be pushed forward or ought to be relinquished." I was informed that, though the Minister would be pleased to confer with me, he could not undertake to bring the matter to a final settlement.^ I accordingly did not go to Rome then. But meanwhile I had already received most encouraging appeals to continue my efforts from leading men in Italy and also from the local authorities of Resina.* When, on my way to the Archaeological Congress at Athens in March 1905, my ship called in the harbour of Naples, the Mayor of Resina came on board and begged me to persevere in my exertions, assuring me of the respect and gratitude of his fellow-townsmen. Owing to ill-health, which necessitated a rest-cure in the summer of 1906, nothing was done for some months. But when I had sufficiently recovered, I again resumed work on the scheme early in September of that year. The Giolitti Ministry had again come into office. It now appeared to me desirable to bring matters to a head, and to press for a final decision of the Government, whether the plan of an inter- national excavation would be accepted by them or not. In ^ Professor De Selinas at once wrote to the papers that, though present at the meeting, he was momentarily absent during the voting. He would have voted for the proposal. It is thus eight to four and two abstentions. The President, \'isconti Venosta, and Signor d' Andrade abstained. For : Boito, Barnebei, De Petra, Gherardini, Brizzoni, Loew^, Milani (De Selinas). Against : Primo Levi, Ojetti, Ricci, Venturi. 2 Appendix I. ^ Appendix I. ■* Appendix I. INTRODUCTION 47 the latter case it would be right that I should notify all my friends who had engaged themselves to start national com- mittees, to abandon the work. From Italy I was greatly encouraged to continue my efforts. Some of the leading spirits of that country, among whom I must single out my friend, Professor Milani, the Director of the Etruscan Museum of Florence (who throughout has clearly declared himself in favour of such international co-operation), and the famous composer and poet, Arrigo Boito, who paid me a visit at Cadenabbia and did all in his power to further the scheme, gave me most effective and loyal encouragement. These are but types of the leading intellectual element in Italy, to whom the ideal aspect of our enterprise appeals strongly, and who ever remain the staunchest supporters of our scheme. During the month of August, from Switzerland, and subsequently from Cadenabbia, I corresponded by letter and telegram with Signor Tittoni, the Minister of Foreign Affairs — to whom I had strong personal introductions, — with the result that an appointment was made to meet him at Rome on September 15, where I hoped also to find Signor Rava, Minister of Public Instruction, and Signor Corrado Ricci, who held the newly -created post of Director of Fine Arts and Antiquities in the Ministry. When I arrived in Rome, I was disappointed to find that Signor Rava had been compelled by official business to leave for Milan, whence I came : and I may at once say that, on my return to Milan the next day, Signor Rava had been forced to leave for Rome. On the other hand, my conference with the Minister of Foreign Affairs was highly satisfactory. He, of course, pointed out that the decision of the question did not lie within his competence [ressort) ; but that his attitude towards the plan was deeply sympathetic, and he promised speedily to bring the matter before his colleagues, so that I should have an early and definite answer as to their decision.^ ' Sec my account of interview in Appendix I. 48 HERCULANEUM Meanwhile the leading press was again taking up the discussion of the project. A powerfully written article by Signor Janni in the Corriere della Sera of September 17, and in the Vienna Neiie Freie Presse by Dr. Miinz, led the way ; and it is no exaggeration to say that the whole Italian press had veered round to an unqualified approval of the scheme of an international excavation of Herculaneum. I did my best, by private^ and public letters, to put the matter in its true light and to dissipate all misconceptions and misstate- ments. The Giornale cT Italia of Rome, which in earlier days had been distinctly critical, if not inimical to the scheme, published an article from the pen of Professor Conti (before, a pronounced opponent of the scheme), in which that archae- ologist generously recanted his former strictures of my action and gave unqualified support and praise to the project and to myself personally. The Triburm of Rome,^ pronouncedly antagonistic before, of all Italian newspapers the one most directly in touch with the Government, published successively three long articles by Professor Dall' Osso, of the National Museum of Naples and the Pompeian excavations, which are of lasting value as contributions to our knowledge of ancient Herculaneum. Each of these articles was headed by the following paragraph : — Extract from the "Tribuna," January 14, 1907 Noble and great ideas, when once they have been sent forth, make way for themselves of their own accord, for they have in them the force which tends to their success. Thus it happened in the case of the Waldstein project for the excavation of Herculaneum. It had not been long published when it received a cold reception from public opinion, preoccupied as this was with the notion of a seizure of our antiquities by foreigners, so that it was vehemently opposed in newspapers in the name of a principle dear to our people, " L' Italia deve fare da se " — " Italy must do things herself." This sacred watchword found an echo of sympathy in many hearts during the first period of our political redemption, when the aim was to free Italy from the attitude of subjection to the foreigner and to direct her to a free line of development in the spheres of organisation most important to her, namely, in ' Appendix I. ^ Tribuna, January 14, 20, and 29, 1907. INTRODUCTION 49 education and in industry. But it has no reason for existence now in regard to a work which looks to a lofty result embracing the principle of the solidarity of mankind in scientific achievement, all the more when the question is of a colossal undertaking which even the richest nation in the world would not be able by the employment of the ordinary means at its disposal to accomplish alone. It is therefore no matter for astonishment that in little more than two years so rapid a change regarding the Waldstein project should have come about, not only in the feeling of the public, but also in that of men of learning, who are much more tenacious of their views since these are in their case the result of mature reflection. It is a point worthy of note that the Central Commission, which at its meeting held a year ago admitted the Waldstein project with two contrary votes and four abstentions, in its sitting of last November voted the project unanimously.^ But a really striking fact is that the very man who was the first to raise the cry of alarm and to proclaim the crusade against the barbarous invader of our artistic patrimony, declared a few days ago in these same columns, that we ought to open our arms to our brother in welcome to his magnificent proposal, "which is a fervid act of homage to our history and our glory." So now that we are united among ourselves, and that the heart of Italy beats at one with that of other nations in the desire to hasten the accomplishment of this arduous undertaking, we are waiting with confidence for the announcement by the Minister which may permit the determined Anglo-Saxon to put his magnificent programme into actuality. It is a beautiful thing, in this age when the struggle of interests between nations has become so harsh, to witness the spontaneous and universal adhesion to an undertaking by which the material interest of Italy alone will be benefited through the conspicuous increase of our artistic inheritance. We may easily find explanation of this miracle if we set beside it the progressive increase in the receipts derived from the charge for entrance at Pompeii, which proves the rapid expansion of the cult of antique beauty and the spread of that noble desire to call forth the lost glories of the past which formerly was limited to few. The present generation, conscious of the brilliant spring-time of art that lies hidden under the strong covering which enwraps Herculaneum, cannot remain for long indifferent to the thought that, with the consent of Italy to the co-operation of other States, these treasures of art may in a short time be restored to the light of day. J. Dall' Osso, of the National Museum, Naples. ' The Central Commission became unanimously favourable to the proposition because the opponents received from the supporters all the guarantees which they had demanded as to the character and the manner of the international elements in the project. The opponents started from the principle that we ought, even in such cases as this, to be and to show ourselves in the first place citizens rather than archaeologists or artists ; that the political side of the question had therefore to be also considered, and this the more because there was suggestion in the first instance of some intervention, though only honorary, on the part of heads of States. This danger having been set aside by the declarations of members of the Commission who reflected in the discussion the views of Professor Waldstein, there was no longer need for any one to take a hostile position regarding the project. The agreement was, in fact, such that the member who had previously been the most resolute opponent contributed to formulate the order of the day, which was voted unanimously. — The Editor. £ 50 HERCULANEUM That Signor Tittoni's promise was faithfully kept was manifest from the decision of the Central Commission, to whom the Government again referred the question. It was on November lo, 1906, that the newspapers made the announcement — which by many was received with intense joy — that the Commission had unanimously accepted the scheme of the international excavation of Herculaneum, strongly recommended it to the Government, and urged that the work be taken up without delay. The exact terms of the resolution are the following: i. That the subscriptions shall be of a private character, without any official intervention in foreign countries. 2. That the funds shall be administered by an International Committee sitting in Rome, of which the King of Italy shall be honorary president, and the actual president some one nominated by His Majesty. 3. That the executive committee of excavation of Herculaneum (the "staff") shall be composed of a number of foreign members and of the same number of Italian members, and all its members, both foreign and Italian, be nominated by the King of Italy on the recommendation of his Minister of Public Instruction. 4. That the first publication of all scientific and artistic material obtained shall belong to the Italian Govern- ment and be made at its expense, though the Minister of Public Instruction shall be empowered to invite other Italian and foreign savants, who do not belong to the executive committee, to take part in that publication. 5. That the foreign members of the executive committee may, on the responsibility of its president and with proper safeguards, permit students of their own nationality to be present at the excavations. 6. That all the results of the excavation shall be the property of the Italian Government. This shall not prevent the Italian Government from giving to the States which have most largely contributed some specimens of objects found, in the case of those objects being in duplicate and such a concession not injuring national collections. INTRODUCTION 51 It will be seen that these conditions are in complete harmony with the scheme which I had proposed. In one point they distinctly go beyond anything proposed by me — namely, in recommending that, at the discretion of the King of Italy, duplicates of objects discovered be presented to the nations contributing. In my scheme it was always clearly maintained that none of the objects were to leave Italy. This generous concession on the part of the Italian Commission appeared to me of great advantage : as it would facilitate the raising of funds abroad, would furnish foreign museums with important material for study, and would in no way diminish the archaeological treasure of Italy or impair the character of the results of the excavation by removing any of the illustrative objects from their natural setting in the country where they were found. From Italy and from all parts of the world I received letters and telegrams of congratulation, and not only the whole press, but some of the Italian authorities themselves, expressed their conviction that the matter was settled and the inter- national excavation was no longer a scheme but an accom- plished fact. At a dinner to celebrate the auspicious event, given to the Italian Ambassador in London on December 5, 1906, at which the representatives of the chief Powers were present, I was assured that the delay in my receiving official communication of this decision was caused merely by the usual official delay or " red tape," and that I would be speedily informed of this final agreement. Yet for some time, in spite of repeated requests through the official channels, I did not receive this communication. Then, on February 19, in the Trihuna of Rome, only a few days after the fourth of those important and favourable letters of Professor Dall' Osso was published, there appeared an extract from a letter addressed to me by Commendatore Boni, appended to an article decidedly Chauvinistic in spirit and in content, condemning my scheme as an encroachment upon the 52 HERCULANEUM honour of Italy. I have now every reason to know that Commendatore Boni's action was based upon an entire mis- understanding of the true nature of our scheme, and that he has since then taken cognisance of the true facts of our action and our purpose. But the mere publication of this letter at once set alight all the flames of Chauvinism, which in Italy, as, unfortunately, elsewhere at this moment, can merely be covered over for the time being, and are constantly smouldering in the press, if not in the hearts of the people. In a few days the decision was apparently reversed. We were informed by the newspapers, and, after considerable delay, I received official confirmation of the decision of the Italian Government, that no material help or direct international co-operation would be accepted, and that the Italian Government had decided at once to proceed to the excavation of Herculaneum by itself. I was at the same time informed that the friendly advice of distinguished foreign authorities (including myself) would be accepted ; but that the work would be entirely in the hands of the Italian experts.^ Out of the truly munificent grants voted for purposes of Archaeology and the Fine Arts, we were informed that for the present the sum of 15,000 francs (X!i^6oo, $3000) had been assigned to the work of excavating Herculaneum. But the promise to begin the great work was definite and emphatic, and we must all rejoice in this important decision. For it has been and is, after all, our chief object to lead to the inception of such a great work, no matter by whom the work is carried out. It was also gratifying to receive the acknowledgment of the service which our efforts had secured for Italy expressed in the words of the Giornale (T Italia when announcing this decision. At the same time, from what has been shown above and from what will become convincingly manifest in the further development of our arguments in this book, it must be evident ' See Appendix I. PI ATT IS INTRODUCTION S3 that the sum granted and the staff to be appointed (however distinguished and highly competent they may be individually) are decidedly inadequate to carry the stupendous task to a satisfactory conclusion. The useful work, which we hope may at once be done at Herculaneum by the Italian Govern- ment, can only be tentative and preliminary ; but it will be of the highest importance if thereby it can be determined at what definite point and by what methods the great work of a complete and final excavation can be undertaken. We sincerely wish all success to our Italian confreres. The important facts, however, remain: i. That ancient Herculaneum must be excavated completely and thoroughly. 2. That for the good of the living and successive generations, and for the practical reason, that every year's delay makes the future excavation more costly and more difficult, this excavation must be vigorously pushed forward soon. 3. That for such an enterprise the present methods of work in excavation are inadequate, and that we require a complete reform of these methods. 4. That to carry out such work adequately we can reasonably claim the active support and co-operation of all civilised nations. 5. That such an international undertaking will favour and develop the good understanding and feeling of brotherhood among men and will bring us one step nearer to the ideals which we all have in common, and which, in our truly best moments, we all devoutly profess. PART I THE PAST AND THE PRESENT In dealing with Herculaneum in the Past and Present we have taken particular pains not to allow the main thesis of this book — that Herculaneum is the one site above all others which ought to be excavated — in any way to influence our treatment of the topography, the ethnography, the effect of the eruptions on the ancient remains, and the actual state of the site since the great eruption. We have thought it right occasionally to emphasise our doubts as to the arguments of writers strongly supporting our main thesis, when we did not feel satisfied that the data at our disposal warranted assurance on the points at issue. In spite of such scepticism, always called for in sound research, our conviction remains unshaken in the exceptional advantages which Herculaneum offers for the illustration of Hellenic life, art, and culture in a Graeco- Roman centre. The more we have always ourselves borne in mind the " negative instances," the stronger is our assurance in the positive grounds for our conviction. 55 CHAPTER I TOPOGRAPHY The position of Herculaneum cannot be rightly appreciated without some reference to the general topography of Campania.^ Campania was in antiquity a very elastic term : ^ Timaeus (who wrote in the first half of the third century B.C.) is the earliest writer whom we know to have used it, and he did not include in it the neighbourhood of Cumae. Indeed, the term seems to have been limited to the Capuan district up to the time of the Second Punic War. Polybius (second century B.C.) appears to use it approximately in the current modern sense, though most maps to-day place Sinuessa at least, and some Cales and Teanum, as towns of Latium, whereas he includes them all in Campania. But in the days of the Empire the name Campania came to be applied to the whole of Augustus's " First Region of Italy," which included in addition Latium and other districts. It is necessary to make this clear at the outset, in order to avoid misunderstandings, but in practice the term is applied to a definite, indeed to a remarkably individual area. Moreover, this area corresponds with fair approximation to the territory of the Campanian race,^ i.e. those " Samnites of the plains " who* once held the Ager Falernus up to the Savo, and forced Naples to admit them to her citizenship. The boundaries of Campania in this sense are, roughly, to the north, the 1 See map, Plate i. Cf. Beloch, Campanien, pp. i and 2. ^ Timaeus, np. Strab. p. 248. ' Sec Part I. Chapter II. ■* Bcloch, Campanien, p. 10. 57 58 HERCULANEUM part i Volturus ; to the south, Nuceria and the Surrentine peninsula. Its inland frontier was formed by the mountains Tifata and Taburnus, while its whole western front was washed by the Mediterranean. Campania is a great volcanic plain, ^ once submerged, surrounded by the spurs of the Apennines. The simplicity of its coast-line is broken by the Gulf of Naples, bounded on each side by a projecting mountain mass partly severed from the mainland : on the north by the " Phlegraean Fields," a cluster of old craters and small plains, and by their con- tinuation, the islands Prochyta and Aenaria ; on the south by the Surrentine peninsula and the island of Capreae. The " Phlegraean Fields " are isolated by a wide expanse of plain ; the Surrentine peninsula, the southern boundary of Campania, is a spur of the Apennines. Towards the east end of the Gulf towers the mass of Monte Somma and Vesuvius, the point where cross two great volcanic ranges running north and south, east and west : ^ Monte Berici, Amiata, the crater lakes Bolsena and Bracciano, the Alban hills, Stromboli, Etna ; and Volture, Monte Epomeo in Ischia (Aenaria), and the Ponza islands. East and south of Vesuvius the narrow valley of the Sarnus runs down from the Nolan plain, which opens westward into the great expanse of Campania. It was in this valley, on the slopes of Vesuvius west of the Sarnus, that Pompeii lay. We are here more concerned with the coast between Vesuvius and Naples. The Sebethos, the river of Naples, and the Veseris farther east run through a swampy valley. It was at the south-east end of this district, on the south-west slopes of Vesuvius,^ about five miles from Naples by the coast-road and some four and a half miles from the crater, that Herculaneum stood. She was perched, as two ^ of the scanty ancient notices 1 Mau-Kelsey, p. i. See also Part I. Chapter III. - Mau-Kelsey, p. I. 3 Nissen, Itiilienische Landeskunde, 1902, ii. 2, p. 757. * Strabo, p. 246; and Sisenna, Frags. 53 and 54., Peters. Cf. Winckelmann, JVerke, ii. pp. 7 seq. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 59 state, upon rising ground near the sea : Strabo (second half of the first century B.C.) calls the site " a foreland jutting out into the sea," and adds that it caught the south-west wind in a wonderful manner, so as to make the place a healthy residence. Sisenna (119-69 B.C.) states that the town lay between two rivers. Ruggiero ^ is, on a priori grounds, sceptical about the rivers ; but the mistake, if there be one, must be Sisenna's, not the copyist's, for the fragment owes its preservation (by the grammarian Nonius) to the fact that Sisenna used the rare feminine form " fluviae." The whole line of the coast has been so essentially modified by various eruptions that we can hardly be certain of more than this, that the sea once ran much farther inland than it does to-day. We know from Dionysius of Halicarnassus " that the town had harbours, safe under all conditions ; but of these no trace remains. It has been thought that the name of the modern Resina is a modification ot the old name of these harbours, " Retina " ; but the name Retina rests solely upon a doubtful reading of a corrupt passage in the younger Pliny,^ and most recent critics prefer to explain the word as the name of a lady. Beloch ^ has tried to trace the course of the " fluviae," and believes that the lines of their respective beds were followed by the two later lava-streams, which run down to Granatello and the Marinella di Resina ; he further supposes that a harbour lay at each of their respective mouths. In support of this he quotes the fact that there is still a spring on the beach at Granatello, and an annual flood in the neigh- bourhood of the Church of S. Maria di Pugliano. The site of Herculaneum is mostly covered to a great depth with the " terra vecchia " or " pappamonte," dating, at least in great part, from the eruption of 79 a.d., the nature of which is discussed in Chapter III. The lava ejected in later ^ Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. vii. - i. 44. ' Ep. vi. 16. 8 ; and cf. Ruggiero, Delia Eruzione, etc., p. 3. * Campanien, pp. 228, 229. 6o HERCULANEUM part i times, chiefly in 1631, covers a comparatively small area, and is nowhere more than a layer above the great mass of " pappa- monte." The general accuracy of Strabo and Sisenna is confirmed by the fact that the one street at present uncovered slopes at first gently, and then very abruptly tow^ards the sea,^ so that the last houses, which clearly mark the end of the town in that direction, were supported by elaborate and strongly-built substructures. The identification of the site is placed beyond all doubt by a great number of inscriptions. The town was undoubtedly small. For this conclusion we have the authority of Sisenna,^ Strabo,^ and Dionysius of Halicarnassus,* Strabo's contemporary ; and it is confirmed by the fact that Herculaneum is very rarely mentioned by ancient writers, except in catalogues like those of Strabo,^ the elder Pliny, *" Florus," and the geographer Pomponius Mela.^ More- over, the graves discovered to the north-east in 1750 and 1751 fix the limit in that direction,^ while the orientation of the famous "Villa of the Papyri," to the north-west, makes it improbable that it was part of the town. Again, ■^*' the excavators of the early part of the nineteenth century reached the edge of the town to the south-west, i.e. in the direction of the sea. But a detailed discussion of the size and shape of the town must be prefaced by an account of its remark- able regularity of design. It seems almost certain from the small portion now uncovered, and from the notes of the eighteenth-century excavators, that all the streets crossed one another at right angles, and were laid out upon a definite system. Two long streets were discovered running from north-west to south-east, that to the north-east being the broader of the two, and being flanked on each side by a colonnade. 1 Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xlvi. - Frag. 53, Peters. ^ p. 258. * i. 44. 3 v_ 8, 6 }j_ H. iii. 5. 62. " i. II. 6. He is clearly using older sources. * ii. 70. * See La Vega's plan, Plate 1 1 ; and below, p. 78. '" See below, p. 63. jf '^ •»i3: ^^^ ^^:^Mr /L '"J&J' Retinae Portus HERCULANUM -r^~ /^M-f/y /y/fyy/ <-A:)M//^(/u-t yf/f>Y(;Joy''f 'y/ /y fy'y.jr yy/y /y/y/,y/yyyyyyfy// J' :Jr/yr/^./f^ , rlOCJtT£PL^C^~£.JiAPJlil. LA VEGA'S PLAN OF HERCULANEUM. From Ruggiero's $ca'v't^ etc. Plate ii. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 6i At right angles to these two streets ran five streets about the same width as the narrower of them, but much closer together, so that the whole town was divided into rectangular blocks or " insulae." The narrower of the two parallel streets lay half-way between the broader street and the edge of the town. All this is clearly shown in the small map made by Francesco La Vega,^ the last and best of the eighteenth- century excavators, and published in Carlo Rosini's Dissertatio isagogica ad Herculanensium voluminum explanationem, '^7()7 ; though the extreme difficulty of constructing such a map, owing to the character of the excavation,'- must not be over- looked. This map has been the basis of all later ones, and its accuracy would seem to have been strikingly confirmed in an interesting lawsuit cited by Professor J. Dall' Osso in one of his excellent articles in the Tribuna early in 1907.^ The Marchese di Bisogno, whose property was being expropriated, claimed that allowance should be made for the fact that part of the buried city certainly lay under it. To prove this he sank a shaft at a point where La Vega's map marked the crossing of two streets, and struck such a crossing at the angle of one of the corner houses. In the same article Dall' Osso has argued that the arrangement here revealed is not the Roman or Etruscan system of the cardo and decumanus, based upon the ritual of the templutn, a system observable to-day in Marzabotto (Misanum), near Bologna, Turin (Augusta Taurinorum), Aosta (Augusta Practoria), and other places, but the Greek system ascribed to Hippodamus of Miletus. He defines the Etruscan system as based upon the mutual bisection at right angles ot two main streets of equal importance, the cardo running north and south, and the decumanus running east and west, parallel to each of which run smaller streets at regular intervals, dividing 1 Sec Part I. Chapter IV. The map is given on Plate il ; ct". also the map of Hcrculancum from Bcloch, Campanien, Plate lo in this book. ■^ Sec Part I. Chapter IV. ' January 29. 62 HERCULANEUM parti the whole town into square " insulae." To the Greek, system he attributes the division of the whole site into two or four rectangular zones by one main street or three parallel ones, crossed at right angles by a number of streets much closer together, subdividing the town into rectangular, not square, blocks. It seems very doubtful whether this distinction can be maintained. Antioch, indeed, as described by Libanius,^ and, more important still, Naples, were clearly built upon the latter system. Its connection with Hippodamus is another question ; the evidence for the three cities which he is said to have laid out — Piraeus, Thurii, and Rhodes — is scarcely con- clusive, and nothing definite can be learned from literature ; while Alexandria, which Dall' Osso claims as Hippodamean, and Nicaea (Antigonia), a Greek city certainly uninfluenced by the Etruscan system, are both known from Strabo's accounts^ to have had two broad main streets crossing at right angles. Nicaea was flat and square and had four gates ; and from a stone in the middle of the gymnasium all four could be seen at once. Again, Marzabotto, which is indisputably Etruscan, is far nearer Dall' Osso's " Hippodamean " system than that which he describes as Etruscan.^ The ethnological bearing of this question, on which Dall' Osso lays much stress, is discussed in Chapter II. For the moment we are concerned only with its application to the problem of the size of the town. It seems very likely indeed that north and east of the great central street ran a third in the same direction, corresponding to the one already discovered south and west of it. This would give us a symmetrical division into four zones, closely resembling that of Naples. It would thus appear that about half the town is still untouched. Ruggiero ^ holds that the 1 i. p. 337. 2 p. -^3 and p. 565. ^ See Brizio, " Relazione sugli scavi eseguiti a Marzabotto presso Bologna" in Mon. Ant., published by the Reale Accademia dei Lincei, vol. i. pp. 289 if. ; in the separate edition, pp. 45 fF. For the whole question see Sogliano, Studi di Topografia storica e di storia antica, Naples, 1 90 1, pp. 19 ff., who considers the systems of both Pompeii and Herculaneum to be Etruscan. * Scavi, etc., p. vii. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 63 town ran far to the north-east, even beyond the Church of S. Maria di Pugliano ; but the accidental discoveries of paintings, marble, and mosaics at the " fosso di Calollo," described on February 22, 1836, on which he bases his supposition, probably belonged, as Dall' Osso holds, to a country-house.^ The only important building (besides the outlying " Casa dei Papiri " already alluded to), not apparently orientated in accordance with this plan, is the theatre : a divergence probably due to the lie of the ground. Whether there was originally a sixth cross-street, destroyed in part to make room for the theatre, or whether the latter lay beyond the original limits of the town (perhaps a more probable view), is a point that only excavation can decide. For the existence of town-walls we have evidence both literary and epigraphical. We have Sisenna's words " parvis moenibus," - confirmed by Strabo's phrase (f>povpi.ov, which indeed usually means a fortress, too small to be called a city, but essentially implies fortification ; and we have the inscription found in July 1758, under the modern street near the " Savarese " or " Paris " farm ^ — M • NONIVS • M • F • BALBVS • PROCOS BASILICAM • PORTAS • MVRVM • PECVNIA • SVA (" Marcus Nonius Balbus, son of Marcus, Proconsul, [built or restored] the Basilica, the Gates, the Wall at his own expense.") Yet no trace of this wall has ever been found, in spite of the fact that on the south-west side, in the district now uncovered, the edge of the town has admittedly been reached, Nissen * concludes that the town was quite wiped out by the great earthquake of 63 a.d., and rebuilt without the walls — a conclusion hardly warranted even by Seneca's probably hyper- bolical statement : ^ " Of the town of Herculaneum a part fell, ' See below, p. 79. - Frag. 53, Peters. * Ruggiero, Scavi, en., p. xxxvi ; No. 305 in Ikloch, Cttmptinien ; Mus. Naz. I180; C.I.L. X. I, 1425. * Italienische Landeskunde, ii. 2, 1902, p. 757. ' l^at. Quaeit. vi. I. 2. 64 HERCULANEUM part i and even what remains is in an unsteady condition." Seneca certainly implies that the destruction here was less complete than that of Pompeii, and we know how much of old Pompeii still stands in spite of the earlier disaster. Moreover, the inscription just quoted almost certainly refers to a restoration after this earthquake. This supposition is probable on the face of it, and is strikingly confirmed by the fact that a Marcus Nonius, who may well be the same person,^ erected, in A.D. 72, a statue to the Emperor Vespasian in the building sometimes identified as the Basilica,'- the very Emperor who, four years later, restored the Temple of the Mother of the Gods, which had fallen in the same earthquake.^ In any case it cannot be doubted that even if the ruin wrought by the earthquake was greater at Herculaneum than at Pompeii, a vast amount of old material and many old structures must have been used in the restoration ; and nothing is less likely than that the systematic laying out of the city dates entirely, as Nissen apparently supposes,'* from the interval between the earthquake and the eruption. With regard to the town-wall, we seem to be reduced to two main alternatives : either the mvrvs in question was not the town -wall, whereas all scholars appear to agree that it must have been such ; or the town-wall did not follow the line of the edge of the town at the point laid bare in the ' So Beloch, Campiinien, p. 234. Mommsen, who inclines to date M. Nonius Balbus as Augustan, appears to have overlooked the dedication to Vespasian (see C.I.L. x. 1, 1420 and 1425). - See below, p. 70. ' The two inscriptions are numbered 1166 and 1151 respectively in the Museo Nazionale at Naples, and 1420, 1406, in the C.I.L. (x. i). Beloch quotes them on p. 221 : — {a) IMP • T • VESPA CAESARI • AV TRIB • P • COS • II • CEN M • NONIV<3> {i) IMP ■ CAESAR ■ VE3PASIANV3 • AVG • PONTIF • MAX TRIB • POT • VII • IMP • XVII • P • P • COS • VII • DESIGN • VIH TEMPLVM • MATRI5 ■ DEVM • TERRAE • MOTV • CONLAPSVM • RESTIT^'IT * Italienische Landeskunde, ii. 2, 1902, p. 757. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 65 nineteenth century. We venture to suggest that the town- wall on the sea side included the harbours and the open land between them and the town. The Long Walls at Athens offer a certain analogy, though the circle of the old town-wall is there complete. If the fortifications of town and harbour at Herculaneum were built contemporaneously, a single line of circumvallation may well have been judged sufficient ; or in the restoration that portion may have been omitted. The dimensions of the whole town have been calculated by Beloch ' to have been about 370 metres north-east to south- west, by about 320 metres north-west to south-east ; or, supposing that there was no third street north-east of the street with the colonnades, 277.50 metres by 320 metres. These calculations cannot, however, be accepted without hesitation, since the south-eastern limit which he fixes, viz. the " temple " marked with a cross a little south of the " graves " in La Vega's map, may really be a temple, and not " the peristyle of a country-house," as he assumes. Still, its shape, in so far as the little map can be trusted, seems to confirm his view. Moreover, it appears to interrupt the street system. Before leaving the question of the size of the town, a point should be noticed which seems to have escaped observation, namely, that the " graves," if correctly indicated on La Vega's map, are too close to the main street to admit of a complete third street such as has been assumed. Two considerations must not, however, be overlooked. First, that, although the ideal geometrical city was no doubt enclosed in perfectly rectangular fortifications (as Nicaea, built on level ground, seems to have been), the nature of the ground often made it necessary (as at Piraeus and Naples) to depart from this scheme ; so that we really can never be sure exactly how far the town stretched in any one direction, except through excavation. Secondly, the small scale and scanty materials * Campanien, p. 230. 66 HERCULANEUM part i of La Vega's map must never be forgotten ; and Ruggiero/ at least, questions the correctness of the position assigned therein to so important a building as the so-called Basilica. Something must be said of the character of the streets and buildings hitherto revealed.^ The streets are paved with polygonal blocks of the oldest Vesuvian lava, with pavements on each side edged with Vesuvian tufa, and filled in with earth, or sometimes with pounded brick (" opus signinum "). Their condition, as Dall' Osso has aptly remarked, is strikingly superior to that of the streets of Pompeii. The paving is far more regular, and the ruts, which run as deep as 20 centi- metres at Pompeii, are here, at least in the part now uncovered, barely discernible. This, by the way, also shows the greater traffic of Pompeii as a commercial centre, while Herculaneum had no such traffic. Moreover, the elaborate underground drainage of this part of the town made it possible to dispense with " stepping-stones " of the type so familiar at Pompeii. The total width of the streets seems rarely to have exceeded 30 palmi, or 7.94 metres. A street 25 palmi, or 6.61 metres wide, was discovered on January 9, 1743 ; while in the part now uncovered the width ^ varies from 4.79 to 5.45 metres. Beloch's attempts to base upon these figures elaborate calcula- tions in Oscan and Roman feet are scarcely convincing. Indeed, in the matter of the great central street, Beloch, it appears to us, has been led into error. For, overlooking the fact that Weber,* when he discovered this street,^ carefully mapped and measured it (for he fully recognised its importance), and pronounced it 18 palmi in the roadway and 8 in each of the colonnades, i.e. 9 metres in all,^ he deduces from Cochin and Bellicard's plan of the Basilica,^ which includes a portion of this street, the astonishing measurements — 9.60 metres 1 Scavi, etc., p. xxxvii. - Cf. Ruggiero, Sctivi, etc., p. viii. ^ Beloch, Campanien, p. 231. ■• Sec Part I. Chapter IV. ^ November 13, 1756 ; see Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. viii, and p. 208. " Ruggiero, Sciivi, etc., p. 231 ; cf. p. 234. " In Observations sur les antiquites de la ville d' Herculanum, 1754. CHAP I TOPOGRAPHY 67 without the colonnades, 4.80 metres the northern colonnade, 3.50 metres the southern. All these calculations are based upon the supposition that the scale of Cochin and Bellicard's plan is 1.1200, an assumption which rests almost entirely^ upon a comparison of their plan w^th the minute one in La Vega's plan of Herculaneum. Beloch himself admits that "the smallness of the scale makes the results highly inexact " ; and, indeed, here again his results (c. 79 metres x c. 42 metres) are quite irreconcilable with Alcubierre's calculation (May 30, 1739) of 40 metres as the length of the central space of the building in question. On such grounds Beloch proceeds to force these imaginary measurements of the central street into scales of Oscan feet. It is particularly important to point out Beloch's mistake with regard to the width of this street, because Dall' Osso, in the series of articles to which we have already alluded,^ though he quotes Weber's comments in the original Spanish, has slipped into the error of printing Beloch's measurements.^ Nor is this point immaterial : for the plausibility of Dair Osso's theory * (discussed lower down) that this street took the place of a Forum, is greatly lessened when we learn that, instead of being "at least 16 metres wide, with the colonnades," it was in fact only 9 metres wide.^ One street with gravel was found in the city (February 23 and November 16, 1760), and a gravel path in the outer garden of the " Casa dei Papiri " (November 1, 1760). Three public fountains were found, one of " rustic marble," and one of travertine, both opposite temples (September 22, 1759 ; September 2, 1758), and a third of marble (March 22, 1760). The excellence of the water- ' " Almost," because Beloch says that it is confirmed by the fact that the small street running south-west, the head of which also appears in the plan, can be shown on this scale to be 4.80 metres wide ; and the part of it exposed in the " Scavi Nuovi " is 4.95 metres wide. But it is misleading to suppose such accuracy in an unessential part of so small a plan. " See above, p. 61. s Tribuna, January 29, 1907. < ib. February 13, 1907. ' ib. January 29, 1907. 68 HERCULANEUM part i supply is attested by the great number of lead pipes, bronze cocks and basins, though its nature and source are, so far as we are aware, unknown.^ It seems probable that, like that of Pompeii, it was derived from the great aqueduct which fed Naples, Puteoli, Baiae, and Misenum.- The forms and materials of the houses of Herculaneum differ little from those of Pompeii ; '^ but the forms are perhaps less typically Roman, while the materials seem to be mostly of a late type. They are (so far as our scanty evidence shows) predominantly of reticulate grey or yellow tufa. This style is at Pompeii not earlier than the time of Augustus.* The use of large tufa-blocks at the angles, which prevailed at Pompeii till the time of the Roman colony (80 B.C.), is almost entirely absent. Some of the columns are of " mischi," travertine, or Nucerian tufa, inaccurately termed " piperno " by the eighteenth -century excavators; but the great bulk are of ordinary tufa or brick, coated with stucco. The paintings and other decorations closely resemble those of Pompeii, though, as Wickhoff remarks, they are, taken as a whole, superior in artistic quality.^ It must, however, never be forgotten that our knowledge of the domestic architecture of Herculaneum is very largely derived from the one street now uncovered, not, perhaps, a very fashionable one. The old journals contain many vague but enthusiastic references to " fine rooms," " beautiful palaces," and the like.® Moreover, even if we suppose that the average Hercu- lanean house was originally of no greater interest than the average Pompeian one, the conditions of the eruption have caused the former to be far better preserved. This matter will be discussed at greater length in our third chapter. Here it will be enough to remark that the upper storeys and the 1 Cf. Ruggiero, Scavi, etc.. Introduction, for all these particulars. - For this aqueduct, whose connection with Pompeii is very probable, though only conjectural, see Mau-Kelsey, p. 233. 3 So Dall' Osso in Tribuna, March 11, 1907. ■* Mau-Kelsey, pp. 38 and 43. 5 Cf. Introduction, p. 11. ^ See Ruggiero, ^cavi, etc., p. ix. °^ ■-• H ? < S I ." H £ C 2f Z °-' < S J o CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 69 woodwork (roofs, furniture, window-cases, etc.) seem all to have survived at Herculaneum, the wood in a state of carbonisation ; whereas at Pompeii they have almost entirely perished. And, owing to the carelessness and ignorance even of the nineteenth - century excavators, this whole field of research, full of interest and importance to students of ancient architecture and ancient life, is still practically untouched. In the columns, pavements, and incrustation -work of the theatre and other buildings, a great variety of rare and beautiful marbles was freely used. The principal public buildings hitherto discovered are the following. First, the small, but marvellously rich and beautiful theatre, of noble style and proportions, covered with marble incrustation. It was peopled with fine marble and bronze statues, including six great equestrian statues of gilded bronze, on the very highest tier, whose numerous fragments, after much fine talk,^ were thrown into King Carlo's melting-pot in 1770, to reappear as the candle- sticks and " Conception " of the Royal Chapel of Portici. A great many of these statues are now in the Museo Nazionale at Naples, and three are at Dresden,- but many are irretrievably lost. The theatre was not built into a hill-side, but stood free. Its character seems to be Graeco-Roman, and from an inscription,"^ set up in slightly varying forms at more than one point in it, it is clear that it was built or restored in Roman times : — L • ANNIVS • L • F • MAMMIANVS • RVFVS • II • VIR • QVINQ • THEATR • ORCH • S • P •

NVMISIVS • P • F • ARCTE ("Lucius Annius, son of Lucius, Mammianus Rufus, quin- quennial duumvir, [built or restored] the theatre and the orchestra at his own expense. Publius Numisius, son of Publius, was the architect.") ' Ruggicro, Scavi, etc., p. xv. 2 gcc Part I. Chapter 1\'. 3 C.l.L. X. 1. 1443 ; cf. 1444, 1445, 1446. JO HERCULANEUM parti The inscription and the materials of the theatre ^ both point to the first century of the Empire. The number of fragments of decorative marble, and of bronze and marble statues recorded in the excavators' journals, is almost incredible ; - but they pulled the building to pieces as they proceeded with the tunnelling. They found it perfect, save for the highest part and for the colonnade behind the " scena," which had both apparently been broken down during the eruption.^ They left it a stripped and mutilated skeleton. Luckily the records kept were full enough to make it possible for careful research largely to reconstruct it in imagination, a laborious and difficult task which Ruggiero has patiently and skilfully performed. We reproduce his plans, ^ prepared on the spot with the help of " two most expert architects," Guiseppe Solari and Eugenio Leone ; and Mazois' restoration of the facade.^ Next in importance among the public buildings discovered at Herculaneum seems to be the so-called " Basilica," a large building north-east of the main street, whose identification is still hotly disputed. Perhaps it will be best brieflv to state what is known of it before proceeding to the discussion of rival theories.^ It was found under the group of poor cottages between the Vicolo di Mare to the north and the gardens of Benedetto and Priore to the south. It was never completely excavated, on account of ominous subsidences in the aforesaid cottages ; but work was carried on there for several years, and its general form ascertained with fair certainty. We reproduce the plan published by Cochin and Bellicard'^ in 1754. It was a rectangular building, about half as long again as it was broad. Bellicard states that the entrance portico, b in their plan, was divided into five equal parts, the two outer ^ Beloch, Campanieri, p. 233. ^ Cf. Ruggiero, Sraz'i, etc., pp. xxvii ff. ' Cf. Part I. Chapter III. * Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xix. 5 Mazois and Gau, Lcs Ruines de Potnpei, etc., part iv., 1812. See Plate 13. ^ Ruggiero, Scafi, etc., p. xxxiv. " ObservatioJis sur ks antiquites de la Ville d'Herculanum, 1754. (For details of the different editions of this work, see the Bibliographical Appendix.) O < c c < s CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 71 of which opened into the interior colonnades of which we shall speak ; and that each vault of this entrance was decorated with an equestrian statue, of which two marble ones were alone recovered, one of Marcus Nonius Balbus.^ They also assert that the pillars of the portico were not veneered with marble, but that the porticoes were entirely paved with it. Internally it was surrounded by a colonnade, j\ f in the plan, with half-columns on the inner face of the outer wall, corresponding to the columns. Between these half-columns were rectangular niches with pedestals, each containing a statue (alternately bronze and marble, according to Cochin and Bellicard). A painted frieze ran round the upper part of the wall, and there were paintings upon the concave ceilings of the niches. The objects marked g^ g appear to be large pedestals. The shorter wall at the end opposite the entrance had in its centre a square niche {d in the plan), reached by three steps, containing a long pedestal with three statues of marble — the middle one representing Vespasian, according to Bellicard ; and two smaller semicircular niches stood in the same wall, facing the ends of the side porticoes. From these niches were cut the pictures^ of Theseus over the slain Minotaur (a particularly striking work), of Cheiron with Achilles, and of the Childhood of Telephus, which are all preserved in the Museo Nazionale {9049, 9006, 9109 respectively). Opposite these niches stood, according to Bellicard, two pedestals e, e, with bronze figures of Nero and Germanicus. The level of the central space was lower than that of the colonnades, and was reached by four steps. The nature and extent of the roofing are quite unknown, and the middle of the building was not explored. The principal finds, besides the pictures just mentioned, were four or five marble Roman portrait- statues,^ partly in fragments, including two of the Balbi (inscribed) ; some bronze statues, including Augustus with ' Plate 15. 2 Sec Plate XI. (Frontispiece) ; Plates 1 6 and 17. ^ According to Ruggicro, p. xxxv. 72 HERCULANEUM part i the thunderbolt ; several vases and other small objects ; and a number of wall-paintings, including Hercules strangling the snakes, slaying the lion, and bringing the boar to Eurystheus, Hylas being seized by the nymphs, a doubtful Bellerophon, Leda, a pair of wrestlers, a Bacchante, a citharistria, and various decorative works. ^ There were also found countless fragments of bronze and marble statues (of human beings, horses and chariots) ; and a stream of similar fragments'- seems to have been carried down the road (now partially uncovered) leading to the sea. This probably shows either that the building was partially or wholly roofless, or that the roof broke under the weight of the volcanic ejectamenta. Many identifications have been proposed. Alcubierre and Weber, its eighteenth -century excavators, call it sometimes " Temple," sometimes " Temple or Building of Theseus," sometimes " Temple of Hercules," sometimes, on account of the many eagles painted on the walls, " Temple of Jupiter." All these names are obviously wrong. There is perhaps more to be said for the theory that it was a Forum. This theory is attributed to La Vega by Ruggiero, though with some hesitation ; but it seems far more likely, and indeed almost certain from his map, that La Vega's " Forum " was a different building farther to the north-west. In any case the building which we have described seems hardly large enough for a Forum ; the length of the central space (on Alcubierre's calculation of lo palmi for each of the 15 intercolumniations) can barely have been 40 metres. We have already indicated the untrustworthiness of Beloch's calculations, which give considerably larger measurements. On the other hand, it does not seem likely that any other building discovered can have been the " Forum," and the exploration of the central street, into which it may well have opened, seems to have been fairly complete. DalF Osso ^ indeed maintains, as we have said above, that the central ' Ruggiero, Scat'!, etc., p. xxxvi. - ik. p. li. ^ Tribunn, January 29, 1907. PLAN OF THE BASILICA. After Cochin and Belicard. Plate 14. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 11 street itself took the place of a Forum. We have already pointed out his error in the matter of its width. But apart from this, an important piece of evidence in his arguments seems to us to rest on a misunderstanding. He dwells at great length upon the wall-painting, or series of paintings, figured in the Antkhita di Ercolano, tom. iii. (1762), Plates XLI., XLII., XLin., which he takes to represent the central street of Herculaneum. He even identifies two equestrian statues there depicted with those of the Balhi. Unfortunately, although published in the Antichita di Ercolano, the paintings in question were undoubtedly found at Pompeii (" Civita ") ; this fact is stated even in the Antichita, and the full records of their discovery have been printed by Fiorelli.^ Overbeck and Mau,- Mau and Kelsey,'^ and Helbig,^ are no doubt right in explaining it as a picture of the Forum at Pompeii, which was surrounded by colonnades. Against the Basilica theory, now generally held {e.g. by Beloch and Dall' Osso), Ruggiero urges the following objections : — {a) That it leaves unexplained the sinking of the central space. [b) That the inscription referring to the Basilica (see above) was found some way off at a higher level, in a place whither the mud-stream ^ could not have carried it. He himself considers it to be a Palaestra on the following grounds : — {a) He thinks the level of the porticoes was raised in order to protect spectators during wrestling, etc. {b) The subjects of the paintings, mainly heroic, resemble those on the west wall of the Palaestra opposite the Stabian Baths at Pompeii. (r) There are some indications of an ephebeum close by, and ' Pompeianarum Antiquitaturn Hist or ia, i., i860, pp. 17 ff. * Pompeji, 1884, p. 579. 3 Mau-Kclscy, p. 54. * Wandgem'dlde, etc., 1868, Nos. 1489 fF. " Sec Part I. Chapter III. 74 HERCULANEUM part i also of thermae, both buildings which Vitruvius names as appurtenances of a Palaestra. He holds that the presence of statues and the absence of a " tribunal " prove nothing either way. On the whole, the question seems unlikely to be settled until further excavation has widened our knowledge. As we said above, the interior was not completely explored. Of the Temples of Herculaneum ^ the records are somewhat scanty. Though La Vega marks three only in his map, we have unambiguous statements about five at least ; it is doubtful whether the two recorded on August i, 1743, are not identical with two previously recorded. Of two of these temples only have we detailed information. First, there is that of the Mother of the Gods, restored by Vespasian after the earthquake of 63 A.D., which was identified by the inscription already quoted (see p. 64). Its site is so carefully recorded that it should be easy to rediscover it by opening up the eighteenth- century shaft. Its total external length was 23.28 metres. The inner measurement of the cella was 15.60x7.93 metres. The roof was a barrel vault adorned with stars of various colours — red, green, and yellow — on a white ground, carefully drawn and counted by the painstaking Swiss, Carl Weber. He found that there were exactly nine hundred and sixty-six. This scheme of decoration closely resembles that of the fiat ceiling of a ground-floor room in the House of Diomedes at Pompeii. There were two large stucco columns between the antae of the pronaus, which was approached by steps. But architecturally by far its most remarkable feature is the fact that the exterior of the barrel vault is said to have been levelled and covered with a black and white mosaic pavement, which seems to indicate that the building had two storeys, an arrange- ment which it would be hard to parallel in extant temple architecture. The temple had other buildings contiguous upon one side ; but these, as well as the temple itself, seem to 1 See Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., pp. xxxviii fF. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY ys have been included in a sacred precinct enclosed by colonnades (a point on which the journals are a little obscure). In the neighbourhood of the temple was found a small pillar with a statuette of Isis, and also a bronze base with Egyptian hieroglyphs (September i8, 1760). Many small objects were found within it, including "three most beautiful bronze tripods," scales, a knife, lamps, cups, a candelabrum, funnels and vessels of bronze, clay and glass ; also a minute bronze eagle, restored by Paderni to the handle of " an exquisite vase," found, so he asserts, years before, in the same place ; ^ and, lastly, " 5.55 metres above the pavement," perhaps in the upper storey, statuettes of Venus, Mercury, and Hercules.^ Another temple, not far from the first, was investigated between September 1757 and April 1760. No inscription was found by which it could be identified. The columns were probably of inferior material coated with stucco, or we should hear of their piecemeal removal after the pleasant fashion of that day. There is some reason to believe that they were of the Ionic order. The carbonised beams and planks,^ and the baskets full of lead plates collected during the driving up of a ventilating shaft, showed the nature of the roof. The pavement was mosaic, black with yellow squares. The objects found in and about this temple include interesting bronze vessels (one inlaid with copper), a bronze statuette of Bacchus, and part of a statue and of a relief in marble. Weber drew a plan of this temple and sent it to Alcubierre on March 8, 1760, but it is lost. Of the remaining temples we know practically nothing. The two structures which face the " Basilica " on each side oi a smaller street (which is believed to be the upper end of that now visible in the " Scavi Nuovi " ) have not been identified with certainty. They are not marked on La Vega's plan, nor described in the journals ; but they are drawn with ' Musco Nazionale, 69087. 2 Museo Nazionale, 5133, 5227, 5270. ^ January 19, 1760. 76 HERCULANEUM part i some care in Cochin and Bellicard's plan of the Basilica, and the same authors have left us a description of them. The larger stood to the south-east of the small street. It had two entrance doors, between which stood the large pedestal marked w, on which was a bronze chariot, of which only fragments were collected. The " sanctuary " was in an apse, /. The smaller had one entrance only, but on each side of this door was a small chamber, communicating by a small door with the street, and the street only. Here, according to Cochin and Bellicard, were kept the sacrificial instruments ; but this seems to be a mere conjecture. Equally conjectural, in all probability, are the identifications implicit in the following sentence : " Its sanctuary was closed by a pierced wall, with a single opening, opposite which was placed the Divinity." The buildings were vaulted, and adorned on the interior with half-columns, between which were frescoes and some inscriptions on bronze. De Jorio ^ held that these buildings were curiae or " tribunals," analogous to those at the south end of the Forum of Pompeii, and Beloch ^ inclines to accept this view ; but Ruggiero ^ follows Cochin and Bellicard. We have also an inscription about a " Macellum " (Meat or Fish Market),^ perhaps not in use at the time of the disaster, as the inscription was face downwards and used as the base of a cupboard.^ Before leaving the town proper, we must say something of the small portion excavated in the nineteenth century, and still exposed, often called the " Scavi Nuovi." ^ This part of the city sloped steeply to the south-west, and ended in a sharp cliff; and strong and elaborate subterranean rooms were needed to keep the last houses level. Two streets were laid 1 Nodzie sug/i Scavi di Ercolano, 1827. - p. 235. ' p. xi. < Found January 19, 1765, now in Museo Nazionale, No. 3738 ; C.l.L. x. i. 1457. * So Ruggiero, Scavi, etc. ^ For the whole description of the " Scavi Nuovi " see Ruggiero, Scavi di Ercolano, pp. xlvi-li. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY -jj bare, crossing one another at right angles. That running down to the sea has a fine vaulted drain, 0.60 metres broad and 1.05 metres high, fed by various small drains and gutters. At the edge of the cliff it empties into a well-shaped opening of unknown depth, hut certainly more than three metres. The details of this portion of the city are far too elaborate to be here fully described, but we must endeavour to indicate some of the chief points of interest. Three of the openings to the street were fronted by porticoes, whose columns stood upon the edge of the pavement ; near them five stone benches were found. Almost all the houses were two storeys high, and had moeniana projecting over the street. But these upper structures, of unique architectural and archaeological interest, were in every case allowed to collapse ; a few traces alone still remain, and a plan,^ by Bonucci, of the upper storey of the " Casa d' Argo." None of the houses were completely explored, so that their exact arrangement and size, and even their chief entrances, are often difficult to ascertain. Four shops are easily recognisable by the size of their doors, and three eating-houses by their fireplaces and their benches, sometimes solid, sometimes hollow and filled with earthenware vessels. Perhaps the most interesting individual feature is an open-air court with an elaborate system of marble tanks and running water, identified as an oyster bed. A " Thermae " was partially excavated. The whole of the sea street was strewn with fragments of bronze statues, human and equine, of various scales, and there was also found a small silver bust of Galba, in tiny fragments, now carefully put together and in the Museo Nazionale.- This portion of the site '^ had been considerably tunnelled by the eighteenth-century excavators, and many of the larger works of art had been removed. However, a marble bust, several pictures, and a number of ^ Ruggicro, Scavi, etc., Tav. xii. ' No. 110127 ; cf. also p. 659 in Ruggiero, Scavi, etc. (record of September 11, 187+). ' Cf. especially Arditi's letter, February 15, 1 837 (in Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. 571). 78 HERCULANEUM part i bronze statuettes were unearthed,^ and an almost bewildering number of domestic antiquities of the highest interest. These included not only fine bronze and clay vessels, but a great variety of wooden objects : for example, a wooden chest of drawers, with bronze fittings, unfortunately empty.^ There were also found a quantity of nets, ropes, cords, eatables, etc. Of the Tombs of Herculaneum little need be said. Omitting four funeral inscriptions on marble in the Museo Nazionale,^ the exact provenance of which is unknown, we have only notices by Weber,^ Bellicard (with a plan),^ and Gori,*' all probably referring, as Ruggiero''' holds, to a single discovery (a subterranean family vault, apparently of the Nonian family). This tomb seems to have lain under the farm Moscardino, which then perhaps covered a wider extent of ground than now, in the place where La Vega marks his " Sepulcretum."^ It was divided into niches, and had names ^ inscribed above in vermilion. Urns with clay lids were found entire. The tomb was rectangular and was entered by a staircase. Some urns were also found above this tomb at a higher level. We have left to the last a division of our subject which is in many ways the most important of all — the country houses lying round the city. Campania was a favourite residence of rich Roman nobles, and we have special evidence of Hercu- laneum's popularity.^" That fact alone would fully justify the assertion that the buried villas of this district are an 1 See especially Ruggiero, ^cavi, etc., pp. 583-678, i.e. the journals of the excavations from 1869 to 1884. " Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. 588 ; May 14, 1S69. = Nos. 3756, 3757, 3758, 3759. * Between November 1750 and February 1751 ; Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xxxvii. * In Cochin and Bellicard, Observations sur Us antiquites de la ville ^ Herculanum (Bellicard's account was written in 1750). Sec Ruggiero, Scavi di Ercolano, p. 256, and Tav. VIII. 2a. 6 Symbolae Litterariae, Decadis II. vol. ii. Letter 23, Rome, 175 I. ' Scavi, etc., p. xxxvii. ^ Ruggiero, Sciivi, etc., Tav. II. in corner ; Plate 1 1 in this book. 9 Cf. C.I.L. X. I. 1473-75. 10 See Part I. Chapter II. < a: CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 79 exceptionally promising field for excavation. The wildest hopes were more than fulfilled by the one villa at all deeply explored — the famous " Casa dei Papiri." Before giving the marvellous details of this most fruitful of all Campanian excavations, we must point out that, despite the almost complete concentration of systematic research upon the actual town, at least three other villas appear to have been discovered since the middle of the eighteenth century. First, from the end of 1752 till the end of May 1754,^ at a point in front of the " Epitaffio di Portici," some 400 metres below the Roval Stables of Portici, there were excavated rooms with painted walls and others encrusted with alabasters and various marbles ; others had vaults still in position, one of which had stucco panels,^ adorned with figures and other decorations in bas-relief. There were also found some blocks of a marble column, some clay and lead vessels, a clay lamp, hinges, many lead pipes, and other fragments of various sorts. Secondly, in July 1755, in a shaft sunk in connection with the new buildings of the Royal Stables just alluded to, an ancient wall was struck adorned with a number of paintings. This discovery was followed up, and excavations went on until the following August. Many mosaics and pictures^ and some small hinges were extracted. Alcubierre noticed as early as December 7, 1755, that the building was uninhabited, and contained no furniture. Thirdly, we have two allusions, sixty-seven years apart, to discoveries at a place called the " Fosso di Callollo," a little beyond the Church of S. Maria di Pugliano, in the direction of Vesuvius. We have already mentioned' the ' Ruggicro, Sciivi, etc., p. xi, and the day-books under tlicse dates (beginning December 2 Museo Nazionalc, Nos. 9604, 9635, 9669, 9691, 9704, 9723, 9737, 9752, 9S61, 9877, 9929, representing, apparently, "Sirens with veils on their heads and flowers in their hands" ; and Nos. 9603, 9634, 9668, 9690, 9703, 9713, 9722, 9736, 9751, 9860, 9876, 9928, 9975, 9976, representing Minotaurs (sec report of March 24, 1754, p. 152 in Ruggiero, Satz'i, etc.). ^ Including No. 9276 in the Musco Nazionalc. •* Sec p. 63. 8o HERCULANEUM part i different inferences concerning fthe extent of Herculaneum drawn from these discoveries. Ruggiero, as we said, believes that they belonged to a part of the town proper ; but it can hardly be doubted that Dall' Osso is right in accepting Dair Aquila's view (see below), that they were part of a country house. The earlier of our two allusions need not long detain us. On July 8, 1769,^ La Vega writes : " I have commenced to take levels with a view to learning the different planes which distinguished the city of Herculaneum ; and this I have done as far as the " Fosso di Callollo," where even in former days excavations were made, and where the old level of cement remains uncovered." On February 22, 1836, Guiseppe dell' Aquila wrote to Arditi, whose agent he was, as follows : ^ " Information has reached me that a farmer of Resina has discovered in his grounds some ancient buildings at a point called the ' Fosso di Callollo,' a little beyond the church of Pugliano towards Vesuvius, and therein are found mosaic pavements and rosso antico marbles, not to mention the painted walls, which are sold publicly to strangers, the blame of which is afterwards put upon Pompeii. And since this represents a country house, and I think it has never been explored, it is therefore probable that remarkable objects may be found there, for which reason I have decided that I am doing my duty in informing your Excellency of it, in order that suitable arrangements may be made to stop the continuance of the excavation, which was begun a long time ago." Again, the "temple" marked to the south-east in La Vega's plan is held, as we have said, by Dall' Osso to be the peristyle of a country house. Last of all, a brief sketch must be given of the most striking discoveries of the " Casa dei Papiri." The whole subject has been worthily treated in an admirable and sumptuous work by the distinguished Italian professors, ^ Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. 497. - See ib. p. 570. WALL-PAINTING. CHEIRON AND ACHILLES. I'LAIt 16. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 8i Doiiienico Comparetti and Giulio de Petra.^ Our knowledge of this villa is based chiefly upon the surviving official documents, but additional information may be gleaned from letters of Camillo Paderni (the curator of the Portici Museum) and Monsignor Ottavio Bayardi, the publications of the " Accademia Ercolanese," and the writings of Winckelmann and Martorelli. Further details concerning the finds made in the Villa will be found in Appendix IV., and the question of its ownership will be dealt with in Chapter II. Here we can only summarise the main results. The site of the villa is recorded with the greatest exactitude, and it could no doubt be reopened without difficulty.'- The facade, "^ with the principal entrance, faced south-west, with an exterior portico of twelve columns (if the position assigned to the eight marked in Weber's plan is correct). Next came a large andron^ and beyond that a " Tuscan atrium " with two wings. From the wall opposite the entrance one passed through three doors into a square peristyinim, surrounded by thirty-six columns, and containing a long and narrow tank or lacus. Beyond this again lay several rooms, one of which (with a pedestal, niche, and semicircular apse) may have been the lararium. To the right of the " Tuscan atrium " and the peristylium lay another portico, and rooms of various sizes, some of them apparently bath-rooms ; in one Weber has marked a stove. It is extremely likely that in this direction much lies unexplored ; for, despite the ■ ' La Villa Ercolanese del Pisoni, i sut Motiumeiiti e la sua Biblioteca, Torino, 1883. - Sec Weber's plan of the "Round Terrace," Plate XI. in Ruggiero, Scavi, etc. This terrace, whose position relative to the rest of the villa is exactly recorded (see especially Weber's plan of the villa, Plate IX. ibU., and Plate XXIV. in Comparetti and Dc Pctra) oil Plate I I, was 800 palmi south of the Royal Palace, 150 palmi south-east of the garden of Caravita, 2350 palmi north-east of the Gulf of Naples or Castcllo di Granatcllo, 105 palmi north-west of the royal street of Ciceri, 530 palmi south-west of the royal :treet of Portici, and from the peak of Vesuvius 5 miles (" 5 miglia di 60 per grade, lat. gr. 40.47, long. 31.51 "). See also our Plate 48. ^ For what follows see Weber's plan, Plate IX. in Ruggiero, Scavi, etc.; Plate XXIV. in Comparetti and De Petra; in this book Plate i i, and Appendix IV. Cf. also Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., pp. \1 ff". Sec also our Plate 48. o 82 HERCULANEUM part i magnificence of the courts and the garden, quite inadequate traces of domestic accommodation were laid bare. One note ^ possibly indicates the presence of coenacula. From the middle of the left of the peristylium one passed through the tablinum into the magnificent viridarium, surrounded on two sides by twenty -five, and on two by nine or ten columns.- In its centre lay a vast tank, piscina or natatio. At the farther end of the viridarium were two rooms, and beyond them a long wall — beside which, perhaps, was an avenue — ran to the aforesaid "round terrace,"^ an open-air "Belvedere" 3.97 metres high, with a pavement of various coloured marbles, approached by a marble staircase. It is probable that in this region lay a garden. There were found here a gravel path and three fountains wholly or partly of marble ; while the only building found was a tank, piscina limaria^ with walls 1.32 metres high, and connected with pipes. From this led the great conduit which supplied the house, a magnificent structure which called forth Weber's most enthusiastic eulogies. Many of the rooms had marble or mosaic pavements, and careful plans of four of these, besides that of the Belvedere, were made by Weber and obtained by Ruggiero from one of his descendants. Moreover, parts at least of all these pave- ments are now in the Museo Nazionale. It will be clear that this was a remarkably fine villa ; but the interest of the building itself, great as it is, is utterly eclipsed by that of its unique contents.^ In this one villa were found thirteen large bronze statues, of which nine at least must always rank among the very finest in the world ; eighteen small bronze statues and thirty -two bronze busts, including several exceedingly fine works ; fifteen marble busts and eight 1 December 20, 1755 (see Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xli). "Above the subterranean staircase they have begun to discover a pavement of white marble, as it were a quarto above." - Weber makes nine at one end, ten at the other, probably by a mistake. 3 See Plate XI. in Ruggiero, Scavi, etc. * See Comparetti and De Petra, La I'illa Ercolanese, etc., pp. 256 fF. WAI.I.-PAINTING. TlIK CHILDHOOD OF TK LKIMIUS. Tclcphus in the foreground. Hcratics and personification of Arcadia. I'l.ATK I-. CHAP. I TOPOGRAPHY 83 or nine marble statues ; and an absolutely unique library of papyrus rolls. The finest of the many line bronzes are the Mercury seated upon a rock (Plate 1.), the two reclining Fauns (Plate III.), and the five magnificent archaic "dancing maidens" (Plate IV.), with their smaller companion, the "praying maiden." Details of the statues and busts and of the papyrus rolls will be found in the Appendix. Of the last a few words here must suffice. It is uncertain exactly how many rolls and fragments were originally collected ; the complete list of those now preserved amounts to i860. It is conjectured by Comparetti and De Petra^ that this represents some 800 original rolls. Of these only 709 have hitherto been unrolled, of which 199 have been deciphered and engraved, 143 deciphered only, while of the remaining 367, 90 only are supposed to be decipherable.^ The condition of these papyri and the methods of opening and deciphering hitherto employed, together with the history of their publication, will be discussed in Chapter IV. Here it will suffice to remark that while the contents of the library could scarcely have been more disappointing, this fact was purely accidental, and there is every hope that the next discovered may throw a flood of light upon the dark places of ancient literature and history. This library proved to consist almost entirely of Epicurean philosophy, and by ill-luck the best preserved rolls were those of, perhaps, the least interesting writer in the collection, Philodemus,'^ " an obscure, verbose and unauthoritative Epicurean of the days of Cicero." There were also, however, fragments of as many as three copies of Epicurus's thirty-sevcn-volume treatise -jrepl (^vo-ew?.^ But in this Epicurean garden there stood at least one pillar of the Porch, Chrysippus vepl -Trpovoiwi /3' ; ^ unfortunately, the title alone has survived. There were also unrolled eighteen Latin manuscripts, ^ Lii Filla Ercolanese, etc., p. 64. ^ None have been unrolled since 1883. * Comparetti and Dc Petra, La Villa Ercolanese, etc., p. 79. * ib. p. 6. 5 ,-^_ p_ 65 84 HERCULANEUM part i but they were all practically undecipherable, with the exception of small fragments of a poem about Augustus's Egyptian war. Almost all the more promising rolls are said to have been " attacked," but there is reason to hope that improved methods may make it possible to decipher many which now appear absolutely hopeless; and in spite of the uninteresting character of most of the books so far identified, so long as one fragment remains undeciphered there is an indefinite possibility of exciting discoveries. Who can be certain, for example, that no careless guest ever left her pocket Sappho in the library, for a lazy slave to thrust out of sight between Philodemus and Carniscus ? And since the papyri were found in various parts of the house, and much remains unexplored, it is quite possible that a set of an entirely different character may still be dis- covered there. We have given a rapid and imperfect sketch of what is now known of the topography and structures of Herculaneum. In our second chapter we shall discuss the probable character of her citizens. a < o o 5 > ^ z CHAPTER II THE INHAHITANTS OF THE DISTRICT AND OF HERCULANEUM In this chapter we shall have to weigh with critical sobriety some of the arguments which have been adduced to prove that Herculaneum differed from Pompeii in that it was more distinctly and continuously Hellenic in its origin and traditions, and shall in some cases find that the arguments in favour of such a distinctively Hellenic character for Herculaneum are not valid. Still the important fact always remains that the taste of the inhabitants of Herculaneum does show a pronounced preference for the types of Greek art. Whether this was due to the continuous influence of the original Greek settlers or to the taste of the dominant class of Romans who dwelt there in Roman times cannot be finally decided. The fact itself is of highest importance for the main question which this book is meant to investigate. If the topography of Herculaneum cannot be discussed without reference to Campania in general, still less can the problem of her population be treated in an isolated manner. The aims and limitations of this book preclude a full inquiry into the wide and intricate problems of the ultimate character and origin of the earliest inhabitants of Campania. The exact significance of the names 'OttlkoL and Osci, Ai/o-oi/e? and Aurunci, and the linguistic and ethnical affinities of these early peoples with the later Samnitc invaders, are beyond our scope. Our literary evidence for the ethnology of ancient Campania is extremely untrustworthy. Important terms like Ivppnvoi are 8s 86 HERCULANEUM part i used with the greatest looseness, and there is little to show that any ancient writer realised the care which the investigation of ethnological problems demands. Epigraphical evidence is more trustworthy, but for early Campania it is disappointingly scanty and obscure. We can therefore scarcely avoid the necessity of grouping all the " aboriginal " inhabitants of Campania together, and of confining ourselves to the question of the mutual relations of the aborigines, the Greeks, the Etruscans, and the Samnites. This is much like discussing the races of South Africa under the headings of English, Dutch, Zulus, and Negroes ; but there is no help for it. Even so we are faced with great obscurity. Our fullest evidence concerns the Greek settlers, but here we must unravel a tangled web of fiction and fancy before we can reach any sure conclusions. Legend has much to tell us of Teleboans and Chalcidians and Eretrians, and of Greek adventurers who reached Campania in the dim davs before Troy fell ; but inscriptions know as little of them as does Homer, and they are as shadowy as Brut the Trojan or that Spanish Cantaber ^ who founded the University of Cambridge nineteen years before the birth of Alexander the Great. Beloch,^ indeed, has attempted to weave these tales into serious history, but the elaborate structure which he gave to the world in 1879 he himself mercilessly shattered in the appendix to his second edition eleven years later. He may even be held to have carried his self-criticism in some points a little too far. Nevertheless it is probably safe to accept his later conclusion ^ that we have no proof of Greek colonisation in Italy earlier than the eighth century before Christ. Tradition strongly supports the antiquity of the Ionian settlement at Cumae ; and it is possible that Dicaearchia,"* Parthenope, and 1 Cf. Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, 1842, vol. i. p. 2 ; the authorities include Nicholas Cantalupe, John Lydgate, and Dr. Caius. 2 In Campanien, ist ed. 1879, ^^^ ^^- 1890. ^ Beloch, Campanien, 1 890, p. 436. * Cf. Mommsen, Roman History, book i. chap. x. ; other traditions are mentioned in Beloch, Campanien, 2nd ed. 1890, p. 7. TURKK BRONZE ROMAN PORTRAIT STATIES. I'i.atk ii). Lifc-sizc. Two views of Lucius Mammius Mjximus, priest of Augustus ; Marcus Calatorius and Tiberius. CHAP. II INHABITANTS OF THE DISTRICT 87 Neapolis were all Cumaean foundations ; but on this point no certainty can be attained. The epigraphical evidence, which rests chiefly on grave-stones and coins from Cumae and Neapolis, is said by Beloch ^ to show a typically Chalcidian alphabet with traces of Aeolism. The question of Etruscan domination in Campania has been hotly debated. It was at one time altogether denied, e.g. by Niebuhr, but is accepted to some extent by Mommsen and vigorously maintained by Beloch. Von Duhn^ in 1879 attacked Beloch's views and reasserted Niebuhr's scepticism. We have no space to enter into the details of this controversy, but Von Duhn seems to have proved the complete absence at that time of adequate archaeological evidence. Beloch was reduced to staking almost his whole case upon certain pots ^ from S. Agata de' Goti, Suessula, Nola, and Cumae, said to be chiefly of the fourth or third century B.C., with incised Etruscan inscriptions. As the supposed Etruscan domination admittedly came to an end, at latest, by the end of the fifth century, and as the objects in question were perfectly portable, Beloch's case was obviously weak, at all events on the archaeological side. However, in 1900 Biicheler ^ published a slab of terracotta, with an Etruscan inscription, discovered in the neighbourhood of Cumae ; the inscription was evidently made before the clay was baked, and there was no reason to suppose the slab imported. Von Duhn ' immediately admitted that this dis- covery proved the truth of the Etruscan traditions ; he dates the slab the latter half of the fifth century b.c, and expresses the opinion that some of the pots already mentioned may be as old as 420 n.c. It must, moreover, be admitted that there is a remarkable quantity of traditional evidence for the Etruscan 1 Beloch, Campanien, 1890, p. 8. ^ Prof. Von Duhn, "GrundzUgc cincr Geschichte Carapaniens nach Maassgabc der neucstcn archHologischen Entdcckungcn," Verhandl. der XXXIV. Vcnammlung deutscher Philologen in Trier, 1899, pp. 141-147. ' Beloch, Campanien, p. 445. * Rhein. Mus. 1900, pp. 1-3 ; it is now in the Berlin Museum. * Riviita di storia antica e scienze affirii, Messina, 1900, pp. 35 ff. 88 HERCULANEUM part i rule, but Beloch himself confesses that it is mostly of an untrustworthy kind. The Greek, use of Tvppijvoi is notoriously loose, and most Latin writers follow older Greek authorities. Perhaps the strongest witness is the elder Cato,^ who asserted that the Etruscans founded Capua and Nola, the former about two hundred and sixty years before its capture by Rome. Velleius, who quotes this statement from the Origmes, supposed Cato to refer to the second capture of Capua in 211 B.C.; but Beloch^ is probably right in understanding him to mean the first capture, in 338 or 314 B.C., which puts the date back to the opening of the seventh century, the prime of Etruscan power. The question of Etruscan domination is particularly interesting to us, because Strabo ^ specifically asserts it of Herculaneum and Pompeii. The passage is quoted (a little lower down). The details of the Samnite and Roman conquests, which are definitely historical and known, must now be lightly sketched. But it will be best to preface them by a brief discussion of our scanty evidence for the origin of Herculaneum. Henceforth her history can frequently be traced and generally guessed with tolerable certainty, and it will be most fittingly treated in connection with the general history of Campania. The origin of Herculaneum is extremely obscure. The literary evidence is slight and unsatisfactory, and the excavations hitherto conducted throw more light upon her condition in the days of the Empire than upon her distant origin and early character ; yet we may well hope that with the improved methods of modern science future excavations may throw most valuable light upon these difficult problems. However, we are not confined to the evidence of tradition and the evidence of excavation. Most valuable evidence is afix>rded by her name. This may well be Greek. Stephanus of Byzantium enumerates twenty-three cities called Heraclea, and in Smith's Dictionary of 1 Cato apud Veil. Pat. i. 7. - Beloch, Campanieri, pp. 8 and 9. ^ Strabo, p. 247. CHAP. II INHABITANTS OF THE DISTRICT 89 Ancient Geography we find two called Heracleopolis and eight called Heracleum ; and all thirty-three seem to be either of" Greek origin or renamed under Greek influence. ' Smith does not give Herculaneum under any of these headings, but Heracleum, '\\paK\eiov, was probably its original name, (f^povpiov, "fortress," being perhaps, as Dall' Osso" supposes, understood. Mommsen'^ thus summarises the evidence as to its name in ancient days : " Herculaneum (never Herculanum) to the Latins (so Sisenna, Frag. 54, Peters; Velleius ii. 16; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii. 5. 62 ; Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vi. 26. 5 ; Florus i. 1 1. 6); ''^pKovKave.ov, Cassius Dio Ixix. 23, ' herculanacum ' (for 'herculaneum'), Mela ii. 4. 70; Herclanium, Tab. Peuting., 'WpaKkavov, Marcus Aurelius iv. 48 ; ' Herculanense oppidum,' Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vi. 1.2;' Herculea urbs,' Ovid, Metam. xv. 711. To the Greeks it is 'YipdK\€i,ov (Strabo v. 4, 8, p. 246) ; the adjective is Herculanensis (cf. the inscriptions 141 o, 1424, 1426, 1427, 1435, 1436, and Seneca loc. cit. ; also Cicero, Epist. ad Fam. ix. 25, 3, if ' fundus Herculanensis' refers to it) ; but we also find ' ficus Herculanea ' and the like (Cato, De re Rust. 8 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xv. 18, 70, and 72 ; xxi. 15, 92 ; XXX. 4, 29)." It would seem from this that the Greek forms other than 'UpaKKeLov are merely attempts to transliterate Herculaneum. It is very likely that Herculaneum ^ is a translation of 'UpdKKeiov. Hercules is probably a Latinisation of 'WpaKKi}^, and with the possible exception of the Samnite town '■' taken by the consul Carvilius in 203 B.C., which some *^ would identify with our Herculaneum, there is no example of any city not almost certainly Greek or Graecised whose name is connected with this hero. For the sake of completeness we would add that ' e.g., in the case of Cybistra, which tooic tiic name of Heraclea in Byzantine times ; see J. G. Frazcr, Adonis, Attn, Osiris, 1906, p. \- . - Iribitna, Jan. 9, 1907. ^ Corpus Inscriptionum Lutiniinim, x. part i. p. 156 (Preface to "Herculaneum"). ■* Mommsen, however {IJnteritalischen Diiilekte, p. 216), denies the identity of Hercules and Heracles, and derives Herculaneum from an Oscan form of Hercules. '^ Livy, X. 45. 6 ,..^.^ Daii> Osso, Tribuna, March 11, 1907. 90 HERCULANEUM parti Beloch,^ Dair Osso,^ and Sogliano ^ believe that Theophrastus, towards the end of the fourth century B.C., alludes to Hercu- laneum when he speaks of Tot? TvpprjvoU toi<; ev "UpaKXeia.^ It has also been held that the Heraclea near which Pyrrhus defeated the consul Laevinus in 280 B.C. was our Herculaneum, on the strength of Florus's phrase,^ " aput Heracleam et Campaniae flumen Lirim " ; but Floras is almost certainly confusing the Liris and the Siris, and there is little doubt that the battle was fought in Lucania.^ We shall deal with the evidence of the excavations as a whole later on, after our sketch of Campanian history. The literary evidence must now be quickly examined. Dionysius of Halicarnassus'^ gives us the following tale: " When Heracles had settled all his business in Italy as he wished, and when his fleet had arrived safely from Spain, he sacrificed the tithe of his spoils to the gods, and founded a small city after his own name at the place where his fleet lay. This city is now inhabited by Romans, and lies between Naples and Pompeii ; it has harbours safe at all seasons. Thereafter, having got glory from all the dwellers in Italy, he sailed away to Sicily." It is obvious that little is to be gleaned from this. The only other passage which speaks of the early character of Herculaneum does not mention the Greeks. Strabo ^ classes Herculaneum and Pompeii together in the following words : " The Oscans used to possess both Herculaneum and her neighbour Pompeii, which lies on the river Sarno ; next came the Etruscans and Pelasgians, and thereafter the Samnites ; but these also were expelled from the places." We have already discussed the Etruscan problem so far as our space permits. The Samnite and Roman conquests of Campania, and what is recorded of their efi^ects upon Hercu- laneum, must now be briefly described. As we have said, we cannot here enter into a discussion of the problem of the 1 Beloch, Campanien, p. 218. - Dall' Osso, Tribuna, March 11, 1907. 5 Sogliano, Studi di Topografa Storica e di Storia Antica, etc., Naples, 1 901, p. 24. * Theophr. Hist. Plant, ix. 16, 6. * pior. i. 13 (18). " Cf. Plutarch, Pyrrtus, 16, 17. " Dion. Hal. i. 44. ^ Strabo, p. 247- PLVin Fr\a<: in^oN/L". busts ( Ep/ieias(ApoUoJ. Hercudes, ? Thesaus,Herou> Head, ArUwuis I Berenice J CHAP. II INHABITANTS OF THE DISTRICT 91 linguistic and ethnical relationship of the old " Oscan " or " Auruncan " population of Campania,^ whose last independent strongholds were the marshes of the lower Liris and the ravines of Rocca Monfina, with the Samnites who poured down from the mountains in the latter half of the fifth century before Christ and became the Campani, the Samnites of the plains. However, it is probably safe to conclude, from the rapidity and completeness of their amalgamation with the earlier inhabitants, that they were of kindred stock and speech. There seems also to be positive epigraphical evidence of this relation- ship.^ The briefest summary of Campanian history must here suffice. Capua was stormed by the Samnites about 424 b.c, Cumae about 420 b.c, and the whole of Campania was soon in their hands ; only Naples held out, and even she was forced, early in the fourth century, to admit Samnites on equal terms as citizens and magistrates.^ Soon, however, these " Campani " succumbed to the civilising influences of the cities which they had conquered, and began to dread the attacks of their wild kinsmen of the mountains. In 343 b.c. Capua and the neighbouring Campanian towns called in the help of Rome. Two years later Rome was the acknowledged suzerain of Campania. Next year, however, the Campanians joined in the desperate Latin revolt, and shared with the Latins in the defeats of Veseris and Trifanium. The definite annexation ot most of Campania followed ; Capua, Cumae, and the smaller communities dependent on them were given the civitas sine siiffragio. Naples was an ally of Rome from 328 b.c, and stood firm against Pyrrhus of Epirus in the critical early years of the third century. Nuceria was captured by Rome in 307 B.C. After this there is little to record until the battle of Cannae in 216 b.c, when Capua and Campania generally joined Hannibal, while Naples, like most of the Italiot cities, remained loyal to Rome and shut her gates upon the Carthaginian. In ' Cr. Beloch, Campanien, p. 3. - ib. pp. 4 and 5. 3 Cf. ib. p. 3 1 , and Strabo, p. 246. 92 HERCULANEUM part i 211 B.C. Hannibal was finally expelled from Campania, and Capua was recovered. Throughout this period we hear little of Herculaneum. Strabo,^ as we have said,' mentions her conquest by the Samnites, and their subsequent expulsion, but without giving dates of any sort. Livy,^ in a passage quoted below,* mentions the capture of a Herculaneum by the consul Carvilius in 393 B.C.; but this ^ can hardly be our Herculaneum, which probably belonged to the Nucerian league, and shared Nuceria's fortunes. We next hear of Herculaneum in the " Social War " of the early part of the first century before Christ. She perhaps remained faithful to Rome at the outset, "^ only going over to the Samnites during the invasion of Papius Mutilus ; in any case, she was recaptured by Sulla's legate, Titus Didius, in 89 B.C., with the help of Minatius Magnus," the great-great- great-grandfather (as he is careful to inform us) of Tiberius' court-historian, Velleius Paterculus. Like Pompeii and Surrentum, Herculaneum was hence- forth a Roman munic'iphan^ and was enrolled, with the rest of the Nucerian league, in the Tribus Menenia. Of her con- stitution we know little except that she had a city council, and diioviri, duoviri quinquenales, and duoviri hire dicundo : ^ the inscription on the marble altar mentioned below seems to show that she had a Meddix Tuticus in her pre-Roman days.^'' Of her history from the time of the Social War up to the earthquake of 63 a.d., we know practically nothing. The literary evidence is now virtually exhausted, except for 1 Strabo, p. 247. ^ supru, p. 90. •* Livy, x. 45. ■* Appendix II. p. 126. 5 Cf. Beloch, Campanien, p. 219. Dall' Osso takes the opposite view; see Tribunn, March 1 1, 1907. ^ So Beloch, Campanien, p. 216. " Veil. Pat. ii. 16. ^ Cf. Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 1883, vol. x. part i. p. 157. That she was a municipium is proved by the following inscriptions, 1416, 1447, 1452, 1453, 1455, 1456 ; the tribe is inferred from inscriptions 1416, 1442, 1446, 1449, 1457, 1470. ^ See Corpus Inscript. Lat. Nos. 1453 ; 1441, 1453 ; 1442, i4+3> '+4+' '+^'' and 1457. w Cf. Fabretti, Ghss. Ital. 2784. CHAP. II INHABITANTS OF THE DISTRICT 93 that referring to the two great disasters, which will be fully discussed in the following chapter. We must now examine in detail the evidence of the excavations, upon which we have already begun to draw. The belief that Herculaneum was essentially a Greek city cannot be said to have received much confirmation from the excavations. We have already shown grounds^ for doubting the soundness of Dall' Osso's inferences from her geometrical design. For the rest, the only Greek inscriptions from Herculaneum given in the Corpus Iiiscriptionum Graecarum'^ are the names of Demosthenes,^ Epicurus,"* Hermarchus,^ and Zeno,*' inscribed upon their several busts in the undoubtedly Roman " Casa dei Papiri " ; and one Athenian signature^ on a bust from the same villa ; and a similar Athenian signature, with the names of the characters, on a painted slab of marble.^ There is also an interesting theatre-ticket with the inscription AISXTAOT, though there is some dispute as to its provenance. But the editor appears to have overlooked an interesting " graffito " recorded in the second volume of the Antichita di Ercolano [Pitture di Ercolano, tom. ii. 1760, p. 34) as having been found on a wall which formed the angle of a street leading to the theatre ; it was in black and red letters, and is stated to have run as follows : w? kvao cpbv ^ovXevfia ra? ttoXXo? xelpa<: vLKu. It is clearly a quotation from the Antiope of Euripides, for Stobaeus {Flor. 54, 5) quotes the following lines as from that play : — yi'ju/iat? 7a/3 avhpo'^ ev yJkv oLKeiTai. ttoXi?, €v S oiKO'i, et? t' av 7r6\e/j,ov laj^vei /Meja, crosi>/>/ii-/-s"Xr' CHAP. II INHABITANTS OF THE DISTRICT 95 moralisation upon the folly of anger against inanimate things. No details can be gathered from the passage, except that the villa was visible from the sea. Moreover, extant inscriptions give ample proof that Herculaneum had aristocratic patrons. Especially noteworthy are the Nonii of Nuceria,^ including M. Nonius Balbus,^ Praetor, Proconsul of Cyrenaica and Crete, and the consul Appius Claudius Pulcher.^ Comparetti and De Pctra have also shown reason for supposing that the " Casa dei Papiri " was a seat of the illustrious Pisones.* The splendour of this villa has already been mentioned.^ The smooth pavement and admirable drainage of the " Scavi Nuovi " street, so unlike the deep ruts and high stepping-stones common at Pompeii, are in keeping with our theory of the city's character. Beloch ^ asserts that shops were few, but the data hardly warrant the generalisation. The only industry which has left much trace is fishery : hooks, cords, floats and nets were found in abundance.'^ No doubt the great houses had the pick of the catch. There are also clear traces of the rearing of shellfish.^ For the worships of Herculaneum our evidence is scanty. Beloch gives two inscriptions^ as relating to the temple of Jupiter at Herculaneum, but Mommsen ^^ seems to show that both come from Pompeii. We have already quoted the inscription about the temple of the Mother of the Gods. There is also a dedication from the base of a bronze statue of Fortune : PHiLEMONis • SECv • MAG • GEN • c.^^ Beloch and Mommsen both restore " Philemonis secundarum magistri genio . . ." ; but they differ as to the last word, Beloch supplying " civitatis," Mommsen " collegii." But, except the Oscan dedication to Venus already quoted, the only other religious inscription 1 Cf. C.I.L. X. I, 1429. 2 y^_ X. I, 1425, 1430, 1431, 1432, etc. 2 ib. X. I, 1424. * Comparetti and Do Petra, La Villa Ercolanese, etc. ' Sec Part 1. Chapter I. " Beloch, Campaiiie?!, p. 224. ' Cf. Part I. Chapter III. » Cf. Part I. Chapter 1. C.I.L. X. I, 925 and 926 ; I.N. 2385, 2386. '0 ibid. " C.I.L. X. I, 1404. 96 HERCULANEUM part i seems to be this (omitted by Beloch) from a little marble altar found in April 1872 : salvti sacrvm. -^ In conclusion, while we have some evidence for dis- tinguished residents'- in the neighbourhood of Pompeii, and even for the presence there of the imperial family,'^ we have distinct evidence for maintaining that Herculaneum was a more aristocratic resort than her busy neighbour, whose motley population — Romans and Orientals, Oscans, Greeks and Jews * — carried the trade of Nola, Nuceria, and Acerrae. In any case, it is a centre where we have the best of reasons for expecting to find a rich treasure of the best works of art and of literature, 1 C.I.L. X. I, 8167. - Cf. Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii, p. 16. •' Cf". ib. p. 16. ■* Cf. ib. pp. 16 and 17. Pl.X EI CUT }JH<)XZ1-: STATUKTTKS ! lioo Aphrodites, Cuf>id,,Atherui,Forlurui . Marsuas,Aleaxiruler,Fazin.-. CHAPTER III THE EARTHQUAKE OF 63 A.D. AND THE ERUPTION OF 79 A.D. It is doubtful whether the memory of Vesuvius' earlier activity survived at all into historical times. Beloch ^ would see in its vew%hame the shadowy figure of Jove's sinister counterpart, ther. iijysjterious " Vediovis," "Evil Zeus," and would render " Vesuvius " " Teufelsberg." But although " Vediovis " is shadewy enough,'- there is nothing, except a dubious etymology, to show that he was sinister ; and his connection with Vesuvius is at least debatable. But it is certainly interesting to note that "Jupiter Vesuvius" was worshipped at Capua. (lovi VESVvio SAC D D.^) Less hazardous, perhaps, are inferences drawn from the name (pXeypalou applied by Timaeus^ to the whole Campanian plain ; Timaeus states that it was so called after " the hill which aforetime breathed forth ' fire unap- proachable,' •' like Aetna in Sicily " ; Diodorus adds " the hill is now called Vesuvius, and bears many marks of having been burnt in ancient times." As Diodorus wrote before the birth of Christ he cannot be accused of prophesying after the event ; but Beloch is perhaps right when he surmises that everything may be explained by the inference which Dio- dorus, and at greater length also Strabo," drew from the appearance of the rocks, except the highly significant name ; 1 Beloch, Campanien, pp. 2 1 5 fF. - Cf. W. Wardc Fowler, T/:e Roman Festivals, pp. 121 ft". 8 C.l.L. X. I, 3806; l.N. 3582, Beloch, No. 398. Cf. Beloch, p. 216. ♦ rt/iW Died. Sic. iv. 21. '•> h quotation from Pindar, Pyth. i. 40. ' Strabo, p. 249. 97 H 98 HERCULANEUM parti and it is tempting to follow him when he guesses that to the first Greek settlers Vesuvius was ^Xeypalov 6po^^ the Mountain of Flame. We may add that Vitruvius^ likewise speaks of a tradition of Vesuvius' ancient activity. But all this is perilous ground. This much alone is certain : that no more than vaguest traditions still lingered on, when with the great outburst of 79 a.d. Vesuvius suddenly awoke. Between then and now nearly ninety eruptions are known to have taken place. There are only about half a dozen eruptions recorded during the first thousand years, and about fifty in the last two centuries ; but of these hardly more than a dozen were of first importance. It can hardly be doubted that the negative evidence as to the small number of eruptions during the first fifteen centuries of our era is misleading, and that there must be many and great outbursts unrecorded, " ciirent quia vate sacro," and a comparison of the scattered notices ot the earlier eruptions with those more fully described during the last three centuries, cannot but impress upon us that in any exploration on the slopes of Vesuvius we must expect to find an enormous quantity ol volcanic material that has been spread over the area since the first century a.d. Before we attempt to describe the eruption ot 79 a.d., and its efi^ect upon Herculaneum, it may be well to inquire into what is known of the condition of Vesuvius before that date. The evidence is, unfortunately, scanty. The relative heights "" of the new cone and Somma have varied greatly in consequence of the various eruptions. Before the eruption of 1906 the new cone was more than 100 metres the higher; before that of 1631 it was so by only 40 metres ; and for about a century thereafter Somma was actually the higher. Moreover, the very name of Somma clearly implies that some time in the Middle Ages it was the loftiest peak of the mass. It is therefore impossible without definite evidence to form a clear mental picture of the 1 Vitr. ii. 6. 2 Cf. Beloch, pp. 215 ff. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 99 appearance of the whole before 79 a.d. The most detailed description which we possess is that of Strabo ^ (born 61 B.C.). He writes : " Above these regions lies the mountain Vesuvius, covered with most beautiful fields, save for the peak ; this is in great part level, but wholly unfruitful, and ash-like in appearance, and it shows cave-like hollows in sooty-coloured rocks, so that one may surmise that this place was once afire, and contained bowls (craters) of fire, but was extinguished by the exhaustion of the fuel. And it may be that this is the reason for the fruitfulness of the neighbourhood, just as at Catana, so they say, the part which the dust borne up by the fire of Aetna has sprinkled with ash has made the earth good for vines." From certain passages'^ in Florus, Frontinus, and Plutarch, describing Spartacus' escape from Vesuvius when Clodius and Glaber had run him to earth there, a good deal may be learnt. Professor Hughes gives the following interesting discussion of this evidence : — From the descriptions given wu mav infer that there was a flat area at the bottom of the crater surrounded by an ahiiost unbroken rim. Dion Cassius remarks it resembled an amphitheatre in which hunting scenes were represented ; that is to say, an arena from which the animals could not escape. But at one place the rim was cracked and fissured so that there was a path by which the interior could be reached. This was seized and guarded by the troops of Clodius and Glaber the Praetor when the crater was occupied by Spartacus and his band. The story has been supposed to imply that the crater was precipitous on the outside as well as on the inside, and that Spartacus and his men having somehow got to the top of the rim were let down by ropes made by tying wild vines together. We can hardly suppose that after it had been exposed for ages to the crumbling action of the weather, the exterior of the crater can have been precipitous all round. Perhaps it was only here and there that it was so steep, and a steep place was chosen as being for that reason unguarded. But a much simpler explanation, and one more consistent with what we know to have always been the condition of this and similar craters, is that the descriptions do not imply that Spartacus and his men dropped over the rim of the crater down a precipice on the outside, but rather that by the help of something like rope ladders or chains, constructed out of the long trailing stems and branches of the vine, they made their way out through the deep chasms in the broken wall of the crater (per fauces cavi montis, vitineis 1 Strabo, p. 249. 2 gee Appendix II., p. 131. loo HERCULANEUM parti delapsi vinculis, ad imas ejus descendere radices).^ Clodius guarded the only easily traversed way, but never supposed it possible that Spartacus and his followers could find their way out through the rough and apparently impassable cracks and fissures deep down below the obvious path. If the fault of which there is some evidence on the north-eastern side of the valley of Somma and St. Sebastiano and along the side of Ottajano had breached the rim, that is the kind of place that would have afforded access to the interior of the crater, and through this gap, may be, the path was found or made, but, among the ruin of shattered rock there would be deep and dangerous chasms into which Spartacus and his band descended and found their way to the outside. All the S.E. side of the crater was blown off in the eruption of a.d. 79, and most of the inner cone was blown out the year before last (igo6), while in the intervening ages the cone was sometimes built up by successive accumulation of the ejected ash and lava, and sometimes lowered by collapse or broken down by explosion. As the inhabitants of Herculaneum saw it the rim of the crater was complete on the south side, and corresponded in height to the Monte Somma, which is part of the ancient rim on the north and west. The great eruption of a.d. 79 broke down the southern rim of the crater which is now represented on this side by the Pedimentina — a small inconspicuous ridge at a much lower level, which just enables us to trace what was the form and extent of the crater, and nearly coincides with the southern base of the new cone. Of course, in restoring the outline of the crater, we must carry the southern side up, not vertically, but with a long slope rising to the north and so far limiting the actual southern extension of the crater. The circumference of what remains of the ancient crater is about seven miles. This great crater of the first century a.d. was approximately in the centre of the conical mountain mass ; but the small crater, which has been built up in more recent times within it, has not risen in the centre of the inside of the old crater but at the southern end of it, leaving a great, flat, lunette-shaped plain known as the Atrio del Cavallo between the new cone and the Monte Somma. The constant height of the Monte Somma and the variations in the height of the newer cone must be taken account of in interpreting numerical estimates of the heights, distances, and relative positions of the highest points of the mountain and its craters. These variations had their effect in determining to some extent the point of eruption and the direction of the lava flows, seeing that, since the eruption of A.D. 79, Monte Somma has remained a mighty barrier which has restrained all subsequent efforts to break out on the north and west side of the crater and turned the lava flows down on the east and south. If we examine the part of the old crater represented by Monte Somma, we shall find its precipices traversed by dykes, the tongues of lava which got cooled in the cracks and fissures into which they were injected from the seething molten mass that once stood in the great crater at any rate up to the level at which we see the dykes. Some of these reached the exterior of the cone, and were sometimes the source of lava streams which helped to build up the mountain. Since a.d. 79 the lava would flow over the Pedimentina long before it could rise to the level of the higher dykes of Somma. Cassius Dio, writing in the third century a.d., says that formerly the mountain was all of one height and the fire rose from the centre. ' Florus, lib. iii. c. 20. MARBLE STATUE OF ATHENE. Archaic or Archaistic. I'LATE 20. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 101 An interesting Pompeian wall-painting^ depicts a high- peaked vine-clad mountain, with a figure of Bacchus clothed in bunches of grapes, with a cup and a panther. The mountain is possibly Vesuvius, as seen from Pompeii, but it is too roughly sketched - to be of great value as evidence for the ancient appearance of either. Before dealing with the eruption of 79 a.d., we must say something of the great earthquakes which devastated Campania some sixteen years earlier. Of their violence we have abundant indications^ in the remains of Pompeii, and that it also affected Herculaneum we know from literary and epigraphical evidence. Seneca^ opens his discussion of earthquakes in general in the following manner : — We have heard, Lucilius, best of mankind, that Pompeii, a populous city of Campania, on which the Surrentine and Stabian coast from the one side and the Herculanean from the other converge, and enclose the sea, drawn back from the open, in a pleasant bay, collapsed in an earthquake which afflicted the whole surrounding neighbourhood, and that in the winter season, which our ancestors used to consider free from such dangers. This earthquake took place ^ upon the Nones of February, in the consulate of Regulus and Virginius, and brought great slaughter and desolation upon Campania, a district that had never been safe from this affliction, but whose previous escape from injury had on each occasion increased its freedom from fear. Not only did a part of the town of Herculaneum fall, while even what remains is in an unsteady condition, but the colony of Nuceria, though it escaped destruction, has much cause for lamentation. Naples indeed was but lightly grazed by this great disaster : individuals lost much, the community nothing. A little lower down, while noting various theories pro- pounded in explanation of earthquakes, he writes ^ : " On this ground it was held that the soil of islands was firmer than that of mainlands, and that cities were safer in proportion as they approached the sea. Pompeii and Herculaneum have felt the falseness of these conclusions." 1 Gaz. Arckeol. 1880, Taf. II. ; Not. degli Scavi, 1880, Tav. II. ; reproduced also in Engelmann's Pompeii, 1904, p. 2, and discussed in Ovcrbcck-IVIau's Pompeji, 1884, p. 359. - Cf. Ovcrbcck-Mau, Pompeji, p. 359, " Docli ist die Darstellung so kunstlos, dass unsere Kcntniss von dcm Ausschcn dcssclben (i.e. of Vesuvius) vor dcm Ausbruch durch sic nicht wcscntlich gcfiirdcrt wird." ' Cf. Mau-Kclscy, p. 19, etc. * Seneca, Nat. Qiiaest. vi. I. ^ Feb. 5, 63 A.D. Seneca, Nut. Qimest. vi. 5. I02 HERCULANEUM parti Tacitus,-' who mentions only Pompeii, assigns the earth- quake to the consulship of Publius Marius and Lucius Asinius, i.e. 62 A.D., and we know of another in 64 a.d. at Naples. The direct epigraphical evidence for the earthquakes consists of the following inscription, dated 76 a.d., found at Herculaneum : — IMP • CAESAR • VESPASIANVS • AVG • PONTIF • MAX TRIE • POT • VII • IMP • XVII • P • P • COS • VII • DESIGN • VIII TEMPLVM • MATRIS • DEVM • TERRAE • MOTV • CONLAPSVM • RESTITVIT^ We have also shown reason '^ for supposing that the inscription M • NONIVS • M • F • BALBVS • PROCOS BASILICAM • PORTAS • MVRVM • PECVNIA • SVA ^ refers to a similar restoration. The material evidence for these earthquakes can hardly be discussed apart from that for the eruption. We shall therefore treat of the literary evidence for the later disaster before discussing the actual remains at all. This evidence is not very extensive. There is little of value beyond two letters of the vounger Pliny,^ both addressed to the historian Tacitus, and the account given bv Cassius Dio (born 165 a.d.) as epitomised by the Byzantine writers Xiphilinus and Zonaras, who flourished about the time of our Norman Conquest. Pliny's account, though he never names Herculaneum, is by far the most valuable ; but Dio records much that is of interest, especially about the condition of Vesuvius in his own day. So many writers have printed the two letters in extenso that they may strike the reader as crambe repetita ; but they are so important that we offer no apology for the full ' Tac. Ann. xv. 22. - Beloch, No. 271 ; l.N. 23S4; C.I.L. x. i, 1406; Mus. Naz. 1151. ■'' See Part I. Chapter I. * Beloch, No. 305 ; I.N. 2410 ; C.I.L. x. i, 1425 ; Mus. Naz. 1180. '■' Plin. Ep. \\. 16 and 20. s ■^ i S £ o < ? 1 CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 103 translation by Sir Richard Jebb ' which follows. The text, with variant renderings, will be found in the Appendix. I You ask me to give you some account of my uncle's last moments in order that you may transmit a more exact narrative to posterity. I thank you ; for I know that his death, if celebrated by vou, is destined to an undying renown. Although he perished, as peoples and cities perish, in the ruin of the fairest lands, and bv a calamity so memorable as apparently to ensure that his name shall live for ever, — although he was himself the author of so many works which will endure, — yet the life of his writings will gain a new pledge of permanence from the immortality of your own. Indeed, I count those men happy to whom it has been given by the gods either to do things worthy of being written, or to write things worthy of being read ; but I deem those the happiest who have received both gifts. In the number of the latter mv uncle will be placed both by his own work and by yours. The more gladly do I undertake, or rather solicit, the task which you lay upon me. He was at Misenum, in personal command of the fleet. On the 24th of August, about one in the afternoon, my mother called his attention to a cloud of extraordinary size and appearance. He had taken a turn in the sunshine, and then a cold bath, — had lunched leisurely,- and was reading. He calls for his shoes, and goes up to the place from which the marvel could be best observed. A cloud was rising (from what mountain, was doubtful in a distant view ; it was afterwards ascertained to be Vesuvius) ; a pine-tree will perhaps give you the best notion of its character and form. It rose into the air with what may be called a trunk of enormous length, and then parted into several branches : I fancy, because it had been sent up by a momentary breeze, and then, forsaken by the falling wind, or possiblv borne down by its own weight, was dissolving laterally : one minute it was white, the next it was dirty and stained, as if it had carried up earth or ashes. Thorough lover of kjiowledge as he was, he thought that it was important, and ought to be examined at closer quarters. He ordered a cutter to be got ready, and gave me leave to accompany him, if I liked. I answered that I would rather study; in fact, as it happened, he had himself given me something to write. As he was leaving the house, he received a note from Rectina, the wife of Caesius Bassus, terrified by tiie imminent danger, — his villa was just below us, and there was no way of escape but by sea*; she begged him to deliver her from such great danger. He changed his plan, and turned the impulse of a student to the duty of a hero. He had large galleys launched, and went on board one of them himself, with the purpose of helping not only Rectina, but many others too, as the pleasant shore was thickly inhabited. He hastened to the point from which others are flying, and steered a straight course for the place of peril, himself so free from fear that, as he 1 Translations, by R. C. Jebb, H. Jackson, and W. E. Currcy, pp. 235-253- Cam- bridge, 1885. ^ iacens : i.e. reclining at tabic in the ordinary way, not taking a hurried meal standing. The word is added to mark that, thus far, the routine of the day had pro- ceeded as usual. Cf. infra, lotus accubnt, cenat. ^ The text is doubtful : I read with Zicrig. I04 HERCULANEUM parti observed with his own eyes each movement, each phase of the terrible portent, he caused it to be noted down in detail. By this time ashes were falling on the ship, — hotter and thicker the nearer it came ; then pieces of pumice too, with stones blackened and scorched and seamed with fire : then suddenly they were in shallow water, while in front the shore was choked with the discharges from the mountain. After a moment's hesitation as to whether he should retreat, he said to the captain, who was urging him to do so, "Fortune helps those who help themselves — go to Pomponianus." 1 He was at Stabiae, half the breadth of the bay ofF.- You know, the shore sweeps round in a gentle curve and forms a basin for the sea. At Stabiae where the danger, though not yet near, was appalling, and sure to be very near when it spread, — Pomponianus had embarked his effects, resolved to fly as soon as the head wind should have subsided : my uncle, having come in on this wind, which was full in his favour, embraces his agitated friend, comforts and cheers him, and, in order to soothe the other's alarm by his own tranquillity, asks to be shown a bath-room, and after the bath, takes his place at the dinner-table, — in good spirits, too, or, what is not less admirable, with the appearance of being so. Meanwhile sheets of flame and towering masses of fire were blazing from Vesuvius at several places : their glare and brightness were thrown out against the darkness of the night. To allay the alarm, mv uncle kept saying that some fires had been left behind by the country people in their panic, and that these were deserted villas which were burning in the forsaken district. Then he retired to rest, and enjoyed, indeed, a most genuine sleep. His breathing, which, owing to his corpulence, was somewhat heavy and audible, was heard by those who were about the door of his room. But now the open court,^ through which lay the way to the salon, had been choked with a mixture of ash and pumice to such a height that, if he remained longer in his bedroom, exit would be impossible. On being awakened, he comes out, and rejoins Pomponianus and the others, who had sat up all night. They hold a council as to whether they shall stand their ground in the house or grope their way in the open air. The house was tottering with repeated and violent shocks, and, as if wrenched from its foundations, seemed to be swaving backwards and forwards. Out of doors, on the other hand, the fall of pumice stones, — light and hollow though they might be, — was dreaded. A comf>arison of dangers, however, made this last seem the least. With my uncle, it was a balance of reasons ; with the rest, of fears. They put cushions on their heads and tied them on with cloths ; this was their protection against the showers. It was now day elsewhere ; there, it was the blackest and densest of all nights, — relieved, indeed, by many torches, and by stranger splendours. They resolved to go down to the shore, and to see from close at hand whether the sea now gave them any chance ; — no ; it was still, as before, wild, and against them. There, lying down on an old sail, he called repeatedly for cold water, and drank it. Presently flames, and the smell of sulphur 1 Possibly a son of that Pomponius Secundus whose life the elder Pliny wrote, and whom he seems to have survived. ^ The course was now steered as if a boat off Torre del Greco should make for Castellamare. 3 That this (and not simply "floor of the room") is the meaning of "area" is certain, I think, from Ep. vi. 20, §§ 5, 6, "resedimus in area domus, qiuie mare a tectis modico spatio dh'idebat . . . iam quauatis circumiacentibus tectis, quanquam in aperto loco, angusto tiimen, magnus et certus ruinae metus." CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 105 announcing their approach, turned the others to flight : him they only roused. Leaning on a couple of slaves, he rose to his feet, but immediately fell, — an unusually dense vapour, as I understand, having stopped his respiration and closed the windpipe, an organ in him naturally weak as well as narrow, and frequently inflamed. When day returned (the third from that on which he had last looked) his body was found, undefiled and unhurt, with all the clothes upon it ; its look suggested sleep rather than death. Meanwhile my mother and I were at Misenum. But this has nothing to do with history, and you wished to know merely about his last hours. So I will end. One thing I must add, — that I have related in detail everything of which I was an eye-witness, or which I heard at the time, — when reports are worth most. You will select what is most suitable. It is one thing to write a letter to one's friend, and another to compose a history for the public. II You say that the letter describing my uncle's death which I wrote to you at your request has made you anxious for an account of my experiences, as well as fears, when I was left at Misenum, — for that was the point at which I broke off. Though my soul shudders at the memory, I will begin. After my uncle's departure, I spent the rest of the day in study, — the purpose for which I had staved at home. Then came the bath, — dinner, — a short and broken sleep. For several days before, an earthquake had been felt, but had caused the less alarm because it is so frequent in Campania. That night, however, it became so violent as to suggest that all thingswere being not shaken merelybut turned upside down. My mother rushed into my room ; I was getting up, intending on my part to rouse her, if she was asleep. We sat down in front of the house in the court which parted it by a short interval from the sea. I hardly know whether to call it intrepidity or inexperience, — I was in my eighteenth year, — but I called for a volume of Livy, and began reading as if nothing were happening, — indeed, I continued the extracts which I had begun to make. Enter a friend of my uncle's, who had just come to him from Spain : when he sees that my mother and I are sitting there, and that I am actually reading, he comments sharply on her patience and my apathy : — I pore over my book as intently as ever. It was now about 5 a.m., — the daylight still uncertain and weak. Shocks having now been given to the walls about us, the danger of their falling became serious and certain, as the court, though open to the sky, was narrow. Then it was that we decided to leave the town. A mob crazy with terror follows us, preferring their neighbours' counsel to their own, — a point in which panic resembles prudence, — and driving us forward by the pressure of the throng at our heels. Once outside the houses, we halt. Many strange and fearful sights meet us there. The carriages which we had ordered out, though on perfectly level ground, were swaying to and fro, and would not remain stationary even when stones were put against the wheels. Then we saw the sea sucked back, and, as it were, repulsed from the quaking land. Un- questionably the shore-line had advanced, and now held many sea-creatures prisoners on the dry sands. On the other side of us, a black and appalling cloud, rent by io6 HERCULANEUM parti forked and quivering flashes of gusty fire, vawned asunder from time to time and disclosed long shapes of flame, like sheet-lightning, but on a vaster scale. Our visitor from Spain, already mentioned, now spoke more sharply and urgently : — " If your brother — if your uncle — is alive, he wishes you both to be saved : if he has perished, it was his wish that you might survive him : then why do you delay to escape ? " We replied that nothing should induce us to take steps for our safety before we were assured of our kinsman's. Without further parlev, our guest makes ofF, and takes himself out of danger as fast as his legs will carry him. Not long afterwards the cloud already described began to descend upon the earth and veil the sea. Already it had enveloped and hidden Capreae. It had taken the point of Misenum from our sight. My mother then began to entreat, to exhort, to command me to escape as best I could; it was possible for a young man ; she, with her weight of years and infirmities, would die in peace if only she had not caused my death. I answered that, if I was to be saved, it should be with her : then I seized her hand and made her quicken her pace. She complies reluctantly, and reproaches herself for delaving me. Now there are ashes, but, as yet, in small quantity. I looked behind me : thick darkness hung upon our rear, and, spreading over the land like a flood, was giving us chase. " Let us turn aside," I said, " while we can see, that we may not be knocked down in the road by the crowd about us, and trodden to death in the dark." Hardly had we sat down when night was upon us, — not the mere gloom of a moonless or overcast night, but such blackness as there is v/ithin four walls when the light has been put out. You could hear the shrieks of women, the wailing of children, the shouts of men. Parent, child, husband, wife were being sought, and recognised, by the voice. One was making lamentation for himself, another for his friends. Some were so afraid to die that they prayed for death. Many lifted their hands to the gods : a larger number conceived that there were now no gods anvwhere — that this was the world's final and everlasting night. People were even found who enhanced the real dangers with imaginary and fictitious alarms. Reports came that this building at Misenum had fallen, — that such another was in flames, — and, though false, were believed. Bv degrees light returned. To us it seemed, not day, but a warning of the approach of fire. Fire, indeed, there was, — but it stopped a good way off^: then darkness again, and a thick shower of ashes. Over and over again we rose from our seats to shake ofF the ashes, else we should have been buried and even crushed under the mass. I might have boasted that not a groan or a timorous word escaped my lips in those grave perils, if the belief that I was perishing with the world, and the world with me, had not seemed to me a great, though a tragic, alleviation of the doom. At length that darkness thinned into smoke, as it were, or mist, and passed ofi^; presently we had real davlight, — indeed, the sun came out, but luridly, as in an eclipse. Our still affrighted eyes found everything changed, and overlaid with ashes, as with snow. We went back to Misenum, took such refreshment as we could, and passed a night of anxious suspense. Fear was stronger than hope ; for the earthquake continued, and numbers of people were burlesquing their own and their neighbours' troubles bv terrible predictions. Even then, however, though we had been in danger, and expected worse, we had no thought of going away until news should come of my uncle. These details, which are quite beneath the dignity of history, are for you to read, — not to record ; and you must blame your- self, — you know, you asked for them, — if they seem unworthy even of a letter. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 107 We also give a complete rendering of Dio's ^ less familiar account : — Such were the events in Britain, and in consequence of them Titus was hailed " Imperator " for the fifteenth time. . . . But in Campania certain fearful and marvellous things befell ; for about the end of autumn there was suddenly kindled a mighty fire. The mountain Vesuvius stands by the sea near Naples, and it holds inexhaustible wells of fire. Now once it was all of an equal height, and the fire arose from its midst ; for in this part only has it been burnt, and the outer parts remain entirely unscorched even to this very day. But from this time forth (i.e. " from the time of the eruption " ; or perhaps " in consequence of this "), since those parts always continue unburnt, while those in the midst are parched and turned to ash, the surrounding peaks still keep their old height, but all the fiery part, being exhausted in course of time, has become hollow through subsidence, so that the mountain, taken as a whole, to compare small things with great, resembles an amphitheatre. Its peaks carry trees and many vines besides, but the circle (of the crater) is abandoned to the fire, and sends up smoke by day and flame by night, so that much incense of every sort might seem to be burning therein. This much is always happening, sometimes to a greater degree, sometimes to a lesser ; but often it throws up ash also, when some large mass has fallen in, and it sends up stones, when it is burst open by vapour ; and it resounds and roars, in- asmuch as its outlets are not completely closed but narrow and hidden. Such is Vesuvius, and these are the things which happen in it, as a rule, every year. But all that has befallen it in the course of years, tremendous though it may have seemed, in contrast to ordinary experience, to those who beheld it from time to time, would be insignificant beside what then befell, even though all were rolled into one. For it happened thus. Men, many and huge, surpassing all human stature, even such as the Giants are painted, appeared now on the mountain, now in the surrounding country and in the cities, by day and by night, wandering on the earth and going to and fro in the air. And thereafter came suddenly terrible droughts and mighty earthquakes, so that that whole plain seethed, and the peaks also leapt ; and there were noises, some beneath the earth like thunders, and some above the earth like bellowings, and the sea roared with them, and the sky sounded with them. And afterwards there was heard suddenly a dreadful crash, as of the mountains falling together, and immediately there leapt up first huge stones, in such wise that they reached even to the very peaks, and next much fire and immeasurable smoke, so that all the air was overshadowed and the sun was altogether hidden, as though in eclipse ; so it became night instead of day, and darkness instead of light. And some thought that the giants were rising up (for tiien also many phantoms of them kept looming through the smoke, and moreover a sound as of trumpets was continually heard), but others thought that the whole universe was consuming into Chaos, or into fire. So some fled from their houses into the streets, and others that were without fled in, and from the sea to the land, and from thence to the sea, inasmuch as they were panic-stricken and thought anything that was far from them safer than that which lay at hand. And while these things happened, at the same time untold store of ash was blown up, and ^ Cassius Dio, Ixvi. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 ( = Xiphilinus, 212-21;, ed, Boisscvain, Berlin, 1901, vol. ill. pp. 156 fF.). io8 HERCULANEUM parti filled the whole sea and air, and did much harm, as it befell in each case, to men and fields and beasts, and especially killed all fish and birds : and moreover it buried two whole cities, Herculaneum and Pompeii, while their assembly was seated in a theatre ; for the whole tale of the dust proved so great that some of it reached even to Africa and to Syria and to Egypt, and some came to Rome, and filled the air over the city and overshadowed the sun. And there also no small fear befell for many days, since men neither knew what had happened nor could guess it, but they too thought that all things were being confused and overturned, and that the sun was vanishing into the earth and the earth rising into the sky. Now the ash at the moment did them no great harm (though afterwards it afflicted them with a pestilential sickness), but another fire, not subterranean, attacked a great part of Rome next year, while Titus was away because of the Campanian disaster. ... So Titus sent to the Campanians two men of consular rank to settle the homeless persons, and gave them moneys, including the property of those who had died without heirs. Zonaras gives an almost identical account ; the only im- portant difference is that he adds the explicit statement that these events took place in the first year of Titus' reign : a statement implicit in Dio's, that Titus had just been hailed " Imperator " for the fifteenth time. The remaining passages relative to the eruption are so few and short that it will be best to give a translation ot them all. First, Martial, writing in 88 a.d., only nine years after the eruption, has the following epigram : — ^ This is Vesuvius, lately green with the shade of the vine, here a noble grape weighed down the drenched vats : these ridges Bacchus loved beyond the hills of Nysa ; on this mountain but now Satyrs joined in the dance. This was the home of Venus, lovelier to her than Lacedaemon, this place was made famous by the name - of Hercules. All lies drowned in flames and distressful ash : even the gods might wish that this had not been in their power. The allusion to Venus refers to her position as the officially recognised patroness of Pompeii — " Colonia Cornelia Veneria Pompeianorum." The connection of Hercules and Hercu- laneum^ has already been discussed. Martial's contemporary and rival. Statins, seems to have written the following lines seven years later ; they occur in the fourth poem of the fourth book of the Silvae : — ^ 1 Martial, iv. 44. ^ Or "presence." ^ Part I. Chapter II., p. 89. * Statius, Silvae, iv. 4, 78 to 85. UNKNOWN BRONZK BLST. Plate 22. Life-siic ? Male or female. It is doubtful whether the curls are moilern restoration. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 A. D. 109 These strains I struck for thee, Marcellus, on the Chalcidian shores, where Vesuvius roused his slumbering wrath, rolling forth conflagrations to rival the flames of Trinacria. Strange food for faith ! Will the race of men to come, when crops shall grow here once more, when these wastes shall already be green, believe that beneath lie crushed cities and peoples, and that with the drying up of the sea vanished the fields of their ancestors ? Nor yet does the peak cease from its deadly threatening. Tacitus has a passing allusion — "The most fertile coast of Campania was swallowed or overwhelmed " — and so has Suetonius,^ who records details of the measures adopted by the Government. Lastly, Marcus Aurelius (iv. 48) exclaims : " And how many whole cities, so to say, have died, Helice and Pompeii and Herculaneum, and others also innumerable .? " The reader is now in possession of all, or almost all, the ancient literary evidence for the disasters of 63 and 79 a.d. It is obvious that its value is very unequal. Seneca, who was forced to commit suicide in 65 a.d., only two years after the earthquake, may be supposed to give a fairly accurate statement of its effects. Yet the passages have something of a rhetorical tone — Seneca was certainly no scientist, — and at the best the information which he gives us is somewhat scanty. For the eruption itself the younger Pliny is incomparably the most valuable authority. He was an eye-witness of much of what he describes, and we have ^ his assurance that his account is based upon his personal experiences, supplemented by inquiries made immediately thereafter. Nevertheless Ruggiero^ and Herrlich ^ have done well to emphasise the shortcomings of his evidence. Ruggiero, for instance, calls attention to an alternative version of the death of the elder Pliny, recorded by Suetonius,-'' according to which he sought and obtained death at the hand of his slave : it is possible, but most unlikely, that the younger Pliny knew and ignored this account ; he certainly ' Suet. Titui, viii. See Chapter IV. - Plin. Ep. vi. 16. 21. ^ Ruggiero, Dellti Eruzione, etc., pp. 2 ff. ■* S. Herrlich, " Die Antike Uberliefcrung Uber dem Vesuv-Ausbruch im Jahrc 79 " in Beitr'dge zur alten Qeschichte, iv. 1904, pp. 230 IF. ' Suet., ed. Roth, Teubncr, 1893, p. 300. iio HERCULANEUM parti does not mention it. There is more force in Ruggiero's contention ^ that the distance of Misenum from Vesuvius makes it impossible that young Phny can really have seen much of what took place, especially under such atmospheric conditions. Again Herrlich rightly insists upon the following points : that Pliny was not nineteen at the time, and did not write the letters in question till io6 or 107 a.d., twenty-seven or twenty- eight years later ; and that he is at some pains to impress his readers with his edifying indifference to the details of these merely physical phenomena. Ruggiero attempts also to discredit Pliny's statement that his uncle tried to account for the burning of the villas round Vesuvius by supposing that they had been deserted, and had been set alight by the fires thus left burning ; but we cannot accept his verdict that this statement is " incredible." Again, the faultiness of the extant manuscripts must not be overlooked. Ruggiero points out that in two important passages they are hopelessly corrupt : first,^ in that which gives the date ot the eruption ; and secondly,^ in that which contains the disputed word " Rectinae " or " Retinae." Yet, in spite of all reservations, Pliny remains our one important ancient witness. Dio adds little that can be trusted. He names the year of the disaster, which agrees with Eusebius' statement,* and he gives an interesting glimpse of the popular superstitions which gathered round the catastrophe — superstitions which find parallels in mediaeval devil-tales like that told by Saint Petrus Damianus,'^ and also in the beliefs of modern peasants.^ The statement that " the assembly " — he apparently speaks of both cities — was seated in a theatre at the moment of the eruption is more startling than credible. Lord Lytton makes effective use of it in The 1 Ruggiero, Delia Eruzione, etc., p. 2. ^ Plin. Ep. vi. 16. 4. ' lb. vi. 16. 8. The chief variants of both these passages are given in Appendix II. * Euseb. Chron., ed. A. Schone, ii. pp. 158-9. ^ In Narrativo breve de maravigliosi esempi occorsi nell' incendi del monte Vesuvio circa 1038. See Schneer and Von Stein-Nordheim, pp. 24 and 67. ^ Cf. Schneer and Von Stein-Nordheim, p. 25. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. hi Last Days of Pompeii,^ but Herrlich points out that no human remains were found in tlie amphitheatre, which he maintains to be the only place where such an assembly could possibly have sat ; and, moreover, that it is probable that no games took, place in the amphitheatre after 59 a.d." Professor Hughes has kindly given the following discussion of the phenomena described by the younger Pliny: — I quote here (he writes) such parts only of the story of the great eruption as bear upon the geological questions under consideration. First we learn that when the attention of Pliny the Elder had been called to the remarkable appearance of Vesuvius, he ordered a fast sailing cutter to take him to see what was going on ; but just as he was starting he received despatches, from which he learned that matters were so serious that he changed his plans and ordered tiie fleet to be got under way, and with it he sailed with the intention of bringing help to the towns and villages on that thicklv populated coast. One would like to know how these despatches were conveyed. If they were brought by land round by Naples and Baiae, that must have taken a long time ; and if they were brought bv sea across the bay it must have been in a rowing boat, as the wind was adverse. One cannot help wondering why the harbour of Herculaneum, which, as we have seen, was reputed to be safe in all weather, was not mentioned. Did Plinv think that Retina, the modern Resina, was in greater danger being nearer the crater, or was Retina more in the district covered by villas among which Pliny must have had many friends? Some authorities accept a reading which makes Retina or Rectina a person, not a place, in which case no towns are mentioned by Pliny. We learn that there was an upper current of wind blowing from the crater by which the lighter material was carried over Misenum. But down below there was a wind blr.wing in the other direction which enabled Pliny to sail to the coast near Vesuvius and afterwards on to Stabiae, where Pomponianus could not get out because of the adverse wind, and where Pliny stayed and died. The light ash dropped at last from the upper current into the lower, and, after Piiny the Elder had left with the fleet, it was seen by Pliny the Younger and his mother, coming along after them with the wind, like a thunderstorm drifting across the country in summer. When it overtook them they were in total darkness. This is ail natural enough. Any one who has stood near a large bonfire knows how the lower air rushes in towards it while the sparks are drifting in the upper air in quite different directions. This wind was favourable for Pliny the Elder, and he sailed away with his fleet to the nearest part of the coast to the source of danger, namely Vesuvius. ' Lord Lytton, Th Last Days of Pompeii, book v. chapter iv. ; like Herrlich, he seems to interpret Bedrpio to mean "amphitheatre." "^ Cf. Ovcrbcck-Mau, Pompeji, pp. 13 ff. and 192 ; Nissen, Pompeji-Stutiieri, pp. 107 and 127. In 59 a.d., the games were forbidden for ten years (cf. Tac. Ann. xii. 17), and it is doubtful whether the amphitheatre was ever put into proper repair after the earthquake of 63 a.d. 112 HERCULANEUM parti After the Elder Pliny and his fleet had sailed awav, and when, owing to the threatening appearance of the sky, the Younger Plinv and his mother were escaping together from their house at Misenum, he says that he looked behind him and saw a dense cloud following them and spreading over the countrv. He suggested to his mother that they had better turn aside ofF the road while they could still see, for fear that, if they fell on the road when the darkness overtook them, they might be trampled underfoot by the crowds of people who had joined them in their flight. They had only time to get ofl^ the track and sit down when darkness overtook them, not such as they were familiar with when there was no moon, or when there were heavy clouds, but such darkness as there is in a closed room when the lights have been put out. This was due to the cloud of ash which had been carried by the upper strata of air over Misenum and had gradually fallen by gravitation into the lower current which wa5 being drawn in a southerly direction towards the volcano, and the falling ash, as in the case of a thunderstorm the falling hail or rain, only much blacker, was seen travelling towards them. It soon overtook them, and the rest of the account shows that it was falling ash. As Pliny the Elder approached the coast, he found that the ash fell more thickly and the fragments of lava which dropped on the ships were larger and hotter ; of course thev were, because the heavier particles which fell nearer the source of eruption had not travelled far enough or through sufficiently cold air to have their temperature so much reduced as the ash that had been transported far through the higher regions of the atmosphere. When Pliny the Elder got near the shore he perceived another source of danger. He came suddenly upon shallow water and banks of debris, carried down (by torrents) from the mountain, lying in his course — vadum subitum, ruinaque montis littora obstantia. They were not in danger "of being aground by the sudden retreat of the sea, nor from the vast fragments which rolled down from the mountain and obstructed all the shore." If an earthquake wave had caused a retreat of the sea it would have returned in a huge wave which must have destroyed his fleet. Moreover, no vast fragments can have rolled down from the mountain to the sea, and no such fragments are found in the ejectamenta of that eruption. What really must have happened was that there had been already a tremendous fall of ash, and the steam from the crater had been condensed into torrents of rain which carried the light ash down the hollows into the sea causing shallow water (vadum subitum) all along the coast, and here and there opposite the principal outfalls forming banks (obstantia littora) which soon were raised above the level of the sea and effectually formed new shore-lines, as it were, facing him and preventing all access to the original coast. It was not that the shallow water was suddenly formed by the retreat of the sea or in any other way, but that he came upon it suddenly. This material of small specific gravity so easily trans- ported by the torrents along the valleys and water-courses was in time spread by the action of the wind waves, and still we read on the Admiralty Charts " cinders, cinders " out to thirty fathoms depth all along that coast. The plan of this part of the coast given by di Jorio gives a very good idea of the general appearance of the shore, and of the change produced by the immense volume of ash washed down the ravines and forming a delta where there had been a harbour. The wind was still favourable for Pliny, who proceeded to Stabiae, where he found Pomponianus anxious to leave, but unable to do so until the wind changed. o i I fc, 2 O g c/5 " J CQ CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 113 It is curious that we have no mention of the possibility of propelling these galleys by oars. Pliny the Younger gives a very circumstantial account of his uncle's death. He retired to rest and fell asleep, for he was heard snoring. They called him not because there seemed to be any deleterious fumes or any increase in the paroxysmal action of the volcano, but simply because they feared that if they left him there longer he could not get out at all, owing to the accumulation of scoriae and pumice outside the door of his room. Then they had a consultation as to what had best be done. Some were for leaving the house, but the reason gi\en was not that the roof might be crushed in by the weight of ash upon it but that the whole house might be thrown down by the rapidly recurring earthquake shocks ; and, when some of them climbed on to higher ground inland to get a better view and ascertain whether it would be safe to push out to sea, they saw that the sea continued raging and tempestuous. That seems to point to submarine disturb- ances, but we do not find any reference to this as he was putting in to shore ofF Retina. Though it was day he states that they were surrounded with darkness blacker and more dismal than night ; we must suppose, therefore, that the landscape was lighted up by flashes from the mountain, and that it was this which enabled them to see as far as the sea. The fall of ash, which had been so heavy that his friends and servants roused him and made him leave the house for fear the doors should get jammed and the passages blocked by the rapidly accumulating heaps, must have been intermittent both as regards quantity and the size of the fragments, as indeed we see in any section on the volcanic deposits in that area, for when his servants returned to look for him they did not find him buried under ash, but lying quietly as if he had passed away in sleep with his clothes not burnt or torn. The fine ash and the gas might well have choked a young and vigorous man held down by circumstances, but was much more likely to be fatal to an elderly corpulent person who already suffered from difficulty of breathing. The whole story is quite consistent with what is recorded of the eruption and with what is seen during excavations. Vesicular lava is molten rock full of bubbles of gas by which it has been blown out, as bread "rises" by the development of bubbles within the dough. When fragments of lava are getting broken up or crushed, the gas is given otF; and it is probable that in most cases when we read of mephitic vapours and fetid smells accompanying showers of ash, it is the escape of these included gases which has been perceived. We can observe an easy illustration of this on roads repaired with slag. If we break any of the vesicular fragments, or heavy wheels pass over it, we smell the gas held in the slag. Any one lying down on such fragments, especially where newly ejected material was being showered down upon him, would certainly experience great discomfort if he escaped fatal results. Now it is most probable that the death of Plinv the Elder was due to suffoca- tion, caused partly by the fine dust which fell thickly like that which in the eruption of A.D. igo6 succeeded the fall of lapilli at Ottajano. It may ha\e been caused partly also by the noxious gases given off by the ashes on which he was lying and which were still falling around. In conclusion, it may be said that we learn from the evidence of eye-witnesses that the volcanic activity of Vesuvius in the first century a.d. followed the course of a normal eruption. First " tectonic earthquakes," then after a considerable time, I 114 HERCULANEUM parti in this case sixteen years from the first shock, the lava reached the surface, came in contact with water, and produced all the phaenomena of an ordinary eruption, namely " Volcanic earthquakes " due to explosions, ejection of ash, etc. ; but there is no mention of lava flows on this occasion as the lava was blown out, as volcanic bombs or splutterings which fell on the crater, but did not overflow or run out through side openings. Of the subsequent history of Vesuvius a brief sicetch ^ must here suffice. The next recorded outbreak occurred in 203, and lasted seven days ; it was audible at Capua. Among the most noticeable of later eruptions are the following : — First, those of 306 and 471 are both said to have caused alarm as far as Constantinople ; and the ashes from the latter eruption (which lasted till 474) are said to have reached that city. The first recorded lava-streams flowed in 513, and more appeared twenty years later. In the great eruption of 1 306-1 308 lava burst from the sides of the mountain as well as from the crater. From 1 500, or it may be even earlier, nothing is recorded of Vesuvius until the appalling outburst of 1631. From 1 63 1 till the present day it has only twice rested for more than thirty years at a stretch, and there have been as many as twenty-five distinct eruptions, one of which lasted for twenty and one for sixteen v^^fs. We have no space to give details of all these ; it will be enough for our present purpose to point out that the lava of 1631 seems to have flowed in two streams each side of the site of Herculaneum,- at some distance from it, which it barely touched ; and that no subsequent eruption of lava has affected it at all. We must now examine the evidence for the nature of the disaster afforded by an examination of the existing remains. The condition of the volcanic material at Herculaneum differs very remarkably from that of Pompeii. At Pompeii ^ we find in all parts of the city, whatever their level, a uniform stratifica- tion of " lapilli " or small fragments of pumice-stone, averaging approximately the size of a walnut, though sometimes a good ^ We follow throughout Schneer and Stein-Nordheim. * See Beloch, Campanien, p. 228. ^ See Mau-Kelsey, p. 20. MARBLE STATUE OF AESCHINES. Plate 24. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 a.d. 115 deal larger, to the depth of eight or ten feet, and above them sometimes hardened volcanic dust to the depth of six or seven feet. The " lapilli " ^ have sharp edges and points, and the whole circumstances show beyond a shadow of doubt that they must have fallen simultaneously, and that their tall must have been followed by a rain of volcanic dust, afterwards hardened by water. The details of the excavations " confirm the view that all the volcanic matter at Pompeii fell from the sky ; and Pliny's two letters directly attest it. Lippi's^ rash assertion that Pompeii was destroyed " by water and not by fire " was exploded as long ago as 1843.'* ^^^ ^^^ condition of Her- culaneum is utterly different. There we find the whole city covered and penetrated by a mass of matter ^ consisting of earths of various kinds, sand, ashes, fragments of lava, " pozzolane " and whitish pumice-stones, and containing uncalcined grains of lime. And all these are mixed in inextricable confusion and rubbed smooth and round.'' The tuff has penetrated every nook and cranny of the city. The depth of this deposit is very remarkable. In parts it exceeds sixty-five feet.^ The preservation of roofs and the like,^ and the absence of regular stratification in the tuff, seem to show that it cannot have fallen as at Pompeii ; and it certainly could not have travelled four and a half miles in a dry state.^ Concerning the probable manner of the destruction of Herculaneum, Professor Hughes writes as follows : — It used to be commonly said that Pompeii was buried under ashes and * cf. Ruggicro, Del/a Eruzione, etc., p. 23. ' For instance, objects however much broiten are always found in situ unless they have been carried ofF by human hands ; sec Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. vi. 3 See Bibliography. C. Lippi, Fu il fuoco /' acqiia ch sotterrh Pompei e Ercolano? Scoperta geohgico-istoricn, etc., Naples, 1816. ■■ By Professor Scacchi, in Bullcttino archeologico napoUtano, March 1843. Sec Ruggicro, Delia Eruzione, etc., p. 23. * See Ruggicro, Delia Eruzione, etc., p. 21. " Ruggicro, Scavi, etc., p. vi. ^ Cf. Mau-Kelscy, p. 21 ; Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. i. * e.g., in the case of the temple excavated between September 1757 and April 1760 ; see especially day-books for January 19, 1760, and cf. Part I. Chapter I. '•• Cf. Ruggicro, Delia Eruzione, etc., p. 22. ii6 HERCULANEUM parti Herculaneum under lava. This was probably suggested by the great masses of lava belonging to the eruptions of a.d. 163 i, which ran down the rich slopes north and east of Herculaneum and probably did flow over the ash under which many a splendid villa lay buried deep. This view was strengthened when it was reported as the result of excavations that it was difficult to extract the treasures of Herculaneum because the ground in which they were buried was so hard. But the lava of a.d. 163 i and 1794 (see map) did not touch the villas which had been buried centuries before under a vast accumulation of what probably fell as dry ash, except where caught by the rain. Nor did these later lava flows go near the town — because, when a stream of lava cooled it formed a ridge on which the towns and villages were afterwards built, and subsequent flows did not follow the ridge, but the hollow ground on either side of it. By and by it was realised that Herculaneum had not been originally over- whelmed by lava but by a volcanic ash which had become consolidated and was in places exceedingly hard. This material is known under various names — Tuff, Volcanic tuff, Tufo, Tufa, Peperino, Piperno, Trass. Tuff is the word most commonly used when the ash is so far consolidated as to break into lumps. Volcanic tuff was introduced because the word tuff was applied also to calcareous tuff or calc-tuff, as it is abbreviated, which is the same as travertine, so largely used in building. This is the more or less porous rock formed by the precipitation of the carbonate of lime from such waters as those of Tivoli, the ancient Tibur, from which "Lapis tiburtinus," shortened into " travertino," was derived. It owes its porous or vesicular texture to irregularity of deposition or the occurrence of vegetation, moss, grass, etc., over which the saturated water splashed. Although volcanic conditions are favourable for the formation of travertine, there is nothing volcanic about it, for it may be formed under a bridge, in a cave, or anywhere. It was once proposed to apply the Italian word tufa to the volcanic tuff, and tufo to the calcareous tuff, but the suggestion has not found favour. Ordinary volcanic tuff is often very calcareous from fragments of limestone thrown out with the ash or the carbonate of lime inter- stitially redeposited, and the consolidation of the ash into a hard cement, or even less hard but still solid mass of tuff, depends among other things upon the presence of this lime. Trass is the German word used in exactly the same sense as volcanic tuff. What we have to consider in Herculaneum is tuff. The deposits which cover Pompeii are simpler and more easy to examine, and yet belong to conditions so similar to those which we have to do with in Her- culaneum that we must refer to them. Pompeii was built upon the rising ground formed by a great lava flow, but no lava has ever invaded the city. The dust and ash and pumice show distinct stratification, but there is nothing to give us the date of the several layers. Over one part of the ruins we find traces of ponds with the components of the ash sorted by water. When we have a layer composed largely of leucite crystals we may explain it by supposing that the material had been resorted by water or that a loosely compacted lava containing leucite crystals had been blown into the air, when of course the solid crystals would fall faster than the ash, and therefore be arranged in separate layers. There is a good example by the house in Pompeii with the amphoras built into the wall. Here also we see evidence that the ash was consolidated after it had fallen, and CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 A.D. 117 that it is not necessary to suppose that any hardened mass was once a sort of mud river ; for there are plentv of sections in which the upper part, as far as the rain water had soaked in, is a fairly solid tuff, while the lower part is a loose dusty ash. Now if we turn to Hercuianeum we find the same thing ; some of the tuff is hard and solid, while some can be easily scraped away with a knife. In the wall of rock left around the new excavations on the side nearest the sea the material is a dark red or gingerbread-coloured mass that stands easily in a vertical clifF fifteen or twenty feet high but is easilv cut. Of course, where such a deposit has got wet and hardened against mortar or plaster it unites with it, so that large pieces of the wall and adjacent tuff break away together. The tuff which has buried the theatre is similar, and most of it can be quarried or removed from sculpture or other objects of interest without difficulty and without injury to the marble or bronze. These great masses of ash are of a very uniform degree of coarseness, more so than we should expect in such a material had it been showered down in one or in many eruptions, but we do find that after the first winnowing has taken place in the upper regions of the atmosphere, there is a great uniformity in the finer portions ; and when in addition to this we have reason to believe that the falling and fallen ash was caught and carried down the slopes and hollows by the heavy rain, we see that a further sorting must have taken place, and the deposit is just such as would be produced bv continuous accumulations of rainwash, in which the water would have picked up and transported to the same place ash of the same size and texture. The loams left by flood water and the ordinary rainwash at the bottom of any slope are generally very uniform in texture, except where lines of coarser material have here and there been washed out and carried along, and such lines of larger fragments are not unknown in the tuffs of Hercuianeum. Hercuianeum then is buried not under lava, rarely under natural cement, but generally under locally consolidated tuff; and, seeing that we have reason to believe that at least as much ash has fallen since the first century a.d. as fell in 79 a.d., the first thing to do is to endeavour to distinguish between the successive eruptions. If we could find at the bottom of a layer of ash just enough pottery or other relics to enable us to identify it as belonging to the seventeenth century or earlier, that line should be traced with the greatest care. In this way we might feel our way back into the more remote past, and perhaps somewhere make out upon satisfactory evidence how deep some part of Hercuianeum was buried in the eruption of 79 A.D. If we could find anywhere such a base line, and trace it to where we have reason to believe the ground rose, and the original covering was not so deep, we might make out how it was possible that some of the inhabitants returned and lingered about for ages. Tentative research by shafts, by finding and following roads, sea-walls, etc., is obviously one of the methods to be adopted ; but we may also suggest that an attempt to disentangle the various strata that now so irregularly cover the city and its surroundings, that are not from the nature of the case likely to differ in mode of origin, depth, and composition, and to trace and record all the observations bearing upon this question, would be a most suggestive piece of work, and one likely to reduce the labour and expense of further exploration. We must not assume that it is at all a common thing to have large bodies of water discharged from a volcano. The idea has generally arisen from the tremendous rain which is caused by the condensation of the vast columns of steam ii8 HERCULANEUM parti which are seen to rise with the ash from the crater. If the water of a crater-lake like those of the Eifel or the Alban Hills or Avernus is emptied out by the heaving of the ground within the crater, or let out through rents in the shattered cone, there will of course be a great flood caused ; but, though some ponds are mentioned, we have no evidence of any such lakes within Vesuvius. Nor can tufF like that seen in Herculaneum be due to a flow of mud from the volcano. The ingredients are not such as occur within the crater except where derived from the small proportion of this finely divided material which falls back into the crater, and when this happens it is generally boiled up again in the seething lava. To reduce it to the state of dust, ash, pumice, cinders, it has to be shot out, made vesicular or even burst by expansion, triturated in rising and falling, and spread far and wide in accordance with its specific gravity and size. Then it can be carried by water and still further sorted and rearranged. The mud of a mud volcano is a very different thing ; it is boiled and stirred by the force of gases and steam, and often with much of its silica carried off in solution is reduced to the finest mud, quite different from the brecciated rock of Herculaneum. The colonnade behind the theatre was discovered so utterly smashed and wrecked^ that nothing remained but the gutter and broken fragments of the columns ; and the three small shrines and the bronze statues which stood upon the top ot the circular outer wall of the same theatre had been carried off, and their broken remains ^ were found partly inside and partly outside the theatre. Moreover,^ the only exterior arch of the theatre which contained statues still upright at the time of their excavation was that facing the sea, i.e. on the side farthest from Vesuvius. It will perhaps be remembered ^ that the so-called Basilica,-^ and the street running to the sea in the " Scavi Nuovi," ^ which probably leads down from it, were both found strewn with fragments of statues of all sorts — of bronze and marble in the Basilica, but apparently of bronze only in the case of the street. The comparative lightness of the hollow metal accounts for this difference perfectly ; and it is clear that these facts support the theory of torrential rains. It is satisfactory to note that so distinguished an authority ^ Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xxi. ^ ib. p. xxiv. 2 ib. p. xxii and p. 8 ; see day-books under December 12, 1738, ff. ^ See Part I. Chapter I., pp. 72 and 77. ^ Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xxxvi. ^ ib. p. li. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 A.D. 119 as Professor Flinders Petrie has accepted a form of this theory ; nevertheless we cannot avoid calling attention to certain inaccuracies in his presentation of it. In order to do him justice it will be necessary to quote his remarks in extenso. They were published in the form of a note to a report of a lecture upon Herculaneum by Professor M'Kenny Hughes, in the Cambridge Chronicle for November 23, 1906 : — Note on Herculaneum In view of systematic excavation I wish to call attention to some points which are perhaps not sufficiently in view. The great find of bronze figures — the Hermes, Faun, and Satyr — are of most exceptional nature ; they are all bronze and no marble was with them ; being hollow, they are all lighter than volcanic mud ; and thev are all unattached to their bases. Now the great majority of figures are of marble, and nearly all are attached to bases by their feet. These three figures are thus a most peculiar class, of which there would probably not be three in a hundred, or even a thousand average figures. On inquiry of a guardian at Herculaneum, as to where these bronzes were found, he pointed out the cliff at the end of the main street that is open. This accords well with their nature. They were unattached, and lighter than the flow of volcanic mud, and would thus be floated off their pedestals by the wave of mud which spread over the town. They would flow forward with it, and falling over on the mud as it fell over the cliff they would be entangled in the stiff paste and so lie as found, at the end of the wide street down which the mud flowed between the houses. The conclusion from this fitting of the facts is that these probably came from among a far larger number of fixed figures and marble figures, which would not float with the mud. And that if the street line be followed up it should lead to the agora, or some other large open site, where the far larger number of fixed statues will be found still in position. I have wished to try this chance for ten years past, but as others now have the opening, I give the clue for what it may be worth. At least a tunnel up the street line would be as good an attempt as any other. It is clear that Professor Flinders Petrie here refers to the three statues numbered 5625, 5628, 5624 respectively, in the Museo Nazionale, which are the only ones ever found at Herculaneum answering to his description. They are, first, the famous Hermes seated upon a rock ' ; secondly, the " Fauno ' Sec Plate I. in this book ; and Plate XIll. No. 2 in Comparctti and Dc Petra, La Villa Ercolanese, etc., 5625 in Mus. Naz. I20 HERCULANEUM parti ebbro" ^ ; and thirdly, the " Fauno dormiente." ^ It is perhaps doubtful which of the two last is Professor Flinders Petrie's "Faun," and which his "Satyr"; but the point is quite immaterial. Now we know beyond a shadow of doubt, from the original journals of the excavation,^ exactly when and where every one of these statues was found. The parts of these journals relating to these statues were printed in full and carefully discussed by Comparetti and De Petra, in La Villa Ercolanese, etc., as early as 1883, and reprinted, with the rest of the surviving portions of the journals, by Ruggiero, in his Storia degli Scavi di Ercola?io, in 1885. All three statues were found in the "Viridarium" of the "Villa Suburbana " ■* or " Casa dei Papiri," the country house lying north-west of Herculaneum. Its nearest point is more than 250 metres north-west of the spot which the "guardian" indicated to Professor Flinders Petrie. The Hermes was found on August 3, 1758, the "Fauno ebbro" on June 13, 1754, and the "Fauno dormiente " on March 6, 1756 ; and all three were figured in 1771 in the second volume of the Bronzi di Ercolano} Excluding portrait statues, busts, and statuettes, no other at all perfect bronze statues were found in the whole course of the excavations, except ten more in the same villa ; and not one was found in the place named by Professor Flinders Petrie. It would seem, therefore, that the statement quoted by Professor Flinders Petrie was quite inaccurate ; and it is difficult to accept the picture which he draws of three hollow and fragile bronzes dropping uninjured over a steep cliff, after floating at the very least one hundred metres ^ upon a " wave of 1 See Plate III. in this book ; and Plate XIII. No. i in Comparetti and De Petra, La Villa Ercolanese, etc., 5628 in Mus. Naz. 2 See Plate III. in this book ; and Plate XV. No. I in Comparetti and De Petra, La Villa Ercolanese, etc., 5624 in Mus. Naz. ^ See Part I. Chapter IV. * See Chapters I. and IV. of Part I., and the plan of the "Casa dei Papiri " (PI. 48). ^ See Bibliographical Appendix. * This is the distance from the point named by Professor Flinders Petrie to the point where the street disappears into the earth. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 A.D. 121 mud," which strewed the whole street of which Professor Flinders Petrie writes with innumerable fragments of bronze statues of every sort.^ There is, in fact, as we said above,^ considerable evidence that most unprotected statues were broken to pieces. It may, moreover, be remembered that in the first chapter^ we showed that there were grounds for believing that the "Basilica" stands at the head of the street in question, beyond the great "Via Porticata"; and that besides the statues found in niches in that building, and in consequence comparatively uninjured, there were found there countless fragments of bronze and marble statues of all sorts. To expect, therefore, to find marble and bronze statues retained in position uninjured, through their fixed feet, in the full course of the torrent, in " the agora or some other large open site " at the head of this street, seems to argue an imperfect acquaintance with the history of the excavations of Herculaneum.^ It is worth noting that both Ruggiero^ and Herrlich ^ believe that the " subitum vadum " or " sudden shallow " of which Pliny speaks, was caused by " the mud-stream " entering the sea. Wolters,'^ however, contests this, and maintains that the change of level was due to convulsions of the earth's crust. He points out that Pliny ^ records a similar phenomenon at Misenum, where there was certainly no such stream. In this view, indeed, he is merely repeating that of Sogliano,** who, writing three years before Herrlich, had already shown reason for supposing that the " vadum subitum " was encountered just opposite Pompeii, and therefore could not have any connection 1 See p. 77, above. - See p. ii8, above. ' Sec Part I. Chapter I. * We must confess that we are astonished that a scliolar and excavator of Professor Flinders Petrie's experience and reputation should have founded his communication on a statement made by an ignorant guide, and should have seen fit to express views on a matter of such importance without studying the extensive literature of which he seems ignorant. ' Ruggicro, Delia Eruxione, etc., p. 22. * Herrlich, op. cit. in BeitrUge zur alteii Geschichte, iv., 1904, pp. 200 ft'. ' Woltcrs, in BeitrSge zur iilten Geschichte, v., 1905, pp. 333 fF. ' Pliny, Ep. vi. 20. 9. * Sogliano, Studi di Topografia Storica e di Storia Antica, etc., Naples, 1901, pp. 15 ff. 122 HERCULANEUiM parti with the stream of Herculaneum, and had, like Wolters, brought it into connection with the upheaval at Misenum. Professor Hughes' opinion has already been given. We must now say something of the condition of the objects hitherto discovered at Herculaneum. It will be best to begin with a list of the principal articles preserved, excluding those of an architectural or artistic kind : to enumerate these also at this point would occupy far too much space ; moreover, the buildings have already been described, and a list of the principal works of art, as complete as we have been able to make it, is given in Appendix HI. The finds ^ include inkstands, styli, inscribed tablets, papyri ; castanets, a sistriwi ; surgical instruments, including what are believed to be probes, chiefly of bronze, but a few of silver, and glass cupping-glasses ; a pear-shaped bronze plummet, and a jointed Roman foot-rule ; an anvil, a saw, hammers, picks, hatchets, chisels, an iron crowbar, a small grappling-hook, scissors, mattocks, and a rake ; weights from a loom, several bone spindles, thimbles, pincers, long needles, a bronze mesh for weaving nets ; a butcher's shop, with knives, a pair of scales, and ox-bones ; a great number of fish-hooks, sometimes weighted with lead ; ropes of broom ; endless heaps of cord of every thickness, especially in places near the sea, and in one case with wooden floats, and nets ; many strigils, six bone tickets numbered for the spectacles, shoe-soles made with pack-thread, dice, tops, and marbles ; four seals, two of which were not read, while the others bore respectively the following legends : q • maeci • thevgae ^ and c • mes • evvom.^ The chief eatables and seeds are these (we exclude what Ruggiero calls " le favole sognate dal Bonucci," apples, coagu- lated oil, and paste made with milk) : many snails and sea- shells, bread, grain in abundance, barley, beans, carob-pods, almonds, dates, pears, plums, cones, figs, grapes, pomegranates, ' This list is based upon that given by Ruggiero. ' Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, x. pr. za. ^ No. 8058, 48 and 51. FOUR MARBLE PORTRAIT BUSTS. Plate 25. Life-size. } Ptolemy Soter, ? Zcno of Citium, .' Anacrcjn, .' Archidamas II. CHAP. Ill THE ERUPTION OF 79 A.D. 123 nuts, chestnuts, millets, lentils, poppy-seeds, and other un- identified seeds and vegetables. Of household furniture was found a shovel to turn grain, three besoms, a portable ladder with five rungs; three cupboards or bureaux, one of which had bronze fittings, a drawer above, and two small doors below-; an arm-chair inlaid with bone, and a bench with a carved back. From De Venuti's Descrizione del/a prime scoperte deW antica citta di Ercolano ritrovata vicino a Portici, etc., 1748, we add the following objects (we quote from the translation of Wickes Skurrey, London, 1750) : "A brass instrument-case, which being opened was found to contain a small thin Roll of Silver, wrote full of Greek Characters ; and as in the unrolling, it happened to break ; his Majesty thought it advisable to put it up in his Cabinet for the present, lest by anybody's indiscreet Curiosity it might be destroyed " : of eatables we find mention of " Eggs miraculously preserved," and of " an Oven stopped, which being opened had a Pye within in a Metal Pan, about one Palm and a half diameter ; the Pye being burnt to a Coal (nevertheless one might perceive the Ornaments of the Crust) fell in Pieces in the Dish, which was carried to the King." The box containing the silver roll with a Greek inscription is also mentioned and described by a writer in the Mercure de France (December 1752 ; Naples, September 25) : L! autre est un volume fait d'uiie lame d\irgent tnince comme du papier. Le caractere qui parait en dehors est grec, il est malheureusement un peu maltraite, et Fon craint avec raison de Ve^acer encore davantage en le deroulant pour le lire. Who knows what it may not have contained — perhaps an Ode of Sappho ? In any case search ought to be made in the proper quarter for this treasure, as it has now disappeared. Better fortune awaited another curious little find, which may still be seen ^ in the National Museum at Naples. Venuti ' Mus. Naz. 3725 : figured in Bronxi di Ercolano, torn i. pp. xliii and xlv (1771)'; in C.I.L. X. I, 1402. It was found March 19, 1746. 124 HERCULANEUM parti quotes the following account of it from an anonymous Account of the Searches made in the Village of Resina, by Order of the King of the Two Sicilies, communicated to Professor Gesner of Gottingen by the Bishop of Brescia in 1749: " 'Tis not a year since there was a Report in this Metropolis that they had found a Book of Brass, consisting of only four Leaves, with Writing engraved on both sides, containing a Dismission of the Soldiers of the Place, where the search was made, having Clasps, etc. A Thing which is not in the Possession of any other Monarch : It could not be read by the Learned, as the King keeps it under Lock and Key." To this we must add a series of finds hitherto seemingly almost overlooked — namely, one hundred and sixty-seven gold objects, chiefly rings and bracelets : the silver objects amount to more than a hundred.^ These facts are a striking indication of the wealth and prosperity of Herculaneum. 1 For all these see Appendix III. CHAPTER IV THE HISTORY OF THE SITE SINCE THE ERUPTION The history of the site of Herculaneum from the eruption of 79 A.D. till the beginning of the eighteenth century is difficult to trace. We learn from Suetonius^ and from Cassius Dio ^ that the Emperor Titus chose by lot two commissioners of consular rank, to deal with the situation after the disaster, and that part of the money which he devoted to this purpose was derived from the property of those who had died without heirs. The two statements are almost identical in form, save that Suetonius alone mentions the method of appointment, and Dio alone the number appointed. But it does not appear that any attempt was made to restore any of the buried cities. There is some evidence that the surviving inhabitants of Herculaneum were received by the Neapolitans, and formed the Regio Herculanensis or Herculensis of Naples, for the existence of which we have evidence both literary and epigraphical. The matter is somewhat obscure, but a full discussion of the evidence may be found in the article " De Herculanensi Regione Neapoli," by J. A. Galante, in Pompei e la Regione Sotterata dal Vesuvio neW Anno LXXIX, Naples, 1879. How early the site of Herculaneum was reoccupied is a matter of dispute. In the famous "Tabula Peutingeriana," '' whose archetype probably dated at latest from the third century of the Christian era, Herclanium and Portici are marked more or less on the ^ Suet. Titus, viii. ^ Cass. Dio, Ixvi. 24. 3. ' Cf. Dr. Sophus Rugc in Encyclopaedia Britannica, ed. ix. vol. 15, p. 517. 125 126 HERCULANEUM parti sites of the modern Resina and Portici. It is possible that a village had grown up on the deserted site ; if so/ it was probably wiped out by the great eruption of 472 a.d. From this date until the fifteenth century all trace of Herculaneum disappears, and it can hardly be doubted that the subsequent references to it are all due — in the first instance — to literary information. De Jorio ^ gives a list of literary mentions of Herculaneum up to the time of Elbosuf's excavations in 1709. Excavations were made there even in the fifteenth century.^ " Herculaneum Oppidum " is marked on the map of Am- broglio Leone,* De No/a, etc., 1513. In the Historia Napoletana of Giulio Cesare Capaccio, 1607, lib. i. cap. ix. and xvii., we find a discussion of " Admiranda antiquitatum Herculanensium a claris italis descripta, illustrata, atque ab obtrectationibus vindicata." Again, Baudran, in his Dictionnaire Geographique, 1682, distinctly names the buried city. Francesco Balzano, in U Antico Ercolano ovvero la Torre del Greco tolta dalP oblio, 1688, says: "We may learn from the ancient ruins, which are partly visible, that it stood in that part of Torresi called Sora." He goes on to relate several discoveries accidentally made in various places which he names quite distinctly, and states that ancient buildings were uncovered. In 1689 ancient monuments were accidentally found at a great depth {Memoircs de litterature, vol. 15). Celani in 1697 speaks of a beautiful plain which up to 1631 was extremely fertile as a pasturage, but was then covered with unfruitful ashes. Here, he says, stood the ancient Herculaneum : in his own days many old brick remains were to be seen there. Bianchini, in Istoria Universale, Rome, 1699, clearly records certain finds made in the neighbourhood in 1689. That many of these discoveries were incorrectly associated with the name ^ Cf. J. A. Galante, op. cit. p. 107. '^ De Jorio, Notizie su gli Sctivi di Ercolano, Naples, 1827, pp. 13 ff., from which the following statements are borrowed. ^ Cf. Nicola Perotto in Cornucopia, 1488. ^ Cf. also Leandro Alberti, Descrizione di tutta r Italia, 1561. FIVE MARBLE BUSTS. Life-size. ? Altilius Rcgulus, Philosopher, ? Pcriander, Euripides, Roman portrait. Pl.ATI 26. CHAP. IV HISTORY OF SITE SINCE ERUPTION 127 of Herculaneum is no doubt very probable. Nevertheless these few instances amply prove the falsity of the often-repeated statement, that all memory of Herculaneum had passed away when in 1709 the Prince d'Elbouuf accidentally struck part of the site of the theatre. He extracted a number of statues, of which a considerable proportion seem ultimately to have found their way to the Royal, now the National Museum of Naples. Some are believed still to stand in the niches of the Royal Palace of Portici,^ confused with others of different origin. Many were probably sent as presents to various countries. Three of these, draped female marble figures, are now in the Sixth Hall of the Museum of Antiquities at Dresden, Nos. 162, 163, 164. They are reproduced on Plate VII. The details of their historv are somewhat obscure, but it seems to be certain that they were originally sent by Elbceuf as a present to his brother. Prince Eugene of Savoy. Far more important and systematic were the excavations begun by King Charles III. of Naples in 1738. Our knowledge of these is imperfect : it is based chiefly upon the surviving portions of the very full records which were kept throughout the excavations. These records now lie in the Archives of the National Museum at Naples, partly in copies, partly in the original. Those of 1740 are lost, and for many other periods only scattered notes survive.^ All that now exist were published by Ruggiero in Storia degli Scavi di Ercolano, Naples, 1885. The excavations were conducted throughout by military engineers : the first was Rocco Gioacchino de Alcubierre, who had come with the king from Spain. He was a man of considerable energy and ^ Cf. Ruggiero, Scatii, etc., p. xi, and La Vega's Statement of the Objects found in the Theatre at Herculaneum, under December ig, 1738 (published by Mincrvini in Bullettino Archeokgico Italiano of Minervini, first year, No. 5, July 1861 : reprinted by Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., pp. xxvii fF.). * See the Introduction of tliis book for further details of the history of the excavations. 128 HERCULANEUM part i resource, but without any special qualifications for the exceedingly difficult work which he undertook. It is therefore not surprising to find that his methods were far from scientific. He ran tunnels in various directions and removed everything that seemed to be of artistic interest, though he also took some trouble to ascertain the purpose and the character of the buildings which he skirted and pierced. The difficult task of removing statues, pictures, and mosaics was accomplished with fair success under the circumstances. Unfortunately the early excavators supposed that the soil was sufficiently secured by refilling these tunnels with loose earth, and much damage was caused to the houses of Resina and Portici by consequent subsidences of the soil, which necessitated a great deal of underpinning. Alcubierre caught a complaint from the damp air of the tunnels, and retired from 1741 till the end of 1745. His place was taken for a few months by one Francesco Rorro, and later by a Frenchman called Pierre Bardet, who seems to have been far from incompetent. Alcubierre's direct command ceased again in 1750, when military promotion compelled him to reside at Naples. His successor is the most pathetic figure in the history of the excavations — the Swiss, Karl Weber. We have ample proof of his extraordinary diligence and carefulness, although he does not appear to have been a man of great natural power. But the jealous irritability of Alcubierre was a constant hindrance and trouble to him, and an examination of the records of these years makes it easy to believe that his death in 1764 was due in great part, as his successor La Vega hinted to the king twelve months later, to Alcubierre's petty tyranny.^ Francesco La Vega, who worked under Alcubierre until the latter's death in 1780, and thereafter independently, was in all respects the best excavator of that century. Nevertheless he did little at Herculaneum, for before twelve months had 1 See the last sentence of his letter of March 22, 1765, in Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. 461. X X O u D < N o ca o S3 u, O ui < oi < s CHAP. IV HISTORY OF SITE SINCE ERUPTION 129 passed he was ordered to move to Pompeii. Herculaneum was not indeed finally deserted until 1779, but La Vega's work, was almost confined to underpinning the houses of Resina, filling up his predecessors' tunnels, and completing the in- vestigation of the theatre, of which he made three plans, an elevation and three sections, in 1777. Plans and draw- ings were also prepared by Alcubierre, Bardet, and Weber, but they have mostly disappeared.^ One of La Vega's most useful works was the general plan of the city, discussed above. - It is sometimes stated ^ that much progress was made under Joseph Napoleon and Joachim Murat between 1806 and 1815, but their activity seems to have been confined to Pompeii. It was not till 1828 that the excavations of Herculaneum were seriously resumed,^ in consequence of the accidental discovery of an old tunnel under the Bisogno estate in the Vicolo di Mare. They lasted with interruptions until 1855, were resumed with considerable enthusiasm in 1869, and finally ceased in 1875. These nineteenth -century excavations were entirely concerned with the comparatively uninteresting streets near the sea, which are the only portion of the town at present uncovered. Their records are well preserved. Though superior in many respects to earlier operations, they left much to be desired, especially with regard to the preservation of architectural remains. The early excavations were jealously guarded, and all copying in the Museum was strictly forbidden. The official records were not published, but much of interest leaked out ; especially important are De Venuti's Descrizione c/elle prime scoperte delf antica citta di Ercolam^ and Gori's Symbolae hitterariae.^ Much that is of interest in this period, such as the activity of Winckelmann, and the correspondence of Camillo Paderni and others personally connected with the 1 Sec Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. xv. * In Part I. Chapter I., p. 6i. ^ e.g., in Baedeker's Southern Italy, \\\\\ Revised Edition, 1903, p. i 10. ■* Ruggiero, Scavi, etc., p. 535. ^ Rome, 174b. * Florence, 1748-53; Rome, 1751-54. I30 HERCULANEUM parti excavations and the Museum, are beyond the scope of this summary. The first step taken towards the publication of the finds ^ was the summoning of Monsignor Bayardi from Rome in 1744. This worthy ecclesiastic is described by Comparetti and De Petra^ as " il piu insulso e ridicolo uomo che abbia mai lasciato memoria di si negli atti della scienza." In 1752 he published a Prodromo alle antichita di Krcolano in five volumes, an amazing fardel of pedantry and stupidity, throwing absolutely no light upon the actual excavations. A very incompetent first volume of a Catalogo degU antichi monu- menti dissotterati dalla d'tscoperta citta di Ercolano was his last contribution to Herculanean learning. It appeared in 1754, and in consequence of general dissatisfaction the Accademia Ercolanese was formed in the following year ; this included Mazzocchi, Castelli, Aula, Carcani, Galiani, the Princes della Torre and Tarugi, Valetta, Pratilli, and several others.^ Bayardi was not excluded, but in the May of 1756 he expressed a wish to retire to Rome, which was immediately gratified. The Academy lost no time in setting to work ; the first volume of the magnificent Antichita di Ercolano appeared in 1757, and the following seven in 1760, 1762, 1765, 1767, 1 77 1, 1779, 1792. The pictures, the bronzes, and the lamps were fully published, but the marbles never appeared. Despite much irrelevant pedantry the letterpress of this work is far from being worthless, and the plates are executed with a strength and virility remarkable at that date. It is instructive, for instance, to compare them with Leplat's insipid plates of the statues in the Dresden Augusteum, published in 1733. The statues and lamps are more satisfactorily rendered than the pictures. The only other Bourbon publication of any importance is that of the Herculanensia Volumi/ia, i.e. the papyrus rolls. 1 Cf. Barnabei in Atti delle R. Accademia dei Lincei, 1878, p. 760. * La Villa Ercolanese, etc., 1885, p. 59. s gee Barnabei, op. cit., ibid. BRONZE HORSE AND HEAD OF HORSE. Lifc-siic. Plate 28. CHAP. IV HISTORY OF SITE SINCE ERUPTION 131 Nearly a century separates the appearance of the eleventh and last volume from that of the first. ^ The value of these volumes varies greatly, and tor a full account of them we must refer the reader to W. Scott's Fragmenta Herciilanensia^ and Comparetti and De Petra's La Villa Ercolanese del Fisoni? The nature of the library has already been briefly discussed.'' Connected with this publication is Carlo Rosini's Dissertatio Isagogica ad Herculanens'ium Voluminum Explanationem, of which only the First Part was ever published ;* it contributes nothing to our knowledge of the Volumina, but, in spite of some diffuseness, it was a valuable contribution to the general knowledge of Herculaneum. This is not the place to deal with the bibliography of Herculaneum ; "^ but we may call attention, in conclusion, to two or three works of particular importance : De Jorio's Notizie sugli Scavi di Ercolatio ; '' Barnabei's Gli Scavi di Ercolano ; ^ Comparetti and De Petra's La Villa Ercolanese dei Fisoni;^ and finally, Ruggiero's admirable and painstaking publication, Storia degli Scavi di Ercolano}'^ ^ 1763-1855 ; see Bibliographical Appendix. 2 Oxford, 1885. ■' Torino, 1883. ^ lu Part I. Chapter I., p. 83. '•• In 1797. • Sec throughout Bibliographical Appendix. " Naples, 1827. " In jltti della R. Accademiii dei Lirtcei, 1878, pp. 751 fF. 9 Torino, 1883. '« Naples, 1885. PART II T'HE FUTURE 133 7. < I CHAPTER I REFORM OF EXCAVATION I HAVE maintained before (see Introduction, p. i6) that the art of excavation is quite inadequate to the just demands put upon it : that, in fact, it still remains in a stage which, in warfare, we should call the bow-and-arrow phase, and that all the dis- coveries and inventions made to facilitate and to render scientific investigation in other departments of research more accurate, as well as more fruitful, have been ignored by the archaeologist. At all events he has not been put in a position to apply them. Now in saying this I must from the outset emphatically guard myself against the charge of meaning thereby that this only, or above all, applies to considerations of facility and celerity, the saving of time or labour in the prosecution of the work, important as such factors will ever be where human energy is expended. It is above all in view of the claims of accuracy and thoroughness of work, in order that the results of our labour should assure all the benefits to science and mankind w^hich the highest scientific achievements undoubtedly produce, that a reform of our practice in excavation is urgently called for. The efforts made and the methods of work adopted ought to be commensurate with the importance of the enterprise. And when the excavation of a great site is undoubtedly of the highest material and moral advantage, not only to the nearer or remoter districts and the country in which the site is situate, but to the whole of civilised mankind, we ought to be prepared to make sacrifices corresponding to those incurred in the 136 HERCULANEUM part 11 digging of one of the great tunnels which are of such undoubted advantage to commerce and transport ; and the thought we expend and the methods of work we adopt ought to be on the same scale in quality and in magnitude. I must also at once point out that there are some forms of excavation in which the older or antiquated methods must still apply ; just as, whatever improvements in the manufacture of certain goods modern inventions may have brought about, some of the old practices of our forefathers in handiwork will always remain the best means of dealing with them. In such cases, mechanical appliances favouring rapidity of production and accuracy of execution can never be applied. There are also stages in manufacture when mechanical improvements may best carry the work to a certain stage ; though the finishing touches have always to be put in by the simplest individual labour. This especially applies to all work where beauty and artistic quality are the essential characteristics aimed at, or where human intelligence and judgment in their most varied and subtlest forms are called into action. But when supreme accuracy and completeness in keeping records of what is found and how it is found are perhaps the first, certainly among the essential, requirements of the work, such hesitation in using modern improvements does not applv. It is then found that the more the personal equation, the accidents of individuality and of change in physical conditions can be eliminated, the more thorough and fruitful is the work. Astronomical, physical, chemical, biological, and pathological studies have all applied these purely "objective" helps with which the discoveries of mechanical science have supplied them ; and they have found these helps more accurate than the hands of man — even though they brought economy of time and labour in their wake. In some cases it may still be desirable for the researcher to cut his slides with a razor and not to use the most improved form of microtome ; but such cases must be exceptional. Thus in the excavation ot graves, and in the CHAP. I REFORM OF EXCAVATION 137 tliorough searching of a " pocket," or when, let us say, in the great excavation of a buried city we have penetrated a house and have come upon a mass of delicate objects, the earth may have to be carried away in baskets, and the excavator may have to use his penknife while crouching in a narrow space to lift the objects carefully. But preceding this phase of work, even in such cases, he might have applied more mechanical means of actual digging and of transporting the earth. But in no case can it be desirable that the workmen be left to themselves and that there be not the constant supervision of the expert, who uses every means of recording all the conditions of the find at every stage, and of supervising and tabulating the results discovered immediately after they have emerged from the ground. I venture to maintain that all excavations are undermanned in respect of this most important condition of all thorough and systematic excavation. In an excavation properly carried on, there ought never at any point to be work done without an expert to direct, observe, and record. Especially ought the mechanical help of photography to be called in here. Periodic- ally, at intervals as short as possible, photographs of the deposits ought to be taken and kept within the context of the record of work, as well as photographs of the objects /;; situ and during the various phases of their disinterment ; and all these photo- graphs ought to be so kept, that, long after the excavation is completed, it ought almost to be possible to reproduce the actual excavation on the principle of the cinematograph, to which the written records would be a complete commentary. Furthermore, the arduous task of examining and preserving all the ancient objects found at any point ought to be entrusted to the expert supervising that portion of the work, which, even though he has to deal with a very small and circumscribed space, will require all his intelligence and care. Take but one class of objects as an illustration. In most excavations, if not in every one, potsherds occur in great numbers. 138 HERCULANEUM part 11 Fragments of vases are constantly turned up by hundreds. Under present conditions of work, they cannot all be kept. We need but visit the rubbish-heaps ot any great excavation in classical lands to find a large number of these fragments every year washed up to the surface by the rains. Many of these are of considerable interest, and now form part of the collections of antiquities legitimately formed by the traveller who visits ancient sites. It was at the time quite impossible for the archaeologist supervising the work of excavation to take account of, and to preserve, all these fragments. Yet each one of these may subsequently have been of great importance in elaborating the results of the excavation. Roughly, the principle followed during excavation is that, unless the fragments are manifestly parts of a complete vase, or come from a clearly prescribed site, such as a grave, the only fragments kept are those that are either decorated with a definite design or, if undecorated, are characteristic as illustra- tions of definite phases in ceramics. But even the unpainted fragments may (when we have reached the phase of sorting and restoring) be parts of an important vase, the painted portions of which have been preserved, while the absence of the missing portions makes the complete restoration of that vase impossible, and thus for ever prevents undoubted evidence as to its form. It may also be of great value to determine what the proportion of the coarser or less decorated vases is to the finer and more artistic specimens ; and the light thrown on ancient life by the coarser and more amorphous specimens of ceramic art mav, in its turn, be as important to the scholar and historian as that shed by the artistic perfection of the most beautiful specimen of the potter's craft. Moreover, the relative numbers and quality of such works combined, as they appear at a given point, may determine for us whether the site was that of a domestic settlement or of a religious sanctuary, whether they served daily use or were deposited as votive offerings to the god of the sanctuary or to the dead, or COLOSSAL MARBLE STATUE OF AUGUSTUS. Head restored. Plati 30. CHAP. I REFORM OF EXCAVATION 139 illustrated an agonistic victory on this spot. The frequency or sporadic nature ot their occurrence may also determine their own nature and destination. So, for instance, it was the frequency of the appearance ot bronze and iron spits, pins and rings, at the Argive Heraeum which led me at an early stage of the excavations to surmise that these objects may have served as money (no actual coins having been found in these deposits), and v^ould thus throw some light on the tradition that Pheidon of Argos had on this very site deposited the o^eXiaKoi (spits) when coinage was introduced by him — which view has since been accepted and developed by the special numismatic authorities.^ It will always be of unique importance to the archaeologist to see antiquities as they are buried in the ground, and no amount of work, in the study, far removed from classical lands, will make up for the absence of this experience. Concerning all these circumstances of discovery careful and complete records must be made on the spot and during the process of excavation, and these records must ever be avail- able during the subsequent and important process of cleaning, sorting, and piecing together what has been found. At every stage, moreover, and with every object found, its relation to, and bearing upon, the site as a whole must be borne in mind. The topography, nature, and destination of the site will be essentially modified in the mind of the student as he allows the actual light of individual finds — the " black layers," " pockets," and other groupings of objects in the earth, their individual nature, distribution, and numerical frequency — to add their testimony to the other evidence at his disposal. The nature ot such " black layers " or " pockets," showing that meat and bones have been thrown in with the objects, may, under certain conditions, point to the proximity of an altar or a grave. Agonistic prize-vases may add their evidence to the identifica- tion of an agonistic centre. Sepulchral vases naturally point ' Sec Svoronos in tlic Jounuil Intenuit. d' Arckeologie Numismatiqut, ix,, 1906, pp. 192 seq. 140 HERCULANEUM part 11 to graves. Votive offerings of definite character may help us to identify a certain sanctuary ; the numerical proportion, again, of such finds among each other may show, e.g., whether a large number of cooking utensils point to domestic dwellings, which an isolated case would not do, etc., etc. Yet how far have these conditions, which are essential to a proper excavation, been fulfilled in the excavations with which I have been acquainted .? To avoid the spirit of unfair criticism of my colleagues — some of whose work, in spite of all the defi.ciencies of their equipment, has been most productive ot important and brilliant results — I shall, as far as possible, confine myself, in pointing out the shortcomings of our actual methods, to my own work ; though, in fairness to myself, I must add that it was under the circumstances not inferior in method to that of other excavators. The first and foremost difficulty to be met is the absolute inadequacy of means for the undertaking of such work. This applies to almost every excavation with which I am acquainted. We should hardly think of undertaking the building of a road, still less the construction of a railway, with such rudimentary preparations and equipment. And we must remember that, besides the difficult tasks similar to those of a great engineering enterprise, an archaeological excavation is followed by the additional duty of preserving, describing, and identifying the priceless objects which the spade of the excavator has brought to light. The excavator, in most cases, when he begins his task, has had no training in the actual work of digging the earth. He is not acquainted with the use of the proper tools — which are rarely provided in an archaeological excavation : with the engineer's experience how to attack the problem of an unsurveyed site : with the ordinary experience of a foreman in directing the work of a gang of men. The difficult position in which one thus inexperienced is placed, when he has to organise and to distribute large gangs of workmen, themselves CHAP. I REFORM OF EXCAVATION 141 sorely in need of instruction in digging and in the very use of the implements of their craft ; when, after five or six gangs of men are properly set to work, he is suddenly appealed to by one gang on completion of their task with the question, how they are now to be shifted to another quarter ? — all this confusion can well be imagined when there is no engineer or proper master of the works provided, and when the funds will hardly admit of the employment of such skilled assistants. The site once defined, an important problem is to fix upon the best spot for dumping the waste earth. The greatest mistakes can here be made. I would but remind the reader of how Schliemann (and later his successor. Dr. Doerpfeld) had to cut through the previous dumpings covering the remains which he had in later stages to excavate at Hissarlik, and the confusion — often the complete obliteration — of archaeological landmarks which was thereby caused. Instances of such difiiculties, arising out of a false step in choosing the dumping ground, abound. But the main reason for the occurrence of such primary mistakes is to be found in the fact that, from the very outset, the funds available do not admit of a proper laying out of the work on a scale commensurate with its importance, and that those providing for the work are not filled with the conviction that no money is misspent which can in any way reasonably be expected to make the work more methodical and complete. To convey the refuse earth any considerable distance from the site would be far too expensive with the limited sums at the disposal of the excavator, who can only hope to pay the expenses of the actual digging and finding, and dare not even consider the following stages of preservation, transport, and elaboration. The methods employed in conveying the earth have been, and generally are, the rudimentary transport by means of baskets, each carried to and fro by a workman. Naturally it becomes a matter of vital importance that these should not be carried far. The wheel-barrow is not always available. In my excavations at the Heraeum 142 HERCULANEUM part ii we had from twenty to forty carts with horses. I believe Schliemann was the first to use the small Decauville railways. But in large excavations many innovations and improvements might here be introduced. Has any one of these excavations, in which it may reasonably be expected that stones and other objects of great size and weight will have to be litted and transported, been supplied with a crane, or even with an ordinary pulley ? Look at the masses to be handled in the excavation of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and remember that this was one of the excavations most liberally supplied with ample means by the German Government. Sir Charles Newton was in an exceptionally favourable position ; for he had with him the handy crew of the British man-of-war, with their appliances, directed by competent officers, when he carried on his excavations at Cnidus, Halicarnassus, and Branchidae, and transported the treasures there found. I remember how, when in 1 89 1 we excavated at Eretria, having no means to raise them, we had to break up successively the large blocks of sandstone superimposed one above the other, before we came upon the sarcophagus itself, which, I still venture to think, is, with a high degree of probabilitv, the tomb of Aristotle. I repeat, that, for a great excavation — especially one like Herculaneum — we may expect the expenditure of as much labour, time, and money as are devoted, let us say, to the boring of a great tunnel. The preliminary care and study, the provision of all improved machinery and appliances for working the ground, should certainly be as liberal and as advanced as in a great engineering enterprise. Unless the " handiwork " stage has been reached, when in a given house or in a " pocket " the most careful digging with the use of the penknife of one expert is called for, human ingenuity is to be summoned to devise means of mechanically dealing with large masses of earth, not only thus economising and accelerating labour, but insuring greater accuracy in the production of results. If lava be met TWO MARBLE RELIEFS. BACCHANALIAN PROCESSION AND SEATED DIONYSOS. Head of Dionysos restored. I'lati 31. CHAP. I REFORM OF EXCAVATION 143 with in the upper layers, the newest machinery should be devised for cutting and removing it. But, above all, while the work is carried on, there should be an adequate staff of experts to supervise and direct and to determine important points at once and on the spot ; for these cannot be as profitably dealt with in the later stages when the works are removed far from the site in which they were discovered. Besides the archaeologists and engineers, tlie architect, the geologist, and chemist ought all to be on the spot to determine the questions within their special province no they necessarily arise in the course of the actual digging. How often, while excavating the Argive Heraeum, was their help indispensable, when the analysis of the various earths, of a small quantity of colouring matter (which might have thrown light on the nature of the paints used by the ancients), was required ! The important question of the preservation of volatile and delicately changing substances arose. Such timely assistance might have saved much that was destroyed or damaged, and been of general help in many other departments of excavation. Undermanned as we were, most of our excellent and enthusiastic helpers being untrained to such work — in fact, often students who had not yet completed their preparatory studies in archaeology, — how could the records be properly kept, when our limited means did not provide us with proper repositories for the finds or with the arrangements for their classification .? The notebooks of my assistants were diligently kept according to their lights ; every basket full of materials found at a given spot was marked with a paper enclosed to identify the spot and the date of its find. They remained during the season beside our tents, the rain softening the adhering earth as it penetrated the baskets. At the end of the season, in carts and on mule-back, the more brittle objects packed as carefully as possible in boxes and oil-tins, our finds were carried for several miles to Argos, and there deposited in 144 HERCULANEUM part ii the small local Museum — a few of the most portable objects being at once transferred to Athens. At the end of the fourth season all that was deemed important and could thus be trans- ferred was taken on railway trucks to Athens. Our means of transportation were quite inadequate, and no proper help was forthcoming from other quarters. Once transferred to the Central Museum, the baskets and boxes were deposited in a room which happened to be empty. Here the unpacking began, and those assistants who had taken part in the excavation — the distribution of work having been planned and organised — were charged with the difficult task of sorting and cleaning, great stress being laid upon the fact that the records indicating the exact spot whence the objects came should be preserved. This work was then carried on spasmodically during some years, during which time all the objects had to be removed from one room to another — as the space was required by the Museum authorities. Further, the assistants at first engaged on the work were called away by their appointments, studies, or careers in the United States ; others had to take their place in the excavations and be trained anew, sometimes leaving before the task was completed ; and the delicate and confusing work on the finds at the Museum often passed from hand to hand. It was even impossible to secure the services of some who had taken part in the excava- tions for the work of final publication. I myself, the hapless director of the whole excavation and responsible editor of the results, resided in England, and could only pay occasional visits to Greece, there to maintain some system and order in the arrangement and publication of the material. Moreover, the book was printed in America, under the guidance of an " Editorial Committee of the Institute," with whom, while I resided in England, at a distance of several thousand miles, complicated questions of ways and means of publication (to be finally ratified by the vote of a large and heterogeneous general committee), of illustration, editing, printing, etc., had to be :^.w^rK- -mm WALL-I'AINTING. TOILET SCENE. Severer style. I'l.Alt 32 CHAP. I REFORM OF EXCAVATION 145 agreed upon and settled. The assistants, to whom I had justly assigned the publication of the several chapters over their name, were scattered over Europe and America, and all criticism, suggestions, advice, and injunction had to be conveyed to them by me through correspondence. The misunderstandings and delays spread over years, and the final official publication at last appeared, when later discoveries had caused the objects and the views originally expressed in many cases to be antiquated and superseded. How can justice be done, under such conditions, to the priceless treasure which the spade of the excavator reveals to the world ? How can accuracy and thoroughness in the excavating work and in the elaboration of its result be thus ensured .? No doubt there have been many excavations more amply provided with means, with a more adequate staff ot expert assistants, with material aids to excavation, and with far more favourable arrangements for cleaning, sorting, restoring, and publishing the results attained. But there have been many in Italy as well as in Hellenic countries where matters were in every stage worse. Even in the brilliant German excavations of Olympia, generously endowed by the Government, it took about twenty years to present the excellent final publication to the expectant world. The results of the excavations on the Acropolis of Athens, the objects there found at the end of the eighties of the last century (the work of studying and arranging them also passing through several hands), have not yet been all given to the world. I could even adduce more striking cases than these from all parts of the world, including Italy. I therefore repeat that our methods of excavation now in use, the equipment and preparation with which we undertake huge tasks of this nature, the actual methods of digging, of finding, arranging, and elaborating the treasures, the numbers, constitution, and regular functions of the staff, — all require complete revision and reform. No better opportunity of effecting such salutary changes can be found than when such 146 HERCULANEUM part 11 a huge enterprise as the complete excavation of Herculaneum presents itself. This would furnish the supreme type of the most improved methods and procedure in such important scientific enterprise. And, should the work be undertaken there and carried to a successful conclusion — which can only be done by means of these improved conditions, — it will be not the smallest of the important results that the whole practice of excavating will thus be raised to a standard adequate to the importance of the scientific results to be attained. It is in the light of these experiences that we now desire to sketch out in its essential features the plan of such an international excavation of Herculaneum. The task wdll be considered from three points of view : (i) before the actual excavation ; (2) during the excavation ; and (3) after the objects have been found. CHAPTER II BEFORE EXCAVATION Instead of laying down dogmatically our plan for a future excavation of Herculaneum in a form which might readily assume a magisterial and presumptuous tone, in prescribing what ought to be followed by those entrusted with the work, we think that it will be more advisable to put what we have to say in the form of a supposition that the enterprise has actually been decided upon as an international excavation, and that we are following in imagination the various phases of the work. We thus hope to avoid the constant repetition of the " injunctive " forms, " ought, should or would," which would make our exposition tedious and pedantic ; while, at the same time, the fictitious character we adopt will free us from the charge of arrogantly prescribing the lines which in this great work are absolutely to be followed. Yet, while adopting this lighter form of an imagined realisation of our plan, we would urgently beg the reader not to consider what we are here writing as merely imaginary or even fantastic. It is not a playful excursion into dreamland. On the contrary, the postulates are all within the sphere of sober and practical realisability. We choose the hypothesis that our general plan has been adopted and is being carried out, because we can thus show how in detail and definitely the various problems are to be dealt with. We wish to recognise the difficulties incidental to the execution of such a '47 148 HERCULANEUM part 11 complicated and arduous task, and we wish practically to make the test of our calculations, assuming that the work is actually proceeding, and the numerous dangers to its realisation — which at once occur to the practical and conscientious mind — have in every case to be faced and overcome. The most useful critic of any new project or plan is he who begins his strictures with : " But how would you," or " how could you deal with this and that unfavourable contingency ? " It is especially such a critic whom we wish to meet and to satisfy. The national committees have done their work and have done it well. Large sums have been transmitted to the Treasurer of the International Committee at Rome. His accounts are regularly audited and are submitted in a report to the International Committee, by whom they are published annually. There is now the first important meeting of this International Committee, which, on this occasion, is honoured by the presence of H.M. the King of Italy, who consents to take the chair. The first important business on the Agenda paper is the final organisation of the International Staff, which has been officially appointed by the King, who has consulted with the Minister of Public Instruction and with the Secretary of the International Committee. The latter has been in constant communication with the different national com- mittees and learned bodies abroad. The Secretary reports that a few decisions still remain pending ; for the invitation to the distinguished German archaeologist X. has not been finally accepted, as it was not yet decided whether he could relinquish the important work on which he was engaged in Asia Minor. He also reported that, on the urgent recommendation of the Italian Civil Engineer (who had carried the Mont Blanc tunnel to such a successful issue), he had conferred with the American Committee, as to whether the services of the American Mining Engineer R. (well known for his improve- TWO WAI.L-1'.\INTIN(;S. ? I'rcpnr.itions i)t Actors ;iii.l Musical Concort. Pl.Ai'E 33. cHAP.ii BEFORE EXCAVATION 149 ments in the new mode of using gentle hydraulic washing for removing large masses of earth in mines) were available. So far the staff consisted of fifteen Italian and fifteen foreign members. A discussion arose, whether the number of foreign members of the staff should be equally balanced, and if so, on what principle ? It was pointed out that, in the interest of the work — which was, after all, the matter all had most at heart — such a formalistic principle might be disadvantageous ; that certain individuals might be required for the work, irrespective of their nationalities, and that thus some one nation, perhaps not one of the great Powers, might be able to furnish more men actually required than another State. It was decided — all the foreign representatives, excepting one, agreeing — that no absolute regard ought to be paid, either to the size of the contributory State or of the contribution made by it to the fund, in selecting members on the staff"; though some con- sideration ought to be given to such qualification. All this referred to the full members of the staff. It was furthermore reported by the Secretary that he had been informed by several of the national committees, that they had made provision to pay stipends and studentships to their own members on the staff and to the students sent out by them. These stipends differed among each other. The question then arose, whether all such stipends ought to be paid out of the international fund or not ; and whether it was desirable that there should be uniformity among the stipends of the staff. The matter was referred to a Committee for the drafting of a report to be sent to all the national committees, mentioning the proposal of those committees who offered to pay the stipends themselves, asking for their several opinions, while suggesting the desirability of a certain uniformity in the scale of payment. It was also reported that sixty younger foreign students had been announced bv the national committees as ready to I50 HERCULANEUM part ii take part in the excavations. After some discussion it was decided that these should be divided into two categories : (i) Associates ; (2) Probationers. The Associates should be con- sidered as members of the staff and should be under the common control of the staff. They should not, however, be eligible as members of the several committees of organisation and administration, nor as directors of departments. The Pro- bationers should not form part of the staff; and, while being present at the work in which they could be employed, they would be under the immediate direction of the members of the staff of their own nationality, who would be responsible for their good conduct. They might, however, in due course be proposed as Associates. The Committee was furthermore informed that a con- siderable number of these foreign members had already arrived at Naples, and that the question of their housing and support had become urgent. The Sindaco of Resina had already informed the Secretary that a certain number of the better houses in the town had prepared apartments and rooms which might be found convenient lodgings for members of the staff. He enclosed a list of such available houses. But prominent members of the staff had suggested that it was desirable that meals — at least the midday meal — should be taken in the immediate vicinity of the works, and that there ought also to be some place where the whole staff could meet and confer. The Secretary reported that a wealthy citizen of Naples had offered a sum to provide for such a meeting-place. It was decided that temporary buildings or sheds should be erected on the site for a common dining-hall and meeting-room (to serve also as a reading and writing room, with foreign newspapers) for the use of the staff, and that arrangements be made that midday and evening meals be supplied at cost price. It was also pointed out that, in preliminary consultations with members of the staff, it was found urgently desirable that certain temporary buildings be erected, viz. (i) a large WALL-I'AIN'I IN(i. MKUKA. I'laik 34. CHAP. II BEFORE EXCAVATION 151 shed for the storing of the objects unearthed, immediately upon finding them, grouped and kept together for the time being in strict accordance with the district, layer, or spot where they were found ; (2) large sheds where the various objects — statues, inscriptions, vases, etc., etc. — when released from Shed I. should be stored ; (3) large cleaning and sorting shed ; (4) chemical laboratory ; (5) photographic studio, drawing and designing room; (6) engine-house and machine - sheds ; (7) power- house. A large house in Resina was available which could serve as the central offices, where records could be kept and all clerical and administrative work carried out. The necessary appropriations were made to meet these demands, the Secretary, Treasurer, and Minister of Public Instruction to form a Committee together with five members of the staff to see that this preliminary work was done. The discussion concerning the organisation of the staff required so much time and thought that it had to be deferred to another meeting. At the subsequent meeting this organisa- tion was decided upon in its main lines. From the very outset it was agreed that the members of the staff, including the Associates and Probationers, should in no wise be grouped according to nationalities, but according to the natural needs and exigencies of the work itself. It was even thought desirable as a principle that the nationalities should as far as possible be mixed and blended. Though the International Committee considered itself responsible for the general constitution governing the action of the staff, and would always be ready to act as a court of final appeal on all questions referred to it by the staff or in all matters of difference on which the executive authorities could not agree, it was felt that the greatest latitude and power of self-government should be given to the staff carrying on the work, and in no sense should an initiative or interference on the part of the International Committee concerning the actual work of excavation be admitted. 152 HERCULANEUM part ii This body, consisting of the full members of the staff, should form the chief authority on all matters of administration and all that concerned the actual prosecution of the work. The only appeal from its decision rested with the International Committee, such an appeal being granted if at least tour members of the staff sued for it in writing. The staff was presided over by the Chiet, an Italian appointed by the King on the recommendation of the Minister of Public Instruction. There were also to be three Vice-Chiefs to take his place in case he was forced to absent himself from the excavations. The Chief was the administrative head, and was to have authority and responsibility during the work in all cases where immediate action was called for, and where there was no time to refer matters to the several special committees or to the staff as a whole. Though thus the staff as a whole was the chief power on the spot, for the practical working of the several depart- ments there were to be sub-committees, each electing its own chairman. These several committees immediately concerned with the distinct departments, their chairman being the acting head of the department, were to be the following : (i) Committee on Engineering ; (2) on Geology ; (3) of the Chemical Laboratories ; (4) on Architecture and Drawing ; (5) on Sculpture ; (6) on Painting ; (7) on Inscriptions ; (8) on Ceramics ; (9) on Numismatics ; (10) on the Minor Arts — terra-cottas, gems, etc., etc. ; (i i) Committee on Discipline ; (12) the Domus Committee — housing, food, domestic and social arrangements; (13) Committee on the keeping of Records ; and (14) Committee on Publications. Each of these committees should have the power of co-opting members from among the Associates. In the case of the Committee on Discipline there would still be the power of appeal to the whole body of the staff, and finally to the International Committee at Rome. It was agreed that the language to be used at the meetings VVALI.-l'AlMINC; ? M»se or Sappho. I'LATE 3,-. CHAP. II BEFORE EXCAVATION 153 should be Italian ; but that those unable to express themselves adequately should be allowed to use their own language, means of" conveying their opinions to the meeting being provided. The first meetings of" the International Staff were concerned in forming the sub-committees and in defining the various departments of work, and then proceeded fully to discuss, and to decide upon, the general plan of work to be followed. Previous to these meetings the engineers and geologists had for some time been actively engaged in making a more thorough survey of the whole region adjoining the ancient site, small tentative borings were made to discover the exact distribution of the lava in the eruption of 1631, and the different configuration of the soil was determined at various points below Resina and in the immediate neighbourhood. The first important question of a more general nature was discussed at great length and with thoroughness, namely. How far the excavations were to proceed from above, leaving the exposed remains open to the air ; or by means of" tunnelling from below, leaving the surface and the houses of Resina undisturbed .'' It was agreed that, in the lower portions towards the sea, where the depth of soil was not so great, the excavations were to proceed from above. This was especially the case to the north-west and south-east of the " Scavi Nuovi," ^ where, moreover, there were no houses — the Royal Gardens of Portici are on the one side, and open fields on the other. But towards Resina to the north, following the line of the streets, it was agreed that methods of tunnelling should be adopted. A lively discussion of a technical nature ensued between the engineers — the opinion of the geologists being called in as to the nature of the covering-soil at various points — as to how great a span could be left in any given case, between the solid mass of earth left standing in the middle * Sec maps, Plates lo and i i. 154 HERCULANEUM part ii of the streets and the point where the houses cleared were supposed to end ; also by what means these broad arched tunnels could be walled and concreted ; how far steel pillars and girders could be used at various points without interfering too much with the appearance of the portions laid bare. Of course a complete system of electric lighting was to be employed from the beginning, and permanently installed in the portions excavated. At this point the engineers and geologists appealed to their colleagues representing the artistic aspect of the enterprise, as to how far such subterranean exposition of the remains, with, perhaps, a forest of iron pillars, girders, and trestle-work, might not seriously impair the artistic effect. It was strongly main- tained by a member of the staff, who especially represented the artistic aspect, that elements introduced into ancient structures and works of art which frankly, on the face of them, impressed upon the eye their true nature as preservative supports, in no way interfered with the effect which an ancient structure was to produce. On the contrary, from the very outset it impressed the antiquity of the work upon the spectator, and was far preferable to all forms of restoration which remodelled and modernised an ancient structure, or hid or covered the support necessitated by age and the ravages of time. It was like the repair or a puntello on ancient sculpture, which interfered far less with the essence of a work of art, than a complete restora- tion in which missing parts (noses, hands, etc.) were supplied and counterfeited as antique. To take a definite instance, he maintained, that in the Praxitelean Hermes at Olympia, the iron bar below the knees to the foot, formerly to be seen, was now replaced by a smooth new restoration of the leg (evidently borrowed from the Apollo Belvedere) which was quite out of keeping with the statue itself and disturbed its proportion and artistic effect. The presence of such pillars and girders in the Herculanean tunnels, besides clearly announcing the excavation of the buried city, would become, in that light, a picturesque WALL-PAINTING. Frieze witii Anioriiii variously occupied. Pt.ATE 36. CHAP. II BEFORE EXCAVATION 155 element in itself, like the complex fretwork of scaffolding in great modern buildings, which produced a peculiar artistic effect in itself The general appearance of such an underground city, with well-regulated electric light, would add to the sumptuous effect of the excavations as a whole, and would avoid the monstrous and fiat appearance which pertained to Pompeii, where street after street and house after house presented them- selves to the weary tourist in the hard and uncompromising light of a Southern day. Another member of the staff also pointed to the great advantage pertaining to such an underground exposition, in that the objects were sheltered from the effect of climate, sun and rain, which were visibly damaging the exposed buildings and the frescoes on the walls of Pompeii ; while the danger, ever present, from future eruptions and the rain of ashes, which might at any moment bury and destroy what had been excavated with such pains, was averted in the case of such a subterranean city. The report of the engineers favouring the excavation in part from above, and in part by means of permanent tunnelling, was thereupon unanimously adopted. The next question discussed was the disposal of the refuse earth. A letter was read from the Minister of Public Works at Rome, stating that the Government were ready to transport all the refuse by means of railway-trucks, if it could he brought from the excavations to any point on the Naples-Salerno line. The material would then be transferred in order to be utilised in the Naples harbour works. A member suggested that it might be utilised nearer home in the building of a molo for the harbour of Resina or Portici ; but it was decided to leave this question in the hands of the Ministry. On the other hand, it was agreed that a complete system of Decauville rails was at once to be planned from all the centres of excavation to converge upon a plot of ground to be walled in at a point joining the Naples-Salerno Railway. That all the earth 156 HERCULANEUM part n brought to this enclosure was to be passed through a series of sieves — ranging from wide steel bars, to hold the larger and heavier objects, to the finest wires, retaining a small gem or sliver of metal — succeeding one another on slopes ; that, under careful supervision, this earth was to be examined for any objects that might have escaped the notice of the excavators on the spot, and that the refuse should then be automatically transferred to the trucks belonging to the Department of Public Works. The important question now presented itselt to the staff as to how, and at what point or points, the excavations were to be begun. The question of the actual extent of ancient Herculaneum was now discussed among the archaeologists.^ Whether or not Herculaneum had town walls rested on very slight evidence. It seemed clear that the limits of the town could be defined in the direction of the sea. On the north-west side the theatre may mark the limit of the town ; while the great villa, the " Casa dei Papiri," certainly does this to the west. On the north-east, Dall' Osso was led to believe that, on an analogy ot Naples and the Piraeus, where we have the clearest specimens for the Hippodamian plan of laying out the city, the main street, running north-west and south-west, divides the town into two halves. We might thus compute an equal distance to the north-east from the main street as the portion towards the sea now gives us. But the outlines of both Naples and the Piraeus are not so regular as to give any certainty in this respect in the case of Herculaneum. The same uncertainty is to be found in attempting to define the south-eastern limits. Beloch may be right in considering the large building at the south-east (marked in La Vega's map with a cross,- and thought by him to be a temple) a villa outside the town, and thus defining the town limits to the north-east of that building. On the whole it was agreed that the exact limits ot the 1 See Book I. Chapters I. and IV., and Plates 10 and 11. 2 See Book I. Chapter I., Plate 11. 2 1- < > - CHAP. II BEFORE EXCAVATION 157 town itself could not be defined with certainty. Nor was this deemed essential. It was felt by all that, as regards the town, the most important point was the main street running from north-west to south-east. This street was already discovered in the eighteenth century.^ Now it was, above all, important to rediscover this street. The first suggestion made was, that, by working up the street of the " Scavi Nuovi," we must strike the main street at right angles, probably at a point between two buildings (the Curiae or temples) - and immediately opposite the Basilica.^ This would at once give us the most important central points of the town. We know also that the excavation of the Basilica was not completed in the eighteenth century ,■* and that we might here expect to make important finds. In connection with this desistance of the early excavators, it was also maintained that we know that some years were spent in digging tunnels all round the Basilica.^ Now, the points where these tunnels were begun are fixed by the distance, given in palmi, from the theatre. Such a point might easily be identified, a shaft sunk, and the earlier tunnel followed up to the Basilica. Another member, however, pointed out that the work at the Basilica was given up because some cottages above collapsed. Now, this group of cottages has been identified as lying between the " Vicolo di Mare " and the Gardens of Benedetto and Priori to the south.'' These cottages can easily be found now, and a shaft sunk there would bring us to the Basilica. It was shown that a complete excavation of the Basilica was one ot the most important and promising tasks. In the eighteenth century it yielded a rich harvest of paintings and statues, and we know that the interior of the building was never attacked by the excavators (see Part I. Chapter I.). It 1 See Chapter I. Part I. "- Sec Chapter I. Part I. » See Chapter I. Part I. < Sec Chapters I. and IV. '■> Sec Chapter IV. " See Chapters I. and IV. 158 HERCULANEUM part 11 could be predicted almobt with certainty that great finds would here be made. Ultimately it was agreed unanimously that the work, ot tunnelling should be begun up the street of the " Scavi Nuovi," so as to reach the main street opposite the Basilica. Simulta- neously a shaft was to be sunk at the cottages above mentioned to reach the Basilica at this point, and, while excavating the Basilica, to tunnel in the direction of the " Scavi Nuovi " in order to meet the tunnel coming in that direction from below ; also to work to the right and left along the main street when this was reached. From the very beginning also excavation from above, entirely clearing away the top-soil, was to be vigorously pushed forward on the open land to the right and left (south-east and north-west) of the "Scavi Nuovi." Furthermore, as Ruggiero (Introduction, pp. 40 and 41) has shown, the site of the great villa, the " Casa dei Papiri," can easily be found. It is almost due west of the theatre, the so- called terrazzo tondo^ of the villa being about 370 metres from the theatre and 39.68 metres from the Caravoti (now Fanelli) garden."^ It really stands in the Royal Gardens of Portici with no houses above it. Thus shafts could at once be sunk here, and it can then be decided whether the excavation should be from above, clearing the whole villa, or by means of tunnellings. In any case, when we remember the splendid finds in works of art and in manuscripts made in this villa, the knowledge that the excavation was not completed in the eighteenth century, and that the portions towards the ancient town still remain unexplored and intact, make it imperative that this work be at once undertaken. Works of art were found in every room of the house, and manuscripts were not confined to the library. We may therefore confidently look forward to the discovery of important treasures on this spot. 1 See Part I. Chapter I. '^ Ruggiero, Scat'i (TErcolano, p. xl. Introduction, ik. Map, Plate ii. WALL-I'AINTING. CEREMONY IN IIJI. WciKsllll' OK ISIS. Plate 3S. CHAP. II BEFORE EXCAVATION 159 Attention was also drawn to the tact that, if Beloch ' is right in considering the large building at the south by south- west side of the ancient town (marked as a temple with a cross in La Vega's map) a valla, this might also give a great yield. It was decided to sink a shaft at this point and to begin extensive operations there. Finally, it was decided to sink shafts at a point to the north-east, in the direction of Santa Maria di Pugliani, where objects were found (wall-paintings, etc.) which led Ruggiero^ to believe that the house formed part of the town. Dall' Osso,^ on the other hand, has good reasons for holding that this also was a villa. There are no houses above this spot. The whole meeting agreed in deciding that, however desirable it was to excavate the town itself, in view of the a priori probability of making important finds in villas, and especially of the fact that by far the greatest treasures and the largest number of works of art and manuscripts all had come from the one villa, we must strain every nerve to discover such villas. Therefore, while the regular work was proceeding into the heart of the town, besides the shafts that were to be sunk at the points just indicated, several gangs of men were to be distributed over the whole immediate neighbourhood of the ancient town, to sink trial shafts in the hope of discovering such villas. As soon as such a site was identified, systematic excavation on a larger scale was at once to be vigorously pushed forward. This, in the opinion of the majority of the staff, appeared to be the most important part of the whole task before them. At the end of these preliminary meetings of the staff it was also agreed that the actual workmen should, as far as possible, be drafted from Resina and the neighbouring towns. ' Campariieii, p. 229. - Scavi d' Ercolano, p. vii. See Book I. Chapter I. " Iribuna, January 29, 1907. Sec Book I. Chapter I. CHAPTER III DURING EXCAVATION The work is proceeding vigorously at several points. As we view the busy scene from the higher ground, we can distinguish different centres of excavation where masses of workmen are digging energetically. They become more distinctly recognis- able by flags which are marked with different letters. In some cases it is only by means of these flags and the rails leading to the spot that we can identify them ; for these are the tunnel or shaft mouths, and the work is proceeding underground. As we look down from our higher point, we distinguish two large groups of workmen to the right and left of the " Scavi Nuovi"; these have flags marked respectively A and B. They locate the excavators clearing the masses of earth towards the Royal Gardens of Portici and the open spaces on the south-east. The flag marked C shows the mouth of the great tunnel following up the street to the north-east beneath the town of Resina. D and E are the flags to the north, marking the shafts sunk on the supposed site of the Basilica and at Santa Maria di Pugliano. F is the shaft- mouth at the great building to the south-east of the town, and G denotes the shaft to the " Villa Suburbana," the " Casa dei Papiri." Smaller flags in the distance tell us of the various exploring parties who are sinking shafts to find further suburban villas. The high flag-pole, with the Italian flag fluttering in the wind, almost in the centre of the whole work, is placed in front of a shed to which telephone wires run from every one 1 60 liRONZE SI All hl'IH. AMAZON. i'LATE 39. CHAP. Ill DURING EXCAVATION i6i of the centres of work. Here the Chief of the staff with several vice-chiefs and aides-de-camp is always to be found, and is in constant communication with the several centres. Questions are at every moment referred to headquarters, and doubtful points submitted here for his decision — points relating to the administration of the work, and the progress of the work itself. Either the Chief or one of the vice-chiefs is always to be found here. But periodically one or the other, who is du jour, makes the round of all the works on inspection. Another characteristic feature of the scene before us is the network of rails issuing from these several centres, and all converging to one point, the enclosed yard near the railway line. Here the trucks are plying to and fro from the open excavations or the tunnel-mouths, depositing the earth which is here carefully sifted before it is transported. But we also notice switches on these lines of trucks which lead to the large group of sheds near the Chief's office ; and we can see how certain trucks, bearing small flags with the same letters as mark the flags at the point whence they come, are shunted to the sheds. The trucks contain the objects discovered at each point, and these are deposited in the large shed, each grouped separately according to the letter and number (A 5, D 3) on the flag, marking the truck that brought them. While from the tunnel and shaft mouths in the town the trucks run on wire -rope overhead, or the rails are clear of the traffic in the streets and the houses, the open space of excavation radiating on either side from the present " Scavi Nuovi " down to the railway line is enclosed by a continuous high wooden fence. It has been found necessary to do this in order to keep persons not engaged in the excavation from trespassing on the works, impeding progress and rendering the careful guarding of the objects found less effective. The whole question of policing was one of great difficulty. It was soon found necessary to exclude all persons who were not workmen or members of the staff" from the field of operations, M i62 HERCULANEUM part ii and at night a band of night-watchmen were always present at important works to guard the excavations and the storehouses. To ensure efficiency in this respect, and at the same time to further discipline, it was found necessary to provide all the workmen with bands worn round the arm, and even to give to each a card which was presented and left with the gate-keepers as they entered and returned from the works. This at the same time accounted for their presence during working hours, and made sure of the place being cleared when work closed. It was found most practical to provide the members of the staff with caps and with badges distinguishing between full members, associates, and probationers. This secured for them ready access to all parts of the work, and enabled them to use their authority with workmen and against possible intruders. The large number of visitors who flocked to Herculaneum from all parts of the world, eager to see the work and the finds, soon made it necessary, while encouraging their interest, to fix certain days and hours for such visits to the different points of the excava- tion, when those objects that were in a state fit for exposition were shown. But such visitors were invariably accompanied by members of the staff. Special facilities were granted to members of foreign committees and contributors to the funds. When now we visit any of the sections while the work is proceeding, we find a most systematic organisation. Each one of the sections, A, B, C, D, etc., is presided over by a full member of the staff, who may be an archaeologist, engineer, or representative of some other specialty. But each section must have at least an archaeologist and engineer in charge who are full members. Within the sections, again, the work is sub- divided into groups consisting of smaller gangs of workmen distinguished by numbers, directed in their work by some member or associate of the staff, who is responsible for the workmen and must keep the full record or diary of his work. As regards the workmen, it was soon found that an esprit de corps was developed among each section and each gang within BRONZE HELMET, WITH HATTLE-SCENE IN RELIEF. ? Iliupcrsis, I'l.ATf. 40. CHAP. Ill DURING EXCAVATION 163 the section, and that a closer relation — resulting in a sense of loyalty to their immediate chiefs — sprang up between the workmen and their particular members of the staff". They thus called themselves, and were known among each other, as A rives or E sevens ; or by the names ot their chiefs, as Giuliano's or Smith's men. It was also found of great advantage, in order to arouse keenness and care, to give prizes for the results of work at once and on the spot. In order that picking and digging should be carried on with great care, a prize in money, the amount varying with the value of the article, was at once given to the man or the gang who discovered the object. But the prize-money was above all affected by the state in which an object was found. If it was broken or damaged, whatever its value, no prize was given. It was even found practical that a greater prize should be granted when the objects were handed over with the earth on and uncleaned, or if the workman desisted from taking the object out of the ground and called the chief at the head of his gang, pointing out the spot, so that the expert could himself dig the object out. For it was found that objects were often damaged when workmen began eagerly and roughly to clean them, to satisfy their curiosity or their greed, and that therefore the greatest praise was due to him who curbed his keenness and enabled the expert to deal with delicate objects with the proper care. While thus increasing the energy of the workmen, and at the same time ensuring care and caution, it was found that such a system of prize-money removed all temptation from among the men to steal the portable objects. For they soon found that they could rely on the fairness of their chiefs in recognis- ing the value of the discovery, and that the sums they thus received were greater than those which dishonest dealers prowling about the works would have given. ^ 1 This system was developed by us in our excavations of the Argive Hcraeum, and it was found to fulfil the objects here enumerated. i64 HERCULANEUM part ii The chief of each smaller gang of workmen thus had a circumscribed area to work by himself, the plan of his work, prescribed by the chiefs of his section, and the general lines of work of each section having been agreed upon at the meetings of the whole staff ; while the chief and his assessors were bound to see that these lines were followed in each section. Now the chief of gang keeps the most careful diary of the work of his men, measuring and recording the layers as he proceeds. He must mark every object he finds with a running number, a definite colour in indelible ink showing that this mark designates the running numbers at the point of excava- tion.^ An object would thus be marked B, V. 3473, showing the section, the exact spot, and the number in the course of excavation, from which the day and hour could be ascertained. These marks, it is needless to add, would be placed on a part of the object where the design would not be interfered with. Where such marking should prove impracticable, firmly adhesive labels would be attached. To every section a photographer is attached. His work is so arranged that at every spot at which a separate gang is working he takes a photograph at fixed intervals. The negative itself is marked with the section and gang number, the date and the running number of the periodical view taken : D, Vn. 12/4, 6, 10 means that the negative shows the work at Section D, Gang VII., on April 12, the sixth round of the photographer at 10 o'clock before noon. These negatives are at once taken to the developing shed and are developed, while, with the least delay, three prints are at once taken, the mark being visible on the right-hand corner. Between these periodical photographings, special photographs are taken of important objects at every stage of their discovery and emergence from the earth. ' We shall see in the next chapter that a diiferent colour is needed to mark the objects in their grouping as objects — vases, statues, etc. BRONZE TRII'OU. Plate 41. CHAP. Ill DURING EXCAVATION 165 Other kinds of illustrations are also frequently demanded to be made at once and on the spot. So, for instance, it is feared that the fresh and beautiful colour of a wall-painting or of some definite object may fade. One of the artists is called by tele- phone, and at once makes a faithful sketch in water-colour or oils, to be added to the day-book record, and fixes the state of the colours at the moment of its first discovery. In many instances the chemists have to be called in to determine how such delicate objects are to be handled. Most thorough preliminary experi- ments have been made, and are still being carried on, as to the exact nature of the colours used in the different works by the ancients. It is then decided whether a certain object may or may not be exposed to the light ; whether it is at once to be encased in glass, the air being excluded ; whether a glass is at once to be placed in front of a delicate wall-painting or not. The chemical department has also done very successful work in dealing with bronzes. We are all rejoiced to hear that they can now secure immunity in the ancient bronze- patina, so that we need no longer hesitate, after due precautions have been taken, to make moulds from the most delicate bronzes. The exquisite bronze of the Seated Heracles, recently found in the Villa by the men of Section D, which caused such a thrill of excitement throughout the whole works — in fact, all over the world, — is now maintained by the competent authorities to be an early Greek reproduction of the famous Herakles Epitrapezios of Lysippus. We hear that the King of Italy has decided to have a number of facsimile reproductions made of this work, to be mounted on a pedestal bearing an inscription signed by the King, with the name of the person to whom it is to be presented inscribed in each case. After consultation, the King has decided to give a certain number of these to each national committee to be presented to their most generous subscribers. Architects and engineers have also occasionally to be called i66 HERCULANEUM part ii in by the chiefs of gang to decide about the safety of a wall, or to make plans and drawings of such structures as may be necessary in order that the work may proceed properly. Great difficulty has just been encountered in dealing with a house in Tunnel C. This house was found in a most perfect state of preservation, the upper storey and the roof being intact. The span of the tunnel, required to show it completely and to set the roof free, was found to be so great that it was decided to run a thick supporting wall to the top, thus, as it were, cutting the house in two, and exhibiting it in two separate tunnels. Not long ago it was found necessary to transport carefully some of the earth to be analysed in the laboratory ; while some bones and some specimens of cereals, tound in large vases [pithoi), were sent to the zoologists and botanists of the Royal Agricultural College at Portici for their examination, as some light might thereby be thrown on the nature of the building excavated. Of all these incidents and facts the diary of each chief of gang takes most accurate records. At the large store-shed, where the objects found each day are deposited, there is always the greatest activity. The trucks marked by the flags denoting the section and gang arrive continuously. Within this spacious shed the spot for depositing the finds from each section is fenced off. The trucks are carefully unloaded, and, by workmen skilfully trained, the contents are deposited and arranged with caution, according to the days of their discovery. At the end of the day the staff-member in charge of the site excavated at once proceeds to the shed, and, diary in hand, he identifies the objects sent down, his list being copied out by the officials present during this examination, and the list (serving as part of the inventory of the whole contents of the shed) is deposited with the clerk of the shed. With this the stage of discovery, as far as it is immediately < o w > -J -J O CHAP. Ill DURING EXCAVATION 167 connected with the actual excavation, has ended. We shall follow the process after this stage in the next chapter. It will, of course, be seen how numerous a staff is required ; for at no time is there any part or point of the excavation without an expert inspector. As one man cannot be present during the whole of the working day, relays of members of the staff must be ready to take their turn at the work. Besides these, as will be seen in the next chapter, a large band of trained men will be required to supervise the different store-rooms and restoring and cleaning sheds, as also for the elaborate system of keeping the records. The department of publication, finally, will also require a considerable number of trained men. Therefore our rough estimate of one hundred members of the staff does not err in the direction of exaggera- tion. All the younger members of the staff will have to take their turn in these several departments of the work. Besides making their work on the spot more intelligent and efficient (for it is always good in a great organisation that the worker at one department or in one phase of the work should be acquainted with the relation which his part bears to the whole), this system will offer the most complete training to the archaeological student and to the future official of a museum. But the whole work itself, as we shall further see, thereby gains in organic quality, in accuracy and thoroughness, and in the complete control of the manifold and complex results which it presents. A striking feature in the life of the staff is the midday meal taken in common. The chief presiding calls on the different heads of sections to make a short and informal report of the progress of the work during that day. He, in his turn, may call upon one of his chiefs of gang. The work is com- pared, difficulties as they arise are here rapidly discussed, additional or special help demanded. But this again serves to keep all the separate sections in touch with one another, and to enable the individual members to maintain some i68 HERCULANEUM part ii acquaintance with the work as a whole : never to lose sight of the due proportion in the work, to co-ordinate and subordinate their own efforts to those of their colleagues, and to foster the spirit of unity. They would thus always have present in their mind the great task which has brought them and keeps them all together, and the more remote ideals which move them and which inspired the whole enterprise. Another striking and picturesque scene is afforded by pay-day, after midday each Saturday. The workmen, each bringing his tools, are all grouped together in a large semi- circle, according to their sections and gangs, and are called up by name. The chief and the staff are seated in the middle of the circle. As each workman advances to receive his pay in a small open envelope, he deposits his tools, to be resumed by him on the following Monday. There may exceptionally be some word of praise or blame or warning addressed to individuals. This also applies to sections or gangs. Occasionally some form of address referring to the work, to discipline, or to matters concerning the enterprise as a whole, is delivered by the chief of the staff. But here too, among the workmen as among the staff, the espi-k de corps, encouraged among the gangs and sections, is impressed upon the body of the workmen as a whole, and every means used to quicken their intelligent interest in the enterprise and the higher aims which inspire all concerned in it. O J. Q O CHAPTER IV AFTER EXCAVATION In the last chapter we left the chief of gang as he had inspected the objects coming from his works after they were deposited in the large shed, with his own list in his hand ; and this list, having been verified, was copied out by the inspector of the shed. We now follow him as he wends his way up to Resina and enters a large house with the sign " Archivio degli Scavi." This house contains numerous offices with clerks, and might, from its appearance, be a bank or any large business house. He enters a room where he is received by the chief of this office, to whom he hands his day-book. A large day-book marked with the section and number of his works {e.g. F, 6) is produced, and, according to the date, the day-book of the chief of gang is copied out, including his account of buildings, walls, frescoes, and all the list of objects found, as deposited in the shed. This day-book is subsequently passed on to another office where the large ledgers are kept : (i) giving a summary of the whole excavation day by day ; (2) giving the list of objects found in running numbers, without regard to the day. These are edited or abridged from the day-books. The lists of finds are then transmitted to another room, where separate ledgers are kept for each class of objects — houses, paintings, marble sculpture, bronzes, vases, etc. — into which the entries are again made. After the chief of gang has communicated his diary to the chief of the office in charge of the daily records, his work is done. 169 170 HERCULANEUM part ii We must now return to the large shed where the truck- loads have been deposited, and see what happens here atter the inventory of each day's finds, checked by the diary of the excavator himself, has been made. We must follow the history of these "objects" through the several stages while they are under the control ot the excavators. As soon as feasible, these objects are roughly sorted in the shed itself. On rare occasions some objects are found in such complete state of preservation, and so free from adhesion ot earth and other blemishes, that they can at once (properly marked anew) be transferred to the special shed where the class to which they belong (statues, vases, inscriptions, etc.) are kept. All the other finds are, in the first instance, removed to the "cleaning sheds." The official bringing them demands a receipt for the objects of which he gives a list, and this list is again copied out into the book kept by a clerk attached to the shed. The chemical staff had for some time been engaged in making experiments how to deal with the cleaning ot various objects, so as to tree them trom earth, corrosions, and adhesions, and have devised an excellent system by v^'hich the objects are effectively cleaned (by jets or sprays of water or chemical solutions of varying temperature and under different pressure, etc.), without in any way damaging their surface or the colours and delicate polish applied to them originally. In doubtful cases, namely those that do not clearly come under the general processes adopted, the object is taken to the chemical laboratory (a receipt being given and record being kept of such transference), where the treatment is carefully applied by the most competent experts. We have already mentioned that our chemists had made most important discoveries concerning the treatment of bronze. These not only refer to the preservation of the patina^ but to the restoration of shape and design. Shapeless masses of bronze, the appearance of which at first sight made all restoration of form and design seem hopeless, are SILVER SITULA. Scene in bath in rcpmise \\or\i.. Pr.ATE 44. CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION 171 treated by different solutions until the original shape and outline and the most delicate linear ornament and inscription reappear.^ Upon issuing from the "cleaning shed," the fragmentary objects are at once transferred to the " sorting shed," the same process of receipts and records being again followed in this case. Here every attempt is made to find the missing portions belonging to an incomplete object, and to group together the several parts of an object that form a whole. There are long tables in this shed, and the fragments, according to the class of objects (vases, terra-cottas, bronzes, inscriptions, etc.) to which they belong, are each given their table ; while the fragments deposited are kept on shelves and are distributed according to the place where they were found and the date of their finding. In this respect those engaged at Herculaneum are excep- tionally fortunate compared with other excavators. In all sites, not thus covered by volcanic eruption, the objects are found scattered all over the ancient site, often hopelessly heterogeneous fragments massed together from different parts, often far removed from their original location. This is especially the case where buildings have been subsequently erected on the earlier site and the space has been levelled and filled in, the various remains being used to level the ground as " dry rubbish." In any case the soil has been turned over, and it can readily be imagined with what effect upon the fragmentary objects strewn about. This is well illustrated by the excavations on the Acropolis of Athens, where, after the Persian invasion and destruction of the buildings on the Acropolis, the surface was levelled by Kimon, and the ruins and refuse were utilised to fill up the hollows. It was out of this confused mass of filling — what the Germans called the Perserschutt — that the numerous interesting finds were made. We found similar conditions in our excavations at the Argive Heraeum, where ' It was most startling to watch the results thus attained some years ago by Mr. Bather, of the British School of Athens, in dealing with the Acropolis bronzes, and of Mr. Dc Cou in his careful work on our bronzes from the Argive Heraeum. Only the colour and patina had often suffered. 172 HERCULANEUM part ii the ground was levelled and prepared below the terrace of the burnt temple, by utilising all the remains and the mass of debris about it, to fill in the ground and the foundations, when in 423 B.C. the second temple was built. It can be imagined how this refuse, containing sculpture, vase-tragments, and terra-cotta fragments, bronzes, etc., presented a confused mass of unrelated parts. The barbarous hordes who, at various periods, swept over the ancient sites, each used what they found for their rude dwellings and fortifications and other purposes of their life. We thus come upon the several frag- ments of the same statue in distant parts of the site of Olympia, where, through Verse hleppung, the so-called Slaven-mauer proved prolific in remains of sculpture. Fortunately this has not been the case at Herculaneum ; and though, owing to the onward rush of the mud-stream, there are isolated cases in which objects have been transferred from their original destination, the parts of the same work, even when separated, have not been wantonly mixed up and confused by the hand of man, as is the case in all other sites. The work, of piecing together in the "sorting shed" has thus been far simpler and more successful than in any previous excavations. When the fragments forming one object have thus been grouped together, they are transferred to the " repairing shed " — the same process of recording being here observed. Here a large band of most highly skilled " restorers " are engaged in fixing together the fragments, until a complete object is presented out of them. Of course, in certain cases, some small portion may be wanting and may never be forthcoming. In no case is this supplied anew and in imitation of its antique appearance. Additions are only made where structurally they are necessary to support the object or to indicate the general shape — a support to a statue, the missing portions of a vase in white plaster, etc. The objects which are thus completed are now transferred to the difi^erent sheds, where there is already a splendid array rich in finds of every description. The shed of marble and < > a. U > CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION 173 stone sculpture chiefly exhibits Roman portrait-statues and busts — these will always remain of high and peculiar artistic, as well as historical, value. In the portion of the " Casa dei Papiri," which the excavators of the eighteenth century left unexplored, we were elated to find a number of busts of philosophers — not merely of the Epicurean School — and the great treasure, a double-herm of Plato and Aristotle with inscription. Delighted as I am with this splendid find, I feel that I must not be ungrateful to Hermes Kairos for shedding his favour upon us, in an almost childish sense of partial disappointment ; for Plato is here represented as an old man, and the clean-shaved, rather dandyish Aristotle as a young man. In my conception of the two great philosophers I had hitherto always imagined Plato as the younger idealistic head, the poet- philosopher ; while I can never think of Aristotle as anything but an old man, at least one in full maturity of years. But a colleague has pointed out to me how this difference of age between the two philosophers confirms his view that these busts are, if not originals, at least very good copies of a Greek original dating back earlier than the middle ot the fourth century B.C., and that the busts were taken from life when the relative ages of the two philosophers corresponded to that shown in the portraits. The marble sculpture shed also contains some statues of divinities, of athletes and reliefs, that illustrate the various periods of earlier Hellenic art. There are even among them two statues, one an early archaic work, the other an athlete belonging to the first quarter of the fifth century b.c. Consider- able difference of opinion existed among the experts whether the second statue belonged to the School of Magna Graecia (Pythagoras of Rhegion), the School of Aegina, the early School of Argos preceding Polykleitus, or even the Attic School about the time of Hegias or Kalamis. But the fortunate find of a bronze statue discovered recently, bearing the inscription Uv0ay6pa<; 'Ftjyivo'i ivoirjae (Pythagoras of Rhegium made it), has 174 HERCULANEUM part ii made it clear that the marble statue is by him, or is a copy of one of his works, and that a whole series of other statues in our European museums can now be identified as being his. The richest and most important shed remains that containing the Bronzes. I have just mentioned one striking find recently made. It would take us too far to attempt an enumeration of these finds. There is also a large shed containing paintings, graphiti, and those wall-paintings which cannot be left on the houses in situ. Another shed contains inscriptions ; another is for vases and terra-cottas ; and still another for works of minor arts and crafts, including cases for gems and coins. All the objects here deposited are carefully recorded, and at once receive a running mark in a colour (differing distinctly from the previous marking) showing the shed and the number of the object, such as S (for sculpture) 3423. All this marking, and especially the records kept at every stage, make the care of the objects as secure as possible. In fact, it is easy to fix the disappearance of any object within the narrowest limits when it can no longer be traced; and up to the present moment no object of importance has been lost. For, the moment an object is lost sight of, it is easily traced by consulting the inventories from the first shed in which the finds are deposited in their rough state, through each transfer, the receipts for its acceptance in that department being shown, to its last deposit in the special shed containing the complete objects of its class. The point at which no receipt is found shows the shed or the intervening transfer to be the region where careful search must be made, and fixes the responsibility within proper limits. There has recently been considerable discussion within the Italian Government and in the Italian press as to the stage at which complete articles should be transferred to the permanent museums. I am happy to hear that the balance of opinion tends towards their retention in the neighbourhood of the SILVER MIRROR CASE WITH RELIEF. ? Ariadne. The rim is modern. Plate 46. CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION 175 excavations until these shall have been completed, a most perfect surveillance now being organised at these temporary museums. It is also not yet decided whether they should finally be deposited at Naples, or whether the Royal Palace of Portici should be converted into a large Herculanean Museum. Those who favour the former alternative, besides maintaining that the newly discovered objects ought not to be separated from those in the Naples Museum found in previous excava- tions, strongly urge that the greater distance from Vesuvius in the case of Naples offers more security to these valuable collections against the danger from future eruptions. All the fragments that could not be identified or used in forming a complete object are deposited in a large shed where they are kept till the whole excavation has been completed. They are arranged according to sections, and at any moment a search can be made through them, if such re-examination is rendered desirable in the progress of the work. A large house in Resina has been appropriated to the papyri. Several interesting finds of these most important treasures have already been made. At this moment the whole staff is in a state of expectant excitement, because in a house in tunnel D, in which several manuscripts have already been found, they are now about to enter a room which, in all probability, appears to be a library. Each scholar is in a state of hopeful exaltation that new portions of his favourite author may be forthcoming. Like children, even the aged and most sober are building and discussing their castles in Spain. They are impatient with the heads of that section for not pushing on the work more rapidly. But the engineers and architects use every care to secure the walls of the building and proceed with the greatest thoroughness. They rightly maintain that our impatience, and the special desire of securing certain objects, ought never to lead us to slur over the actual work of excavating and endanger the security and preservation of the structure ; reminding us that in the immediate as well as the 176 HERCULANEUM part 11 remote past, excavation has too often meant the ruthless ^'gg^"g oi" hunting for one class of object which, in our greedy estimation, we considered of supreme desirability and importance. A long series of investigations and experiments made by our chemists on some papyri have led to most fruitful results — not only in the facility and security with which they can now be unrolled, but especially in the restoration of such portions as were formerly deemed worthless, to a state in which they can now be deciphered with ease. The process is far more advanced than the rudimentary one described by Winckelmann,^ and hardly improved upon down to recent times. The best chemical authorities have been at work on some of the illegible fragments formerly cast away, have dissolved and analysed the papyrus, the ink, counteracted its carbonisation and the effects of moisture, and, submerging the whole roll in some compound, they not only are able to restore colour, but to soften the mass, so that it can be unrolled naturally and easily and without damage. So far we have followed the natural history of the objects themselves. Now to return to the human workers who found them. We left the chief of gang when he took the last step in his day's work, in submitting his day-book to the proper office of the " Archivio degli Scavi," where it was copied out and its contents transferred to the diff^erent books completing the records of the work. At the end of every week each section meets and in consultation prepares a report of the week's work and finds, which, together with the suitable and complete preliminary illustrations from the current photographs and drawings, are then published weekly in several languages. There are printing-presses and studios for the reproduction ot process- blocks on the spot. These reports are signed by the heads of ^ Winckelmann's Werke, Dresden, 1808, vol. ii. p. 240. FOUR SILVER MEDALLIONS. Platk 47. Two in liigh iclit-f, two in low relief. Apollo, Artemis, Satyr with lyre, Aniorini. CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION 177 each section and all the assistants, no distinction being made. The general reports on the work as a whole are signed by the Chief and the Executive Committee. A great point has been made of the necessity of thus publishing rapidly with illustra- tions the result of the work as it proceeds, not only because this assures the maintenance of interest in the enterprise all over the world, but also because, in the interest of science itself, it favours the proper elaboration of the results without unreasonable delay. One of the most deplorable practices of excavators has hitherto been that the most important results of their actual excavations have been withheld from students and from the public for such inordinately long periods. The mere know- ledge that discoveries have been made in certain directions has prevented those working in the same direction from completing their labours ; and they have thus been kept waiting for years, while the world at large has also been deprived of the benefits which the discoveries might have bestowed. The rapid publication of such weekly bulletins obviates these difficulties and disadvantages. The Council has even considered favour- ably the requests of certain specialists who, apprised of par- ticular finds through the bulletin, have come to Herculaneum to make further studies of definite objects. Such privilege is, of course, only granted in exceptional cases. So Professor Gomperz of Vienna is now at work at some papyri in the house containing them in Resina. Some difficulty was encountered in dealing with journalists who naturally flock here in numbers. They, of course, desire to give early news concerning important finds. The attitude of the authorities towards them has been decidedly favourable. Yet every effon is made not to encourage the spread of sensational and false reports, and not to lay the staff open to the charge of partiality in the distribution of news. The Information Bureau, open at certain hours, is officially em- powered to give accounts of discoveries and to distribute 178 HERCULANEUM part 11 photographs when these have been passed by the Committee on Publication. The final official publication of all the work is in the hands of the Italian Government, and its preparation will be spread over years. The Italian Government will invite some of the foreign scholars to take part in this final publication. A last word on the life of those engaged in the excava- tions. The relation of the staff to the workmen is excellent. Discipline is maintained without difficulty. With all good fellowship, and the interest which all those who have individually to deal with the men manifest in their lives and in their welfare, the rules are carried out with justice, yet with firmness. The black sheep are at once dismissed beyond recall. This at first caused some difficulty : the traditions of personal favouritism are so deeply embedded among people who are in the early stages of self-government, that it has taken some time for them to realise the absoluteness of law and the fairness with which their superiors adhere to its requirements even against their personal interest or inclination. But they have come to put their faith in the justice, fairness, and truthfulness which are the supreme principles of the whole organisation and the leading characteristic of those in authority. There was also some difficulty owing to the intrusion of local politics. There were even traces of the activity of secret societies. Here, too, a certain humorous good- nature in wilfully ignoring the existence of such powers, as well as an undaunted fearlessness and firmness in carrying out the rules governing the work, soon convinced those who desired to divide authority that their efforts would be unavailing. Moreover, the great economic advantage to the labouring population and to the whole of the community springing from the works themselves, and the wealth brought by the masses of visitors flocking to the spot, convinced all parties that nothing but good could accrue to the whole neighbourhood, and that those responsible for CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION 179 the execution of the work honestly and actively had this at heart. Among the members of the International Staff itself all has gone smoothly. The Committee on Discipline has had no work to do. A tradition, leading to the development of a code of intercourse for the regulation of the common life, has more and more established itself. It is based upon the widest amount of freedom and independence, while recognising the manifest desire to cultivate good relations and an esprit de corps, constantly impressed upon all the members by the common work and the common ends. Antipathies and differences of opinion are soon reconciled or rendered harmless. Strange to say, the more noticeable differences or disagreements have never arisen between members of various nationalities ; they have always occurred between members of the same nationality. It has been found that colleagues of the same nationality often manifested a want of appreciation of each other's qualities and achievements, and that in many cases, through the just appreciation of the foreign members, the scientific worth and the excellence of character of a member from one country have here for the first time impressed themselves upon their own countrymen, hitherto blind to them. The mode of life and the arrangements for social intercourse outside of working hours have no doubt been greatly con- tributory in producing these good results. Besides the midday meal in common, an evening meal is also provided for all those who desire to avail themselves of it. Here, too, there are consultations and discussions concerning the work. The reading-room and club-rooms afford all varieties of games and amusements. But, occasionally, meetings are called for the more regular and formal discussion of important points concerning the work and the organisation of life, in addition to the sittings of the various committees. Twice a week there are lectures, papers are read, and a discussion follows. But the intellectual life is not confined to the archaeological interest or to any i8o HERCULANEUM part ii specialty relating to the work. Literature and art of all periods and countries are cultivated ; and the most favourable opportunities are afforded to each member to acquaint himself with the intellectual, artistic, and moral movements, past and present, of other nations, through the immediate contact and communion with the best representative people from those countries into which he had never penetrated, and whose life and thought had hitherto remained remote and devoid of all vividness, if not of reality. Physical culture is also not neglected. On Saturday afternoons and Sundays all forms of sport are cultivated, and the men, released and off duty for the time, find refreshment in practising them at odd moments. Each nation has introduced its own games and sports, and most have found favour among all. The Germans, Swiss, and Swedes have chiefly developed gymnastics, for which a suitable precinct and implements have been supplied. The English have initiated their colleagues into football, cricket, and golf. The Americans have created much interest in base-ball, which threatens to supersede cricket, as it does not require so much time. Lawn-tennis was played from the outset. Spaniards have recently taught the interesting Basque game oi pa lota. Fencing and even boxing are practised in the evening. But, with the clear waters of the Bay at the very door, rowing has been the most popular pastime. The regattas on holidays cause great excitement in the neighbour- hood. By a correct instinct, however, the crews are never formed on national lines ; but, as far as possible, grouped by sections and gangs. This applies also to the matches in other games. The keenness of section pitted against section, and the esprit de corps (spreading to the workmen as well) thus elicited and confirmed, have entirely replaced national emulation. An incident illustrative of the genius loci was the departure of the veteran Professor Baumann, who had been an active member of the staff from the beginning of the work. He was looked up to by all, not only for his deep learning and eminent CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION i8i achievements in scholarship, hut also for his pure and honest character and the simplicity of his kindly demeanour. His tolerance, geniality, and, above all, his considerateness and helpfulness towards the younger and humbler members of the staff, made him the most popular and beloved figure of the community. In appearance as well as mentality he was a well- balanced combination of the type to which a Mommsen belonged, softened and mellowed by the gentleness and kindliness, the big and good lines, of Heinrich Brunn. He marks the splendid survival of the true German Gelehrte of old days, thorough in learning, unflinching in laborious con- centration on work, and ardently, though unostentatiously, following the purest and the highest ideals. Baumann belongs to a type when Streberthum was as unknown a term in the German language as the frame of mind was in the lives of its scholars and men of science. When health and duties at home called him away, it was with genuine grief that he left the work in which he was so enthusiastically concerned, and with universal sorrow that the news was received among all members of the staff. A farewell dinner was given to him by the whole staff, present on that occasion in full numbers. The speech, which he made in response to the laudatory words of the Chief, was delivered in excellent Italian, concise in meaning and finished in form, sincere in the directness with which it conveyed the truest conviction, free from all rhetoric, so that the slight trace of German accent was entirely forgotten, and all who had the privilege of hearing it were so deeply impressed that the words will remain with them for the rest of their lives. He surveyed the whole of their work, and ventured to give a forecast of its total and ultimate results. Impressing upon his audience the specific nobleness of the task before them, he dwelt upon the supreme and inalienable claims of the search for truth among all human endeavours — truth in and for itself " When truth is the aim, nothing is too high, nothing too low to merit our 1 82 HERCULANEUM part ii greatest and most sustained eiforts in the finding of it. An ant-hill religiously studied has the same justification as the exploration of the Himalayas ; the microscope applied to the smallest organic speck may lead to the loftiest truth as much as the telescope which reveals infinite worlds of planets. But at one period and among a certain definite group of human beings one sphere of inquiry may call more loudly and with greater claims for our attention and active sympathy than another. ' Charity begins at home ' applies to the life of man's intellect, to the community of science as well as to social life. For us who are essentially the inheritors of Western civilisation, the great past of the ancient classical world, of Hellenism, lies nearest to the hearthstone of our earthly abode ; and, above all other periods of history, above all other achieve- ments of man's past, this is the one which it is our duty to restore to the life of pure knowledge and science, to make our own, and to revive the best that ever lives in its spirit. That is what we are here for. Forgive me," he continued, " if I add but one word more which may seem to lie beyond the limits of our immediate work. I am not a preacher, I am a humble worker in the cause of truth. I am neither a man of the world nor a politician ; yet, as I am old and most of you are young, let me impress upon you one great lesson I have learnt here and shall take away with me to impart it to my friends at home. It is the first lesson preached and lived by one who stands as the spiritual father of the greatest of Western religions : the love of man to man, or rather of good and noble men for each other, irrespective of race, of country, of class, but united by their admiration for what is best in life and in the world — by their ideals. " What we have actually — not in theory or in mere words — learnt, what we have experienced, felt, lived through, until it becomes a conviction, a fundamental emotion in our conscious existence, is to appreciate and to value and to love those whom we never had the opportunity of really knowing before. CHAP. IV AFTER EXCAVATION 183 National differences — above all, national prejudices — have vanished between us, based as they were on ignorance. "This is one of the great lessons which our common work has brought in its train, as an additional gift, perhaps the most precious which has here been bestowed upon us. I am deeply grateful for it. Let every one of us as we go home teach it to our children and our friends, and, perhaps, from this small focus there may spread a warmth and a glow all over the world which will be a blessing of peace to mankind." APPENDIXES 185 APPENDIX I DOCUMENTS 1 RELATING TO THE INTERNATIONAL SCHEME OF EXCAVATION, 1903 TO 1907 LETTER FROM LORD KNOLLYS, 1903 Sandringham, Norfolk, December 28, 1903. My dear Professor Waldstein — I have submitted your letter to the King, who is much interested in your proposed scheme to carry out excavations at Herculaneum. He will not, however, be in London for some little time ; independently of which, he does not think there would be any practical use in his seeing you until you are able : 1. To tell him what would be the probable cost of the excavations. 2. Whether the Italian Government would agree to their being made. His Majesty would suggest that on both of these points you should consult with Mr. Neville Rolfe, the British Consul at Naples. With every good wish for the New Year. — Yours very truly, Knollys. LETTER FROM PROFESSOR MERCALLI, 1904 Napoli, 18 aprile 1904. Chiarissimo Sig. Professore — Lo spessorc dclla roccia che ricopre Ercolano varia da 2 i a 34 metri (Hamilton). La roccia e tufacea come quella di Pompei, ma piu compatta e piu omogenea. Tuttavia c' e una stratificazione ; poichc il Lippi poti distinguere nove varicta di tufi sovrapposti gli uni agli altri. Al ' For all tlic private letters liere printed permission to publish tliem lias been obtained from the writers. 187 1 88 HERCULANEUM app. presente non si puo verificare, se queste osservazioni del Lippi sono esatte, senza eseguire scavi. Ma e certo che la parte piii bassa e costitulta da tufa a elementi piu fini (cenere), mentre la parte superiore e un tufo granular e gialliccio con elementi piu grossi (lapillo). Vicino agli scavi, i tufi sono ricoperti, non da per tutto ma in diversi punti, dalle lave del 1631. lo non sono pratico di scavi archeologici ; ma mi sembra che qui sarebbero possibili e non molto costosi degli scavi in galleria. Se desidera altri chiarimenti ch' io posso darle, mi comandi liberamente. Aggradisca i sensi della mia alta stima e mi creda della S.V. dev. Giuseppe Mercalli. LETTER OF AUTHORISATION FROM THE MINISTER OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ORLANDO, 1904 MiNisTERO dell' Istruzione, II Ministro, Roma, 21 aprlle 1904. Illustre Signore — Stamane ho avuto il piacere di essere informato da Lei del grandioso Suo disegno di promuovere, sotto il patrocinio di S.M. il Re d' Italia e di altri Capi di nazioni, una iniziativa mondiale per esplorare completamente Ercolano. Da tanta impresa, se attuata, la scienza, la storia, 1' arte potranno trarre vantaggi incalcolabili. Air ardito Suo progetto io fo plauso, e faccio voti che la grandezza e la difficolta deir impresa non ne impediscano 1' attuazione ; e che questa Italia, la quale apre le sue braccia all' amplesso del mondo, possa rivedere al sole le vestigia di quell' antica citta da cui uscirono opere cotanto mirabili. Accolga, illustre Signore, le espressioni della mia particolare stima. II Ministro Orlando. Air Illustre Prof. Carlo Waldstein, Grand Hotel, Rome. FIRST NOTICE IN THE TIMES, 1904 PROPOSED EXCAVATION OF HERCULANEUM {The Times^ April 23, 1904.) Rome, Jpril 22. An archaeological undertaking of a most important character is, I learn, about to be set on foot — namely, the complete excavation of Herculaneum. It is proposed that this vast work should be carried out by the co-operation of Italy with all civilised countries, and that there I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 189 should be a central managing committee in Rome with national com- mittees elsewhere. This scheme, which I have good reason to believe meets with the full support of the Italian Government, is one which Dr. Charles Waldstein has advocated for some time past, and upon which he and Mr. Shoobridge are now engaged in Rome. As is generally known, Herculaneum, both from its past history and from the objects hitherto found there, gives promise of being a far richer field of excavation than Pompeii or any other ancient site. Since the first excavations of the theatre to a depth of 27 metres below the surface in the time of Charles III., 1738, only partial excavations have been made — in 1828, 1837, 1853, 1869, and 1875. But all these were upon a very small and tentative scale. Owing to the fact that the town of Resina was built over the site, and to what appeared to be the enormous natural diffi- culties, no excavation on a large or comprehensive scale has ever been attempted. These natural difficulties I am, however, assured by com- petent authorities have now been overcome, and I am also informed that there is every hope that the great cost involved owing to the magnitude of the work mav be successfully met. LETTER FROM LORD KNOLLYS, 1904 Buckingham Palace, April 29, 1904. Dear Professor Waldstein — I have submitted your letter to the King, who congratulates you on your success so far. It will be a most interesting work, and I shall be happy to see you at the end of next week or at the beginning of the following one. — Yours very truly, Knollys. LETTER FROM THE HON. JOHN HAY, 1904 Department of State, Washington, May 28, 1904. My DEAR Waldstein — I have received your letter of the 17th of May, and submitted it to the President. He is naturally much interested in your plan, and authorises me to say how greatly he wishes you success in it. In case your anticipations should be realised, and the Kings of England and Italy should allow their names to be used as Honorary Chairmen, it would give him pleasure to serve in the same capacity in this country. — Yours faithfully, John Hay. Dr. Charles Waldstein, King's College, Cambridge, England. 190 HERCULANEUM app. LETTER FROM THE FRENCH MINISTER OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, CHAUMIE, 1904 Republique Fran^aise, Paris, le 22 juillet 1904. Ministire de I'lnstruction Publique ct des Beaux-Arts. Direction de I'Enseignement Superieur. 56 Bureau. Objet : Projet de constitution d'un Comite international pour I'organisation de fouilles a Herculanura. Monsieur le Professeur — Vous avez bien voulu m'entretenir de votre projet de constituer un comite international qui organiserait des fouilles a Herculanum. Ce projet me parait tout a fait digne d'interet ; je suis convaincu que I'entreprise que vous poursuivez donnera des resultats scientifiques importants et que la connaissance de I'antiquite en sera eclairee d'une lumiere nouvelle et plus vive. Je suis done tres heureux d'y donner ma pleine adhesion. Agreez, Monsieur le Professeur, I'assurance de ma haute consideration. Le Ministre de I'lnstruction publique et des Beaux-Arts, Chaumie. LETTER FROM LORD KNOLLYS, 1904 Buckingham Palace, July 23, 1904. Dear Professor Waldstein — I have submitted your letter of yesterday's date to the King, and His Majesty is very glad to hear that your work is progressing favourably. The King hopes that your visit to the various Countries you mention will be successful. — Yours very truly, Knollys. TWO LETTERS FROM THE IMPERIAL CHANCELLOR, PRINCE BULOW, 1904 NoRDERNEY, den 13. August '04. Verehrter Herr Professor — Ich habe meinem Kaiserlichen Herrn vorgetragen, was Sie Qber die von Ihnen beabsichtigten inter- nazionalen Ausgrabungen in Herculanum mir mitzutheilen die Freund- lichkeit hatten. Seine Majestat der Kaiser zeigte grosses Interesse fUr I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 191 Ihren Plan und sagte, von unserer Seite wilrde auf diese schOne Idee gern eingegangen vverden : schOn nicht nur, well dort voraussichtlich grosse Schatze von historischer, archaologischer und asthetischer Bedeu- tung aufgedeckt werden diirften, schOn auch, weil dadurch ein Binde- niittel zwischen den KulturvOlkern geschafFen wilrde. Ich bitte Sie also, auf unsere Mitwirkung fQr Ihr Unternehmen zu rechnen und sich an mich zu wenden, falls Sie auf Schwierigkeiten stossen sollten, die zu beseitigen ich Ihnen jederzeit behillflich sein werde. Ich habe dem Kaiser ferner genieldet, dass Sie den Wunsch hatten, Sich pers5nlich vorzustellen, und Seine Majestat hat mir gesagt, dass er Sie gern in Berlin empfangen wolle, wenn er anlasslich der Man5ver dorthin zurOckkehre ; das wQrde in der letzten August- Woche der Fall sein. Der Kaiser erinnerte sich mit Freuden, dass Sie so freundlich far seinen Generaladjutanten von Lovvenfeld gewesen, als derselbe in Eng- land war. Ich mOchte Ihnen daher rathen, Herrn von LOwenfeld auf- zusuchen oder Sich mit ihm in Verbindung zu setzen, da Sie von ihm am besten genau erfahren werden, wann Seine Majestat nach Berlin zurQckkehrt. Jedenfalls konnen Sie der freundlichsten Aufnahme seitens des Kaisers sicher sein. — Mit meiner Frau und meinen besten GrQssen, Ihr aufrichtig ergebener BiJLOW. Berlin, den 13. September 1904. LiEBER Professor Waldstein — Vielen Dank filr Ihren freundlichen Brief, aus dem ich mit Freude ersehe, dass mein Kaiserlicher Herr, wie ich vorausgesagt, den von Ihnen geplanten Ausgrabungen in Herculanum warmes Interesse entgegengebracht hat und dass Sie angenehme Ein- drucke aus Berlin mitnehmen konnten. Was nun die Durchfohrung Ihres verdienstvollen Unternehmens im einzelnen, insbesonderc in Deutschland betrift't, so m6chte ich Ihnen anheimgeben, Sich unter Darlegung Ihrer Wilnsche an den KOniglich Preussischen Kultusminister in Berlin zu wenden. Exzellenz Studt ist von mir verstandigt worden und wird gewiss das Seinige tun, Ihnen mit Rat und Tat behtllflich zu sein. — Mit meiner Frau und meinen besten Grilssen, Ihr sehr ergebener Bdlow. LETTER FROM LORD KNOLLYS, 1904 Balmoral Castle, September II, 1 904. My dear Professor Waldstein- — I have submitted your letter to the King. His Majesty desires me to say, he is very glad to hear the German Emperor has taken up so warmly the question of the 192 HERCULANEUM app. International Herculaneum scheme, and that he granted you an audience which gave you an opportunity of explaining the details to him. The King has no doubt that the Emperor's co-operation will be particularly useful to you in America, and that it will enable you to obtain larger sums of money there than would probably have otherwise been the case. Let me congratulate you sincerely on the success which is attending your efforts. — Yours very truly, Knollys. FIVE LETTERS FROM THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AMBASSADOR IN LONDON, 1904 St. Hubertus, Marienbau, August 24, 1904. My dear Professor Waldstein — Many thanks for your letter from Schloss Altenstein. I wrote a detailed report to Vienna from London before leaving, after having received your German letter, and I shall not fail to bring the extract of Count BqIow's letter to the know- ledge " der massgebenden Personen." I have no doubt we shall do the same here as they do in England, Germany, and France, but you must not expect great haste or initiative in this affair on our side for the reasons 1 told you verbally. I shall certainly talk about this question at Vienna when I go there, and hope to bring some satisfactory news to you when I return to London at the beginning of October. Excuse haste, I want to catch to-day's post. I shall be here for the next 10 days or fortnight. — Yours very sincerely, Albert Mensdorff. austro-hungarian embassy, 18 Belgrave Square, S.W., October 30, 1 904. Dear Professor W^aldstein — I do not know if you are back at Cambridge, but I send you a line on the chance, to say that I have talked about your scheme to the Austrian Minister of Education, and that, besides, I have succeeded in interesting Prince Francis of Liechtenstein in the question, who has taken in hand the formation of an Austrian Committee. Several most representative people, like Count Lanskoronski and Count Wilczek, have accepted to join it, and he was writing to some of the most important savants. Besides, he has asked Count Bela Szechenyi to form a Hungarian Committee. If you are coming to London let me know, and I would give you some further information. I am going out of town to-morrow, but I I DOCUMENTS RELAl'ING TO EXCAVATION 193 shall certainly be here on Friday and Saturday. Next week 1 am going to Sandringham. — Yours very sincerely, Albert Mensdorff. AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMBASSY, 18 Belgrave square, S.W., November 2, 1904. Dear Professor Waldstein — Many thanks. I cannot stop at Cambridge, much as I should like to, as I am going to Sandringham on iVIonday only, and am somewhere else on Sunday. If you are in town on Saturday, do look in here between 1 2 and i o'clock. — Yours very sincerely, Albert Mensdorff. Austro-Hungarian Embassy, 18 Belgrave Square, S.W., November 29, 1 904. Dear Professor Waldstein — Many thanks for your letter. I have again heard from Pee. F. Liechtenstein, and, if you succeed in forming a Committee here and in Germany, our Committee will spring into existence at once. If you are in London at the end of the week, perhaps I might see you for a minute ? I shall be here on Saturday and Sunday, and if you will let me know when you come, I shall arrange to be at home, and delighted to see you. — Yours very sincerely, Albert Mensdorff. CuLFORD Hall, Bury St. EdmundS; December 13, 1904. Dear Professor Waldstein — I am so sorry to miss the pleasure of attending your lecture. I have received another letter from Pee. F. Liechtenstein, in which he says he thinks you ought to send a copy of your lecture — perhaps with a few words (eine Widmung) — to Hofrath Benndorf (Wien IX., Tilrken- strasse 4), as he probably would appreciate it, and he might be important for your scheme. Bon voyage et au revoir when you return from America. — Yours sincerely, Albert Mensdorff. REPORT OF LECTURE AT ROYAL ACADEMY, 1904, FROM THE TIMES PROFESSOR WALDSTEIN ON HERCULANEl'M (The Times, December 14, 1904.) At the Royal Academy yesterday afternoon Dr. Charles Waldstein, Slade Professor of Fine Art at Cambridge, gave a lecture on " Her- 194 HERCULANEUM app. culaneum and the Proposed International Excavation." The chair was taken by the President (Sir E. J. Poynter). There were present Prince Eugen pQrstenberg, representing Austria ; Count Bernstorff, on behalf of Germany ; the Italian Ambassador ; and representatives of France and other countries. The Chairman explained how it was that the excavations of Her- culaneum, begun a century ago, had so long been suspended. This cessation arose from no want of enterprise, but from the practical physical difficulties and those of expense. The obstacles to complete excavation were, however, not insuperable, and Professor Waldstein had conceived the happy idea of making the work international. Italy's co-operation had fortunately been secured. (Cheers.) Professor Waldstein, after thanking the President and members of the Royal Academy for the start they were giving to the scheme, said that no place was so appropriate for the beginniiig of such an enterprise as the Academy. From Herculaneum many beautiful works might be expected. Dealing with the circumstances of the calamity, Vesuvius — as we learnt from Strabo — had lain dormant for, he said, many centuries. Thus the eruption was wholly unexpected, though in 63 a.d. there was a great earthquake. There were but sixteen years between the earth- quake and the eruption. All would remember Pliny the Younger's vivid description in his letter to Tacitus. The date was August 24 in the early afternoon, and the slow growth of what seemed a small cloud into the vast mass which buried the city was graphically described in Pliny's narrative. The effect of the eruption was widely different in the case of the two cities ; Herculaneum was much nearer, and the city and district were soon overwhelmed with the molten mud. But it was not the impenetrably hard lava which it was commonly supposed to be. Geologists from Guy Lussac to Professor Hughes had shown that, apart from actual contact with air, the material was perfectly friable and manageable for the excavator. The beautiful works from the city which were to be seen at Naples showed that the disaster was not destructive of the beauty of the works of art at Herculaneum. Manuscripts which could be unrolled and read, as well as glass and marble, with no trace of fire on them, gave good hope of what might be expected from thorough excavation. The catastrophe was sudden and terrible to the sufferers, but was a marvellous preservation of a provincial city's life at the moment of arrest. There were difi^erences between the two cities. Herculaneum was distinctly Greek, whereas Pompeii was Oscan in character, and thus we had materials at hand which would not but for the disaster have survived as historical evidence of two lines of tradition. Herculaneum had been a centre of the higher intellectual life during the Roman supremacy. At Pompeii I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 195 no MS. had been found, whereas in one villa at Herculaneum were found 1750. There, too, the finest works of art had already been found, whereas those of Pompeii were of far inferior value and interest. The Fabii, Balbus, Agrippina, Piso, and other great Romans had their villas in the city. The library discovered was mainly composed of treatises on the Epicurean philosophy. Its owner was evidently a specialist. It might be that another of a more general character might be disclosed : and what treasures might we not expect — the lost books of Livy, perhaps, lost treatises of Aristotle, or plays of Sophocles ? On no other spot could we expect so vivid a reproduction of an ancient city as at Herculaneum, whose treasures of the finest art were surpassed only, perhaps, by Athens itself. The lecture was illustrated with pictures on the screen showing the excavations already made, the MSS. from Piso's villa, beautiful statues of the fifth century, and bronzes of a still earlier date. The schools of Scopas and Praxiteles of the fourth century were admirably repre- sented. Some of the busts were marvellous specimens of portraiture. There were specimens of the Polycleitan and Lysippean type and of later periods, including a portrait of Alexander the Great and a bronze of Homer of the Alexandrian period. These specimens of what had survived of these two cities show what might be expected from thorough exploration. Professor Waldstein then gave a short account of the various attempts made in examining the site from the middle of the seventeenth century to our own times. It had been the dream of his life that this work should be undertaken, and in his efforts he had been largely aided by Mr. Leonard Shoobridge, of Balliol. The approval of the King had been expressed ; and the King of Italy, as well as his Prime Minister, promised support. The President of the United States, the German Emperor, the President and Government of the French Republic, the Emperor of Austria,' and the King of Sweden encouraged the under- taking. There was already a committee in Vienna, and it was hoped to secure the co-operation of many other national committees. Mr. Neville Rolfe, our Consul at Naples, had told him that there was ample work for many years without infringement of private rights. Other nations might thus show their gratitude to Italy, for which alone the task was too heavy, and which had done and was doing so much for art in the world. (Cheers.) ' The mention of the Emperor's name is an error on the part of the nporter. He was not mentioned in the lecture. 196 HERCULANEUM app. CABLEGRAM FROM MINISTER ORLANDO, ROME, TO C. W., NEW YORK, 1905 Z25 Roma 14, yan. 2, 1905, Waldstein, Waldorf, N.Y. Provvedero con Istruzioni iiostro rappresentante perche sia chiarita situazione fatti [fatta]. Orlando. TELEGRAM FROM ITALIAN AMBASSADOR, W^ASHINGTON, TO C. W^, 1905 42 AD 36 150P, Washington, D.C., 'Jan. 3, Waldstein, Waldorf. Italian Government notifies that no concrete plan was presented to it about Herculaneum excavation, that consequently it did not pledge itself, and that it preserves its complete liberty of action. Please take note of this declaration. Italian Ambassador. LETTER FROM C. W. TO ITALIAN AMBASSADOR AT WASHINGTON, 1905 Oakwood, Perkins Street, Jamaica Plain, Boston, Mass., January 5, 1905. Your Excellency — Some newspapers in New York published last Saturday, Dec. 31, a cable from Rome maintaining that an official state- ment had appeared there practically repudiating my action as regards the proposed international excavation of Herculaneum — in fact, stating that they knew nothing of it. On Saturday, Jan. i, I cabled to Sign. Orlando: " Prego vindicate mio onore pubblicamente prima de' Martedi, perche non stia come bugiardo impostore davanti mondo." On Monday, Jan. 2, I received the following cable message : " Prov- vedero con istruzioni rappresentante perche sia chiarita situazione fatta." You are aware of my telegram to you. The only response to my request has been your telegram of Jan. 3 celling me to take note of your declarations about " concrete plan " fabout which there never has been any question, and which does not come into the scope of my present activity). I have received no further vindication of my honour. But it is no longer a question of my honour, but of that of the I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 197 Italian Government — nay, of His Majesty the King of Italy. This I have at heart as much as the most patriotic Italian. The facts are the following: That on April 18, 8.45 a.m., I had the honour of an audience from the King at the Quirinal in which I brought my intentions before His Majestv. On April 19 1 did the same to His Excellency the Prime Minister Giolitti, who provided me with a letter to Sign. Orlando with whom the final decision rested, the approval of H.M. and of Sign. Giolitti being given under that condition. Sign. Orlando warmly and emphatically approved of my plan, and encouraged me to carry out my intention of starting a world-initiative for the international excavation of Herculaneum, by securing the heads of States to associate themselves with national committees to co-operate with the International Committee under the King of Italy all over the civilised world. As a pledge of his sincerity, and to protect me in case any doubt was cast upon my authority to act, Sign. Orlando provided me with a letter clearly expressing his approval and encouragement (as well as his personal appreciation of my motives) of my action. This was done on April 21. On April 22 or 23 (with the cognisance of Sign. Orlando) a telegram was published in the London Times stating that I had received such approval. Never since then has this been denied. I proceeded to work for this cause in France and Germany, and secured the adhesion of the heads of these States. In November I had a private letter from mv friend Sir Rennell Rodd saying that the Italian Government were anxious to know how my work was progressing. On Dec. 13 I lectured at the Royal Academy in London, the Italian Ambassador being present, and sailed for this country on my self-imposed mission on Dec. 14. It is noiv at this critical moment, when I am trying to interest people in America in this ideal and remote scheme, and to secure promises of material support — a difficult and delicate task — that this report of repudiation appears, casting doubt on my veracity and integrity ; and the only reply to my appeal to the Italian Government is your telegram introducing the question of " concrete plans " and mentioning the " liberty of action of the Italian Government " — which nobody has ever questioned. I never asked for any final agreement with 7ne. I personally wished and desire to vanish from the scene when the nations have been inter- ested and the committees, with whom the final agreement must be made, have been organised. In fact, when I mentioned this intention of mine to H.M. the King of Italy, he replied that " 1 could not be allowed thus to vanish." The meic mention of a doubt — not to mention a repudiation — of 198 HERCULANEUM app. my action at this moment inevitably tends to counteract my efforts and to dampen all enthusiasm in the cause which has brought me to America, and to which I have devoted all the leisure and energy I could spare from a busy life. I respectfully beg your Excellency to use all efforts to restore me to my right position in the eyes of the world, and to let me know of such decision. I return to New York to-morrow and my address will be c/o Miss Amy Townsend, 512 Fifth Avenue, New York. I sail for England on Wednesday, Jan. 1 1. I have the honour to remain Your Excellency's obedient servant, Charles Waldstein. To His Excellency The Italian Ambassador, Washington. LETTER FROM THE ITALIAN AMBASSADOR, WASHINGTON, TO C. W., 1905 Regia Ambasciata d' Italia, Washington, D.C, 6 gennaio 1905. Illustre Signore — Mi afiretto a rispondere alia Sua lettera del 5 corr., da Boston, Mass., esprimendo Le anzi tutto il mio dispiacere di essere stato impedlto dall' assistere alia Conferenza da Lei tenuta in Washington, il che mi avrebbe offerto 1' occasione di fare la Sua personale conoscenza e di scambiare alcune idee relative all' oggetto della nostra presente corrispondenza telegrafica ed epistolare. Allorche mi giunse il Suo telegramma del 2 gennaio, non sapevo intorno all' argomento se non cio che avevo udito, la vigilia, a lunch presso la Signora Wadsworth. Nessun telegramma mi era ancora giunto da Roma. Ne ebbi uno nella notte seguente, in cifra, e per errori di trasmissione, di piuttosto difficile intelligenza. Mi si diceva in sostanza che " i giornali (d' Europa) riferivano la propaganda che Ella stava facendo per promuovere un movimento internazionale a riguardo di scavi da praticarsi a Ercolano, aggiungendo che il Presidente Roosevelt aveva accettato la Presidenza del Comitato Internazionale." Cio, da quanto a me pare, lasciava supporre un " intesa piu " inoltrata che non sia quella per avventura intervenuta, e inoltre un traviamento del pensiero del Governo, che poteva sfavorevolmente impressionare 1' opinione pubblica in Italia. Poiche, e sempre impressione mia, non si capirebbe un Comitato Internazionale, alio scopo suddetto, sotto altra presidenza che quella di S. M. il RE. E difatti il telegramma proseguiva narrando I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 199 che Ella aveva, nell' aprile, esposto al Ministro del la Piibhlica Istruzione le sue intenzioni circa la costituzione di un Comitato che dal RE d' Italia, appuiito, sarebbe stato presieduto ; che il Ministro Orlando aveva appro- vato in massima la geniale idea ; ma che nessun piano concrete gli era stato mai presentato ; cosicche il Governo Italiano non aveva avuto ad impegnare meiiomamente la sua liberta di azione, che esso riservava intera per tutto cio che riguarda il campo di esecuzione e 1' esercizio dei suoi diritti. Quest' ultima parte essendo quella che pii!i importava, Le fu da me subito telegrafata al Waldorf. Mi h annunciate un dispaccio, ma temo che non mi giunga prima dclla Sua partenza. Ad ogni modo, credo personalmente che non vi sia, in fondo, se non che un malinteso provocato da erronee notizie di giornali e che Le riescira agevole di chiarire quando Ella torni in Europa. Gradisca, Egregio Signor Professore, gli atti della mia ben distinta considerazione. II Regio Ambasciatore, Mayor. Prof. Charles Waldstein, New York. TELEGRAM FROM ITALIAN AMBASSADOR, WASHINGTON, TO C. W., 1905 31 Ts ne. 225 p.m. 13. Washington, D.C., yan. 8. Prof. Charles Waldstein, No. 512 Fifth Ave., N.Y. Thanks for explanation ; before publishing anything please wait a further telegram of mine. Italian Ambassador. LETTER FROM SIR EDWARD POYNTER TO THE TIMES, 1905 HERCULANEUM (The Times, Jznuzry 3, 1905.) Sir — I notice that in a paragraph in your issue of this morning, referring to Professor Waldstein's scheme for an international committee to organise the renewal of excavations at Herculaneum, you quote a telegram from Rome which declares that " the Italian Government has not been able to support the proposal, as has been asserted (the italics are mine), owing to its being as yet unacquainted with the details of the scheme, etc." At the end of the short introductory address which I gave to Professor Waldstein's lecture at the Royal Academy on the 13th inst. I said : — 200 HERCULANEUM app. I should add that 1 have assurances from Italy that the Italian Government is deeply interested in this matter ; without the consent and absolute approval of Italy it would be an impertinence for foreign nations to step in, even in a matter of such world-wide interest as this. It is obvious that, until a scheme is definitely put into shape, the Italian Government must reserve to itself the most complete liberty on all points connected with it ; but as regards the general idea I was careful, before inviting Professor Waldstein, on the part of the Academy, to give his lecture in our galleries, to ascertain that such a scheme was not con- sidered an intrusion by the Italian Government ; and I have the distinct assurance in a letter from Rome that " une lettre d'approbation " (dated April 21, 1904) was sent, by a person with authority to speak, to Pro- fessor Waldstein, " dont il avait re^u I'explication de son projet a I'egard des fouilles d'Herculaneum." Without such an expression of approval I should not have ventured to express myself even in such general terms as I used. The term used by your correspondent — " an international committee to supervise Professor Waldstein's excavations at Herculaneum " — is somewhat misleading. Professor Waldstein, as I understand him, con- fines himself to rousing a general interest in this most interesting subject, and to making the further exploration of this ancient city an international enterprise. I have always understood that, if the scheme were brought to a successful issue, Italy would, as a matter of course, take the leading place in whatever work of excavation is carried on ; the splendid results achieved by her eminent archaeologists at Rome, at Pompeii, and every- where in Italy alone entitle her to such a position, to say nothing of its being on her own soil that the operations must be undertaken. The international committee, I take it, is for the purpose of furthering the work and helping to make it practicable ; and to speak of " Professor Waldstein's excavations," except in the general sense of his being the originator of the scheme, is to convey a wrong Impression of his object. As the audience at Professor Waldstein's lecture was limited, and there are probably many who did not see the report, necessarily consider- ably curtailed, which appeared in your columns, perhaps you will allow me to repeat part of what I said at the Royal Academy on that occasion, which is after all but a very brief summary of what Professor Waldstein developed at length in his lecture : — It may be a matter for surprise that the excavation of the city ot Herculaneum, which led to such wonderful discoveries of antique art more than a century ago, should for so many years have been suspended. The general explanation with those who have no intimate knowledge of the facts is that Herculaneum was overwhelmed by a stream of lava, a material too intractable to deal with. The cessation of a work which had such splendid results arose, we may be sure, from no want of enterprise on the part of those engaged in the exploration of the buried cities I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 201 of the Bay oi Naples, but rather from the practical difficulties to be encountered in pursuing the work of investigation. These difficulties, however, are not insurmountable; they resolve themselves rather into a question of expense. The excavations at Pompeii have gone on with few interruptions since they were first started in 1 775 ; the problem there was a comparatively simple one; the town was buried under an accumulation of fine ash from the volcano which did not completely cover the roofs of all the buildings, and the soil to this day is still quite loose and friable and easy of removal. Herculaneum, on the other hand, was overwhelmed in a sea of mud mixed with falling ashes and lapilli to the depth of 80 or more feet. This mud has hardened under pressure in the course of centuries to a tufa rock, solid no doubt, but not presenting the impossibilities ot lava; the labour and cost of clearing it away, however, is so great that the thought of opening the remains to the light of day was always considered out of the question, and tunnelling under the rock was the only method resorted to, to reach the buried buildings. A more serious difficulty still is the existence of the modern towns of Portici and Rcsina, situated immediately over the ancient city, so that a renewed attempt at excavation about the year 1 865 proved so dangerous that it had to be abandoned. Since that time no further efforts have, I believe, been made to discover the treasures which presumably are buried underneath. Since but a small portion of the town was explored during the forty years that the excavations were carried on in the eighteenth century, and that far the largest proportion of the splendid examples of Greek art in the Naples Museum were found at Hercu- laneum, there can be little doubt that treasures of untold beauty still remain to be discovered ; for it would be by a sort of miracle that the first houses and villa excavated should be the only ones that contain anything of value. Professor Waldstein, then, has conceived the happy idea of making the further exploration of this ancient city an international enterprise ; he will explain to you that he has met with unexpected success in his appeals to foreign countries, but his wish has always been that the scheme should take its origin and definite shape in England. Under these circumstances it appeared to me that, the interest in these discoveries being above all of an artistic nature and not merely a matter of archaeology, the Royal Academy of Arts was the proper place from which it should take its inception, and it is on these grounds that we have issued the invitations to hear Professor Waldstein lecture on this most interesting subject. Then conies the passage quoted above referring to the interest which the Italian Government has shown in the project, and I conclude thus : — The scheme will be a very costly one, involving the collection of a very large sum to start with, but Professor Waldstein is sanguine of being able to raise the money for the realisation of his magnificent idea. — I am, Sir, your obedient servant, Edward J. Poynter. Royal Academy of Arts, London, VV., December 29. LETTER BY TO THE TIMES, 1905 HKRCULANEUM {The Times, January 7, 1905.) Sir — Sir Edward Poynter's letter in the limes of this morning is reassuring to those wiio are anxious that the scheme for the excavation of 202 HERCULANEUM app. Herculaneum should not assume too definite a shape so long as the official sanction of the Italian Government is withheld. Any one with experience of these matters knows that this would mean the ruin of the scheme. Since frequent reference has been made to an " international committee " of supervision, it would be of interest to the general public to learn something of the composition of this body. So far, the President of the Royal Academy and the Slade Professor of Fine Art at Cambridge have represented what is presumably the policy of the artistic section of the community. It now appears desirable to obtain the opinion of experts on the feasibility of the excavation. Since the scheme has an international character, an advisory committee, composed of such dis- tinguished men as Homolle, Doerpfeld, our own English excavators Arthur Evans and D. G. Hogarth, and those " eminent " Italian archaeo- logists whom the President of the Academy justly praises, readily suggests itself. Then it would be due to Italy and to his merits as excavator of the Roman Forum to invite Commendatore Boni to preside over such a committee. In other words, the promoters and well-wishers of the scheme should shift, as soon as possible, the centre of their activity from England to Rome. — I am. Sir, your obedient servant. Archaeologist. January 3. LETTER TO THE TIMES BY "EXCAVATOR," 1905 HERCULANEUM [The Times, Ja.nua.Ty 10, 1905.) Sir — The letter signed " Archaeologist," in your issue of to-day, omits one name which should not be omitted from any committee con- cerned with a practical question of excavation — that of Professor Flinders Petrie. There Is the more reason for his inclusion, because he has had for many years an original and promising scheme of his own for recover- ing the treasures of Herculaneum. I fully agree with your correspondent that, in this matter, we have heard hitherto too little about those responsible for the administration of antiquities in Italy. Commendatore Boni is the person who really matters. If he has not time and energy to give to Dr. Waldstein's large scheme at present (and with the Forum and many other excavations on his hands, I doubt it), no working committee of experts, and, with all due respect, no ornamental committee of crowned heads and presidents, will bring it to pass. — I am, etc.. Excavator. 'January 7. I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 203 LETTER FROM THE HON. REGINALD LISTER, ROME, 1905 British Embassy, Rome, yanuary 13, 1 905. Dear Waldstein — As you may have seen, various hostile articles have recently appeared in the Italian press with regard to your scheme for the excavation of Herculaneum. I have consequently thought it advisable to approach the Ministry of Public Instruction and find out exactly " ou les choses en etaient." I saw Pinchia, the Under Secretary of State. He told me that, speaking as a private individual, he was absolutely opposed to the view expressed in these articles, and that he thought that Italians ought to be proud of a scheme in which the great nations of the world, under the auspices of their respective Sovereigns and Presidents, combined to re- establish the past glories of their fitherland. From the point of view of a Government official, he could only say that in principle the Government were quite favourable to the scheme, but that they maintained complete liberty of action, and could express no opinion until some definite scheme had been submitted to them. I would therefore suggest that you should draw up and send to me a clear statement of the scheme which you propose, and of the present situation with regard to it. I will then forward it to the Ministry of I'ublic Instruction, and we shall in course of time receive their reply and know exactly where we are. I expect Egerton in the course of next week. — Yours sincerely, Reginald Lister. C. Waldstein, Esq., M.A., King's College, Cambridge. LETTER OF C. W. TO THE ITALIAN AMBASSADOR, LONDON, 1905 London, yanuary 20, 1905. Your Excellency — In my Lecture at the Royal Academy on December 13, which you did me the honour to attend, you may remember that I made the following statements with regard to the scope of the great scientific and international enterprise in which I wished to arouse interest over the world. These facts I put with even greater precision in all my public and private statements in iVmerica and in other countries. I emphatically stated that I did not advocate, and decidedly should 204 HERCULANEUM app. not approve of, any foreign excavation on Italian soil. I even went out of my way to justify the attitude hitherto held by the Italian authorities and people opposing such foreign excavations, and reminded the audience how they would like to see any of their national remains excavated by foreigners. Italy, I maintained, was eminently able to carry out its archaeological work as regards the qualitv of Italian archaeologists, excavators, and the officials presiding over such work. I mentioned bv name and warmly praised the work done by such men as Boni, Lanciani, Orsi, Halbherr, Pigorini, Milani, etc., who worthily maintained the great traditions of Fiorelli, De Petra, Ruggiero, Comparetti. These men all worked under the able authority of Fiorili. I recognised fully the good work that has been done in the past concerning Herculaneum by the Italians. Nor did I in any way put the case in the form that Italy was to be helped by the financial support of foreign nations because it was unable to do the work at Herculaneum. You mav remember in what warm and appreciative terms I referred to the great work which Italy has been doing and is doing in archaeological research, and the great drain it was on its resources. I referred to the excavations on the Forum, in Sicily and in other parts of Italy, that constantly make the greatest demands upon the Budget of the Italian Government ; that Italy thus did more than any other country in support of such higher scientific work ; and that absolutely, as well as relatively, the appropriations made by the Italian Government for such purposes put to shame the British Govern- ment in this respect. But I maintained that Italy could not be expected to carrv out, on the enormous scale which it required, with stupendous financial sacrifice, the complete excavation of Herculaneum. I took pains to say that no one nation could do this by itself, and that therefore the whole civilised world ought to co-operate with Italy in carrying out this " world enterprise." In no sense was any foreign society to do this. But in every civilised country National Committees were to be formed, presided over by the Heads of State, which should thus be the means of co-operating with Italy. Their function was to be to arouse the national interest of each country in this great international enterprise, to collect funds, and to be ready to communicate with and to assist the International Committee at Rome in carrying out the work. The supreme authority was to rest in the International Committee in Italy, presided over by the King of Italy. I stated, and I emphatically repeat my statement, that I had received the consent of the highest Italian authorities, including the responsible heads of the Government, to carry on this " world initiative,'" and that I had since obtained the complete adhesion of the President of France and his 1 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 205 Government and of the German Emperor and his Government, to put themselves at the head of their respective National Committees. I mentioned the news which had just been conveyed to me by the Austrian Ambassador that a strong National Committee was being formed in that country, and that the King of Sweden had likewise conveyed his adhesion ; and I ended by saying that I was sailing for America the next day to secure the same national support in America. I may now add that I have since succeeded in inducing President Roosevelt to become the head of the American National Committee. I must also remind you that I clearly stated here (and I have since repeated this statement with emphatic clearness in all I said in my utterances in the United States) that this enterprise was in no way to be an exploitation of Italian treasures by foreigners, that I would in no way be party to an excavation which did not mean that the treasures found were to be deposited in the region itself. Though all this concerned the actual excavation and the world-wide interest which it deserves, you may remember that at the end of my lecture I laid equal stress upon the international aspect of the scheme ; that for the first time in the world's history all the civilised nations should be united in a great and disinterested scientific enterprise, brought together on the soil of Italy to assert the unity of their common civilisation. I even appealed to the imagination of the audience to realise the picture of archaeologists, historians, artists, and men of science working together in harmony with their Italian confreres on the ancient soil of Herculaneum, with, possibly, weekly bulletins issued in several languages keeping the interest of the whole world alive in this common international work ; that this would mark an epoch in the history of civilisation, and was a de facto confirmation of the bond uniting the civilised nations, as the peace conferences and treaties of arbitration were de jure. I claimed for this aspect the same importance as I did for the actual scientific and artistic work. Now I claim that for these statements I had the complete authority and support — nay, the positive encouragement — of the Italian Govern- ment. No further " concrete plans " were mentioned or were ever suggested by me ; for it stands to reason that, before the universal interest was aroused and the different Committees formed, I as an individual had no power or authority to propose or to promote such plans. Ihe adoption of the fixed purpose to carry out the international excavation of Herculaneum under the autonomy and the laws of Italy was the object I had before me, for which I had the full authority of the Italian Government. This adoption I have already succeeded in obtaining to a considerable extent. To this task I have devoted all the energies I could spare from my regular duties. With this my task ends. But it 2o6 HERCULANEUM app. may interest you to know what idea I have for the actual future working of such a scheme. 1 . The Department of Antiquities in the Italian Ministry of Public Instruction should carefully guard the work and be responsible for the safe keeping of the finds. 2. I conceive the International Committee (for there is also to be an Italian National Committee collecting funds among the wealthier Italians) to be constituted something like this : His Majesty the King of Italy to be the honorary Head, appointing whomsoever he pleases as the acting President ; three further ex -officio members, namely the Minister of Public Instruction, the Head of Antiquities (Fiorili), and the Sindaco of Naples ; one representative from every one of the contributing nations. The I. C. is to have its sittings at Rome. It is to be the trustee of the funds contributed from all quarters. It is to confer with the National Committees as to desirable foreign members to be put on the sta? working at Herculaneum. It is to appoint this international staff. The actual head of the working staff is either to be a leading Italian excavator, or — in case it should produce a more cordial feeling among the staff — he might be elected for a definite period by the staff itself among its own members. As far as possible the large numbers of workmen employed are to be taken from Resina and the neighbourhood of Naples. All objects found are to be marked in running numbers and careful inventories kept, etc., etc. For all questions of detail in working, the International Committee is to be the chief authority. If this were objected to, I, personally, should not object to the plan of the Italian Government appointing the members of the international staff to work at Herculaneum. This is all I have to say for the present, but I am of course ready to answer any further questions put to me. — I remain, your Excellency's obedient servant, Charles Waldstein. C. W.'S FIRST LETTER TO THE TIMES, 1905 THE PROPOSED EXCAVATION OF HERCULANEUM [The Times, Monday, January 23, 1905.) Sir — I have just returned from the United States and find that, while there and at sea, a number of misunderstandings have crept into the Press in England and abroad concerning the nature and purport of the scheme for the international excavation of Herculaneum and my own action in this matter. It is imperative for me to dissipate immediately and completely these misconceptions. I feel sure that all those who were present at my lectures at the Royal Academy and in the United States, I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 207 or are acquainted with my public and private statements at first hand, could not have formed such erroneous ideas. Let me at once state that all I have said and done hitherto has been with the cognisance of the Italian Government, and that I have in no way exceeded the authority given me. For this I have documentary evidence. Nothing will make me believe that the Italian Government is not convinced of this ; and the explanations which the Italian Ambassador here has had the kindness to make to me yesterday have confirmed me in this conviction. The first misunderstanding I wish to dispel once and for all concerns my own personal relation to the scheme. I regret to be forced to do this in a cause in which all personality — mine above all — is to be entirely submerged. Immediately upon my return from Italy last spring I desired to form a British committee which would have taken authority and responsibility out of my hands. But practical difficulties made this impossible at that stage. I am sincerely grateful to Sir Edward Poynter for having made clear, in his letter which appeared in the Times during my absence, that the future excavations are in no sense to be called my excavations. Nor is any national committee to supervise these excava- tions, but an International Committee at Rome, presided over by the King of Italy. Allow me as briefly, yet as unequivocally, as possible to trace the history of the present enterprise so far as I am concerned in it. To see Herculaneum excavated has been the dream of my life. In this I have in no way been original. As I stated in my lecture, it has been before warmly and effectively urged by Fiorelli, Ruggiero, De Petra, Comparetti, and most eloquently pleaded for by Beule, Gaston Boissier, S. Reinach, Mau, and others. In fact, I doubt whether there is any archaeologist living who has not longed to see this great task con- summated. Moreover, it has been proved to be untrue that Herculaneum is covered by impenetrable lava, and that this stands in the way of its excavation. The real reason is the presence of Resina above the ancient site, so that the stupendous nature of the enterprise would place it beyond the reach of any one nation, even of Italy, which, as I showed, has done and is doing so much more than its share, and than any other nation, in the cause of archaeology and of culture. I mentioned the excavations of the Forum, so ably carried on by my old friend and colleague Commen- datore Boni ; those in Sicily by Orsi ; many others all over Italy. Even in Crete, Professor Halbhcrr and his competent colleagues have done monumental work. Compare the appropriations made by the Italian Government for archaeological, scientific, and artistic work with those ot our own Budget, and our admiration of the Italian sense of intellectuality as a factor of national life may not exclude a sense of shame as regards our own national attitude in such matters. I expressed full sympathy 2o8 HERCULANEUM app. with Italian amour propre which urged them to excavate themselves their own national antiquities, and I urged upon my audience to consider what our feelings would be if we saw foreigners excavate our national monu- ments in our own country. It is certainlv not for lack of competent excavators, archaeologists, and scholars that Italy will be unable to excavate Herculaneum. Besides those mentioned above I may cite, among others, Lanciani, Milani, Pigorini, Comparetti, Conti, and Barnabei. It is now many years ago that I became convinced that the only way Herculaneum could be restored to light was by a great international excavation in which all civilised nations joined Italy in carrying out the work. Now there are two elements, one as essential as the other, in this plan : the restitution of the ancient remains under Resina, and the inter- national character of the work. I could not and cannot say which of these two elements appeals to me most — the archaeological discovery, or the unity of civilised nations at work on a common cause. This latter object appeals to me — and I believe to many other people — as much as does the archaeological, artistic, and scientific aspect. To do this effectually the whole nation in every country has to be interested and stirred. It would not suffice to move only the scientific and learned elements in each community. I felt that, apart from practical difficulties inherent in the working of specialist bodies and individuals, their action would not attain this object ; it might produce a scientific movement, but not a national movement leading to international action. All my thought and experience in the past had taught me that such a movement could only be initiated by the devoted work of one man of average intelligence, but more than average love of the cause and power of self-effacement, who had time and energy to take the matter up and would travel over the world to arouse interest and secure support. The first task was to secure the whole-hearted consent of Italy. Then, after arousing interest in the several countries, to form national committees in each, represen- tative of each nation, to co-operate with the International Committee sitting in Italy. I further felt that, to make it truly national and inter- national, it was important to eliminate differences of specialist opinion and personal equation, especially in the early stages of the organisation. For we specialists do not always dwell in mind on the heights of our spiritual vocation, where personal feelings and interests have no place or power. When they are admitted they have often turned awry the current of enterprises of great pith and moment at the very fountain-head of its inception. It therefore seemed advisable that the heads of State should place themselves at the head of each national body, and that the head of Italy should preside over the International Committee. All classes of the community were to be represented, not merely archaeologists and artists. I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 209 Needless to say, the specialists immediately concerned in such work were to be essential to the committees. The help of such men as my colleagues and friends Dr. Doerpfeld and M. HomoUe (mentioned by one of your correspondents) was to be solicited. M. HomoUe, moreover, has been one of my most active and enthusiastic supporters in France. As regards the English committee, it seems to me that my Oxford colleagues mentioned by your correspondent, Messrs. Arthur Evans and Hogarth, as well as other archaeologists and scholars not mentioned, would naturally be called to serve. Even the versatile Egyptologist, Professor Flinders Petrie — whose work as an excavator I have always placed in the first rank — ought to co-operate in such work on a classical site. Art, archaeologv (Greek, Roman, and prehistoric), science, engineering, would naturally all be represented and called into co- operation, in my scheme the function of the national committees would be to arouse interest among the community, to raise funds, and to assist the International Committee in choosing the working staff. The Inter- national Committee, presided over by the Italian head of State, I conceive of as containing several Italian members ex officio, such as the Minister of Public Instruction, together with the Chief of Museums and Antiquities (now Signor Fiorili) and the Sindaco of Naples. On it are to sit one representative from each nation residing in Italy. This International Committee is to be trustee of the international fund, to appoint the international staff", to communicate regarding this and other practical questions with the national committees, and to be generally the highest authority in the whole undertaking. Of course the work would be carried on under the laws prevailing in Italy, and the Italian authorities would be finally responsible for the safe keeping of the objects and monuments discovered. The international staffs would be composed of selected masters and students in such work from the several countries to co-operate with their Italian colleagues on the spot, to which the eyes of the whole civilised world would be attracted, the interest possibly intensified by weekly bulletins issued in several languages, etc. Ihis was the idea which formed itself in my mind many years ago, and which I often communicated to friends. But it seemed impossible for me — with my regular duties and variety of occupations — ever to take up the work myself. It was owing to the encouragement and help of my friend Mr. Leonard Shoobridge (formerly of Balliol College, Oxford) that I decided, now more than a year ago, to take up the work. He offered to supply that part of work which I was unable to do, and brought the whole enterprise within the range of feasibility. Last spring we travelled together to Resina, where, on the spot, we were confirmed in what greater authorities than ourselves in such matters had amply proved before concerning the nature of the material covering Herculaneum. In all p 2 10 HERCULANEUM app. our work there we were generously seconded by the British Consul, Mr. E. Neville Rolfe. At Rome my plan was laid before His Majesty the King of Italy ; the Prime Minister, Signer Giolitti ; and Signer Orlando, Minister of Public Instruction. I then received authority to proceed in my efforts to start such a " world initiative " (as it was called), and this authority, as I have already said, I have in writing. On April 22 or 23 your Correspondent at Rome sent you a telegram announcing this news. Of course no treaty or convention concerning the details of working was asked for by me. I had, on my part, no power or ability to guarantee success ; nor could it be offered to me. But the written approval of my main plan was given to me. Your readers are aware that I proceeded to France in July and there gained the adhesion of President Loubet and the written approval of M. Chaumie (Minister of Public Instruction) ; while in August and September I succeeded in gaining the support of the German Emperor and the written encouragement from Count Billow. I have now had the same success with President Roosevelt, Mr. Hay, and influential citizens of the United States ; and we are ready to organise our committee here, as they are in Austria, Sweden, and prospectively in other countries. Should the Italian nation object to such international work and excavate Herculaneum themselves, I shall not regret the efforts I have made for the wider plan. Herculaneum will be restored to light, which is the most important matter. But at the same time I shall regret that Italy does not also seize this opportunity of making itself the centre for a great work in which all civilised nations will unite in harmony on the very soil upon which the essence of their common civilisation rests. This would be the type for other similar enterprises in science and art, and would confirm de facto what the peace conferences and the treaties of arbitration are establishing de jure. One thing remains certain ; that without the cordial and unqualified assent, nay, the positive encourage- ment, of the Italian Government, the Italian people, and my Italian confreres, the work on which I am engaged cannot proceed. But I have reason to hold that I have such support, and that this will soon be made unquestionably manifest to the world. — Your obedient servant, Charles Waldstein. The Athenaeum Club, yannary 21. LETTER TO THE TIMES FROM MR. H. STUART JONES, 1905 Sir — Professor Waldstein's proposal to form an International Com- mittee for the prosecution of excavations at Herculaneum has provoked I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 211 an animated discussion in the European and more especially in the Italian Press ; and the fact that several writers have called upon the Italian Government to prevent excavation under foreign superintendence from taking place on Italian soil seems to show that even in Italy widespread ignorance prevails as to the state of the law on this subject. Article 14 of the law of June 12, 1902, contains the following paragraph : — Foreign institutions or subjects who with the consent of the Government, and under conditions to be determined according to the circumstances of the case, undertake archaeo- logical excavations shall be obliged to hand over the objects discovered without payment to one of the public collections of the kingdom [of Italy]. In all other cases the Govern- ment shall have the right to the fourth part of the objects discovered or to their equivalent in money. On July 17, 1904, there was issued a body of regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of the law above mentioned. These regulations comprise a section headed, " Of excavations undertaken by foreign institutions or subjects." This section contains four articles. The first prescribes the method of application to the Ministry of Public Instruction for a licence to excavate ; the second empowers the Minister, after consultation with the local authorities, to grant the application and to make such regulations as may be necessary for the supervision and inspection of the work ; the third provides that all objects discovered shall be handed over to a public museum chosen by the Minister ; and the last subjects such excavations to the general provisions of the law. It cannot, therefore, be asserted with truth that excavation by foreigners is forbidden by Italian law ; on the contrary, by the Acts ot legislation above cited, the Italian Government recognises, if it does not invite, such researches. It is, I venture to think, important that these facts should be clearly understood. — Yours faithfully, H. Stuart Jones, Director of the British School at Rome. British School of Archaeology, Palazzo Odescalchi, 'January 17. REPORT OF DISCUSSION IN THE ITALIAN PARLIAMENT, 1905 La Parola del Governo per gi.i Scavi di Ercolano [Corriere della Sera, Milan, February i, 1905.) Segue un' interrogazione dell' on. Santini per essere il Ministero della guerra ricorso in Cassazione contro la sentenza della Corte d' appello di Roma circa il fondo d' associazione vestiario fra gli ufficiali dell' esercito. Spingardi, sottosegretario per la guerra, risponde che i criteri giuridici 212 HERCULANEUM APP. ed amminlstrativi consigliarono 1' appello giacche uti' amministrazione dello Stato non puo lasciar mutare la devoluzione di un fondo cospicuo se non vi h indotto da una sentenza di ultimo grado. Dopo un' interrogazione a proposito di sfoggi di forza pubblica che sarebbero avvenuti nei coUegi di Lendinara e di Colle Val d' Elsa nelle elezioni suppletive dell' 8 gennaio, si passa ad altra diretta al ministro dell' istruzione circa le voci che un Comitate straniero raccoglierebbe dei fondi per gli scavi di Ercolano. Orlando, ministro dell' istruzione. — Nell'aprile dello scorso anno mifu presentato il prof. Waldstein il quale nella conversazione avuta con me, pone in rilievo 1' importanza immensa, tanto dal lato archeologico che dal lato artistico, di una ripresa delle esplorazioni archeologiche e manifesto il suo intendimento di fare una propaganda di divulgazione mondiale in favore di tale impresa, costituendo un Comitate d' onore composto dei capi di Stato del mondo civile sotto la presidenza del Re d' Italia, questo progetto mi apparve animato solamente da puro entusiasmo artistico e tale da essere quello merce questa collaborazione spirituale che si forma spontaneamente intorno a cio che e patrimonio comune della scienza internazionale. Cosi, pur non celando anche in via puramente accademica, le gravi difficolta dell' attuazione, manifestai il mio sentimento di plauso per una iniziativa che nel campo spirituale rendeva un nuovo omaggio alle nostre glorie artistichc e storiche. Questi sensi espressi anche in una lettera diretta al prof. Waldstein il 2i aprile 1904. Dopo questa conversazione non ebbi piu alcun rapporto ne diretto ne indiretto col prof. Waldstein sino alia recente polemica. Posso quindi afFermare che al di fuori di quella manifestazione nessun progetto concreto di esecuzione fu presentato al Governo italiano e tanto meno approvato. II Governo non solo ammette, ma si compiace del tributo di amore e di piacere che la scienza internazionale apporta alio studio del nostro giorioso passato della storia e delle arti ; pero nel tempo stesso il Governo non pu6, ne intende limitare i suoi diritti di impero onde sono regolati gli scavi archeologici in Italia, cosicche questi scavi non potranno essere fatti che secondo le leggi italiane, sotto la vigilanza delle autorita italiane e secondo un potere discrezlonale e sovrano che non consente cessioni o limitazioni senza lesioni della nostra dignita nazionale. TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE Reply of Signor Orlando to Question in the Chamber, January 3 i, 1905 In April of last year Prof Waldstein was presented to me, and in the conversation which ensued he emphasised the immense importance that a resumption of the excavations would have both for archaeology and I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 213 for art, and put forward his proposal to carry out a propaganda of pub- lication through the world generally in order to arouse interest in this undertaking, the aim being to constitute an honorary committee of the heads of civilised States under the presidency ot the King of Italy. This project seemed to me animated solely by unalloyed artistic enthusiasm, and to be such as it was thanks to the intellectual collaboration which forms spontaneously round that which is the common patrimony of inter- national science. So, while not concealing, on purely academic lines also, the serious difficulties which might attend actualisation, I made clear my feeling of approbation for an initiative which in the field of intellect paid a new homage to the glories of our art and history. These sentiments I expressed also in a letter addressed to Prof. Waldstein on the 2ist of April 1904. Subsequently to this conversation I have not had any com- munication direct or indirect with Prof. Waldstein up to the time of the recent discussion. I am able, therefore, to declare that, apart from the proposition mentioned, no concrete project of carrying out this work has been presented to the Italian Government, much less sanctioned by its approval. Not only does the Government admit, but feels gratification in this tribute of regard and pleasure which international science brings to the study of our glorious past in history and the arts ; but at the same time it is not able nor does it propose to limit its rights of supreme control under which archaeological excavations are regulated in Italy. So that these particular excavations will only be able to be carried out under the laws of Italy, under the observation of Italian authorities, and in harmony with the existence of a discretional and sovereign power which could not allow concessions or limitations without implying an infringement of our national dignity. C. W.'S LETTER TO THE GIORNJLE D' ITALIA, 1905 II Prof. C. Waldstein al Giornale d Italia per gli ScAvi Di Ercolano [Giornale (C Italia, 14 febbraio 1905.) II prof. Carlo Waldstein dell' Universita, dopo aver seguito nel Giornale d' Italia la polemica e le varie opinioni da noi riferite intorno ai proposti scavi di Ercolano e alle questioni attinenti ci manda da Cambridge la seguente lettera : — King's College, Cambridge, 1 1 febbraio 1905. Ecregio Signor Direttore — In questi ultimi giorni ho letto quanto e stato pubblicato dal suo giornale intorno alia questione degli scavi di Ercolano. Vedo con rammarico che le critiche dei miei disegni e delle mie 214 HERCULANEUM app. azioni fino a qiiesto momento sono fondate tutte su malintesi. Mi pare che voglia combattersi un nemico che noii esiste. Quest! malintesi furono moltiplicati ed accentuati dopo le lettere dei signori Stuart Jones e Norton, nelle quali si considerano punti che non hanno nulla a che vedere con il mio progetto ercolanense. Infatti gli archeologi italiani scrivendo contro quei propositi, credono scrivere contro di me. Gia il mio allievo Norton parla del carattere vago del mio disegno ; il che significa che non gli e nota la vera natura dei miei piani. II mio disegno e chiaro, concrete e pratico. Mi pare sia 1' ora, benche tardiva, che questo mio disegno sia chiaramente esposto al pubblico italiano dalla persona che ne ha la piu diretta informazione in modo che sia posto fine ai malintesi. Voglio quindi dichiarare, senza riserva alcuna i seguenti punti : (a) che a straniero alcuno, sia individuo, scuola o nazione, spetti far fare gli scavi di Ercolano. Non sono pero sicuro se le leggi esistenti siano sufficient! per un disegno eccezionale, come e quello per Ercolano o se si debba proporre una legge speciale ; (^) che nessun oggetto trovato negli scavi debba uscire dal paese e che ogni cosa sia posta sotto la cura del Governo italiano ; (f) che tutte le nazioni civili debbono collaborare con 1' Italia per com- piere questa " fatica d'Ercole " che nessuna nazione potrebbe compiere da se stessa ; (d) che siano fondati Comitati nazionali in ogni paese, compresa r Italia stessa, avendo ciascuno il Capo dello Stato come presidente onorario ; ma che siano format! di rappresentanti di ogni classe e di archeologi, alio scopo di propaganda ; (e) che ci sia anche un Comitato internazionale sotto il patrocinio di S. M. il Re d' Italia e di funzionari italiani (come ad esempio, il ministro deir istruzione pubblica, il sindaco di Napoli, ecc), e di un rappresentante per nazione. A questo Comitato internazionale spetterebbe la suprema autorit^ in materia ; (/) ma che la funzione dei Comitati stranieri non sia solamente di raccogliere contribuzioni material!, cosa che, nella mia opinione, sarebbe contraria alia dignita del Popolo Italiano. Invece non mi pare disdi- cevole alia dignita di qualunque nazione lo accettare la cooperazione scientifica della fratellanza internazionale e puramente scientifica. Sotto la direzione dell' Italia dunque, dovrebbe formarsi un personale di scien- ziati delle diverse nazioni che lavorerebbe insieme ai colleghi italiani. II professore Orsi parla di 500 mila lire. Se gli scavi si dovranno fare esaurientemente mi pare che questa somma basteri per un solo anno del decennio. E terminando, mi sia concessa una parola sul lavoro personale com- piuto dal mio amico Shoobridge e da me stesso, senza alcun aiuto, per il I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 215 quale abbiamo chiaramente avuta autorizzazione dal Governo italiam. Finora abbiamo ricevuta 1' adesione del Governo francese, tedesco e ameri- cano, compresi i Capi di Stato e i ministri. Siamo per fondare un Comi- tate in Inghilterra, in Austria, ecc. Abbiamo impegnato tempo, fatica e fatti viaggi con entusiasmo per amore della causa, pensando che questo fosse il nostro contribute per il grandioso disegno. Ed h nostra inten- zione ritirarci quando i Comitati saranno fondati e avviati ; persuasi d' avere iniziato senza interesse alcuno una grande e buona opera. Non aspettavamo ne aspettiamo riconoscenza ; ma dinanzi alle false interpre- tazioni, agli erronei apprezzamenti e anche ad allusioni ingiuriose che ci vengono da varie parti, e dinanzi alia discordia che vediamo sorgere, mentre credevamo aver seminato la pace, abbiamo 1' orgoglio di afFermare che non ci meritavamo il travisamento delle nostre intenzioni. — Con la piu cordiale stima, ^ ^^j ^ Charles Waldstein, Professore all' Univ. di Cambridge. Ringraziamo il prof. Waldstein per averci inviato una lettera, la quale spiega esaurientemente al pubblico italiano gl' intenti dei promotori degli scavi di Ercolano. II sincero disinteresse, che anima il prof. Waldstein e i suoi coUaboratori merita 1' attenzione e la gratitudine degl' itahani. Permetta pero 1' egregio uomo due osservazioni alia sua lettera. Anzitutto il direttore della Scuola inglese d' Archeologia, signor Stuart Jones, e il direttore della Scuola americana di studi classici, signor Richard Norton, riferivano non le loro impressioni sul piano del prof Waldstein, ma rispondevano a nostre domande categoriche se, cio^, istituti stranieri legalmente costituiti intendessero per ragioni esclusivamente scientifiche intraprendere studi in Italia e quali condizioni, che non ledessero la dignita e la sovranita dell' Italia, sarebbero disposti ad accettare. Era dunque, come vede il prof. Waldstein, una pura questione di massima, nella quale ne gli archeologi stranieri, ne gli italiani da noi interrogati consideravano direttamente i proposti scavi ercolanensi. La seconda osservazione riguarda il program ma del prof. Waldstein come viene lucidamente esposto nella presente lettera. II programma h indubbiamente seducente e bello : e una specie di confederazione europeo- americana in pro degli scavi, una camera internazionale archeologica, un tribunale dell'Aja per gli studi dell' antichita.nel quale all' Italia spetterebbe un posto speciale, risponde, in altri termini, a una tendenza comune a tutti gli uomini d' intelletto di accomunare gli interessi scientifici e, forse piu tardi, gli stessi interessi politic!. Ma gli Stati Uniti europeo- americani sono ancora lontani : perci6 il grande Comitate internazionale del prof. Waldstein sembra un ideale nobilissimo e degni di plauso, ma non, per ora almeno, faciimente raggiungibile. 2i6 HERCULANEUM app. C. W.'S SECOND LETTER TO THE TIMES, 1905 HERCULANEUM [The Times, January 26, 1905.) Sir — You publish to-day a letter from " Your Correspondent in Rome," dated January 14. To all great enterprise there seems to be a chapter of unavoidable accidents. In the present case these are (i) that the newspaper reports of my lecture at the Royal Academy were not more complete and did not contain what was said concerning the position of Italy in the inter- national scheme ; and (2) that I was absent in America when these incomplete reports were commented upon. Had I been able to correct these errors at once they would not have grown and spread as they have, and they would not have contaminated the judgment of even your Correspondent (who first announced the inception of the movement to you last April) and of my former assistant, Professor Richard Norton. My friend Commendatore Boni has given the only proper answer, under the circumstances, with the evidence then before him, as quoted by your Correspondent : — " I have, therefore, no means of answering the question which has been put to me personally." Had your Correspondent adopted the same attitude — not only wise, but just to me — he would not have quoted that unfortunate and thoroughly inappropriate epithet as regards the position of Italy in such an enterprise — an interpretation of the spirit of my scheme which I have done all in my power to make impossible. Allow me to add that in none of my lectures did I make a direct appeal for funds, and that privately I only urged upon those who were able to do so to promise future support to the committees when formed. I desired to have no concern with the financial aspect of the question. Had I followed your Correspondent's advice and presented an appli- cation to excavate Herculaneuni according to the law he quotes, I could only have done so in my name, which would have been as foolish and impertinent on my part as it would have been absurd for the authorities to grant my request. There would then have been real justification for all this outcry. My scheme for arousing interest over the world and creating the proper responsible bodies to carry out the work was addressed to the Minister who is ex officio chairman of the " Central Committee " mentioned in the law, who could, whenever he saw fit, bring the matter before his colleagues. There are two questions to which I should like a direct answer from your Correspondent and Professor Norton : — (i) Are the eminent and capable archaeologists mentioned in my letter — nearlv all of them my I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 217 own friends or acquaintances of long standing — exceptional as regards the characteristics of specialists to which I referred, in that they work in complete harmony with one another professionally and personally? (2) Admitting that the international excavation of Herculaneum is desirable, would it have been the " right end of the business " to evoke a discus- sion on all the questions involved, which was to end in final agreement, before seeing whether the world at large could be interested in the general scheme ? Your Correspondent and Professor Norton are better qualified than I am, from their residence and work in Italy, to answer my first question. But they must allow me to hold that my experience in such matters gives me a certain right to have an opinion on the second question. I venture at once to answer this question on my part and to say, namely, that it would not have been the "right end." The recent action of archaeologists, including that of your Correspondent and Professor Norton, enables us to gauge what would have been the result had I begun on that side. — Your obedient servant, Charles Waldstein. King's College, Cambridge, 'January 24. C. W.'S THIRD LETTER TO THE TIMES, 1905 THE PROPOSED EXCAVATION OF HERCULANEUM {The T/V««, January 31, 1905.) Sir — As reports are persistently published in the Press denying that I have acted with the knowledge and the approval of the Italian Government in what has hitherto been done to further the scheme of an international excavation of Herculaneum, though I published a full account of my action in the Times of January 23, 1 feel constrained to publish the following facts. I hesitate the less to do this as I feel assured that the Italian authorities have no intention of withdrawing their approval, and as the official letter here printed was asked for, and given, for the very purpose of proving my authority. I need not repeat an account of the plan which I formed for the initiation of the great work. For this I must refer the reader to my letter in the 'Times. On April 18 of last year I had the honour of being received in audience by the King of Italy. I laid my plan before His Majesty, who brought great insight and sympathy to bear upon the question, and pointed out some of the difficulties in the way of the excavation. His approval was entirely conditional upon the approval of the responsible 2i8 HERCULANEUM app. Ministers, and he graciously offered to speak to the Prime Minister about the scheme. On April 19 I laid the scheme before the Prime Minister, Signor Giolitti, who also gave his approval, but informed me that the matter would finally depend upon the approval of his colleague in the Cabinet, the Minister of Public Instruction, Signor Orlando, in whose department excavations belonged. He gave me and my scheme a warm letter of recommendation to Signor Orlando. On April 2 1 I developed my plan to Signor Orlando. We discussed the whole matter, and I received his complete and warm approval. I dwelt upon the international (apart from the archaeological or scientific) aspect of the enterprise. This, too, met with his cordial commendation. I acquainted him of my immediate purpose to form such a committee in England, then in France, Germany, and the United States, with the heads of State as hon. presidents, and that I should take up this work upon leaving Rome. This I did on the following day. With his consent the fact of his approval was reported in the Times of April 23. I asked Signor Orlando to give me an official letter confirming his adhesion, so that I could show it in case my authorisation was doubted. This he promised, and he fulfilled his promise the same day. The official letter reads as follows : — Ministero dell' Istruzione, II Ministro. Roma, 21 aprile 1904. Illustre Signore — Staraane ho avuto il piacere di essere informato da Lei del grandiose Suo disegno di promuovere, sotto il patrocinio di S. M. il Re d' Italia e di altri Capi di nazioni, una iniziativa mondialc per esplorare completamentc Ercolano. Da tanta irapresa, se attuata, la scienza, la storia, 1' arte potranno trarre vantaggi incalcolabili. Air ardito Suo progetto io fo plauso, e faccio voti che la grandezza e le difficolta del- r impresa non ne impediscano 1' attuazione ; e che questa Italia, la quale apre le sue braccia air amplesso del inondo, possa rivedere al sole le vestigia di quell' antica citti da cui uscirono opere cotanto mirabili. Accolga, illustre Signore, le espressioni della mia particolare stima. II Ministro, * Orlando. All' Illustre Profr. Carlo Waldstein, Grand Hotel, Roma. Translation This morning I have had the pleasure of being informed by you of your great plan to initiate, under the patronage of H.M. the King ot Italy and of the heads of other States, an international project for the complete excavation of Herculaneum. From the execution of so great an enterprise incalculable advantages will accrue to science, history, and art. I applaud your courageous design, and hereby give expression to my wishes that the I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 219 vastness and the difficulties of the enterprise may not stand in the way of its realisation ; and that this Italy of ours, who opens her arras to the embrace of the world, may see restored to the light of day the remains of that ancient city from which such wonderful works of art have already issued. This disposes of the question beyond all doubt. — Your obedient servant, Charles Waldstein. King's College, Cambridge, 'J anuary 30. LETTER OF C. W. TO THE MORNING POST, 1905 HERCULANEUM (Morning Post, February 13, 1905.) Sir — The interesting account which your Rome Correspondent gives of the state of archaeological opinion in Italy concerr.ing the international excavation of Herculaneum is almost the first report of an English correspondent which does me the justice of stating that " my plan has been more or less imperfectly understood by the Italian public." The motto which he gives as conveying the spirit of my Italian colleagues, " collaboration, not concession," would exactly be the motto for the international scheme I propose. The Italian Government cannot be entirely freed from blame for not having at the very outset made clear to the Italian public the distinctly international character of the plan — in no wise abstract or merely academic but concrete and practical, — a plan to which, in so far as it was to be international, they had unequivocally agreed. If the Italian public had realised this the opposition would not have been aroused. But this misunderstanding and consequent opposition was still further increased by the action of my friends, the directors of the British and the American Schools at Rome. They no doubt acted in a manner which they thought was in the interests of their schools ; but they have done their best to wreck the scheme as it was before the world and the Italian people. The Giornale d' Italia, quoted by your Correspondent, has collected and printed a number of letters from repre- sentative archaeologists in Italy. I have so far seen seven such letters. The first is by Mr. Stuart Jones of the British School, and the second batch is led off by Mr. Richard Norton of the American School. Their discussion turns essentially round the rights of foreigners, presumably the foreign schools in Italy, to excavate on Italian soil. This is a very interesting and important question, but it does not apply to the Herculaneum plan now before the world. From the very outset I made it clear, and have done my best to do this ever since, that Herculaneum is not to be excavated by foreign individuals or foreign schools or foreign 220 HERCULANEUM app. nations. It is to be excavated through the co-operation of all nations, joining Italy as the local and authoritative centre to this union, under Italian laws, safeguarding the integrity and the national dignity of that country. I must repeat that this, the central and essential part of my scheme, was made clear from the very beginning, and that, on that basis, I had full authority from the Italian Government to act as I have done. There can be no vagueness about this issue ; and when Mr. Norton begins his letter by saying that my plan is too vague to be discussed, and then opens the discussion of the excavation of Italian sites by foreigners, he has not acted fairly by the great scheme before the world to which I have devoted my best energies. Nor has he acted wisely in the interest of the question, and, as I could readily prove to him, of the activity' of his own school. The word tact has on one occasion been used in connection with this question. I am not too severe on my young friends if I say that tact and generous self-effacement would have enabled them to enter into the plan of a colleague the aim and prospective results of which must be commended by all who care for what Herculaneum may reveal, and for the good fellowship of men of science and civilised humanity at large. In spite of the vagueness and, worse than vagueness, the complete misunderstanding of the question that was before them, the Italian archaeologists who have so far expressed themselves are far from being violently opposed to my scheme. They are arguing against Mr. Stuart Jones and Mr. Norton when they think they are opposing me. Commendatore Boni generously refuses, in his letter, to express an opinion on the matter at this stage. Signor Beltrami, the distinguished artist, critic, and antiquary, a member of the Italian Chamber, writes a warm and cordial letter which expresses most emphatically the aim and spirit which actuated me in my scheme. A letter is reprinted from the Naples paper Pungolo, by Professor Dall' Osso of the Museum of Naples, essentially in favour of the ideas in my scheme. Professor Pigorini is distinctly opposed to any form of foreign excavation in Italy. I have, however, since had a personal letter from him expressing his high appreciation of the spirit that moved me. Finally, Professor Orsi, as reported by your Correspondent, points to the " herculean task " of the excavation of Herculaneum, and recommends that the Italian Parliament should begin by voting ^^ 20,000. It is not the time for me to publish any definite plan as to how such an excavation is to be carried on. Moreover, that question in my scheme would have to be decided by the well-matured thought of the best experts — not only archaeologists but geologists, mining engineers, and financiers working together. But I may at once say that the sum here mentioned might perhaps be sufficient for one year's work of the many decades that will be occupied. And if I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 221 Professor Orsi does not refuse to admit the possibility of the acceptance of contributions from foreign sources, I should like to know how far the national dignity of which we have heard so much will be saved by such a contingency, in preference to an actual co-operation of all nations with Italy in the sphere of pure science ? I am debarred at the present moment from commenting upon the answer which Signor Orlando gave to the question put in the Italian Chamber concerning the authorisation to act in the matter given me by the Italian Government. For I have transmitted, through the Italian Embassy in London, definite facts and questions which are at present sub judice. As these were handed in nearly three weeks ago, I have reason to expect that a clear and final answer will soon reach me. — Yours, etc., Charles Waldstein. King's College, Cambridge, February 1 1 . LETTERS FROM "TOWN CLERK" OF RESINA, 1905 Resina (Corso Ercolano 36 p.p.), 28 febhraio 1905. Illustriss. Sig. Prof. Waldstein — Da quando 1' onor. Santini interrogo, alia nostra Camera, S. E. il Ministro della Pubblica Istruzione, circa la nobile propaganda da V. S. fatta, nel lodevole intento di esumare questa sepolta Ercolano, su cui io dimoro, e favorire le ricerche del- r archeologia e della storia, questo Consiglio Comunale, nel cui seno furono applauditamente lette le lettere da Lei scritte e pubblicate sul Giornak d' Italia nomino, su mia iniziativa, una Commissione alio scopo di recarsi a Roma e interessare il prelodato Ministro ad adoperarsi a tutto uomo perche la grandiosa idea di V. S. sia incoraggiata ed iniziata. Dopo cio ho creduto come assessore del Comune e come cittadino di Resina, di inviare a V. S. ii rispettoso e fervente mio saluto, con r augurio che la Sua visione artistica di una Ercolano rinata a novella vita davanti ai nostri occhi attoniti e al nostro spirito latino, sara un giorno, non lontano, elevato all' orizzonte del Fatto, come avrebbe detto il Carlyle, e che il nome di Charles Waldstein restera memorabile nel cuore dei Resinesi. Ella, sig. Professore, me^lio di tutti, ha compreso che il problema degli scavi ercolanesi non sara certo risoluto senza un vivido fervore di scienziati, senza una munifica partecipazione del Governo italiano, e senza r efficace concorso di altre nazioni civili che hanno a cuore lo studio del- r arteantica. Solo cosi, la desiata palingenesi pu6, quando che sia, divenire qualche cosa che non sia un niiraggio o un allucinazione. Intanto Iddio voglia benedire questa Sua bella per quanto utile 222 HERCULANEUM app. iniziativa, da cui tanti vantaggi economici e morali ne trarrebbe Resina, ed io, come figlio dl questa mia citta, rendendogliene grazie, Le invio, illustrissimo Sig. Professore, il mio ardente augurio, le mie sentite con- gratulazioni, il mio rispettoso saluto. — Di Vostra Sig. Illustrissima Devoto Servo e Ammiratore, Giuseppe Alfonso Cozzolino, Assessore del Comune di Resina. Resina (Corso Ercolano 36), // 10 maggio 1905. Illustrissimo Sig. Prof. Waldstein — Ouando mi giunse il Suo favorito telegramma da Cannes, col quale Ella mi preannunziava il Suo arrivo a Napoii, io mi rattrovavo a Roma, ma, avvisato in tempo dalla mia famiglia, telegrafai al Sindaco, Car. Strigari, con preghiera di venire a salutarla e, nel contempo, giustificare la mia involontaria assenza. Non ebbi dunque la fortuna di vederla e di stringerle la mano ! fatale destino ! ! Devo poi, gia da un pezzo, ringraziarla della Sua cortesissima lettera, ch' io lessi in seno al Consiglio di questa citta, e in mezzo ad uno scoppio di applausi. Quel Suo documento, pieno di gentilezze, sara da me gelosamente custodito nell' albo dei miei piu cari ricordi. In esso Ella accenna ai campi eterni ove regna, ha premio e trionfa 1' Arte sublime ch' e gloria del nostro classico passato. Iddio Le possa dar forza a realizzare il Suo nobile ideale. In Italia, pero, dove tutto si impiccolisce nelle question! di campanile, si e subito sollevata la rivendicazione dei diritti della nazione nel principio che ogni impresa archeologica e ogni generosa iniziativa artistica, intesa al diseppellimento di Ercolano, devono avere la loro origine e il loro compimento per opera della Nazione stessa — " Ma una questione artistica, come la concepisce 1' illustre Prof. Waldstein (dicevo io nel Consiglio Comunale) " dev' essere esaminata "da un punto di vista piu largo e scevro di qualsiasi discussione oziosa e primaverile." — Seduta del 24 febbraio u.s. Atti del Consiglio Vol. VIII. Una Serena visione archeologica come la Sua, nel senso di vedere le solenni raffigurazioni poetiche di questa Ercolano, rinata alia vita davanti ai nostri occhi attoniti e al nostro spirito latino, dev' essere, secondo me, considerata come un fatto inlernazionale e senza i pettegolezzi del perentorio mio e tuo. E mi fece, in proposito, una penosa impressione la risposta dell' on. Orlando, allora ministro della P. I., data al deputato Santini : risposta imprecisa, oscura e addensata d' una nuvolaglia di generi- che espressioni che lasciarono fredda tutta la Camera. Del resto io sono persuaso e convinto che se il concorso internazionale, da Lei vagheggiato e proposto, manchera, nulla se ne fara giacche. I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 223 doloroso il dirlo fuori di casa nostra, noi siamo uti popolo vetusto a cui manca quell' alta comprensione spirituale che da luce e fiamma alle idealita e le libera dal loro involucro di apparenze, di parole e di pregiudizi per elevarle all' orizzonte del fatto. II nostro Governo, che impassibile ha fatto vendere a Parigi i rari tesori di Boscoreale, si trova sempre nell' imbarazzo quando trattasi di far conservare un monumento che segni una traccia luminosa del nostro passato, e si figuri quanto indugera oggi che trovasi di fronte ad un' im- presa cosi colossale qua!' e quelia di esumare questa vecchia Ercolano restituendola a Resina e al mondo. Ripeto : se Ella non trovera i Governi degli altri stati favorevoli, non faccia troppo assegnamento sul nostro, cosi pigro e indolente. Un soffio di entusiasmo, uno slancio di magnanima esaltazione estetica ci e venuta da Lei che, ad attuare il disegno ardimentoso, ha rivolto r occhio e 1' animo non solo a noi, ma all' Europa e al mondo erudito. E se Ella non sara seguita io sono sicuro, sig. Professore, che resteremo per molti anni ancora a cullarci nella pia illusione di veder rinascere dal- r antico conglomerate lapilloso le sublimi scene di una grande odissea un dl sacra nel mito e nella poesia della Bellezza. Vorrei esserle accanto, sig. Professore ed amico, per apprendere da Lei ed ingentilire il mio spirito della Sua erudizione archeologica. Sono un umile ammiratore di Lei e non ho la forza, come vorrei, di seguirla e di poter esserle utile in una cosi ardua impresa. Mi gode sol 1' animo di aver, innanzi alia rappresentanza della mia citta, parlato di Lei, ch' e cosi innammorato del Bello, e non posso che limitarmi a ringraziarla della Sua lettera e del telegramma. Ora faccio parte della Commissione che deve recarsi, fra giorni, a Roma per conferire col Presidente del Comiglio e col Ministro della Pubblica Istruzione in Bianchi. Le scrivero al mio ritorno informandola delle risposte del Governo. Ancora vorrei scriverle, ma non voglio abusare del Suo tempo con questa lettera gia fattasi lunga. Le gentilezze da Lei ricevute le porto nell' animo come un fecondo deposito, un tesoro di memorie e di afFctti. Chi sa se un giorno potremo stringerci la mano .'' E perche no .'' Se un di il Suo disegno si effettuira e il piccone comincera a squarciare il suolo di Resina per svegliare il vecchio Ercolano, Elle sara certamente qui ad inaugurare il primo tratto che la gratitudine dei Resinesi battezzera col nome di " Carlo fValdstein.'' Ho r onore di dirmele, con la piu sentita ammirazione e simpatia, Suo devoto G. Alfonso Cozzolino. 224 HERCULANEUM app. C. W.'S FOURTH LETTER TO THE TIMES, 1905 HERCULANEUM [The Times, March 28, 1905.) Sir — At the end of the letter which I pubUshed in the Times on January 23, I said: — "Should the Italian nation object to such inter- national work and excavate Herculaneum themselves, I shall not regret the efForts I have made for the wider plan. Herculaneum will be restored to light, which is the most important matter." Judging from the widespread interest which is being shown in the task all over Italy day by day I think it unlikely that the plan of excavating Herculaneum will now be dropped. My main object is thus attained. But I am furthermore gratiried to find, from the numerous Italian Press cuttings which I receive daily, that there has been a marked and complete reaction in favour of my international plan, against which there was such a violent opposition a short time ago. This opposition is naturally accounted for by the appearance in Italy of the first incorrect accounts of my plan, which made it appear to the Italians, not only that I was going to carry out the excavations myself, but that even an American syndicate intended to carry oft' the treasures found. In any other country there would have been the same opposition and indignation at such a report, and we can sympathise with it all the more in the case of Italy, which has for centuries suffered from the intrusion and tyranny of the foreigner. We can also sympathise with their justifiable desire to protect their national treasures against the rapacity ot public and private foreign collectors. The first great mistake made was that the Italian Govern- ment, who were well acquainted at first hand with the nature of my plan and had authorised my action abroad, took no steps whatever to correct and guide public opinion. Instead of this they allowed Italian and foreign newspaper correspondents to report that " the Government was ignorant of any ' concrete ' plan, but knew how to protect its interests and its dignity." Since the Italians have become acquainted with the true nature of my aims, through the letters I have published in their papers, there has been this complete revirement. Serious articles by men of eminence have pointed out the errors, and have even laughingly shown the contrast between the Goths and Vandals and the peaceful and beneficent purpose for which I was working. I have now received an official letter from the commune of Resina (the town above the ruins of Herculaneum), inform- ing me that, at a public meeting, it was resolved to express their gratitude to me, and to send a deputation to the Government at Rome to plead for its support of my plan. I learn from the Italian newspapers that this deputation has presented its petition. I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 225 Gratifying as these results are, I do not feel that they are sufficient to enable me to resume the work to which I had for some time devoted my best energies. For, what I said at the close of my first letter to you was meant in all sincerity : — One thing remains certain, that, without the cordial and unqualified assent, nay, the positive encouragement, of the Italian Government, the Italian people, aifd my Italian confreres, the work on which I am engaged cannot proceed. But I have reason to hold that 1 have such support, and that this will soon be made unquestionably manifest to the world. When I wrote these last words on January 23, I had, on January 18, seen the Italian Ambassador in London. Signer Pansa has from the very outset shown the most cordial and fair-minded interest in the matter ; he had been present at my lecture at the Royal Academy, and was acquainted with the nature of my aims at first hand. At that time he kindly read me a despatch from his Government containing a state- ment by Signer Orlando. Though this statement contained some mis- understandings, it seemed, on the whole, in harmony with my scheme ; and the Ambassador and myself felt confident that, if I would com- municate through him a clear account of what I had done in the past and proposed doing in the future, the matter would at once be set right with his Government. Such a statement I handed to him on January 19, which was taken by him to Italy. I asked for an early reply ; but after two months I have not received any ; while newspapers and correspondents continue to write and report on the basis of the previous misunder- standings. Instead of a reply to me, on January 31, with the documents which he had in hand, Signor Orlando made his well-known statement in the Italian Chamber, which, while making some admissions, in nowise cleared up matters, and even gave ground for further misinterpretations. On the same day I published in your columns the facts on which my authority for acting as I had done was based, and printed the letter of Signor Orlando which he had given me after our interview last April. I apprised him of my intention to publish it, by telegram, two days before I wrote it. On February 3 I sent a further communication through the Italian Embassy, pointing out some mistakes in Signor Orlando's statement, making further modifications in my plans to meet possible objections, and asking for a definite answer, so that I could continue or drop my work. After waiting a further three weeks I saw the Italian Ambassador in London upon his return, and he kindly undertook to secure the requisite answers from the Government. These have, however, not yet reached me. Meanwhile the changes in the Italian Government include the resignation of Signor Orlando. I do not know what view the present Government will take as regards the engagements made by their pre- 226 HERCULANEUM APP. decessors. These engagements are beyond all doubt. Now, I can well understand how Signor Orlando's memory may have failed him in the stress of business in which I have known him to have lived ; how he neglected to do his share (not mine), after we had come to an agreement about the main plan last April, and to prepare his Italian colleagues on the Commission and public opinion in Italy ; how, after the misguided Press campaign had put archaeologists and journalists against the project, he should, as a national politician, have hesitated, — though a timely clear- ness and firmness of attitude would have avoided such misguidance. I can also believe that, through lapse of memory or through miscarriage of the post, he should have forgotten or not have received the letter I sent him last summer, apprising him of my success in France and my inten- tions elsewhere. I can, moreover, prove that, through official sources, I was in communication with the Italian Government last autumn, and received nothing but news of encouraging support for what I was doing. I am, therefore, emphatically not writing in a spirit of recrimination when I now insist upon correcting the misconstructions which may arise out of Signor Orlando's statement in the Italian Chamber. I owe this to myself ; but, above all, to those people of representative importance all over the world whom I succeeded in interesting in the scheme, who generously gave me their active support in the full faith that I was acting with the proper authority. Last April I secured all that could possibly be required from the Italian Government to guarantee its consent to my action in bringing about the international excavation of Herculaneum. I would ask anybody, of whatever nationality, whether it is not enough to secure the consent of the Monarch and the Prime Minister of a country conditionally upon the consent of the Minister immediately concerned in the project — which latter I secured absolutely. This verbal consent was then confirmed by a letter summarising the maiii drift of our conversation and sent to me by the Minister on the same day. It is not customary to ask Cabinet Ministers for a letter confirming a previous conversation unless a definite business agreement is implied. Now Signor Orlando made it appear in his speech as if we might have met and been introduced at a casual social meeting ; that he looked upon my scheme with benevolent academic interest ; that he believed my object merely was to found an honorary committee of " potentates " who were to do^what .'' Apparently they were to enjoin upon the Italian Government and people to do their own business. Does Signor Orlando really believe that any of the potentates would consent to such an action ? Does he really think that I travelled to Italy expressly for my self-imposed task, as I travelled to France, Germany, and the United States, for such a fatuous, if not impertinent undertaking ; and does he credit me with thinking him capable of such 1 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 227 a view about himself, myself, or the high authorities with which he wrongly assumes I meant exclusively to deal ? My introduction to him took place in a most official manner, and solely for the business which I had in hand. It was effected through a letter from the Prime Minister mentioning this business, which was sent to him, and upon which a formal interview took place at the Ministry. My first words to him, as to those in authority whom I had addressed before, were, that " this was not a question of foreigners excavating in Italy, but of all nations joining to co-operate with Italy in the inter- national excavation of Herculaneum." Difficulties were mentioned by him and by me, and were discussed by us ; points of law which I was asked to lay before him were at once elucidated by his clear legal mind. Yet I met with unqualified and enthusiastic support for the whole enter- prise, including the moral effi;ct of such a new international departure ; and the real difficulty that loomed before me was the arduous task of interesting the nations all over the world in such a scientific enterprise enough to induce them to make material sacrifice for such a lofty idea. After my interview I certainly had not the slightest suspicion that the difficulty would one day mean the consent of the Italian Government. And when I received his letter written that same day, and confirming in writing in his own words " this world-initiative to excavate completely Herculaneum," that part of my labour seemed definitely over. I owe this explanation to those who have so generously supported me here, in France, in Germany, in the United States, in Austria, Sweden, and elsewhere. For the present I must ask them to suspend their activity. In order to feel justified in continuing this work — which I am always ready to do — I must feel assured, not only of the consent, but of the whole-hearted desire of the Italian Government, the Italian people, and the Italian archaeologists that there should be an international excavation of Herculaneum. Even when this has been manifested there will no doubt still be a minority among the people and the archaeologists who will mistake national vanity for national dignity, and the hatred of the foreigner for the love of their own country. But I may remind them that there is nothing more undignified than vanity, as far removed from self-respect as egotism is from self-reliant generosity, and that, though love may turn to hate, hate has never yet produced love. — Your obedient Servant, Charles Waldstein. King's College, Cambridge, March i-j. 228 HERCULANEUM app. TWO LETTERS FROM THE ITALIAN AMBASSADOR IN LONDON TO C. W., 1905 Ambasciata d' Italia, 20 Grosvenor Square, London, W., July 2, 1905. Sir — As I had the honour to inform you in my previous com- munication, I did not fail to lay before my Government the contents of your letter of the i6th May last, concerning the scheme of excava- tion at Herculaneum. I am now directed to communicate to you the answer of the Minister of Public Instruction on that subject, viz. — that it being question of an undertaking of great importance and connected with measures of an international nature, His Excellency wishes, before adopting any decision, to solicit the opinion of the "Commissione Centrale d' Antichita e Belle Arti," which he proposes to do at the next meeting of that Body. — I am. Sir, your obedient Servant, Pansa, or /-• Tir I 1 Italian Ambassador, rrotessor C W aldstein. King's College, Cambridge. Ambasciata d' Italia, LoNDRA, 28 dlcembre 1 905. SiGNOR Professore — Facendo seguito alia mia lettera del 2 luglio scorso, ho r onore d' informarla che la Commissione Centrale d' Antichita e Belle Arti, riunitasi in questi giorni, a sezioni riunite, ha espresso il parere che, in vista del forte dispendio necessario per gli scavi della citta d' Ercolano, che supererebbe le forze di un solo Stato, — presa conoscenza della proposta fatta a questo riguardo dalla S. V. Illma e consentendo pienamente negli alti e nobili sensi che 1' hanno inspirata, — la approva in massima, pur riservando ogni questione necessaria ad applicare il gran- dioso disegno. Gradisca, Signor Professore, gli atti della mia piu distinta con- siderazione. Pansa. Ilimo. Signore Prof. C. Waldstein, ecc, ecc, ecc, Cambridge. C. W.'S LETTER TO THE ITALIAN AMBASSADOR IN LONDON, 1906 yanuary 5, igo6. My dear Sir — It is now some time ago (just before your departure for Italy) that I had the honour of writing to you, and I pointed out I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 229 how the gratifying resolution of the Central Commission on my Hercu- laneum scheme, and the recognition there given to the nature of my efforts in the matter, however much it pleased me, did not put me in a position to warrant the resumption of my efforts. I know that since then there has been a change of Government ; but I cannot believe that such a change would affect the continuity in matters concerning the Government's dealing with foreigners in no way connected with party politics. I am constantly receiving inquiries from Italians as well as from abroad ; and I am anxious to settle the whole question in one way or the other. This I could best do by seeing the people concerned in Italy, for however short a time ; and by making my own scheme and my own position clear to them beyond all doubt. I could run over to Rome in the first or second week of April for this purpose. On the other hand, I have not had a single direct com- munication to assure me that the Government are willing to clear the matter up, and I can therefore not thrust myself upon them. I am sure you will recognise the delicacy of my position. If I could have any intimation that the authorities would like to confer with me on the matter, I shall at once make arrangements to leave for Rome so that 1 arrive there on some day between April 5 and 10. Will you kindly ascertain whether this is desired or not ? I should be grateful if you could let me know this as soon as ever possible, as I must make my own plans some time ahead. — I remain, your Excellency's etc., C. W. NOTE FROM THE ITALIAN CHARGE D'AFFAIRES, LONDON, 1906 Italian Embassy, 20 Grosvenor Square, London, W., March 19, 1906. Sir — I am in receipt of your letter of the 17th instant. 1 lost no time, after receiving your former letter, in laying before my Government your wish to be received by the competent Italian authorities in connec- tion with your plans of excavations at Herculaneum, and I find now that it would be outside the scope of my duties to put any further pressure on them. — Believe me to be, Sir, truly yours, A. de Bosdari. NOTE FROM THE BRITISH CHARGE D'AFFAIRES, ROME, 1906 The Minister of Public Instruction told me he would be charmed to receive Professor Waldstein and make his personal acquaintance, but that 230 HERCULANEUM app. he feared the journey would be undertaken hi vain If Prof. Waldstein expects to arrive at — or approach — a definite conclusion. I gathered he had answered Guicciardini in the same sense. C. DES Graz. March 28, 1906. LETTER FROM THE ITALIAN AMBASSADOR, LONDON, 1906 Ambasciata d' Italia, LoNDRA, 20 aprile 1906. Illustrissimo Signore — Conformemente al desiderio da Lei espresso questa Ambasciata non manco di far conoscere a S. E. il Ministro dell', Istruzione Pubblica il proposito della S. V. di recarsi in Roma per conferire intorno al progetto per gli scavi d' Ercolano. Com' ebbi a sue tempo a riferirle, la Commissione Centrale d' Antichita e Belle Arti riconobbe il Suo disegno meritevole di plauso ma fece ogni riserva circa alia possibilita della sua applicazione : sarebbero quindi necessari altri studi per esaminare la convenienza e la possibilita di tradurre in atto simUe vasto piano. In questo stato di cose S. E. il Ministro dell' Istruzione Pubblica non crede possibile prendere in proposito una risoluzione sollecita, e, mentre m' incarica di ringraziarla della Sua offerta di venire a conferire a Roma, tiene a farle conoscere che non sarebbe ancora possibile per ora prendere in esame in modo decisivo e concreto il progetto in questione. Gradisca, Signor Professore, gli atti della mia piu distinta con- siderazione. Tittoni. Signor Professore C. Waldstein, King's College, Cambridge. DRAFT IN ENGLISH OF MEMORANDUM WHICH C. W. LEFT IN FRENCH AT MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AT ROME ON SEPTEMBER 15, 1906 After interview with Tittoni at Circolo di Caecia, in which I gave facts to him, I returned to Ministry and gave them to his Secretary, summarising questions from my point of view as follows : — (i) That in 1904, after laying my plan before King, Giolitti, and Orlando, I received full authorisation from Italian Government (in writing, from Minister of Public Instruction) to begin my work of forming my Committees for international Excavation of Herculaneum — which I took up all over world. (2) This authorisation was never withdrawn — only strengthened. For — I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 231 (3) Only official communication I received from that Government was through Italian Embassy, London, informing me of the resolution of the Commissione Centrale, etc., to whom question referred by Government, recognising my work, and voting by 9 against 4 for my scheme. — Autumti 1905. Since then have had no official communication. It is true that — (4) Through speech in Chamber of Orlando in 1905, as well as through newspapers, it appeared that Italian Government denied this authority having been granted. Nearly two and a half years have gone by, and I am justified in asking from Italian Government that I be invited and encouraged to continue my work. ARTICLE BY S. MUNZ IN VIENNA NEUE FREIE PRESSE, 1906 DIE AUSGRABUNG VON HERKULANUM [Neue Freie Presse, September 2", 1906.) Cadenabbia am Comersee, im September. In dem internationalen Publikum, das in diesem am westlichen Ufer des Comersees zu der Gemeinde Griante gehOrigen idyllischen Ort Herbstvilleggiatur halt, lernte ich durch gemeinsame Freunde an einem Abend, wahrend rotkostilmierte neapolitanische Musiker und Sanger unter dem sternenhellen Himmel ihr ubliches Funicoli Funicola zum Besten gaben, den Cambridger Universitatsprofessor Waldstein kennen, den ich nach seinem energischen, lebendigen Aussern eher filr einen Sportsman und Landedelmann, als fUr cine akademische Leuchte gehalten hatte. Tags darauf erfuhr ich von ihm, dass er Professor der Archaologie und von dem Gedanken vol! sei, das vor 1800 Jahren verschattete Herkulanum ausgraben zu lassen. Er weile, erzahlte er mir, keineswegs ausschliesslich zu seiner Kurzweil in Itallen, sondern sehe filr die nilchsten Tage einer Begegnung mit dem Minister des Aussern Tittoni entgegen, bei der das Herkulanum-Projekt zur Aussprache, wenn nicht gar zur endgiltigen Entscheidung geiangen soUe. Im ilbrigen, meinte Professor Waldstein, er wolle vorlaufig davon Abstand nehmen, mir sein Projekt, fUr das er bereits das Interesse des KOnigs Eduard, des Kaisers Wilhelm, des KOnigs Viktor Emanuel, des Prilsidenten Roosevelt und insbesondere auch des deutschen Reichskanzlers gewonnen, des litngeren auseinander- zusetzen. Er erwarte far Sonntag den berilhrnten Komponisten des " Mefistofele," Arrigo Boito aus Mailand, zum Lunch und bitte auch mich, dabei nicht zu fehlen. Arrigo wie sein Bruder, der hervorragende 232 HERCULANEUM app. Architekt Camillo Boito, interessierten' sich sehr far den Plan der Ausgrabung Herkulanums, und um sich nicht zu wiederholen, wollte er dann in Boitos und meiner Gegenwart die Sache auseinandersetzen. In einem kleinen Kreise, in dem auch schone und geistreiche Frauen und daneben auch ein junger osterreichischer Diplomat gegenwartig waren, traf ich dann den Maestro, der auch der Intimus Verdis gewesen und ihm die Libretti far seine letzten Opern " Otello " und " FalstafF" geschrieben. Wahrend des Essens fahrte der geistvoUe Boito den LOwenanteil der Konversation. Er sprach insbesondere in fessehider Weise von einem Zusammensein mit Saint-Sagns, Tschajkowsky und Max Bruch in Cambridge, als sie alle hingekommen waren, sich den Hut des Ehren- doktors zu holen. Damals war es, dass er Professor Waldstein kennen lernte. Bei einem Diner feierte der grosze Physiker Lord Kelvin in den fremden Musikern die edlen Streiter far eine Welt der VerbrUderung. Jeder dieser Musiker hatte es namlich verstanden, in einzelnen seiner Kompositionen den Zauber fremder Zonen festzuhalten. Von der musikalischen Kosmopolis kam dann die Rede auf die internationale archaologische Tat, deren Anwalt Professor Waldstein sein wollte. Nach dem Mahle, das in dem kleinen " Hotel Cadenabbia " stattge- funden, zogen sich Boito, Waldstein und ich in die dem Herzog von Meiningen gehorige Villa Carlotta zurack. Dort hatte der Cambridger Professor, der Gast des abwesenden feinsinnigen Herzogs von Meiningen war, seinen Schreibtisch in einem mit wundervollen Empiremobeln ausgestatteten Gemache im Erdgeschosse aufgeschlagen. Doch die Sonne brannte heiss und wir suchten Schatten in dem Bambusgestrauch des Gartens, in dem auch Lorbeer, Limonen, Zedern, Magnolien in erdrUckender Uppigkeit gedeihen. Hier sassen wir zwei Stunden beisammen, und Herkulanum bildete den Hauptgegenstand unserer Unterhaltung. Boito sagte uns dann Addio, musste zu Freunden nach Cernobbio hinUber, und Professor Waldstein nahm es auf sich, mir den Tag darauf noch ein Standchen zu widmen und mir, vor dem grossen Empireschreibtische sitzend, angesichts der Empirewiege, in der vor achtzig Jahren der nun greise Herzog von Meiningen seine erste Kindheit hingebracht, ein Privatissimum aber seinen Plan der Ausgrabung von Herkulanum zu halten. Vom See her vernahm man frohliches Rudern — ganze Scharen pilgerten zur Villa Carlotta, um hier neben dem Garten selbst, der in wilder HerbstfuUe prangt, Canovas berUhmte Marmorgruppe Amor und Psyche und Thorwaldsens Alexanderzug zu bewundern. Ich aber halte es, da das Herkulanum-Projekt, wenn auch in aller Stille, vielleicht aus der Sphare der grauen Theorie in die blahende Wirklichkeit hinaberzuschlUpfen im I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 233 BegrifFe steht, filr Pflicht, den Lesern dieses Blattes auf Grund der mQndlichen Mitteilungen Waldsteins Rechenschaft uber den Stand der Frage zii geben, fUr die auch das Interesse der Machthaber Europas und Amerikas sich zu regen beginnt. Herkulanum liegt nilher an dem Vesuv als Ponipeji. Die VerschUt- tung des Ortes erfolgte pltitzlich und in kilrzester Frist. Herkulanum wurde von einem Schlammflusse bis zu achtzig Fuss Tiefe begraben. Diese Eruption war keineswegs eine Verschuttung durch Lava. Anders Pompeji — dieses wurde von Asche und Lapillen bedeckt, und die Dacher blieben sichtbar. In Herkulanum ward das Leben, wie es existierte, hermetisch verschlossen. Herkulanum blieb durchaus unangetastet. Herkulanum ist ungleich wichtiger filr die Welt als Pompeji. Letzteres war eine kleine Provinzhandelsstadt ohne Bibliotheken, ohne namhaftere Kunstwerke. Literarische oder kiinstlerische Schatze von Bedeutung konnte man aus der Ausgrabung Pompejis nicht erwarten. Anders Herkulanum. Es war ein Sommeraufenthalt reicher Romer mit gliinzenden Villen. Agrippina hatte unter anderen hier ihre Villa. Wie viel man von der volligen Ausgrabung Herkulanums erwarten darf, beweist folgende Reminiscenz : Unter Karl III. von Neapel ist im Jahre 1738 eine Villa entdeckt und ausgegraben worden. Ein Backer hatte zufallig nach einem Brunnen gegraben und Karl III. suchte darauf nach Schatzen. Von Herkulanum stammen auch die meisten Schittze im Museum von Neapel. Diese einzige Villa hat 1 700 Manuskripte geliefert — doch war der Besitzer ein Spezialforscher gewesen. Er hatte sich fUr die spatepiku- reische Philosophic interessiert, und so waren es darauf bezOgliche Schriften, die man in jener Villa gefunden und die in hOchst verdienst- licher Weise Professor Theodor Gomperz in Wien dem Verstilndnisse der gelehrten Kreise zuganglich gemacht hat. Es ist also sicher, dass, wenn man einmal in Herkulanum ordentlich graben wird, hier wie in keiner anderen Stadt grosse Schittze an die Oberflilche gelangen werden. Was wird uns Herkulanum offenbaren ? Vielleicht Klassiker, die zum grossen Teile oder wenigstens in manchen StQcken verloren gegangen. Vielleicht die fehlenden Abschnitte von Aeschylos, Livius, Tacitus, den Mcnander. Es mOgen auch in den Tiefen Herkulanums Bocher schlummern, die Ober die allerersten Bewegungen des jungen Christentums Aufschluss geben. Bis jetzt konnte Herkul inum aus mancherlei triftigen Grilnden nicht ausgegraben werden. Liegt ja doch die Stadt Resina etwa achtzig Fuss uber dem alten Herkulanum (bis nach Portici hin). Infolgedessen mUsste erstens ganz Resina aufgekauft und demoliert werden, zweitens 234 HERCULANEUM app. mQssten achtzig Fuss Erde weggeschafFt werden. Da wurden enorme Kosten in Frage kommen. "Nun," sagte Professor Waldstein, " ich hatte stets den Gedanlcen, dies konnte geschehen, wenn alle Nationen sich zusammentun woUten. " Und ich will hervorheben : Nicht etwa, dass ich gerade Italien far zu arm hielte, um es allein zu tun, sondern weil ilberhaupt kein einziges Land reich genug ist, diese Mission auf sich zu nehmen. " Aber ein Zusammenwirken aller Volker in dieser Sache ware nicht nur eine gemeinsame wissenschaftliche Tat, sondern auch so etwas wie eine kosmopolitische antichauvinistische Leistung. Eine Internationale Schar von Archaologen wUrde sich auf dem Boden Herkulanums zu betatigen haben, und diese Internationale Arbeit wilrde sozusagen ein schones GegenstQck zu der Haager Konferenz bilden. Ein Bulletin in, sagen wir, drei Sprachen konnte wochentlich erscheinen und die Welt ilber den Fortgang der Arbeiten unterrichten." Und nun erzahlte der Cambridger Professor, dass er bereits viele namhafte Personlichkeiten in ganz Europa und auch Amerika far seinen Plan gewonnen. " Ich nenne unter anderen Lord Curzon, den fraheren Vizekonig von Indien, Georg Wyndham, Harry Lynch, das liberale Parlamentsmitglied far Yorkshire. " Sehr erwarmte sich namentlich far die Sache Leonard Shoobridge, ein englischer Landedelmann und Parlamentskandidat, ein vielgereister, hochgebildeter Mann. Im Frahjahre 1904 hatte ich Gelegenheit, dem Konig Eduard meinen Plan vorzulegen, und er ermutigte mich sehr." Die Arbeiten, die Waldstein, anknupfend an seine eigenen Ausgra- bungen, aber Platea, Sykion, Eretria, Sparta, aber das Heraion von Argos gemacht hat, berechtigen ihn, sich ein Urteil aber das zu bilden, was in Herkulanum erzielt werden konnte. Er meint : Die Vornehmen von Herkulanum sammelten Kunstwerke, wie wir etwa heute Tizians sammeln. In seiner Historia naturalis erzahlt Plinius der Altere, dass far altes griechisches Silber, auch wenn die Zeichnung fast verwischt war, der hochste Preis bezahlt wurde und, fagt Waldstein hinzu, ein unendlich hoher Preis auch etwa nach unseren heutigen Begriffen. All das Sinnen des englischen Gelehrten ist darauf gerichtet, dass Italien nicht etwa in seiner Eigenliebe unnatz verletzt werde. Er bemerkt : " Herkulanum soil nicht von Fremden ausgegraben werden, sondern unter der Leitung Italiens. Und diese Ausgrabung auf dem Wege internationaler Kooperation soil in der Weise vor sich gehen, dass keines der Objekte aus dem Lande komme. Zu diesem Zwecke mOchten nationale Comites in jedem Kulturstaate gegrandet werden und nicht etwa aus Archaologen bestehend, sondern aus hervorragenden Personlichkeiten, welche die Nation reprasentieren. In jedem Lande soil das Staatsober- I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 235 haupt, etwa der Monarch oder der Prasident, an der Spitze des Comites sein, und Leute aus jedem Stande : Staatsmanner, Militiirs, Financiers sollen dem Comite angehOren, das die Fonds sammeln wird. Zwei Reprasentanten einer jeden Nation sollen in dem internationalen Comite sitzen — darunter der Botschafter eines jeden Landes in Rom — und der Konig von Italien hatte das Oberhaupt dieses internationalen Comites zu sein, dem ex officio vier italienische Mitglieder anzugehoren hatten : etwa der jeweilige Unterrichtsminister, der Sindaco von Neapel und zwei andere. Dieses internationale Comite hatte die internationalen Fonds zu verwalten, die filr die Ausgrabungen aufzubringen waren. Das Comit^ mQsste auch die hOchste Instanz in alien Fragen der Verwaltung und der Ausgrabungen sein. Aber die Ausgrabungen selbst wQrden von einem internationalen Archilologenpersonal, einem internationalen Stab ausgefuhrt werden, in dem die verschiedenen Departements den von alien Kationen herbeigeholten Archaologen und Ingenieuren zuzuweisen waren. Das Presidium dieses Stabes wilrde wohl dem leitenden italienischen Archaologen zufallen. Das internationale Comite in Rom wijrde sich mit den nationalen Comites in den einzelnen Landern in Verbindung zu setzen haben, um diesen Stab zu bilden." Professor Waldstein trriumt den Traum des Jesaias, dass Lamm und Pardel auf derselben Weide weiden. Er sieht im Geiste eine Art wissen- schaftlicher Kosmopolis errichtet und die ganze Welt nach Herkulanum hinstrOmen. Er erzilhlt mir, wie sein Prcjekt immer greifbarere Gestalt annahm. Die Osterferien 1904 benQtzte Waldstein, um mit Leonard Shoobridge nach Rom zu reisen. Im April 1904 hatte er eine Audienz bei KOnig Viktor Emanuel. Er spricht mit grosser Anerkennung uber die Einsicht des KOnigs. " Der KOnig," sagte er, " zeigte sich vertraut mit den Bestimmungen ilber die Ausgrabungen. Er zitierte die Gesetze von Karl III. von Neapel an bis auf heute und machte sehr richtige Bemerkungen. Der KOnig erfasste sofort die Situation. Er itusserte grossen Enthusiasmus, ais ich ihn bat, mir in dieser Sache behilflich zu sein. Als ich nun beinerkte, der KOnig mOchte mir gestatten, mich auf seine Zustimmung zu berufen, meinte er : *Gern — ^jedoch unter einer Bedingung. Ich bin,' sagte er, ' ein konstitutioneiler KOnig ' und er wies mich an Giolitti, den Minister- priisidenten, den er nuindlich von meinen Plilnen unterrichten wiirde. Darauf ging ich zu Giolitti, der sich gleichfalls for die Sache erwarmte, mir jedoch eine Berufung auf ihn nur unter der Bedingung gestattete, dass ich zuerst mit dem Unterrichtsminister Orlando RQcksprache genommen hatte." Orlando nahm die Sache geradezu ekstatisch auf, und als Professor Waldstein etwas Schriftliches von seiten des Ministers in Handen zu 236 HERCULANEUM app. haben begehrte, erfallte dieser seine Bitte, indem er ihm noch am selben Tage den nachfolgenden Brief ins Hotel schickte : Rom, 2 1. April 1904. Illustrer Signore ! — Heute morgens hatte ich das Vergniigen, durch Sie iiber den grandiosen Plan informiert zu werden, unter dem Protektorat Sr. Majestat des Konigs von Italien und der anderen Staatsoberhaupter eine Weltinitiative einzuleiten, um Herkulanum ganz zu erforschcn. Aus diesem Unternehmen werden, wenn es verwirklicht wird, die Wissenschaft, die Geschichte, die Kunst unberechcnbare Vorteile ziehen. Ich begrUsse Ihr kiihnes Projekt beifallig und spreche den Wunsch aus, dass die Grosse und Schwierigkeit des Unternehraens nicht die Verwirklichung desselben verhindern mochte und dass dieses Italien, das der Umarmung der Welt seine Arme offnet, die Spuren jener alten Stadt, aus der so wundervolle Werke hervorgegangen sind, im Taeeslichte wieder sehen konnte. . ° Der Minister Orlando. Leider erkrankte Shoobridge in Italien und konnte dem Cambridger Freunde fortan nicht mehr von Nutzen sein. Hierauf ging Waldstein nach Paris. George Perrot, der frahere Rektor der Ecole normale superieure und jetzige permanente Sekretar des Institut de France, gab ihm zu Ehren ein Diner, bei dem zugegen waren : Der bekannte Akademiker und Kenner des romischen Altertums Gaston Boissier ; dann HomoUe, der frilhere Direktor der franzosischen archaologischen Ecole d'Athenes und gegenvvartige Generaldirektor des Louvre, der sich auch durch die Ausgrabung der Altertamer von Delphi einen Namen gemacht ; ferner Heuzey, der Direktor des orientalischen Departements im Louvre ; Maxime Collignon, Professor der Sorbonne, ein sehr hervorragender Archaologe ; Babelon, der Chef des Manzenkabinetts in der Bibliotheque nationak ; Bayet, der Direktor des hoheren Schulwesens im Unterrichtsministerium ; der Due de Loubat — auch er Archaologe. Waldstein trug dieser Tafelrunde seinen Plan vor und fand begeisterte Zustimmung. Er woUte jedoch Paris nicht verlassen, ohne dem Prasidenten Loubet und dem Unterrichtsminister Chaumie seine Aufwartung gemacht zu haben. Sofort erwirkte ihm der englische Botschafter Monson eine Audienz beim Prasidenten. Dieser machte die Bemerkung : " // faut beaucoup de bonne volonte pour faire des grandes choses" und Loubet sagte zu, das Ehrenprasidium far Frankreich zu ubernehmen. Als er Chaumie seinen Plan vortrug, meinte dieser zuerst, man bekame in Frankreich nicht einmal leicht die Fends fUr die lokal-franzOsischen Ausgrabungen — es wUrde um so schwerer sein, fQr Herkulanum etwas zusammenzu- bringen. Als Professor Waldstein nun erwiderte, gerade durch ein so grosses Unternehmen, wie das in Herkulanum projektierte, wQrde in der ganzen Welt das Interesse far Archaologie gewaltig gesteigert werden, I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 237 erwarmte sich Chaumie ftlr die Sache und enthusiastisch rief er das schOne Wort aus : " II faut ebranler les cellules gh^reuses." (Man muss die Zellen der Generositat in Bewegung setzen.) Er schrieb auch folgenden Brief an Waldstein : Paris, 22. Ju/i 1904. Herr Professor ! — Sie haben mich von Ihrcm Projekt unterrichtet, ein internationales Comite zu bilden, das Ausgrabungen in Herkulanum organisieren wUrde. Dieses Projekt scheint mir durchaus des Interesses were. Ich bin uberzeugt, dass das Unternehmen, das Sie verfolgen, wichtige wissenschaftliche Resultate crgeben und dass die Kenntnis des Altcrtums mit cinem ncuen und lebcndigen Lichte dadurch erhellt warden vvird. Ich bin demnach sehr glucklich, nieine voile Zustimmung dazu zu gcbcn. Der Minister des Unterrichts und der schOnen Kiinste J. Chaumi^. Nachdem sich Waldstein einigermassen der Mitvvirkung Englands, Italiens und Frankreichs versichert hatte, begab er sich im August 1904 nach Deutschland. Von dem deutschen Botschafter in London, Grafen Wolf-Metternich, eingefohrt, suchte er den Reichskanzler FUrsten Bulow in Norderney auf. Er blieb dort vier Tage, die der geistvolle, lebendige und vielseitige Mann in Gesellschaft des Kanzlerpaares v. Bulow verbrachte. Wie sehr er den Reichskanzler fiir seinen Plan zu interessieren verstand, bezeugt der nachfolgende Brief : Norderney, de» 13. Jugust 1904. Verehrter Herr Professor ! — Ich habe meinem kaiserlichen Hcrrn vorgetragen, was Sie iiber die von Ihncn bcabsichtigten Ausgrabungen in Herkulanum mir raitzuteilen die Frcundlichkcit hatten. Se. Majestat der Kaiser zeigte grosses Interesse tur Ihren Plan und sagtc, von unserer Seitc wilrde auf diese schone Idee gem eingegangen werden : schon nicht nur, weil dort voraussichtlich grossc Schatze von historischer, archaologischer und Ssthetischer Bedeutung aufgcdeckt werden dllrften, schon auch, weil dadurch ein Bindemittel zwischen den Kulturvolkern geschaften wiirdc. Ich bittc Sie also, auf unserc Mitwirkung fUr Ihr Unternehmen zu rechnen und sich an mich zu wcnden, falls Sic auf Schwierigkciten stossen soUten, die zu bcseitigen ich Ihnen jederzcit behilflich scin werdc. Ich habe dem Kaiser ferncr gemeldet, dass Sie den Wunsch hiitten, sich personlich vor/.ustellcn, und Se. Majestat hat mir gesagt, dass er Sic gem in Berlin erapfangen wolle, wenn cr anlSsslich der Manover dorthin zurUckkehre — das wurde in der Ictztcn Augustwochc der Fall sein. Der Kaiser erinnerte sich mit Freuden, dass Sic so freundlich ftlr seinen Generaladjutanten v. Lowcnfcld gewescn, als derselbe in England war. Ich mochte Ihnen daher raten, Herrn v. Lowenfeld aufzusuchen odcr Sich mit ihm in Verbindung zu setzen, da Sie von ihm am besten erfahren werden, wann Se. Majestat nach Berlin zuriickkehrt. Jedenfalls konnen Sie der freundlichsten Aufnahmc scitcns des Kaisers sicher sein. — Mit meiner Frau und meincn besten Grtlssen, Ihr aufrichtig crgebenstcr BL'low. Far Anfang September erhielt Waldstein eine Einladung zum Paradediner im Weissen Saal des kOniglichen Schlosses in Berlin. Nach Tische liess der Kaiser den Cambridger Professor zu sich bescheiden und 238 HERCULANEUM app. sich von ihm das Nahere uber den Plan zur Ausgrabung von Herkulanum mitteilen. Der Kaiser ging sofort auf Waldsteins Ideen ein und bemerkte : " Das wollen wir gleich machen. Ich will das Ehrenprasidium far Deutschland annehmen und einer meiner Prinzen soil das aktive Prasidium haben." . . . Der Kaiser hatte gehort, dass der Cambridger Professor auch ein grosser JSger und Reiter vor dem Herrn ware, und bemerkte scherzend, anspielend auf gewisse Fuchsjagden, an denen Waldstein teilgenommen : " Sie sind der jagdreitende Pro- fessor ! " — " Ich hoffe," erwiderte Waldstein, "dass dies meiner Gelehr- samkeit keinen Eintrag tut," worauf der Kaiser einfiel : " Im Gegenteil, ich wollte, dass auch meine Professoren es tiiten." Nachdem er den Reichskanzler von dem Erfolge seiner Audienz beim Kaiser unterrichtet hatte, schrieb Furst BqIow an ihn : Berlin, den 13. September 1904. LiEBER Professor Waldstein ! — Vielen Dank fiir Ihren freundlichen Brief, aus dem ich mit Freudc ersehe, dass mein kaiserlichcr Herr, wie ich vorausgesagt, den von Ihnen geplanten Ausgrabungen in Herkulanum warmes Interesse entgegengebracht hat und dass Sie angenehme Eindriicke aus Berlin mitnehraen konnten. Was nun die Durchfiihrung Ihres verdienstvollen Unternehmens im einzelnen, insbesondere in Deutschland, betrift't, so mochte ich Ihnen anheimgeben, sich unter Darlegung Ihrer Wilnsche an den kSniglich preussischen Kultusminister in Berlin zu wenden. Exzellenz Studt ist von mir verstandigt worden und wird gewiss das seinige tun, Ihnen mit Rat und Tat behilflich zu sein. — Mit meiner Frau und meinen besten Grussen, Ihr sehr ergebener Bulow, Am 13. Dezember 1904 hielt Waldstein in einer Sitzung der Royal Academy in London, die unter Vorsitz des PrSsidenten Sir Edward Poynter stattfand, einen Vortrag ilber Herkulanum, dem unter anderen das diplomatische Korps in London und viele Kunstfreunde anwohnten. Auch der italienische Botschafter Pansa war dabei. An Italien war dem Cambridger Professor ja besonders viel gelegen. Schon tagsdarauf schifFte sich Waldstein in Liverpool nach Amerika ein, um die ihm gegonnten vierzehntagigen Ferien zur Propaganda filr sein grosses Unternehmen zu beniltzen. Er erzahlte darilber : " Der Staatssekretar des Aussern, Mr. Hay, ein alter Freund von mir, hatte es arrangiert, dass ich in Wadworths House in Gegenwart der vornehmsten und auch der reichsten Leute von Washington eine Vorlesung hielt. Es war selbstverstandlich far meine Zwecke von grosser Wichtigkeit, dass ich angesichts der Geldopfer, die in alien zivilisierten Landern far das grosse Internationale Unternehmen zu bringen waren, die Reichen dafar erwarmte. Vor der Vorlesung war ich einer Einladung zum Lunch ins Weisse Haus gefolgt. Mr. und Mrs. Roosevelt ausserten Ihr Bedauern darUber, dass sie' bei der Vorlesung nicht zugegen sein kOnnten, aber es widersprache der Tradition des Weissen Hauses, I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 239 class der Prasident in einem Privathause in Washington Besuch mache. — Darauf erwiderte ich : ' Darf ich Ihnen vielleicht eine besondere Vorlesung halten ? ' — Roosevelt bemerkte : ' Das war es, was ich wollte.' " Und Waldstein las nun am nachsten Tag im Weissen Hause in Gegenwart der MitgHeder der Regierung und der Freunde des Hauses. Roosevelt Qbernahm des Prasidium fcir Amerika. Unseligerweise ward damais nach Italien telegraphiert, Roosevelt hatte das Prasidium ilberhaupt — nicht das fOr Amerika — ubernommen, und in Italien sagte man : " Wo bleibt unser Konig ? " " Ich berichtigte," erzahit Waldstein, " sofort dieses wie andere Missverstandnisse." In Newyork hielt er darauf eine Vorlesung im Hause Pierpont Morgans. Da waren vieie Milliarden zusammen, die auf die Worte des Professors lauschten. " Eine sehr reiche Dame kam," erzahlte Waldstein, " begeistert auf mich zu und wollte mir sofort eine Summe fUr Ausgrabungszwecke anbieten. Ich aber sagte damais wie immer : ' Ich persOnlich will mit dem Gelde nichts zu schaffen haben — das Geld soil von dem Comite verwaltet werden, sobald dieses einmal gebildet ist.' Im argsten Schneesturm fuhr ich noch nach Boston, und hier sprach ich vor den ersten PersOnlichkeiten der Stadt im Hause der Mrs. Mont- gomery Sears. Am 15. Januar 1905 war ich wieder in England eingetroffen." Nachdem in Italien allerhand andere Missverstandnisse laut geworden waren, stellte Waldstein sofort einen authentischen Bericht far die italienische Regierung fertig, den er dem Londoner Botschafter Pansa Uberreichte. Ich fragte den Cambridger Professor, ob er nicht auch die leitenden Kreise in Osterreich-Ungarn far sein Projekt zu erwarmen suchte, und er erwiderte darauf: " Selbstverstandlich ! Der Botschafter Osterreich- Ungarns in London, Graf Mensdorff, ein wahrhaft charmanter Mann, zeigte grosses Interesse far meinen Plan. Er setzte sich in Verbindung mit hervorragenden Landsleuten, wie dem ehemaligen Petersburger Botschafter Prinzen Franz Liechtenstein, einem ausserordentlich kunst- sinnigen Manne, und dieser nahm es auf sich, in aller Stille in Osterreich und Ungarn Manner zu rekrutieren, die berufen wUren, ein Comit6 zu bilden. Graf Lanckoronski und andere werden darunter sein." Mittlerweile war in Italien das Kabinett Giolitti mit dem Unterrichts- minister Orlando gestQrzt. Eine neue Regierung mit dem Unterrlchts- minister Bianchi kam an Ruder. " Unterdessen," erzahlte Waldstein weiter, " gelangte aus Resina an mich eine Adresse des Consiglio Municipale, in der mein Projekt mit Bcgeisterung aufgenommen ward, und der Gemeinderat von Resina schickte auch eine Deputation an die Regierung nach Rom und drangte 240 HERCULANEUM app. zur Ausfahrung des Planes. Als ich dann im FrQhjahre 1905 als Prasident der englischen Sektion im internationalen Archaologenkongress in Athen Neapel berUhrte, kam der Bilrgermeister von Resina auf das Schiffund hielt an mich eine Ansprache des Dankes und der Ermutigung." Im Oktober 1905 wurde post tot discrimina rerum seitens der italie- nlschen Regierung die Frage an die Commissione centrale delle belle arti ed archeologui unter dem Prasidium von Visconti-Venosta verwiesen, und mit acht Stimmen gegen vier wurde der Plan empfohlen und angenommen. Freilich erst funf Monate spater erfolgte die offizielle Mitteilung davon. Der Unterrichtsminister des nunmehrigen Kabinetts Giolitti, Fusinato, war sehr dafur. Leider wurde er nervenkrank und musste seinem Amte entsagen. Jetzt ist Rava Unterrichtsminister. Nun muss der Entschluss Italiens endlich fallen. Es gibt nach Waldsteins DafUrhalten kein langeres Saumen. Das Verhalten des frilheren Unterrichtsministers Orlando scheint ihm nicht einwandfrei. Auf eine Interpellation im Parlament bin hatte Orlando so geantwortet, als ob er nur wie zufllllig und ohne alle Verbindlichkeit mit dem englischen Gelehrten fiber die projektierte Ausgrabung von Herkulanum gesprochen hatte. Und doch zeigt der oben zitierte Brief Orlandos das Gegenteil. Wozu war er ilberhaupt geschrieben, wenn es mit der Verwirklichung des Herkulanum-Projekts nicht ernst werden soUte } Waldstein will endlich ein entscheidendes Wort der italienischen Regierung, die bisher aus nationaler Eigenliebe wegen der Mitwirkung der fremden Elemente sich nicht fiir die Inan- grifFnahme der grossen Sache zu entschliessen vermochte. In einem Briefe vom 15. September aus Rom unterrichtet Waldstein den Schreiber dieser Zeilen von seiner Begegnung, die er mit Tittoni gehabt, und da heisst es : " Die Unterredung war einerseits befriedigend, andererseits nicht. — ' Nicht ! ' weil der Minister mich versicherte, er kOnnte keine definitive Zusage geben, da er mit den Akten in der Hand seine Kollegen zum Beschlusse aufFordern und die Akten vom Minister des Unterrichts haben mQsse — befriedigend, weil er mich versicherte, er woUe sich der Sache d''une maniere sympathique annehmen und auf sofortige Beschluss- nahme dringen." Bei der bekannten Loyalitat Tittonis ist daran nicht zu zweifeln, dass er sein Versprechen halten und auch den Unterrichtsminister Rava filr die Sache, welcher der Cambridger Professor seine Kraft und seinen Ehrgeiz gewidmet, zu gewinnen trachten werde. Erst wenn Italien als der in der Sache massgebendste Staat die definitive Zustimmung dazu gegeben hat, dass Herkulanum durch die gemeinsame Arbeit aller zivilisierten Staaten unter der Agide Italiens ausgegraben werde, kann an die Verwirklichung des Planes ernstlich geschritten werden. Professor Waldstein ist dermassen zuversichtlich, dass er sicher ist, bald die notigen Fonds aufzubringen, deren er far die Ausgrabungen in Herku- I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 241 lanum bedarf. Er beziffert die vorlaufig jahrlich aufzuwendende Summe auf eine Million Francs. Professor Waldstein ware fast schon mUde, mit des Geschickes Machten— sagen wir mit Italien — zu kampfen, wUrde ihm nicht von alien Seiten erneuter Zuspruch kommen. Erst letzthin schrieb ihm das Parlamentsmitglied fQr die Ripon-Division von York- shire Harry Lynch : Den I. September 1906. Ich hofFe, alles wcrde in Italien gut gchen und Herkulanum werde endlich aus der Kruste menschlicher Dummheit auferstehen, die barter ist als irgend eine Lava. Wenn ich Ihnen jemals und irgendwie von Nutzen sein kann, so lassen Sie es mich gefalligst wissen. Wer soUte sich nicht von ganzeni Herzen diesen Worten anschliessen und dem feurigen Cambridger Gelehrten nach alter Romerart wQnschen '■'■ quod bonum faustum felixque sit . . ." ? S. Mz. ARTICLE BY E. JANNI IN THE CORRIERE BELLA SERA, 1906 IL SOGNO DI UN ARCHEOLOGO {Corriere della Sera, 11 septembre 1906.) Ho avuto occasione d' incontrarmi col signor Carlo Waldstein. II nome e noto fra noi, non tanto per la sua attivita di archeologo quanto per un progetto che fu qualche anno fa annunciato, acclamato, discusso, combattuto : se ne parlo nei giornali, se ne disse del male e del bene, se ne fece cenno in una discussione parlamentare e provoc6 qualche episodio su cui non giova tornare : delle ostilita sorsero, degli entusiasmi, troppo pronti alia prima ora, troppo prontamente scemarono, qualche promessa affogo in un gorgo di frasi e parole vaghe : parve non se ne dovesse piu parlare. Ma chi del progetto ha fatto il suo pensiero dominante, il sogno piu belio e piu alto della propria vita, una speranza e una convizione grandi come una fede, e di tal tempra che non cede per asprezza di ostacoli e non si scoraggia per ostiliti di uomini e di casi ; e ne park ancora, e vuole che se ne parli, e mira tuttavia alia coiiquista de' piu scettici e di quelli in cui piu h radicata la diffidenza. E non tanto, per quest' ardua vittoria, confida nella sua autorita di archeologo — egli occupa da ventisei anni la cattedra di archeologia classica e di belle arti all' Universiti di Cam- bridge, e stato direttore delia Scuola americana d'Atene e, in quest' ufficio, ha felicemente condotti gli scavi dell' Heraion d' Argo — quanto si conforta nel fascino stesso della grande visione a cui vuol dare consistenza di realta e di cui sopra tutto sostiene vivamente il carattere pratico. Come gli esploratori veggono fantastiche regioni di ghiaccio e di R 242 HERCULANEUxM app. silenzio, bianco miraggio incantatore davantl alia prora della nave teme- raria, o vibrano alia viva immaginazione di contrade ignote con misteri di vergini foreste e inaccesse sorgenti di fiumi, questo archeologo vive e vibra nella visione d' una citta sotterranea, che aspetta dall' ardimento umano il giorno in cui rivelera le intime forme della sua vita subitamente confitta nel fango e nella morte. Ercolano, affocata e sepolta con Pompei dalla furia del Vesuvio ; Ercolano, rimasta sotto il peso del suo fato mortale mentre 1' altra e riuscita alia luce con la sua figura deserta e il suo solenne silenzio di sepolcreto ; Ercolano piu bella e piu ricca, piu celata nella tenebra sotter- ranea : questa citta che e un mistero e puo essere una rivelazione, questo grande sepolcro da cui possono balzare alia luce ignoti segni d' una vita lontana, questo tesoro che e la, che aspetta, che si deve pur un giorno, in qualche modo, frugare e conquistare, questo grande libro di storia antica sigillato nella terra, e il sogno, il desiderio, 1' amore di Carlo Waldstein, cittadino d' America e d' Inghilterra, anglo-sassone fervido e freddo, piu tenace della materia in cui la sua citta e sepolta. lo lo udivo discorrere, chiaro e preciso, adoperando il futuro con la sicurezza di chi ha gia coUocata 1' azione nel tempo, irresistibilmente. — Ercolano e stata la mia passione da lungo tempo, ma solo alcuni anni or sono, quando mi riusci di comunicarla a un mio intelligente e ricco amico, il signor Leonardo Shoobridge, mi parve che da un senti- mento di simpatia archeologica si potesse passare ad una attivita ardita, che dev' essere feconda. Andammo a Napoli, studiammo, riportammo la convizione che 1' impresa, perche grandiosa, non era ineffettuabile. Ercolano non h sepolta dalla lava. Degli strati superficiali di lava vi si sono stesi nelle eruzioni degli ultimi secoli, ma la fiumana ardente che la copri fu una fiumana di fango. La lotta contro la sua tomba non sara dunque cosi ardua e cosi trepida degli effetti come sarebbe se la tomba fosse tutta di lava. E cio che si trovera compensera senza dubbio larga- mente dell' energia e del danaro speso nell' opera enornie. Ercolano era una citta piu ricca, piu elegante, piu artistica di Pompei : era non tanto luogo di traffico quanto ritrovo signorile di romani nell' estate. Citta di piacere intellettuale e sensuale, ofFrira tesori piii vari, piu completi, piu cari alia nostra incerta conoscenza della vita antica ; la quale cl apparira tanto piu eloquente quanto piu repentina, in paragone di Pompei, fu la sciagura che la sofFoco e copri senza larghi scampi di fuga, senza che gli abitanti avessero, come quelli di Pompei, il modo e il tempo di ricercare e portar via le cose piii care. — Ma quanto costerebbe un' opera cosi vasta e lunga } — Quanto .'' Venti, cinquanta, forse cento milioni ? Certo costera tanto che non 1' Italia soltanto, ma nessuna nazione piu ricca oserebbe da I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 243 sola affrontarne la spesa. E percio io propongo il concorso di tutto il moiido civile. E' inesatto, quando non e di mala fede, supporre che si voglia quasi far 1' elemosina agl' italiani e impadronirsi, se non altro moral- mente, della loro ricchezza storica e artistica. Sara solo una cooperazione, una federazione di tutti gli Stati — meglio, di tutti i popoli — per una grande conquista. . . . — Un internazionalismo archeologico ? — Si, e che vale ogni altro, e che potrebbe essere 1' inizio d' una nuova forza pacifica nel mondo. Non vi sono scienze, che hanno per fine, mediate o immediate, il bene morale o fisico dell' umanita e al cui pro- gresso le forze alleate di tutte le nazioni darebbero un impulse mara- viglieso ? La visiene e grandiosa, e pero alcuni mi tacciano di . . . visionario. Ma e veramente una malattia certa, e triste, quella di chi non vede un valore pratico se non ai progetti piccoli e bassi. — Ma chi darebbe cosi grandi somme ? — Tutti : voglie dire tutte le nazioni e in ciascuna naziene tutte le classi. Non voglie che sia un " bluff" di miliardari. In ogni Stato — e ho gia preparato bene il terrene da per tutto — si cestituiranno dei comitati di persone eminenti col compito di attendere alle settoscrizioni e di partecipare con qualcuno di lore a un Comitate supreme internazienale, sedente in Roma, e sotto la presidenza d' un alto personaggio italiano — altissimo, spero, quando si vedra il sogno di oggi mutarsi in realta, con- cretandosi di energie intellettuali e finanziarie. — L' Italia avrebbe dunque una parte impertante ? — L' Italia avra una parte prevalente. Non sole in omaggio alle leggi italiane per gli scavi, ma in emaggie agli scienziati italiani ; i vestri archeelegi invigileranno i laveri a cui prenderanno parte archeolegi e ingegneri anche di altre nazioni. Gli eperai saranno tutti italiani — un migliaio di persene che per lunge tempo avra lavero sicuro — e di questo grande mevimento si avvantaggera tutta la regione vesuviana, tante celpita dalle eruzioni che meriterebbe di trovar nelle stesse conscguenze di quell' antice male una fente cospicua di beneficio. Non occerre dire che tutte restera in Italia, tutto sara delle State. Ai ceoperatori delle altre nazioni basteri di avere, nella scoperta Ercelano, un magnifico monumento di concerdia civile. — E basterebbe cio per trevare tanti e cesl generesi ceoperatori ? — Oh, di questo io sone sicuro. Da per tutto, e specialmente in Francia e in America, sone pronti : vi sara il soldo delle scolaretto e il milione del miliardarie. Ho girate, parlate, osservato. Non h questo r ostacelo : 1' estacolo e in Italia. . . . Io Io udive parlare e seguivo nei suoni delle sue parole battute dair accento sicuro le linee della grande visione. 244 HERCULANEUM app. Ecco la citta sommersa nella fiumana rigida discoprirsi a poco a poco. Ogni sasso sonante al colpo del piccone da all' umile scavatore la trepidanza della prossima rivelazione ; ogni incerta forma grossa di terra e frugata da cuplde mani che la svestono, la liberano, la interrogano. E sotto la volta di lava — perche la nuova citta rimarrebbe sotterranea, a sicura sfida di future eruzioni — le case e le vie, i cadaveri e gli ornamenti, le tracce della piu varia attlvita cittadina, i suoi mezzi, i suoi modi, le sue forme, le sue opere, quasi i suoi gesti, si svelerebbero a grado a grado, e dal suo sepolcro la citta morta uscirebbe come dalla creta esce, sotto le inquiete mani dello scultore, una forma armonica ed eloquente. E questo scavar nella morte sarebbe una grande cronaca di vita agli uomini. E quando Ercolano fosse tutta libera del fango che 1' ha per quasi diciotto secoli contaminata, non essa leverebbe al cinico sole le sue mura sgretolate e le colonne sole come un superstite stupore di templi crollati e le porte e le finestre fatte dalla luce stupide nella loro ampiezza eterna e vana, ne, all' aria viva e tra gli echi dei vivi, graverebbe sulle vie e sulle piazze un silenzio piii duro del fango sgombrato ; ma, rimasta sotterra in armonia col fato — risurrezione d' artificio in luce artificiale — le vaghe ombre, tenui e fluttuanti come veli, addolcirebbero le tristi asperita dello scheletro immane e lascerebbero, davanti alia commossa immagina- zione dei visitanti, vivere tutti i fantasmi dell' antica vita. . . . Questo e il sogno. Vano sogno — sussurrano, sorridendo, gl' increduli e i dubbiosi. Forse. lo volevo soltanto dire che il sogno h bello. . . . E. J. LETTER FROM LORD KNOLLYS, 1906 Balmoral Castle, October 4, igo6. My dear Professor Waldstein — I have submitted your letter and enclosure to the King, and His Majesty desires me to thank you for the information you have given him respecting the Herculaneum scheme. The King is glad to hear that you have returned to England in restored health. — Yours very truly, Knollys. LETTER BY C. W. IN THE MORNING POST, 1906. THE EXCAVATION OF HERCULANEUM (Morning Post, October 9, 1906.) Sir — I am grateful to your Rome Correspondent for having in his telegram of October 2 drawn attention to the new and favourable aspect in which the scheme for the International excavation of Herculaneum is now regarded in Italy. Among the numerous Press cuttings from Italian newspapers which I have received there are hardly any which take an 1 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 245 adverse view. Yet, in spite of the long and explicit articles giving my own views, which recently appeared in the Corriere della Sera of Milan, and (by Dr. MUnz) in the Vienna Neue Freie Presse, misunderstandings of the essential features in my plan have crept in, and will creep in, and such misstatements threaten the consummation of the scheme more than any honest and straightforward opposition. I shall be grateful to you if you will help me to clear away these misconceptions — if possible, once and for all — in giving to a wider public an authentic statement of the true state of affairs at the present moment. As with every question of importance, there is no doubt that there exists in Italy an opposition to the present scheme. The Royal Com- mission, to which the matter was referred last year (to which I shall refer again), reported by nine votes to four in favour of my scheme. This is highly gratifying. But the fact remains that there was an opposition of four experts. Though I do not think that, if the whole country were consulted on a fair statement of the issue, the proportion opposed would be so great, still those who wish to carry the scheme to completion and the Italian Government must expect some opposition. Now this opposition consists of honest men living up to their convictions, with whom we can, and ought to, sympathise. They are scrupulously jealous of the national honour, even against all manifest material advantages. The past history of Italy, as regards its treatment at the hands of the foreigner, has in many cases justified them in a deep suspicion of his aims and motives. Where they are wrong is that in this international enterprise, in which Italy herself is in every way to take the lead, such fears and suspicions are quite out of place. There are, of course, also the Chauvinists, who simply ^iJ^ke the foreigner as such, and whose watchword, continually repeated, is " 1' Italia fara da se " — and who do nothing. The real Italy, however — not the Italy of these windbags — does more in excavation and archaeological work than any other country in Europe. The British Empire does not make one smallest fraction of the sacrifices which Italy makes year by year for such scientific and humanitarian work. Yet, do what it may, Italy cannot for several centuries deal with all the numberless sites which must be explored in the interest of classical archaeology alone ; and Herculaneum can only be excavated by the combined efforts of all civilised nations. And were all this work, as regards classical antiquity, to be completed, there remain the enormous tasks, undertaken and still to be completed, in prehistoric archaeology, in the archaeology of the Early Christian and the Middle Ages. And if, centuries hence, all this work will have been accomplished, the material which is now dealt with by the historian will then have to be supplemented again by the work with pick and spade of the archaeologist. Though I know the leading Italian archaeologists to be in favour of 246 HERCULANEUM app. my scheme, there are some who oppose it with all kinds of factious arguments. Such men consider their personal ambitions or hatreds more than the advancement of their science or the good of their country. Moreover, partisanship runs so high among them that it is enough for one archaeologist whom they personally oppose to favour a question for them to become violent antagonists to the question itself. Let me also point out that there is no analogy between Western nations like ourselves and Italy in this respect. We do not invite other nations to co-operate, because we have no material for such co-operation. We are not in the proud position of living on the soil on which the common European and American civilisation continuously grew up through all these ages ; nor have we more to do in excavation than our own smallest efforts would easily accomplish. We must also bear in mind the important fact that in my scheme it is not merely a question of material means handed over to Italy to carry on its own work, which might be humiliating, but that the present movement means a great international gathering in the sphere of science in which Italy, the hospitable home of great international ideas, invites the more spiritual co-operation of the world, so that the foreign colleague will work side by side with his Italian confrere in the actual task of excavating Herculaneum. There can be no question of encroachment on the " honour " of Italy in such an international movement. On the contrary, as an able Italian writer in the Giornale d" Italia recently said of our plan : " The Press would do well to support him and to see whether, with the goodwill of all, a new star may not be added to the crown of monuments in which our Italy glories." Finally, let me emphasise the fact that in this international work, in which Italy will join to itself the intellectual representatives of other nations, there is no analogy to the condition of Egypt, Crete, or Greece, beneficial as the work there done may be. I must add a it^^ words as to the actual state of the movement. In the spring of 1904, after securing the favourable consideration of the question by the King of Italy and the Prime Minister (Giolitti), the Italian Government, through the Minister in charge of such questions (Orlando), gave me, by word of mouth and in writing, official authority to carry on my work for the international excavation of Herculaneum. This can be proved beyond all doubt. I thereupon began my efforts abroad, and succeeded in gaining the promises of co-operation from the highest and most responsible authorities in the several countries of Europe and America. This authorisation on the part of the Italian Government has never been withdrawn. On the contrary, the only direct official communication — besides those I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 247 of the Italian Embassy asking for written and detailed accounts of my plans, which were given and have been in the possession of the Govern- ment for nearly two years — sent me by the Italian Government was the transmission last winter of the proceedings of their Commission (Commissione Centrale di Archeologia e Belle Arti), which informed me that my scheme was discussed and adopted by nine votes to four. This was therefore only a confirmation of the authority originally given to me. It is true that, owing to misunderstandings and misstatements concerning the scheme, the Italian Press two years ago showed consider- able opposition ; also, that the Parliamentary speech of Signor Orlando cast some doubt on this authorisation. But no direct announcement of such retraction or modification was ever given me. The Giolitti Cabinet has now returned to power. A few weeks ago I conferred with Signor Tittoni (Minister of Foreign Affairs) at Rome con- cerning the whole question. Signor Rava and Signor Corrado Ricci were absent from Rome at the time. Signor Tittoni assured me that he regarded the question sympathetically, but that without his responsible colleagues of the Cabinet he was not able to give a final answer. He promised to bring the matter before his colleagues and to secure an early decision. It now remains for the Italian Government either to revoke the agreement made in 1904, or to confirm and actively to support the plan for such an international excavation of Herculaneum. One last word as to my personal relations to the question. I had hoped that the committees, national and international, who will collect and take charge of the funds, etc., would be formed about two years ago. As soon as these are formed I retire to the background. The whole matter will be in their hands. Of course I have my own ideas, elaborated for years, as to the actual methods of carrying on the excava- tions. But I have carefully refrained from publishing them in any form, as all will be in the hands of the International Committee and of the international staff of archaeologists and engineers, whose decisions I wish in no way to forestall. — Yours, etc., Charles Walustein. King's College, Cambridge, October 8. TELEGRAM IN THE TIMES, 1906 THE EXCAVATIONS .AT HERCUL.ANEUM ( The Times, November 1 2, 1 906.) Rome, November 11. The Central Committee of Fine Arts and Antiquities have at last decided upon the conditions under which they will accept Professor Waldstein's offer of pecuniary aid in the excavation of Herculaneum, 248 HERCULANEUM app. The Tribuna of to-day publishes these conditions, and explains that the difference of opinion manifested at first among the committee was caused by the feeling that the original scheme proposed would have given an excessive power of interference to foreigners, " from the heads of States downwards." The committee, however, have now decided unanimously to accept aid on the following terms, which seem to them to safeguard the national dignity of Italy. " First, that the subscription shall be of a private character without any official intervention in foreign countries. Secondly, that the funds shall be administered by an international committee sitting in Rome, of which the King of Italy shall be honorary president, and the actual president some one nominated by His Majesty. Thirdly, that the executive committee of excavations of Herculaneum shall be composed of a number of foreign members, chosen from countries who have contributed to the fund, and of the same number of Italian members ; the president of this committee shall be an Italian, and all its members, both foreign and Italian, must be nominated by the King of Italy on the recommendation of his Minister of Public Instruction. Fourthly, that the first publication of all scientific and artistic material obtained shall belong to the Italian Government and be made at its expense, though the Minister of Instruction shall be empowered to invite other Italian and foreign savants who do not belong to the executive committee to take a part in that publication. Fifthly, that the foreign members of the executive committee may, on the responsibility of its president and with proper safeguards, permit students of their own nationality to be present at excavations. Sixthly, that the whole pro- duction from excavation shall be the property of the Italian Government. This shall not prevent the Italian Government from giving to the States which have most largely contributed some specimens of objects found, in case of those objects being in duplicate and such a concession not injuring national collections. Under these conditions the Central Committee of Antiquities and Fine Arts hopes that the Government will not delay the definite solution of the question." LETTER FROM SIGNOR RAVA TO SIR EDWIN EGERTON, 1907 Ministero dell' Istruzione, II Ministro. Rome, le iifevrier 1907. Excellence — J'ai confer^ avec M. le President du Conseil sur les propositions de M. le professeur Waldstein dont V. E. eut I'amabilite de me parler. Le gouvernement italien est tres reconnaissant de I'empressement et des Etudes que I'illustre Professeur a d^di^ a la question des fouilles I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 249 d'Hercolano, mais il ne croit pas de pouvoir accepter, en ce moment, ses propositions. V. E. sait qu'une autre ville a surgi sur Hercolano de sorte que avant de commencer les fouilles il faudrait d'abord demoler les maisons ou prendre des mdsures pour les proteger afin de les conserver pendant les travaux. Le Gouvernement fera faire des examinations pour bien connaitre I'etat des choses et fera commencer quelques fouilles, et acceptera volontiers les conseils que I'exp^rience de I'eminent archeologue M. Waldstein pourra donner. Je m'empresserai de lui faire r^pondre directement par la Direction Gendrale des Beaux-Arts. Agreez, Excellence, mes hommages les plus distingu^s. LuiGi Rava. A S. E. Sir Edwin H. Egerton, Ambassadeur de S. M. Britannique, Rome. LETTER OF C. W. TO THE TIMES, 1907 A LAST WORD ON HERCULANEUM [The Times, April 25, 1907.) King's College, Cambridge, Jpril 24, 1907. Sir — When in April 1904 I had succeeded in gaining the support of the chief Italian authorities for my plan of an international excavation of Herculaneum, in conjunction with and under the direction of the Italian archaeologists and under Italian laws, the matter was settled in its first stage by the warm assent of the then Minister of Public Instruction, Signor Orlando. He supplied me with my credentials, which were to show the world that I was acting with the cognisance and the direct encouragement of the Italian Government, by giving me, at my request, the letter which has already been published. In this letter he recognised all the difficulties which lay before me in this iniziativa mondiale before I could secure the co-operation of the civilised world for such a colossal and ideal task, and expressed the hope that I should not meet with insuperable difficulties. I thereupon began my propaganda for the international enterprise in Europe and the United States, and carried the first stage almost to completion, in a manner which was as satisfactory to me as it was surprising. When, however, in January of 1905, from utterances in the Italian Press, and from a speech made by Signor Orlando in the Italian Chamber, it became manifest that the Italian Government was no longer prepared 250 HERCULANEUM app. to support my scheme whole-heartedly, I wrote as follows, in a letter published in the Times of January 23, 1905, in which letter I also insisted upon the competence of Italian archaeologists. " Compare," I urged upon the reader, " the appropriations made by the Italian Govern- ment for archaeological, scientific, and artistic work with those of our own Budget, and our admiration of the Italian sense of intellectuality as a factor of national life may not exclude a sense of shame as regards our own national attitude in such matters." The letter ended with the following passage : — Should the Italian nation object to such international work and excavate Herculaneum themselves, I shall not regret the efforts I have made for the wider plan. Herculaneum will be restored to light, which is the most important matter. But at the same time I shall regret that Italy does not also seize this opportunity of making itself the centre for a great work in which all civilised nations will unite in harmony on the very soil upon which the essence of their common civilisation rests. This would be the type for other similar enterprises in science and art, and would confirm de facto what the peace conferences and the treaties of arbitration are establishing Je jure. One thing remains certain, that without the cordial and unqualified assent, nay, the positive encouragement, of the Italian Government, the Italian people, and my Italian confrereSy the work on which I am engaged cannot proceed. What I then said in 1905 was meant in all sincerity, and applies to the present moment. Herculaneum must be excavated as soon as possible, — because of the quite exceptional character of what we have every reason to expect to find, because of the increased difficulties and cost which every year and week of delay entail, and because of the advantages to the living and the coming generations which the results will yield and of which they ought not to be deprived. On this, all who have any right to an opinion — from Beule and Gaston Boissier to Reinach and Professor Dall' Osso of the Museum of Naples, the greatest authority on such matters in the present day — are agreed. What happened since January 1905 may be outlined briefly by the following salient events : — In the autumn of 1905 the project was submitted by the Italian Government to the Central Commission dealing with such matters. This Commission recommended its adoption by nine votes to four — four abstaining ; while Professor de SaHnas of Palermo subsequently published the fact that he was temporarily absent when the vote was taken, but that he would have voted for the proposal. It is a noteworthy fact, which has only become known recently, that Commendatore Boni absented himself from the meeting held at Rome which other members, travelling from Palermo and Milan, made a point of attending. After some delay I was officially informed of this vote through the Italian Embassy in London. The Government had changed, and Signor Bianchi succeeded Signer Orlando. In the spring of 1906 I I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 251 informed Signer Bianchi, through the British Embassy of Rome and the Italian Embassy of London, that I was willing to travel to Rome to see him, if there was any chance that the whole question could be finally settled one way or the other. I was informed that Signor Bianchi could not undertake to promise this. Thus the matter remained undecided, until, last autumn (September 1906), a Giolitti Cabinet having again come to power, I travelled to Rome to see Signor Tittoni by appointment, as well as Signor Rava, the present Minister of Public Instruction. Signor Rava had gone to Milan (whence I came) on my arrival in Rome, and had returned to Rome when I arrived in Milan, owing to exigencies of his office. But the Minister of Foreign Affairs — with whom I, as a foreigner, would also naturally deal, — though he pointed out that the matter was not in his immediate competence (^ressort), manifested his sympathetic interest in it, and assured me that the question would be pushed to a conclusion without delay. This promise was manifestly fulfilled ; for the project was again referred to the Central Commission, who, in November of last year, to the agreeable surprise of all concerned, unanimously recom- mended its acceptance, and strongly urged upon the Government its speedy realisation. I must again point out — which I did not know before — that Commendatore Boni had absented himself from this meeting also. Meanwhile, besides this remarkable support of the archaeologists, public opinion in Italy, as represented by the Press, had emphatically turned in favour of my international plan and gave it unqualified and enthusiastic approval. This I can prove at any moment, as I have received the newspaper cuttings from all parts of Italy. The Giornale d' Italia of Rome — formerly more or less opposed to the scheme — printed a long article by Professor Conti, who had been the most decided opponent before, in which that archaeologist generously recanted his previous condemnation of my efforts, and lavished unqualified praise on myself and my work. The Tribuna — the paper supposed to be most immediately in touch with the Government, formerly distinctly un- favourable to the scheme — published three long articles by Professor Dair Osso, supporting it in the strongest manner, and giving a most luminous expose of the way in which the actual work should be under- taken. It was thus assumed from November to February by the Italians and by the whole world that the question was settled and the project accepted. I was myself informed by those competent that this was the case ; and, though I received no official intimation to that effect, I myself felt convinced that the matter was settled. Then, towards the end of February, there appeared the extract from Commendatore Boni's letter to me — which I had not yet received, — and in three days the decision of the Italian authorities was apparently 252 HERCULANEUM app. reversed. I say " apparently," because I have only the conflicting news- paper reports and private information to go upon. For I have not yet received official information on the matter. The subjoined letter to Signor Corrado Ricci will make clear this last phase : — Translation Propriety Sr-FRANgois, Gairaut, Nice, April 7, 1907. Sir — In the month of October of last year you sent me a very courteous reply to a letter in which I had pointed out to you the interpretation which had been given to certain expressions of yours cited by the newspapers to my disadvantage, and you assured me that it was not to me that your words applied. At the same time you announced to rae that my project concerning Herculancum, which had been discussed for two years past, would shortly be submitted afresh to the Central Commission, adding that, although at the moment your personal opinion was not favourable, you would not in any way use your official position to influence the members of the Commission. Evidently you had loyally kept this promise, for, at the beginning of the month of November, all the newspapers announced that the Commission had expressed itself unanimously in favour of the project, while laying down certain just conditions and recommending its speedy realisation to the Government. Of this I had information from the newspapers and from private sources ; but I have had no direct or official com- munication. Our Ambassador at Rome and yours in London assured me that they had more than once written and requested that this direct and official communication should be sent to me. In reply to a letter written by me to Signor Tittoni, the only member of the Government with whom I had conferred in person, his Excellency wrote to me in the month of February, that the question would be immediately decided by the Council of Ministers, and that I should receive a direct communication. You know the events that followed the publication of Commendatore Boni's letter. The newspapers announced that my project had been rejected by the Government. On the 23rd of February, our Ambassador at Rome informed me that he had received a letter from H.E. Signor Rava, in which the latter said that the decision of the Government would be sent to me. Since then, in reply to a letter addressed to H.E. Signor Tittoni, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs replied to me that the information would be immediately sent direct to me from that of Public Instruction. It is now the 7th of April, and I have not yet received any official communication either of the decision passed by the Central Com- mission at the beginning of last November or of the rejection of my project in the month of February ; while the newspapers write of the subject and discuss it repeatedly. I am receiving letters from all quarters asking me for information concerning the facts of a matter in which I am believed to be the person most immediately concerned. This is the simple state of the case ; and I must ask you and also the Minister of Public Instruction to take cognisance of it, and to act as seems to you appropriate in the interest of a question of such importance for science, for Italy, and for the world of culture. — Yours very truly, Charles Waldstein. Professor Corrado Ricci, Director-General of Fine Arts and Antiquities. It now only remains for me again to express the hope that the Italian authorities will speedily undertake the excavation of Herculaneum them- selves, and will carry it to a successful issue, and to give utterance to my sincere gratification that, under the present Government, such splendid I DOCUMENTS RELATING TO EXCAVATION 253 appropriations are being made for archaeological research. Such efForts can but evoke joy and admiration in all those interested in archaeology, in science, art, and culture. Allow me, in fine, to seize this opportunity of thanking all those, in Italy and every part of the world, who directly or indirectly have given me help and encouragement. Above all, I should like to acknowledge publicly my debt of gratitude to my friend Mr. Leonard Shoobridge. It was he who, in 1903, urged me actually to take in hand the inter- national scheme, which I had developed for so many years, but did not see my way to carry Into effect owing to my numerous duties. His active co-operation led to my decision. We travelled to Italy together in the spring of 1904. He prepared the way, by study on the spot, by procuring copious illustrations and collecting the literature on the subject, and has since given me moral and actual support in the work which has demanded some energy and sacrifice. Charles Waldstein. P.S. — Since the above was written, I have received a letter from Signer Corrado Ricci, to which I have sent the following reply, here given in translation : — Propriete St-Fran^ois, Gairaut, Nice, Aprii 17, 1907. Sir — I have just received your kind letter, which you tell me is privee et personnelk. I am thus debarred from publishing its contents. My letter to you was in no way personal, but purely ofEcial. I asked of you and of the Minister of Public Instruction that, at last, some direct and authentic information be given me as to the fate of my "international project," which has now been discussed for three years. Your letter does not provide this information, and I must again beg that this be sent to me in accordance with the promise made by the Minister of Public Instruction to our Ambassador on February 23. — Believe me, yours very truly, Charles Waldstein. To the Director-General of Fine Arts and Antiquities. LETTER FROM SIGNOR CORRADO RICCI TO C. W., 1907 SCAVI DI ERCOLANO Roma, il 27 apriU 1907. Mi pregio comunicare a V. S. una copia delle dichiarazioni fitte da S. E. il Sottosegretario di State per la pubblica istruzione nella seduta della Camera dei deputati del 24 aprile corrente circa gli scavi di Ercolano. Tale comunicazione serve di risposta ufficiale alle proposte da Lei fatte relativamente agli scavi medesimi. Corrado Ricci II Direttore Generale dcile Antichiti'i e Belle Arti. Air Illmo Signore Prof. Carlo Waldstein, Propriety S. Francois, Nice (Alpes maritimes). 254 HERCULANEUM app. i MiNISTERO DELLA ISTRUZIONE PuBBLlCA. Segue la interrogazione dell' Onor. Rampoldi al Ministro dell' istru- zione pubblica "per avere precise notizie sul modo e sui mezzi coi quali si faranno gli scavi di Ercolano." Ha facolta di rispondere 1' Onor. Sottosegretario di Stato per r Istruzioiie pubblica. Giuffelli, Sottosegretario di Stato per 1' I. P. II collega Rampoldi domanda notizie sul modo e sui mezzi coi quali si faranno gli scavi di Ercolano. 10 gli debbo anzitutto dichiarare che il Governo, pur valendosi delle proposte e dei conslgli dei dotti italiani e stranieri, intende riservarsi r iniziativa e la direzione degli scavi di Ercolano, perche vuol conservare a questa nobile impresa un carattere nazionale, sicuro in questo di inter- pretare 1' opinione pubblica e il sentimento del paese. 11 Ministero non crede che sia ora necessario intraprendere sopra vasta scala questi scavi, non crede che sia per il momento indispensabile dare un grande sviluppo, una grande estensione ai lavori. Tenuto conto delle condizioni del luogo, delle difficolta del terreno sul quale si deve operare, delle espropriazioni da compiere, perche, come sa 1' Onor. Rampoldi, vi sono molte case, quasi degli interi paesi eretti su quel terreno, il Mini- stero crede utile, opportuno, prudente, riprendere gli scavi studiando e seguendo un piano prestabilito e sistematico di lavoro, anche per averne norma nelle decision! successive e nella valutazione dei mezzi indispen- sabili a cosi vasta opera. Questi scavi saranno presto intrapresi, appena iniziato il nuovo esercizio finanziario : il Ministro dell' istruzione si varra appunto dei fondi stanziati nel suo bilancio per il 1907-1908. Se i fondi si dimostreranno insufficienti, il Ministero ne domandera al Parlamento dei nuovi con apposito disegno di legge. APPENDIX II PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS REFERRING TO HERCULANEUM, WITH TRANSLATIONS DiONYSius Halicarnassensis, I. xliv., ed. Jacoby, Teubner, 1885. 'Hpa/cXJ}? Se e-jrel rd re /car 'ItuXluv UTvavTa to? i^ovXero KareaTrjaaro Kal vavTiKO<; aiiToi cnpaTo'; cr(oo<; e'f 'l/3i]pla<; a(f>uceTO, dvaa'i rot? 0eot? Ta? SeicdTa<; rwv Xacfyvpcov Kal "ttoXi-^vtjv eirwvv/u.ov avrov KTiaa'i, bvua o ^ vtto 'Va>ixaiwv olKovfievrj Ne'a? IloXea)? '' Kal HofiTTijiat; iv fieero) Keirai Xifiei'a<; *' ev iravTi, Kaipio /3ey3atoi;? k'^ovcya, io^7)<; re Kal Tt//.?}? trapa irdcn rol'i oiKovaiv iv IraXta tv^cov airrjpev ei? "^iKcXiav. (For a full translation of this passage see Part I. Chapter II. p. 90.) Strabo, v. 8, pp. 246, 247, ed. Meineke, Teubner, 1866. ej^ofievov he povpi6v eariv 'UpdKXetov eKKeifievriv et? Trjv OaXaTrav UKpav exov, KaraTrveofievr]v Xt/3l OavfiaaTO)^ otad vyieivtjv iroielv T}]v KaroiKLav. "Octkoi 8e el^ov Kal Tainrfv Kal tijv €(p£^riToO Kicssling, oi^toO O. '^ ^rai'Xdxei Cobct 1.1. Mcutzncr Ann. Pliil. 1877, p. 825, ifavToXoxdro Aa, iyav\ox(iTO R. ' V ABa, -h Bb. < ^tV om. A. ' vias TriXcus Bb, om. spatio vacuo ABa. « xf(To< \lfi(yat c. BQchdcr, ... cot .'VaBa, Ktlixivrj Xi/i.^i'ai Bb, Xi/J^i-o! -Ab. 2SS 256 HERCULANEUM app. Now the Oskoi (Oscans) used to possess both her and her neighbour Pomp^ia (Pompeii) which lies on the river Sarnos, and there- after the Tyrrhenoi (Etruscans) and Pelasgoi (Pelasgians) did so, and then the Saunitai (Samnites) ; but these also were expelled from the places. SiSENNA, Frags. 53 and 54, ed. Peter, Teubner, 1883. Nonius s. V. fluvius-feminini, p. 207 : 53. Sisenna historiarum libro IIII : Quod oppidum tumulo^ in excelso loco propter mare parvis moenibus inter duas fluvias infra - Vesuvium conlocatum. 54. Idem eodem : Transgressus fluvium,^ quae secundum Hercu- laneum ad mare perfluebat.* Translation of Sisenna, Frags. 53 and 54. Nonius, under the word Fluvius-feminine. Sisenna, in the Fourth Book of his Histories, writes : " Which town stands on a hill, in a lofty situation, close to the sea, with small walls, between two rivers, under Vesuvius " ; and again, in the same context : " Having crossed the river which just beyond Herculaneum to the sea." Ovid, Metamorphoses, xv. 710. inde legit Capreas, promunturiumque Minervae, et Surrentino generosos palmite collis, Herculeamque urbem, Stabiasque, et in otia natam Parthenopen, et ab hac Cumaeae templa Sibyllae. Translation of Ovid, Metamorphoses, xv. 710. Next he skirts Capreae, and the promontory of Minerva, and the hills fruitful in the vine of Surrentum, and the city of Hercules, and Stabiae, and Parthenope, born for dalliance, and thereafter the precincts of the Sibyl of Cumae. Velleius Paterculus, ii. 16, ed. Halm, Teubner, 1876. Quippe multum Minatii Magni, atavi mei,* Aeculanensis,'^ tribuendum est memoriae, qui nepos Decii Magni, Campanorum principis, celeberrimi ' tumulo [excelso loco] Sluich. 2 infra Ro:h, intra libri, contra S^ic/i. 3 fluviam :^ic/i. cum -vulg. * perfinebat rvel pertinebat libri, perfluebat scripsi. 5 Atavini A, seJ s.l. atavi mei. '' Asculaniensis AP, em. Cellarius. II PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS 257 et fidelissimi viri, taiitam hoc bello Romanis fidem praestitit, ut cum legione, quam ipse in Hirpinis conscripserat, Herculaneum simul cum T. Didio caperet, Pompeios cum L. Sulla oppugnaret, Compsamque ' occuparet. Translation of Vellei us Paterculus, ii. 16. Certainly a high tribute is due to the memory of Minatius Magnus, my great-great-great-grandtather, who, being the grandson of Decius Magnus, chief of the Campani, a most famous and loyal man, showed such loyalty to Rome in this war, that, with a legion which he had him- self enrolled among the Hirpini, he helped Titus Didius to take Herculaneum, and Lucius Sulla to storm Pompeii and capture Compsa. Seneca, Dial. v. [De Ira, iii.) 21.5, ed. Haase, 1851 ; Teubner, 1893. C. enim Caesar villam in Herculanensi pulcherrimam, quia mater sua aliquando in ea custodita est, diruit fecitque eius per hoc notabilem fortunam. stantem enim praenavigabamus, nunc causa dirutae quaeritur. Translation of Seneca, Dial. v. 21. 5. For Gaius Caesar destroyed a most beautiful villa at Herculaneum, because his mother had at one time been in custody there, and thus made its fortunes noteworthy. For while it stood, we used to sail by it indifferently ; now we ask the reason of its destruction. (The phrase " in Herculanensi " is remarkable : " oppido " is probably to be understood; cf Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vi. i, 2, " Herculanensis oppidi.") PoMPONius Mela, ii. 70, merely names the place in a list, with the MSS. slip " herculaneum." Plinv, A^. H. iii. 5. 62, merely names Herculaneum. Florus, i. II. 6, ed. Rossbach, Teubner, 1896. Urbes ad mare Formiae Cumae, Puteoli Neapolis, Herculaneum ^ Pompeii. Translation of Florus, i. 11. 6. Cities on the sea : Formiae and Cumae, Puteoli and Naples, Herculaneum and Pompeii, ' Cosamquc AP, em. f^ossiui. " Herculaniuin B. 258 HERCULANEUM app. Livy, X. 45, ed. Weissenborn, Teubner, 1893. lam Carvilius Veliani Palumbinum et Herculaneum ex Samiiitibus ceperat, Veliam intra paucos dies, Palumbinum eodem, quo ad muros accessit. ad Herculaneum etiam signis conlatis ancipiti proelio et cum maiore sua quam hostium iactura dimicavit ; castris deinde positis moenibus hostem inclusit. oppugnatum oppidum captumque. Translation of Livy, x. 45. Carvilius had already taken from the Samnites Velia, Palumbinum, and Herculaneum : Velia within a few days, and Palumbinum on the same day on which he approached its walls. At Herculaneum even a hand-to-hand fight left the issue doubtful, and his own loss exceeded the enemy's ; at this he pitched his camp and enclosed the enemy in circumvallation. The town was stormed and taken. Columella, x. 135, ed. Schneider, 1829. dulcis Pompeia p.ilus vicina Salinis Herculeis. Translation of Columella, x. 135. The sweet marsh of Pompeii, which neighbours the salt-marshes of Hercules. (It is exceedingly doubtful whether " Herculeis " in this passage refers to Herculaneum.*) Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, ix. 16. 6, ed. Wimmer, Teubner, 1854. . . . TavTa he e^aKpi^wdtjpai fiaXiara Trapa rot? Tvppr]vol<; toi(; iv '}ipaK\ela. Translation of Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, ix. 16. 6. (Discussing certain vegetable poisons and antidotes.) . . . and they say that these questions have been most exactly worked out among the Etruscans (Tyrrhenoi) at Herakleia. Seneca, Nat. Quaest. vi. i, ed. Haase, 1851 ; Teubner, 1903. Pompeios, celebrem Campaniae urbem, in quam ab altera parte Surrentinum Stabianumque litus, ab altera Herculanense conveniunt et mare ex aperto reductum amoeno sinu cingunt, consedisse terrae motu vexatis quaecumque adiacebant regionibus, Lucih virorum optime, audivimus, et quidem hibernis diebus, quos vacare a tali periculo ' For a full discussion of the question cf. Sogliano, StuM di Topografia storica e di Storia antica, etc., Naples, 1 90 1 , pp . 42 fF. II PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS 259 niaiores nostri solebaiit promittere. nonis Fcbruariis hie fuit motus Regulo et Verginio Consulibus, qui Campanium numquam securani huius mali, indemnem tameii et totiens defunctam metu, magna strage vastavit ; nam et Herculanensis oppidi pars ruit, dubieque stant etiam quae relicta sunt, et Nucerinorum colonia, ut sine clade, ita non sine querela est. Neapolis quidem privatim multa, publice nihil amisit, leniter ingenti malo perstricta. Ibid. vi. 26. 5. Ob hoc et insulas esse certioris soli urbesque eo tutiores quo propius ad mare accesserunt. falsa haec esse Pompeii et Herculaneum sensere. (For a full translation of these passages see Part I. Chapter III. p. loi .) Tacitus, Annals, xv. 22. Isdem consulibus {i.e. P. Mario, L. Afinio) . . . motu terrae celebre Campaniiie oppidum Pompeii magna ex parte proruit. Translation of Tacitus, Annals, xv. 22. In the consulship of the same consuls {i.e. Publius Marius and Lucius Afinius) Pompeii, a populous city of Campania, collapsed in great part through an earthquake. Pliny, Letters, vi. 16, ed. Keil, Teubner, 1870. C • PLINIVS • TACITO • SVO • S ' I. Petis ut tibi avunculi mei exitum scribam, quo verius tradere posteris possis. gratias ago : nam video morti eius, si celebretur a te, immortalem gloriam esse propositam. 2. quamvis enim pulcherri- marum clade terrarum, ut populi, ut urbes, memorabili casu quasi semper victurus Occident, quamvis ipse plurima opera et mansura condiderit, multum tamen perpetuitati eius scriptorum tuorum aeternitas addet. 3. equidem beatos puto quibus deorum munere datum est aut facere scri- benda aut scribere legenda, beatissimos vero quibus utrumque. horum in numero avunculus meus et suis libris et tuis erit. quo libentius suscipio, deposco etiam quod iniungis. 4. erat Miseni classemque imperio praesens regebat. nonum Kal." Septembres hora fere septima mater mea indicat ei apparere nubeni inusitata et magnitudine et specie.^ ' Only the more important v.iriants are noted. 2 nonum Kal. Septembres hora fere septima M, nonum Kal. hora fcrc septima Dp, November Calend hora fere septima r, Kl. novembris hora fere septima a, a.d. Villi Kalend. Septembres hora fere septima G. H. Schaeferus. ' et spe surgit illo ut esole solet frigida gustata jacens studebat usus ille sole mox frigida gus- taverat iaccns studebatque i; et specie surgit ille ut sole solebat frigida gustata iacens enini studebat S. 26o HERCULANEUM app. 5. usus ille sole, mox frigida, gustaverat iacens studebatque : posclt ^ soleas, ascendit locum ex quo maxime miraculum illud conspici poterat. nubes, incertum ^ procul intuentibus ex quo monte (Vesuvium fuisse postea cognitum est), oriebatur, cuius similitudinem at formam non alia melius arbor quam pinus expresserit. 6. nam longissimo velut trunco elata ^ in altum quibusdam ramis difFundebatur, credo, quia recenti spiritu evecta, dein senescente eo destituta aut etiam * pondere suo victa in lati- tudinem ' vanescebat : Candida interdum, interdum sordida et maculosa, prout terram cineremve sustulerat. 7. magnum propiusque noscendum, ut eruditissimo viro, visum, iubet liburnicam aptari : mihi, si venire una vellem, facit copiam : respondi studere me malle et forte ipse quod scriberem dederat. 8. egrediebatur domo : accipit codicillos Rectinae Tasci "^ inminenti periculo exterritae (nam villa eius subiacebat, nee uUa nisi navibus fuga) : ut se tanto discrimini eriperet orabat. 9. vertit'' ille consilium et quod studioso animo inchoaverat obit maximo. deducit quadriremes, ascendit ipse non Rectinae modo ^ sed multis (erat enim frequens amoenitas orae) laturus auxilium. 10. properat illuc unde alii fugiunt rectumque cursum, recta gubernacula, in periculum tenet, adeo solutus metu, ut omnis illius mali motus, omnis figuras, ut deprenderat oculis, dictaret enotaretque. 11. iam navibus cinis incidebat* quo propius accederent "' calidior et densior, iam pumices etiam nigrique et ambusti et fracti igne lapides, iam vadum subitum ruinaque mentis litora obstantia. cunctatus paulum, an retro flecteret, mox gubernatori ut ita faceret monenti " fortes " inquit " fortuna iuvat, Pomponianum pete." 12. Stabiis erat, diremptus sinu medio (nam sensim circumactis cur- vatisque " litoribus mare infunditur) : ibi, quamquam nondum periculo adproprinquante, conspicuo tamen et cum cresceret proximo, sarcinas ' poscit Ma, poposcit Dpr. 2 ;j^ Mi'a (nube D), et incertum Dpi: 3 elata Ma, flata Dp, eflata r, efflata S. * aut etiam MSa, ut etiam Dpr. ^ latitudinem MSa, altitudinem Dpr. ^ egreditur Casanbonus, accepit Dpr, rectiiii tasci (rectini casci D, Rectinae Nasci a, imminenti periculo exterrite iiDa. retine irasci imminenti periculo exterire /. Recine Itacesii) imminenti periculo exterritae r. rectina imminenti periculo exterrita 5'. cornipta lihrorurn scriptura iiomen muiteris injicari •viiietur. de uxore Caesii Basil, quern ipsiim arJenie l^eswvio cum 'villa sua ustum esse tradit sc/iol. Pers. Sat. 6. i, cogitavil Hermolaus Barbarus, Castigat. Pliii. itiit., euiiique secuti Gesnerus el Gierigius scripserunt accepit codicillos Rectinae Bassi (Rectinae Caesii Bassi Gierigius) imminenti periculo exterritae (nam villa eius subiacebat — fuga) — orabat. Catanacus Retinam de nomine villae subiectae Miseno accipiens edidit accepit codicillos. Retinae classiarii inminenti periculo exterriti (nam villa ea subiacebat — fuga) — orabant. inde accepit codicillos. Retinae classis imminenti periculo exterrita (nam villa ei subiacebat — fuga) — orabat coiiiecit fortius, accipit codicillos. Retina Caesii Bassi imminenti periculo exterriti, nam villa Vesuvio subiacebat, nee ulla nisi navibus fuga : — orabat Jahiiiiis in Pers. Sat. 6. i. ' vestit D, non vertit S. * non rectine inodo MSa, non rectine modum Dp, vero recina modo vetante r. " incidebat Ma, inciderat Dpr. '•• accederent a, accederet Dpr, accenderent M. >i curvatisque MrSa, turbatisque Dp. II PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS 261 contulerat in naves certus tugae, si contrarius vetitus resedisset. quo tunc avunculus meus secundissimo invectus complectitur trepidantem, consolatur, hortatur, utque timorem eius sua securitate leniret, deferri ' in balineum iubet : lotus accubat, cenat aut hilaris aut, quod aeque magnum, similir, hilari. 13. interim e Vesuvio monte pluribus in locis latissimae flammae altaque incendia relucebant, quorum fuigor et claritas tenebris noctis - excitabatur. ille agrestium trepidatione ignes relictas desertasque villas per solitudinem ardere in remedium formidinis dictitabat. tum se quieti dedit, et quievit verissimo quidem somno. nam meatus animae, qui iili propter amplitudinem corporis gravior et sonantior erat, ab iis qui limini obversabantur audiebatur. 14. sed area ex qua diaeta" adibatur ita iam cinere mixtisque pumicibus oppleta surrexerat, ut, si longior in cubicLilo mora, exitus negaretur. excitatus procedit seque Pomponiano ceterisque qui pervigilaverant reddit. 15. in commune consultant, intra tecta subsistant an in aperto vagentur. nam crebris vastisque tremoribus tecta nutabant et quasi emota sedibus suis nunc hue, nunc illuc abire aut referri videbantur. 16. sub dio'' rursus quamquam levium exesorumque pumicum casus metuebatur ; quod tamen peri- culorum ' coUatio ® elegit.' et apud ilium quidem ratio rationem, apud alios timorem timor vicit. cervicalia capitibus imposita linteis con- stringunt : id munimentum adversus incidentia^ fuit. 17. iam dies alibi, illic nox omnibus nigrior densiorque, quam tamen faces multae variaque lumina solabantur. placuit egredi in litus et ex proximo aspicere, ecquid iam mare admitteret, quod adhuc vastum et adversum permanebat. 18. ibi super abiectum' linteum recubans semel atque iterum frigidam '" poposcit hausitque. deinde flammae flammarumque praenuntius odor sulfuris alios in fugam vertunt, excitant ilium. 19. innitens" servulis duobus adsurrexit et statim concidit, ut ego colligo,'' crassiore caligine spiritu obstructo clausoque stomacho, qui illi natura invalidus atque aestuans erat. 20. ubi dies redditus (is ab eo quern novissime viderat " tertius), corpus inventum integrum, inlaesum, opertumque, ut fuerat indutus : habitus corporis quiescenti quam defuncto similior. 21. interim Miseni ego et mater. sed nihil ad historiam, nee tu aliud quam de exitu eius scire voluisti. finem ergo faciam. 22. unum adiciam, omnia me quibus interfueram, quaeque statim, cum maxime vera memorantur, audieram persecutum, tu potissima excerpes. aliud est enim epistulam, aliud historiam, aliud amico, aliud omnibus scribere. vale. ' deferri se Sa. ^ tenebras noctis (excipicbat r, pellcbat s). •' diacta ra, dicta MS, zeta D. * sub dio pS, sub divo rii, sub die A/, sub dco D. ^ periculorum M, malorum D. " coUocatio D. ' digit M. ■■' decidentia a. " adiectum Dp. ■'J frigidain DSa, frigidam aquain Mpr. " innitcns servolis M, innixus scrvis Dpra. '- colligo M, coniecto Dpra. '^ Momms. 262 HERCULANEUM app. Pliny, Letters, vi. 20. C • PLINIVS • TACITO • SVO • S I. Ais te adductum litteris meis quas exigent! tibi de morte avunculi scrips! cupere cognoscere, quos ego Miseni relictus (id enim ingressus abruperam) non solum metus verum etiam casus pertulerim. quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam. 2. profecto avunculo ipse reliquum tempus studiis (ideo enim remanseram) impendi : mox balineum, cena, somnus inquietus et brevis. 3. praecesserat per multos dies tremor terrae minus formidolosus, quia Campaniae solitus. ilia vero nocte ita invaluit ut non moveri omnia sed verti crederentur.' 4. inrumpit ' cubiculum meum mater ; surgebam invicem, si quiesceret, excitaturus. residimus in area domus quae mare a tectis modico spatio dividebat. 5. dubito constantiam vocare an inprudentiam debeam (agebam enim duodevicensimum annum) : posco librum Titi Livi et quasi per otium lego atque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo. ecce amicus avunculi, qui nuper ad eum ex Hispania venerat, ut me et matrem sedentes, me vero etiam legentem videt, illius patientiam securitatem meam corripit. nihilo segnius ego intentus in librum. 6. iam hora diei prima, et adhuc dubius et quasi languidus dies: iam quassatis^ circumiacentibus tectis, quamquam in aperto loco, angusto tamen, magnus et certus ruinae metus. 7. turn demum excedere oppido visum : sequitur vulgus attonitum, quodque in pavore simile prudentiae, aiienum consilium suo praefert ingentique agmine abeuntis premit et impellit. 8. egressi tecta consistimus. multa ibi miranda, multas formidines patimur. nam vehicula quae produci iusseramus, quamquam in pianissimo campo, in contrarias partes agebantur ac ne lapidibus quidem fulta in eodem vestigio quiescebant. 9. praeterea mare in se resorberi et tremore terrae quasi repelli * videbamus. certe processerat litus, multaque animalia maris siccis harenis detinebat. ab altero latere nubes atra et horrenda ignei spiritus tortis vibratisque discursibus rupta in longas flammarum figuras dehiscebat : tulguribus illae et similes et maiores erant. 10. tum vero idem ille ex Hispania amicus acrius et instantius " si frater " inquit " tuus, tuus avunculus vivit, vult esse vos salvos ; si periit, superstites voluit. proinde quid cessatis ' quia Campaniae solitus ilia (ille Dp) vero nocte ita inualuit ut non moueri omnia sed uerti (sed euerti a) crederentur Dpra q {/i.e. quia) campanie non solum castella uerum etiam oppida non moueri omnia sed uerti credebantur M. qui Campaniae non solum castella verum etiam oppida vexare solitus : ilia vero nocte ita invaluit ut non moueri omnia sed euerti credentur 'vulgo ex Catanaei editione secunda. quia Campaniae solitus : ilia uero nocte ita inualuit, ut non solum castella uerum etiam oppida omnia, non moueri sed everti crederentur N. Heinsius in Ouid, Me!amm. vii. 492. 2 irrumpit cubiculum pSa, inrumpit cubiculum r, inrupit cubiculum D, inuasit in cubi- culum M. ^ quassata omnia M. * revelli M. n PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS 263 evadere ? " respondimus non commissuros nos ut de salute illius incerti nostrae consuleremus. 11. non nioratus ultra proripit se etlusoque cursu periculo aufertur. nee multo post ilia nubes descendere in terras, operire maria : cinxerat Capreas et absconderat, Miseni quod procurrit abstulerat. 12. turn mater orare, hortari, iubere quoquo modo tugerem ; posse enim iuveneni, se et annis et corpore gravem bene morituram, si mihi causa mortis non fuisset, ego contra salvum me nisi una non futurum : dein manum eius amplexus addere gradum cogo. 13. paret aegre incusatque se, quod me moretur. iam cinis, adhuc tamen rarus : respicio ; densa caligo tergis imminebat, quae nos torrentis modo infusa terrae sequebatur. " deflectamus " inquam " dum videmus ne in via strati comitantium turba in tenebris obteramur." 14. vix consideramus, et nox, non qualis inlunis aut nubila, sed qualis in locis clausis lumine extincto. audires ululatus feminarum, infantium quirltatus, clamores virorum : alii parentes, alii liberos, alii coniuges vocibus requirebant, vocibus noscitabant : 15. hi suum casum, illi suorum miserabantur : erant qui metu mortis mortem precarentur : multi ad deos manus tollere, plures nusquani iam deos ullos aeternamque illam et novissimam noctem mundo interpretabantur. nee defuerunt qui fictis mentitisque terroribus vera pericula augerent. aderant qui Miseni illud ruisse, illud ardere, falso, sed credentibus nuntiabant. 16. paulum reluxit, quod non dies nobis, sed adventantis ignis indicium videbatur. et ignis quidem longius substitit, tenebrae rursus, cinis rursus multus ^ et gravis, hunc identidem exsurgentes excutiebamus; operti alioqui atque etiam oblisi pondere essemus. 17. possem gloriari non gemitum mihi, non vocem parum fortem in tantis periculis excidisse, nisi me cum omnibus, omnia mccum perire misero, magno tamen mortis solacio credidisseni. 18. tandem ilia caligo tenuata quasi in fumum nebulamve discessit : mox dies verus, sol etiam cffulsit, luridus tamen, qualis esse, cum deficit, solet. occursabant trepidantibus adhuc oculis mutata omnia, altoque cinere tamquam nive obducta. 19. regressi Misenum curatis utcumque corporibus suspensam dubiamque noctem spe ac metu exigimus. metus praevalebat ; nam et tremor terrae perseverabat, et plcrique lymphati terrificis vaticinationibus et sua et aliena mala ludificabantur. 20. nobis tamen ne tunc quidem, quamquam et expertis periculum et exspectantibus abeundi consilium, donee de avunculo nuntius. haec nequaquam historia digna non scripturus leges et tibi, scilicet qui requisisti, imputabis, si digna ne epistula quidem videbantur. vale. (For a full translation of both these letters see Part I. Chapter III. pp. 103 ff.) ' cinis rursus inultus ct A/ii, luinultus Dp. 264 HERCULANEUM app. Suetonius, ed. Roth, Teubner, 1893, p. 300. Periit clade Campaniae (i.e. Plinius Secundus Novocomensis) ; cum enim Misenensi classi praeesset et flagrante Vesubio ad explorandas propius causas liburnica praetendisset, nee adversantibus ventis remeare posset, vi pulveris ac favillae oppressus est, vel ut quidam existimant a servo suo occisus, quern aestu deficiens ut necem sibi maturaret oraverat. Translation of Suetonius, ed. Roth, p. 300. (Plinius Secundus of Novum Comum) died in the Campanian disaster ; for, being in command of the fleet at Misenum, he advanced in a brigantine during the eruption of Vesuvius to investigate the nature of the phenomenon more closely, but was prevented from returning by unfavourable winds : and was overwhelmed by the quantities of dust and ash, or, as some suppose, he was slain bv his slave, whom he had begged, as the heat overcame him, to hasten his death. Cassius Dio, Ixvi. 21, 22, 23, 24 ( = Xiphilinus, Epitome Dionis, 212-215), ^^- Boissevain, Berlin, 1901, vol. iii. pp. 156 ff XX. eV fiev r!} Jiperavvla ravT eyevero, Kal air avrwv o fiev Tito? avTOKpdrcop to Trei/TeKaiBeKarov eireKXijOr], 6 he WjpiKo\a<; ev re (iTi/iia to Xonrov tov ^lov Kal ev evhela, are koX fiel^ova rj KUTa aTpaTtjyov KaTa-rrpd^wi, e^tjae, Kal reX-o? ea(fidy7] Bo aiiTo. Tavra vtto ^ofxiriavov Kanrep Ta'i iTTiviKiov<; Ti/J.d<; "irapd tov Tltov Xa^wv. XXI. 1. ev he TTj Kafiiravia (fio^epd Tiva Kal dav/xaaTci (TVvrivey^Br)' irvp yap fieya kut avTo to (^Oivoivccpov e^aTTivaio)^ i^)'](f>6r]. to yap opo<; to Jieaj3iov ~ eaTt, /xev •7rp6<; Trj daXdccrr) KaTo, Neaz/ tvoXlv, e-)(eu he Trvpo<; Trrjyd<; d^Oovovs. Kal rjv p.ei> ttote Trdv o/J.oto} fiearw Kpavpovfiivwv Kal Te(f)povfievwv, at irepi^ Kopv -^povip koT\ov eK tov crvvi^eiv yeyovev, wcrre KwqyeTiKW Tivi BeaTprp to 6/30? avfiirav, a>9 fiiKpa ' Trapd ToC Tirol! Trap' avToO tovtov Causaub. ad uet. Domit. coll. Tac. Agr. 40, potius rap' auToC T/rou Polak. 2 B^ffjSioy : ita hie et c. 22. i V. C. Zon. j3aij9(u et jSaijSiov 76, 21. 2 (V. C), eadera forma pia^iov (quam sua aetate obtinuisse refert Galen, Meth. Med. v. 12) Strab. i. 2. 18, p. 26 (sed Oviaomov v. 4. 8, p. 247, ita c, oiiaaoviov A, oi'ftriroiVioi' B). App. B. C. i. 116, Plut. ser. num. vind. 22, p. 566, etc., Ovaeoiioi Diod. iv. 21. ' add. Bekk. ex Zon. II PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS 265 fj-eyaXots eiKciaai,, eoiKevai. 3- ''"''' ovrov ra fiev axpa koX hevZpa koX ufnre\ov<; 7ro\Xa? e^^i, 6 Be Bij kvk\o<; dveiTai no irvpi, koX avahlhoKn t^? fikv r)fiepa<; Kairvov Tri<; he vvkto<; ^ rw ypovtp avvTjvex^dr], el Kal peyd\a irapd to KaOeffrrjKO'; toI<; del opaxriv avrd elvai eBo^e, apiKpd dv 7rpo9 "rd Tore crvp^dvTa, Kal rd irdvra el<; ep (TVinjveyBevTa vopicrdeiri. eo"%e ydp ovtq)<;. 2. ili'Bpe^ ttoWoI Kal peydXo'., irdcrav t>}v di'6pa>irivr)v va'iv vTrep^e^\7]K0T€<{, oloi 01 y[yai'Te<; ypdcpovrai, tovto pev ev Tw Spec TOVTO B' ev t/; Trepl avTO X'^Pf ''"'*''> '''^ iroXeai peB' t)pepav koi vvKTOjp ev Trj yrj •rrepivoaTOvvTe'i Kal ev Tip depi Bia(f)oiT(i)VTe'; eipavTu^ovTO. 3- Kal peTa tovt avypoL^ re Beivol Kal aeiapol e^al.;, coaTe iravTa. pev tov depa crvcTKiaadPjvai; irdvTa Be tov ijXiov a-vyKpvpa dpv0t)TO<; dveva)jdri Kal Ttjv Te yP]v ti'jv re ddXaacrav Kal TOV depa iravTa KaTeaxe, Kal iroXXd pev Kal dXXa, oiv ttov Kal eVuT^e, KaX dii9pwTroi<; Kal x'^P'^'-^ '^^'^ ^oaKjjpaaiv iXvprjvaTO, tov<; Be Si} Ixdva^; tu re opvea irdvTa Biecpdeipe, Kal irpoaeTL Kal TToXet? Bvo oXa<;, to Te ' UpKovXdveov Kal Tovs llopTrrjlovs, ev OeaTpui tov opiXov avTrjt; Kadtjpevov, /caTeYWce. 4. ToaavTT) ydp 17 irdcra k6vi,<; eyeveTO wcjTe dir' avrPi/> ins. Bk. * ii/cfioi Bk. immerito, cf. Thuc. i. 23. 3. '' ofo Bk., 0! ilXXoi V. C, .in oro ilXXus vel adco ola (v u\Xi)Xoi5 fetento re TapoLTTbixevoi. *• TtTapayiiivoi Bk., rt rapaTrlifUvoi V. C. ' airrit V. C, airQv Zon. 266 HERCULANEUM app. 'A^piKrjv Koi ^ "Evplav Kal e? Aiyvrrrov, J]\6e' Se Kal e? ttjv 'Vwfirjv, Kal TOP re aepa tov virep avTrj'; eirXTjpcoae Kal tov rfKiov iirecTKiaae. 5- '^"' crvve^rj KuvravOa Seo? ov fiiKpov eVt 7ro\Xa? ^ 7jfiepa<; ovr elBoai roii dvOptoiroK TO 'yejovo<; ovt eiKacrac Bvvafiivoi^, a\X' evofit^ov koX eKeivoi iravTa avw re Kal Kara) fieTacTTpecpea-dai* Kal tov fj,iv t]\iov e? ttjv yrjv d^avi^ecrOai, Trjv Oe •yfjv e? TOV ovpavov avievai. XXIV. I. )7 fiev ovv Tecppa avri] ovBtv fteya tot€ KaKov ai/TOU? elpydaaTO {vt(7i XoLfKiiorj oeiprjv eve/SaXe), "rrvp oe or) €Tepov e-TTLyeiov t&J e^^")? erei -rroWa ttcivv rij'; 'Pcofirjt;, tov Tltov Trpo? to •?rdOT]fj,a to iv Ttj }iafj.7ravi'a yevop-evov eKZr]pTjaavTO<; iireveipaTO- . . . 3. o 8' ovv TIto'; T0t9 p,€v Kap,Travol is Bk. ex Zon. ^ ^^g^ Bekk., lea6ai V C., (rTp€(f>€(ydaL Dind. ° XprqixaTa socl. R. St., nee habet Zon. II PASSAGES FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS 267 ruler but even the sympathy of a parent, now by consolatory edicts, now by all the assistance which his resources permitted him to give. He chose by lot from the ranks of the consulares commissioners for the restoration of Campania ; he devoted the goods of those victims of Vesuvius who had left no heirs to the restoration of the states ruined. Tacitus, Hist. \. 2. Hausta aut obruta fecundissima Campaniae ora. Translation of Tacitus, Hist. i. 2. The most fertile coast of Campania was swallowed or overwhelmed. Martial iv. 44, ed. Gilbert, Teubner, 1901. hie est pampineis viridis modo Vesbius ^ umbris, presserat hie madidos nobilis uva lacus. haec iuga, quam Nysae collis, plus Bacchus amavit, hoc nuper Satyri monte dedere chores, haec Veneris sedes, Lacedaemone gratior ilH, hie locus Herculeo nomine " clarus erat. cuncta iacent fiammis et tristi mersa favilla : nee superi vellent hoc licuisse sibi. (For a full translation of this epigram see Part I. Chapter III. p. 108.) Statius, Silvae iv. 4. 78-85, ed. Vollmer, Teubner, 1898. haec ego Chalcidicis ad te. Marcel le, sonabam litoribus, fractas ubi Vesuius erigit ^ iras aemula Trinacriis volvens incendia fiammis. mira fides ! credetne virum ventura propago, cum segetes iterum, cum iam haec deserta virebunt, infra urbes populosque premi proauitaque tosto * rura abiisse mari .'* necdum letale miiiari cessat apex. (For a full translation of this passage see Part I. Chapter III. p. 109.) " Vesbius TOFABEG {d. P), Sc/iiieidewin ; Vcsvius X, Scri-verius, ScAneidepovpei, ra S' dWa Kprjfivovi; d-TT-OTOfiov; Kal \i.(r(TdBa<;, dfnre'Kov Be 7roWr]v dypiav eTrnroXij^ '7re9+. >95. 20 > Constitution, 92 Conti, article in Giornale d' Italia, 48, 251 Corriere J.ella Sera, article by author, 241 sij. ; article by Signor Janni, 48 Cozzolino, G. A., support of, 221-3 Crane, use of in excavations, 142 Crowbar, 122 Cumae, compared with Herculaneum, 2, 4, 86 ; taken by Samnites, 91 Cupboards, 123 Cupping-glasses, 122 Cups, 75 Dall' Osso, support of, 220, 250 ; on plan of | Alexandria, 62 ; on dimensions of Hercu- : laneum, 67 ; on Forum, 72, 73 ; on name, 89, 90 ; on origin, 10 ; on plan, 63 ; on site, \ 61 ; on streets, 66 ; articles in Tribuna, 48-49, j 251 ; on villas, 80 1 "Dancing Maidens" (bronze), 83 j Delphi, compared with Herculaneum, i, 2 Demosthenes, bust of, 93 Dicaearchia, 86 Dice, 122 Didius, T., takes Herculaneum, 92 Dimensions, 65, 80, 156-7 Diodorus, on Vesuvius, 97 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 59, 60, 90 Discipline of staff, suggested, 152 Dorn, Dr., Zoological Station at Naples, 22 Draughtsmen, suggested employment of, 165 Dresden, works ot art in, 69, 127, 130 Duhn, Von, on Campania, S7 Earthquake of 63 A.D., 64, 74, 92, 101-2, 194 Edward VH., King, support of, 32, 190-1 Egerton, Sir E., letter from Signor Rava to, 248 Egypt, hieroglyphics, 75 ; manuscripts found in, S ; soil of preservative of antiquities, 4, 8 Elboeuf, Prince d", excavations of, 126, 127 Electric light, suggested application of, 155 England, King of. See Edward VII. Ephebeum, 73 Epicurean Library, 8, 83, 195 Epicurus (bust), 93; writings in "Casa dei Papiri," 83 Eruption of 472 a.d., 126 Eruption of 79 a.d., 5, 6, 98, 102-13, 194 Etruscans in Campania, 86, 87, 88, 90 Etruscan system of planning, 10, 61 Euripides, "Antiope" ot, 93 Eurystheus. See Hercules Eusebius, on eruption of 79 A.D., 1 10 Excavation, suggested reform of methods, 16, 17, 153 ; suggested scheme of, 147-59 Excavations in the past, 12, 13, 126, 128-30, 189 " Excavator," letter to Times, 202 Fabii, 195 Fauns (bronze), 83, 119, 120-1 Fiorelli, on Pompeii paintings, 73 ; support of, 207 Fish-hooks, 122 Fishery, 95 Floats, 122 Florus, 60, 89, 90 Food-stuffs, 123 Foot-rule, 122 Fortune, basis ot statue of, 95 Forum, 72 " Fosso di CalloUo," discoveries at, 79 Fountains, 67 Fragments, proper treatment of, 138, 172 French Republic, President of. See Loubet Fruit, 122 Funnels, 75 Fusinato, support of, 240 Galante, J. A., on Regio Herculanensis, 125 Galba (bust), 77 Geology, application of to excavations, 143 George IV. See Wales German Emperor. See Wilhelm II. Germanicus (bronze statue), 71 Gesner, Prof, 124 Gianotti, Count, suppon of, 34 Giolitti, support of, etc., 34, 45, 46, 239, 246, 247.251 Giornale d' Italia, various articles in, 48, 52, 215, 219, 246, 251 ; letter from author, 213-14 Giuffelli, reply to Rampoldi's question, 254 Glabrus, C, in Vesuvius, 99, 100 Glass, 7 Graffito, 93 Grains, 122 Grappling-hook, 122 Greek svstem of planning, 6 1 . See also " Hippo- damian " system Greeks in Campania, 86 Grouping of objects as guide to identification, 140 Gori, on excavations, 129 ; on tombs, 78 Halbherr, Prof, work in Crete, 207 Hammers, 122 Hannibal, in Campania, 91, 92 Harper's Monthly Magazine, article by author, 43 Hatchets, 122 Hay, Hon. John, support of, 40 INDEX 321 Haytcr, Rev. J., editor of Papyri, i 3 Heraclea, cities called, 88 " Heraclcion," 10 Heraclcopolis, cities called, 89 Heracles, founder of Herculanemn, 90 Heracleiim, cities called, 89 Herdanium, 125 Herculaneuni, compared with Pompeii. See Comparison Hclbi^, on Pompeian painting, 73 Hellenic civilisation in Herculaneum, 1 1 Heraion, packing of finds, 144 ; publication of finds, 144, 176 ; transference ot finds, ■44 Hercules (statuette), 75 Hercules and boar (painting), 72 Hercules and lion (painting), 72 Hercules and snakes (painting), 72 Hercules and Telephus (painting), 71 Hennarchus (bust), 93 Hermes on rock (bronze statue), 119, 120 Herrlich, on eruption of 79 a.d., 109, 110, 121 Herrmann, on paintings, 1 1 Hcuzey, support of, 37 " Hippodamian " system of planning, 10, 61, 62 Hissailik, mistakes in excavation, 141 History since 79 A.D., 125 Homer (bronze), 195 HomoUe, support of, 37, 209 Hughes, Prof., on destruction, 1 15-19; on Pliny's account, 111-13; on soil covering Herculaneum, 194 ; on Vesuvius before 79 A.n., 99 Hungarian Committee, proposed, 39 Huschke, 94 Hylas (painting), 72 Identification of finds, 140 Incrustation, 69 Inkstands, 122 Inscribed tablets, 122 Inscriptions, 78, 86, 87, 92-97, 102, 122 International Committee, suggested formation of, 26, 27-31, 148, 205-10 International co-operation as an aim, 19, 22 International Staff, suggested formation of, 148-9 Isis (statuette), 75 Italian Ambassador, author's correspondence with, 42, 44, 196, 228 Italian Government, appropriations for archae- ology, 207 ; attitude to the scheme, 35, 52, 190, 198, 205, 207, 211-12, 246, 252, 254 Italian Ministry of Public Instruction. See Italian Government Italian opinion, revulsion in favour ot scheme, 224 Italian Parliametit, discussion in, 211-12 Italiot cities, 91 Italy, support of King of, 34, 195 ; necessary supremacy of, 17; services to science and art, 20, 40, 245, 250 Janni, E., articles in Corriere delta Sera, 48, 241 sq. Jebb, Sir R., translation of Pliny's letters, 103 sq. Jones, H. Stuart, views of, 210, 211, 220; letter to Times, 210, 211 Jorio, De, 126, 131 ; on curiae, 76; on temples, 76 ; plan of coast, 112 Joseph Napoleon, excavations under, 1 29 Jupiter Vesuvius, 97 Kelsey, on Pompeian painting, 73 Knives, 75, 122 Knollys, letters to author, 32, 187 Laevinus, 90 Ladder, 123 Lamps, 75, 130 Latin revolt, 91 Lead, 75. 79 Leda (painting), 72 Leone, A., map, 126 Leone, E., reconstruction of theatre, 70 Leplat, on Dresden statues, 1 30 Leucite crystals, 1 1 6 Libanius, on plan of Antioch, 62 Liechtenstein, Prince, support of, 192 Liris, R., 90, 91 Lister, The Hon. R., support of, 203 Livy, 92 Loubat, Due de, support of, 37 Loubet, President, support of, 37, 195 Lussac, G., on soil covering Herculaneum, 194 Macelluin, 76 Magna Graecia, towns in, compared with Herculaneum, i Manuscripts. See Papyri Marbles, 7, 69, 71, 72, 77, 79, 80, 82, 118, 121-2, 127, 195 Marius, P., 102 Martial, on eruption of 79 A.D., loS Martorelli, on " Casa dei I'apiri," 81 Marzabotto, plan of Herculaneum, 61, 62 Mattocks, 122 Mau, support of, 207 ; on Pompeian painting, 75. ■ r u Mazois, reconstruction 01 theatre, 70 Mechanical appliances, use of in excavations, 137. "42 Mediterranean, Greek culture around, i Mela, P., 60 ; on name, 89 Mensdorff, support of, 192-3 Mercalli, Prot., support of, 33 ; on soil cover- ing Herculaneum, 1S7 Mercure tie France (1751), letter to, 1 ; (1752), on silver inscribed roll, 123 Mercury (bronze), 83 ; (statuette), 75 Mesh for netting, 122 Metternich, Count P., support of, 38 Milani, Prof, support of, 47 Minatius Magnus, takes Herculaneum, 92 Minister of Public Instruction, views of, 230 " Mischi," use of, 68 Misenum, 103, 105, 106, 111, 112 ; aqueduct, 68 Misunderstanding, caused by errors in news- papers, 42, 44 Monson, Sir E., support of, 37 322 HERCULANEUM Mommsen, on Campania, 87 ; on inscriptions, 95 ; on name, 89 Morning Post, author's letters to, 219, 2+4 sq. Mosaics, 75, 79, 80, 82 Moscardino, 78 Mother of Gods, Temple of, 64, 74, 75, 95 MOnz, S., articles in the Vienna Neiie Fie'u Prase, 4S, 231-41 ; meeting with author, Murat, J., excavations under, 129 Mutilus, P., 92 Name, 88, S9, 90 Naples, aqueduct, 68 ; Charles III. of [see Charles III.) ; compared with Herculaneum, 2, 4, 87 ; in earthquake of 63 A.D., 101 ; Museum of, 7, 14, 69, 71, 78, 119, 123, 127, 201 ; plan of, 62, 65 ; Samnites in, 91 ; Zoological Station at, 22 National Committees, suggested, 24, 25, 35, Neapolis. See Naples Needles, 122 Nero (bronze statue), 71 Nets, 122 Neue Freie Presse, Vienna, articles by S. MOnz, 48, 231 New York, lecture in, by author, 42, 43 Nicaea, plan of, 62, 65 Niebuhr, on Campania, 87 Nissen, 63 Nola, 87 Nonii, 64, 71, 78, 95 Norton, views of, 220 Nuceria, 91, 92, 95, loi Numbering of finds, suggested, 164 Numisius, P., architect of theatre, 69 Obeliskoi, at Argos, 139 Objects found, 122 Olympia, compared with Herculaneum, i, 2 Opikoi, 85 "Opus signinum," 66 Origin, 10, 88 Orlando, communications of with author, 35, 41, iSS, 197, 246, 249 ; and Italian Parlia- ment, 45, 212, 221, 225, 247, 249, 250 Orsi, Prof, support of, 220 ; work in Sicily, 207 Oscans, in Campania, 90, 91, 94 Osci, 85 Overbeck, on Pompeian painting, 73 Ovid, on name, 89 Ox-bones, 122 Oyster-bed, 77 Paderni, C, on bronzes, 75; on "Casa dei Papiri," St Paintings, 12, 71, 72, 76-80, 130 PaTs, Prof., support of, 33 Palaestra, 73 Pansa, on " Commissione Centrale," 228 Papyri, 7, 8, 83, 94, 122, 130, 176 Parthenope, 86 Paterculus, V., 88, 92 ; on name, 89 Patrons, 95 Pedimentina, 100 Pelasgians, in Campania, 90 Pergamon, compared with Herculaneum, i, 2 Perrot, support of, 37 Petra, De, support of, 207. See also Comparetti Petrie, Prof, on Prof Hughes's lecture, 119, 120 Pheidon of Argos, 139 Philemon, inscription, 95 Philodemus, writings in "Casa dei Papiri," Photography, use of in excavations, 137, 164 Picks, 122 Pigorini, views of, 220 Pillar, 75 Pincers, 122 " Piperno," 68 Piraeus, plan of, 62, 65 Piso, L. Calpurnius, 10, 195 Pisones, patrons, 95 Plan, 10, 60, 61, 66, 73 Pliny the Elder, 60, 89 ; at Misenum, 103 Pliny the Younger, letters describing eruption of 79 A. D., etc., 4,94, 102, 103, 105-6, 109, 194 Plummet, 122 Police, use for excavations, 16 1-2 Poly bins, on Campania, 57 Polygonal masonr)', 66 Pompeii, aqueduct, 68 ; entombed in ashes, 4, 5, 7 ; civilisation, 2, 9, 10, 94 ; compared with Herculaneum, 2, 4, 9-1 1, 14, 15, 66, 68, 69, 94, 114-16, ii8, 194, 195, 201; curiae, 76 ; Forum, 73, 76 ; House of Diomedes, 74; soil covering, 4, 15, 69, 114-1S, 201 ; origin of, 10, 194; paintings, ii, 68, 101 ; plan of, 10, 66 ; Stabian Thermae in, 73 ; statue-bases in situ, 5 Pomponianus, 104 Portici, 79, 125-6, 201 ; candlesticks, 69 ; " Conception," 69 Pottier, support of, 37 Poynter, Sir E., letters to Times, etc., 44, 200-202 "Praying Maiden," 83 Preservation of finds, 2, 3, 6, 7, 23, 140 Prizes for workmen, suggested, 163 Probationers, suggested creation of, 1 50 Probes, 122 Public buildings, 69 Publication of finds at Herculaneum, ijo Pulley, use of in excavations, 142 Pumice-stone, 11 4- 16 Puteoli, aqueduct, 68 Pyrrhus, 90, 91 Railways, use of in excavations, 1 6 1 Rake, 122 Rampoldi, question in Parliament, 254 Rava, views of, 240 ; letter to Sir E. Egerton, 248 Records, desirable for excavations, 137, 169 Refuse, suggested disposal of, 141, 155 "Regio Herculanensis " of Naples, 125 Regulus, 1 01 Reinach, S., support of, 207, 250 Resina, 14, 15, 59, 126, 201, 207; support of authorities in, 46, 221-3 Restoration of antiquities, 170, 172 Rhodes, plan of, 62 Ricci, C, attitude to scheme, 253, 254 INDEX 323 Rooca Monlina, 91 Rolfe, N., support of, 53 ' Romans, in Campania, 88, 91 ; in Heicu lancum, 85, 90 , • . u Rome, importance of, compared with Hcicu laneum, i, 2 Roosevelt, President, support ot, 36, 195 Ropes, 122 Rorro, F, excavator of Hcrculaneuin, 128 Rosini, C, D'usertatio on Hcrculaneum, 61 ; on Papyri, 131 Royal Academy of Art, lecture by author before, 39, 1935 ^. „ .,. , Ruggiero, 131 ; support ot, 207; on Basilica, 72; on bronzes, 120; on excavations ot Hcrculaneum, 1 3, 1 27 ; on eruption of 79 A.D., 109, no, 121 ; on discoveries at " Fosso di CalloUo," 80 ; on plan, 62 ; on site, 59, 66 ; on temples, 76 ; plans of theatre, 70 ; on tombs, 78 ; on villas, 82 Salinas, Professor de, support of, 250 Samnitcs, in Campania, 85, 86, 88-91 j in Herculaneum, 92 Sarno, R., 90 Satyr (bronze), 1 19 Saw, 122 Scales, 75, 122 "Scavi Nuovi," 75, 76, 95, nS Scissors, 122 Scott, W., on Papyri, i 3 1 Sculpture, periods of, 1 2 Seals, 122 Seckendorff, Count, support of, 38 Seeds, 122 Seneca, on earthquakes, 101, 109 ; on destruc- tion, 63, 94 ; on name, 89 Servilia, patron, 10 Shafts for exploration, suggested, 1 60 Shoe-soles, 122 Shoobrldge, L., support of, 253 sq. Shovel, 123 Sicily, towns in, compared with Herculaneum, 1 Sieves, use of in excavation, 156 Silver, 77, 123 Siris, R., 90 Sisenna, on name, 89 ; on site, 59, 60 ; on walls, 63 Sistrum, 122 Site, 58, 59, 60, 90, 126 Skurrey, W., translation ot De Venuti, 123 "Social War," 92 Sogliano, on name, 90 ; on Pliny s account, 121 Soil covering Herculaneum, 5, 59, 114. "6-18, 194 Solari, G., reconstruction of theatre, 70 Somma, 98, 100 Sorting of finds, 1 7 1 Spartacus, in Vesuvius, 99, 100 Spindles, 122 Stabiae, 1 04 ; compared with Herculaneum, 2, 4 Siabian Thermae. See Pompeii Statius, on eruption of 79 a.d., 108 Stephen of Byzantium, on Hcradea, 88 "Stepping-stones" in Pompeii, 66 Stipends, suggested, 149 Stobaeus, quotes " Antione," 93 Strabo, on plans of Alexandria and Nicaea, 62 ; on Etruscans in Campania, 8S ; on inhabitants, 90 ; on Herculaneum, 94 ; on name, 89 ; on Samnitcs in Herculaneum, 92 ; on site, 59, 60 ; on Vesuvius, 97, 98 ; on walls, 63 Strigils, 122 Stucco, 79 Styli, 122 Sub-committees for practical work, suggested, Suetonius, on eruption ot 79 a.d., 109, 125 Sulla, 92 . Supervision necessary for excavation, 137, and chap. iii. ot pt. ii. Supports for subterranean work, suggested, '55 Surgical instruments, 122 Sweden, King of, support of, 195 " Tabula Peutingeiiana," 125 Tacitus, letter from Pliny to, 102 ; on earth- quake of 63 A.D., 102 ; on eruption ot 79 A.D., 109 Tarugi, 130 Temples, 64, 74, 75. 95 Theatre, 14. 63> 69, 70, 118, 129 Theatre tickets, 93, 122 Thermae, 73, 74, 77 Theseus and Minotaur (painting), 71 Thimbles, 122 Thurii, plan of, 62 Tiberius and Agrippina, 94 Tiinaeus, on Campania, 57, 97 Times, articles, etc., in, 35, 18S-9, 193-S. 247-8 ; letters from author to, 206-10, 216-17, 224, 249 Tittoni, support of, 47, 240, 247. 25' Titus, as Imperator, 107, 108 ; measures atter eruption, 125 Tombs, 78 Tops, 122 Travertine, use of, 68, 116 Tributia, author's letter to, 45 ; letter ot Comm. Boni, 5 i ; articles by Dall' Osso in, 1 48, 61, 251 i Commissione Ccntrale, de- cision of, 248 Trihus Menenia, 92 Trifanium, battle of, 91 1 Tripods, 75 I Tula, 68, 115, 116, 117 Tutf, 116-17 Tunnellings, suggested, 153 Turin, plan of, on Etruscan system, 6> Tuticus, M., 92 Tyrrhenoi, 85, 88 Vediovis, name ot Jupucr, 97 Vega, La, on Basilica, 72 ; excavator ot Hercu- laneum, 128; map of Hcrculaneum, 61, 65, 66 ; plans, 80, 129 ; on tombs, 78 ; o" temples, 74 Vegetables, 122 VcUeius. See Paterculus Venus, dedication to, 94 ; patron ot Pompeii, 108 ; statuette, 75 324 HERCULANEUM Venuti, De, Descrizione, isj; on excavations, 123, 129 Veseris, battle of, 9 1 Vesicular lava, 1 1 j Vespasian, restores temple, 74 ; marble statue of, 71 . . Vesuvius, environs of, 5S, 59 ; eruption of 79 A.D., 2, 59. Ste also Pliny the Younger Vesuvius and Bacchus (painting), loi Vesuvius, history before 79 a.d., 98 ; after 79 A.D., 1 14-15 Villa of Papyri. See " Casa dei Papiri "' Virginias, 101 Vitelleschi, Marchese, support of, 33 Vitruvius, on Palaestra, 74 ; on Vesuvius, 98 Volcanic earthquakes, 114 Waldstein, Prof., letter to Italian Ambas- sador, 204 ; letter to Giotnale d' Italia, 214-15 ; letters to Morning Post, 219, 244 sq. ; letters to Times, 45, 206, 216, 217, 224, 249 Wales, George IV. as Prince ot, i 3 Walls, 63, 64 Water-supply, 68 Wax tablets, 9 Weber, C, excavator of Herculaneum, 66, 128 ; on Basilica, 72 ; on "Casa dei Papiri," 81, 82 ; on temples, 74, 75 ; on tombs, 78 Weights, 122 White House, lecture at, 41 WickhofF, on paintings, 1 1 ; on Pompeii, 68 Wilhelm II., support of, 38, 191, 195 Winckelmann, on excavation, 13 ; on "Casa dei Papiri," 81 Wolters, on Pliny's account, 1 2 1 Worship, 95 Wrestlers (painting), 72 Xiphilinus, 102 Zeno, bust of, 93 Zonaras, 102, 108 Zoology, applied to excavations, 166 THE END PrirUtdl'y R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh. 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