LIBRARY THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA PRESENTED BY MRS. MACKINLEY HELM A HISTOET OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST. EMIL SCHtJEEE, D.D., M.A., PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE ÜNlVi:USITV OF GIKSöKN, Being a Second and Revised Edition of a "Manual of the History of JVew Testament Times," Secoiiö Diviöton. THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF PALESTINE, AND OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE, IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHJilST. TBANSIATED BV SOPHIA TAYLOR AND REV. PETER CHRISTIE. VOL. I. NEW YORK: CHARLES S C R I IJ X E R ' S SONS. 189L THE PORTIONS OF THE TRANSLATORS RESPECTIVELY ARE— By Miss Taylor. Vol. I. pages 1-149, and page 306 to end. Vol. II. pages 1-242. By Rev. Peter Christie. A^ol. I. pages 150-305. Vol. II. page 243 to end. The Sections run ou from the First Division, which, as explained in the Preface, is in preparation. Volume III., completing this Division, is in the pres«. »ratefullg ©eticatcti ALBRECHT RITSCHL, D.D. CARL VON WEIZSÄCKER, D.D. PREFACE. It is a reconstruction of the Manual of the History of New Testament Times which here appears under another title. I believe that this new title expresses more plainly and oorrectly than the old title the actual contents of the book. For in fact, whether in its former or present state, it does not profess to be more than a History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, to tlie exclusion of the state of the heathen world. I could not decide on admitting the latter, because the selection to be made must have been an arbitrary one. The external framework of the book has undergone biit little alteration in this new revision. Most of the paragraphs remain the same. The only additions are the section on the Priesthood and the Tempi« worship (§ 24), and the two paragraphs on the Palestino- Jewish and the Graeco- Jewish literature (§32 and 33), which replace the former section on the Apocalypse. Thus the number of paragraphs is only increased by two. Within this former framework, however, the book has certainly become almost a new one. Eenewed consultation of authorities and continued occupation with the subject furnished so much fresh material, that a considerable increase of extent was unavoidable. The matter of this Second Division is threefold that of the first edition, although X PREFACE. I have earnestly striven not to expand the form beyond the limits then observed. It is only in verbal citations from documentary authorities that I have allowed myself somewhat more liberty than in the former edition. An apology is needed on my part for issuing the second half of the book before the first. This inversion of the natural order was not at first contemplated. I merely began opera- tions on this second half because there was more to be done here than in the first, my purpose being to print both parts in one volume as before. The work, however, so grew under my hands as to render a division necessary. At the same time, the completion of the whole was consequently so delayed, that it seemed desirable to publish what was ready at once. This was the more possible because this half also forms a comparatively independent whole. While thus issuing this Second Division first, I can at the same time express the hope, that the First Division, which will not expand in the same proportion, may, with the needful index, follow it within the space of one year. E. SCHÜRER. GIESSEN, Sept. 1885. CONTENTS OF DIVISION IL VOL. I. § 22. The State of Culture in general, I. Mixture of Population, Language, II. Diffusion of Hellenic Culture, . 1. Hellenism in the Non- Jewish Regions, 2. Hellenism in the Jewish Region, . III. Position of Judaism with respect to Heathenism, § 23. Constitution. Sanhedrim. High Priest, I. The Hellenistic Towns, Raphia, 66. Gaza, 68. Anthedon, 72. Ascalon, 7*1 Azotus, 76. Jamnia, 78. Joppa, 79. ApoUonia, 83 Straton's Tower = Caesarea, 84. Dora, 87. PtolemaiS; 90. Damascus, 96. Hippus, 98. Gadara, 100. AbUa. 104. Raphana, 106. Kanata, 106. Kanatha, 108 Scythopolis, 110. Pella, 113. Dium, 115. Gerasa, 116. Philadelphia, 119. Sebaste = Samaria, 123 Gaba, 127. Esbon (Hesbon), 128. Antipatris, 130 Phasaelis, 131. Caesarea Panias, 132. Julias = Beth saida, 135. Sepphoris, 136. Julias = Livias, 141 Tiberias, 143. II. The strictly Jewish Territory, .... III. The great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, . History, 165. Composition, 174. Jiuisdiction, 184. Time and Place of Sessions, 190. Judicial Procedure, 193. IV. The High Priests, § 24. The Priesthood and the Temple Wousmi-, I. The Priesthood as a distinct Order, II. The Emoluments, III. The Various Functions of il'.e Priesthood, IV. The Daily Service, Appendix. Participation of Gentiles in the Worship at Jeru salem, ...... PAGE 1 1 11 11 29 51 57 149 163 195 207 207 230 254 273 299 Xll CONTENTS. § 25. SORIBISM, ..... I. Canonical Dignity of Holy Scripture, II. The Scribes and. their Activity in general, III. Halachah and Haggadah, 1. The Halachah, 2. The Haggadah, . IV. The most famous Scribes, » PAGE 306 306 312 329 330 . 339 351 5 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. I. MIXTURE OF POrULATIOX. LANGUAGE. THE Jewish poimlation of Palestine experienced, during the Greek and Eoman period, as well as in previous centuries, great fluctuations both in numbers and extension. From the beginning of the Hellenistic period to the rising of the Mac- cabees the Jewish element must be regarded as gradually receding, the Greek as triumphantly advancing. The rising of the Maccabees and its consequences produced however an important change, Judaism gaining ground thereby both inten- sively and extensively. It was internally consolidated and extended its boundaries in nearly every direction : to the west, by the Judaizing of the towns of Gazara, Joppa and Jamnia (see above, § 7, and below, § 23. I.); to the south, by the compulsory conversion of the Idumaeans under John Hyrcanus (see § 8) ; to the north, by the conversion of the Ituraeans under Aristobulus I. (see § 9) ; and in all directions by the conquests of Alexander Jannaeus. It is true that the Judaism of these Asraonean princes from John Hyrcanus onwards was not that of the scribes and Pharisees ; still they represented, though in their own fashion, the Jewish religion and nationality, as the example of the " Hellenistic Aristobulus " especially proves. Then, under Alexandra even the Pharisaic tendency again prevailed. Under the Piomans and Herodians indeed the pursuit of a Graeco-Roman culture was again favoured as nnich as possible. But Pharisaic Judaism was now so established, both externally and internally, by the develop- ment of the last two centuries, that its state of possession could not thus be essentially encroached upon, and not till PIV. ir. VOL. I. A 2 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. the convulsions of the wars under Vespasian and Hadrian did it again incur great losses. For the times of Josephus we have somewhat more accurate information concerning the extension of the Jewish population in Palestine in the description he has given of the country in his Bell. Jud. iii. 3.^ From this we learn — what is else- where confirmed — that of all the maritime towns, two only, viz. Joppa and Jamnia, which were Judaized in the Mac- cfiibaean period, contained a chiefly Jewish population. In all the other coast towns the Gentile was the prevailing element (see also § 23. I.). In the interior, on the contrary, the countries of Judaea, Galilee and Peraea had an essentially Jewish population. To these were added the regions lying to the east of the Sea of Gennesareth, viz. Gamalitis, Gaulonitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis, which had a mixed Jewish and heathen population. This threefold division of the Jewish region into Judaea, Galilee and Peraea (^1^^'!, ^"'^3, H^.D '^^V) is also repeatedly ^ It is evident, that Josephus intends to give in the above-mentioned passage {Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1-5) a description of the Jewish country, i.e. of those districts of Palestine, which were entirely or chiefly inhabited by Jews. For all Gentile districts are excluded from the description and only mentioned to define the boundaries of the Jewish regions. He thus first describes Galilee, which is bounded on the west by the region of Ptolemais ; on the east by that of Hippo?, Gadara, etc. (iii. 3. 1) ; then Peraea, which is bounded on the north by the region of Pella, on the east by that of Gerasa, Philadelphia, etc. (iii. 3. 6). Hereupon follows a description of Samaria (iii. S. 4), and finally one of Judaea (iii. 3. 5). The latter extends from the Jordan to Joppa Cuixp'; 'loV^j), Joppa being thus not reckoned as a part of Judaea. The Hellenistic coast towns are all excluded from the description ; and Josephus only says of the Jewish territory that it was not deprived of those enjoyments, which come from the sea, because it extended to the coast lands (iii. 3. ö : cKpf.oriroii ol ovli t^ju I« da.'h.öcaan; Tip-TTväv VI 'Ioy3«/o6, TO?j rapsex/o/? KctTotTsivovjci). To the four provinces mentioned, Josephus adds, by way of supplement : (1) the region of Jamnia and Joppa as being the only maritime towns of which the popula- lation was chiefly Jewish (comp. § 23. I.) ; and (2) the provinces of Gamalitis, Gaulonitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis, in the kingdom of Agrippa, because the Jewish element here formed at least a very considerable fraction. It is of special interest to observe, that in this whole description Josephus includes Samaria, thus evidently regarding the Samaritans also as Jews, though as heterodox Jews. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUIIE IN GENERAL. 3 assumed in the Mislnia." Tlie central country and nucleus of the whole was Judaea, which was bounded on the north by Samaria, on the east by the Jordan and the Dead Sea, on the west by the district of the Philistine-Hellenistic cities, on the south by Arabia Petraea. In Judaea was the centre of Jewish life; it was here that the new community had first reorganized itself after the Babylonian captivity, here that the rising of the Maccabees originated, and here that the learned and educa- tional activity of the scribes and Pharisees had its chief seat. In the north, and separated from Judaea by Samaria, was Galilee, whose boundaries were to the north the district of Tyre ; to the west, that of Ptolemais ; to the east, Jordan and tlie Lake of Gennesareth. The population of Galilee also was mainly Jewish ; for the inhabitants of this district had not joined the Samaritan schism, as might have been expected from the former common history of the kingdom of Ephraim, On the contrary, the tendency adopted by Judaism in the post-exilian period had been — we no longer know how or when, but certainly during the Persian period — successfully brought to bear in this district also, and an enduring religious associa- tion thus established between the inhabitants of Judaea and Galilee. Peraea, the third of the Jewish lands, lay beyond the river Jordan, and was bounded on the north by the district of Pella, on the east by the districts of Gerasa, Philadelphia, and Heshbon, and on the south by the kingdom of Arabia Petraea. In this province also the population was an essentially Jewish one.^ Still, neither in Galilee nor Peraea must we conceive of the Jewish element as pure and unmixed. In the shifting course of history Jews and Gentiles had here been so often, and in such a variety of ways, throw)i * Shebiith ix. 2 ; Ketliuhoth xiii. 10 ; Buha hallira iii. 2. * Comp. e.(j. Antt. xx. 1. 1 (the dispute of the Jews with the Phila- delphians concerning boundaries); Bell. Jiul. iv. 7. 4-6 (the share of the Jews of Peiaeii iu the revolt). The Mishna too always assumes, that Peraea (p~i>n "l3y) is a land inhabited by Jews ; see Shebiith ix. 2 ; Bikkurim i. 10; Taanith iii. G; Ktihnb'ith xiii. 10; Baba bathni iii. 2; Ediijolh via. 7 ; Mcnachoth viii. 3. 4 § 22. THE STATE OF CÜLTUEE IN GENERAL. together, that the attainment of exclusive predominance by the Jewish element must be counted among the impossibilities. It was only in Judaea, that this was at least approximately arrived at by the energetic agency of the scribes during the course of a century. In spite of the common religion and nationality of the three provinces, many differences of manners and customs existed between their inhabitants, and these imparted a certain independence to their inner life, quite apart from the political separation repeatedly appearing. The Mislina mentions, e.g., slight differences in respect of the marriage laws between Judaea and Galilee,* varying customs in the intercourse between espoused persons,^ differences of weights and coinage between Judaea and Galilee.® The three provinces are there- fore looked upon as in certain respects " different countries."^ The districts east of the Lake of Gennesareth (Gamalitis, Gaulonitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis) formed a somev.-hat motley assemblage. The population was a mixed one of Jews and Syrians {Bell. Jud. iii. 5: oiKovai he avrrjv uiydBe'i 'lovBaloL T€ Kol Hvpot). But besides the settled population, numerous nomadic hosts, from whom the former had much to suffer, were wandering about in these border lands of civilisation. Very favourable to them were the caves of this district, in which they could lay up stores of water and provisions, and in case of attack find refuge, together with their flocks and herds. Hence it was very difficult to subdue them. The powerful hand of Herod however succeeded in inducing among them a certain amount of order. ^ With the view of keeping these turbulent elements permanently in check, he frequently settled foreign colonists in Trachonitis ; at first, three thousand Idumaeans f then a colony of warlike Jews from Babylon, to * Kethuhoth iv. 12. ^ Jebamoth iv. 10 ; Kcthuhoth i. 5 ^ Teriimoth x. 8 ; Ketlmhoth v. 9 ; Cladhn xi. 2. " E.g. ill respect of the fundamental principle, that the wife is not bound to accompany her husband to another country {Kethuhoth xiii. 10), in respect of the law of usucaption {Baha hathra iii. 2). 8 Ä7itt. XV. 10. 1. » Avtt. xvi. 9. 2. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 5 whom he granted the privilege of immunity from taxation.^^ His sons and grandson continued this work. Nevertheless one of the two Agrippas had to complain in an edict of the brutish manner of life {dr^piwZr)^ KaTda-raad) of the inhabitants and of their abode in the caves. ^^ Herod's exertions for the promotion of culture at last introduced the Greek element into these countries. In tlie neighbourhood of Kanatha (see § 23. I.) are still found the ruins of a temple, which according to its Greek inscriptions belongs to the period of Herod the Great. ^^ Greek inscriptions of the two Agrippas, especially of Agrippa II., are found in larger numbers in the neighbourhood of Hauran, '^ In the Roman period the Greek element pre- dominated, at least externally, in these districts (see hereon Nr. ii. 1). The Samaritans also belonged in a wider sense to the Jewish population,^* For their character is not rightly viewed "> Ahlt. xvii. 2. 1-3. On the history of this colony, comp, also Vila, 11. *' The unfortunately very scanty fragments of this edict are given in Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions Grecques et Latines. vol. iii. n. 2329. Thence also in the Zeitschrift für ivissenschaftl. Theol. 1873, p, 252. 12 Comp, especially the inscriptions in Le Bas and Waddington, vol. iii, n. 2364. 13 I,e Bas and Waddington, vol. iii. n. 2112, 2135, 2211, 2329, 2365, 2418^. Thence also in the Zeitschrift für icixsenschaftl Theol. 1873, p, 248 sqq. 1* Kautzsch gives in Herzog's Real-EncijcL, 2nd ed. xiii. 351-355, the most complete catalogue of tlie copious literature on the Samaritans. Comp, especially : Ccllarius, Collectanea historiae Samai-itanae, 1688 (also in Ugolini, Thcs. t. xxii.) ; Robinson's Palestine, iii. 130, 131; Juynboll, Commentarii in historiam gentis Samaritauae, Lugd. Bat. 1846 ; Winer, RWB. ii. 369-373; Lutterbcck, Die neutcstamcntlichen Lehrbegriffe, i. 255-269 ; Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, iii. 580 sqq. ; Jost, Gesch. des Judcnthnms, i. 44-89 ; Petermann in Herzog's Real-Encijcl, 1st ed. xiii. 359-39 1. Hausrath, Zeitgesch., 2nd cd. i. 12-23 ; Schrader in Schenkel's Bibtllexiccn, v. 149-154 ; Appel, Quaestiones de rebus Samaritanorum siib imperio Romanorum peractis, Getting. 1874 ; Nutt, A Sketch nf Samaritan History, Dogma, and Literature, London 1874; Kohn, "Zur Sprache," "Literatur und Dogmatik des Samaritaner" (articles in the Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. v. No. iv. 1876) ; Kautzscli in Richm's Handwörter- buch des bibl. Altertums, sub voce; Recess, Gesch. der heil. Schriften Alten Testaments, § 381, 382; Hamburg.r, Real- Encijclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, div. ii. 1883, pp. 1062-1U71 ; Kautzscli in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 6 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. till it is regarded from the twofold point of sight — (1) of their being indeed, according to their natural composition, a mixed people arising from the intermingling of the former Israelitish population with Gentile elements, especially with the heathen colonists introduced by the Assyrians; and (2) of their having a religion essentially identical with that of Israel at an earlier stage of development. Among the colonists, whom the Assyrians had planted (2 Kings xvii, 24 sqq.) in Samaria from the provinces of Babylon, Cuthah, Ava,Hamath and Sepharvaim, those from Cuthah ('1^3, ni3, 2 Kings xvii. 24, 30) seem to have been particularly numerous. The inhabitants of Samaria were hence subsequently called Cuthites by the Jews (Xovdaloi in Joseph. Antt. ix. 14. 3, xi. 4. 4, 7. 2, xiil 9. 1; in Eabbinic literature D''n^3^'*^). We must not, however, confidently assume, that the ancient Israelitish population was entirely carried away, and the whole country peopled afresh by these heathen colonists. It is, on the contrary, certain, that a considerable percentage of the ancient population remained, and that the new population consisted of a mixture of these with the heathen immigrants. The religion of this mingled people was, according to the Bible (2 Kings xvii. 24—41), at first a mixed religion, — a combination of the heathen rites introduced by the colonists with the old Israelite worship of Jidiveh upon the high places. Gradually however the Israelitish religion must have obtained a decided preponderance. For, from what we know with certainty of the religion of the Samaritans (of course leaving malicioiis reports out of question), it was a pure Israelitish monotheism. They acknowledged the unity of God and the authority of Moses as the greatest of the prophets; they 2nd ed. xiii. 340-355. Various contributions to the Samaritan literature by Heidenheim in the deutschen Vicrteljalirssclirift für engl.-tlieol. Furschung und Kritik, 1861 sqq. ■•■** D^ri13 in the Mishna in the following places : Berachoih vii. 1, viii. 8 ; Pea ii. 7 ; Demai iii. 4, v. 9, vi. 1, vii. 4 ; Ternmnth iii. 9 ; Clialla iv. 7 ; Shekalim i. 5 ; Rosh hashana ii. 2 ; Ketliuhoth iii. 1 ; Ncdarim iii. 10 ; Gittin i. 5 ; Kiddushin iv. 3 ; OJialoth xvii. 3 ; 2'ohoroth v. 8 ; Nidda iv 1, 2, vii. 3, 4, 5. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GEXEKAL. 7 observed the Jewish rite of circumcision on the eighth day, the sanctification of the Sabbath, and the Jewish annual festivals. Xay, they even relinquished tlie i^re-Deuteronomic standpoint of the worship of Jahveh upon high places, accepted the whole Pentateuch as tlie law of Israel, and consequently acknow- ledged the unity of the Jewisli worship. It is only in the circumstance of their transferring this worship not to Jeru- salem but to Gerizim that we perceive the after effect of the older standpoint. Here, according to the somewhat suspicious account of Josephus, tliey built in the time of Alexander the Great^'^ a temple of their own ; and even after its destruction by John Hyrcanus, Gerizim continued to be their sacred mountain and the seat of their worship. ^^ They did not indeed participate in the further development of Pharisaic Judaism, but rejected all that went beyond the injunctions of the Pentateuch. ISTor did they accept any of the sacred w^ritings of the Jewish canon except the l*entateuch. But for all this the right to call themselves "Israelites" cannot be denied them, so far, that is, as religion and not descent is in question. The position of Judaism proper with regard to the Samari- tans was always a hostile one : tlie ancient antagonism of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah was here carried on in a new form. When the Samaritans desired, in the time of Zerubbabel, to co-operate in the building of the temple at Jerusalem, they w^ere rejected by the Jews (Ezra iv. 1) ; and "the foolish people who dwell in Sichern" are as much hated by the Son of Sirach as the Edomites and Philistines (Ecclus. 1. 25, 26). The Samaritans on their side requited this dis- position with like hostility.^' The legal appointments, never- ^5 Josephus, Antt. xi. 7. 2 ; 8. 2 sqq. The history of Sanballat and his son-in-law, with whicli Joseplius connects the building of the temple on Gerizim, happened according to Nehemiah"s account in his own days (Neh. xiii. 28), about one hundred years before Alexander the Great. 1'^ Destruction by John Hyrcanus, Aiilt. xiii. 9. 1. Continuance of venera- tion for it: John iv. 20; Joseph, yiutt. xviii. 4. 1 ; Bell. Jitd. iii. 7. 32. ^' Neh. iv. 1 sqq.; Luke ix. 52, 53; Joseph. Aiitl. xviii. 2. 2, xx. 6. 1 ; Bell. JikI. ii. 12. 3 ; RosK hashana ii. 2. 8 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEEAL. theless, of Eabbinic Judaism with respect to the Samaritans, are, from the standpoint of Pharisaism, generally correct and just/^ The Samaritans are never absolutely treated as " foreigners," but as a mingled people, whose Israelitish descent was not indeed proved, but always to be regarded as possible.^® Hence their membership of " the congregation of Israel " is not denied, but only designated as doubtful.^^ Their observ- ance of the law, e.g. with regard to tithes and the Levitical laws of purification, did not indeed correspond with Pharisaic rec[uirements, on which account they were in many respects placed on a level with Gentiles.^^ They were never however treated as idolaters (nV'^y), but, on the contrary, decidedly distinguished from them.^^ Their observance of the Sabbath is occasionally mentioned,-^ and it is assumed as at least possible, that they could say a genuine Israelitish grace at meals.'-* In fact they stand, so far as their observance of the law is concerned, on the same level as the Sadducees."^ The language of the Jewish population of all the districts ^^ A collection of Rabbiuical definitions is given in the treatise DTl^D, in the seven small treatises published by Rapliael Kirchheini (see above, § 3) ; the passages of the Mishna (see above, note 14a) ; cor.ip. also Light- foot, Centuria Matthaeo praemissa, c. 56 {0pp. ii. 212) ; Hamburger, as before quoted. ^* Compare, on the one hand, Shekalim i. 5 (obligatory sacrifices for the temple are to be received only from Israelites, not from Gentiles nor even from Samaritans) ; on the other, Berachoth vii. 1 (when three Israelites have eaten together, they are bound to prepare themselves formally for prayer ; this also holds good if one of the three is a Samaritan) ; Ktthuhoth iii. 1 (the claim for a money compensation on account of cohabitation with an Israelitish virgin holds good in respect of a Samaritan virgin). 20 Kidduslibi iv. 3. 21 Comp, in general, Demai vii. 4 ; Tohoroth v. 8 ; Nidda iv. 1, 2, vii. 3-5. 22 Berachoth vii. 1 ; Demai iii. 4, v. 9, vi. 1 ; Terumoth iii. 9. The asser- tion, that the Samaritans worshipped the image of a dove, is a slander first appearing in the Talmud (./tr. Aboda sara v. fol. 44^; Bah. Chullui C*; see Levy, Neidiehr. Wörterbuch, s.v. |V), and one, of which the Mishna as yet knows nothing. 23 Nedarim iii. 10. 24 Berachoth viii. 8. 2^ Comp. Nidda iv. 2 : " The Saddiicees, when they follow the customs of their fathers, are equal to the Samaritans." Epiphanius says of the Sadducees, Hacr. 14 : tcc TtxiiT» oi tax '^ocfimpHTcti; ((v'hxTTOviJtv, § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEKAL. 9 here nientioiiecl was, since the last centuries before Christ, no longer Hebrew, but Aramaic.^® How and when the change was effected, cannot now be ascertained. At any rate, it was not the exiles, who returned from Babylon, who brought the Aramaic thence, for tlie post-exilian literature of the Israelites is also chiefly Hebrew. Nor was the Aramaic dialect of Palestine the Eastern (Babylonian), but the Western Aramaic. Hence it must have penetrated gradually to Palestine from the north. The period of tlie transition is marked by the canonical books of Ezra and Daniel (the latter about 167—165 b.c.), which are written partly in Hebrew, partly in Aramaic (Aramaic are Ezra iv. 8-6, 18, vii. 12-26 ; Dan. ii. 4-7, 28). A saying of Joses ben Joeser, about the middle of the second century before Christ, is cited in Aramaic in the JNIishna,"'*^ also certain sayings of Hillel and other authorities."'^ That Aramaic was in the time of Christ the sole popular language of Palestine, is evident from the words mentioned in the New Testament : äßßa (Mark xiv. 36), a.KeXSafid'^ (Acts i. 19), yaßßadä (John xix. 13), yoXyoOa (Matt, xxvii. 33), i(f)(pa6d (Mark vii. 34), Kopßavä^ (]\Iatt. xxvii. 6), /xa/jt.ü)vä<; (i\Iat.t. vi. 24), fxapav aOa (1 Cor. xvi. 22), M€raeinissa, c. S7 (0pp. Ü. 232 .«q.) ; Mor'miis, Exercitationes biblicae (1G99), ii. 18. 2, p. 514 sqq. ; Aug. Pfeiffer, Decas selecta exercitationum sacrarum, pp. 206-216 (in the Appendix to his D.uhia vcxata script, sacrae, Leipsic and Frankfort 1685); § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 11 IL DIFFUSION OF HELLENIC CULTURE, 1. Hdlenism in the Non-Jeivisli Bcgions. The Jewish region just described was, in ancient times as well as in the Graeco-Eoman period, surrounded on all sides by heathen districts. Only at Jamnia and Joppa had the Jewish element advanced as far as the sea. Elsewhere, even to the west, it was not the sea, but the Gentile region of the Philistine and Phenician cities, that formed the boundary of the Jewish. These heathen lands were far more deeply pene- trated by Hellenism, than the country of the Jews. No reaction like the rising of the Maccabees had here put a stop to it, besides which heathen polytheism was adapted in quite a different manner from Judaism for blending with Hellenism. While therefore the further advance of Hellenism was obstructed by religious barriers in the interior of Palestine, it had attained here, as in all other districts since its triumphant entry under Alexander the Great, its natural preponderance over Oriental culture. Hence, long before the commencement of the Eoman period, the educated world, especially in the great cities in the west and east of Palestine, was, we may well say, completely Hellenized. It is only with the lower strata of the popula- tions and the dw^ellers in rural districts, that this must not be equally assumed. Besides however the border lands, the Jewish districts in the interior of Palestine were occupied by Hellenism, especially Scythopolis (see § 2o. I. Nr. 19) and the town of Samaria, where Macedonian colonists had already been planted by Alexander the Great (§ 23. I. Nr. 24), while the national Samaritans had their central point at Sichem. The victorious penetration of Hellenistic culture is most plainly and comprehensively shown by the religious worship. The native religions, especially in the Philistine and Phenician cities, did indeed in many respects maintain themselves in AVctstein, Nov. Test, on ^[att. xxvi. 7^) ; Neubauer, O'eotjrnjthic (hi Talmud, p. 184 sq. Further, older literature in Wolf, Curac phil. in Xoc. Test, on Matt. xxvi. 73. 12 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUr.E IX GENERAL. their essential character ; but still in such wise, that they were transformed by and blended with Greek elements. But besides these the purely Greek worship also gained an entrance, and in many places entirely supplanted the I'ormer. Unfor- tunately our soui'ces of information do not furnish us the means of separating the Greek period proper from the Roman, the best are afforded by coins, and these for the most part belong to the Roman. On the whole however the picture, which we obtain, holds good for the pre-Roman period also, nor are we entirely without direct notices of this age. On the coins of Raphia of the times of the empire are seen especially Apollo and Artemis according to the purely Greek conception ; ^^ upon those of Anthedon, on the contrary, the tutelary goddess of the city is conceived of as Asiarte?^ Of the worship at Gaza in the times of the Roman Empire complete information is given in the life of Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza, by Marcus Diaconus. According to this, there wera in Gaza in the time of Porphyry (the end of the fourth century after Christ) eight Brj/xocrioc vaol, viz. of Helios, Aphrodite, Apollo, Persephone (Kore), Hecate, Hereon, a temple of Tyche, and one of Marnas.^ Prom this it appears that the purely Greek worship was the prevailing one, and this is confirmed in general by the coins, upon whicli other than Grecian deities also appear.^'' A temple of Apollo in 33 Mionnet, Description de medailles antiques, v. 551 sq. ; Supplement, viii. 376 sq. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte (1874), pp. 237-240, pi. xii. n. 7-9. Stark, Gaza, p. 584. 3* Mionnet, v. 522 sqq.; Siq^pl. viii. 364. De Saulcy, pp. 234-236, pi. xii. n. 2-4. Stark, p. 594. 35 Marci Diaconi Vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis, ed. Haupt (Essays of the Berlin Academy, formerly known only in the Latin translation), c. 04 : ^(fxv hi iv TV) "Kohti vecol iiö6)'Kuu OYjfiöaiot 6ktu, toD n HT^iov x.xl t^s A^pdhh-fi; Kctl rou ' KvoKhoivo; kui t^j ^öpim kxI tvh Hkxty;; k»i to 7\i'/6f^ivov 'Hpuov KOil TO T^j Tvx^S TJjf ■Kohiw;, ix.öt.'hwv Tvx<^7ou, xxl to Mupviiov, S i'Aiyov iivxt TOu KpYirxysuov; A/oji <> ivif^i^'iv üvxt ivdo^önpoi» "TcäuTuv Tuu iipcJv TO)u XT, uvT x'^'iv . Thc Mameion is also mentioned in many other passages of this Avork. 36 Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 448 sqq. Mionnet, v. 533-549; Siippl. viii. 371-375. De Saulcy, pp. 209-233, pi xi. Stark, Gaza, pp. 583-5S9. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUUE IX GENERAL. 13 Gaza is already mentioned at the time of the destruction of the city by Alexander Jannaeus {Antf. xiii. 13. 3). In the Eoman period only the chief deity of tlie city, Mamas, was, as his name (id = Lord) implies, originally a Shemitic deity, who was however more or less disguised in a Greek garment.''^ A mixture of native and Greek worship is also found at Ascalon, A chief worship here was tliat of 'A(J)po8ltt] oupaviT], i.e. of Astarte as Queen of Heaven, She is mentioned even by Herodotus as the deity of Ascalon, and is still represented on coins of the imperial epoch chieliy as the tutelary goddess of the town.''"^ With her is connected, nay probably at first identical, the Atargatis or Derceto, which was worshipped at Ascalon under a peculiar form (that of a woman with a fish's tail). Her Semitic name (nnyiny, compounded of iny = Astarte, and nnj?) already points out that she is " merely the Syrian form of Astarte blended with another deity " (Baudissin). From this fish- form it is evident, that "the fertilizing power of water" was especially honoured in her,^^ Asclepius Xeovrovxo^ '^ Comp, on Marnas besides tlie passages in Marcus Diaconus, Steph. Byz. s.v. Toc^»' ivdsu Kxl TO Toil KpyjTUirjv Aio; Toto »vroi; stveci, ou x.»i k,«.&' hl^»: ty-x'hoiiv Mtupvoii/, ep/n-^vivo/ziuou Kpnrw/it/TJ. Eckhel, Dactr. N^inn. in. 450 sq. Stark, Gaza, pp. ^uG-fM). Tlie oldest express testimony to the cult of Maroas are coins of Hadrian with the superscription Mxpi/x ; see Mionnet, v. 5o9. üe gaulcy, pp. 216-218, pi. xi. n. 4. His cult is also met with beyond Gaza. Comp, the in.scription of Kanata in Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptimis, vol. iii. n. 24128 (Wetstein, n. 183) : Au Mxpux TU Kvptu. With the worship of Marnas as Zii/g KpnTxysu*;; is also con- nected the later Greek legend, that Gaza was also called Mtviix, after Minos (Steph. Byz. s.v. Vü^» and x.v. 'Mi'vuci). Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 580 sq. '"* Herodotus, i. 1U5. The coins in Mionnet, v. 523-533; Siippl viii. 865-370. De Saulcy, pp. 178-208, pi. ix. and x., and comp. Stark, pp. 258 sq., 590 sq. Th.; identity of the Grecian Aphrodite with Astarte is universally acknowledged. Perhaps even the names are identical ; Aphtoreth and thence Aphroteth might, as Hommel conjectures, have arisen from Ashtoreth (Fleckeisen's Juhrhuchcr für class. PhUoUujic, 1882, p. 170). ^'•' On the wor.ship of Derceto in Ascalon, see especially Strabo, xvi. p. 785; Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 23. 81 ; Lucian, De Syria dca, c. 14; Ovid, Mctam. iv. 44-46. The Semitic name upon a Palmyrian inscription and .some coins (see Baudissin, and ou the coins very fully Six in thu 14 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. of Ascalon, to whom the Neo-Platonist Proclus composed a hymn, is, as well as these two, to be regarded as an originally Oriental deity .■*° The genuinely Greek deities Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Helios, Athene, etc., appear also on the coins of Ascalon.'*^ A temple of Apollo in Ascalon is mentioned in pre-Herodian times, the grandfather of Herod having been, it is said, Hierodule there.*^ In Azotus, the ancient Ashdod, there was in the pre- Maccabaean period a temple of the Philistine Dagon, who was formerly also w^orshipped at Gaza and Ascalon.'*^ At the conquest of Ashdod by Jonathan Maccabaeus, this temple was destroyed, and the heathen worship in general extirpated (1 Mace. X. 84, xi. 4). Of its re-establishment at the restora- tion by Gabinius no particulars are known. In any case Azotus also had in this later period a considerable number of Jewish inhabitants (see § 23. I. Xr. 5). In the neighbouring towns of Jamnia and Joppa the Jewish element attained the preponderance after the Macca- bi^an age. Joppa is nevertheless of importance to Hellenism, Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 103 sqq.). With the worship of Derceto was connected the rehgious honour paid to the dove in Ascalon, on which comp. Philo, ed. Mang. ii. 646 (from Philo's work, de Providentia, in Eusebius, Praep. evang. viii. 14. 16, ed. Gaisford ; from the Armenian in Aucher, Philouis Jadaei sermoues (res, etc., p. 116). On the literature, the article of Baudissin in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 2nd ed. i. 736-740, is worthy of special mention. To the hst here given of the hterature must be added the article on "Derceto the Goddess of Ascalon,'' in the Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, new series, vol. vii. 1865, pp. 1-20. Ed. Meyer, Zeitschr. der DMG. 1877, p. 730 sqq. Six, Monnaies d'Hierapolis en Syrie (Numismatic Chronicle, vol. xviii. 1878, pp. 103-131, and pi. vi.). llayet, Dedicace a la de'esse Atergatis {Bulletin de correspondance helleniqne, vol. iii. 1879, pp. 406-408). The inscription found in Asty^mlia and given here runs thus : Ayjioxo; kx/ EvTropo; ATupyccTstri xyi6r,Kxv. Atargatis occurs only three times besides in Greek inscriptions. Corp. inscr. Grace, n. 7046. I^e Bas et Waddingtou, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 1890, 2588. ■•0 Stark, Gaza, pp. 591-593. *^ See the coins in Miounet and De Saulcy, as above. Stark, p. 589. *' Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 6. 2 ; 7. 11. ■*^ See on this temple, Baudissin in Herzog's Real-Encycl, 2ud ed. iii. 460-463, and the literature there cited. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL, 15 as tlie scene of the myth of I't-iseus and Andromeda ; it was here on the rock of Joppa, that Andromeda was exposed to the monster and delivered by Perseus.^ The myth retained its vitality even during the period of Jewish preponderance. In the year 58 b.c., at the splendid games given by M. .Scaurus as aedile, the skeleton of the sea-monster brought to Rome from Joppa by Scaurus was exhibited.'*^ The per- manence of the myth in this locality is testified by Strabo, Mela, Pliny, Josephus, Pausanias, nay even by Jerome.*^ The Hellenistic legend, according to which Joppa is said to have been founded by Cepheus, the father of Andromeda, also points to it.^''" Pliny even speaks of a worship of the Ceto there,*^ and Mela of altars with the name of Cepheus and his brother Phineus as existing at Joppa.'*'^'* After Joppa was destroyed as a Jewish town in the war of Vespasian, the heathen worship regained the ascendancy there.^^ In Caesarea, which was first raised to a considerable city by Herod the Great, we meet first of all with that worship of Augustus and of Borne, which characterized the Roman *^ The cailiest mention of Joppa as the place of this occuireuce is founil in Scylax (four centuries B.c.). See Müller, G'cofjr. gr. minores, i. 79 ; comp, in general, Stark, p. 255 sqq., 593 sq. *^ Plinins, Hist. Nat. ix. 5. 1 1 : Beluae, cui dicebatur exposita fuisse Andromeda, ossa Romse adportata ex oppido Judaeae Jope ostendit inter reliqua miracula in aedilitate sua M. Scaurus longitudine pedum xl., altitudine costarum Indices elephantos excedente, Spinae crassitudine sesquipedali. On Scaurus, comp, the review of the Roman Proconsols of Syria in vol. i. On the time of his aedileship, Pauly's Encycl. i. 1, 2nd ed. p. 372. <ß Strabo, xvi. p. 759; .Mela, 11 ; Plinius, v. 13. 69; Joseph. Bdl. Jud. iii. 9. 3; Pausanias, iv. 35. C<; Hicronymus, Comment, ad Jon. i. 3 {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, vi. 394). Most make mention, that traces of Andromeda's chains were seen on the rock at Joppa. *"' Steph. Byz. s.v. 'lö-^r-^. *^ Plinius, v. 13. 69 : Colitur illic fabulosa Ceto. The name Ceto is indeed only a Latinizing of y-ijTo; (sea-monster) ; comp. Stark, p. 257. *"* Mela, i. 11 : ubi Cephea regnasse eo signo accolae adfirmant, quod titulura ejus fratrisque Phinei vetercs quacdara arae cum religione plurima retineut. *^ Comp, in general the coin.s in Mionnet, v. 499 ; Dc Saulcy, p. 176 sq. pi. ix. n. 3, 4. 16 § 22. THE STA.TE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. period. Provinces, towns and princes then vied with each other in the practice of this cult, which was indeed prudently declined by Augustus in Eome, but looked upon with approval and promoted in the provinces.*^ It was self-evident that Herod also could not remain behind in this matter. If a general remark of Josephus is to be taken literally, he " founded Caesarea (Kacaapela, i.e. temples of Ciesar) in many towns.""" Such are specially mentioned in Samaria, Panias (see below) and in Caesarea. The magnificent temple here lay upon a hill opposite the entrance of the harbour. Within it stood two large statues, one of Augustus after the model of the Olympic Zeus, and one of Eome after that of Hera of Argos, for Augustus only permitted his worship in combination with that of Eome.^^ "With respect to the other worships of Caesarea, the coins show a motley variety. In saying this we must certainly take into consideration, that ■^ Tacit. Anna!, i. 10, Augustus is reproached nihil deorum honoribus relictum, cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli vellet. Sueton. Aiit/. 59 : provinciarum pleraeque super teinpla et aras ludos quoque quinquenuales paene oppidathn constituerunt. Only in Rome did Augustus decline this worship (Sueton. Avg. 52 : in urbe quidein pertina- cissime abstinuit hoc honore) : a temple was first erected for it there by Tiberius (Tacit. Annal. vi. 45 ; Sueton. Calig. 21). Among the temples to Augustus, which have been preserved, the most celebrated is that at Ancyra, on which comp. Perrot, Exploration archcologique de la Galatie et de la Bithy7iie, etc. (1872), pp. 295-312, planche 13-31. Compare in general on the worship of the emperor, Preller, Römische MytJiologie, p. 770 sqq. ; Boissier, La religion romaine d^ Auguste aux Antonius (2nd ed. 1878), i. pp. 109-186 ; Kuhn, Die städt. und hürgerl. Verfassung des vom. Reichs, i. 112 ; Älarquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. iii. (1878) p. 144 sqq., and vol. i. (2nd ed. 1881) p. 503 sqq. ; Le Bas et Waddington, Inscript. vol. iii. Illustrations to n. 885 ; Perrot as above, p. 295 ; Marquardt, De provinciarum Romanarum conciliis et sacerdotihus (Ephemeris epigraphica), i. 1872, pp. 200-214 ; Desjardins, Le culte des Divi et le culte de Rome et d'Auguste (Revue Je philologie, de literature et d'histoire ancienues), nouv. serie, iii. 1879, pp. 33-63. I am only acquainted with the latter from Bursian's philolog. Jahresher. xix. 620-622. ^o Bell. Jud. i. 21. 4 ; comp. Antt. xv. 9. 5. ^' Sueton. Aug. 52 : templa ... in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi 6U0 Komaeque nomine recepit. On the temple at Caesarea, Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 7 ; Antt. xv. 9. 6. Philo also mentions the "Eißxaretov, see Legat, ad Cajum, § 38 fin., cd. Mang. ii. 590,/». The remains of a tcm})le h.ave also § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 17 these belong for the most part to the second and third centuries, which is of importance in the case of Caesarea, because after the time of Vespasian the Eoman element, in opposition to the Greek, received a considerable reinforcement in the Eoman colony introduced into Caesarea by that emperor. Hence it is to be ascribed to the influence of the Eoman element, that the Egyptian Serapis, who was, as is well known, highly honoured in Eome, occurs so very fre- quently. In general, however, we may transpose to an earlier period also the deities mentioned on the coins. We here find again Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Herakles, Dionysos, Athene, Nike, and of female deities chiefly Astarte, according to the view of her prevailing in Palestine.^^ The coins of Dora, which are assignable to a period subse- quent to Caligula, have most frequently the image of Zeus with the laurel.^^ In a narrative of Apion, which is indeed a silly fiction, Apollo is designated the dcus Dorensmm!'^ His worship, which was common in all these towns (comp. Eaphia, Gaza, Ascalon, Caesarea), is to be traced to Seleucid influence. For Apollo was the ancestral God of the Seleucids, as Dionysos was that of the Ptolemies.^^ The ancient Ptolcmais (Akko) Avas in the age of the Seleucids and Ptolemies one of the most flourishing of heathen cities (see § 23. I. Nr. 11). Hence we may here assume, even without more special information, an early been discovered in Caesarea by the recent researches of Englishmen (^The Survey of We.stern Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 13 sqq., with plan of the town, p. 15). It must, however, remain uncertain whether they are those of the temple of Augustus. ^■- Miounet, v. 486-497 ; Snppl. viii. 3;]4-043. Serapis very often. Zeus, n. 53 ; Svppl. n. 43. Poseidon, n. 38. Apollo, n. 6, 12, 13 ; Suppl. n. 7, 12, 15. Herakles, n. 16. Dionysos, n. 37, 54, 56. Athene, S}ippl. n. 37. Nike, n. 4; Suppl. n. 6, 8, 20. Asfcirte, n. 1, 2, 7, 18, 24, 51 ; Suppl. n. 9, 10, 11, 45. Still more in De Saulcy, pp. 112-141, pi. vii. •" Mionuet, v. 359-362 ; Suppil. viii. 258-260. De Saulcy, pp. 142-148, pi. vi. n. 6-12. Comp, also Eckhel, iii. 362 sq. *• Joseph, contra Apion. ii. 9. " Stark, Gaza, p. 568 sqq. DIV. II. VOL. I. B 18 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GEXEÜAL. penetration of the Greek worship. Upon the autonomic coins of the town, belonging probably to the last decades before Christ (soon after Caesar), is found almost universally the image of Zeus.^'' In the time of Claudius, Ptolemais became a Eoman colony. Upon the very numerous subsequent coins is found chiefly Tyche (Fortuna) ; likewise Artemis, Pluto and Persephone, Perseus with Medusa, the Egyptian Serapis and the Phrygian Cybele." The Mishna gives an account of a meeting of the famous scribe Gamaliel II. with a heathen philosopher in the bath of Aphrodite.^^ • Beside the towns on the coast, it was chiefly the districts in the east of Palestine wliich were the earliest and the most completely Hellen ized. It is probable that Alexander the Great and the IJiadochoi here founded a number of Greek towns, or Hellenized towns already existing. Hence arose in early times a series of centres of Greek culture in these parts. Their prosperity was interrupted for only a short time by the cliaotic work of destruction of Alexander Jannaeus. For Pompey already made an independent development again possible to them by separating them from the Jewish realm and combining them probably under the name of Dccajjolis into a certain sort of unity. Damascus is reckoned by Pliny and Ptolemy as the chief among these cities of Decapolis. It was an important arsenal even in the time of Alexander the Great. Its Hellenistic character at that period is testified to by coins of Alexander, which were minted there (see § 23. I. Nr. 12). From that time onward it became increasingly a Hellenistic city. At the partition of the great empire of the Seleucids into several portions towards the end of the second century before Christ, it even became for a while the capital of one of "« De Saulcy, pp. 1,54-156. *'' Mionnet, v. 473-481; Suppl. viii. 824-331. Tyche (Fortuna) frequently. Artemis, n. 29, 39. Pluto and Persephone, u. 37. Perseus, Suppl. n. 19, 20. Serapis, n. 16, 24, 28. Cybele, n. 42. Still more in De Saulcy, pp. 157-169, pi. viii. *** Ahoda sara in. 4. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 19 these smaller kingdoms. As was consequently to be expected, the autonomic and mostly dated coins of Damascus reaching to the commencement of the Eomau Empire, present us with tlie purely Greek deities : Artemis, Athene, Nike, Tyche, Helios, Dionysos. ^^ Upon imperial coins proper the emblems and images of stated divinities are, comparatively speaking, but seldom found. Silenus, the honoured companion of Dionysus and with him Dionysos himself here occur the most frequently; especially in the third century after Christ.^" The Hellenistic legend, which connects him with the foundation of Damascus, also points to the worship of this god.^^ Perhaps his worship both here and in other cities of Eastern Palestine is to be traced to Arabian influence. Eor the principal deity of the Arabians was conceived of by the Greeks as Dionysos.*'^ Upon the Greek inscriptions, which have been preserved in Damascus and its neighbourhood, Zeus is more frequently mentioned.'"^ In many of the towns of Decapolis, especially in Kanatha, Gerasa, and Philadelphia, the existing magnificent ruins of temples of the Eoman period still bear witness to the former splendour of the Hellenistic worship in these towns. "^ Of the special worships of the several towns, we have for the most part but deficient information. In Scythopolis, Dionysos must have been specially honoured. «" De Saulcy, pp. 30-33. Artemis, n. 2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 14, 21. Athene, n. 2, 8, 14, 15. Kike, n. 11, 12, 22, 23. Tyche, n. 17, 18. Helios, n. 3, 21. Dionysos, n. 24, 25. Most also in Mionnet, v. 283 sq. ; Supjil. via. 193 sqq. 60 Mionnet, v. 285-297 ; Snppl. viii. 193-20G. Silenus, n. Gl, 62, 68, G9, 72, 77, 85; Supj^l n. 34, 35, 48. Dionysos, u. 80, 88. The most also in De Saulcy, pp. 35-5G. "' Stephanus Byz. s.v. AxccuaKo^. 62 Herodot. iii. 8. Arrian, vii. 20. Strabo, xvi. p. 741. Origones, contra Cels. V. 37. Hcsych. Lex. s.v. Aovaupr,;. Krehl, Ucbcr die Religion der voridumischen Araber, 18G3, pp. 29 sqq., 48 sqq. ''^ Le Bas et AVaddington, Inscrlptioi.'i, vol. iii. n. 1879, 2549, 2550. Zii/; Kspx'Ji/io; (at Deir Kanun on the Nahr Barada). Corp. Inscr. Graec. 4520 = AVaddington, n. 2557^^. 6* See the geographical literature niciitinned in § 23. I. 20 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENEEAL. For the town was also called Nysa/^ and this is the mytho* logical name of the place, in which Dionysos was brought up by the nymphs. ^^ The name Scythopolis was also referred mythologically to Dionysos (see § 23. I. Nr. 19). On the coins of Gadara Zeus is most frequently met with, also Herakles, Astarte and other individual deities. ^^ Artemis is depicted on the coins of Gerasa as the Tü-)(rj Fepdacov.'"^ In Philadelphia Herakles appears to have been the principal divinity, Tv^crj ^ikaSeXcfyecov, other individual gods also occur- ring.^^ The coins of the other cities of Decapolis are not numerous, and offer but insufficient material. Apart from the coast towns and the cities of Decapolis, there are only two other cities in which especially Hellenism gained an early footing, viz. Samaria and Panias. Alexander the Great is said to have settled colonists in Samaria. In any case it was an important Hellenistic military post in tlie times of the Diadochoi (see § 33. I. Nr. 24). The town was indeed razed to the ground by John Hyrcanus, but the Hellenist rites must certainly have been re-established at its restoration by Gabinius, and have attained still greater ascendancy at the *5 Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 18. 74 : Scythopolim antea N^ysam. Steph. Byz. s.v. '^.Kvdö'Tzohii, TLotKuiaTiuifiS "^oKtii >! Nt/acrjjj (1. Nt/aa«) Ko/X>jj '^.vpioe.g. On coins chiefly Nt/ff[«/(yf ?] '2.x.v6o\j7ro'h.trui)'\. ^•^ A whole number of towns claimed to be the true Nysa. See Steph. Byz. s.v. (Nvaxi ttö'Kh; -TiroXKai), Pauly's Encycl. v. 794 sq. Pape-Benseler, Wörterhuch der griecli. Eigennamen, s.v. 6^ Mionnet, v. 323-328 ; Sup2Jl. via. 227-230. De Saulcy, pp. 294-303, pi. XV. ^^ Mionnet, v. 329 ; Suppl. viii. 230 sq. De Saulcy, p. 384 sq., pl. xxii. n. 1-2. 69 Mionnet, v. 330-333. Snppl viii. 232-336. De Saulcy, pp. 386-392, pl. xxii. n. 3-9. The bust of the young Herakles is found with the super- scription Hpux-T^m upon a coin of Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus (see the representation of it in De Saulcy, pl. xxii. n. 7). Upon two others (one of Marcus Aurelius, the other of Commodus) is depicted a vehicle drawn by four horses, with the superscription YLpa.x.'hiiov (Mionnet, n. 77, 80 ; De Saulcy, pp. 390, 391). According to the ingenious suj^position of Eckhel {Doctr. Num. iii. 351), we are to understand by the latter a small statue or sacellum which was on festivals carried in procession. The T^/^n ^t'KuOi'hC^iov upon the coins of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, see De Saulcy, p. 389. § 22. THE STATE OF GÜLTUKE IN GENERAL. 21 enlargement of the town by Herod the Great, who also here erected a magnificent temple to Augustus. "° On the other worships some further information is furnished by coins attributable to times subsequent to Nero. '^ In Panias, the subsequent Caesarea Fhilippi, the Greek Pan must have been worshipped since the commencement of Hellenic times in the grotto there ; for the locality is in the days of Antiochus the Great already mentioned by the name of to Tldveiov (see § 23. I. Nr. 29). The continuance of his worship in later times is also abundantly testified by coins and inscriptions.^' Herod the Great built here as well as in Caesarea Stratonis and Samaria a temple of Augustus."^ Of other deities Zeus is most frequently found upon the coins, some appear singly ; the image of Pan is, however, by far the most prevalent. ''* Subsequently to the second century after Christ, Hellenic worship may be proved to have existed in other towns of Palestine also, as Sepphoris, Tiberias, etc. It may however be assumed with tolerable certainty, that it found no favour in them before the Vespasian war. For till then the cities in question were chiefly inhabited by Jews, who would hardly have tolerated the public exercise of heathen worship in their midst. ^^ The case was different with the half-heathen districts of Trachonitis, Batanaea, and Auranitis, east of the Lake of Gennesareth. Here too tlie Hellenistic worships probably 7"> Bdl. Jiul. i. 21. 2 ; comp. Autt. xv. 8. 5. " Mioniiet, v. 513-516 ; Siippl. viii. 35G-359. De Saulcy, pp. 275-281, pi. xiv. n. 4-7. " The coins in Mionnet. v, 311-315, n. 10, 13, 16, 20, 23 ; Suppl. viii. 217-220, n. 6, 7, 8, 10. Others in De Saulcy, pp. 313-324, pi. xviii. ; comp, especially tlie representations of Pan with the flute in De Saulcy, pi. xviii. n. 8, 9, 10. The inscriptions in Le Bas et Waddington, Inscr. vol. iii. n. 1891, 1892, 1893 {=Corp. Inner. Grace, u. 4538, 4537, Addenda, p. 1179). " Antt. XV. 10. 3 ; Bell. .hid. i. 21. 3. '* See Mionnet and De Saulcy's above-named work. '^ That tliere were no heathen temi>les in Tiberius may be indirectly inferred also from Josepli. Vita, 12. For only the destruction of Herod's palace adorned with images of animals is mentioned, not that of heathen temples. 22 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. first penetrated to a wider extent subsequently to the second century after Christ, But the work of Hellenization began with the appearance of Herod and his sons, who gained for culture these hitherto half-barbarous places (see above, p. 4). The worship of Hellenic deities was afterwards admitted. The inscriptions, of which a special abundance has been preserved in these regions, testify to its prevalence from the second to the fourth centuries. The same observation must however here be made as with respect to the Philistine towns, viz. that the native Arabian deities were still maintained beside the Greek gods. Among these Dusarcs, compared by the Greeks to Dionysos, takes the fu'st place. His worship in Eoman times is testified chiefly by the games dedicated to him, the "ÄKria Aovadpia in Ädraa and Bostral^ Several other Arabian gods, the names of some of whom are all that is known to us, are also mentioned upon the inscriptions.'^ The Greek deities have, however, the preponderance during this period. Among them by far the most frequently occurring is Zeus/^ and next to him Dionysos, Kronos, Herakles."^ Of female deities the ^^ Aovaä.prii in Le Bas et 'Waddington, Inscr. vol. iii. n, 2023, 2312. The Nom. propr. J^ovaocpto^, n. 191G. xi'J'n in de Yogiie, Sijrle Centrale, Inscriptions se'mitiques, pp. 1L3, 120. The "A^t/« Aovaccoi» in ^lionnet, v. 577-585, n. 6, 6, 18, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37. The same also in De Saulcy, pp. 375, 365, 369 sq. Comp. Tertullian, Apolog. 24 : Unicuique etiam provinciae et civitati suus deus est, ut Syriae Astartes, ut Arabiae Dusares. Hesych. Lex. s.v. : ^ovaaprtv tov ^lövvuov Nxßu.r»hi. Krehl, Ueber die Religion der vorislamischen Araber (1863), p. 48 sq. Waddington's illus- trations to n. 2023. Mordtmann, Dusares iu Epiphanius (Ztschr. der DMG. 1875, pp. 99-106). " eexvlptrvi; or 0s«:/3o/o? in Waddington, n. 2046, 2374^ (C. I. Gr. 4609, Addend, p. 1181), 2481. See concerning him "Waddington's illustrations to n. 2046. Ouxacitxdo-j, Waddington, n. 2374, 2374^ vvp) Qaqiu, in de Yogiie, Syrie Centrale, Inscr. se'm. pp. 96, 103. n>X. Allath (a female deity), de Vogue, pp. 100, 107, 119. '8 Waddington, n. 2116, 2140, 2211, 2288, 2289, 2290, 2292, 2339, 2340, 2390, 2412d (Wetzstein, 185), 2413^ (Wetzst. 179), 2413J (C. /. Gr. 4558), 2413k (C. 7. Gr. 4559). Zev; Ti-Kuoc, n. 2484. '*> Dionysos, Waddington, n. 2309. Kronos, n. 2375, 2544. Heracles, a. 2413c (Wetzst. 177), 2428. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 23 most frequent are Athene ^^ and Tyche/^ then Aphrodite, Nike, Irene.^ Finally, the religious syncretism of the subsequent imperial period favoured other Oriental, as well as the ancient native deities. Among these the Syrian Sun-god, who is here adored, now under his Semitic name Avfiov, now under his Greek name "HXlo^, at another under both together, plays the chief part.^ His worship so flourished in Constantine's time also, that a considerable temple could even then be erected for it in Auranitis.^* Nay, the Christian preachers were only able to suppress it, by substituting for him the prophet 'HXLa/?i«öiÄ(p£/o£» T'^j Apoeßiat; dvOpuv '7:ot,vx,pct,rtv. ^2 Corp. Inner. Grace, n. 4472 = Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. u. 1839. The date of the inscription is a.D. 221. It mentions among others games at Caesarea, Ascalon and Scythopolis. ^3 This originally Greek Descriptio tctlm orhis is preserved in two Latin paraphrases, both of which are given in Jliiller's Geo(jraphi Gracci minores, ii. 513-528. One also in Riese's Geograjihi Latini minores (1878), pp. 104- 126. According to the freer but more intelligible version c. 32 runs as follows : lam nunc dicendum est quid etiam in se singulae civitates, de quibus loquimur, habeant delectabile. Habes ergo Antiochiam in ludis circensibus eminentem ; similiter et Laodiciam et Tyrum et Berytum et Caesaream. Et Laodicia mittit aliis civitatibus agitatores optimos, Tyrus et Berytus mimarios. Caesarea pantoiuinios, Ileliopolis choraulas, Gaza pammacarios, Ascalon athletas luctatorcs, Castabala pyctas. "* In enumerating the towns I follow the same order as above when treating of the worshij-s. and in § 23. I. The further information may also be given, that the kinds of (jamcs wqvh in general as follows: (1) in the circus (i'TTTTOloofios) the chariot race ; (2) in the amphitheatre the contests of gladiators and fights of wild beasts; (3) in tlie theatre plays, pro- perly so called, to whicii were also added pantomimes; (4) in the stadium gymnastic games — boxing, -wrestling, and running; the latter wore also sometimes held in the circus (Marquurdt, iii. 504 sq.). At the great annual feasts several of these gumts were generally combined. "•^ Chron. pancli., ed. Dindorf, i. 474. '"' The 'TTotyKpuTiov is the " joint contest," wliich comprises both WTestling (7r«x>i) and boxing (^vv/i^vj). Hence it belongs to the order of gymnastic games. 26 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUllE IN GENERAL. century the most famous in Syria.^' Jerome in his Life, of Hilarmi mentions the Circensian games there.^^ A ToXavTiaio^ a'^oav is testified for Ascalon in the inscription of Laodicaea. Its wrestlers {athlelac luctatores, see note 93) were particularly famous. In Caesarea a stone theatre and a large anjphitheatre, the latter with a view of the sea, were built by Herod the Great ; ^^ a arahtov is mentioned of the time of Pilate ; ^'^^ the town must also have had a circus from its commencement, since a ittttcoz/ Sp6fiot.ii OS "TTO^.v 'TzT^vjdog fiouofiec^^uv y.xl d/jpiuv, hwüiu Tg opöf/.ov, etc. ^"2 The games were celebrated y.arci -TrturuizYtpi^» {Antt. xvi. 5. 1) and hence called 7r:-yrccir-/ipt!cot cc") oii/sg {Bell. Jud. i. 21. 8). According however to our mode of expression these games were held every four years. The same formula are constantly used of all fourth yearly games, the Olympic, the Actian, etc. See the Lexica and the material in the index to the Corp. Inscr. Graec. p, 158, 5.1;. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 27 tion of the Jewish war ghidiatorial contests and fights of wild beasts, in which hundreds of Jewish prisoners were sacrificed.^''* The Emperor Maximiuus exhibited at the celebration of his birthday animals brought from India and Ethiopia.^°^ 3. Games in the theatre are mentioned in the time of King Agrippa I.^^'' The pantomimi of Caesarea were in tlie fourth century tlie most famous in Syria (see note 93). We must understand indeed of pantomimic games also, what Eusebius says of the games of ]\Iaximinus.^*'" 4. A TrayKpdrtov is mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias, a boxing-match in that of Laodicaea.-^"^ In Ptolemais a gymnasium was built by Herod the Great.^°^^ In Damascus also a gymnasium and theatre were built by Herod the Great (see Josephus as before). The existence of a TrayKpa-Tiov there is testified to by the inscription of Aphro- disias, and aeßda/xca (games in honour of the emperor) are mentioned upon the coins since Macrinus.^"'^ liuins of two theatres are still standing at Gadara.^^*' A paufxa^la there occurs on the coins of Marcus Aurelius.^^^ Kanc.tha has besides ruins of its temple those of a small theatre, hewn out in the rock and designated on an inscription as öearpoetSe? whelov}^'^ In Scythopolis traces of a hippodrome are found, and ruins of a theatre are still standing.^^'^ A irwy/cpaTLov is !»♦ BelJ. Jii'l. vii. 31. i«^ Euseb. De Martijr. Palaest. vi. 1-2. 106 Antt. xix. 7. 4 ; 8. 2. On the i,'aiues mentioned in the last passnge, as held in honour of the Emperor Claudius, see above, § 18, i^. fin. 1"^ De ]\Iartijr. PaJaest. vi. 2 : dvopuv ivrh^vois ricl aoiit-xaKicti; 'Trxpxhö^ovg y^vXiOt-yw/iets roig ipuatv iiiO£iKvv/:cii/uv. See also the note of A'alesius. 108 "j^jg ^^yf^yj toolc fjlaoe on the occasion of the "Ssoviipiio; ütKouftii/iKog Tlvßtxög (seil, «ywv), i.e. of tlie Pytiiic games dedicated to the Emperor Septimius Sevorus. losa Joseph. Btll. Jud. i. 21. 11. '"' Mionnet, v. 291 sqq. : Suppl. viii. 198 sqq. De Sanlcy, p. 42 sqq. "° See the geographical literature cited in § 23. I. note 179. "1 See especially Eckh' 1, Ijuctr. Xum. iii. 348 sqq., also Mionnet, v. 826, n. 38. De Saulcy, p. 299. '1- The inscription in Le Bas et Waddiugton, vol. iii. n. 2341. On the building itself, see the geographical literature cited § 23. I. note 214. ^" See especially, 7'Jie Survey of Wtstcrn Palcstitie, Memoir.^ by Conder and Kitchener, vol. ii. p. 106 (plan of the liippodrome) and p. 107 (plan 28 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias, and a raKavTialo^ af^öiv in that of Laodicaea. Among the magnificent ruins of Gcrasa are found those of two theatres and traces of a Naumachia (an amphitheatre erected for battles of ships),-^^* Philadelphia too possesses the ruins of a theatre and of an Odeum (a small roofed theatre)/^^ and a TrayKpariov is men- tioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias. In Caesarea Fanias " various spectacles " (TravToia^ Oecopia';), especially gladiatorial contests and wild beast fights, in which Jewish prisoners were used, were given by Titus after the termination of the Jewish war.^^^ A TrayKpariov held there is mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias. On games in the Jewish towns (Jerusalem, Jericho, Tarichea, Tiberias), see the next section. Besides the religious rites and games, there is finally a third point which shows how deeply Hellenism had penetrated in many of these towns, viz. that they produced men, who gained a name in Greek literature. Among the coast towns Ascalon is especially prominent in this respect. In Stephanu? of Byzantium {s.v. 'AaKoXwv) are enumerated four Stoic philo- sophers : Antiochus, Sosus, Antibius, Eubius, who were natives of Ascalon. Of these only Antiochus is elsewhere known. He was a contemporary of Lucullus and a teacher of Cicero, and therefore belongs to the first century before Christ, His system is moreover not exactly stoic but eclectic.-'^'^ As gram- marians of Ascalon, Ptolemaeus and Dorotheas, as historians Apollonius and Artemidorus are named by Steph. Byz. The two latter are unknown. Dorotheas is elsewhere quoted, but his date cannot be decided.-^^^ Next to the philosopher of the theatre). The theatre is according to Conder (ii. lOG) the best preserved spechneu of Eoman work in Western Palestine, ^^* See the geographical literature cited § 23, note 1. 253, 11^ See the literature cited § 23, note 1. 270. "6 Bell. Jud. vii. 2. 1, ^" See Pauly's Encykl. i, 1 (2nd ed.), p. 1141 sq., and the literature there cited, especially Zeller. Also Hoyer, De Antiocho Ascalonita, Bonn 1883. ^^* See Fabricius, Bihlioth. graeca, ed. Harles, i. 511, vi. 365, x, 719. Pauly's Encykl. ii. 1251. Nicolai, GriecJi. Literaturgesch. ii. 381. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 29 Antioclius, the grammarian Ptolemaeus is best known.^^^ If he was, as stated by Stephen, 'Apia-rdp'x^ov 'yvoopiixo'^, he would belong to the second century before Christ. He is probably however of a considerably later date (about the beginning of the Christian era).^"'' Among the towns of Decapolis Gadara and Gerasa are especially to be mentioned as the birthplaces of distinguished men. Of Gadara was the Epicurean Philo- demus, the contemporary of Cicero, numerous fragments of whose writings have become known through the rolls dis- covered in Herculaneum ; also the epigrammatic poet Meleager and the cynic Menippus, both probably belonging to the first century before Christ. The Greek anthology contains more than a hundred epigrams of Meleager, nay he was himself the founder of this collection. Lastly the rhetorician Theodorus, the tutor of the Emperor Tiberius, was also a Gadarene. All the four are already mentioned in combination by Strabo.^^^ Of Gerasa were, according to Steph. Byz. {s.v. Tepaaa) : Ariston (pt^rojp daTeio<;), Kerykos (aocpcaTi]';) and Plato {uo/xtKo<; pijrcop), all three not otherwise known. 2. Hellenism in the Jewish RegionP^^ In the Jewish region proper Hellenism was in its religious aspect triumphantly repulsed by the rising of the Maccabees ; it was not till after the overthrow of Jewish nationality in the wars of Vespasian and Hadrian, that an entrance for heathen ^^^ See Fabricius, Biblioth. gracca, i. 521, vi. 156 sqq. Pauly's Ei)c>jkl, vi. 1, 142. Nicolai, Griech. Litcraturge.sch. ii. 347. Baege, Dc Ptolemaco Ascalonita, 1882; also in DlastrUitiones pliilol. Halenscs, v. 2, 1883. 120 Comp, on the date of I'toleniy, Baege, pp. 2-6. In Stark, (inza, he is, certainly through inadvertence, transposed to the niicMle of the third century. ^-^ Strabo, xvi. p. 759. For further particulars on all four, see the works of Fabricius {Biblioth. grace), Pauly {Encgkl.), Nicolai {Griech. Literatur- gesch.) ; on Philodemus aud Menippus in the works of Zeller and Uebcrwcg on the history of Greek philosophy ; on ^lenippus, \Yildenow, De Menippo Cynico, Ilalis Sax. 1881. i-^a Comp, in general Hamburger, Rculcncyclop. für Bibel und Talmud^ 2nd Div., article '' Griechenthuui," 30 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IK GENEEA.L. rites was forcibly obtained by the Eoinaus. In saying this however we do not assert, that the Jewish people of those early times remained altogether unaffected by Hellenism. For the latter was a civilising power, which extended itself to every department of life. It fashioned in a peculiar manner the organization of the state, legislation, the administration of jus- tice, public arrangements, art and science, trade and industry, and the customs of daily life down to fashion and ornaments, and thus impressed upon every department of life, wherever its influence reached, the stamp of the Greek mind. It is true that Hellenistic is not identical with Hellenic culture. The importance of the former on the contrary lay in the fact, that by its reception of the available elements of all foreign cultures within its reach, it became a world-culture. But this very world-culture became in its turn a peculiar whole, in which the preponderant Greek element was the ruling keynote. Into the sti'eam of this Hellenistic culture the Jewish people was also drawn ; slowly indeed and with reluctance, but yet irresistibly, for though religious zeal was able to banish heathen worship and all connected therewith from Israel, it could not for any length of time restrain the tide of Hellenistic culture in other departments of life. Its several stages cannot indeed be any longer traced. But when we reflect tliat the small Jewish country was enclosed on almost every side by Hellenistic regions, with which it was compelled, even for the sake of trade, to hold continual intercourse, and when we remember, that even the rising of the Maccabees was in the main directed not against Hellenism in general, but only against the heathen religion, that the later Asmonaeans bore in every respect a Hellenistic stamp — employed foreign mercenaries, minted foreign coins, took Greek names, etc., and that some of them, e.g. Aristobulus I., were direct favourers of Hellenism, — when all this is considered, it may safely be assumed, that Hellenism had, notwithstanding the rising of the Maccabees, gained access in no inconsiderable measure into Palestine even before the commencement of the Eoman period. Its further § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 31 diffusion was not to any considerable amount promoted by the rule of the Eomans and Herodians, who added to it that Latin element, which makes itself so very apparent especially after the first century of the Cliristian era. For this later age (the first half of the second century after Clirist), tlie ]\Iishna affords us copious material, plainly showing the influ- ence of Hellenism upon every sphere of life. A multitude of Greek and also of Latin words in the Hebrew of the Mishna shows, how it was just Hellenistic culture which had gained an ascendancy in Palestine also. A series of examples may serve to substantiate this in detail also.-^^" It is chiefly of course in the department of civil government and military matters that, together with foreign arrangements, we find foreign terms also current. A provincial governor is called |iDjn {i]'ye/jL(öv), a province x"'Jl?Ojn (riyefxovia), the muni- cipal authorities of a town "»anN (j^PXV-^''^' ^^r soldiers in general the Latin niiVJ^ (legiones) is used ; an army is called t<'D"^L2D^< (a-rpaTia), war DID^D (TToXeyLto?), pay N'':dbx (o-^ooviov), a helmet «nop (cassida), a shield D*~in {0vpe6xi; n yecp »ilTilV Kxi hx/ÜXTUV Tp^">D3 {ßxdi'hiK'/i), Ahoda sara i. 7 ; Tohoroth vi. 8. § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL, 35 porticoes/^- porches/^^ Tribunes/'** banqueting - halls ^*^ and other buildings after the Graeco-Eoman manner. Even in the temple at Jerusalem the Grecian style of architecture was copiously adopted. It is true that in the temple proper (the vaö'i) Herod could not venture to forsake the old traditional forms. But in the building of the inner fore-court we see the influence of Greek models. Its gates had fore-courts (i^e8pai) within, between which colonnades {arroai) ran along the inside of the walls.^*^ The gate at the eastern side of the outer court had folding doors of Corinthian brass, which were more costly than those covered with gold and silver.^*" Quite in the Grecian style were the colonnades {. 308 sqq. That the 2nT "in was equal to 25 denarii appears, e.g., from Keihuboth x. 4 ; Baha kamma iv. 1. i<^i "ijn, e.g. Pea viii. 8 ; Demai ii. 5 ; Maaser sheni ii. 9 ; Shekalim ii. 4 ; Beza iii. 7 ; Kcthuhoth v. 7, vi. 3, 4, x. 2 ; Kiddushin i. 1, ii. 2 ; Baha mezia iv. 5 ; Arachin vi. 2, 5, and elsewhere. T^t, -^«a viii. 8, 9 ; Jama iii. 7 ; Kethuboth i. 5, vi. 5, ix. 8 ; Gittin vii 5 ; Kiddushin iii. 2 ; Baba kamma iv. 1, viii. 6 ; Balia bathra x. 2. ^'^'^ lpuxfi>i, Luke XV. 8 sq. ; Joseph. Vita, 44. In both pa3.sages, however, drachmae of Tyrian value may be intended ; comp, below, note 172. ICC pi-ij-12, Pea viii. 7 ; Shehiith viii. 4 ; Maaser sheni iv. 8 ; Erubin viii. 2 ; Baha mczia iv. 5 ; BaJiu bathra v. 9 ; Shebuoth vi. 3 ; Kelim xvii. 12 (in the last expressly named as the Italian pondion (''pi5t2"'K |V*1J12). From Baba bathra v. 9, it is evident that & lyondion ^tv^o asses, as is also expressly noticed in the Talmud {jer. Kiddushin 58*^ ; lab. Kiddushin 12a ; Lightfoot, Ilorae hebr. on Matt. v. 26, 0pp. ii. 288 sq.). The pondion i3 therefore without doubt the Roman diipoudiu.'<, as Guisius on Pea viiL 7 (in Surenhusius' Mishna L 7) has remarked. 40 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. as the Italian as, "'p^t2"'N "IDS'.^*'^ It amounted originally to one- tenth, but after the second Punic war (b.c. 217), to only one-sixteenth of a denarius. ■^^^ (5) The smallest copper coin was the nciiD, amounting to only the eighth of an as}^^ It was unknown to the Eoman system of coinage, its name too is Semitic. The Xeirrov however which occurs in the New Testa- ment (Mark xii, 42 ; Luke xii. 59, xxi. 2), and is, according to Mark xii. 42, the half of a quadrans, is identical with it. Coins of this size are in fact found in the period of the later Asmoneans and single ones in the Herodian-Komish period.^'** It is however striking, that both in the Mishna and the New Testament reckonings are made by this smallest portion of the as, and not by the semis (half as) and quadrans (quarter as), while the latter were then coined in Palestine also, and indeed more frequently than the Xeinov}^^ The mode of reckoning seems, according to the latter, to have come down from pre- Eoman times, but to have remained in use even after the introduction of the Eoman valuation. The coins issued in the Phoenician towns, especially in Tyre, which were in cir- culation in Palestine even when no more were made according to this standard, differed in value from the Eoman coins.^'^ ^^'' ''p^D^X IDS, KiddusMn i. 1 ; Edtijotk iv. 7 ; Chidlln iii. 2 ; Mik- waolh ix. 5. On -|DS in general, e.g. Pea viii. 1 ; Shebiith viii. 4 ; Maase- roth ii. 5, 6 ; Maaser sheni iv. 3, 8 ; Erubin vii. 10 ; Baha mezia iv. 5 ; Baha hathra v. 9. 168 Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 16. 169 nD1"l3> Kiddushin i, 1, ii. 1, 6; Baha kamma ix. 5, 6, 7 ; Baha mezia iv. 78 ; Shebuoth vi. 1, 3 ; Edujoih iv. 7. That it amounted to the eighth of the as is said Kiddushin i. 1 ; Edujoth iv. 7. 1'" See Mailden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 301. ^''1 See Madden, as above. The seinis and quadrans are not to my knoAv- ledge mentioned in the Mishna, but first occur in the Jerusalemite and Babylonian Talmud. In the New Testament indeed the quadrans (xoS- potvT/is) is twice mentioned. But in one passage (Mark xii. 42) the words iariu KoapxvTni are only an explanation on the part of the evangelist ; in the other (Matt. v. 26) the expression xoBsä^t«? was probably inserted by the evangelist in place of "hiTnöu offered by his authority, and preserved by St. Luke (xii. 59). The authorities therefore of our Gospels mention only the XfXToV, as the Mishna mentions only the noilS. 1^2 The coins of Plioenician valuation were somewhat lighter than the § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUltE IN GENEKAL. 41 That which applies to money, the medium of commerce, applies also to its objects. Here too we everywhere come upon the track of Greek and Eoman names and matters.^ ''^ At the same time we must not overlook the fact, that Palestine with her abundance of natural products made on her part large contributions to the commerce of the world; the produce of her soil and her industrial commodities went into all lands and were some of them world-famed.^^* But whether the Rüman ; see Hultsch, Griech. und rum. Metrologie, p. 594 sqq. A uö^nri/.» Tvpiou, of the value of 4 drachmae, is mentioned by Joseplius, Bell. Jnd. ii. 21. 2 ; comp. Vita, 13, s. fin. The liopxxi^ov (Matt. xvii. 24) and the arxryip (=4 drachmae. Matt. xvii. 27) are coins of this valuation: for the temple tribute, as well as those generally prescribed in the A. T., were dis- charged according to Tyrian valuation (Mishna Bechoroth viii. 7 ; Tose/ta Kethuhoth xii. fin.), because this corresponded to the Hebrew ; comp. Hultsch, pp. 604 sq., 471. When Josephus states the value of the v6f<.iaf<,x Tvpiov to have been 4 Attic drachmae, this is but an approximate valuation, for the Tyrian tetradrachmon was somewhat lighter than the Attic (Hultsch, 595 sq.). ^^2 On the commercial commodities of antiquity, see especially Marquardt, Das Privatlehen der Römer, vol. ii., Leipzig 1882 (2nd ed. of the römischen Privatcdterth'umer, vol. ii.). Karl Friedr. Hermann and II. Blümner, Lehrh. der griechischen Privatalterlhümer, Freiburg 1882. Biichsenschütz, Die Hauptstätten des Geiverhßeisses im klassischen Alterthuma, Leipzig 1869. Ou the products of Egypt in particular, Lumbroso, llecherches sur Veconomie politique de I'Egypte sous les Lagides, Turin 1870. On the arts of the Restoration, Blümner, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste hei Griechen und Römern, vols, i.-iii., Leipzig 1875-1884. The Edictam Diocletiani de jiretiis rerum (1st ed.) given — (1) by Mommsen in the reports of the Saxon Scientific Sociel)/, phil.-hi.^t. CI. vol. iii. 1851, pp. 1-80, with Appendix, pp. 383-400 ; (2) by AYaddingtou in Le Bas et Wad- dington, Inscr. vol. iii., Explications, pp. 145-191; (3) by Mommsen in Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. iii. 2, pp. 801-841, is a copious source of informa- tion concerning goods. I quote from Waddington's edition. ^^* On the commercial commodities of Palestine, see Movers, Die Phönicier, ii. 3 (1856), pp. 200-235; Herzfekl, llamlebgesch. der Juden, ])p. 88-117; Blümner, Die gewerhliche 'Ihiitigkeit, etc., pp. 24-27. A survey of the chief commodities in the fourth century after Christ is given in the Totius 07'his descriptio in Midler, Gcograjdii gr. minores, ii. 513 sqq. c. 29 • Ascalon et Gjni nj^33, Ahoda sara ii. 4 (for thus we should here read, accord- ing to the best authorities, instead of the corrupt ''P'"''J1S D^l Dr^j). Bithynian cheese is also spoken of, Pliuius, xi. 241 : trans maria vero Bithynus fere in gloria est. ^^^ n'':i'' n]}bl, Kilajim \. .0, ü. 11 ; 0?-/rtiii. 7 ; Ohahlh viii. 1. ^*- IV 31TN and '»Dil 31T^<, Ncgaim xiv. 6 ; Para xi. 7. Tlie former also Shahhatli xiv. 3. ^^^ pDDSn D''"'p"lp, Shahhatli xxii. 2 ; Machshiiiii vi. 3. The colias is a kind of tunny -fish (see concerning it Plinius, xxxii. 146 ; Marquardt, ii. 422 and the Lexicons). It was of course salted for commerce and was like the Spanish Txpixog everywhere well known (Marquardt, ii. 421 ; Bliinnicr, pp. 130-135). ^** Asparagus (D1J1DDX, oLcT^xpocyoi)., Nedarim vi. 10. Lupines (DIDTlH, 6£pf4,oi), Shahhath xviii. 1 ; Machshiriii iv. G ; 'Ithul join. i. 4. Persian nuts ('"pDiaX, Hipatx.'i)), Kilajim i. 4 ; Maascroth i. 2. In both places, as the context shows, not peaches, but Persian nuts are meant, on which comp. ^larquardt, ii. 411. ^85 D^^i^^, Terumoth xi. 1 ; ,/oma viii. 3 ; Nedarim vi. 1 ; Ahoda sara ii. 4 ; Kelim x. 5. 18« The garments worn by the high priest on the Day of Atonement were, according to .Joma iii. 7, made of both materials. In the morning he wore the pDI^^Q, in tlie afternoon the pTiljn (whether these were of 44 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUllE IN GENEHAL. Cilician haircloth,^®^ the saguvi (ciio), the dalmatica (p''P"'D?dW;, the 'paragandiun (ni3"is), the stola {r\'h\2^^)}^ the hand- kerchief (pmiD, (Tovhcipiov)}^ the felt hat (;v^Q, irikiov), the felt socks (s^bsoN, ifiTriXia), the sandals (biJD), of which the Laodicean ("»pn^ hi:D) are mentioned as a special kind.'^^ linen or cotton is not shown by these designations). The fine linen of Pclusium was famous; see Plinius, xix. 1. 14: Aegyptio lino minimum firmitatis, plurimum lucri. Quattuor ibi genera : Taniticum ac Ptlusia- cuni, Buticum, Tentyriticum. Movers, ii. 3. 318. Büchsenschütz, 62 sq. Blümner, Die geicertdiche Thüti;/keit, p. 6 sqq., especially 16. — Indian materials (öd6i.(ov''lvlix.6v, oSörfi^lvliKTi, (iivö6vsi''lvöix.oii) are e.g. also frequently mentioned in the Periplus maris Erytiaaei (see above, note 157) as articles of commerce (§ 6, 31, 41, 48, 63). Probably cotton goods are to be under- stood. See Marquardt, ii. 472 sq. Fabricius, Der Periplus des erythräischen Meeres (1883), p. 123, and Brand's article, " Ueber die antiken Kamen und die geographische Verbreitung der Baumwolle im Alterthum " (18G6), quoted in both these two works. ^^^ "'P^V' ^'^t'lim xxix. 1. — Ciliciuni was a cloth made of goat's hair, and used for very various purposes (coarse cloaks, curtains, covers, etc.). See Marquardt, ii. 463; Büchsenschütz, 64 ; Blümner, 30. If then St. Paul was a uK/iuoToiog of Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts xvin. 3), his calling was closely connected with the chief manufacture of his native place. In the Mishna ^ph'^p is called "felt" (Filz), e.g. matted (yerßlzics) hair on the beard, chest, etc. (^Mikwaotli ix. 2). 188 Q-ijD, Kdim xxix. 1 ; Mikiraoih vii. 6. |1''p^Ct3^*7, KHaj'm ix. 7. "IIJIQ, Sliekalim iii. 2 ; Kelim xxix. 1. rivüVX, Joma vii. 1 ; Giltin vii. 5. For particulars respecting this piece of clothing, see Marquardt, ii. 584 sq., 563 sq., 536 sq. AVaddington, explanations to the Edict. Dioclet. pp. 175 sq., 182, 174 sq. Moramsen, Reports of the Saxon Scientific Society, jdtil.-hist. CI. iii. 71, 391. — The sagum was a mantle which left the arm at liberty, and was therefore especially worn by soldiers and artisans. The three others are different kinds of underclothing (hence in the Armenian translation of the Bible paregot more frequently occurs for ^nüu ; see Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandtun gen, 1866, p. 209 sq.). The dalmatica is also mentioned in Epiphan. Haer., when speaking of the garments of the scribes. 1S9 p-niD, Shahbalh iii. 3 ; Joma vi. 8 ; Sanhedrin vi. 1 ; Tamid vii. 3 ; Kelim xxix. 1. In the New Testament, Luke xix. 20; John xi. 44, xx. 7; Acts xix. 12. Much matter concerning it is also found in Wetstein, Nov. Test, on Luke xix. 20, and in the Lexicons. 190 pi^a, Kelim xxix. 1 ; Nidda viii. 1. X''^SIDN, Jehamoth xii. 1 ; Kelim xxvii. 6 (comp. Marquardt, ii. 486 ; Waddington, p. 164 ; Mommsen, p. 71), ^*73D, e-g- Shabbath vi. 2, 5, x. 3, xv. 2 ; Shekalirn iii. 2 ; Beza i. 10 ; Mtgilla iv. 8 ; Jehamoth xii. 1 ; Arachin vi. 5. The sandal-maker was called "i^njD, Jehamoth xii. 5 ; Kethuboth v. 4; Ahoth iv. 11 ; KeVnn v. 5. See on sandals in general, Marquardt, ii. 577 sq. ; Hermann and Blümner, Griechische Privatalterthümer, pp. 181, 196. ^pnS SliD, Kelim xxvi. 1. § 22. THE STATE OF CÜLTÜEE IX GENERAL. 45 A series too of technical expressions in the department of manufactured articles testifies to the influence of Greek models. The spun thread is called sö^3 (vi]fj,a), a certain aiTangement of the loom DTi^p (/catpo?)/^^ the tanner ^D"in {ßvp(76i)Sp2DN, specidaria), the Corinthian candlestick.^^''' For eating and drinking, e.g. the plate (N^uipDX, scutella), the bowl ("»yQ, *5^3, Sota ii. 2 ; Marquardt, ii. 632. nso, Berachoth viii. 3 ; Marquardt, ii. 469. ^^^ p'TI, Shabbath xvi. 1 ; Ktlim xvi. 7, 8. -^^ nsip (any round hollow vessel, cask, basket, box), Pea viii. 7 ; Demoi ii. 5 ; Shabbath viii. 2, xviii. 1 ; Shekalim iii. 2 ; Keihitboth vi. 4 ; Kelim xvi. 3 ; Ohaloih vi. 2 ; Machshirai iv. 6, vi. 3. DtO'S (more correctly DIT'S), Baba mezia iv. 12 ; Baba bathra vi. 2 ; Kelim iii. 6 ; Marquardt, ii. 45, 626 sq. Hermann and ßlümner, Privatalterthümei\ p. 162. -"^ XDpDI^J, Gittin iii. 3 ; Baba mezia i. 8 ; Meila vi. 1 ; Ohaloih ix. 15. According to the latter passa.ae a coffin might have the form of a y'hua^wjy.ryj or a Ku.y.iv'Tti». The LXX. (2 Chron. xxiv. 8, 10, 11) put y'hmtjiy-oyio'j for pis. bi the New Testament (John xii. 6, xiii. 29) y'husao- y^fjuov is a money-box. See on all these meanings, Wetstein, Nov. Test, on ,Tohn xii. 6, and the Lexicons. NItSJDpi Kelim xvi. 7 ; Ohaloth ix. 15. XDSp, Kdim xvi. 7 ; Marquardt, ii. 705 sq. 5]1V"1D, Shabbath viii. 5 ; Kelim xx. ]. ^"^ "CIX, Shabbath 3 ; Chagiga i. 8 ; Kethuboth xiii. 7 ; Gittin viii. 3 ; Kinnim ii. 1 ; Ktlim i. 1, ii. 1, 8, iii. 4, and elsewhere ; Ohaloth iii. 3, iv. 1 ; Sabim v. 9. 203 DB1Ü, c-g- the different shapes of the loaf (^Demai v. 3, 4), or the shape in which the loaf was baked {Menachoth xi. 1), or the holder for the Tephillin (Kelim xvi. 7), or the formula for the bill of divorcement {Gittin iii. 2, ix. 5). XOJn, Shabbath x. 1, a specimen of seeds. -'04 j3i>in used very frequently in the most different relations, eg. of a § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENEIIAL. 47 the Greek expression D'':t2DN {acrd€Vi]<;) for steep D"ist:p (KaTa(f)€p')]<;) is used.^"^ The employment also of Greek and Latin proper names is pretty frequent even among the lower classes and the Pharisaic scribes. Not only were the aristo- cratic high priests, who were on friendly terms with the Greeks, called Jason and Alexander (in the Maccabeau period), Boethus and Theophilus (in the Herodian period), not only did the Asmonean and Herodian princes bear the names of Alexander, Aristobulus, Antigoniis, Herod, Archelaus, Philip, Antipas, Agrippa, but among men of the common people also, as the apostles of Christ, names such as Andrew and Philip appear. And in the circles of the Eabbinical scribes we find an Antigonus of Socho, a R Dosthai ( = Dositheus), a E. Dosaben Archinos (for such and not Harkinas was the Greek name of his father), E. Chananiah ben Antigonus, E, Tarphou (=:Tryphon), E. Papias, Symmachus. Latin names also were early naturalized. The John ]\Iark mentioned in the New Testament was, according to Acts xii. 12, a Palestinian ; so too was Joseph Barsabas, whose surname was Justus (Acts i. 23). Josephus mentions besides the well-knowm Justus of Tiberius, also e.ff. a Niger of Pera^a.^^"^ But all that has been said does not prove that the Greek language also was familiar to the common people of Palestine. However large the number of Greek w'ords which had pene- trated into the Hebrew and Aramaic, an acquaintance with layman as distinguishcfl from a professional craftsman {Moed katan i. 8, 10), or of a private in.ripovvTig. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 65 1500 auxiliaries to the army of Varus,^^ this certainly is not a case in point, inasmuch as Berytus was then already a Eoman colony and was therefore under different legal regula- tions from the other towns. But we also know e.g. that from A.D. 44-67 there was in Caesarea a garrison of five cohorts and a wing of cavalry, which was formed for the most part of Caesareans and Sebastenians (inhabitants of the towns of Caesarea and Sebaste and their respective districts).^'' Nay we find towards the end of the first century after Christ a coliors I. Tyriorum already in Moesia.^ So too in occupying the towns with garrisons regard was certainly had less to political distinctions than to military requirements. "Free" Antioch became the chief seat of the Eoman military force in Syria , and we know of Ascalon, that though an oppidum liberum, it received a Eoman garrison, though but a small one.^' The Roman colonics occupied among the towns of the Eoman Empire a position of exemption from taxes.^" There had been such both in Palestine and Phoenicia since the time of Augustus. The oldest were Berytus, founded by Augustus, Ptolemais by Claudius, Caesarea by Vespasian. AH. the colonies of the imperial period were military colonies, i.e. they consisted of superannuated soldiers, to whom possession of lands was awarded as payment for their services, and indeed in such wise, that this was always done to a large number at one place contemporaneously, thereby founding the colony. The lands required for the purpose were in earlier times simply taken from their possessors. Afterwards {i.e. after 26 Antt. xvii. 10. 9 ; Bell. Jud. ii. b. 1. 27 Antt. xix. 9. 1, 2, xx. 6. 1 ; Bell. Jurl ii. 12. 5, iii. 4. 2, and especially XX. 8. 7: (Aiyct Si (PpovovvTs; Ivl tu tov; v'hiiarov; tuu CvoFufixiov; ix-üii arpxrivofiivav Kxt(Txpei; ilvxt x,cc\ '2.tßot.(rTr,uovi. Further particulars in the Zeitschr. für wisscnKchaftUche Thenhejie, 1875, p. 419 Fqq. 28 Corp. Inscr. Lai. vol. iii. p. SG3 (Diplom, xx. of the year a.D. 99). 29 Bell. Jud. iii. 2. 1. s** See on this subject in general, Kein, art. " Colonia " in Fauly's Ikal-Enc. ii. 504-517. Kuhn, Die städt. und bürgerl. Verf. i. 257 sqq. Marquardt, i 35 sqq. 86 sqq., 92-132. 1 I\". II. VOL. L E 6ß § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Augustus) it was customary to compensate the owners or to give the veterans such land as was already state pro- perty. The colonists either formed a new community beside the older one, or themselves entered into the older com- munity, in which case the latter received in its entirety the Eoman municipal constitution.^^ Thus the plantation of a colony, which had formerly been an act of cruel plunder, gradually became an actual favour to a town. The rights of colonies also differed. Those were in the most favoured position, which had received the full jus Italicum and with it exemption from poll taxes and land taxes.'^^ Herod imitated Augustus in his system of establishing military colonies.^^ The position of those towns, which were temporarily under the Heroclian princes, did not essentially differ from that of those directly under Eoman governors. It is certainly possible, that the Herodian princes made their power more directly felt, but this cannot be proved. For the security of their sovereignty, they appointed governors of their own in the towns ; thus Herod the Great placed an äp-xcav in Idumaea and Gaza,^ Agrippa I. a a-Tparrjyof; in Caesarea ^^ and an eirap'xp'i in Tiberias,^^ Agrippa II. a viceroy in Caesarea Philippi^ and an cTrap^o^ in Gamala.'"'^ Such a viceroy was also the idi^äpxv^ oi King Aretas in Damascus, 2 Cor. xi. 32. The great independence of these towns involves the fact, that each had its special history. In following this in each separate case, we shall begin with the towns of the Philistinian and Phoenician coast, advancing from south to north. Many of these had at the commencement of the Hellenistic period a brilliant past behind them and continued to be of prominent importance during the whole Graeco-Eoman period. 1. Baphia, 'Pa^ia (so is it written on the coin), may still be 31 Marquaidt, i. 118 sq. ^2 Marquardt, i. 89. 33 Antt. XV. 8. 5. See below, Samaria, Geba, Heshbon. 8* Anlt. XV. 7. 9. 35 ^^^^^_ xix. 7. 4. 36 Joseph. Vita, 9 ; whether Agrippa I. or IT. is spoken of is uncertain. 8' Vita, 13. Comp. Kuhn, ii. 346. ^8 yua^ n. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 67 pointed out iu the ruins oi Kirheth hit' Bcfah, situated according to Gueiin abo ,t half a league from the sea, but upon a flat harbourless shore/^ and therefore regarded by Pliny and Ptolemy as an inland town.*" It was the first Syrian town after leaving Egypt." Apart from the cuneiform inscrip- tions,'*' it is first mentioned in history in the campaign of Antigonus against Egypt, B.c. 306, when the fleet of Antigonus, under the command of his son Demetrius, was here destroyed by a storm.*^ It then became famous chiefly through tlie victory, which was here gained by the unwarlike Ptolemy Philopater over Antiochus the Great, and which resulted in the loss of Palestine and Phoenicia by the latter.'** In the year 193 the marriage of Ptolemy Philopater with Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus the Great, was celebrated here.**'* In the beginning of the first century before Christ Eaphia was conquered by Alexander Jannaeus (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 13. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 4. 2 ; comp. Antt. xiii. 15. 4), was afterwards, like the neighbouring towns, separated by Pompey from the Jewish district and was rebuilt by Gabinius {Antt. xiv. 5. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4). Hence the coins of Piaphia, of the imperial age (from Commodus to Philip the Arabian), have an era commencing with the refoundation by Gabinius (57 B.c.).'*' a" Diodor. x.k. 74 calls Raphia IvaTrpoaopfnuTov x-ui n-jxyuo/i. iv Ivpixv ttoKiuv wj "Tirpit: rviu AiyvTrrov. Joseph. Bill. Jud. iv. 11. 5: sfirt os h ttoTi/s a-vr/i 'S.vpix; ccpx'^- " Fiiedr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? (1881), p. 291. *^ Diodor. xx. 74. Droysen, Gesch. des Hellenismus (2nd ed.), ii. 2. 147. Stark, Gaza, p. 358. *^ The battle is fully described Polyb. v. 82-86. Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 382-386. •'''a Livius, XXXV. 13. ■** This may now be considered as certain, tiiough Noris and Eckliel still hesitate, whether the era of Pompey or of Gabinius was to be accepted. See Noris, Annus el epochae Synmacedomnn, v. 4. 2 (ed. Lips p. 68 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. It seems hence to have been in the possession of the Herodian princes. 2. G-aza, Fd^a, Hebr. n-|y,*'^ the ancient and important city of the Philstines, so often mentioned in the Old Testament.*^ Herodotus knows it by the name of KdSuri^, and remarks, that it is not much smaller than Sardis.^'* Already in the times of Persian supremacy it must — as the coins testify — have been in active intercourse with Greece.*^** In the time of Alexander the Great it was next to Tyre the most important fortress on the Philistinian-Phoenician coast, Alexander did not take it till after a three months' troublesome siege (332 B.c.).^^ After that time it became more and more a Greek 515-521). Eckhel, Doctrina numorum, iii. 454 sq. Mionnct, Description de medailles, v. 551 gq. ; Suppl. via. 376 sq. ; Kenner, Die Münzsammlung des Stifts St. Florian in Ober-Oesterreich (1871), pp. 179-182, Plate vi. u. 17-18. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Ten-e Sainte, pp. 237-240, pi. xii. n. 7-9. Stark, Gaza, p. 515. *® On the Hebrew form, comp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Yü^a.- sx.'htjdri Kotl "A^a.- xal f^ixpt vvv '2vpoi " A^ccu oti/TViv KXKovuiy. *• See Reland, Palaestina, pp. 787-800. Robinson's Palestine, ii. pp. 36-43. Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 45-65. Raumer, Palästina, pp. 192-194. Winer, RWB. s.v. Arnold in Herzog's Real-Enc., 1st ed. iv. 671-674. Sepp, Jerusalem und das heilige Land, 2nd ed. ii. 617 sqq. Guerin, Jude'e, ii. 178-211, 219-221. The Survey of Wcsfeiii Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. 234 sq., 248-251, and pi. xix. of the large Eoglish chart. Gatt, Bemerkungen über Gaza und seine Umgebung (^Zeitschr. des deutschen Pal. Ver. vii. 1-14). For the history, see especially Stark, Gaza. Also Alb. V. Hormann, Gaza, Stadt, Umgebung und Geschichte, 1876 (Progr. des Knabenseminars der Diöcese Brixen zu Rothholz, see the notice in Zeitschr. f. die Österreich. Gymnasien, 1877, p. 142 sq.). *''* Herodot. ii. 159, iii. 5 : Ixpoiuu ov x.o'h'hu i'hxauouo;. *''^ Comp, on these exceedingly interesting coins the learned article of Six, Observations sur les monnaies pheniciennes {Numismatic Chronicle, new series, vol. xvii. 1877, pp. 177-241 ; on Gaza, pp. 221-239). The coins have partly Greek, partly Phoenician inscriptions. The name of the town (fy or nfy) is to bo seen at all events on several of them. Their most interesting feature however is, that they are coined according to an Athenian standard and with Athenian types, evidently for commerce with Greece. It is probable, that genuine Athenian coins first came to Palestine in the period of the hegemony of Athens in the fifth century before Christ, and that henceforth others were coined after their pattern. See Six, as above, pp. 230 sq., 234-236. *^ The two months' duration of this siege is testified by Diodor. xvii. 48 and Josephus, Antf. xi. 8. 3, 4. Comp, also Arrian, ii. 26, 27. Curtins, iv. 6, § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE UELLENIöTIC TOWNS. 69 town.^''^ The contests of Ptolemy Lagos with the other Diadochoi for the possession of Coelesyria of course affected Gaza in the highest degree. In 315 b.c. it was conquered by Antigonus.^** In 312 it again fell into the hands of Ptolemy in consequence of his victory gained at Gaza over Demetrius the son of Antigonus.''^ In the same year how- ever he renounced the possession of Coelesyria, and on his retreat had the most important fortresses, Gaza among them, demolished.®- The sovereignty over these districts changed several times during the decades next following, till at length they were for a longer period in the possession of the Ptolemies about 240 B.C. In the years 218-217 Gaza, like the rest of Syria, was temporarily in the possession of Antiochus the Great.®^ Twenty years later Coelesyria came permanently under the dominion of the Seleucidae through the victory of Antiochus the Great at Panias (198 b.c.). Gaza also must then have been conquered after a difficult siege, to which indeed we have only allusions in Polybius." The sway of the Seleucidae is evidenced among other things by a coin of Demetrius I. (Soter) minted at Gaza.^^ During the contests in the Syrian kingdom between Demetrius II. (Nicator) and Antiochus VI. respecting Trypho (145-143 B.c.), Gaza refusing to join the party of Antiochus, was besieged by and Plutarch. Alexander, 25. Polyb. xvi. 40 (= ed. Hultsch, xvi. 22»). Droysen, Gesch. cl. Hellenismus, 2nd ed. i. 1, 297-301. Stark, Gaza, pp. 236-244. *^ It is expressly designated a to'^/j 'eax»)V(V, Joseph, jbift. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3. 'io Diodor. xix. 59. Droysen, ii. 2. 11. Stark, p. 350, ^1 Diodor. xix. 84. On the battle, Droysen, ii. 2. 42 sqq. Stark, pp. 351-354. *^ Diodor. xix. 93 : KU^iuKxy^i rxg d^t'j'h'jyuTÜTot,; -uv KiKp»-Yit^.ivuv ttöXicü!/, AxYiu ftsu T^i oi'jix.r,g "Evpict;, ' IöVjj» S« koci loixccpnoty nxl Vet^xu tth Ivpiu;. Comp. Stark, p. 355 sq. *3 Polyb. V. 80. Stark, pp. 382-385. «* Polyb. xvi. 18, xvi. 40 (ed. Hultsch, xvi. 22'0, xxix. 6* (ed. Ilultsch, xxix. 12). Stark, p. 204 sq. ^^ Gardner, Caialague of the Greek Cuius in the British Ji'useum, Sekucid kiJigs of Sijria (1878), p. 47. 70 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Jonathan the Maccabee in coucert with him, and its environs laid waste, whereupon it gave up its opposition and delivered hostages to Jonathan as a pledge of its adherence to Antiochus.^" With respect to the constitution of Gaza at this time we learn incidentally, that it had a council of 500 members.^^ About the year 96 B.c. Gaza as well as the neighbouring cities of Eaphia and Anthedon fell into the hands of Alexander Jannaeus. Alexander conquered it after a siege of one year, though at last only through treachery, and abandoned the city and its inhabitants to destruction (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 13. 3; Bell. Jiid. i. 4. 2; comp. Antt. xiii. 15. 4. Stark, p. 499 sqq.). When Pompey conquered Syria, Gaza also — so far as its existence can be then spoken of — obtained its freedom {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). The newly built town consequently began a new era from the time ef Pompey (52 b.c.).'^ The rebuilding itself did not take place till the time of Gabinius {Antt. xv. 5. 3). Probably the ancient Gaza was then forsaken and the new town built somewhat farther southwards.^^ In the year 30 b.c. Gaza ^^ 1 Mace. xi. 61, 62. Joseph. Antt. xiii. 5. 5. Stark, p. 492, No conquest of Gaza took place in the Maccabean period. For in the passage 1 Mace. xiii. 43-48 we must read Gaz u'a. ^'^ Joseph. Antt. xiii. 13. 3. "8 On the era of Gaza, comp. Noris, Annus et epochae Syromaced. v. 2, 3 (ed. Lips. pp. 476-502). Eckhel, Doct. Num. iii. 448-454. Lleler, Handb. der Clironol. i. 474 sq. Stark, Gaza, pp. 513-515. The coins in Mionnet, v. 535-549 ; Suppl. viii. 371-375. De Saulcy, Nvmismatique dc la Terre Sainte, pp. 209-233, pi. xi. The Chronicon pascJiale (ed. Dindorf, i. 352) remarks on Olymp. 179. 4 = 61 B.c. : 'Eynvhu Tx^ocht tov; ia.vrZ)v yjövov^ dpiß^uüvaiv. Hence Noris and Eckhel place the begiuning of the era in the year 61 B.C. According however to Ideler and Stark, the year 62 must according to the coins be regarded as the starting-point of the era. ^^ On the distinction between Old and New Gaza, comp, especially Stark, pp. 352 sq., 509-513. The town near which Ptolemy Lagos conquered Demetrius Poliorcetes, 312 B.C., is expressly called Old Gaza by Diodorus and Porphyry ; see Diodor. xix. 80 (r'/iu ■yra'Accixv Tx^xu) ; Porphyry in the fragment in Euseb. Chron. ed. Schoene, i. col. 249-250 (according to the Armenian veterem Gazam, in Greek in Syncellus, Hx'hxi'/oi^ctv, or as Gutschmid reads Hcthxiyx^^v). It is to just this Old Gaza that the notice of Strabo, that Gaza was destroyed by Alexander and has since lain waste, refers ; Strabo, xvi. 2. 30, p. 759: x.oLTia7:xai/.iVYi o v'xoW'Ks^öt.uhpov kxI f^ivovaec § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 71 came under the authority of Herod the Great (Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3). After his death it was again added to the province of Syria (Antt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). With this agrees the fact, that the imperial coins of Gaza do not begin till after the death of Herod the Great, The oldest known are two coins of Augustus of the years 63 and 66 aer. Gaz.*^° In the time of Claudius, Gaza is spoken of as an important city by the geographer Mela.^^ In A.D. 66 it was attacked and destroyed by the rebellious Jews (Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). This must however have been a very partial destruction, For so strong a fortress could not have been actually destroyed by a baud of insurrectionary spyifAo;. [The remark in Acts viii. 26 : xvrn iarh spYi/^io;, is on the con- trary not in point here, because cuvTri there more probably refers to o'Bo'c,-.] Strabo is indeed so far mistaken, that he seems to know nothing of New Gaza, his remark being based upon the statement of an older geographer, in whose time New Gaza did not as yet exist. The existence of a New Gaza, somewhat to the south of Old Gaza, is however chiefly evidenced by an anonymous geographical fragment (A^o(7'3-«o-^ar<« nuoc yiO)ypct(pi>ici, ed, Hudsun [in the appendix to his edition of Diouysius Perieget., Gcographiae vet. scriptorcs Graeci minores, vol. iv., Oxon. 1717], p. 39: /xtroi rx ' Vi'jo/,6povp»7j vix Txt)X Kihxi -xoXt; oiiax kxi xvrvi ud ij epyifios Tcc^x, strx i] ^AaKxhav woA/f) and by Hieronynms (^Onnmast., ed. Lagarde, p. 125 : antiquae civitatis locum vix fundamentorum praebere vestigia, banc autem quae nunc cernitur, in alio loco pro ilia, quae conruit, aedificatam). If then the local distinction of Old and New Gaza is beyond question, we must also with Stark consider it most probable, that the foundation of New Gaza must be referred to Gabinius. For an entire destruction of Old Gaza did not, as Strabo seems to suppose, result from its conquest by Alexander the Great, but from that by Alexander Jannaeus. For the rest both Old and New Gaza lay twenty stadia inland (see on Old Gaza, Arrian, II. 26 ; on New Gaza, Sozom. Hist. eccl. v. 3 ; Strabo, p. 759, erroneously seven stadia, Antoninus Martyr, c. 33, mil. pass.). From both too must be distinguished the port of Gaza, which indeed remained the same for both, Tx^xiay "htf^vju, Strabo, p. 759 ; Ptoleniaeus, v. 16, 2, This port was raised to a city under the name of Kuuarxvntx by Constantine the Great (Euseb, Vita Constantin. iv. 38 ; Sozc^meuus, Hist. cccl. ii. 5), but lost this name again together with the rights of a city through Julian and was afterwards called again only 'Mx'iov^ux; (= seaport town) ; see Sozom. Hist. cccl. v, 3. Marci Diaconi Vita Porpliyrii, ed, Haupt (an article of the Berlin Acad, 1874), c, 57. Antoninus Martyr, c. 33. Reland, p. 791 sqq. Stark, p. 513. Kuhn, ii, 363, Guerin, JuJa; ii. 219-221. CO Eckhel, iii, 453 sq, Mionnet, v, 53G. De Saulcy, p. 213. *^ Mela, 1. 11 : in Falaestina est iugins et munita admodum Gaza. 72 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Jews. Coins too of the years 130, 132, 135 aer. Gaza, (= A.D. 68/69, 70/71, 73/74) testify to the lasting pro- sjDerity of the city.^^ Special tokens of favour seem to have been bestowed upon it by Hadrian.*'^ It is called on an inscription of the time of Gordian (a.D. 238-244) lepa koX a Misbna, Shekalim i. 4 ; Rosh hashana ii. 8, 9, iv. 1, 2 ; Kethuboth iv. 6 ; Sanhedrin xi. 4 ; Edujoth ii. 4 ; Aboth iv. 4 ; Bechorolh iv. 5, vi. 8 ; Kelim V. 4 ; Para vii. 6. For the passages of the Tosefta, see the index to Zuckermandel's edition (1882). Neubauer, La GeograpMe du Talmud, 1868, pp. 73-76. 3^ Maritime town, Antt. xviii. 15. 4. Inland town, Antt. iv. 4. 4 ; BeU. Jud. i. 7. 7 ; comp. Kuhn, ii. 362 sq. öS Plinius, H. N. v. 13. 68 : Jamneae duae, altera intus. Ptolem. v. 16. 2 : 'luf^uiiTuu 7.t^'/iu\ V. 16. 6: ' loci^viiot. See generally, Pieland, p. 823 sq. Winer, RWB.^s.v. " Jabne." Pauly, Real-Enc. iv. 17. Raumer, p. 203 sq. Ritter, xvi. 125 sq. Tobler, Dritte Wanderung, pp. 20-25. Guerin, Judee, ii. 53-65. The Sm-vey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 414, 441-433 ; also sheet xvi. of the large English chart. ^'•^ Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 5 : ' Jii.f<,viiat kxI ' loV)? ruu -Trspio'iKav »(p^yci i'-xt. ^00 Strabo, xvi. p. 759. Strabo here indeed erroneously calls Jamnia ^01 2 Mace. xii. 8 sq., 40 ; comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 487. § 23. CONSTITUTION, I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS, 79 come into the possession of the Jews either then, or, as Josephus asserts, under Simon.-^°^ It was not till Alexander Januaeus that it formed a portion of the Jewish territory (Antt. xiii. 15. 4). Pompey again separated it from the latter (Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7), Gabinins restored it. Like Azotns, Jamnia must also have come into the possession of Herod, since it was left by him to his sister Salome {Antt. xvii. 8. 1, 11, 5 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). The Empress Livia received it from the latter {Antt. xviii. 2. 2 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 1), and after her death it seems to have become a private possession of Tiberius {Antt. xviii. 6. 3; see above, p. 55). The population was then a mixed one of Jews and heathen, but with a pre- ponderance of the Jewish element. -^"^ This explains the fact, that Vespasian twice found himself obliged to garrison the city,^°* and that Jamnia, after the destruction of Jerusalem, soon became a headquarter of Jewish learning. 7. Joppa, 'loirr) or 'Iottttt)^^^ Hebr, is^/*"' the present Jaffa. ^<*- Joseph. Antt. xiii. 6. 6 ; BtU. Jud. L 2. 2. See, on the other hand, 1 Mace. X. 69, xv. 40. 103 Philo, Lef/at. ad Ca/'um, § 30 (Mang. ii. 575) : to-'jtvj lUr/xli; o'ucwtiu 01 ttXe/owj f/Au lovOxiot, iTspoi dk rivig oiXKoi^vT^ot T^xpeia^äxpiun; «to tuu -7r?.r,<7iox,üpü)i/. Ol Tol; rpo'rvov ztv» ctiidr/iAdtu ourz.; yAroiKot, y.u,y..oi k»1 'Trcu.y- (^.xrct ■roi.tikyjtv'jiv, aiti rt 'Trupa.T^vdun; rüv TrctTpiuv lovosiioi;. Philo, indeeJ, by here assigning the part of natives to the Jews, and that of metoikoi. to the heathen, reverses the true order of things. For even in the Maccabaean period Jamnia was a chiefly heathen city, nor was it till afterwards that its Jewish element increased. 104 Joseph. Bell. .hid. iv. 3. 2, 8. 1. 105 The orthography fluctuates. In the texts of non-biblical authors the form 'löVii, which is required by Greek graniuiarians, is preferred (see Movers, Phönicicr., ii. 2. 176, note 73. Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Ada societ. pMlol. Lips. vol. V. p. 104) and corroborated by the usage of poets (Alexander Ephesias in Stcph. Byz., ed. Meiueke, p. 255 : Aup6; r dy^loLt^og r 'loV>j Trpovycova* doi'K»i» kxI Tui^ccv 'E'Axi'oct r Ivuxiovut). The biblical manu- scripts, on the contrary, have, as it appears, universally 'IoVtdj, whether in the Old or New Testament (1 ^laccabeos and Acts). Of the few coins that have been preserved some have one, some the other form. The Greek ' leVyj is related to is^ as 'Ax» is to isy But it might also arise from the form *£^ (concluding with Jod), as the name is given on the inscription of Eschmun- azar. See Schlottmann, Die Inschrift EscJuniinazars (1868). p. 150 sqq. 106 Josh. xix. 46 ; Jonah i. 3 ; 2 Chron. ii. 15 ; Ezra iii. 7. Mishna, 80 § 23. CONSTITÜTIOX, I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. The special importance of Joppa is found in the fact that it was comparatively the best harbour on the coast of Palestme.^^' It was therefore at almost all periods the chief place of debarkation for the interior of Judaea, and its possession, especially on the greater development of trade and commerce in later times, was almost a vital question for the Jews. In the Persian period, and indeed in the time of the Sidonian King Eschmunazar, Joppa was granted to the Sidonians by the " Lord of Kings," i.e. by the Persian monarch.^^'* To the Greeks it was chiefly known as the scene of the myth of Perseus and Andromeda, and is mentioned as such even before the time of Alexander the Great by Scylax (see above, p. 1 5). In the Diadochian period it seems to have been an important arsenal. When Antigonus wrested Coelesyria from Ptolemy Lagos, he was obHged to take Joppa as well as other places by force.^^^ And when, three years later (312 b.c.), Ptolemy Lagos found he could not hold the reconquered region against Antigonus, he had Joppa razed on his retreat as one of the more important fortresses. ^"^ In the time of the Maccabees Nedarini iii. 6 ; Tosefta, Demai i, 11 (ed, Zuckermandel, p. 46, 1). Neubauer, La Geographie du Talmud, p. 81 sq. 10'' Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 3 indeed describes the harbour as dangerous, •which it still is. It miist, however, have been comparatively the best. According to Diodor. i. 13, there was but one safe harbour («(/^«x^ "KiyAva), viz. the Pharos of Alexandria from Paraetonium in Libya to Jopa iu Coelesyria. Strabo too (xvi. p. 759) rightly gives prominence to the import- ance of Joppa as a port for Judaea. See especially 1 Mace. xiv. 5. Compare on the subject in general, Reland, pp. 864-867. Winer, R WB. Pauly, Recd- Enc. Schenkel, Bihellex. s.v. Ritter, xvi. 574-580, Raumer, p. 204 sq. Tobler, Topographie von Jerusalem, ii. 576-637. Sepp, Jerusalem (2nd ed.), i. 1-22. Guerin, Jud^e, i. 1-22 Bädeker-Socin., Palästina (1st ed.), p. 131 sqq., with plan. Schwarz, Jafa und Umgebung, mit Plan (Zeitschr. d. deutschen Pal.-Ver. iii. 44 sqq.). The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iL 254-258, 275-278 ; also sheet xiii. of the large English chart. 1"'^ See the inscription of Eschmunazar, line 18-19, and Schlottmann, as above, pp. 83-147 sqq. The text is best given in the Corpus Inscrip* tionum Semiticarum, vol. i. (1881) pp. 9-20. ^"8 Diodor. xix. 59. Comp. Droysen, Hellenismus, ii. 2. 11. Stark, Gaza. p. 350. 10** Diodor. xix. 93. Comp. Droysen, ii. 2. 54. Stark, p. 355 sq. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 8] the efforts of the Jews were especially directed to obtain possession of this important place. It is true that Judas Maccabaeus — if the account is quite trustworthy — only destroyed the port and fleet of Joppa during a nocturnal attack (2 Mace. xii. 3-7). Jonathan however, in the year 147 or 146 B.c., made a .serious assault of the town, in consequence of which the inhabitants opened the gates to him and forced the Syrian garrison to depart (1 Mace. x. 75, 76). Thenceforward the Jews remained with but slight inter- mission in possession of the town till the time of Pompey. From the same period also must be dated the Judaizing of the city. For when, a few years after its conquest by Jonathan, the inhabitants showed signs of again surrendering the town to the Syrians, Simon, the brother of Jonathan, stationed a Jewish garrison in it (1 Mace. xii. .33, 34) and compelled the heathen inhabitants to leave the town (1 Mace, xiii, 11: e^eßaXe rov^ oWa? iv avrf))}^^ Simon then enlarged and improved the harbour and fortified the town (1 Mace. xiv. 5,34). "When the energetic Antiochus VII. (Sidetes) endeavoured again to retrench the power of the Jew\s, the possession of Joppa was a main point of dispute. Even while Antiochus was contending with Trypho, he demanded from Simon the surrender of Joppa (1 Mace. xv. 28-30). The latter however declared himself only ready to pay a sum of money instead (1 Mace. XV. 35). "When, some years later, in the beginning of the reign of John Hyrcanus, all Palestine was conquered and even Jerusalem besieged by Antiochus, it is probable that Joppa had already been taken by him. He was nevertheless satisfied at the conclusion of a peace with the payment of a tribute for Joppa (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 8. 3)."* Thus the town continued in the possession of the Jews, and ^^^ Comp. Stark, p. 493 sq. A similar procedure was observed towards Gazara. '^^ The seizure of Joppa by an Antiochus is assumed in two Roman Senatus-consultus, in the latter of which its surrender is commanded liim by the Roman Senate (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 9. 2, xiv. 10. 22). Perhaps this DIV. II. VOL. I. F 82 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I, TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. in later times even the payment of the tribute ceased. There is express testimony that Alexander Jannaeus possessed Joppa {Antt. xiii. 15. 4). This maritime city was however taken by Pompey from the Jews, who were thus entirely cut off from the sea {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). Among the favours bestowed by Caesar on the Jews one of the most valuable was the restoration of Joppa {Antt. xiv. 10. 6)."" It is not quite certain whether Herod held Joppa from the first. At any rate, like the other coast towns, it belonged, during the years 34-30 B.c., to Cleopatra (see above, § 15), and thenceforth to Herod {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3)."^ From this time it was always united with Judaea proper, and hence passed after Herod's death to Archelaus {Avitt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3), and was after his deposition under Eonian procurators. At the beginning of the Jewish war, Joppa was, by reason of its mainly Jewish population, a central seat of rebellion. It was destroyed at the very beginning of the war by Cestius Gallus {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 10), but soon fortified again and conquered a second time by Vespasian {Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 2-4). From that time it probably again became a chiefly heathen town. It is shown by a coin recently discovered, that it was also called Flavia, which leads to the inference of its re- foundation in the time of Vespasian."^'"^ Notwithstanding its close connection with Judaea, Joppa formed an independent explains the striking leniency of Antiochus in the conditions of peace. It is however just questionable, whether Antiochus Sidetes is meant. 112 For further details, see above, § 15. iiä The Jews having been in possession of Joppa since Caesar, and it being expressly said of Joppa, that Herod conquered it when he took possession of liis kingdom {Auii. xiv. 15. 1 ; Bell. Jud. i. 15. 3, 4), it must be supposed that it was his from the beginning of his reign, and that he then obtained it again in the year 30, after the short interregnum of Cleopatra. The only difficulty is, that at the enlargement of his domains in the year 30, Joppa is named, not as a portion of the domains again bestowed on Herod, but expressly as among the towns neioly bestowed besides these. 113a Darricarrere, Suj- une mormaic ineditc ele Joppe {Eevite archeologique, nouv. Serie, vol. xliii. 1882, p. 74 sq.). The coin is of the time of Elaga- balus, and bears the inscription : lo'TTTr/Ji ^Phaovix;. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 83 political community after the manner of Hellenistic towns."* Of its coins few specimens have been preserved.^^^ 8. Apollonia, ^AiroWwvla. An Apollonia between Joppa and Caesarea is mentioned by geographers down to the later imperial period."^ It occurs only twice in history : at the time of Alexander Jannaeus, when it belonged to the Jewish region (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 4), and at the time of Gabinius, who restored it (Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4). According to the statement of distance in the Peutinger table (22 m. p. from Caesarea) it must have been situate where the present Arsuf is.'^^^ Stark's supposition, that it is identical with Xw^ovcra, is commended by the circumstance, that in Cyrenaica also an Apollonia and a Sozusa appear, which are probably identical. Sozusa would thus be the town of Apollo XonTrjp}^^ The name Apollonia makes it probable, that it was founded by Seleucus I. in the time of the definitive occupation of Coelesyria by the Ptolemies."^ ^1* This appears cliiefly from the manner in which Josephus (Bell. Jud, iii. 3. 5) mentions Joppa hcside Judaea proper: fud'' »; ^Ixfivetx kxI 'Iottyi Tuv TTiptoiKuu d(pnyovvTxi. In Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 4 also, the x.u^xi and ■TvOAxvcti TJj? ' loVjjf are mentioned. 11° Eckhel, Docir. Num. iii. 433. Mionnet, v. 499. De Saulcy, p. 176 sq., pi. ix. n. 3, 4. Reichardt, Numismatic Chronicle, 1862, p. Ill ; and Wiener Numismat. Monatshefte, published by Egger, a'oI. iii. 1867, p. 192. Darricarrere, as above. 116 Plinius, //. N. V. 13. 69. Ptolem. v. 16. 2. Tahula Peutinger. Segm. ix. Geographus liavennas, ed. Pinder et Parthey (1860), pp. 83 and 356. Guidonis Geogr. in the above-named edition of the Geogr. Ravcnn. p. 524. Steph. Byz., s.v. 'AxoTiXwy/«, reckons twenty-five towns of this name, No. 12 among them: inpl rijv Koiy^nv Ivplatv; No. 13: x-xra. ^lö'yry.'j (this being the one now in question) ; No. 20 : 2vptxg kxtx ' A-Trxfuixi'. 11^ See in general, Reland, p. 573. Ritter, xvi. 590. Pauly's Enc. i. 2. 1308. Kuhn, ii. 362. Gueriu, Samarie, ii. 375-382. The Survey of Wcslcrn Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 135, 137-140 (with plan) ; also sheet x. of the large English chart. De Saulcy, Numismatique, p. 110 sq., pi. vi. n. 1, 2. 11^ 'S.öj^ovax in Hierocles, ed. Parthey, p. 44. Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 452. On Sozusa in Cyrenaica, Forbinger, Ilandh. ii. 829. 11^ Appian. Syr. 57 does not indeed mention our town, but speaks of Apollonia as a Macedonian town - name transplanted into Syria by Seleucus I. Comp. Stark, as above. 84 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 9. StratorCs Tower, Xrpdjoivo'i 7rvpyovi'x'-'^i (both in Steph. Byz.). Clement, llecogn. iv. 1 : breve oppidum. »0 Polyb. V. 66. ^^^ 1 ^facc. xv. 11-37 ; Joseph. Antt. xiii. 7. 2. I'is Mionnet, v. 72. Stark, p. 477. i''3 Tlic commencement of the era cannot be strictly deterniincd. At all events however it is that of Pompey (b.c. 63?), not that of Gabinius, as De Saulcy, in spite of his own objections assumes, for an era of Gabinius could not begin earlier than the autumn of 58 B.c. = 696 A.U.C. and then 175 aer. Dor., of which year coins of Trajan are in existence, would be = 870/871 A.U.C., while Trajan was already dead before the autumn of 870. See generally, Noris, iv. 5. 5 (ed. Lips. pp. 453-4.")8). Fellerin, Rccucil de me'dailles de j^cvples ct de villcs (3 vols. Faris 1763), ii. 216 sq. Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 362 sq. Ideler, Ilandh. der Chromdngie, i. 459. The coins in Mionnet, v. 359-362 ; Suppl. viii. 258-260. De Saulcy, pp. 142-148, pi. vi. n. 6-12. 90 § -23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. it was under direct Eonmn government, and therefore never belonged to Herod (whose dominions on the coast extended no farther northward than Caesarea). It is called on coins of the imperial period lepa äcTv\o<; avrovofio^ vavap'x^i'i}'^^ The existence of a Jewish community in Dora is evidenced by an occurrence of the time of King Agrippa I. : a number of young people once placed a statue of the emperor in the Jewish synagogue, and it needed energetic intervention on the part of Petronius the governor, in a letter addressed to the authorities of Dora {Awpirwv tol^ irpcoToi'i), to secure to the Jews that free exercise of their religion, which had been pledged to them {Antt. xix. 6. 3). In the later imperial period, Dora seems to have fallen into decay.^*^ Christian bishops of Dora are however mentioned down to the 7th century.^*^ 11. Ptolemais, UrokeixaU}^^ The original name of tlie town was Akko, isv (Eichter 1. 31), or, as it reads in Greek, "Ak7]. By this name it was already known to the Greeks in pre-Hellenistic times.-''*^ It was here that in the year ^^* See especially Mionuet and De Saulcy, as above. 1^5 Hieronymus, Ononiast., ed. Lagarde, p. 115: Dora . . . nunc deserta. Ihid. p. 142: Dor autem est oppidum jam desertum. The same, Peregri- natio Paulae (in Tobler, Palaestinae descriptiones^ 1869, p. 13) : ruinas Dor, urbis quondam potentissimae. 1^^ Le Quien, Oricns christianns, iii. 574-579. ^^'^ For a description of the situation, see Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 10. 2. Compare in general, Reland, pp. 534-542. Pauly, Real-Enc. vi. 1. 243. Winer, Aü. " Acco." Raum er, p. 119 sq. Ritter, xvi. 725-739. Robinson, Recent Scriptural Researches in Palestine, iii. 89-101. Sepp, Jerusalem, ii. 513 sqq. Guerin, Galilee, i. 502-525. Bädeker-Socin, Paläst. 1st ed. p. 369 sqq. (with plan of the present Akka). The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 145, 160-167, also sheet iii. of the English chart. Ebers and Guthe, Palästina, vol. ii. p. 450. 1*8 Scylax in Geogr. gr. min., ed. Müller, i. 79. Isaeus, Orat. iv. 7. Demosthenes, Orat. 52 contra Callippum, §24 (where indeed the word" Ax>jj» is first restored in Dindorf's edit, after the gloss in Harpocration, Lex. s.v. 'Ann, the earlier edition having ©o«*«;/). Diodor. xv. 41, xix. 93. Polyaen. iii. 9. 56. Cornel. Xepos, xiv. Datames, c. 5. Comp. Strabo, xvi. p. 758. Plinius, H. N. v. 19. 75. Charax in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aupog. Claudius Jolaus in Steph. Byz. s.v. "Akyi. Steph. Byz. ibid, and s.v. JlToT^sfixt;. The Lexicographers, Etymolog, magn., Harpocration, Suidas (see the passages in Reland, p. 536 sq. ; also Kuhn, ii. 331). A coin of A.KVI in Mionnet, v. 473 ; De Saulcy, p. 154, pi. viii. n. 2 ; some others in § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 91 374 B.C. the arnjy of Artaxerxes Mnemnon assembled for the campaign against Egypt.^'*^ Ake must have been an important town in the time of Alexander the Great, For among the coins of Alexander stamped in Phoenicia those of Ake especially are very numerous. They have the name of Alexander in Greek, that of the town in Phoenician characters ('AXe^dvSpov, ay, sometimes xay), and the year of an era beginning with Alexander the Great. As elsewhere so too in Ake these coins were still issued long after the death of Alexander.^"" Ake was levelled to the ground in the year 312 by Ptolemy Lagos, when he again evacuated before Antigonus the district of Coelesyria, Avhich he had just conquered.^^^ It probably received from Ptolemy II. the Keichardt, Nnmlsmalic aironlclc, 186'2. p. 108; 1864, p. 187. Wiener Xumismat. Monatshefte, published by Egger, vol. ii. 18G6, p. .3. On the ancient history of Ake, comp, especially the fragment from ^^enander in Joseph. Antt. ix. 14. 2 (Ake revolts from Tyre in the time of Slialmuuczar, and goes over to Shalmanezar). ^■•^ Diod. XV. 41. This is referred to also by Polyaen. iii. 9. 56 ; Cornel. Xep. xiv. 5; comp. Strabo, xvi. p. 758: EU i} UrüAsfiocts hri fnyä'h^ -Kohic, ^i/"Akyiv uuofix^ov, Tporspov v\ i^^^pavTO öofi/ir/jp lu vpog tviu AiyvTrrov oi Tlipaon. '^^ See Eckhel, iii. 408 sq. ; Mionnet, i. 520 sq. ; also Recueil des planches, pi. xxi. n. 1-10; Suppl. iii. 197 sq. and pi. ii. n. 1-6. Gesenius, Scripturae liiignaeque Phoeniciae nunnanenta, p. 269 sij. L. Müller, Xitmismeitiqiie eV Alex- andre le Grand (1855), p. 303 ; also planches, n. 1424-1463. Numerous copies of these coins (gold staters of Alexander, especially those of the years 23 and 24) have become known by means of a large discovery of coins at Sidon in the year 1863. Sec AV(cckbecker) in the Wiener Ä^nmismatische)i Monatsheften, pub. by Egger, vol. i. 1865, pp. 5-11. Waddingtcn in the Revue Numismatiqne, 1865, pp. 3-25. Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismus (2nd ed.), i. 1. 302-304. The same, Monatsber. der Berliner Akademie^ 1877, p. 40 sqq. Weckbecker in Egger's Wiener Numismat. Monatsheften, i. 98, 99, teils of tetradrachmas of Ake of Alexander the Great with the years 16, 22, 31, 32, which " were brought to market in Beirut by an Armenian of Mossul at about the same time (1802-1863)." A collection of the whole material maybe expected in the Corp. Inscr. Scniiticarum. On the fact that coins were issued with tiie name of Alexander after his death, see L. Müller, Numismalique d' Alexandre le Grand, pp. 50-90. The numbers of the years on the coins of Ake are 5-46. Since the year 334 or 333 must be accepted as the starting-point, these coins were issued not only till 306, when the Diadochoi assumed the royal title, but also till about two decades afterwards. See especially, Müller, pp. 80-83. ^^' Diodor. xix. 93. Comp, above, note 52 (Gaza) and 109 (Joppa). 92 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. name of UroXeiJiaU, which was henceforth the prevailing one.^^^ Still its original name Akko was uninterruptedly maintained beside the Greek one, which it subsequently sup- planted.^^^ In the Seleucid period also Ptolemais figures as one of the most important cities of the Phoenician-Philistine coast. The conquest of this region by Antiochus the Great in the year 219 was much facilitated by the surrender to him of the towns of Tyre and Ptolemais by the Phoenician general Theodotus.^^* Antiochus wintered in Ptolemais in 218/219.^^' The Seleucidae after their definitive occupation of Phoenicia specially favoured Ptolemais. On coins, especially those of the times of Antiochus IV. and VIIL, the inhabitants are called ^AvTLo-)(eh ol iv IlToXeixatSi,, sometimes with the addi- tion Upa a(TvXo<;, sometimes lepa avTovofx,o<;. The bestowal of the title " Antiochians," and with it perhaps certain privileges, is to be regarded as a mark of favour, which was aspired after by many other towns, e.g. Jerusalem, during the predominance of the Hellenistic party.^^*' Seleucid coins of Antiochus V., 152 The founding and naming of the town is expressly referred to Ptolemy in Pseudo-Aristeas (ed. Moritz Schmidt in Merx' Archiv, vol. i. p. 274) : TLroTiiiactiZ» tsji/ t/5j-o rnv ßciaiT^iu; sKriaf^sv/iv. This is also probable in itself. Ptulemy II. was the first of the Ptolemies, who continued in possession of Phoenicia and Coelesyria. That he there undertook the founding of towns is proved by the example of Philadelphia (see below). Already in 219-217 Ptolemais is mentioned under this name in Polybius, without his pointing out that it was then not as yet known by this name (Polyb. v. 61-62. 71). Comp, also Droysen, iii. 2. 305. 15-^ The name isy occurs especially in Rabbinic literature, see Mishna, Nedarim iii. 6; Gittin i. 2, vii. 7 ; Ahoda sara iii. 4 ; Ohaloth xviii. 9. The passages of the Tosefta in the Index to Zuckermandsl's ed. (1882). Neu- bauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 231 sq. To this very day the town is called Akka (Acre). 154 Polyb. v. 61-62. Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 375 sqq. ^^s Polyb. v. 71. 156 On the coins in question, see Eckhel, iii. 305 sq. Mionnet, v. 37 sq., 88, 216-218. Gardner, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum, Seleucid Kings, p. 41. Even the circumstance that isp» ä.(rv>.o; appears as an apposition to 'Aj/T/o^ä'? ('A!'t/o;^;s6j» ruv b XlToXf^a/'B/ /sjoäj «o-t/Xoy, and similarly on the coins of Hippiis, see below, No. 13), proves that the town of Ptolemais and its citizens collectively, not a colony of Antiochian merchants in Ptolemais, is intended (the latter is the view of Eckhel and Kuhn, i. 22 ; see, on' the other hand, Stark, p. 449 ; Droysen, iii. 2. 305). § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 93 Demetrius I., Alexander Balas, and Trypho, minted at Ptolemais, are in existence.^^^ The town was used as a residence by the kings during their temporary abode in these regions (1 Mace. x. 56-60, xi. 22, 24). It always showed itself hostile to the Jews. Even at the beginning of the Maccabaean rising, it was especially the towns of Ptolemais, Tyre and Sidon, which fought against the Jews, who had revolted from Syrian sovereignty (1 Mace, v 15 sqq.). Jonathan was here treacherously taken prisoner by Trypho (1 Mace, xii 45 sqq.). After the accession of Alexander Jannaeus, B.c. 104, when the Seleucidae had already lost all authority in the southern parts of their dominions, three neighbouring powers contended for the possession of Ptolemais. At first Alexander Jannaeus entertained the purpose of conquering it, but was prevented from carrying out his design by Ptolemy Lathurus, the ruler of Cyprus, who himself took possession of the town by force (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 12. 2-6). He was however soon deprived of it by his mother Cleopatra, queen of Egypt {Antt. xiii. 13. 1-2). Ptolemais seems never again to have come under the authority of the Selucidae, nay even the still more northward towns of Tyre and Sidon had meantime made themselves independent. On the contrary, we still find there, about 70 B.c., an Egyptian princess, Selene, daughter of this Cleopatra, and widow of Antiochus Grypus, to whom she had been given in marriage by her mother, when the latter entered into alliance with him again.st Antiochus Kyzikenos, who ruled in Coelesyria.^*^ At the instance of this Selene Ptolemais closed its gates against Tigranes, king of Armenia, the conqueror of the Seleucid kingdom; was thereupon The title Antiocliians was also aspired after by the Hellenistic party ia Jerusalem ; see 2 Mace. iv. 9, and Grimm (the passage should be translated, " and to enroll the inhabitants of Jerusalem as Antiochians,'' or " to receive the inhabitants of Jerusalem into the list of Antiochians'"). ^Vhether, and what, privileges were combined therewith can hardly be ascertained. ^^'' Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, etc., pp. 44, 47, ö2. A coin of Trypho is given by De Saulcy, Melanges de Numism. vol. ii. 1877, p. 82. ^*® Justin. Hist, xxxix. 4. 4. 94 § 23. COXSTITüTIOX. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. conquered by Tigranes, but again liberated wlien Tigranes found himself obliged to retreat by reason of the attacks of the Eomans upon his own kingdom (J ose'ph. Antt. xiii. 16. 4). Ptolemais seems to have experienced special favour from Caesar, when in the year 47 he was over the affairs of Syria. For there are in existence some of its coins of the imperial period with an era reaching back to Caesar.^^^ Probably the coins with the legend Uroke^ai. iepa<; kuI da-vXov (or the like) belong also to this time (shonly after Caesar).^^° The Emperor Claudius settled a colony of veterans in Ptolemais. Hence the town was henceforth callea colonia Ptolemais, though it did not possess the actual privileges of a colony.^^^ At the breaking out of the Jewish war, the Jews in Ptolemais, 2000 in number, were slaughtered by the inhabitants {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). The district of Ptolemais is mentioned by Josephus as the western boundary of Galilee {Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1; comp. Vita, 24). The formula: JTroXe/iai'Sa KctX TT)v irpoaKvpovaav avrfj, seil. X(öpav (1 Mace. x. 39), is characteristic. Next to the great maritime towns, the towns of the so- called Deeapolis belong to the class of independent Hellenistic communities. The organization alluded to in this word w^as probably the work of Pompey. For we first meet with the term (17 AeKa-jrdkL'i) during the Pioman period ; ^^^ and most 159 See Eckhel, iii. 425. De Saulcy, pp. 162, 164, 166. Ptoleraais was not the only town which was favoured by Caesar ; comp. Marquardt, i. 397. i*"" See these especially in De Saulcy, 1.54-156. i*^! Plinius, V. 19, 75 : colonia Claudi Caesaris Ptolemais quae quondam Acce ; comp, xxxvi. 26. 190. Digest, lib. xv. 1. 3 (from Ulpianus) : Ptole- maeensium enira colonia, quae inter Phoeuicien et Palaestinam sita est, nihil praeter nomen coloniae habet (also Koris, p. 427 sq.). On coins : COL. PTOL., sometimes with the numbers of the vi. ix. x. xi. legions. See in general. Noris, iv. 5. 2 (ed. Lips. pp. 424-430). Eckhel, iii. 423-425. Mionnet, v, 473-481; Suppl. viü. 324-331. De Saulcy, pp. 153-169. 405 sq., pi. viii. n. 2-11. The same, Melanges de Numismatiqnc, vol. ii. 1877, pp. 143-146. Zumpt, Commentat. cpigr. i. 386. Marquardt, i. 428 162 Matt. iv. 25 ; Mark v. 20, vii. 31 ; Plinius. H. N. v. 18. 74. Josephus, Bdl. Jud. üi. 9. 7; Vita, 65, 74. Ptolemaeus, v. 15. 22. Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4501 (inscription of the time of Hadrian). Eusebius, Onomast.., ed. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 95 of the towns of Decapolis owe their independent political existence to Ponipey. These were the Hellenistic towns of the country east of Jordan, which, having been suhjected by Alexander Jannaeus, were again liberated from Jewish autho- rity by Pompey. It is probable that they thus formed a kind of confederacy, which originally consisted of ten towns, and was therefore called r] AeKcuTToKLjTpoV&X/?, see Eckliel, iii. 331. Kuhn, ii. 192. Mar- quardt, i. 430. 1^" Ptolemaeus, v. 15. 8. ^'1 In the Tosefta, Ohaloth xviii. 4 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 616, 23), Susitha is mentioned together with Ascalon as an example of a heathen town " girt about " by the land of Israel. It is elsewhere frequently named in conjunc- tion with Tiberias. Comp. I.ightfoot, Ccntnrla chronographica Matthaco pracmissa, c. 77 ; decas Marco pracmissa^ c. 5. 1 (^Opp. ii. 226, 413). Neu- bauer, Geographie du Talmud., pp. 238-240. ^^la Qierniont-Ganneau, On e'fait Hippos de la Deiapole? (Revue arched' § 2.3. CONSTITUTION. I. THE IIELLENISIIC TOWNS. 99 determine the locality. According to Pliny, it stood on the eastern shore of the Lake of Gennesareth ; ^'^ according to Josephus, only 3 stadia from Tiberias ; ^^^ according to Euse- bius and Jerome, near a certain city and castle of Afeka.^^* According to these data the ruins of el-Hösn on a hill on the eastern shore of the Lake of Gennesareth are probably to be regarded as marking the position of the ancient Hippus ; a village of the name of Fik, whicli must be identical with the ancient Afeka, is three-quarters of a league off.^"^ The supposed identity of the name Hippos with el-Hösn (the horse) is certainly questionable.^"^ But little is known of the history of Hippus.^ '^ It received its freedom from Pompey (Joseph. Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). It was bestowed by Augustus upon Herod {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3), after whose death it was again separated from the Jewish region {Antt. xvii. 11.4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). On this occasion it is expressly called a Greek city {I.e.). At the outbreak of the Jewish revolt the district of Hippus as well as that of Gadara was devastated by the Jews under the leadership of logique, nouvelle sdric, vol. xxix. 1875, pp. 36:^-369). Furrer, Ztitschr. d. deulachen Palästina- Verein.^., ii. 7-4. i'2 Plinius, V. 15. 71 : in lacum . . , Geuosaram . . . araoeuis circuni- saeptnm oppiclis, ab orieate Juliade et Hippo. ^'3 Josepli. Vita., 65. Tiie statements of Josephus are here indeed very systematic, Hippus 30, Gadara GO, Scythoi)olis 120 stadia from Tiberias. He is here following the tendency of stating distances as low as possible. His figures must therefore be anything but strictly taken. Besides it is clear also from Josephus, that the district of lli[ipus lay by the lake, opposite Tarichea (TVto, 31) in the neighbourhood of Gadara {Vita, 9). 1'* Euseb. Onoviast., ed. Lag. p. 219. Hieron. ibid. p. 91. ^^5 The situations of Fik and el-Hösn are alrearly described by Burckhardt, Meisen in Syrien, i. 438. That it is here that the ancient Hippus must be sought is the view also of Raumer, p. 250. Hitter, xv. 1. 352 sq. Furrer, Zeitsclir. d. deutschen Pal.- Vereinte, ii. 73 sq. Others identify el-Hösn with Garaala, and find Hippus either in Fik (so ^^errill, East of the Jordan, 1881, pp. 163-169) or in Sumra, lying far more to the south (so Gueriu, Galilee, i. 310-312). ^"*' Clermont-Ganneau (as above, p. 364) explains Hösn as the common promniciatioti uf Hi.sii (fortress). The name occurs elsewhere also as an /\rabic local name in modern Palestine. ''^ Comp, besides the literature in note 175, Reland, p. 821 sq. 100 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Justus of Tiberias {Bell Jud. ii. 18. 1 ; Vita, 9). The inhabit- ants of Hippus retaliated by slaying or casting into prison all the Jews dwelling in the city {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). In Christian times Hippus was the see of a bishop.^" The name of the town has as yet been only once shown to exist upon coins (viz. on one of Nero's time).'""'"^ But coins with the legend Avno'^ecov rcov irpo<; 'I'Tr{Trov) t?)? lep{a''^h § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 101 el-Mandur ; on the southern bank, at about a league's distance from the springs, are found on the lofty ridge of the hill the ruins of the town. Hence the Scheriat el-Mandur is identical with the Hieromices, which according to Pliny flowed past the town.^^^ Gadara was in the time of Antiochus the Great already an important fortress. It was conquered by Antio- chus both at his first invasion (b.c. 218),^^^ and when he finally took possession of Palestine after his victory at Panias, B.c. 198.^^^ It was taken by Alexander Jannaeus after a ten months' siege (Antt. xiii. 13. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 4. 2). It consequently belonged under him and his successors to the Jewish region {Antt. xiii. 15. 4), but was separated from it by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). On this occasion Pompey, out of regard for his freedman Demetrius of Gadara, rebuilt the city, which had been destroyed by the Jews (Alexander Jannael^s ?). Hence upon the numerous coins of the town extending from Augustus to Gordian, the Pompeian era is used. It begins in the year Toi/ 'lophxvYiv, ccvriKpi/ "^x-vdoTohiu; xeil TifiiptK^og vpo; dvxro'Kiii: h tu opu, ov wjBOff T«?j vfrapiioci; zoctuv depf^Zv v^dcruv "Kovrpd. 'tt upöcKinoct. Ibid. p. 219 : Alf^üö . . . xufiri v'Kinaiov Toioocpuv, ^ lari» ^^[/.y,x6öi, 'ivöx toc ruv $spf^uy vhcttuv dspf^öi 'hovrpcc. On the baths, see also especially the passages from Epiphaiiius, Antoninus Martyr and Eunapius (who declares them to have been the most important after those of Baiae), in Reland, p. 775. Also Origenes in Joaun. vol. vi. c. 2-i (ed. Lommatzsch, i. 239) : Tülxpx yxp TÖ'Kig i^t'j ia-zL rij; 'lovoxix;, Tnol vfj rx hixßo-^TX 6ip/^x rvy/^xvit. The place where the springs are situated occurs in the Talmud under the name nnön. See the passages in Levy, Ncuhebr. Würierbtich, ii. 69 sq. Lightfoot, Centuria Matthaeo praemissa, c. 74 (0pp. ii. 224 sq.). Hamburger, Jhol- Encyclop. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. art. " Heilbäder." Grätz, Monatschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jiuhnth. 1880, pp. 487-495. 181 Plinius, V. 18. 74 : Gadara Hieromice praefluente. The form Hieromax, which still appears in handbooks, is derived from the incorrect reading Hieroniace. That Hieromices nmst be adopted as the nominative is proved by the occurrence elsewhere of tiie forms Hieromicas {Tab. Pcuting.) and Jeromisus (Gto[/r. llaccnnas, ed. Finder et Farthcy, p. 85). Tbe native name is Jarmuk, Tj^HD")', Mishna, Para viii. 10, and Arabic geographers (see Arnold in Hcrzog's Ileal- Enajd. Ist ed. vii. 10, xi. 20). 1*2 Polyb. v. 71. Stark, Gaza, p. 381. Polybius says of Gadara on this occasion : x 6uku ruu kxt^ iKu'vov; rov; tc'ttoi/; cxt^P'^Tn-i ^ix^ipuv. 1«^ Polyb. xvi. 39 = Joseph. Antt. xii. 3. 3. Stark, p. 403. 102 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 690 A.U.C., SO that 1 acr. Gadar. = 64/63 b.c.'^* The memory of its rebuilding by Pompey is also perpetuated upon coins from Antoninus Pius to Gordiauus by the legend IIofjbTrrjtewv Tahapewu}^' The notion that Gadara was the seat of one of the five Jewish Sanliedrin established by Gabiuius is incorrect (see above, § 13). In tlie year 30 B.c., Gadara was bestowed upon Herod by Augustus {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3). The town was however very discon- tented with his government. So early as the year 23-31 B.c., when M. Agrippa was staying at Mytilene, certain Gadarenes there brought complaint against Herod {Antt. xv. 10, 2). Complaints were repeated when Augustus in the year 20 personally visited Syria {Antt. xv. 10. 3). In both cases those who made them were dismissed. It is quite in accordance with this, that we find Gadarene coins of just the year 20 B.c. (44 aer. Gadar) with the image of Augustus and the inscription Xeßatnö^ — Herod being desirous, by stamping such coins at Gadara, to show his gratitude to the emperor.^*^ After the death of Herod, Gadara regained its independence under Eoman supremacy {Antt. xvii. 11. 4; Bdl. Jud. ii. 6. 3). At the beginning of the Jewish revolt the district of Gadara, like that of the neighbouring Hipp us, was devastated by the Jews under the leadership of Justus of Tiberias {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1 ; Vita, 9). The Gadarenes, like their neigh- bours of Hippus, avenged themselves by slaying or imprison- ing the Jews dwelling in their town {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). Such of the inhabitants however as were fiiendly to the Pvomans, not feeling themselves secure against the turbulent 18* On the era and the coins, see Noris, iii. 9. 1 (ed. Lij)s. pp. 297-308). Eckhel, iü. 348-350. Mionuet, v. 323-328; Suppl. vüi. 227-230. De Saulcy, pp. 294-303. pi. 15. Kenner, Die Miinzcsammlung des Stifts St. Florian (1871), p. 171 sq., Taf. vi. u. 10. 18^ As the legend is generally abbreviated (Ilo. or no,«7r. Tothxp;ui/), the reading is not quite certain. Tlie older numismatics give for a coin of Caraealla the reading lio/nTrriinuy Talccpiojy ; De Saulcy, on the contrary (p. 302, and pi. xv. n. 9), gives Uou'77Yinav YxOotpajv, which is certainly correct. 1*^ Comp. De Saulcy, p. 295. The coins in Mionnet, v. 323 ; Suppl. viii. 227. § 23. CONSTITÜTIOX. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 103 elements in their own city, requested and received a Eoman garrison from Vespasian in the later period of the war {Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 3, 4).^^^ In what sense Josephus can designate Gadara as the /jLrjrpoTroXi'^ t?)? Tlepatwi [Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 3) cannot be further ascertained.^*'^ On coins, especially of the time of the Antonines, it is called le^pa) a(r(y\o. Jnscr. Lat. vol. iii. n. 181 (epitaph at Byblus) : col(onia) Valen(tia) Gadara. ^^^ Strabo, xvi. p. 759. Strabo indeed frequently confuses our Gadara with Gadaza = Gadara. That the latter cannot be regardeil as the native jilace of these men is self-evident. The individuals in question are all known to us elsewhere (see above, p. 29). The orator Tiieodorus was the tutor of the Emperor Tiberius (Sueton, T'iher. 57), and iifterwards lived at Rhodes, 104 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Apsines.^^^ Meleager says of himself that he came of " an Attic race, dwelling in Assyrian Gadara." ^^^ The district of Gadara formed the eastern boundary of Galilee (Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1). On its extent, comp. Vita, 9, and above, p. 100. That it reached to the Lake of Gennesareth may not only be inferred from Matt. viii. 28 (where the reading is uncertain), but also from the coins, on which a ship is often por- trayed, nay once (on a coin of Marc. Aurel.) a vav^a{y(ia) mentioned.^''* 15. Ahila, "AßiXa. The local name Abel [?^^) or Abila is very frequent in Palestine. Eusebius knows of three places of this name celebrated for the cultivation of the vine : (1) A village in South Peraea, 6 mil. pass, from Philadelphia ; (2) A 7ro\t9 iiriarjfiof;, 12 mil. pass, from Gadara; (3) A place between Damascus and Paneas."^ Of these the second town on the east of Gadara is the one with which we are here concerned. Its situation, on the south bank of the Scheriat el-Mandur, was discovered, as well as that of Gadara, by Seetzen.^^® Pliny does not mention this Abila among the cities of Decapolis. Its inclusion among them is however evidenced by an inscription of the time of Hadrian.^^^ An where Tiberius frequently visited him during bis exile (Pauly's Enc. vi. 2, 1819). 192 Reland, p. 775. 193 Antliologia palatina, vii. 417, ed. Jacobs, vol. i. p. 430 (ed. Diibner, L 352, where however, without reason, Toihü.poti is changed into Yötlctpit) : Naffoj iiA,» ^piTrriipoc Tvpo;' Trocrp» di /m nKUoi Ardl; IV ' Aaovpiois vctiof^hcc Toi^xpoi;. 19* On the latter, comp, especially Eckhel, iii. 348 sq. A ship is seen in the illustrations in De Saulcy, pi. xv. n. 9-11. 195 Euseb. Onomast., ed. Legarde, p. 225 : "A/SsA »(A-viKuv. ev6» iTrohi^ytui» '\icu/it,n dfi'Trsy^oCpopog" Aßi'K «xo r anfAiiuv i'hcthi'h(()ix;. x-al ä.'h'KYi 'Trö'hii STria/ifiOs ' AßiAoi oho(p6pog Kcc'hovf/Aii-ifti "huaruace. Va.'hxpuv a-fiu.iioii //3' xpoj ctvu.r'j'hä,;. x,xi Tpir/i ti; uiiT'/j ' Aßi'Kcc rvji ^oivix.AS f^trcc^v Axu,x(7x,ov kxI Tlxvixoo;. 196 Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien (edited by Kruse), i. 371, iv. 190 sq. Comp, also Burckliardt, Reisen in Syrien, i. 425, 537. Raumer, p. 241. Ritter, xv. 2. 1058-1060. On the history, Reland, p. 525 sq. Kuhn, ii. 335, 371 sq. 197 Corp. Inscr. Graec. n, 4501 (inscription of Palmyra of the year 445 aer. Sei. = 133-134 a.D.): ' Ayxdxy/iho;' Aßi'Knvi; tyis AiKxx6?.io;. § 23. CONSTITU'IIOX. I. THE liELLEXlSTlC TUWX.S, 105 "AßiBa by which our "AßiXa is certainly intended is also placed by Ptolemy among the cities of Decapolis/^^ It first appears in history in the time of Antiochus the Great, -vvho occupied Abila as well as its neighbour Gadara at both his first and his second conquest of Palestine, 219 and 198 B.c.^*® On the whole it seems to liave frequently shared the lot of Gadara. Like the latter, Abila received its liberty through Pompey. For the coins of Abila with the Pompeian era are rightly ascribed to this town.^"" Its titles also are the same as those of Gadara: [(epa) a^avkos;) a(yT6vofj,o'i) y( . . . ?) Koi(X7?9) ^v(piu<;). The coins show that the town was also called HekevKeia, the inhabitants were called 5'eXei;/c(ei9) ^AßCkTjvoL^^ In Nero's time Abila was given to Agrippa IL, unless the notice of Josephus to that effect rests upon an error.^^^ In the sixth century after Christ Christian bishops of Abila, who may with tolerable certainty be referred to our Abila, are mentioned.""'^ 16. Baphana, not to be confounded with the Syrian 'Pa(f)d- *88 Ptolem. V. 15. 22. The Codex of Vatopedi also has here "Aßicoc ; Bce Geographie de Piole'me'e, reproduction photolilhogr. du manuscrit grec du monasterc de Vatopedi (Paris 1867), p. Ivii. line 4. 193 Polyb. V. 71 and xvi. o9 = Joseph. .1?/«. xii. 3. 3. 2"" See on these, especially Belley iu tlie Me'rnoires de V Academic des In- scriptions et Belks-Lettres, ancient series, vol. xxviii. 1761, pp. 557-567. Eckhel, iii. 345 sq. Mionnet, v. 318; Suppl viii. 223 sq. De Saulcy, pp. 308-312, pi. xvi. n. 1-7. 201 This is now confirmed l)y a coin of Faustina, jun., given by De Saulcy (p. 310, and pi. xvi. n. 2). The coins formerly known give either the abbre- viated 2;. ' Aßi?^/juuv or (a damaged one of Faustina) . . . ?.evx.. Aßt'hoc.g, the former of which was completed as 2£/3ss(rT(aj/, the latter as Asväkoo.c, both erroneously, as is now shown. 202 Jicil J mi ii. 13. 2. In the parallel passage, Antt. xx. 8. 2, Josephus says nothing of it ; and it is striking that Abila should not (like the other towns there named : Julias-Bethsaida, Taricliea, Tiberias) be connected with the rest of Agrippa's dominions. Besides Antt. xii. 3. 3 and Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 2 are the only passages in which our Abila is mentioned by Josephus. For in Antt. iv. 8. 1 , v. 1. 1, Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 6, another Abila, near the Jordan, and opposite Jericho, not far from Julias- Livias, and not identical with either of the three places of the same name mentioned by Eusebins, is meant. Again, the well-known Abila Lysaniae is different. Nor is tiie list by any means thereby exhausted. See Winer, IIWB., s.v. "Abila." 203 Le Quien, Oriens christianus, iii. 702 sq. Comp. Hierocles, Synced.^ ed. Parthey, p. 44. Notit. episcopal., the same, p. 144. 106 §23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. veia in Cassiotis, is mentioned only by Pliny (v. 18. 74).^°* The 'Pa(f)cov however of the first Book of the Maccabees (v. 37 = Joseph. Antt. xii. 8. 4), which, according to the context of the narrative (comp. v. 43) lay in the neighbourhood of Astaroth- Karnaim, and therefore in Batanaea, is probably identical with it. Since Ptolemy has not the name of Eaphana among the towns of Decapolis, it is probable that he mentions the town by another name ; and it is at least possible, though only possible, that Eaphana is, as Quandt supposes, identical with the Capitolias mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 15. 22), and so frequently elsewhere since the second century after Christ.^"^ 17. Kanata. The existence of this town, as distinct from Kanatha, has but recently been ascertained on the ground of inscriptions by Waddington.^"^ Upon an inscription at el-Afine (on the south-western declivity of the Hauran, to the west of -°* On the Syrian Raphaneia, .see Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 1. 3, 5. 1. Ptolem. V. 15. 16. Tab. Peuting. Hierocles, ed. Parthey, p. 61. Steph. Byz. s.v. Eckhel, iii. 323. Mionnet, v. 268 ; Suppl. viil 168. Pauiy's Encyd. s.v. Ritter, xviL 1. 940 sq. 205 Quandt, Judäa und die Naclibarschafl im Jalirli. vor und nach der Geburt Christi (1873), p. 40 sq. Capitolias was (according to Tab. Peuting.) 16 m. p. from Adraa. Since then Raphana was in the neighbourhood of Astaroth-Karnaim, and the latter (according to Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lag. p. 213) 6 m. p. distant from Adraa, Capitolias and Raphana may in fact be identical. The situation of almost all these places is indeed not yet certainly determined. It seems to me incorrect to seek CapitoUas, as is frequently done, to the south-east of Gadara. For, according to the Itinerarium Antonini (ed. Parthey et Pinder, pp. 88, 80), it lay on the direct route from Gadara to Damascus, and therefore to the nor^/i-east of the former. With this agree also the astronomical definitions of Ptolemy (north-east of Gadara, under the same geographical latitude as Hippus). The roadway too given in the Peutingcr Tabic, Gadara-Capitolias-Adraa- Bostra, has therefore not a south-eastern, but a north-eastern direction. On the whole Raumer is correct, although his more particular determination of the locality is very problematical. Compare on C^apitolias in general, Koris, iii. 9. 4 (ed. Lips. pp. 323-331). Eckhel, 328 sq. Mionnet, v. 281- 283 ; Suppl. viii. 192. De Saulcy, pp. 304-307, pi. xvi. n. 9. Reland, p. 693 sq. Ritter, xv. 356, 821, 1060. Raumer, p. 246. Seetzen, Reisen (edited by Kruse), iv. 185 sqq. Kuhn, ii. 372. Le Quien, Oriens christ. iii. 715 sq. -"^ Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions grecqucs tt latines, vol. iii., de- scriptions of n. 2296, 2329, and 241 2d. Comp, also Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, i. 395, note 17. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOAVXS. 107 Hebran) is mentioned an uyci)yo[ionnct, Suppl. viii. 225, gives a coin of Maximinus, which however does not belong to Kanata, but to Ascalon (see De Saulcy, p. 208). De Saulcy and Rcicltardt give each a coin of Elagabalus, the reading of which is however very uncertain. =ä'"- \Vetz.stein, n. 184 = W;v](lington, n. 2412e. 2'" Wetzstein, n. 186 = Waddingtou, n. 2412^. 108 § 23, CONSTITUTION-. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 18. Kanaiha. On the western declivity of the Hauran range is the place now called Kanaiuat, whose ruins are among the most important of the country east of the Jordan. Numerous inscriptions, well preserved remains of temples and other public buildings, prove that an important town once stood here ; and both ruins and inscriptions point to the first centuries of the Eoman imperial period. The ruins have, since Seetzen's first hasty visit, been frequently described.^^* The inscriptions have been most completely collected by Waddington.^^" It is rightly and almost universally admitted, that the Kanatha so often mentioned by ancient authors, and with which the Old Testament ri3|? (Num. xxxii. 42 ; 1 Chron. ii. 23) is probably identical, is to be sought for here.^^^ The form of the name fluctuates between Kdvada and KdvcoOa ; Kevadr)v6<; also occurs upon an inscription.^" Apart from the Old Testament passages, the history of Kanatha cannot -^^ Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien (edited by Kruse), i. 78 sqq. , iv. 40, 51 sqq. Burclshardt, Beisen in Syrien, i. 157 sqq., 504 sq. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 931-939. Porter, Five Years in Damascus, 1855, ii. 89-115 (with plan). Bädeker-Socin, Palästina, p. 433 sqq. (with plan). Merrill, East of the Jordan (1881), pp. 36-42. Views of the ruins in Laborde, Voyage en Orient, Paris (1837-1845), livraisou 21, 22, 26 ; and in Rey, Voyage dansleHaouran et aux bords de la mer morte execute pendant les annees 1857 et 1858, Paris. Atlas, pi. v.-viii. (pi. vi. plan). 2^^ Le Bas et Waddington, Liscriptions, vol. iii. n. 2329-2363. Older information in Corp. Inscr. Graec. 4612-4615. Wetzstein, Ausgewählte In- schriften (Transactions of the Berlin Academy, 1863), n. 188-193. 216 The identity of Kanatha with the present Kanawat is best proved in Porter's Five Years in Damascus, ii. 110 sqq. The statements in Eusebius and the Tab. Peuting. are especially convincing. Compare also for the history, Reland, pp. 681 sq., 689. AA^iner, R WB. , s. v. " Kenath. " Raumer, p. 252. Ritter, as above. Kuhn, ii. 385 sq. Waddington's explanations onn. 2329. ^i'' The form Kanatha is found in Josephus (Bell. Jud. i. 19. 2), Plinius (v. 18. 74), Ptolemaeus (v. 15. 23), Steplianus Byz. (^Lex. s.v.), Eusebius (Onomast. , ed. Lag. p. 269) ; on coins (see the next note), inscriptions {Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4613: KxvxdYivus/ yj Trö'hts; Waddington, n. 2216: Kxvx6-^u6s ßovMvT*is ; Renier, Inscr. de VAlge'rie, n. 1534 and 1535 = Co7-p. Inscr. Lat. vol. viii. n. 2394, 2395: cohors prima Flavia Canatlienorum) ; also the Tabula Peuting. (Chanata). The form Kanotha is found in Hierocles, ed. Parthey, p. 46 (Kxvüdd) ; a Xotitia episcopat., the same, p. 92 (Kctvodxi); the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon in liC Quien, Oriens christianus, ii. 867 (gen. Kxvu$x;} ; an inscription in the Bullettino deW Instituto di corrisp. archeol. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE IlELLEXISTIC TOWNS. 109 be traced farther back tlian the time of Pompey ; its coins have the Poinpeian era/'^ and it is reckoned by botli Pliny (v. 18. 74) and Ptolemy (v. 15. 23) among the towns of Decapolis. On the coins of Commodus given by Reichardt the inhabitants are called raßeiv{tel5c Ivplctg., 7; BovTii "hiyoyAvrt. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 115 turned towards the country east of the Jordan and seized Pella, Kamus, and Gephrus.^^^ Alexander Jannaeus conquered and destroyed the town, because its inhabitants would not adopt "Jewish customs " {Bell Jud. i. 4. 8 ; Antt. xiii. 15. 4).^^^^" It was again sejDarated from the Jewish region by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). The fact of its having belonged to Decapolis is attested by Eusebius and Epiphanius as well as by Pliny and Ptolemy ,^^* The few coins which have been preserved bear, as might be expected, the Pompeian era.^*'^ When Pella is named in Josephus {Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 5) among the chief places of the eleven toparchies of Judaea, this must be ascribed either to a mistake on the part of Josephus him- self or to an error in the text. At the commencement of the Jewish war Pella was attacked by the insurgent Jews {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). During the war the Christian Church fled thither from Jerusalem.^*® Christian bishops of Pella are mentioned in the fifth and sixth centuries after Christ.^^'' 21. Bium, Alov. Among the towns of this name, of which Steph. Byz. enumerates seven, that in Macedonia at the foot of Olympus is the best known. Hence it is very credible, that our Dion in Coelesyria was a foundation of Alexander the Great.^^* According to the astronomical definitions of Ptolemy (v. 15. 23), Dium lay under the same degree of latitude as 2*3 Polyb. V. 70. 2*3a Jn the last passage also our Pella is certainly inteuded, and not another Moabitc one. Josephus only names Pella quite at the end of the list after enumerating the Moabite towns, because he desires to append a special remark concerning it. Comp. Tuch, Qnaesliones, etc., pp. 17-19. 21* Pliu. V. 18. 74. Ptolem. v. 15. 23. Euseb. OnomasL, ed. Lag. p. 251. Epiphanius, Haer. 29. 7 ; dc mcnsiiris el ponder. § 15. -■•^ See Belley in the M6v yTvVKSpou ^07C/'i/, ijvidi 'TtIyj;, iruvoii y.lv hi\pyi;, ivdii hi y,ocl ßiorov. 116 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Pell a, but ^ of a degree farther eastward. With this agree the statements of Josephus concerning Pompey's route, that the Jewish king Aristobuhis accompanied Pompey on his march from Damascus against the Nabataeans as far as Dium, that here he suddenly separated from Pompey, who therefore now turned suddenly westward and came by Pella and Scythopolis to Judaea.^^^ Little is known of the history of Dium.^®" It was conquered by Alexander Jannaeus {Antt. xiii. 15. 3), liberated by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 4. 4), and then belonged to Decapolis (Plin. v, 18. 74; Ptolem. v. 15. 23). The coins of Dium, with the legend AeiTjvayv, have the Pompeian era. Some of those belonging to the time of Caracalla and Geta are still in existence.^"^ The A ia mentioned by Hierocles is certainly identical with this Dium.^^^ 22. Gerasa, Tepaaa. The ruins of the present Dscharasch are the most important in the region east of the Jordan, and are indeed (with those of Palmyra, Baalbec and Petra) among the most important in Syria. There are still in existence con- siderable remains of temples, theatres and other public buildings. About one hundred columns of a long colonnade, which ran through the middle of the town, are still standing. The buildings seem from their style to belong to the second or third century after Christ. ^^^ Pew inscriptions have as yet 2*9 Joseph. Antt. xiv. 3. 3, 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 6. 4, fin. Also Menkes Bibel- Atlas, sheet iv. In both passages indeed Dium first came into the text through Dindorf's emendations. The older editions have, Antt. xiv. 3. 3 : ilg A'/^'Kiov TToAiv ; Bell. .Jud. i. 6. 4 : axo ^iMizö'hiUi. As certain manuscripts have äTTo "hio^ ii'KiovTro'hscag (see Cardwell's ed.) we might feel inclined to read Heliopolis in both passages. Bnt the context makes this impossible. 250 Comp. Reland, p. 736 sq. Raumer, p. 247. Kuhn, iii. 382 sq. 251 See Belley in the Meinoires de VAcademie des Inscr. et Belles- Lettres^ ancient series, vol. xxviii. 568 sqq. Eckhel, iii. 847 sq. Mionuet, v. 32 j Suppl. viii. 26. De Saulcy, pp. 378-383, pi. xix. n. 8, 9. 252 Hierocles, Synecd., ed. Parthey, p. 45. The Notitia episcopal. , the same, p. 92. Also in Joseph. Antt. xii. 15. 3 the manuscripts have A/«». 2** See in general, Seetzen, Reisen, i. 388 sq., iv. 202 sqq. Burckhardt, Reisen, i. 401-il7, 530-536 (with plan). Buckingham, Travels in Palestine, 1821, pp. 353-405. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 1077-1094. Bädeker-Socin, Palästina, p. 408 sqq. (with plan). Merrill, East of the Jordan, pp. 281-290. Illustrations, Laborde, Voyage en Orieiit (Paris 1837 sq.), livniison 9, 16, § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Il7 been publisliecl.^"^ There can be no doubt that here was the ancient Gerasa.^"'^ The derivation of the name from yepovTe'i (veterans) of Alexander the Great, who settled here, is based only upon etymological trifling.^'" It is certainly possible, that the foundation of Gerasa as a Hellenistic town may reach as far back as Alexander the Great. It is first mentioned in the time of Alexander Jannaeus, when it was in the power of a certain Theodorus (a son of the tyrant Zeno Kotylas of Philadelphia). It was conquered after an arduous siege by Alexander Jannaeus towards the end of his reign.^^^ It was while still defendinjr the fortress Eagaba " in the district of Gerasa " that he died.^^^ Gerasa was undoubtedly liberated by Pompey, for it belonged to Decapolis.^^'^ At the outbreak of the Jewish war it was attacked by the Jews (Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1); yet the Jews dwelling in the town were spared by the inhabitants (Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). The Gerasa conquered and destroyed by 34, 35. Rey, Voyarje dans le Ilaouran et mix lords de la mer morte execute pendant Ics ann^es 1857 and 1858 (Paris), Atlas pi. xix.-xxiii. (pi. xxi. plan). Due de Luynes, Voyage d' Exploration ä la mer morte ä Petra et sur la rive gauche du Jourdain, Paris s. a. (1874), Atlas, pi. 50-57. Also Riehm's Wörterb. s.v. " Gadara." 25* Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4Gfil-46G4. Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. iii. n. 118, 119. Wetzstein, Ausgewühlte Inschriften (Trans, of the Berlin Acad. 1863), n. 205-2Ü7. Böckli, Report of the Berlin Acad. 1835, p. 14 sqq. Allen, American Journal of Philologij, vol. iii. (Baltimore 1882), p. 206. Quarlcrlg Statement of the Palestine Kxjiloratiini /-'««r/, 1882, p. 218 sqq.; 1883, p. 107 sq. 2" Compare on the history, Kcland, p. 8U6 sqq. Pauly's Encycl.m. 770. Winer, s.v. "Gadara." Räumer, p. 249 sq. Ritter, as above. Kuhn, ii. 370, 383. 2*6 See the passages from Jamblicus and the Etymolog, magnum ia Droysen, Hellenismus, iii. 2. 202 sq. Also Reland, p. 806. ^'''' Bell. Jud. i. 4. 8- In the parallel passage Antt. xiii. 15. 3, 'Y-aa»» stands instead of Yiootauu. The reading in Bell. Jud. is however certainly the correct one. 258 Antt. xiii. 15.5. Ragaba can hardly be identical with the 'F.pyoc of Euse- bius (p. 216), which lay 15 m. p. we.stwar-d of Gerasa, and was therefore cer- tainly under the power of Akxainler Jannaeus before the conquest of Gerasa. 259 Ptolem. V. 1.5. 23. Steph. Byz. s.v. Tepxa», voXig rii; Koi>.n; ^vpixs, rii; liKocTTcXiu; (for such is the reading, as by Meinekc, instead of the traditional rsaactpiaKetihiKonvöMu;). Plinius, v. 18. 74. names Galasa, for which we must read Gerasa, among the cities of Decapolis. 118 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Lucius Annius at the command of Vespasian {Bell. Jud. iv. 9. 1) cannot be this Gerasa, which as a Hellenistic town was certainly friendly to the Eomans. The few coins of Gerasa (from Hadrian to Alexander Severus) have no era and contain no epithet of the city. They almost all have the superscription "Aprefjici tv-^^tj Tepaawv."^^ On an inscription of the time of Trajan the inhabitants are called ^AvTio^^h Trpb'i To) Xpvaopoa.'^^ Upon another inscription, also of the Eoman period, the town is called Tepacra ^Avri6')(^€ta^^^^ In an ethnographic sense Gerasa must be reckoned part of Arabia,^^^ but seems even in the second century after Christ to have belonged to the province of Syria and only subse- quently to have been incorporated in that of Arabia.^''^ In the fourth century after Christ it was one of the most important towns of this province.^^ Its district was so large, 260 Eckhel, iii. 3,50. Mionnet, v. 329 ; Suppl. viii. 230 sq. De Saulcy, p. 384 sq., pi. xxii. n. 1, 2. -61 ]\IommseD, Berichte der sächsisch. Oesellsch. d. Wissensch., philol-hist. Classe, vol. ii. 1850, p. 223. Waddington, n. 1722. The inscription was set up in honour of A. Julius Quadratus, the imperial legate of Syria, and indeed in his native Pergamos (where the inscription was discovered). The Gerasenes designate themselves according to AVaddington's completion, [ .\vrio]x^^^ ■J"^" {j^P^i '!^'\v y^pvaopocc tuu '7r\_p6r'\ipo'j [Tf\pcc(jyiuuu 5j ßovTi'/i y,xi S^[,4toj]. No other place in Syria is known by the name of Chrysorrhoas except the Nuhr Barada near Damascus (Strabo, xvi. p. 755. Plin. v. 18. 74. Ptolem. v. 15. 9). It is self-evident that this cannot, as Mommsen strangely assumes, be intended here. On the contrary, we find that the rivulet Kerwan running through Gerasa was also called Chrysorrhoas (see Bädeker, p. 409). 261^ American Journal of Philology, vol. iii. (Baltimore 1882) p. 206, communicated by Allen, from a copy by Merrill. The inscription was found in Gerasa itself. It is an epitaph consisting of four distichs on a woman of the name of Juliana from Antioch. She died in the course of her journey in Gerasa and was buried there, and it is said of her in the epitaph that she will not now return to her home in Antioch, dXK' 'ihotxiv y»i[yi\g [r]£|s[«](r[)7j] ,u,ipoi '' \uTtoy,iini- That the inscription belongs to the Roman period is shown by the name Juliana. 262 Origenes in Joann. vol. vi. c. 24 (^Opp. ed. Lommatzsch, i. 239), Tipxca is riig ' Apcißt'xi sari TrÖTiig. 263 See Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, 1. 433, note 1. 264 Ammian. Marc. xiv. 8. 13 : Haec quoque civitates habet inter oppida quaedam ingentes Bostram et Gerasam atquo PhiladeJphi'Xm murorum § 23. C0:N"ST1TUTI0N. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOAVKS. 119 that Jerome could say, that what was formerly Gilead was now called Gerasa.'*^^* Famous men of Gerasa are mentioned by Steph. Byz.^^ The names too of certain Christian bishops are well known.*"* 23. PJiiladclphia, ^tXaSeX^eta, the ancient capital of the Ammonites called in the 0. T, "Eabbah of the Ammonites" (jirsy "ija ri|i"i), i.e. the chief city of the Ammonites, or more shortly " Eabbah " (nai).^^^ In Tolybius it is called Eabbat- Amana,^"^ in Eusebius and Steph. Byz. Amman and Ammana.^*^ The situation of the town is certainly evidenced by the ruins south of Gerasa, which to this day bear the name of Ammana. The ruins belong, like those of Kanatha, to the Eoman period.^''* The town received the name of Philadelphia from Ptolemy II. fiimitate cautissimas. Comp. Euseb. Onomast. p. 2-i2. Ttpxacc^ '7r6>.ig 264a Hieronyraus in Ohadjam v. 19 (Vallarsi, vi. 381): Benjamin autem . . . cunctam possidebit Arabiam, quae prius vocabatur Galaad et nunc Gerasa uuncupatur. Comp, also Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 250. 2''* Steph. Byz. s.v. Yioetact' l^ xiirin ^Apiarav p'/iroip donlö; hriu . . . kxI KvjpvKo; aoittiT/ii xctl IWoctuv vo^iko; py-'^p. To these must also be added the Neo-Pythagorean philosopher and mathematician Xicomachus of Gerasa, second century after Christ (Fabric. Bill grace, ed. Harless, v. 629 sqq.). 2*56 Epiphan. Hatr. 73. 26. Le Quien, Oriens christ. ii. 859 sq. 267 Deut. iii. 11 ; Josh. xiii. 2ö ; 2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 26-29, xvii. 27 ; Jer. xlix. 2, 3 ; Ezek. xxi. 25, xxv. 5 ; Amos i. 14 ; 1 Chron. xx. 1. On the identity of Kabbah of the Ammonites with Philadelphia, see below the passages from Eusebius (note 269), Steph. Byz. and Jerome (note 271). 268 Polyb. V. 71, 'P«/3,3«r«j£t«ev9f. So too Steph. Byz. s.v. ' FxßßxTÜpc,- f^ctvx, Tzohti rijs opuv^g 'Apctßiccs. 269 Euseb. OnomasL, ed. Lagarde, p. 215, 'A/n/neiv i} vvu ^/XaotA^/«, 'Tcd'hii iirio-^^oi; r'/ii^ hpoL^ictg. Ibid. p. 219, .\f^p(.üv . . . ccvtyi larlv \.[*y.si.v ij Kul ^i'ha.Oi'^$iot, iro'Ki; irria/i/xoi riig Aoußixg. Comp. ihid. p. 288, 'Vcißfiöc, TTo'Ats ßctat'Atia; ' Ay./^aiv, »inn iorl 'J^i'hocOi'/ifix. Steph. Byz., see note 271. 2"o See in general, Seetzen, Reisen, i. 396 sqq., iv. 212 sqq. Burckhardt, Reisen, ii. 612-618. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 1145-1159. De 6aulcy, Voyage en Terre Sainte, 1865, i. 237 sqq. (with plan). Bäueker-Socin, Palästina, p. 318 sqq. (with plan). Merrill, ImsI of tlie Jordan, p. 399 sqq. Couder, QuarUrhj Slatcmcut, 1882, pp. 99-112. Illuptrations, Laborde, Voyage en Oriint (Paris 1837 sqq.), livr. 28, 29. On the history, besides Ritter, the article on " Rabbath Amnion "' in Winer's Realwiirkrh., Her/.ig's Rdd-Encyd. (1st ed. xii. 469 sq.), Schenkel's Biltllex., Riehm's YVß. Kuhn, ii. 383 sq. 120 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. (Philadelphus), to whom consequently its Hellenization is to be referred.^' ^ lu the time of Antiochus the Great it was a strong fortress, which in the year 218 B.c. he vainly endeavoured to take by storm, and of which he was unable to get possession, till a prisoner showed him the subterranean path, by which the inhabitants came out to draw water. This being stopped up by Antiochus, the town was forced to surrender for want of water.^"'' About 135 B.c. (at the death of Simon Maccabaeus) Philadelphia was in the power of a certain Zenos Kotylas {Antt. xiii. 8. 1 ; Bell. Jud. i. 2. 4). It was not conquered by Alexander Jannaeus, though he had possession of Gerasa to the north and Esbon to the south of it. Hence Philadelphia is not named among the towns which were separated by Pompey from the Jewish region. It was however joined by him to the confederacy of Decapolis^'^ and had therefore the Pompeian era.^^^ It was in its neighbourhood that Herod fought against the Arabians.^"^ In A,D. 44 sanguinary contests took place between the Jews ^''^ Steph. Byz. s.v. ^t'Kxli'K.'A«- Oi'XS€&«.s^' = Samaria.^^^ The Hellenization of the town of Samaria (Hebr. T'l^b') was the work of Alexander the Great. The Samaritans had during his stay in Egypt, B.C. 332-331, assassinated Andromachus his governor in Coelesyria. Conse- quently when Alexander returned from Egypt (b.c. 331), he executed strict justice upon the offenders and planted Mace- donian colonists in Samaria.^^* The Chronicle of Eusebius speaks also of a refoundation by Perdiecas,^^ which could only have taken place during his campaign against Egypt (b.c. 321); this is however very improbable so soon after the colonization by Alexander the Great. As in old times so now also Samaria was an important fortress. Hence it was levelled by Ptolemy Lagos, when in the year B.c. 312 he again surrendered to Antigonus the land of Coelesyria, which he 44. Ptolem. v. 16. 7. According to the Tabula Peutinger.^ Archelais lay- on the road from Jericho to Scythopolis 12 m. p. from Jericho and 24 m. p. from Scythopolis. See also Robinson's Palestine, iii. 5G9. Ritter, XV. i. 457. Gucrin, Samarie, i. 235-23H. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 387, 395 sq., and sheet xv. of the chart. *^ Compare in general, Roland, pp. 979-983. Pauly's Encycl. vi. 1. 727 sq. Winer, .>f.v. ''Samaria." Raumer, p. 159 sq. Robinson's Pa/fÄ^/zf^', iii. 126, 127. Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 658-666. Guerin, Samarie, ii. 188-210. Badeker-Socin, p. 354 sqq. Sepp, Jernsakm, ii. 66-74. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 160 sq., 211-215 (with plan), also sheet xv. of tlie large English chart. 28* Cm-tius, Unfus, iv. 8 : Oneravit hunc doloretn nuntius mortis Andro- machi, quem praefccerat Syriae : vivum Samaritae cremaverant. Ad cujus interitum vindicandum, quanta maxime celeritate potuit, conteudit, adveni- entique sunt traditi tanti sceleris auctores. Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 114 (ad ann. Abr. 1680, according to the Armenian): Androniachum rcgionum illorum procuratorera constituit, quem incolae urbis Samari- tarum interfecerunt : quos Alexander ab Egipto reversus punivit : capta urbe Macedonas nt ihi hahitarent collocavit. — So too Syncell., ed. Dindorf, i. 496 : tyiV ^ocy-xaixsi ttO'Aiv i'huv ^ \'/^i^xv6po; ^loty-ih'jvot; h »Crii 285 See below, note 287, and also Droysen, iii. 2. 204. Ewald's Gesch. des Volkes Israel, iv. p. 293. 124 §23, CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. had shortly before conquered. ^^® Some fifteen years later (about 296 b.c.) Samaria, which had meanwhile been restored, was again destroyed by Demetrius Poliorcetes in his contest with Ptolemy Lagos.^^*^ Thenceforward we are for a long time without special data for the history of the town. Poly- bius indeed mentions, that Antiochus the Great in both his first and second conquest of Palestine 218 and 198 b.c. occupied the country of Samaria,^^^ but the fate of the town is not further indicated. It is of interest to find, that the country of Samaria, under the Ptolemies as well as under the Seleucidae, formed like Judaea a single province, which again was subdivided into separate vofioi}^^ Towards the end of the second century before Christ, when the Seleucidian Epigouoi were no longer able to prevent the encroachments of the Jews, the town fell a victim to their policy of conquest ; and Samaria — then a 7ro\t9 o'^vpcordrrj — was again conquered in the reign of John Hyrcanus (b.c. 107) by his sons Anti- gonus and Aristobulus after a siege of a year, and entirely given up to destruction {Antt. xiii. 10. 2, 3; Bell. Jxid. i. 2. 7).^^° Alexander Jannaeus had possession of the town or its ruins [Antt xiii. 15. 4). It was separated from the Jewish region by Pompey and never henceforth organically combined with it {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bdl. Jud. i. 7. 7). Its rebuilding was the work of Gabinius {Antt. xv. 14. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4), on which account its inhabitants were for a while called Taßi,vLel opsai toI; eiurt>c.pv rvti lipt)cov; KHf^iun, a; octto ainf^ituv K TOt* lophoivov. '■^"^ See Seetzen, Eeisen, i. 497, iv. 220 sqq. Burckhardt, licisen, ii. 623 fiq., 1063. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 1176-1181. De Saulcy, Voyage en Terre Sainte (1865), i. 279 sqq. (with a plan of the ruins). Biideker-Socin, Palästina, p. 318. On the history, Reland, p. 719 sq. Raumer, p. 262. The articles on " Hesbon," in Winer, Schenkel, Riehm, Herzog's Real- Encijcl. 1st ed. vi. 21 sq. Kuhn, Die städt. und bürgerl. Verfassung, ii. 337, 386 sq. 309 Niun. xxi. 26 sqq. ; Deut. i. 4, ii. 24 sqq., iü. 2 sqq., iv. 46 ; Josh, ix. 9, lii. 2 sqq., xiii. 10, 21 ; Judg. xi. 19 sqq. Comp, also Judith v. 15. 310 Isa. XV. 4, xvi. 8, 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 2, 34, 35, xlix. 3. 3*1 Thus certainly must the passage cited be understood ; see on its tenor, note 299. The form 'F.dißuvlri; is the designation of the district of Esbon. The town itself is called 'T^aißüv or 'Eaaißüu. 2s/3(uj/m? occurs for 'Egißtavhig, Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1, iii. 3. 3. See the following note. 312 '2ißanrii is certainly the reading, as in Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1, instead of 'S.i'Kßuvt-i;. In Mcnke's Bibcl-Atlas, sheet v., Essebon is correctly placed outside Peraea; on the other hand, it is incorrectly allotted to the Nabataean realm instead of to that of Herod the Great. It is possible that after the death of Herod it may have fallen into the hands of the Arabians, as e.g. Machaerus also temporarily belonged to them (Antt. xviii. 5. 1). The cir- cumstance that Esbon, after the erection of Arabia to the rank of a pro- vince, belonged thereto favours this supposition. Less convincing is the mention of the Esbonitae Arabes in Pliuius, v. 11. 65, since this is only said in an ethnographical sense. In any case the lißomri; formed in the time of DIV. II. VOL. L I 130 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. attacked by the insurgeut Jews {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). At the creation of the province of Arabia, A.D. 105, Esbon, or as it was now called Esbiis, was probably forthwith awarded to it, for Ptolemy already speaks of it as belonging to Arabia.^'* The few coins as yet known are those of either Caracalla or Elagabalus.^^^ It was an important town in the time of Euse- bius,^'^ and Christian bishops of Esbus (Esbundorum, ^Eaßovv- Ticov) are mentioned in the fourth and fifth centuries.^^** 27. Antipatris, ^AvTtirarpi'if'^^ The original name of this town was Ka(f)apaaßd,"'^^ or Kaßapaaßä^^^ sometimes Kairep- aaßlvqf^ Hebrew xao "isa, under which name it also occurs in Eabbinical literature.^"^ Its situation is evidenced by the present Kefr-Sciba, north-eastward of Joppa, the position of Joseplius a town district proper, -which though perhaps subject to the Arabians, was still distinct from the other Arabias, Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 3. ^^3 Ptolem. V. 17. 6. The town is here called "Eaß'jfr« (so also the Codex of Vatopedi, see Geographie de Ptolemee, reproduction pliotollthograpMqve, etc., Paris 1867, p. Ivii. below), which however is properly the accusative form of 'Eaßov:. ^^* Eckhel, iii. 503. Miounet, v. 585 sq. ; Sitppl. viii. 387. De Saulcy, p. 393, pi. xxiii. n. 5-7. ^^^ See above, note 307. Eusebius also frequently mentions the town else- where in the Onomasticon. See Lagarde's Index, .v.r. iaßow, saißow and saißov;. ^^^ Le Quien, Oriens chrhtlanus, ii. 863. '^^ See on the subject generally, Reland. p. 569 sq., 690. Pauly's Enc. i. 1. 1150. Kuhn, ii. 351. Winer, a.v. "Antipatris." Raumer, p. 147. Robin- son's Palestine, ii. p. 242, iii. pp. 138, 139. Ritter, xvi. 569-572. Gueriu, Samarie, ii. 357-367 ; comp. ii. 132 sq. Wilson, Quarterly Statement, 1874, pp. 192-196. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Oonder and Kitchener, ii. 134, 258-262 ; the English map, sheets x. and xiii. Ebers and Guthe, Palästina, vol. ii. p. 452. ^^8 Joseph. Antt. xvi. 5. 2. 3^^ Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 1. The reading here fluctuates between Kußxp- (706/3«, Xccßxpaxßx and Xeeßxp^ix.ßK. 32" Such is undoubtedly the reading instead of koci ■zspaxßivyi in the passage of the Chronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf, i. 867 : o uvr6$ Is x,»l ' Audriooi/ec iT^iKTia»; ' hypiTr-Tretuv ln'i.'KiGi'j, srt 3s kxI TrspaxßiuYjv it; ovopcsc ' Ai/TivKTpov IM) ili'ov TTxrpög. Comp. Reland, pp. 690, 925. In the parallel passage in Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 595, it is said : hi ri Tlccpixyxßxv ih TifiViU AuriTxrpou rov -Trxrpo; xi/Tov ' Avri'Trxrpi'hx uv6u.xai. 3-'i Tosefta, Nidda 649. 35 (ed. Zuckermandcl) ; Bab. Nidda 61» ; Jcr. Demai ii. 1, fol. 22«. Hamburger, Eeal-Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, ii. 637, art. " Kephar Saba." § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 131 which aOTees with the statements of ancient writers concernintr Antipatris, that it was 150 stadia from Joppa,"^"^ at the entrance of the mountainous district,*^^ and 2 6 w. 'p. south of Caesarea, on the road thence to Lydia.^^"* Herod here founded in a well-watered and well-wooded plain a new city, which he called Antipatris in honour of his father Antipater (Antt. xvi. 5. 2 ; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 9). The town is also mentioned in Rabbini- cal literature under this name, D"it2D"'D3N* ; ^^ also by Ptolemy, Eusebius, and Stephanus Byzantinus.^^ It was much reduced in the fourth century after Christ, being spoken of in the Itinerar. Burdig., not as a civitas, but only as a mv.tatio (stopping place), and designated by Jerome as a semirutum opidulnm.^^ Yet a Bishop of Antipatris still occurs in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451.^'* Its existence in these later times is also elsewhere evidenced.^^^ Nay, so late as the eighth century after Christ it is still spoken of as a town inhabited by Christians.'^ 28. Phasaelis, ^aaarjXi'i.^^^ It was in honour of his brother Phasael that Herod founded in the Jordan valley, in a «22 Antt. xüi. 15. 1. 323 ßgii /„(/. i. 4. 7. ^2< The Itinerarium Burdigahufse (in Tobler and Molinier, Itinera, etc., p. 20) gives the distance from Caesarea to Antipatris at 26 vi. p., that from Antipatris to Lydda at 10 m. p. The former number agrees almost exactly with the situation of Kef r- Saba, the latter is in consequence of a clerical error too little. The general situation of Antipatris, as on the road from Caesarea to Lydda, is also elsewhere testified ; seeAritt. xxiii.ol ; Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 19. 1, 9, iv. 8. 1. Hieronym. l\re(jrinatio Paidae (in Tobler, Palaestinae desn: p. LS). The reasons brought forward by Guerin, Wilson, Conder, and Mühlau (Kiehm's Wörterh.) against the identity of Kefr-Saba and Antipatris do not seem to me decisive. 325 Mishna, O'iltin viL 7 ; ßab. G'dtbi 70''. Lightfoot. Centuria ^Jatth(^fo praemissa, c. .58 (0pp. ii. 214). Neubauer, O'^graphie da Talmud, pp. 86-90. Hamburger, Real-Encycl. ii. 63, art. " Antipatris." 326 Ptolcmaeus, v. 16. 6. Eusebius, Onomast. pp. 24.5, 246. Steph. Byz..«.«. 32'' See the passages cited, note 324. 328 Le Quien, Oriens chri.stianu.'!, iii. .579 sq. 329 Hierocles, Synced, (ed. Tarthey) p. 43. The Notlfia episcopat. (the same), p. 143. 330 Theophanis, Chronographia, ad ann. Dom. 743 (ed. Bonnens. i. 6.58). 331 See in general, Roland, p. 953 sq. Pauly's Enc. v. 1439. Kaumer, p. 216. Robinson's Palestine, i. p. 569, iii. p. 293. Ritter, xv. 1. 458 aq. 132 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. hitherto untilled but fertile region, which was thus gained foi cultivation, the city of Phasaelis {Antt. xvi. 5. 2 ; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 9). After his death the town, with its valuable palm plantations, came into the possession of his sister Salome {Antt. xviii. 8. 1, 11. 5; Bdl. Jud. ii. 6. 3); and after her death into that of the Empress Livia {Antt. xviii. 2. 2 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 1). Pliny speaks of the excellent dates obtained from the palm trees growing there.^^^ The town is also mentioned by Ptolemy, Stephanus Byz., and the geographers of Eavenna.^^^ Its name has been preserved in the present Karbet Fasail on the edge of the plain of the Jordan, in a fertile district. The stream flowing thence to the Jordan is called Wadi Fasail.^^^* 29. Caesarea PaniasF"^ To Uaveiov properly means the grotto dedicated to Pan at the source of the Jordan.^^^ It is first mentioned under this name by Polybius in the time of Antiochus the Great, who there gained (198 B.c.) over the Guerin, Samarie, i. 228-232. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 388, 392 ; and the large Enghsh map, sheet XV. .332 piinius^ //; ^, xiii. 4. 44 : Sed ut copia ibi atque fertilitas, ita nobiU- tas in Judaea, nee in tota, sed Hiericunte maxume, quamquam laudatae et Archelaide et Phaselide atque Liviade, gentis ejusdem convaUibus. ^^^ Ptolem. V. 16. 7. Steph. Byz. s.v. Geographns Ravennas, edd. Finder et Parthey (1860), p. 84. The town is also mentioned in the Middle Ages (in Burchardus and Marinus Sanutus), see the passages in Guerin, Samarie, i. 231 sq. ^^* See especially the large English map, sheet xv., and the description in Guerin and Conder, as above. 32^ See on the general subject, Keland, pp. 918-922. Winer's RWB. and Schenkel's Bihellex. s.v. "Caesarea." Kuhn, ii. 334. Robinson's Palestine, iii. 397-413. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 1. 195-207. Guerin, Galilee, ii. 308-323. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 95, 109-113, 125-128; the large English map, sheet ii. Ebers and Guthe, Pcdästina in Bild und Wort, i. 356-366. Views of the Pan-Grotto in the Due de Luynes Voyage d' Exploration, etc., Atlas, plates 62, 63. Inscriptions, Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4537-4539. Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions, vol. iii. n. 1891-1894. 33^ The Paneion is described as a grotto {air'/i'ha.inv, öivrpov) in Joseph. Antt. XV. 10. 3. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 3, iii. 10. 7: IoksI /aiv ' loplotvov xjjy^ TO Uuviov. Steph. Byz. s.v. lictvi». The mountain was called by the same name as the grottq. Euseb. Hist. eccl. vii. 17 : sv 7ul; vTrupiixi: tov kx?.ov- § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 133 Egyptian general Scopas the decisive victory, in consequence of wliich all Palestine fell into his hands.'^^^ Even this early mention would lead us to infer a Hellenization of the place in the third century before Christ. In any case the popula- tion of the surrounding district, as its farther history also shows, was chiefly non-Jewish. In the early times of Herod the country of üaviä'i (as it was called from the Pan-Grotto there) belonged to a certain Zenodorus, after whose death, in the year 20 b.c., it was given by Augustus to Herod (see above, § 15), who built a splendid temple to Augustus in the neighbourhood of the Pan-Grotto {Antt. xv. 10.3; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 3). The place, which lay there, was originally called like the country, Havid'i or Tlavedf.^^^ It was first, however, transformed into a considerable town by Philip the Tetrarch, the son of Herod, who rebuilt it and called it Kaiaapeia, in honour of Augustus {Antt. xviii. 2. 1 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 1). This refoundation belongs to the early times of Philip ; for the coins of the town have an era, the commencement of which probably dates from the year 3 b.c. (751 a.u.c), or at latest 2 B.C. (752 a.u.c.).^^^ After the death of Philip, liis realm was for a few years under Eoman administration, then under Agrippa I., then again under Eoman procurators, and at last, in A.D. 53, under Agrippa II., who enlarged Caesarea and called it N€po}viä<; in honour of Nero (Antt. xv. 9. 4), fiivou Uxviov opov; (To Hocvuov is properly an adjective requiring as ft complement either öii/rpov or 6po;. *^^ Poly bins, xvi. 18, xxviii. 1. 838 Ylxutöti or TLetvid; is properly an adjective and indeed the fern, of ndviio; (as eiypici;, hiVKu;, öpaä; are the poetic feminines of aypio;, >.(vk6:, Spuoi). Hence tlie same word serves to designate both the country (wliere X^P» is the complement, Aiitt. xv. 10. 3, xvii. 8. 1. Bill Jud. ii. 9. 1. Plinius, V. 18. 74 : Panias in qua Caesarea) and the town or village (where TTÖy^i; or KUfiYi is the complement, Anil, xviii. 2. 1). 338 See Noris, iv. 5. 4 (cd. Lips. pp. 442-453). Eckhel, iii. 339-344. Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendadonc (Rome 1793), iii. 2, p. 322 sqq. The coins in Mionnet, v. 311-315 ; Suppl. viii. 217-220. De Saulcy, pp. 313- 324, pi. xviii. The addition to the Chronicle of Eusebius, which transposes the foundation to the time of Tiberius, is of no value. See below, note 390. Also Jerome in the Chronicle and Comment, on Matth. xvi. 13 (see note 345). 134 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIG TOWNS. which name is occasionally found on coins.^*° That the town was then also chiefly a heathen one appears from Joseph, Vita, 13. Hence both Titus and Vespasian passed their times of repose during the Jewish war amidst games and other festivities at this place.^*^ The name Neronias seems never to have been naturalized. In the first century after Christ this Caesarea was, to distinguish it from others, usually called Kaia-äpeia rj ^Ckiir'Trov ; ^^^ its official designation upon coins, especially of the second century, is Kaca(dp€ia) ^eß(a(rT7]) i€p(a) Kol äav(Xo<;) vtto UaveccD.^*^ Elsewhere it has generally been called since the second century Kata-apeia Ilavia^, which name also predominates on coins of the third."^^ Since the fourth the name of Caesarea has been wholly lost, and the town called only Panias.^^^ This seems besides to have always remained its prevailing name among the native popu- 3*0 Mionnet, v. 815. De Saiücy, pp. 316, 318. Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 116, 117. The same, Coins of the Jews, pp. 145, 146. 311 Joseph, Bell. JiuL iii. 9. 7, vii. 2. 1. 3*2 Matt. xvi. 13 ; Mark via. 27. Joseph. Antt. xx. 9. 4 ; Bell. Jud iii. 9. 7, vii. 2. 1 ; Vita, 13. 3*3 See the literature cited in note 339, especially Mionnet and De Saulcy. 3** Ptolem. V. 15. 21, viii. 20. 12 (Kxiaxpeicn YLocvixc). Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 4750 (upon the statue of Memnon at Thebes), and n. 4921 (at Philoe), both times KonGot-piix; Uuviülo;. Le Bas et Waddington, Inscrip- tions, vol. iii. n. 1620^' (at Aphrodisias in Caria in the second century after Christ) • Kxiaocpuxv Ylaeyiacdx. Tabula Peuting. (Caesareapaneas). Geo- graphus Ravennas, edd. Finder et Parthey, p. 85. The coins in De Saulcy, pp, 317, 322 sq, 3*5 Eusebius, who frequently mentions the town in the Onomasticon , always calls it TluvsUi only (see the Index in Lagarde's edition). And this is generally its name in ecclesiastical literature ; see Eusebius, Hist. eccl. vii. 17, 18. Hieron. in Jeseij. xUi. 1 sqq., ed. Yallarsi, iv. 507 (in confinio Caesareae Philippi, quae nunc vocatur Paneas). Idem in Ezek. xxvii. 19, ed. Yall. v. 317 (ubi hodie Paneas, quae quondam Caesarea Philippi voca- batur) ; Idem in Matt. xvi. 13, ed. Vail. vii. 121 (in honorem Tiberii (sic !) Caesaris Caesaream, quae nunc Paneas dicitur, construxit). Sozom. v. 21. Philostorg. vii, 3 (comj). also Müller, Fragm. hist, graec. iv. 546). Theo- dorct. Quaest. (see the passages in Reland, p. 919). Malalas, ed. Diudorf, p. 237. Glycas Theophanes (see the passages in Keland, p. 922). Photius, Cod. 271, sub fin. The Acts of the Councils (in Le Quieu, Oriens chris- tianus, ii. 831). Hierocles, Synecd., ed. Parthey, p. 43. Theodosius, TJe situ terrae sanctae, § 13 (ed. Gildemeister 1882). On the supposed statue of Christ at Paneas, see also Gieseler, Kirchcngisch. i. 1. 85 sq. § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 135 latiou/*° as it is also that chiefly used (in the form D"'^:q) in liabbinic literature.^^^ When the " \illages of Caesarea lliilippi " {al Kwfiat KaLaapeia; v7riox,'^:nQ kxt» tuv öy-o'^v'Kuv s^^ KiddasJiin iv. 5. It is here said, that every one is to be esteemed an Israelite of pure blood, who can prove his descent from a priest or Levite, who has actually ministered as such, or from a member of the Sanhedrim ; nay every one whose ancestors were known to have been public oflBcials or almoners, in particular, according to Rabbi Jose, every ^3"iX3 DIDH TV'TV^ ''D }'''nD''V bl^' njCTl. In explanation of this difficult passage we remark that a^inn, properly "sealed," is here equivalent to "confirmed, acknow- ledged, accredited by documents " (compare the use of a^ppctyl^a, John iii. 33, vi. 27). The word iy, which the common text has after Dinn, must according to the best MSS. be expunged. '•D"1X = äjo;(;sj. njCi''' is certainly not the local name Jeshana (for which older commentators have taken it), but the adjective "old." Hence two explanations are possible. Either — 1. " Every one, who (with respect to his ancestors) was recognised in the old government of Sepphoris as a member thereof." It would then be assumed that all the members of the old goverimient were Israelites of pure blood. Or 2. " Every one, who was acknowledged hj the old govern- ment of Sepphoris," viz. as an Israelite of pure blood. In this case also the old government of Sepphoris woidd he assumed to consist of purely Israelitish officials. The first explanation seems to me to be preferable according to the context. It may certainly be questionable, when the ancient purely Jewish government of Sepphoris was replaced by another of mixed or heathen composition. This might have taken place in the time of Hadrian, when much may have been changed in consequence of the Jewish insurrection, at about which period also, it should be observed, SeiDphoris received the new name of Diocaesarea (see below). According to all indications however, it seems to me probable, that Sepphoris so early as its rebuilding by Herod Antipas was no longer a purely Jewish town. Consider also the coins with the image of Trajan ! ^^^ Josephus says, Antt. xviii. 2. 1 : viysv ctin'hv tuvroapot-opiücc. This alone tells us nothing more than that he granted it its autonomy {ui>rox.pxTapidct = xvrövoy.ov). But subsequent history makes it probable, that the rest of Galilee was then already subordinated to it. The explanation of uUTox-pct- § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 139 This raiik was however after \\'ai(ls bestowed b}' the same prince upon the newly built city of Tiberias, to M'hich Sepphoris was subordinate."*^ It so continued until Tiberias was, in the reign of j^ero, separated from Galilee and bestowed upon Agi'ippa IL, when Sepphoris consequently again occupied the position of capital of Galilee.**^ Thus these two towns alternately assumed the same position with respect to Galilee, that Jerusalem did with respect to Judaea (see below, § 2). Sepphoris was at that time the most important fortress in Galilee,^^' and, after Tiberias, the largest town in the pro- vince.^^ Hence, at the outbreak of the Jewish war, it w^as of the greatest consequence, that just this town did not participate in the insurrection, but remained from the beginning on the side of the Eomans. So early as the time when Cestius Gallus marched against insurgent Jerusalem, Sepphoris took up a friendly position towards him.®^' It remained also faith- ful to its Eomish tendencies during the winter of A.D. 66/67, when Josephus was organizing the insurrection in Galilee.'^^ Toiii; as capital can hardly be conceded. Some MSS. have ce,vTOKpxTooi, whence Dindorf conjectures : ixv^x,s!/ »vTr,v avroy-pxTopi, "he dedicated it to the emperor." 363 Vita, 9, Justus said of Tiberias : ii; vi "T^öya; IotIu dii ry;; YxKi'Kxioc,;, Ap%iiiv "hi ivi yi Tuu 'Hpiioov Y.piiiw rov rirpa,px.^v kccI x-riarov '/ivoyAvov, ßOVAYlSivTOi etilTOV TilU "^iV^UptTUV IVOKIV TV] 'H ißifliCilV V TT OCKO V i t V. ^^* Vita, 9 : »p^oti yxp iv9v; T'/iu f/Au "SiiTT^püpiv, tTru^yj 'Puf/.xioic C':rviy,ov'Js^ TVig Vx'hiT^xixg. 36" ßell.Jad. ii. 18.11 : '/i KupnpurÜTyi zr,; YxkCkxIu,; ttsX/j liTT^öipi:. Comp. Bell. .lud. iii. 2. 4. The oiKpiviKii is mentioned Vita, 67. Comp. Mi.->hii;i, Arachiii ix. G : p-|'iS''i* b'C^ ^Jt^'^"l HIVp, " the ohl citailel of Sepphoris." Tosefta, Shahhath, p. 129, 27th ed. Zuckcrmandel, '•"nS'VQw' NTU^'p. 366 Vita, 65 (ed. Bekker, p. 340, 32) : riv h rri Yot'hiiMticf, -KoKioyj xi fAiytarxi 1s7r. 127, 21st ed. Zuckermandel. Antoninus Martyr, c. 7 . in civitatem Tiberiadem, in qua aunt thermae sahae. Jakubi (9th cent), translate«! in the Zcituch. d. deutschen Pal.- Verein, iv. 87 sq. The present Tiberias lies about 40 minutes north of the springs ; and there is no reason for transferring the former situation of the town elsewhere. For tha 144 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. that Tiberias was not built till A.D. 26 or later.^^^ Eusebius in his Chronicle decidedly places the building in the 14tli year of Tiberius ; but this statement is quite without chrono- logical value.^^*^ Unfortunately the era of the town occurring upon the coins of Trajan and Hadrian cannot be calculated with certainty. It appears however, that the dates of the coins do not contradict the conjecture arrived at from Josephus.^^^ The population of Tiberias was a very mixed opinion of Furrer (Zeiisch. d. DPV. ii. 54), that the ancient Tiberias lay so close to the springs, " that they were enclosed within the walls of the town," rests upon a mistaken view of Joseph. Vita., 16 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 6. See on the other hand, Antt. xviii. 2. 3; Bell. Jud. iv. 1. 3. (The l» lißiptüoim the twoformer passages means only "in the district of Tiberias;" thus also e.g. in Steph. Byz., ed. Meineke, p. 366 : YioiaTvioy, opo; Iv 'Ao-xevB« TJj,' 'n.oi,y,!pv'hloi.;\ p. 442: tan axl iv KvI^ik'j xufivi M.t7\.i>^j vj tuv Trporipuv iTrirpövan ocTri'KvTpov TOtj cvy/tvia/. ^^^ Shebiith x. 4 : The terms of the Prosbol-foriiiula were substAiitially as follows: "I so and so ileelare before you the judges of sich and SUCH A PLACE that I," etc. Sota i. 3 : How is the husband (of a woman suspected of adultery) to proceed? He is to brinj,' her before the local court, which will assign him two lawyers, etc. Sanhcilrin xi. 4 : A criminal of that sort is tried and executed neither by the court belonging to hii own town nor by the court at .Jabne, etc. 152 §23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. involving money, or to pronounce judgment in cases of robbery and assault, or to award damages and such like ;^" this number was also sufficient to sentence any one to be scourged, to determine the date of the new moon, and decide as to the intercalary year ;^^^ also for the laying on of the hands (upon a sin-offering offered in the name of the congre- gation), and for breaking the heifer's neck (on the occasion of any person being found murdered). Further cases for the disposal of which only three judges were necessary were those connected with the Chaliza and the refusal of a man to marry the wife of his deceased brother (Deut. xxv. 7-9), the redemption of the produce of fruit trees during the first four years of their growth, the redemption of the second tithe the value of which had not been previously determined, the purchasing back of certain things that were holy to the Lord, and so on.*" But nowhere is it said, that there were distinct local courts consisting of only three persons. In what sense we are to understand the statements of the Mishna above referred to may be readily seen from another passage*^* which runs thus : " Actions involving money are decided by three persons. That is to say, each of the two parties in the case chooses a judge and then both the parties or, according to another view, both the judges, choose a third to act along with them." As matter of fact the most subordinate of the local courts consisted of seven persons. For one can scarcely be far wrong in assuming that the statement of Josephus to the effect that Moses ordained that " seven men were to bear rule in every city, and that two men of the tribe of Levi were to be appointed to act as officers in every court," was intended to be regarded as a description of the state of things that existed in Josephus' own time, for there is no mention of anything of this kind in the Pentateuch.*^^ This is *^^ Sanliedrin i. 1. *^2 Sanhedrin i. 2. Comp, liosh hashana ii. 9, iii. 1. *^^ Sanhedrin i. 3. ^^^ Sanhedrin iii. 1. *^'' Antt. iv. 8. 14 . üp^truactu os x.oi,ff SKxarnv toKiv äuöps; iTrrcc . . . § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 153 corroborated by the fact that Josephus himself, when on one occasion he wanted to introduce a model Jewish constitution into Galilee, established a court with seven judges in every town.*^^ No doubt from this latter circumstance one might rather infer that this organization had had no existence in Galilee previous to the revolution. But the boast of Josephus, that he was the first to create this the ideal of a Jewish con- stitution, may be said to be true only to this extent, that he took steps to have it more rigidly put in force. In the Talmud too we find " the seven leading men of the city " ("I'yn -aiD nv^^) referred to on one occasion as forming a public board which, among other things, was entrusted with the management of the financial affairs of the community.''^'^ What Josephus has stated with regard to two Levites being always appointed to act as vTnjperac to the local courts (see above note 415) is not without its analogies at least in the Old Testament.*^^ According to the Mishna there were certain special cases in which it was necessary to have priests as judges.*^^ In the more populous places the local courts would appear to have been composed of twenty-three members. At least we find a statement in the Mishna to the effect that an inferior Sanhedrim (i^^pp P'l'inJD) consisted of twenty-three Again in reproducing the law with regard to restitution (Ex. xxii. 6 ff.), Josephus presupposes the existence of courts with seven judges, Antt. iv. 8. 38 : il oi fiYioiv iT^ißrjv'hou Opuu 6 'Trianvöiii xT^'oXiastsv, eifix.6/i<.evo; iTi Tovc STTTX xpirei: o^vvru rov Siov x.t.X. *^^ Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 5, S'tttx. 3=' lu iKocaTV] 'Kohit ^{Kxard ; \_KccriaTYiai'/\. Those courts of seven judges were called upon to deal only with causes of a more trifling kind, but not with tx, fisil^a T7päy//.»ra kxI rxg (Jiovikx; ii'xx;, the adjudication of which was rather reserved for the council of seventy which Josephus had established. *^'^ Mcfjilla xxvi.a : " Rabba said, that regulation (of tlie Mishna with regard to the sale of synagogues and their furniture) applies only to those cases in which the scvc7i kad'mg men of the town have not disposed of them by public sale. But if they shall have sold them publicly," etc. Comp, also Rhenferd's Investigatio pniefccloriim et viinl.--lronim synnijof/ae, ii. 25 (in Ugolini's T/teaauni.f, vol. xxi.). •"^ Deut. xxi. 5; 1 Chron. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 29. Knobel's note on Deut. xvi. 18. *'^^ Sanherlrin i. 3. Comp, on the subject generally of priests acting ia the capacity of judges, Ezek. xliv. 24, and Smend's note on this passage. 15-i § 23. CONSTITUTION. II, JEWISH TEREITORY. persons, and that one of this sort was assigned to every town with a population of at least 120 or, according to E. Nehemiah's view, of at least 230, in order that there might thus be a judge for every ten of the inhabitants.'*^" It must be confessed however that here too, as in so many other instances, we have no guarantee that the actual state of things quite corresponded with these regulations. Those courts of twenty-three members were likewise empowered to deal with criminal cases of a serious nature (niti'Sp "'J'''^),*^^ for we can also see from Matt. v. 21, 22, that the trying and sentencing of murderers did not belong exclusively to the jurisdiction of the supreme court of the Sanhedrim. As in the case of the Hellenistic communes, so too within the Jewish domain the villages were subordinate to the towns, and the smaller towns again to the larger ones. The distinction between a town ('»''y) and a village (i-»n, seldom ")S3) is presupposed from beginning to end of the Old Testa- ment itself; the former, as a rule, being an inhabited place surrounded by a wall, and the latter one that is not so enclosed (see in particular. Lev. xxv. 29-31); at the same time, towns themselves are also sometimes distinguished as walled and unwalled (Deut. iii. 5; Esth. ix, 19). Moreover, Josephus and the iSTew Testament uniformly distinguish between the two notions ttoXi? and Kcofir].*'^ On one occasion the New Testament speaks of Ärcoyu-oTroXei? of Palestine (Mark i. 38), i.e. towns which, as regards their constitution, only enjoyed the rank of a KWfir).*'^ In the Mishna there are three conceptions of this matter, and these are uniformly ■*20 Sanhedrin i. 6. Comp. Seiden, De synedriis ii. 5. Winer's Real- wörtcrh. ii. 554. Leyrer in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. xv. p. 324 f. *2^ Sanhedrin i. 4. *22 Comp. Winer's Realwörterb. ii. 510 ; also the materials to be found in the concordances to the New Testament. For the conception of a xö)y.vi in the Romano-Hellenistic sense, consult Marquardt's Römische Staatsverival- tung, vol. i. (2nd ed. 1881) p. 16 f. ^23 The term x.uf/.ö'rrrj'Ktc is also to be met with occasionally in Strabo and the Byzantine writers ; consult the Lexicons and Wetzstein's Nov. Test., note on Mark i. 38. § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 1,55 clistinguislied from each other : that of a large city (Tl^), then that of a city (i^), and lastly that of a village CSS).*-* The distinguishing characteristic in the case of the first t\vo would seem to have been merely the difference in size ; for even an ordinary town (i^V) might be enclosed by a wall, and indeed it usually was so.*^^ In the Old Testament there is already frequent allusion to the subordination of the villages to the towns. In the lists of towns given in the Book of Joshua, and above all in the fifteenth and nineteenth chapters, we often meet with the expression, the " cities with their villages " (I[1"'"?.Vl'1 ^"'IV'])- Elsewhere we frequently read of a city and its daughter (n'^niiS), Xum. xxi. 25, .32, xxxii. 42 ; Josh. xv. 45-47, xvii. 11 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; Neh. xi. 25 ff. ; 1 Chron. ii. 23, V. 16, vii. 28 f , viii. 12, xviii. 1; 2 Chron. xiii. 19, xxviii. 18; Ezek. xvi. 46 ff., xxvi. 6, xxx. 18 ; 1 Mace. v. 8, 65. And in keeping with the idea of the daughter, we also find the term " mother " employed to designate the chief town of a district (2 Sam. xx. 19). From all this it is, in any case, clear that the villages were everywhere dependent upon the cities. But it is also highly probable that this was no less true of the smaller towns in relation to the larger ones. For frequently it is not only to villages, but also to smaller dependent towns that the designation " mother " is applied ; at least in several instances is this most undoubtedly the case (jSTum. xxi. 25 ; Josh, xv. 45-47 ; 1 Chron. ii. 23). And wliat we thus gather from the Old Testament may be assumed to be no less applicable to later times as well (comp, especially, 1 Mace. V. 8: tt}v ^lathp koI t«? OvyaTepa<; avTrj^; ibid. v. 65 : TTjv Xeßpchv Koi Ta ; Bnha mezia iv. 6, viii. 6 ; Arachin vi. 5. *^^ noin "I""!!?, Arachin ix. 3 ff. ; Kclim i. 7, On t]>3, comp, Lightfoot, Horae hebr., note on >fark i, 38 (0pp. ii. 437), and Levy's Ncuhebr. WUrterh. it.v. This word is, strictly speaking, Aramaic Cnia) and frequently occurs in the Targums in the sense of a fortification, a stronghold, a fortified town. See Buxtorf's Lex. and Levy's C'hald. Wörterb., s.t. 156 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. district of Traclionitis in particular, that capital villages {fxTjrpoKWfilai), i.e. villages holding a position corresponding to that of a capital town, were most frequently to be met with. ^' Thus Phaena, the modern Mismie, is called /nrjrpoKtofiia rov Tpd')(u)voiaj «£(p(S«Ai} auy^xTo;, xi 'Koittxi 6i /air xi/r'^v Otriprivrxt rcc; roTrxpxlctg. Yotux iivrepx, x.x\ (/.er xiirvtv ' AKOX/ixrrx, Qx/aiix vpoi rxvrxt; x,xi Ai/oS« kxi A.y.fAxovg x.ai TiiXK-fi kxI loovftxix kxi 'EyyxhOxi kxi ' llpädsiov kxi ' Upixovg. *^^ Piiny, Hist. Nat. v. 14. 70: Reliqua Judaea dividitur in toparchi.is X quo dicemus ordine : Hiericunteni pahnetis coiisitam, fontibus riguani, Emmaum, Lyddam, Jopicam. Acrebitouani, Gophaniticam, Thamniticani, Betholeptephenen, Orinen, in qua fuere Hierosoiyina longe clarissima urbium orientis non ludaeac modo, Herodium cum oppido inlustri ejusdem nominis. ■•33 Bell Jud. iv. 8. 1 : rr,v BidT^i-r/i^puv rOTzxoyJxu. ■*'* Comp. Kuhn, Die städtische und hürrjerl. Verf. ii. 339. ^35 Comp. Menke's Bibel-Atlas, map v. 158 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TEERITOKY. of it, Goplina^^'"' and Akrabatta ;*"' to the north-west, Thamna*'' *3o According to Tal. Peuting. Gophna stood on the road leading from Jerusalem to Neapolis (Sichern), sixteen miles to the north of the former, or according to Euseb. Onomast. fifteen miles (ed. Lagarde, p. 300 : Voi) wore no doubt still retained in Eusebius' day, but the constitution itself had been essentially altered by the establishment of new, independent clvitalrs such as Diospolis, Nicopolis and others. The result of this was that Thamna, for example, ceased to be any longer the capital of a toparchy, but was now reduced to the position of a kÜ/^yi ,asy«A»i h 6piat: AtooT^oMu; (see above, note 488), and so became subordinate to what was formerly known aa Lydda. "8 Bell. Jud. iv. 8. 1. *'*^ Comp. Kuhn, Die xtiidthc'hc viul hlirr/ej-l. T'rr/h.v.v^f?;*/. ii. 812-345. DIV. II. VOL. I. L 162 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITOEY. addressed to the Hellenistic communes where, in like manner, the city with its council ruled over, and therefore was regarded as representing the whole district to which it belonged.^"" It is further probable that the council (the Sanhedrim) of Jerusalem was also responsible for the collec- tion of the taxes throughout the whole of Judaea.^^^ Again there is a reminiscence of the circumstance of the " elders " exercising authority over the whole of Judaea still preserved to us in the Mishna.*^^ But since the death of Herod the Great at least, the civil jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim of Jerusalem was entirely restricted to Judaea proiwr. Ever since then, Galilee and Peraea were, as regards their political relations, entirely severed from Judaea, or at all events formed independent spheres of administration, as has been pointed out above with special reference to Galilee. And least of all *s" Anlt. XX. 1. 2. Comp, besides for similar styles of address as employed in edicts, Antt. xiv. 10 {^ihaviav xq-)(,ov(Ji ßov'hyi o'Ji/^u, ^'E(psaiu!> ßof?i»5 }ceil cLpyfivai nal ^^,uu, and such like). *^^ When, after the first throes of the insurrection, it was resolved to return, for a moment, to a peaceful attitude, the magistrates and members of the council of Jerusalem distributed themselves over the villages for the purpose of collecting the arrears of the tribute {Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 1 : dg Se T«? y.u,uoe.e: o'i n (x,p-)(,(t'jTis x-xi o'l ßov'Aivrxl y,ipia6ivTig -vovg (popov; o-yi/sXsyoi/). The sums from the different quarters were speedily gathered together and were found to amount in all to forty talents. But, immediately thereafter, Agripjia sent the oLpxovTig and ovjotToi to Caesarea to Florus with the request that he would appoint from among them tribute collectors for the country (ibid, hx kmrjo; s| uvtuv »■yröhil^vj toii; tviv x^P»" (popo'Küy'ijaoi/rot.i). Now, seeing that this took place after the taxes of the district, and there- fore, of course, of the toparchy of Jerusalem, had been aLready collected, it follows that, by the term ;<; avvehpiw). Whether the Trofra? here is to be understood quite literally may be left an open question. For, according to another passage, Herod is represented as having ordered the forty-five most prominent personages belonging to the party of Antigonus to be put to death {Antt. xv. 1. 2 : äireKreive Be reacrapÜKOvra irevre tou«? irpcorovi e/c rfjf atpe(T€o)cxl Trxa-xv rviv yip(,v: as singing at the festive lioard, for it is written in Isa. xxiv. ü : ' They shall not drink wine with a song,'" eta 174 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 2. Its composition. In accordance with the analogy of the later Eabbinical courts of justice, Jewish tradition conceives ot the supreme Sanhedrim as having been merely a collegiate body composed of scribes. This is what, down to the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, it certainly never was. On the contrary, it is certain, from the concurrent testimony of Josephus and the N"ew Testament, that, till the very last, the head of the sacerdotal aristocracy continued to preside over the Sanhedrim. And so we see that all the vicissitudes of time had not been able to efface that original fundamental character of this court in virtue of which it was to be regarded not as an association of learned men, but as a body representative of the nobility. But, of course, it was not to be expected that the power of Pharisaism should continue to grow as it did without ultimately exerting some influence upon the compo- sition of the Sanhedrim. The more the Pharisees grew in importance the more did the priestly aristocracy become con- vinced that they too would have to be allowed to have their representatives in the Sanhedrim. The first step in this direction would probably be taken some time during the reign of Alexandra, and the matter would doubtless receive no inconsiderable impetus in the time of Herod. For this monarch's high-handed treatment of the old nobility could not possibly have failed to promote the interests of Pharisaism. The Sanhedrim of the Eoraan period then would thus seem to have been made up of two factors : that of the priestly nobility, with its Sadducaean sympathies on the one hand, and that of the Pharisaic doctors on the other. It is moreover in the light of this fact that the various matters recorded in tlie traditions will require to be viewed. According to the Mishna the number of members amounted to seventy-one, clearly taking as its model the council of elders in the time of Moses (Num. xi. 16).'*^^ From the two statements of ^'■^ Sankedrin i. 6: ''The supreme Sanhedrim consisted of seventy-one members." " The Sanhedrim of seventy-one" is also mentioned in Sheboth i. 2. In several other passages we read of seventy-two elders (Sebachim § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 175 Josephus, the one in Aoiit. xiv. 9. 4 (where we are told tliat Herod, on his accession to the throne, put to death all the members of the Sanhedrim), and the other in Antt. xv. 1. 2 (where again we are informed tliat he put to death tlie forty- five most prominent members of the party of Antigonus), one might be disposed to infer that the numl)er of members was forty-five. But the iravra^ in the first of those statements is assuredly not intended to be taken literally. On the other hand, we have a great deal that tends to bear out the view that the number of members amounted to seventy-one. When Josephus was planning the rising in Galilee he appointed seventy elders to take charge of the administration of this province.*'^ In like manner the zealots in Jerusalem, after suppressing the existing authorities, established a tribunal composed of seventy members.^'^ This then would seem to have been regarded as the normal number of members required to constitute a supreme court of justice among the Jews. Consequently the traditions of the Mishna too are in themselves perfectly probable. As to the mode in whicli i. 3 ; Jadajhn iii. 5, iv. 2). But, as a rule, these are foreign to the matter in hand. (In all the three passages last referred to R. Simon ben Asai appeals to traditions, which he professes to have received "from the mouth of the seventy-two elders on the day on which they ordained W. Eleasar ben Asariah as head of the school." Here then the matter in view is not the supreme Sanhedrim, but the academy of Jewish scholars in the second century of our era. Comp, besides, Seiden, De synedrüs, ii. 4. 10.) Just as little have we to do here with the supposed seventy-two translators of the Old Testament (six from each of the twelve tribes) ; see Psendo- Aristeas, ed. M. Schmidt in Merx's Archiv, i. 262 f. ■'''' Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 5. When Kuenen (Verslar/en en Medcdi dingen, x. 161) seeks to invalidate tho appeal to this passage by pointing to the dis- crepancy between it and what is said in Vita, 14, he may be met with the reply that this latter passage has been purposely tampered with. The fact of Josephus having nryanized the rising in Galilee through the appointment of the seventy elders, has been so distorted in Vita, 14, as to make it appear that, under the pretext of friendship, he took the most distinguished of the Galilaeans " to the number of somewhere about seventy '' and kept them as hostages, and allowed the judgments lie pronounced to be regulated by their decisions. *'^ Bell. Jud. iv. 5. 4. Comp, in general, Hody, De btblioriim tcxtihis originulibus, pp. 126-128. 176 23. CONSTITUTION, III, SANHEDRIM. vacancies were filled up we know in reality absolutely nothing. But, judging from the aristocratic character of this body, we may venture to presume that there was not a new set of members every year, and those elected by the voice of the people, as in the case of the democratic councils in the Hellenistic communes, but that they held office for a longer period, nay perhaps for life, and that new members were ap- pointed either by the existing members themselves or by the supreme political authorities (Herod and the Eomans). The supplying of vacancies through co-optation is also presupposed in the Mishna, in so far as, after its own peculiar way no doubt, it regards the amount of Rabbinical learning possessed by the candidate as the sole test of his eligibility.^^® In any case we may well believe that the one requirement of legal Judaism, that none but Israelites of pure blood should be eligible for the office of judge in a criminal court, would also be insisted on in the case of the supreme Sanhedrim,*'® New members were formally admitted to take their seats through ^''^ SanJiedrin iv. 4: " In front of them sat three rows of learned disciples (Q''?r3n "'T'D/n); each of them had his own special place. Should it be necessary to promote one of them to the office of judge, one of those in the foremost row was selected. His place was then supplied by one from the second row, while one from the third was in turn advanced to the second. This being done, some one was then chosen from the congregation to supply the vacancy thus created in the third row. But the person so appointed did not step directly into the place occupied by the one last promoted from the third row, but into the place that beseemed one who was only newly admitted." *'^ That the Sanhedrim was composed exclusively of Jews is simply a matter of course. But the Mishna specially insists on evidence of pure blood in the case of the criminal fudge. SanJiedrin iv. 2 : " Any one is quali- fied to act as a judge in civil causes. But none were competent to deal with criminal cases but priests, Levites, and Israelites whose daughters it would he laivful for priests to marry ''^ (i.e. those who can furnish documentary evi- dence of their legitimate Israelitish origin, Derenbourg, p. 453 : les Israelites pourvus des conditions necessaires pour contracter mariage avec le sacerdoce, not as Geiger, Urschrift, p. 114, erroneously renders it: those who have become allied by marriage to the stock of the priesthood). From this then it would appear that the Mishna presupposes that, in the case of every member of the Sanhedrim, his legitimate Israelitish descent is an admitted fact requiring no further confirmation {Kiddushin iv. 5). As this is a point in which the tendencies of the priesthood and Pharisaism coin- § 23. COXSTITUTIOX. III. SANHEDRIM. 177 the ceremony of the laying on of hands (nD"'Op).^s'' With regard to the different orders to which the members of the Sanhedrim belonged we have trustworthy information on that point in the concurrent testimony of the New Testa- ment and Josephus. Both authorities are agi'eed in this, that the ap^iepeU in the literal sense of the word were the leading personages among them. In almost every instance in which the New Testament enumerates the different orders we find that the ap^iepeU are mentioned first.*^^ Sometimes ol ap^ovT€,'^^^ but never by coupling the two together at the same time. On the other hand, the ap^cepet'i often stand alone as being the leading personages in the Sanhedrim.^^^ And however difficult it may now be further to determine the exact significance of this term (on this see below, under No. iv.), there can, at all events, be no doubt whatever that it is the most prominent representatives of the priesthood that are here in view. We are tlierefore to understand that it was always this class that played a leading part in the conduct of affiiirs. But it is certain that, along with them, the ypafjLfMarel'i, the professional lawyers, also exercised con- siderable influence in the Sanhedrim. Such other members as did not belong to one or other of the two special classes just referred to were known simply as irpeaßvTepoi, under which general designation both priests and laymen alike might be included (for the two categories in question, see the passages in the New Testament quoted in note 481). Now, as the ap'^cepeU belonged chiefly if not exclusively to the party of the Sadducees, while the 'ypafx/iaT€i<;, on the other hand, adhered not less strongly to the sect of the Pharisees,^^^ it follows from all that we have just been saying that Saddu- cees and Pharisees alike had seats in the Sanhedrim (especially during the Eomano-Herodian period with regard to which ^^^ Bell. Jud. ii. 14. 8: o'i ts dp^npil^ kxI ovi/arol to n "/vupif^u-otToy rvi; -TTohioK. Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 2 : oi Ovi/oirol avu roig »px^P-^ai. Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 3 : rove re eipxi-p-^i c^'i' to7; yvapi^oi^. Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 6: toi^j ts ccp'Xiisp ilg Kul rviv ßov'hyiu. Bell. Jud. ii. 16. 2: o7 ti dpx'ip-^S oificc zoi; Ivuxrol; Kxi ij ßovT'.'/j. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 2: ruv ts ecpx'-pi^" *««' tw» •■/•jo)pif/.oiv. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. o : oi ovvxroi tois dpy^apivaiv x,xl rolg tuu il^ccptaxiuv yuapi/aotg. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 5: oi 'hvvoirol ai/u rotg »pxupiiai- Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 6 : ruu tvjxruv koÜ tuv « jO ;)(; / s p e « j/. ^^* Bell. Jud. ii. 16. 1 : oi -ruv ' \ip(juohv(/.uv eLpx^vTig. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 1: o'i n öipxofTs; Kxl oi ßovf\ivTxi. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 1 : rovg äp)^ovrxi «,^4« Tol; ^vvetTOit:. Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 7: oi ^vjxtoI kxI tZiu xpxövruu riuig *85 For example, Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 3, 4, IG. 3, v. 1. 5, vi. 9. 3. **« Acts V. 17. Joscpli. Antt. XX. 0. 1. § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDEIM. l79 alone can we be said to have any precise information). This is further corroborated by the express testimony of the New Testament and Josephus.^^' During the period in question the greatest amount of influence was already practically in the hands of the Pharisees, with whose demands the Sadducees were obliged, however reluctantly, to comply, " as otherwise the people would not have tolerated them." *^^ This remark of Josephus gives us a deep insight into the actual position of matters, from which it would seem, that though formally under the leadership of the Sadducaean high priests, the San- hedrim was by this time 'practically under the predominant influence of Pharisaisra.*^^ There is a casual notice in Josephus which may perhaps be taken as pointing to the existence of an arrangement peculiar to the Hellenistico-Ptoman period. On one occasion when certain differences had arisen between the Jewish authorities and Festus the procurator about some alteration in the temple buildings, it appears that, with tlie concurrence of Festus, the Jews sent " the ten foremost persons among them and the high priest Ismael and the treasurer Helkias " as a deputation to Nero {Antt. xx. 8. 11 : Tov Icr' cipx,ei: Trupi'kdotii/, ukovuiu; f<.iv kuI kut' ecvdiyKX;, -Trpoay^upovat V oiiv oi; 6 k7.u; 489 Fi'oai what is here said the combiuation of the ecp^'ip^h and (^xpiauhi, so frequently met with in the New Testament (Matt. xxi. 45, xxvii. 62 ; John vii. 32, 45, xi. 47, 57, xviii. 3), is quite in keeping with the actual state of things. A similar collocation is also to be met with in Josephus, 5eZ/. /«rf. ii. 17. 3 : avvi'h66u-s ; ovv oi ^vvxzoi to?? olppcispsutnu ti{ TotvTo Kxl TO?? riiv <]? ot. p I i n'i^'^: vn □"jicrs-in)." § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 181 of the Sanhedrim. In all this however there is, of course, nothing that is of any historical value.*^^ On the contrary, according to the unanimous testimony of Josephus and the New Testament, it was alwa3^s the high priest that acted as the head and president of the Sanhedrim. Speaking gene- rally, we may say that this is only what was to be expected from the nature of the case itself. Ever since the commence- ment of the Greek period the high priest had uniformly acted as head of the nation as well. In like manner the Asmonaeans had also been high priests and princes, nay even kings at one and the same time. With regard to the Eoman period, we have the express testimony of Josephus to the effect that the high priests were also the political heads of the nation (Antt. xx. 10,ß)i.: Trjv irpoaraalav rov eOvov; ol ap^cepeU eireirlaTevvro). In his theoretical descriptions of the Jewish constitution this historian invariably speaks of the high priest as having been the siii^rcme judge (Apmi, ii. 23: the high priest (pvXd^et tov<; vcfiov<;, BiKcicrec irepl rwv afif^ia-ßr}- rov/jbivwv, KoXdaei tou? i\,e7]rr)(; Kal ?) yepovai'a to hoKovv aTTocpaiveaOcoa-av). Even from what is here stated we are required to assume that the high priest acted the part of president in the Sanhedrim. But, besides this, we have testimony of the most explicit kind to the same effect. In a document of so early a date as the national decree declaring the combined office of high priest and sovereign to be vested by right of inheritance in the family of Simon the Maccabaean, it was ordained that nobody was to be allowed " to contradict his (Simon's) orders, or to convene an assembly in any part *** Comp. Kuenen as above, pp. 141-147 ; my article iu the Stud. u. Krit. 1872, pp. 614-619. AVellliausen's Pharmier iiml S(i(lc e^ov iju ' Ai/oc'ju xuplg rvi; tKiivov '■/iic,iy.r,i y.tn^iaott avvihp'.ov. ^'^ In the time of Albinus, for example, the .Jewish aipx'^vri; delivered to the procurator a certain lunatic, whose behaviour seemed to tliem to be of a dangerous character {Dell. Jud. vii. 5. 3, ed. Bckker, p. 104, liu. 6 ff.). 190 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. together for the purpose of submitting to it any matter requiring to be investigated from the standpoint of Jewish law (Acts XX. 30 ; comp, xxiii. 15, 20, 28). 4. The time and ^j/act; of meeting. The local courts usually sat on the second and fifth days of the week (Monday and Thursday).^^^ "Whether this was also the practice in the case of the supreme Sanhedrim we have no means of knowing. There were no courts held on festival days (ni^ DV), much less on the Sabbath.^^** As in criminal cases a capital sentence could not be pronounced till the day following the trial, it was necessary to take care not to allow cases of this nature to be concluded on the evening preceding the Sabbath or any festival day."^ Of course all those regulations were, in the first instance, of a purely theoretical character, and, as we know from what took place in the case of Jesus, were by no means strictly adhered to. The place in which the supreme Sanhedrim was in the habit of meeting (the ßovkrj) was situated, according to Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 4. 2, close to the so-called Xystos, and that on the east side of it, in the direc- tion of the temple mount. Now, seeing that, according to Bell. Jiid. ii. 16. 3, there was nothing but a bridge between the Xystos and this latter, it is probable that the ßovkt^ was to be found upon the temple mount itself, on the w-estern side of the enclosing wall. In any case, it must have stood outside the upper part of the city, for, according to Bell. Jud. vi. 6. 3, we find that the Eomans had destroyed the ßovXevTtjpiov (=ßov\'^) before they had as yet got possession of the upper part of the city. The Mishna repeatedly mentions the nnan niirp as the place where the supreme Sanhedrim held its sittiugs.^^^ 519 Kethuhoih i. 1. 520 Beza (or Jom tob), v. 2. Comp. Oehler in Herzoges Real-Eiicycl., 1st ed. vol. xiii. 203 (art. " Sabbath'). Bleek's Beiträge zur Evangelien-Kritik (18i6), p. 141 £f. ; Wieseler's Chronologische Synopse, p. 361 ff. Kirchner, Die jüdische Passahfeier und Jesu letztes Mahl (Program, for the Gymnasium at Duisburg, 1870), p. 57 ff. °-^ Sanhedrin iv. l,fin. 5-2 Sanhedrin xi. 2 ; Middoth v. 4. Comp. Pea ii. 6 ; Edujoth vii. 4. § 23. COXSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 191 Kow, seeing that its statements cannot possibly refer to any other period than that of Josephus, and considering, more- over, that by the ßovXrj of this historian we are undoubtedly to understand the meeting-place of the supreme Sanhedrim, we must necessarily identify the n\f3''Ii nai^p with the ßovXyj of Josephus. It may be presumed therefore that the designa- tion nnjn nDB'3 was not meant to imply (as has been commonly supposed) that the hall in question was built of hewn stones (n^ra = hewn stones), — which could hardly be regarded as a characteristic feature, — but that it stood beside the Xystos (n'T3 = |i/crT09, as in the Sept. 1 Chrou. xxii. 2 ; Amos v. 1 1). To distinguishi it from the other rii3*j6 on the temple esplanade it was called, from its situation, " the hall beside the Xystos." It is true that the Mishna represents it as having been within the inner court.*^^ But, considering how untrustworthy and sometimes inaccurate are its statements elsewhere resardiu" the topography of the temple, the testimony of the Mishna cannot be supposed to invalidate the result arrived at above, especially as it happens to be corroborated by other circum- stances besides."^* "We may regard as utterly useless here the later Talmudic statement, to the effect that, forty years "^^ See Middoth v. 4 in particular ; also Sanhcdrin xi. 2. In tlie Bab^'lonian Gemara, Joma xx.», it is stated somewhat more circumstuutially tliat tlie rffin Dy^'? stood one half within, and the other half without the court (see the passage, for example, in Buxtorf's Lex. Chald. under n^rj). l^ca ii. 6 and Edujoth vii. 4 cannot be said to furnish any data for enabling us to determine the site of the building ; as little have we any in Taviid ü.ßn., iy. fin. For although, according to the two last-mentioned passages, the priests were in the habit of betaking themselves to then'' Jjn DJ Ji'i? during the intervals between the various parts of the service, for tlie purpose of casting the lots and of repeating the schma, it does not neccs^5arily follow from this that the building w'as situated within the court. ^^* In the tractate Joma i. 1 mention is made of a jmms D^L"^ ('is we ought to read witli Cod. de Rossi 138, in.stead of the |m,~i^2 n3w6 of tiie printed editions), by which we are undoubtedly to understand the place in which the supreme Sanhedrim met (jmmD = T^üpiopoi) ; and it is, to say the least of it, most in harmony with the context (comp. i. 5) to regard it as having been outside the court. But the truth is, it is in itself somewhat unlikely that any portion of the inner court would be usi-d for purposes other than those connected with the temple services. 192 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. before the destruction of the temple, the Sanhedrim had either removed or had been ejected (nn^j) from the lischkath hagasith, and that after that it held its sittings in the chanujoth (nvi:n) or in a chanuth (n"i:n), a merchant's shop.^^** This view must be completely dismissed, for the simple reason that no trace of it is as yet to be met with in the pages of the Mishna, which, on the contrary, obviously presupposes that the Sanhedrim still held its sittings in the lischkath hagasith on the very eve of the destruction of the temple. As it so happens that the forty years immediately preceding the destruction of the temple are also regarded as the period during which the Sanhedrim had ceased to have the right to pronounce a capital sentence (see above, note 515), it is probable that what the Talmudic statement in question means, is that during the period just referred to the Sanhedrim was no longer at liberty, or was no longer inclined, to hold its sittings in the usual official court-house, but met in some obscure place, i.e. in " the merchant's shops," or, as the reading with the singular chanuth is perhaps to be preferred, in a " merchant's shop." For rii3n is the ordinary word for a shop with an arched roof, a merchant's shop.^^^ As in one instance it is stated that the Sanhedrim subsequently removed from the chanuth into Jerusalem^^^ probably we are to conceive of that building as having been outside the city proper. But all further conjectures on the part of scholars as to where it stood are superfluous, for the thing itself is in the main ^25 Shahhath xv.^ ; Rosh hashana xxxi.a ; Sanhedrin xii.a ; Ahoda sara viii.^ In the edition of the Talmud now before me (Amsterdam 1644 ff.) it is only in the first-mentioned passage {Shahhath xv.a) that the plural chanujoth occurs, the singular chanuth being used in the other three instances. See besides the passages in Selden's De synedriis, ii. 15. 7-8 ; "Wagenseil's note on Sota ix. 11 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 297) ; Levy's Neuhehr. Wörlerh. ii. 80 (see under nijn). 526 por example, see Baha kamma ii. 2, vi. 6 ; Baba mezia ii. 4, iv. 11 ; Baha hathra ii. 3. For the plural niMjn, see Taanith i. 6 ; Baha mezia viii. 6 ; Ahoda sara i. 4 ; Tohoroth vi. 3. The shopkeeper or dealer was called ""Jian. ^^^ Rosh hashana xxxi.* § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDKIM. 193 unhistorical.^"^ Although on the occasion on which Jesus was condemned to death (Mark xiv. 5 3 ff. ; Matt. xxvi. 5 7 ff.) the Sanhedrim happened to meet in the palace of the high priest, we must regard this as an exception to the rule, ren- dered necessary by the simple fact of its having met during the night. For at night the gates of the temple mount were shut.*^^' 5. Judicial procedure. This, according to the account of it given in the Mishna, was as follows.^^" The members of the court sat in a semicircle (JY^'^V. T)}^ "'VD?, literally, like the half of a circular threshing-floor), in order that they might be able to see each other. In front of them stood the two clerks of the court, one on the right hand and the other on the left, whose duty it was to record the votes of those who were in favour of acquittal on the one hand, and of those who were in favour of a sentence of condemna- tion on the other."^ There also sat in front of them ^-8 The above explanation of the origin of the unhistorical statement in question now appears to me to be the most probable of any. For another see Stud. u. Krit. 1878, p. 625. Even so early as in the Tulmud we find nothing but a fluctuating indecision as to the motives which led the Sanhe- drim to remove from the usual place of meeting ; see Ahoda sara viii.*^, or the German translation in Ferd. Christian Ewald, Ahoda Sarah, oder der Götzendienst (2nd ed. 1868), pp. 62-64. *29 Middoth i. 1. We have no evidence of any other meeting of the Sanhedrim ever having been held in the high priest's palace. For in Luke xxii. 54 ff. and John xviii. 13 ff., what we have to do with is simply a pre- liminary investigation before the high priest. And as for the statement with regard to the place of meeting in Matt. xxvi. 3, it is only to be regarded as a subsequent addition on the part of the evangelist, comp. Mark xiv. 1 ; Luke xxii. 2. For a fuller discussion of the question as to where the supreme Sanhedrim held its sittings, see my article in the Stud. u. Krit. 1878, pp. 608-626. See also, at p. 608 of the same, the earlier literature of the sub- ject, in which however no decisive results have been reached owing to the uncritical way in which it has dealt with the sources. ^^'' On the forms of judicial procedure in the Old Testament, see Winer's Realwurtcrh., art. "Gericht;" Oehler's art. "Gericht und Gcrichtsverwaltung bei den Hebräern," in Herzog's Rccd-Enc, 1st ed. vol. v. pp. 57-61. Saalschütz, Das Mosaische Recht, ii. 593 ff. Keil, Handbuch der bihlischen Archäologie (2nd ed. 1875), sec. 150. Köhler, Lehrbuch der biblischen Geschichte, i. 359 ff. ^''^ Sanhedrin iv. 3. There is also one instance in Josephus in which ypocfcf/.otnvg rijs ßoVhij; is mentioned, Bell. Jud. v. 13. 1. DIV. II. VOL. I. N 194 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. three rows of the disciples of the learned men, each of whom had his own special seat assigned him.^^^ The prisoner at the bar was always required to appear in a humble attitude and dressed in mourning.*^^ In cases involving a capital sentence, special forms were prescribed for conducting the trial and pronouncing the sentence. On such occasions it was the practice always to hear the reasons in favour of acquittal in the first place, which being done, those in favour of a convic- tion might next be stated.^^* When any one had once spoken in favour of the accused he was not at liberty afterwards to say anything unfavourable to him, though the converse was permissible.®^' Those of the student disciples who happened to be present were also allowed to speak, though only in favour of and not against the prisoner, while on other occasions not involving a capital sentence they could do either the one or the other as they thought proper.®^" A sentence of acquittal might be pronounced on the same day as that of the trial, whereas a sentence of condemnation could not be pronounced till the following day.®^'^ The voting, in the course of which each individual stood up in his turn,®^* began " at the side," 12fn |p, i.e. with the youngest member of the court, whereas on other occasions it was the practice to commence with the most distinguished member.*^^ Tor a sentence of acquittal a simple majority was sufficient, while for one of condemnation again a majority of two was required.®*" If therefore twelve of the twenty-three judges necessary to form a quorum voted for acquittal and eleven for a conviction, then the prisoner was discharged ; but if, on the other hand, twelve were for a con- viction and eleven for acquittal, then in that case the number *'2 Sanhedrin iv. 4. "^^ Joseph. Antt. xiv. 9. 4. Comp. Sacharja 3. 3. ^3* Sanhedrin iv. 1. *^^ Sanhedrin iv. 1, v. 5. ^^^ Sanhedrin iv. 1, v. 4. ^^'^ Sanhedrin iv. 1, v. 5. On this ground many have sought to account for the alleged twofold meeting of the Sanliedrini when Jesus was con- demned to death. ^^ä Sanhedrin v. 5. ^^* Sanhedrin iv. 2. **" Sanhedrin iv. 1. § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PKIESTS. 195 of the judges had to be increased by the addition of two to their number, which was repeated if necessary untu either an acquittal was secured or tlie majority requisite for a conviction was obtained. But, of course, they had to restrict themselves to the maximum number of seventy-one.**^ IV. THE HIGH PRIESTS. The Literature. Seiden, De successione in pontificatum Ebraeorum, lib. i. cap. 11-12 (frequently printed along with Selden's other works ; for example, in the edition of the Uxor Ebraica, Francof. ad Od. 1673 ; also in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xii.). Lightfoot, Ministerium templi Hierosolymitani, c. iv. 3 {0pp. ed. Roterodam. i. 684 ff.). Relaud, Antiquitates sacrae, par. ii. c. 2 (ed. Lips. 1724, p. 146 f.). Anger, De temporum in actis apostolorum raiione (1833), p. 93 f. Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. vi. 3rd ed. 1868, p. 634. Schürer, Die xpxi^pi'is i"i Neuen Testamente {Stud. u. Krit. 1872, pp. 593-657). Grätz, Monatsschr.f'dr Geschichte und Wissensch. des Judenthums, Jahrg. 1877, pp. 450-464, and Jahrg. 1881, pp. 49-64, 97-112. The most distinctive feature of the Jewish constitution as it existed during the period subsequent to the exile is this, that the high priest was the ^political head of the nation as well. That he was so at least from the commencement of the Greek era down to the days of the Eomano-Herodian rule is regarded as entirely beyond dispute. The high priests of the pre-Maccabaean age as well as those of the Asmonaean liae were not only priests, but also princes at one and the same time. And although their authority was restricted on the one hand by the Greek suzerains, and on the other by the gerousia, still it was very greatly strengthened by the fact that their high office was hereditary and tenable for life. The combination of priesthood and royalty as seen in the case of the later Asmonaeans represented the very acme of sacerdotal power and authority. After the Romans came upon the *** Sanhedrin v. 5. 196 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. scene, and still more under the Herodian princes, they of course lost much of their power. The Asmonaean dynasty was overthrown, nay was extirpated altogether. The principle of inheritance and life-tenure was done away with. High priests were appointed and deposed at pleasure by Herod and the Eomans alike. In addition to this, there was the steady increase of the power of Pharisaism and the Eabbinical school. But even in spite of the combined influence of all the factors we have mentioned, the high-priesthood contrived to retain a considerable share of its original power down to the time of the destruction of the temple. And even after that the high priests continued to act as presidents of the Sanhedrim, and consequently to have the chief direction of the civil affairs of the community as well. Even then there still remained a few privileged families from which the high priests continued to be almost always selected. And accordingly, although under the supreme rule of the Romans and the Herodian princes they no longer formed, it may be, a monarchical dynasty, they yet continued to exist as an influential aristocracy. As we are familiar, from political history, with the series of high priests down to the overthrow of the Asmonaeans, it will be sufficient at present merely to subjoin a list of those belonging to the Romano-Herodian period. Josephus tells us that they numbered twenty-eight in all.^*^ Accordingly on collating his different notices with regard to them, we get the following twenty-eight names : — ^^ 5*2 A7ltt. XX. 10. s*3 A list of those high priests, based on the notices found in Josephus, has already been framed by several Greek divines, viz. (1) by Josephus the Christian in his Hypomnesticum s. liber memorialis, chap. ii. (first edited by Fabricius, Codex pseudepigrapTius Vet. Test., vol. ii., and afterwards given in Gallendi's Biblioth. Patrum, vol. xiv., and Migne's Patrol, graec, vol. cvi.) ; (2) by Nicephorus Constantinop. in his Chronographia com- pendiaria, or rather according to De Boor, by the author of the revised version of this Chronography (critical edition by Credner in two programs for the University of Giessen, 1832-1838, ii. 33 f., and especially by De Boor, Nicephori Const, optiscida, Lips. 1880, pp. 110-112). Then Zonaras, who inserts extracts from Josephus into the first six books of his Annals, § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH l'RIESTS. 197 (a) Appointed by Herod (37-4 B.c.): — 1. Ananel (37-36 b.c.), a native of Babylon, and belonging to an obscure priestly family, Antt. XV. 2, 4, 3. 1. The Eabbinical traditions repre- sent him as having been an Egyptian.''" 2. Aristobulus, the last of the Asmonaeans (35 b.c.), Antt XV. 3. 1, 3. Ananel for the second time (34 ff. b.c.), Antt, XV. 3. 3. 3. Jesus the son of Phabes, Antt. xv. 9. 3.^*^ 4. Simon the son of Boethos, or according to other accounts, Boethos himself, in any case the father- in-law of Herod, he having been the father of Mariamne II. (some time between 24 and 25 b.c.), A7itt. XV. 9. 3, xvii. 4. 2. Comp, xviii. 5. 1, xix. 6. 2. The family belonged originally to Alexandria, Atitt. xv. 9, 3. has also arlopted the passages about the high priests almost entirely (Annal. v. 12-vi. 17). The part referring to the high priests in the time of Jesus (Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2. 2) is also quoted by Eusebius, Hist. cccl. i. 10. 5-6, and Dcmonstr. evang. viii. 2. 100 ; in like manner in the Chr on. pa schale, ed. Dindorf, i. 417. Of the modern lists the most correct is that of Anger, with which our own entirely agrees. For a fuller treat- ment of the matter, see my article in the Stud. u. Krit. 1872, pp. 597-607. *** In the Mishna, Para iii. 5, those high priests are enumerated under whom a red heifer had been burnt (in compliance with the enactment of Num. xix.). In the post-Asraonaean age this took place under the three following: — (1) Elioenai ben ha-Kajaph, (2) Chananiel the Egyptian, (3) Ismael ben Pi-abi ('>ns '•Q p i^xyo'^:"! nvOH ^X03ni ^''^pr^ p "i'-yv^X, the orthography of the names according to Cod. de Rosd 138). Chanamel the Egyptian can have been no other than our Ananel. There can hardly be a doubt that the form of the name is just as inaccurate as is tlie statement to the effect that he was an Egj'ptian. Moreover, the chronological order is incorrect, for by the Elioenai, who is mentioned first, no other can have been intended than Elionaios the son of Kantheras, whose name occurs much farther down the list (No, 19). As for the rest, the term " Egyptian" is simply equivalent to Alexandrian, which other high priests of the time of Herod actually were, as for example the sons of Boethos {Antt. XV. 9. 3). '*'' In Joseph. Hiipomnest. 'l/iaoi/c 6 toD 't>xvßyi, Zonaras. Annal. v. 16 (Bouuens. i. 433), ^»ßriros, as in Josephus the Jew. 198 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 5. Matthias the son of Theophilos (5-4 B.c.), Antt. xvii. 4. 2, 6. 4. 6. Joseph the son of EUem, Antt. xvii. 6. 4.^*® 7. Joasar the son of Boethos (4 b.c.), Antt. xvii. 6. 4. (&) Appointed by Archelaus (4 b.c.- 6 a.b.) : — 8. Eleasar the son of Boethos (4 &.), Antt. xvii. 13. 1. 9. Jesus the son of Hee, Antt. xvii. 13. 1.^" Joasar for the second time, Antt. xviii. 1. 1, 2. 1. (c) Appointed by Quirinus (a.d. 6) : — 10. Ananos or Hannas the son of Seth (6-15 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 1, 2. Comp. xx. 9. 1 ; Bell. Jiid. V. 12. 2. This is the high priest so well known in the New Testament, Luke iii. 2 ; John xviii. 13-24; Acts iv. 6. (c?) Appointed by Valerius Gratus (a.D. 15-26) : — 11. Ismael the son of Phabi (some time between 15 and 16 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 2.'** 12. Eleasar the son of Ananos (some time between 16 and 17 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 2. 546 "Whether this Joseph should be included in the list is open to question, for he officiated only once, and that on the great day of atonement, merely as a substitute for Matthias, who had been prevented from doing duty him- self in consequence of some Levitical defilement. But be this as it may, he was stül, on this account, the actual high priest for at least a period of one day, while he is certainly included by Josephus, as otherwise the number would not have amounted to twenty-eight. His name likewise occurs in the list of Josephus the Christian (Hypomnest. chap. ii.). The singular incident just referred to is also frequently mentioned in the Eabbinical sources (see Seiden, De successione in pontißcatum Ehr. i. 11, ed. Francof. p. 160. Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine., p. 160, note. Grätz, Monatsschrift, 1881, p. 51 ff.). The high priest now in question is there known as D^''5< p ?1DV. 5*'' In Joseph. Antt. xvii. 13. 1, he is called ^lr,arjig 6 2<5 or 2« (the manuscripts reading sometimes the one and sometimes the other) ; Joseph. Hypomnest. ^Iriaoi? 6 rou 'lit; in Nicephorus, 'Imov; 'flc/js ; in Zonaras, Annal. vi. 2 (ed. Bonnens. i. 472), T^ocr, 2se. ^*ä The name of the father as given in Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2, 2 ; Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 10. 5, ed. Heinichen ; and Zonams, Annal. vi. 3 (ed. Bonnens. i. 477), is *«/3/; while in Euseb. Demonstr. cr. viii. 2. 100, it is *-/j/3«; in Joseph. Hypomnest. B<«/3^ ; and in Chron. pasch.^ ed. Dindorf, I 417, B«^w'. § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 199 13. Simon the son of Kamithos (somewliere about 17-18 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 2.'*' 1 4. Joseph called Caiaphas (somewhere between 1 8 and 36 A.D.), A71U. xviii. 2. 2, 4. 3. Comp. Matt. xxvi. 3, 57; Luke iii. 2; John xi. 49, xviii. 13, 14, 24, 28 ; Acts iv. 6. According to John xviii. 13, he was the father-in-law of Hannas = Ananos.^" (e) Appointed by Vitellius (35-39 A.D.): — 15. Jonathan the son of Ananos (36-37 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 4. 3, 5. 3. Comp. xix. 6. 4. He was found still playing a prominent part in public life in the time of Cumanus, 50-52 A.D. {Bell. Jud. ii. 12. 5-6), and was ultimately assassinated at the instigation of Felix the procurator (Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 3 ; Aoitt. xx. 8. 5). 16. Theophilos the son of Ananos (37 ff. A.D.), Antt. xviii. 5. 3. (/) Appointed by Agrippa I. (41-44 A.D.): — 17. Simon Kantheras the son of Boethos (41 ff. A.D.), Antt. xix. 6. 2.'^' 18. Matthias the son of Ananos, Antt. xix. 6. 4. 19. Elionaios the son of Kantheros, Aiitt. xix. 8. 1.^'^ "9 This high priest is also frequently mentioned iu the Rabbinical sources (Seiden, De succcssione in pontifical, pp. 161, 177, ed. Francof. Derenbourg, Hiatoirc, p. 197. Griitz, Monatsschrift 1881, p. .53 ff.). He ia there known by the name of DTIöp p PV^-'- ^^ Joseph. AtUt., Euseb. Hbt. cccL, and in Zoiiaras, Annal. vi. 3 (i. 477), the father's name is K«,£/w^oj, while in Euseb. Dcmonstr. it is Kxdi,uo;, in Joseph. Hypomncst. Ku^/ifiosy and in Chron. pascli., ed. Dindorf, i. 408 and 417, Y^a.y.a,6ii. S50 The surname Caiaphas is not = KD^D, but = NQ^'ip or f\'<'

"'!'X (see note 544, above). The Rabbinical tradition regards him as a son of Caiaphas. The name ''J"'yirT'!5N (»ly t'y^'s are directed to Jehovah) or "•j'i/i^^x is also to be met with in the Old Testament (Ezra viii. 4, x. 22, 27 ; 1 Chrou. iii. 23, iv. 36, vii. 8, xxvi. o). 20Ü § 23. COXSTITÜTIOX. IV. UIGII PEIESTS. {g) Appointed by Herod of Chalkis (44-48 a.d.).^ 20. Joseph the son of Kami or Kamedes ( = Kamithos), Antt. XX. 1. 3, 5. 2."* 21. Ananias the son of Nedebaios (somewhere between 47 and 59 A.D.), Antt. xx. 5. 2 ; comp. xx. 6. 2 ; Bell. Jucl. ii. 12. 6 ; Acts xxiii. 2, xxiv. 1. In consequence of his wealth he continued to be a man of great influence even after his deposition, although, at the same time, notorious for his avarice {Antt. xx. 9. 2-4). He was put to death by the insurgents at the commencement of the Jewish war {Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 6, 9)."^ (7i) Appointed by Agrippa II. (50-100 A.D.) : — 22. Ismael the son of Phabi (about 59-61 A.D.), Antt. XX. 8. 8, 11. He is probably identical with the person of the same name whose execution at Cyrene is incidentally mentioned, Bell. Jucl. vi. 2. 2.''* ^*3 It would also be somewhere about this time (about 44 a.d.) that the high priest Ismael comes in, who according to Antt. iii. 15. 3, was in oflice during the great famine in the reign of the Emperor Claudius. But as Josephus says nothing about him in the course of the narrative itself, we are probably to look upon this casual mention of Lim as a fault of memory on the part of the historian. Ewald {Geschichte., vi. 634) inserts him after Elionaios, while Wieseler {Chronologic des apostol. Zeitalters, p. 159) identifies him with this latter. ^^* The name of the father, which at one time appears as Kot/^iei {Antt. xx. 1. ^^Zonaxas, Annal. vi. 12,fin.')ov Kä,y./i (Joseph. Hypomnest.), at snoihev as KiiA.ih^g {Antt. xx. 5. 2, according to the readiug of Dindorf and Bekker = Zouaras, Annal. vi. 14), is in any case identical with Kamithos. 555 Yov his avarice, comp, besides the Talmudic tradition in Deren- bourg's Histoirc, p. 233 f. *^^ It is probably this younger Ismael, son of Phabi (not the high priest of the same name who stands eleventh in the list), that is also referred to in the Rabbinical traditions regarding ''2S''D p pSyCC" (Mishna, Para iii. 5 ; Sota ix. 15 ; in the latter passage it is also the high priest of this name that is meant, for the predicate Rabbi should, with Cod. de Rossi, be expunged. Tosefta. ed. Zuckeimandel, pp. 182. 26, 533. 35 f., 632. 6. See in general, Derenbourg"s Histoire, pp. 232-235). In the printed texts the father's name is frequently corrupted. The correct form is ""QS^S, or divided thus '3N ''2 (as in Cod. de Jiossi 138, in the one passage in Mhich it occurs in § 23. CO>:STITUTION. IV. HIGH PIUESTS. 201 23. Joseph Kabi,^" son of Simon the high priest (61-62 A.D.), Antt. XX. 8. 11 ; comp. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 2. 24. Ananos the son of Ananos (62 A.D., for only three months), Antt. xx. 9. 1. He was one of those who played a leading part during the first period of the Jewish war, but was subsequently put to death by the populace, Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 3, 22. 1-2, iv. from 3. 7 to 5. 2 ; Vita, 38, 39, 44, 60."* 25. Jesus the son of Damnaios (about 62-63 A.D.), Antt. xx. 9. 1. and 4; comp. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 2. 26. Jesus the son of Gamaliel (about 63-65 A.D.), Antt. XX. 9. 4, 7. In the course of the Jewish war he is frequently mentioned along with Ananos, whose fate he also shared. Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 9, 4. 3, 5. 2 ; Vita, 38, 41. According to Rabbinical tradition, his wife, Martha, was of the house of Boethos."^ 27. Matthias the son of Theophilos (65 ff. A.D.), Antt. XX. 9. 7 ; comp. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 2.'^ the Mislina, viz. Para iii. 5). There is as near an approach to this as possible in the Greeic form ^txßt, which is found in the manuscripts in one instance at least, viz. Anil. xx. 8. 8. *"^ In Joseph. Anlt. xx. 8. 11, the surname is written Küßt ; in Zonoras, Annal. vi. 17, it is AeKctßi (i.e. oi Kxßl) ; and in Joseph. Hijpomnest. Kei/a^;. The latter would correspond to Kamithos. 558 Pqj. coinliiuatioiis with respect to this high priest, see Gratz, Monalsschi: 1881, pp. 56-G2. ^^^ Mishna, Jehamolh vi. 4 : "If one Imppens tobe betrothed to a widow, and is subsequently ajipointed to tho ofhce of high priest, he is at liberty to conduct iier home as his bride. Thus Josua, son nf Gamla, wasbetrothod to Martha the daughter of Bocthas, and afterwards the king appointed him to be high priest ; and on the back of this he conducted Martha home as his bride." Our Josua, sou of Gamala, is probably identical again with the Ben Gamala who, according to Joma iii. 9, ordered a golden urn to be made from which to draw the lots relating to the two he-goats on the great day of atonement. For further Kabbinical traditions regarding this per- sonage, sec Derenbourg, p. 248 f. As to his services in the way of promoting education, see below, § 27, note 29. '''o On this high priest, see also Gratz, Monatsschr. 1881, pp. 02-64. 202 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. (i) Appointed by the people during the war (67-68 A.D.) : — 28, Phannias or Phineesos the son of Samuel, and of humble origin, Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 8 ; Antt. xx. Owing to the frequency with which those high priests were changed, the number of those who had ceased to hold office was always something considerable. But, although they no longer discharged the active functions of the office, they still continued to occupy an important and influential position, as can still be shown with regard to several of them at least."^^ We know from the New Testament, for example, what an amount of influence the elder Ananos or Hannas (IsTo. 1 0) had even as a retired high priest. The same may be said of his son Jonathan (No. 15), who, long after he had ceased to hold office, conducted an embassy, in the year 52 a.D., to the Syrian viceroy Umidius Quadratus. This latter then sent him to Eome to answer for certain disturbances that had taken place in Judaea ; and when he had got the matter settled in favour of the Jews, he took the opportunity of his being in Eome to request the emperor to send Felix as the new pro- curator. Then when Felix was found to be causing universal dissatisfaction in consequence of the way in which he was discharging the functions of his office, Jonathan took the liberty of reminding him of his duty, for doing which however he had to answer with his life.^^^ Another high priest, Ananias the son of Nedebaios (No. 21), ruled in Jerusalem almost like a despot after he had retired from office. Then the younger Ananos (No. 24) and Jesus the son of Gamaliel (No. 26), although no longer exercising the functions of the high-priest- hood, were found at the head of affairs in the earlier stage of the Jewish war. From all this it is evident that, though not actually in office, those men were by no means condemned to 5^^ This, the last of the high priests, is also known to the Rabbinical traditions ; see Derenboui-jr, p. 2G9. His name in Hebrew was DPIi^S. 562 Pop -^vhat follows, comp. Stud. u. Krit. 1872, p. 619 ff. ^'^■" The references to passages are to be found above, passim. § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 203 political inactivity. On the contrary, the office was such that it imparted to the holder of it a cliaracter indelihilis in virtue of which he retained, even after demitting it, a large portion of the rights and obligations of the officiating high priest,'" and of course the title of äp')(Lepev<; as well, a title that, in Josephus, is accorded to the whole of the ex-high priests. Consequently wherever in the New Testament dp^tepeh appear at the head of the Sanhedrim, we are to understand that those referred to are first and foremost the ex-high priests in question, inclusive at the same time of the one actually in office.'^«' But sometimes we read of certain other personages who are described as dpp^tepet?, and yet their names do not appear in the foregoing list. In the Acts (iv. 6) we have the following enumeration : "Avvat; 6 dp^iepev^ koX Ka'iu(f)a<; koI ^Ia)ävvi] toS Tu/icoc>öc; B.0>70. 206 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PKIESTS. Consequently the high priests that, in the New Testament as well as in Josephus "* appear as leading personages would consist, in the first instance, of the high priests properly so called, i.e. the one actually in office and those who had previously been so, and then, of the members of those privileged families from which the high priests were taken. In the days of Eoman rule they were at the head of the Sanhedrim and of the native government generally, and although the majority of them were unquestionably men of Sadducaean tendencies, yet in the actual conduct of affairs they bowed, however reluctantly, to the wishes of the Pharisees (see above, p. 154). "^fi Especially in the section, Bell. Jud. ii. 14-17 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP The LlTEKATURE. Lightfoot, Ministerium tempU quale erat tempore nostri scrvatoris {0pp. ed. Rotterdam, i. pp. 671-758). Liindius, Die altev jüdischen Heiligthümer, Gottesdienste und Gewohnheiten, für Augen gestellet in einer ausführlichen Beschreibimg des gantzen levitischen Priesterthums, etc., itzo von neuem übersehen und in beygefügten Anmerckungen hin und wieder thcils vei-bessert, theils vermehret durch Johan. Christophorum Wolßum, Hamburg 1738. Carpzov (Joh. Gottlob), Apparatus historico criticus antiquitalum sacri codicis (1748), pp. 64-113, 611 ff., 699 ff. ügolini, Sacerdotium Hebraicum, iu his Thesaurus Antiquitatum sacrarum, vol. xiii. Ibid., still other cognate monographs in vols. xii. and xiii. Bahr, Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus, 2 vols. 1837-1839), vol. i. 2nd ed. 1874. Winer, Realwörterb., arts. " Priester," " Leviten," "Abgaben," "Erstge- burt," "Erstlinge," "Hebe," "Zehnt," "Opfer," etc. Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. 387-424, iii. 106 ff., 162 ff. Oehler, art. "Priesterthum," in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. vol. xii. 174- 187. Ibid. by the same, arts. "Levi," vol. viii. 347—358; "Nethiuim," vol. X. 296 f. ; and " Opfercultus," vol. x. 614-652. The same articles iu the second edition as revised by Orelli. De Wette, Lehrbuch der hebräisch-jüdischen Archäol. (4th ed. 1864), p. 268 ff. Ewald, Die Alterthümcr des Volkes Israel, Göttingen 1866. Keil, Handbuch der biblischem Archäologie (2nd ed. 1875), pp. 166 ff., 200 ff., 357 ff., 373 ff. Haueberg, Die religiösen Alterthümcr der Bibel (2nd ed. 1869), pp. 356 ff., 508 ff., 599 ff. Schenkel's Bibellexicon, the same articles as in Winer. Riehm, Handwörterbuch des biblischen Alterthums, the articles relating to our subject. Graf, Zur Geschichte des Stamnws Levi (Merx' Archie für tvissenschaftl Erforschung des A. T.\s, vol. i. 1869, pp. 68-106, 208-236). Köhler, Lehrbuch der biblischen Geschichte, vol. i. 1875, pp. 363-454. Wellhausen, Geschichte Jsraels, vol. i. 1878, pp. 15-174 (2nd ed., under the title : Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, 1883). Dillraann, Exegetisches Handbuch zu Exodus und Leviticus (1880), pp. 455- 461 and elsewhere. Reuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Alten Testantenis (1881), sec. ccxciv. I. THi; I'j;iEöTIIUOI) AS A DISTINCT ORDER. The internal development of Israel subsequent to the exile 208 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AXD THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. was essentially determined by the direction given to it by two equally influential classes, viz. the priests on the one hand and the scribes on the other. During the centuries immediately following the exile and till far on into the Greek era, it was, in the first instance, the influence of the 'priests that was predominant. It was they who had been instru- mental in organizing the new community ; it was from them that the law had emanated ; and to their hands had been entrusted the direction, not only of the material, but also of the spiritual affairs of the whole body of the people. But although originally it was they who were specially versed in the law and were looked upon as its authoritative interpreters, yet by and by there gradually grew up alongside of them an independent order of doctors or men learned in the law. And the importance and influence of these latter would necessarily go on increasing in proportion as the priests grew less and less zealous for the law of their fathers on the one hand, and as the law itself came to acquire a greater value and significance in the estimation of the people on the other. This was the case more particularly after the Maccabaean wars of independence. Ever since then the scribes got the spiritual superintendence of the people more and more into their own hands. And so the age of the priests was succeeded by that of the scribes (comp. Eeuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften A. T.'s). This however is not to be understood as implying that the priests had now lost all their influence. Politically and socially they still occupied the foremost place quite as much as ever they did. It is true the scribes had now come to be recognised as the teachers of the people. But, in virtue of their political standing, in virtue of the powerful resources at their command, and, lastly and above all, in virtue of their sacred prerogatives — for, inasmuch as they enjoyed the exclusive right of offering Israel's sacrifices to God, their intervention was necessary to the fulfilment of his religious duties in the case of every member of the com- munity, — in virtue of all this, we say, the priests still § 21. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 209 continued to have an extraordinary significance for the life of ^he nation. Now this significance of theirs was due mainly to the simple fact that they constituted a distinct order, possessing the exclusive right to offer the people's sacrifices to God. According to the legislation of the Pentateuch, which had been regarded as absolutely binding ever since the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, " the sans of Aaron " were alone entitled to take part in the sacrificial worship} The priesthood was therefore a fraternity fenced round with irremovable barriers, for they had been fixed for ever by natural descent. No one could possibly be admitted to this order who did not belong to it by birth ; nor could any one be excluded from it whose legitimate birth entitled him to admission. Now this order, so rigidly exclusive in its character, was in possession of the highest privilege that can well be conceived of, the privilege namely of offering to God all the sacrifices of the nation at large, and of every individual member of the community. This circumstance alone could not but be calculated to invest the priesthood with a vast amount of influence and authority, all the more that civil life was intertwined, in such an end- less variety of ways, with the religious observances.^ But, in addition to this, there was the fact, that ever since the Deuteronomic legislation came into force in the time of Josiah ^ See in particular, Ex. xxviii.-xxix. ; Lev. viii.-x. ; Num. xvi.-xviii. I should observe here that the following view is based on the assumption that the so-called priestly code, i.e. the bulk of the laws in Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, belongs to a later date than Deuteronomy and Ezekiel. This, as it appears to me. has been clearly demonstrated by the more recent criticism of the Pentateuch. The legislation of the priestly code evidently represents, in all its leading features, a later stage of develop- ment than Deuteronomy and Ezekiel. The two latter books would be simply vmintelligible were we to suppose that their authors wrote them with the priestly code already lying before them. ^ There were, for example, numerous points in matrimonial law and medical jurisprudence that could only be settled by having recourse to the priests ; see Num. v. ll-ol (the procedure in the case of the woman suspected of adultery) ; Lev. xiii., xiv. ; Dcut. xxiv. 8, 9 (procedure in the case of leprosy). DIV. II. VOL. I. O 210 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. (about 630 B.c.), it was declared to be unlawful to offer sacrifices anywhere but in Jerusalem, the vjJiole worship being concentrated in its sole and only legitimate sanctuary. Conse- quently all the various offerings from every quarter of the land flowed into Jerusalem and met at this one common centre of worship, the result being that the priests that officiated within it came to acquire great power and wealth. Moreover, this centralization of the worship had the additional effect of uniting all the members of the priesthood into one firmly compacted body. From what has just been said it follows, as matter of course, that the primary requisite in a priest was evidence of his pedi- gree. On this the greatest possible stress was laid. The person who failed to produce it could claim no title what- ever to the rights and privileges of the priesthood. Even so far back as the time when the first of the exiles returned under Zerubbabel, certain priestly families were debarred from the sacred office because they could not produce their genealogical registers.^^ On the other hand, Josephus assures us, with regard to his own case, that he found his pedigree recorded " in the public archives." ^^ Consequently the family registers would appear to have had the character of public records on account of their importance for the com- munity at large. With the view of keeping the blood of the priestly stock as pure as possible, there were also certain regulations prescribed with regard to iimri'iage. According to the law given in Lev. xxi. 7, 8, a priest was forbidden to marry a prostitute, or a deflowered maid, or a woman put away from her husband ; consequently he could only choose an undefiled virgin or widow, and of course even then only such as were of Israelitish 3a Ezra ii. 61-63 = Neh. vii. 63-65. 3^ Joseph. Vita, 1 : tjjj/ f^h ovv rov yivov; '/iu,u!i ^tx'Sox'^i', ü; h rotis Yifioaixtg OiTi-roig ocvw/S'/poe.iU.fihn'j ivpov, ovru TrxpUTidifioti. * Joseph, contra Apion. i. 7: lu yxp rov fUTiy^ovT» rij; iipauvun; s| ifiosdvoii; yvvcttao; 'TrctiOO'zoisladcci. § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 211 forbidding them to marry any but the daughters of priests, Nor were these regulations in any way relaxed in later times, for so far from that they came to be but the more sharply defined.^ "We find, for example, that a chaluza, i.e. a widow whom her brother-in-law declined to marry (according to the law regarding levirate marriage), was also to be treated as one "who had been put away from her husband."® Again a priest was forbidden to marry a woman who had been taken captive in war as being a person that might well be suspected of having been violated.' Then, if a priest was already without children, he was forbidden, in marrying again, to marry a woman who was " incapable ; " * but, in any case, he was never to choose a female proselyte or emancipated slave ; nor the daughter of a man who had been formerly a slave, except in those cases in which the mother happened to be of Israelitish extraction.^ The regulations were still more stringent in the case of the hiffh iniest. He was not allowed to marry even a widow, but only an undefiled virgin (Lev. xxi. 13—15). This, like the former regulations, was also enforced and rendered yet more precise in later times.'" In * See in general, Philo, De monarchia, lib. ii. sec. viii.-xi. (cd. Mang. ii. 228 f.). Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2. The Rabbinical prescriptions as given in Seiden, De successione in puntificatum, ii. 2, 3 ; Ibid. Uxor Ebraica, i. 7. Wagenseil's note to Sota iv. 1 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 230 ff.). Ugolini, TJtcsanrus, vol. xiii. col. 911 ff. 8 Sota iv. 1, viii. 3; Makkoth iii. 1. Targum of Jonathan, Sifra and Pesikta to Lev. xxi. 7, as given in Ugolini, ut supra. ' Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2 ; contra Apion. i. 7 ; Antt. xiii. 10. 5, ßn. (account of John Hyrcanus). According to Kethuhoth ii. 9, even priests' wives that had been found in a town captured by the enemy were debarred from any further conjugal intercourse with their husbands, unless it could be shown by satisfactory evidence that they had not been violated. ' Jehamoth vi. 5. ' Never a female proselyte or emancipated slave, Jehamoth vi. 5. With regard to the daughters, see Bikkurim i. 5. Rabbi Elieser ben Jakob says : "A priest is never to marry the daughter of a proselyte except when her mother happens to be of Israel." This is no less applicable to the daughters of emancipated slaves. Even in the tenth generation it is lawful only where the mother is of Israelitish origin. 1" Philo, De monarchia, ii. 9. Josopli. Antt. iii. 12. 2. Jehamoth vi. ■! : "A high priest must not marry a widow, whether she has become such subse- 212 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. affirming, as he does, that the high priest could only marry a virgin belonging to a priestly family," Philo states what is at variance at once with the text of Leviticus and the later standpoint of the law, from both of which it is evident that it was permissible for the high priest to marry any Israelitish virgin, no matter to what family she might belong. Possibly Philo's view may have been suggested to him by the terms of the passage in Leviticus as it stands in the Septuagint,^^ per- haps also by actual practice, or, it may be, by both combined. The regulation in Ezekiel (xliv. 22), to the effect that a priest was only to marry a virgin, or the widow of a priest, found no place in the law as subsequently developed. Considering the great importance that was attached to the strict observ- ance of those regulations, a priest on the occasion of his marriage was, of course, required to furnish precise evidence of his wife's pedigree. Josephus has described at length the very careful way in which this was gone about,^* while in the quent to her betrothal or subsequent to her actual marriage. Nor is he at liberty to choose as a wife a woman already perfectly marriageable. Rabbi Elieser and Rabbi Simon regard a marriageable woman as allowable. Nor is he to marry one that has been injured by an accident." According to Philo, De. monarchia, ii. 9,ßn., the high priest was on no account to marry one that had been previously betrothed. Comp. Ritter's Philo und die Halacha (1879), p. 72. Lundius, Die alten jüdischen Heiligthümer, book iii. chap. xix. ^^ Philo, De nionarchia, ii. 11 : ■n-podrä.^etg tu f/,ii/ dpx'ip^^ fivä,a6ce.i fcii i^övov fiovov yvi/ctiKot. TCctpStvou, oiKhä, xoil lipsietu s| 'upsuv. 1- In the Septuagint, Lev. xxi. IS runs thus : wtos yuvoux.» ■nrctpöiuov ix, Tov yiuovg otiirov T^'/ixpsrxi, there being nothing in the Hebrew text corresponding to the words kx, tov yivovg uvtov. Comp. Ritter's Philo und die Halacha, p. 72 f. ^3 Apio7i. i. 7. From what is there said one must necessarily assume that surely there were a great many families that were in possession of genealogical registers. Comp, in addition, the copious lists in the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah ; and further, the indications of the existence of such registers to be met with in the New Testament, Matt. i. If.; Luke ii. 36, iii. 23 ff. ; Acts xiii. 21 ; Rom, xi. 1 ; Phil. iii. 5. Also Mishna, Jebo' moth iv. 13 ; J'aanith iv. 5. Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 7 = Jul. African. Epist. ad Aristidem (in Routh's Reliquiae sacrae, ii. 228 ff., and Spitta, Der Brief des Julius Africanus an Aristides, 1877). Winer's Jlealwörterh. ii. 516-518 ; Herzfeld's Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. 378-387 AVieseler's Beitrage zur richtigen Würdigung der Evangelien (1869), p. 133 ff. Holtzmana in § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. 213 Mishna it is prescribed liow far back the evidence is to extend," and in what cases it may be dispensed with.^^ Those regulations with regard to marriage are undoubtedly based upon the idea that the priesthood is a sacred order. The same idea has been further embodied in yet other prescriptions. According to the law (Num. xix.), every one was defiled who came in contact with a dead body, nay who even entered a house in which such body happened to be lying ; but as for the priests, they were forbidden to approach a corpse or to take part in the funeral obsequies, the prohibition being absolute in the case of the high priest, while in the case of the ordinary priests, the only exception was in favour of very near blood relations : parents, children, and brothers or sisters (Lev. xxi. 1—4, 11-12; Ezek. xliv. 25-27). It would seem that the priest was not even at liberty to mourn for his own wife. Or are we to understand, although it is not expressly stated, that she is intended, as matter of course, to be included among the exceptions ?^^ In Schenkel's Bihelkx. ii. 425-430. Hamburger's Real-Enc, 2ud part, art. "Genealogie." ^* Kiddushin iv. 4 : " When a priest wants to marry the daughter of a priest, he must go back and find evidence with regard to four generations of mothers, and therefore, strictly speaking, with regard to eight mothers. These are, her own mother and her mother's mother ; the mother of her maternal grandfather and her mother again ; the mother of her father and her mother ; the mother of her paternal grandfather and her mother again. If, on the other hand, the woman he wants to marry be simply a daughter of Levi or of Israel, he must go back a step farther." ^* Kiddushin iv. 5 : "It is unnecessary to search back in the case of a priest who has ministered at the altar, or of a Levite who has sung in the choir, or of a member of the Sanhedrim. As a rule, all those whose ancestors are well known to have been public officials or almoners, are at liberty to marry one belonging to a priestly family without further inquiry." ^*' According to the usual interpretation of the text of Lev. xxi. 4 as we now have it, the mourning of the priest for his wife would seem to be even expressly forbidden. Although, in this instance, buth exposition and text are exceedingly doubtful (see Dillmann's note on the passage), still the fact remains that the wife is not mentioned as one of the exceptions. Nor ia ehe mentioned as such either by Philo, De monarchia, ii. 12, or by Josephus, Anlt. iii. 12. 2. The Rabbinical writers, on the other hand, regard the 214 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. no case whatever was a priest to indulge in any token of grief calculated to disfigure the person, such as shaving the head or lacerating the body (Lev. xxi. 5, 6 ; comp. Ezek. xliv, 20), nor was the high priest to uncover his head and rend his garments (Lev. xxi. 10 ; comp. x. 6, 7).^^^ Then again it was essential to the sacred character attaching to a priest, that he should be totally free from every sort of 'physical defect. If any one had a bodily defect of any kind about him, no matter though he belonged to the " sons of Aaron," he was thereby disqualified from officiating as a priest. The various kinds of defects are already enumerated with pretty considerable detail in the law as found in Leviticus (xxi. 16-23). And, as was to be expected, this too is one of those points on which a later age has exercised its ingenuity in the way of being minutely and painfully specific. It has been calculated that the number of bodily defects that disqualified a man for the office of the priesthood amount in all to 142.^^ At the same time however the priests who, for the reason now in question, were debarred from exercising any of the functions of the priesthood, were entitled to a share of the emoluments as well as the others, for they too belonged to the ordo}^ There is nothing prescribed in the law as to the age at which a priest was to be allowed to enter upon the duties of his office. Perhaps we may venture to assume that it must ilSB' of Lev. xxi. 2 as referring to her, wliile they understand xxi. 4 of the act of mourning for an illegitimate wife. See the passages from the Targum of Jonathan and Sifra in Ugolini, xiii. 929 if. For the subject generally, consult besides, Oehler, xii. 176 f. 1"^ Comp, besides, Lundius, Die alten jüdischen Heiligthümer, book üL chap. 20. ^'^ Haneberg, Die religiösen Alterthiimer der Bibel, p. 532. See in general, Philo, De mo7iarchia, ii. 5. Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2. Mishna, Bechoroth vii. Seiden, De successione in pontificatum Ehr. ii. 5. Carpzov, Apparatus historico-critiais, pp. 89-94. Ugolini, xiii. 897 fF. Haneberg, p. 531 f. Oehler, xii. 176. For parallels from heathen antiquity, see the Knobel- Dillmann Exeget. Handh. zu Exodus und Leviticus, p. 568. ^^ Lev. xxi. 22. Philo, De monarchia, ii. 13. Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2 ; Bell. Jud. V. 5. 7. Mishna, Sebachim xii. 1 ; Menachoth xiii. 10, fin. § 2i. THE PUIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 215 have been the same as that at which the Levites entered upon theirs. Yet even this latter is given differently in different parts of the Old Testament.^^ The Eabbinical tradition states that a priest was duly qualified for his duties as soon as the first signs of manhood made their appearance, but that he was not actually installed till he was twenty years of age."" And now when all the requirements to which we have referred were found to be satisfied, and when his fitness had been duly established to the satisfaction of the Sanhedrim,^^ the priest was set apart to his office by a special act of consecration. According to the leading passage in the law bearing on this matter, viz. Ex. xxix. = Lev. viii., this solemn act consisted of three parts : (1) the washing of the body with water, (2) the putting on of the sacred vestments, and (3) a series of sacrifices the offering of which was accompanied with further ceremonies of a partly special kind, viz. the anointing of various parts of the body with blood, the sprinkling of the person and the garments with oil and blood, the " filling of the hands," i.e. the taking of certain portions of the victims and laying them upon the hands of the priest with the view of indicating thereby his future duties and rights. In several other passages (Ex. xxvili. 41, xxx, 30, xl. 12-15 ; Lev. vii, 36, X. 7 ; Num. iii. 3) there is superadded to these the pouring of ointment upon the head, an act which, according to the leading passage on the subject, was observed, and that as a mark of distinction, solely in the case of the high priest.'^^ The whole ceremony extended over seven days (Ex. xxix. 35 ff.; Lev. viii. 33 ff.). How it fared with this ceremony at a later period has been, so far as several of its details are »9 In Num. iv. 3, 23, 30, 85, 39, 43, 47, 1 Chron. xxiii. 3, it is stated to be the thirtieth, in Num. viii. 23-26 the twenty-fifth, and in Ezra iii. 8, 1 Chron. xxiii. 24, 27, 2 Chron. xxxi. 17, the twentieth year. -<* See the passage from Sifra { = Bah. Chullin 24b) in Seiden, De succes- sioiie, ii. 4, and Ugolini, Thcs. xiii. 927. -* Middoth y.fin. -2 On this point, see "Wellhausen, Jahrh. f. deutsche Theol. 1877, p. 412 f. Dillmann's Exeget. Handbuch, note on Lev. viii. 12. 216 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. concerned, a matter of some dispute.^^ It is probable that the pouring of oil upon the head continued to be retained as a mark of distinction in the case of the high priest.^* As the priests were so numerous it was simply impossible that they could all officiate at the same time. It was there- fore necessary to have an arrangement according to which they could do so in regular rotation. With a view to this the whole body of the priests was divided into twenty-four families or courses of servicer^ The account of the origin and organization of those twenty-four courses of service as given by the Eabbinical tradition is as follows : ^® " Four courses of service (DhDK^) came back from the exile, viz. : Jedaiah, ^^ See in general, Seiden, De successione, iL 8, 9. Ugolioi, Thesaurus, xiii. pp. 434: ff., 476-548. Bahr, Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus, ii. 165 flr. Winer's Realwörterb., art. " Priesterweihe." Oehler in Herzog's Real- Encycl., vol. xiii. pp. 178-180. Haneberg, pp. 526-531. According to some, the newly admitted priest was only required to offer the meat-offering prescribed in Lev. vi. 12 ff. But this is utterly incredible, and is based upon a pure misapprehension of the Rabbinical passages, which undoubtedly require that the newly admitted (therefore newly consecrated) priest should, in the first instance, offer this sacrifice for himself before offering any other. See the passages in Ugolini, xiii. 546 f., and comp., in addition, Frankel, lieber den Einfluss der palästinischen Exegese, etc. (1851) p. 143. No further light is thrown upon the matter by Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 16-18, and Joseph. Antt. iii. 8. 6, as they simply reproduce Ex. xxix. = Lev. via. 2^ Comp. Wellhausen, Jahrb. f. deutsche Theol. 1877, p. 412. But it would appear that, in the latter days of the temple, the high priest himself was no longer (or not always?) anointed, for the Mishna knows of other high priests, who in contradistinction to the anointed ones had been introduced to their office through the ceremony of investing with the sacred garments. See in particidar, Horajoth iii. 4. But be this as it may, there is at all events no truth in the view of Maimonides, that the anointing had been discontinued ever since the exile. 25 On this see Lightfoot, Ministerium templi, chap. vi. (0pp. i. pp. 691- 694). Idem, Harmonia evangelistarum, note on Luke i. 5 (0pp. i. 258 ff.). Idem, Horae hebraicae, note on Luke i. 5 (0pp. ii. 486 ff.). Carpzov, Apparatus historico-criticus, pp. 100-102. Ugolini, Thesaurus, vol. xiii. col. 872 ff. Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. p. 387 ff. Bertheau, Exegetisches Handbuch zu Ezra, Nehemia und Ester (1862), pp. 228-230. Oehler in Herzog's Real-Encycl., 1st ed. vol. xii. pp. 182-186. Haneberg, Die religiösen Alterthümer der Bibel, p. 555 ff. Graf in Merx' Archiv, i. p, 225 f. ^'' Jer. Taanith iv. fol. 68, and as being substantially to the same effect. § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 2l7 Harim, Pashur, and Immer Then the prophets that were among them arose and made twenty-four lots and put them into an urn. And Jedaiah came and drew five lots, which, including himself, would therefore make six. And Harim came and drew five lots, which, including himself, would therefore make six. And Pashur came and drew five lots, which, including himself, would therefore make six. And Immer came and drew five lots, which, including him- self, would therefore make six And heads of the courses of service (nnoK'O ''K'N'i) were appointed. And the courses were divided into houses (ni3N ""rin). And there were courses consisting of five, six, seven, eight, or nine houses. In a course consisting of five houses, three of them had to serve one day each, while the remaining two had to serve two days each ; in a course consisting of six houses, five of them had to serve one day each, while one had to serve two days ; where it consisted of seven, each served one day ; of eight, six served one day each and two served simultaneously the remaining day ; of nine, five served one day each and four served simultaneously during two days." It is true that what is here stated regarding the origin (or, according to the Talmud, the restoration) of the twenty-four courses of service cannot be said to possess the value of an independent tradition, that, on the contrary, it is based merely upon inferences from certain facts that are mentioned elsewhere. Yet it has so far hit the mark as substantially to represent the actual state of the case. For there returned from the exile, along with Zerubbabel and Joshua, four families of priests, viz. : the children of Jedaiah, Immer, Paslmr, and Harim, niimbering in all 4289 (Ezra ii. 36-39 =Neh. vii. 39-42)."«* Further, that Toscfta, Taanith ii. (both passages in Hebrew and Latin being given in Ugolini, vol. xiii. p. 87G fF.) ; partly also Bab. Arachin 12b, comp. Herzfeld, i. 303. In the above quotation I follow tlie text of Jcr. Taanith^ only with a few abridgments here and there. -"■* The accuracy of the alleged numbers, so far as the time of Zerubbabel is concerned, has been questioned by Stade {TlicoL Litcraturzcititng, 1884, 218, in the notice by Smend, Die Listen der Bücher Esra und Nehemia, 218 § 2i. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. these four families comprised the whole body of the priesthood at the time of Ezra's arrival, and therefore some eighty years after- wards as well, is evident from Ezra x. 18-22. But, along with these mention is also made, as early as the time of Zerubbabel and Joshua (Neh. xii. 1-7), of twenty-two classes of priests, with a corresponding number of " heads " (n''3nDn "•tJ'sn). And those same classes or divisions are also further met with in the time of Joshua's successor, Joiakim the high priest (Neh. xii. 12-21)." It is evident therefore that the four families were subdivided into twenty-two classes. Then it is substantially the same arrangement that is still to be met with in the time of Ezra. When this latter arrived with a fresh band of exiles, he brought along with him two more priestly families (Ezra viii. 2) ^^ and added them to the four that were already in the country (Ezra x. 18-22). But we find that shortly after, the number of classes was once more almost the same as it had been in Zerubbabel's time, namely twenty-one, as may be seen from the list given in Neh. x. 3—9. However, only fourteen of the names mentioned in this latter passage are to be found in the two earlier lists (Neh. xii. 1-7, 12-21), all the rest being different. Consequently the organization of the divisions must, in the meanwhile, have undergone certain alterations of one kind or another, as would no doubt be deemed necessary on account of a fresh accession 1881). Besides the objections advanced by this writer, there is the further fact that, according to pseudo-Hecataeus, who belongs to the commence- ment of the Hellenistic period, the number of Jewish priests amounted in all to only 1500 (Joseph, contra Apiov. i. 22, ed. Bekker, p. 202: ituiroi oi ttÜvts; itpilg tui/ ^lovhoiiuv, at r'/iv Zikxt/iu ruu '•/tvofisvuv 7^ot,iA.ßix,voinig y.cti rot KoiuctttoiKOVUTB;, Tsspl ^i'Aiovg fidt'htaTU. xeii TrevrxKoatovs iiaiu^. May it not be that the women and children are to be understood as included in the above 4289 ? So far as our purpose is concerned this question may here be left an open one. ^J' In the second list only one of the names belonging to the first (Chattusch) is wanting. The remaining twenty-one names are all identi- cally the same in both, as is clearly evident not-nathstanding the numerous inaccuracies of the text. Comp. Bertheau's note on Neh. xii. 12. ^* For the names Geishom and Daniel mentioned in this passage are the names of priestly families ; see Bertheau's note on it. § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP, 219 of priestly families having been brought by Ezra, and for other reasons besides. However, under the new order of things the number of divisions remained the same as before and so continued, substantially at least, on through succeeding ages. In the time of the author of Chronicles, who traces back the arrangement that existed in his day to the time of David, the number of the divisions amounted to twenty-four (1 Chron. xxiv. 7-18). It is true that, in the catalogue of names furnished by this writer, scarcely more than a third of those in the earlier lists are to be found. That being so, we are bound to assimie that, in the meanwhile, important changes must have taken place, always supposing that our author has not drawn somewhat upon his own imagination for a number of the names attributed to the time of David. Be that as it may, it is certain that, from that 'point onwards, the division into twenty-four classes continued to subsist loithout any altera- tion lühatcvcr. For we learn on the express testimony of Josephus, that it was still maintained in his own day,^^ td say nothing of the fact that some of the names of the division continued to be occasionally mentioned (Joiarib, 1 Mace. ii. 1 ; Abia, Luke i. 5).^° It is somewhat strange that, in a passage in his contra Apionem, — a passage, however, that has come down to us only in a Latin version, — Josephus should be found speaking of foiir families or divisions (tribits) of the priests.^^ One might perhaps be disposed to think that here -® Antt. vii. 14. 7 : oiifmviv o'lrro; 6 ftspiafiog »XP' '^'^= arifusou ijicipa;. Vita, 1 : ifiol S' ov f^ö'jO'j fl iipioiv iijrl to '/ivo;, li'K'hoi, y,xl tx. tyi; TrpUT'/i; ((f)rifiipihos ruu iltcoa manoipuv (ttoXAjj oe kocv rovru 6ioc 1 Chron. xxiv. 5. That those D^'i'tJ' are identical witli the DUX ^L"N1 naay be seen, above all, from 1 Chron. xv. 4-12, where both expressions are employed, as being perfectly synonymous, to denote the heads of the Levitical divisions. ^^' n"l3S-n''3^ D''K'X1, 1 Chron. xxiv. 4. ni3Kn "•U'«"!, Neh. xii. 12; 1 Chron. xxiv. 6. Comp, also Neh. xi. 13, xii. 7. ^^ notion t'XI and 3X n'3 CX"li Tosefta, I{orajoth,ßn., ed. Zuckcmiandol, p. 476 ; and Jcr. HorajotU iii. fol. 48'^ (the latter passage being given in Ugolini, Thesaurus, xiii. 870). "iDt^'on :^'X^ also in the passage quoted above, p. 182. 3X n^3 t^'X"^, Joma iii. 9, iv. 1. ^* njina ^ipT, Joma L 5. 3N n^3 ^JpT, Tamid i. 1 ; Middoth I 8. 222 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. The importance and influence of the various divisions was by no means alike. Notwithstanding their formal equality, in so far as they all took part in the services of the sanctuary in regular rotation, still those divisions, from the members of which high priests or other influential functionaries were selected, could not fail to acquire, in consequence, a greater amount of influence and importance. Hence we can quite believe that, as Josephus assures us, it was regarded as a great advantage to belong to the first of the twenty-four classes,^^ i.e. to the class Joiarib, which had the honour of contributing the Asmonaean princes and high priests.*" Then we find that within the individual classes again influential coteries were formed. The families living in Jerusalem would no doubt understand how to secure for members of their own circle the most important offices about the temple, knowing as they did how much influence they conferred upon those who filled them. But it was in the Eoman period above all that the privileged families from which the high priests were drawn (see p. 173, above) were found to constitute a proud aristocracy, claiming to occupy a rank much superior to that of the ordinary priests. The social difference between the one circle and the other was so marked that, toward the close of the period just preceding the destruction of the temple, the high priests could even go the length of wresting the tithes from the other priests by violence, these latter being left to starve.*^ As a conse- quence of this disparity of rank, their political sympathies were also so widely different that, at the outbreak of the revolu- tion, the ordinary priests favoured this movement, whereas the high priests did everything in their power to allay the storm. 23 Vita., 1 : 'TTo'h'Kvi U xxv roinu hccipop» = " there is a great advantage also in this." *o One feels tempted to assume that the lists in Chronicles (1 Chron. xxiv. 7-18) were not framed till the Asmonaean period. For it is surely very strange that it is precisely the class Joiarib, from which the Asmo- naeans were sprung, that is here put prominently at the top, while in the lists given in Nehemiah (xii. 1-7, 12-21) it occupies a somewhat subordinate place. " Joseph. Anit. xx. 8. 8, 9. 2. *^ Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 2-4. § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 223 We must be careful to distinguish between the priests properly so called and the Levitcs, a subordinate class of sacred officials." It is true, no doubt, that this distinction is as yet unknown to the Book of Deuteronomy. There the Levites are all regarded as being as much entitled to share in the priestly functions as the rest, and " priests " and " Levites " are made use of simply as convertible terras (see especially, Deut. xviii. 5, xxi. 5 ; and generally, xvii. 9, 18, xviii. 1, xxiv. 8, xxvii. 9). The practice of distinguishing between the two orders is met with for the first time in Ezekiel ; and there can scarcely be a doubt that it was precisely this prophet who was the first to introduce it. According to the legislation of Deuteronomy, all places of worship outside Jerusalem were to be suppressed. At the same time the " Levites " who officiated in them, i.e. the priests, were not deprived of their rights as such ; all that was asked of them was that they should exercise their priestly functions exclusively in Jerusalem. This state of things however could hardly be expected to last long, In the first place it was too much to expect that the Jerusalem priests would long relish the idea of those colleagues from the pro- vinces having the same right to officiate as themselves ; but apart from this, there was the fact that they had been guilty, to a larger extent than the priests of Jerusalem, of blending the service of strange gods with the worship of Jehovah. Consequently Ezekiel now proceeded to push the state of things brought about by the Deuteronomist to what seemed to be its legitimate result : he prohibited the Levites from beyond Jerusalem from celebrating worship altogether. This was now to be the exclusive privilege of the Levites of the house of Zadok, i.e. of the Jerusalem priests. Hereafter none but the sons of Zadok were " to offijr the fat and the blood ^3 See in general, Winer's Reahcörlerh. ii. 20 ff. Oehler's art. " Levi," in lierzog's lical-Encycl, 1st ed. vol. viii. 347-358 (in the 2nd ed. it is revised by Orelli). Graf, Zur Geschichte 'D) in Jerusalem, composed of priests, Levites and Israelites. As § 24. THE rJMESTIIOOD AM) THE TEMPLE "WORSIIir. 220 the Levites, each of il\e various divisions or courses was presided over by a head (n'^f^ or D'-tr«-))/* The question as to wliere the priests and Levites resided is one with regard to which we have very little information of a reliable kind ; for we must here entirely dismiss from view the legislation with reference to the forty-eight Levitical cities, which never was more tlian a mere theory (Num. xxxv. ; Josh. xxi.). One thing however is certain, and that is, that under the new order of things that obtained subsequent to the exile, only a fraction of the priests and Levites lived in Jerusalem itself, while the rest were scattered over the towns and villages of Judaea, the majority of them being probably within a short distance of the capital and the centre of worship. In the list in Neh. xi. 10-19, to whicli reference has been already made, the number of priests who lived in Jerusalem is stated to have been 1192,*^ that of the Levites and musicians 284, and that of the doorkeepers 172. But the sum-total of the whole priests of the land amounted to something like five times tliat number, if not more (see note 51), while in the case of the other categories the pro- portion of those living beyond the city to those within it may have been greater still. In any case, the general fact that priests as well as Levites had their residences in the towns and villages of Judaea is confirmed by repeated and unquestionable testimony.'^ But we are left with little or no information with respect to details.^' soon as its turn to serve came round to a course, the priests and Levites belong- ing to it proceeded to Jerusalem, but the Israelites assembled in the syna- gogues of their different towns and there read the account of the creation." ** D^'J'. 1 Chron. xv. 4-12 ; 2 Chrou. xxxv. 9. D'CS"1. N^eh. xii. 22, 23 ; 1 Ciiron. ix. 33, 34, xv. 12, xxiii. 24, xxiv. 6, 31. The divisions whose heads are here in question are, of course, separate and disiinet from each other. ^* The parallel passage, 1 Chron. ix. 10-13, puts it at a somewhat higher figure. ^8 Ezra ii. 70; Neh. vii. 73, xi. 3, 20, 3G ; 2 Chron. xxxi. 15, 19. ^^ A number of places where musicians had settled are mentioned in Neh. xii, 27-29. The Maccabees came from Modein (1 Mace. ii. 1), Zacharias the priest lived in the hill country of Judah (Luke i. 39). 230 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. II. THE EMOLUMENTS. The emoluments which the priests received from the people for their subsistence were, down to the time of the exile, of a very modest and rather precarious kind. But subsequent to this latter period they were augmented almost beyond measure. This fact enables us to see, in a peculiarly striking manner, what a vast increase of power and influence the priesthood had acquired through the new order of things that was introduced subsequent to the exile.^* And this increase ■of power was, no doubt, the cause of the loftier pretensions of the order, just as, on the other hand, it was in turn also the effect of the augmenting of tlie temporalities. Nor was it ever in the power of the scribes, who came after and who in themselves were not always favourably disposed toward the priests, to do anything in the way of altering this state of matters, now that tlie priestly law had been for so long the acknowledged law of God. Nay, it was for this very reason that the scribes only found themselves in the position of contributing towards the yet further increase of the priests' emoluments. For proceeding as they did on the view that a man always secured for himself the divine approval in pro- portion to the punctuality and readiness with which he con- formed to the requirements of the law, they almost invariably interpreted its prescriptions in a sense favourable to the priests. And so we have the singular spectacle of an age that had already begun to regard the priests with distrust, helping nevertheless to confirm and increase their power. In the times previous to the exile there were as yet almost no imposts in the strict sense of the word at all, that is to say, none which were not connected with sacrifice, none whicli According to Origen, Bethphage was a village where priests lived, Comment, in Matt. vol. xvi. cap. xvii. (Lommatzscli, iv. 52) : tpiA.nvi\Jiadoi,i 3s 4. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. that whicli was taken away became the property of the priests.^'* All the four classes of offerings now mentioned were " most holy," and as such could only be consumed in a holy place, i.e. within the inner court of the temple, and exclusively by the priests themselves (and not by their relations as well).*"^ The regulations were not so stringent with regard to the two following ofiferings, viz. (5) the thank- offerings and (6) the burnt-offerings. Of the former, the Q^Pfy' ''^?], i.e. those offerings which were consumed by the offerers themselves, and by Luther rendered " Dankopfer," or as it should rather be " Mahlopfer," the priests received two parts of each, viz. the breast and the right shoulder. These might be eaten in any " clean place," and therefore not within the sanctuary as in the previous instances, and that not by the priest alone, but by all who were connected with the priestly order as well, even by their wives and daughters.*''' Lastly, of the burnt- offerings (6), the priests received comparatively speaking least of all, for they were entirely consumed upon the altar. Eut even of these they got the skins at least, and, considering how frequently sacrifices of this sort were offered, it was certainly not without good reason that Philo estimated the amount of revenue from this source also as something very considerable.^'^ ^* Lev. xxiv. 5-9 ; for the Sifra to this as also the other Rabbinical passages, see Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. p. 1084 ff. ; see also Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7; Matt. xii. 4 ; Mark ii. 26 ; Luke vi. 4. For the principle on wliich they Avere divided, see Sukka v. 7, 8 (the retiring course of service got the one half and the incoming one the other half). ^5 Num. xviii. 10 and the passages cited in the preceding notes ; also Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. i, fin. ^^ Lev. vii. 30-34, x. 14, 15. Sifra to Lev. vii. 30-34, in Ugolini's Thcs. vol. xiii. p. 1091 ff. Philo, De pracmli.i sacerdotum, sec. iii. (ed. Mang. ii. 234) ; 'TTccvTc; yacp ispttov 'T^pooTizux.-cc.t ovo roi; Upivaiv oiizi ^vcTiv tidaadxi Joseph. Antt. iii. 9. 2 : to "hs trrijdo; xeti -r'/jv KU'/j,uy}i> tsjv h^iaiv roi; ispivai ■:toLpaiü-j(/jVTi;. On the peace-offerings generally, see Lev. iii. the whole chapter, vii. 11-21, 28-34. AViner's licahcörterb., art. '• Dankopfer." ''''Lev. vii. 8; the Sifra thereto in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xiii. p. 1079. Mishna, Stbachim xii. 2-4. Tosefta, Sehachim (or Korbanoth) xi. 7 if . in L^golini's r/feÄ- xiii lUSOff. Thilo, De pracmiis sacerdotum, sec. iv. {y[a.ug. § 24. thj: priestiiood and the temple worship. 237 II. But considerable as the amount deiivcd from those offerings no doubt was, still it formed but the smaller portion of the sacerdotal revenues, while for the most part it was only available for the officiating priests. The real bulk of the priests' emoluments, on the other hand, consisted strictly speaking of what was derived from tlwse dues that were paid independently of the sacrifices altogether, and which conse- quently possessed the character of a genuine tax for the maintenance of the priesthood. These dues were levied partly upon the produce of the soil and partly upon the offspring of the cattle, and they had to be paid partly in kind, although in some instances they might also be ransomed for their equivalent in money. The dues derived from the produce of the soil were of a varied character, and had to be separated (with a view to payment) in the following order : ^® (1) The prstfruits, oniaa. These offerings were taken from the so- called " seven kinds," i.e. from the principal products of the soil of Palestine as enumerated in Deuteronomy (viii, 8), viz. wheat, barley, vines, fig-trees, pomegranates, olives and honey. Those who lived in the vicinity of Jerusalem offered fresh fruits, while those living farther away brought them in a dried form. In going up to present their offerings the people went in common procession, and according to Philo and the Mishna it was made an occasion of merry-making. It was the practice for those living in flie country to assemble in the principal towns of the districts to which they belonged and thence to go up to Zion in one merry company, marching to the music of the pipes. At the head of the procession was led the ox that was to form the festive offering, with its horns gilded and a garland of olive branches placed upon them. In Jerusalem the most eminent members of the priesthood came ii. 235): 'E^' »voioi (/.iuzot kuI Tci.;Tuv ö'aokuvtuuÜto):/, duvdr-ct oi rxvT fOTi, Oopoc; "TrpoiTUrrei tov; VTT/ifiSrov'jr*: rxi; dvoixt; ispit; A.uf^ßxvitv, oü fipotyjluu oi>^>.^ iv roi; //.»/.{irrot Tro/.vxpyi/^cifov Oupixv. Josephus, Antt. iii. 9. 1. Ritter's Philo und die IMacha, p. 120. On the burnt-offeriiif,'s generally, see Lev. i. 3-17. Winer's Ilcalwvrlerh. under the word " Brandopfer." '*'♦ On the order to be observed, see Ternnioth iii. 6, 7. 238 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. to meet tlie procession as it approached the sanctuary. The owners of the offerings then put wreaths round the baskets containing the first-fruits and carried them on their shoulders up the temple mount as far as tlie court. This was done even by the most distinguished personages ; it had been done even by King Agrippa himself. As soon as the procession entered the court the Levites welcomed it with the singincj of the thirtieth Psalm. And now each person proceeded to hand his basket to the priest, and as he did so, repeated the confession of Deut. xxvi. 5-10, whereupon the priest took it and put it down beside the altar.*'^ (2) Then came the so-called terumah (nonn). This was distinct from the first-fruits, and in so far as tlie offering of these latter had always rather more of a symbolico-religious significance, it hardly could be said to have belonged to quite the same category with them. The terumah possessed the character of a pure payment in kind toward the maintenance of the priests, for Rabbinical Judaism understands it in the more restricted sense of the term (terumah in the more comprehensive sense of the word meaning every " heave " whatsoever, i.e. everything paid to the sanctuary) as denoting the giving of the choicest of the fruits of the ground cmd of the trees to the priests. This impost was levied not only upon the " seven kinds," but upon every species of fruit, and that whether the fruits of the ground or the fruit of trees. Here as before the most important of them were wheat, wine and oil. The amount to be given was not regulated by anj '•^ See in general, Num. xviii. 13 ; Neh. x. ."6 ; also Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26. To this matter Deut. xxvi. 1-11 was referred. Joseph. Antt. iv. 8. 22. In the ^[ishna the entire tractate Bikkurim is devoted to the subject of firet-fruits. Comp, especially, Bikkurim i. 3 (regarding the " seven kinds" to be offered), and iii. 1-9 (account of the festive proces- sion). Philo treats of this matter in his small work, De fcsto copJiini, first edited by Cardinal Mai, and given in Richter's edition of Philo's works, V. 48-50 ; also in Tischendorf's Philonm (1868), pp. 69-71. Of the works given under the literature we would specially mention, Lundius, Die alten jiuJischen Heiligthiirner, book iii. chap. liv. Ugolini's Thes. vol. iii. p. 1100 ff. Winer's Reahvarterb., art. " Erstlinge." Saalschütz, i. 344 f. Haneberg, pp. .^65-568. Grätz, Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1877, p. 433 ff. § 2-1. THE PWESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOIISIIIP. 239 fixed measure, weight, or number,^" but was to be, on an average, one-fiftieth of the whole yield, the person who gave one-fortieth being regarded as giving liberally, while he who gave only one-sixtieth was considered to have given somewhat stingily/^ Whatever had once been set apart as a terumali could be lawfully made use of only by the priests/^ (3) After tlie materials of the two classes of offerings we have just mentioned had been duly separated, the largest and most important item of all now fell to be deducted, viz. the tithe. We know, from what the Gospels tell us, with what painful scrupulosity the prescriptions of the law in regard to this matter were observed, and how common it was to pay tithe even of the most insignificant and worthless objects, such as mint, anise, and cummin (Matt, xxiii. ; Luke xi. 42). The principle laid down in tlie Mishna with respect to this is as follows : " Everything which may be used as food and is cultivated and grows out of the earth is lialtle to tithe." ''^ Tlie '" Terumoth i. 7. '1 Terumoth iv. 3. Comp. Jerome's com. on Ezek. xliv. 13, 14 (Opp. ed. Vallarsi, v. 5G5) : At vero primitiva quae de frugibus offerebant, uon erant Bpeciali numcro definita, sed oiferentium arbitrio derelicta. Trarlitionein- que accepimus Hebraeorum iiou lege praeceptam, sed magistroium arbitrio iiiolitam : qui plurimum, quailnu/esiniam partem dabat sactrdotibus, qui minimum, sexagesimam: inter quadra gesimam et sexagesimam licebat offerre quodcumque voluissent. '-See in general, Num. xviii. 12; Xeli. x. 38. The Kabbinical regu- lations in the tractate Terumoth. Philo, De pi-aemiis sacerdotum, sec. i. (Mang. ii. p. Ü33) : ■Trpo'jrü.Tnt x,x\ octo rij; oi'Kh.yig Krviasu; ocTTxp)ci''^m, »cst^' 'iKO(.aTr,'j yA'j X'^pov oii/o», y~*6 ty-etiTfj Oi ci'hcauu airou y.eti y.pi^oii. 0,uciiu; oe i^ i'Kotiuy i'hui'jv Kul ccttÖ röiv öcKKo»! dy.pdopvuv ijfiipovs kcco-^tov; (that it is the tcrumah that Philo has in view here has also been correctly assumed by Richter in his Philo und die Halncha). Joseph. Aiitt. iv. 4. 4 : ht Zi dvol.pxoi'; ~ÖU >.«&V OtKUlOU TU 6iU ■:7U.UTUV ZUV iX, T^f y^j <^voiiivus> KXp'^U» i'7n(pipity. Comp, also Lu7)dius, Die alten jüdischen Ilei/igthümer, book iv. chap. xxxi. Winers Ileal 'rorterh., art. " Ersthnge." Saal.'^chütz, i. 346. Haneberg, p. 568 f. "2 Maaseroth i. 1. For details, comp, for example Maaxeroth iv 5, 6, V. 8. Lightfoot, Horae hebr., note on Matt, xxiii. 23 (0pp. ii. 359). Wetzstein, jVou. Test., note on the same passage. On the tithing of anise {ä,uaitg TW Aivhyj kuI tu Trpoavihura kxI tu opZxvu y.xl TYJ x'^pcc. But it became the practice in later times to superadd the tithe for tiie poor to the second tithe every third year. See Tob. i. 7, 8. Joseph. Antt. iv. 8. 22. Pea viii. 2-9. Dcmai iv. 3, 4. Maaacr sheni V. 6. Jadajim iv. 3. Targuni of Jonathan on Deut. xxvi. 12. Jerome's commentary on Ezckiel xlv. 13, 14 (ed. Vallarsi, v. 565). Guisius's note on Pea viii. 2 (in Surenhusius' Mishna i. 70). Bernard and Ilavercamp's editions of Josephus, notes on Antt. iv. 8. 22. Hottinger, De decimis DIV. II. VOL. I. Q 242 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP, (pvpdixaTo<;, Eom. xi. 16). According to the Mishna, offerings of this sort required to be given in the case of dough that happened to be made from any one of the five following kinds of grain : wheat, barley, spelt, oats, and rye (1)J^ The offer- ing was not to be presented in the form of flour or meal, but required to be taken from the dough, i.e. as prepared for making bread.^^ The quantity to be given was, in the case of private individuals, one twenty-fourth part, and, in the case of public bakers, one forty-eighth part of the whole piece.^* Then there was a second leading class of regular offerings, viz. those derived from the rearing of cattle. These w^ere of three different kinds : (1) The most important of them was that consisting of the male first-lorn of the cattle (that is to say therefore, the first-born w^henever it happened to be a male). As far back as the earlier Jehovistic and Deuterono- mist legislation we find that the male first-born of the cattle was required to be dedicated to God, i.e. was to be used in sacrifice and for sacrificial feasts (Ex. xiii. 11-16, xxii. 28, 29, xxxiv. 19, 20 ; Deut. xv. 19-23). This the priestly legislation has converted into an allowance to be given to the priests (Ex. xiii. 1, 2; Lev. xxvii. 26, 27; Num. xviii. 15-18 ; Neh. x. 37). Both legislations add to this the^rs^- lorn among men as well, for these two were regarded as, Judaeorum, pp. 182-203. Lundius, Die alt. jüd. Heiligth., book iv. chap, xxxiv. Winer's Realwörteri., art. " Zehnt." Leyrer in Herzog's Real- Encjicl., 1st ed. vol. xviii. p. 418 f. ''^ Challa i. 1. There is some doubt as to the meaning of the two words usually rendered "oats" and "rye" (^yi:^ D^UC and pa"'5J') ; especially with regard to pD'>EJ' = ff/(piyi/, at(pöiuiou^ it would certainly be more correct to understand the word as meaning a species of oats. "•'' Clialla ii. 5. ''ä Challa iL 7. See in general, Num. xv, 17-21 ; Neh. x. 38 ; Ezek. xliv. 30. Philo, De praemiis sacerdoium, sec. i. (Mang. ii. 233) : Kthsvn ydp roil; airoTouovuretg oi'Ko 'Trxvrog arixröi t£ xxt cpvpcificcro; »prou oij iepx —ot^n' tu'j o' oil vivof/AayAuwj iadUiv -Ttxp xiiroig xxrx Tov; 'TTxrpiov; i/6inov; rot/; "hiaTroTx; tuv ■rix.royA'ju'j atKKoy x,x\ iifAiav xi/roig dyxfspetv, xvopu-T^ov oi 7rp6jTcr6x.ov ■Trkurs aU'hovg. Misbna tractate Bechoroth. Lundius, Die alt. jiid. Heiligthilmer, hook iii. chap. xliv. "Winer's Real- wörterb., art. "Erstgeburt." Saalschütz, i. 348 f. Haneberg, pp. 569-571. Frankel, Ueber den Einflass der palästinischen Exegese, etc., 1851, p. 98 f. (on the Sept. rendering of Ex. xiii. 13 and xxxiv. 20). Eitter, Philo, pp. 118-122 (the most exhaustive and accurate of any). Knobel-Dilhnann, Exeget. Handbuch, note on Ex. xiii. 1, 2. Low, Die Lebensalter in der jiid. Literatur, 1875, pp. 110-118, 390-392 (specially treating of the first-born in the case of man). § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 245 cheeks, and tlie stomach. This is the sense in which Deut. xviii. 3 was understood, and was therefore taken as referring, not to animals offered in sacrifice, but to those slaughtered for ordinary use. According to the later interpretation of it, this prescription was also regarded as applying exclusively to such animals as were suitable for sacrifices, viz. oxen, sheep and goats.^" (3.) Again, a portion of the j^^'occeds of the sheep-shearing had to be given to the priests, only in those cases however in which a person owned more than one sheep — according to the school of Shammai, when he owned two, according to Hiilel's school, on the other hand, not unless he owned five. This offering was said to amount to five Jewish ( = ten Galilaean) sela.*^ III. Besides the regular offerings, there also fell to the priests a considerable number of an irregidar and cxtra^ ordinary character. To this category belonged, fundamentally at least, a large number of sacrifices offered on an almost endless variety of occasions (see p. 195 f. above) ; but besides ^^ See in general, besides Deut. xviii. 3, Philo, De pracmiis sacerdotttm, sec. iii. (Mang. ii. 235): Axö de jav 'i^a toD ßa/nov dvofiiuuv 'ii/excc Kptu^xyta; Tpict 'TTpoariToi.KTXi TU itpii oIooGÖcti, ß p ot,)(,io V ot, Kul atetyova, x.otl to koc'Kov- (ji-ivd-j Tjvvarpov. Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. 4 : uvat os x.ctl roig kut^ oIkov dvovoiv, ivu'/,ia; tuiKoe, rii; oivruv, ciXh» //.V) öpvi'jy.iix;, oivä.'yKYit' xoftti^iiu Toiq iiptvaiv TjvvaToöv T£ x.xl y^i'hvvK))) Kdl Tov os|/()j/ ßpoc.-/,ioua. ToD dv(/^ot.To;. On the meaning of xihvviov (not tlie breast, but the cheek), see notes on this passage in Bernard and Ilavercamp's editions of Josephus. Mishna tractate Chullin x. and the corresponding Gemara, fol. 130 ff. Si/ra to Deut. xviii. 3 in Ugolini, vol. xiii. 1113-1115 (here too, as in Josephus, the right foreleg or shoulder). Jerome, Epist. Ixiv. ad Fahiolam, chap. ii. (Vallarsi, i. 355) : Caeterum et alia tria, exceptis primitiis hostiarum et de privato et de macello publico, ubi non religio sed victus necessitas est, saccr- dotibus membra tribuuntur, brachium, maxilla et venter. Bernard and Ilavercamp's editions of Josephus, notes on Antt. iv. 4. 4. Saalschütz, L p. 350. Haneberg, p. 576 f. Oehler in Ilerzog's Rcal-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. xii. p. 181 f. Knobel's note on Deut. xviii. 3. Hitter's Philo, p. 124 f. Well- Lausen, i. p. 158. ^" See in general, Deut. xviii. 4. Joseph. Atitt. iv. 4. 4 : iJvxi oi d-otp- X^i; uiiTolg Kui rr,; ruv -Trpofiira» KovpA;. Mishna, Chidlin xi. 1, 2. Sijra to Deut. xviii. 4, in Ugolini, vol. xiii. p. 1113. Philo, De caritate, sec. X. (Mangey, ii. 391), erroneously incluiles this offering among the tithes. 246 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. these they also received the following offerings : (1) The consecration voids, or votive offerings. These might be of a very varied character. One could dedicate oneself or some other person to the sanctuary (to the Lord). In such cases it was usual to pay a certain sum of money by way of ransom, viz. fifty shekels for a man and thirty for a woman. But one could also dedicate animals, houses, or lands to the sanctuary. If the animals happened to be such as could be offered in sacrifice, then they had to be given in natura. But in the case of unclean animals and in that of houses and lands, a money ransom could be paid as before, though on certain conditions specified in the law.^* (2) A special form of con- secration vow called the Ian, i.e. something irredeemably devoted to the sanctuary. Whenever anything was devoted to the sanctuary in this form (as something banned, ö"in) it fell to it, i.e. to the priests in natura, whether it were in the shape of a person, cattle, or lands.®'^ (3) Lastly, in those cases in which any one had appropriated or otherwise unlaw- fully got possession of anything, and in which it was no longer possible to restore the property to its rightful owner, a certain indemnity had to be paid, and this also fell to the priests.''** With regard to the two things last mentioned, the 88 See in general, Lev. xxvii. ; Deut. xxiii. 22-24. Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. 4 ; Matt. XV. 5 ; Mark vii. 11. Luudius, Die alt. jüd. Hciligthiimer, book iii. chap. xlv. Saalschütz, Das mosaische Recht, i. 150-153, 358-367. Winer's Real-wörterh. art. "Gelübde." Oehler in Herzog's Real-Encycl., 1st ed. vol. iv. pp. 788-790 (art. "Gelübde beiden Hebräern"). Knobel-Dillmann, Exeget. Handbuch, notes on Lev. xxvii. Haneberg, Die religiösen Alter- thümer der Bibel, pp. 370-376. Lightfoot, Horae hcbr., note on ^fatt. xv. 5 {Opp. ed. Roterodamens. ii. p. 332 f.). Edzard, Tractatus Talmiidicus, Aboda sara 1710, p. 294 ff. Schoettgen, Ilorae hehr., Wolfs Curae phil. in Nov. Test., and Wetzstein's Nov. Test., the notes of the three last- mentioned writers on Matt. xv. 5 ; see in general the expositors on Matt. XV. 5 and Mark vii. 11 ; also " Saat auf Hoffnung," edited by Delitzsch for year 1875, pp. 37-40. On the validity of vows in the case of women, see Num. XXX. ; !Mishna tractate Nedarim. ®® See Lev. xxvii. 28 ; Num. xviii. 14 ; Ezek. xliv. 29. Saalschütz, i. 368-373. Winer's Bealworterb., art. "Bann." Lev. xxvii. 29 is not appli- cable here. See Knobel-Dillmann 's note on this latter passage. 90 Num. V. 5-8. § 21. TUE PrJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESIIIP. 2-47 law distinctly states that they were to belong to the pj'iV.s^s personally, whereas the votive offering, on the other hand, would appear to have been devoted as a rule to purposes connected with the services of the sanctuary generally .^^ At the same time Josephus distinctly affirms that the ransom of fifty or of thirty shekels to be paid in those cases in which any one had devoted him or herself to God formed part of the friesW emoluments.^* Further, the Eabbinical theologians hold that, besides the cherem and the indemnity offering, "the inherited field," consecrated as a votive offering (Lev. xxvii. 16-21), was also to be included among the twenty- four different kinds of offerings that fell to the priests.'* To what extent all the offerings to which we have referred were contributed by the Jews of the disjpersion as well it is no longer possible to say with any degree of certainty in regard to any one of them in particular.^* In any case a large "^ Shekalim iv. 6-8 : " When any one consecrates his possessions (VD^J) . . • and there happen to be cattle amongst them suitable for sacrifice, whether males or females, then, according to liabbi Eliesar, they are to be sold, the males for burnt -offerings and the females for festive offerings, to those who may be requiring them for such purposes, while the money with the rest of the properly was to be given to the treasury for the support of the temple (1^2^ P12h)- Rabbi Josua says: The males are sacrificed as burnt-offerings, and the females are sold to such as happen to be requiring festive offeriugs, while, with the money realized from the sale, burnt-offerings are purchased and offered ; the residue of the property goes to the treasury for the maintenance of the sanctuary. ... If any one consecrates his possessions, and there happen to be things amongst them suitable for the altar, such as wine, oil, birds, then, according to Rabbi Eliesar, these are to be sold to those who are requiring offerings of this sort, while the money thus realized is to be sj^ent in procuring burnt- <;fTering3 ; the residue of the property goes to the treasury for the support of the temple." '" Joseph. Atitt. iv. 4. 4. ^^ Comp, the Rabbinical passages quoted in note 60, above. ^* For material bearing upon this, see C'halla iv. 7, 11 ; Jadajim iv. 3 ; Oiiillin X. 1 (the three portions allotted to the priests at the slaughtering of an animal to be given beyond Palestine as well). Philo, De mnnarcliia, ii. ;] (Mang. ii. 224). Lajat. nd Cojnm, sec. xxiii. 40 (Mang. ii. pp. 568 f., 5ü2). Joseph. Autt. xvi. 6. 2-7, xviii. 9. 1. The passages from Philo and Josephus refer mainly, of course, to the (Udrachmi tax, but not to that alone; see Anlt. xviii. 9. 1: to' ts oiopccxfiov . . . y.xl ottoox «/a« 248 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. number of them was paid by those of the dispersion as well, while the amount derived from all those sources was of so handsome a character that the priests always had a comfort- able provision. As little are we any longer in a position always to form anything like a distinct conception of the mode in which those offerings were jJciid. Many of them, such as the challa and the three portions to be given on the occasion of slaughtering an animal, were of such a nature that they did not admit of being kept long. Consequently to carry these and such as these to Jerusalem for the purpose of presenting them there would be simply impossible. At any rate, in all those places in which there happened to be priests, they were given to them directly.®'' But so far as it was at all practicable, the administration of the offerings was centralized in Jerusalem. Thither they were conveyed and handed over to those appointed to receive them, and from thence again they were distributed among the priests.^^ This central administration on the part of the priests extended to the tithe as well, which in point of fact was delivered, not to the Levites, but to the priests, in whose hands the further disposal of it was then left.®'' eiva.67ifA.et.T0t.. Hottinger, De decimis Judaeorum, p. 100 ff. (JExercit. v.). Frankel, Ueher den Eivßuss der palästinischen Exegese auf die alexandriniscJie Hermeneutik (1851), p. 98 f. '-'^ It is said in Terumoth ii. 4 with reference to the terumah : " Wherever there happens to be a priest, there the terumah of the choicest portions is paid to him ; but where there is no priest a terumali is to be paid of something that will keep." According to Challa iv. 8, 9, the Challa, things banned, the first-born, the ransom for first-born sons, the ransom for the first-born of the ass, the shoulder, the cheeks and the stomach (on the occasion of killing an animal for ordinary use), the portion of the fleece at the sheep- shearing, and others, could be given to any priest no matter where. Hence it was that the terumah, for example, and the tithe, and the first-born continued to be exacted even after the destruction of the temple, Bikkurim ii. 3 ; Shekalim viii. 8. 96 See especially, 2 Chron. xxxi. 11-19 ; Neh. xii. 44, xiii. 5 ; Malachi iii. 10. Philo, De praemiis, sec. iv. (Mang. ii. 285 f.) : 'Tttsjo Ss roii iA.r^ivcc rZu '^ihö'jTuv 6viihi'(^iiu rol; Ast^/Säi/sy«, x.i'ksi'si rx; dvccpx»; d; to iipov tcof^tl^sadxt, vporspov, ur hdii/'^s rou; tspsi; 'ha.f/.ßce.unv. 9" Comp. Joseph. Vita, xii. 15 ; Antt. xx. 8. 8, 9. 2. Herzfeld, Gesch. des § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 249 Nor were tliose priestly gifts made use of merely by the priests themselves, but the ^^/'z^zY^z/c of participating in the enjoyment of them tvas extended to those connected ivith them as well. The only things that had to be partaken of exclusively by priests were those known as "most holy" (see p. 236, above). All the others might be enjoyed by the whole of the members of a priest's household — his wife, his daughters and his slaves, with the exception however of hired workmen and daughters married to other than priests. But, in every instance, only those were at liberty to participate who were in a condition of Levitical purity.^' With regard to the priests no distinction was made, on this occasion, between those duly qualified to officiate and those debarred from doing so in consequence of some physical defect or infirmity. These latter might be allowed, when the division to which they belonged happened to be serving, to go even the length of participating in the " most holy " things themselves.®^ All the offerings to which we have hitherto been referring only went to form the personal emoluments of the priests. From these are now furtlier to be distinguished tliose imposts which were directly intended to defray the expenses connected with public worship. The most important of them was the Volkes Jisrael, ii. 138 ff. Delitzsch, Zeitschr. f. luth. Theol. 1877, p. 448 f. Wellhansen, i. 171 f. Ritters Philo und die HalacJia, p. 123 f. In the time of Nehemiah the tithe was paid to the Levitcs precisely in accordance with what is prescribed in the priest-code, while these in turn handed over only a tenth of the tithe to the temple treasury ; at the same time the two things were done under the super cision of the priests (^eh. x. 38, 39). The Mishna would appear to proceed on the assumption that the correct thing was for the priests and the Levites to receive their respective shares directly from the hands of the person paying the tithe (Maaser shciii V. 6). ^^ Lev. xxii. 1-16. Philo, De monarchia, lib. ii. sees, xiii.-xv. (ed. Mangey, ii. pp. 230-233). Josi-ph. Antf. iv. 4. 4 : -TrotuTuv Zirui/ loi; 'npivat tO^0V(/,ivuv y.0i'juvu!i OiiTcc^s Kotl rov; oix,iroc; k»i dvy»Tzpx; kxI yvi/xix.»;, i^u tL'j vvip a,y.!t.pTt\y.ä,ruv iiTic\ i(p6pii Tov äXhüv •/,pö'jov, 'htroripxii S' ecviT^xfißxuiv oVöVg [öä] slaioi eis to öilvrou. The words within brackets are here to be deleted. The high priest wore the linen dress (p^ ""nin) only when performing those parts of the service that had special reference to the great day of atonement. When performing the others however, he wore his more gorgeous dress (nnT nj^) on the great day of" atonement as well as on any other occasion. For further particulars on this point, see Joma iii. 4. 6, vii. 1. 3, 4 ; comp, besides, Joseph. Antt. 4. 3 (when the Romans had the § 24. THE PrJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOPSIIIP. 257 2. Next to the high priest in point of rank came the ]iO or p.p, Aramaic !^D, regarding whose functions the conceptions of the Eabbinical authorities are anything but clear. They seem to think that he was simply the representative of the high priest, and that his chief function was to act as the substitute of this latter, should he happen to be disqualified for taking part in tlie worship in consequence of Levitical defilement ; and this view has also continued to be the prevail- ing one among Christian scholars down to the present day.''"" But it is undoubtedly erroneous. Among all the passages in the Mishna in which the po is mentioned there is not one that throws any further light whatever upon his official position. All they can be said to tell us is that he stood next to the high priest in point of rank. When the high priest drew the lot, in the case of the two he-goats, on the great day of atonement, the po stood at his right hand, while the presi- dent of the division or course that happened to be serving (3S IVl Ji'S")) was at his left.^"' Again, when he had occasion to read a portion from the Scriptures, the president of the synagogue handed the roll to the pD, who in turn passed it to the high priest.^"^ Also when he happened to offer the daily sacrifice, the po was still found at his side.^''' From all this however we are not at liberty to infer that the segan (I dress iu their custody they allowed the Jews to have the use of it rpia'ty eoprali iKÖtarov 'irovg ku.\ y,ot,rdi t'/ji/ v/ianixu, i.e. on the great day of atonement). ^^^ See in general, Buxtorf's Lex. Chakl. under word po. Seiden, De successione in pontifical inn Ebraeoram, ii. 1. Lifjhtfoot, Miitislcrium (enipli, V. 1 (^Oj>p. i. 687 f.). Sheringam on Joma iii. 9 (iu Surenhusius' Mi.tJtna, ii. 223). Carpzov^ Apparatus historico-criticus, p. 98 f. Vitringa, Ohscr- vationes sacrae (1723), lib. vi. cap. xxiii. pp. 517-531. Blossius, 1711, Overkanipf, 1739 (both quoted by Mcusel, BibUothera historica, i. 2. 165). Quandt, De pouti/icis maximi stijf'ragaiieo (in Ugoliiii's Thes. vol. xii. pp. 963-1028). Oehler's art. " Hoherpriester," in Herzog's Iical-EncycL, Isted. vi. 204. Haneberg, Die relifj. Altcrth. der Bibel, p. 558 f. Levy, Chald. Worth, under word po. Idem, Neuhehr. Wörterh. under same word. Oa the W^^iO in the Old Testament, consult Gesenius' Tliesaiiru.'i, under word. '^^'' .Joma iii. 9, iv. 1. ^'^* Joma vii. 1 ; Sola vii. 7-8. ^■^ Tamid vii. 3. DIV. 11. VOL. L B 258 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. prefer this Aramaic form because we are unable to say for certain what the Hebrew form of the singular was) was intended to act as the high priest's substitute on those occasions on which he was prevented from officiating himself. Such an inference would be decidedly wrong. For what the Mishna says with regard to this matter of the substitute is rather to this efiect : " Seven days before the great day of atonement it is customary to appoint some other priest (p3 "inx) to be ready to take the place of the high priest in the event of any accident happening to the latter calculated to interrupt the service." ^^^ This would surely have been extremely superfluous if there had been a permanent official whose duty it was to act as the liigh priest's representative or substitute. It appears to me that we need have no difficulty in arriving at a true and distinct conception as to what was the real position of the segan, if we will only take due note of the way in which the term d^jjd is rendered in the Septua- gint. For we find that there it is almost invariably repre- sented by (TTparrj^ol}^^ Consequently, the pD can have been no other than the arpar7]yo xpxnp^^;, vixvix; dpxavrxTo:, dTpxT-dyuv TOTS. It is quite possible that, in several of the last-mentioned passages, instead of its being the chief arpxrnyos that was meant, it was rather one of the subordinate arpxTriyol who were also among the temple officials, as will be pointed out immediately. § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. 259 office, we can quite easily understand how the priest who had the honour to liold it should have been regarded as second only to the high priest himself. Besides the segan or crTpaTr]'y6v (pv'^xB, hpivg, ''KXix^xpo; 6'vo/y^x . . . 7ri'77iariV[/.ivo; rv^'j rcju KXrci—iraaf^ciruv -zoi uxoii (pv'Ac<.K-/iv (in the time of Crassus). ^*^ Pea i. 6, /?«., ii. S,ßn., iv. 8 ; Challa iii. 3-4 ; Bikkurim iii. 3 ; Sliekalim ii. 1, V. 2, 6 ; Menachoth viii. 2, 7 ; Meila iii. 8. The term occurs in the Old Testament likewise, Ezra i. 8, vii. 21. Comp, further, Levy, Chald. Wörtei-b. under word. Idem, Neuliehr. Wörter!), under word. 115 Shekalim v. 6 ; 1 Chron. ix. 28. lie Joseph. Antt. xiv. 7. 1, xv. 11.4; xviii. 4. 3 ; liell. Jud. vi. 8. 3. 11" Menacliotli viii. 2, 7. lis Pea i. 6,^n., ii. 8,/n., iv. 8 : Challa iii. 3-4. 119 Meila iii. 8. i^f* Shekalim ii. 1. 151 1 Chron. ix. 28, 29, xxvi. 20-28; 2 Chron. xxxi. 11-19. The predi- lection of the author of Chronicles for the Levites is well known. Yet in Neh. xiii. 13 it is a priest that is found at the head of the treasurers. 1*2 Antt. XX. 8. 11 ; see note 143, above. § -24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 2G3 teniple.^'^'' When the Mishna affirms that there must have been at least three D''"'3T3 in the temple/'* it is certain that it can have had in view only the head treasurers and not the entire staff of officials that were required for the administration of the treasury. It is probable that, under the category of treasury officials, we should also include the amarkelin (p^aios), who are mentioned once in the Mishna without any hint whatever being given as to the nature of their functions,^'*^ the consequence beiug that the Eabbinical writers indulge merely in empty conjectures on the point, conjectures based, to some extent, upon trivial etymological conceits/^^ The term itself is of Persian origin, and means a " member of the chamber of accounts, or an accountant." ^^^ Consequently in the Targum of Jonathan we find that in 2 Kings xii. 1 and xxii. 4, for example, the term n''^3"iDX is substituted for the Hebrew expression ^IBH ""l^'^^ "keepers of the threshold," by whom the priestly treasurers are meant. We have a term in every way identical with the one now in question in the Armenian expression hamaralcar, which in like manner denotes an official having charge of the accounts (a chief 1^' Bikkurim iii. 3 (see p. 259, above) ; also in the lists of the various rauks of the priests given iu Tosefta, Horajoth, ßn. (see note 135), the D^"I2T3 take precedence of the ordinary priests, while these latter again rank higher than the Levites. In a certain Rabbinical lamentation over the degeneracy of the high priests, the D^"i3T3 are put immediately on a level with them precisely as in Joscphus (" They are high priests and their sons are pintj, and their sons-in-law pb^lOS-" 'i'o&eita, Menachotli.fin.; Bah. Pesachini bl^. Dercnbourg, Hisloire, p. 232, note). 1" ShekaUm v. 2. • iss Shcknlim v. 2. ^^^ In the Tosefta, Shckalhn ii, 15 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 177), it is affirmed that they kept the seven keys of the seven gates of the court (see also Grätz, Monatsschrift, 187G, p. 441). But this is a pure conjecture founded upon a statement in the Mishna to the effect that there must have been at least seven amarkelin. An attempt is made to exjjlain the term etymological ly by supposing it to be derived either from p^ -iO (lord of all), or 73 "IQX (he who speaks all, i.e. he who is entitled to order everything). See in general. Levy's Chald. Worterb. .f.r. Idem, yiuliel)): Wörtcrb. s.v. 55D-IOS and 'p^lD- ^5" Perles, Etymologisclc Stiidivn (1871), p. 106. Comp. Niildeke, Göttinger yd. Anztujtn (1871), 149. Idem, Literar. Centralbl. 1875, p. 876. 264 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOPSHIP. treasurer).'^ It is true no doubt that our term also occurs elsewhere in the Targums in the more comprehensive sense of chiefs or heads generally.^^^ But seeing that, as a rule, the priestly {"»^siöx are mentioned along with the pinTj/^'' we may venture to regard it as certain that they also belonged to the same category as the treasurers. It is possible that they were among the subordinate officials of this department ; ^^^ but perhaps the distinction between the gisbarim and the amar- kelin was something like this, that while to the former was assigned the duty of receiving and taking charge of the various treasures, the latter, on the other hand, were entrusted with the task of distributing among the priests the gifts and offerings that were intended for them.^^ Besides the two classes just mentioned, the Jerusalem Talmud mentions yet a third, viz. the ;''p"'b'inp {icadoXiKoi), of whom however the ]\Iishna knows nothing whatever.^^'^ II. For the duties connected with the ijolice department, 158 Prud'homme (Journal Asiallqne, 16th series, vol. vii. 1866, p. 115) renders ifc by comptable ou caissier chef. Comp, also Levy in Geiger's Jiid. Zeitschrift, v. 1867, p. 214 f. Lagarde, Armenische Studien {Abhandlungen der Gottinger Gesellsch. der Wisscnch. vol. xxii. 1877), No. 1216. 159 Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., and Levy, Chcdd. Wörterb. under word. 160 Besides Shekalim v. 2, so also in the list of the ranks of the priests, Tosefta Horajoth, fin., and in the lamentation of Tosefta Menachuth, fin. (see note 153, above). 161 It is true that, in the list of the grades of the priests Tosefta Horajoth, fin., the p^3"liOX rank higher than the pl^TJ- But this can hardly be correct. See, on the other hand, Skekalim v. 2 ; Tosefta Menachoth, fin. lu Bikknrim iii. 3, the jniU ^^^ included among the prominent members of the priest- hood, while the }''^31?:S again are not mentioned at all. 16- In Chronicles (2 Chron. xxxi. 11-19) those officials whose duty it was to receioe the gitts for the priests are plainly distinguished from those who were called upon to distribute them. And now we find it stated in the Mishna, Shekalim v. 2, that "it is usual to appoint not fewer than three gisbarim, and not fewer than seven amarkelim." If with this we compare what is said about the gathering in and distributing of the money for the poor (Pea viii. 7 : "Two take charge of the collecting and three of the distributing of it"), it is not unnatural to suppose that the gisbarim and the amarkelim would stand to each other precisely in the same relation as that in which the collectors of the money for the poor stood to the distri- butors of it. "3 Jer. Shekalim v. fol. 49». § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOUSHIP. 2G5 for which a very large staff of officials was required, it M-as mostly Le\'ites that were employed. In early times indeed, and down even to the days of Ezra and Nehemiah, the " gate- keepers " (Q"'iyt^') did not belong as yet to the order of the Levites, but were of a somewhat lower rank; it was the author of the Chronicles who was the first to include these officials also among the number of the Levites (see p. 224, above). In the inner court the duty of keeping watch and ward was discharged by the priests themselves. The author of the Chronicles, and subsequently Philo and the JMishna, have furnished us with several details regarding the organiza- tion of the department now in question.^^* We learn from the first-mentioned authority that there were twenty-four wards in all, under four chiefs or captains, and that they were posted on the east, west, north and south sides of the temple (1 Chron. xxvi. 12-18, also ix. 17, 24-27). The statements of this writer are Lo be understood as applying to the temple of Zerubbabel. But the area of the temple esplanade, or the so-called outer court, was afterwards very much enlarged, especially by Herod, so that it now formed a large qnadrangle, its longer side being that which extended from north to south. Within this large square again there was an oblong quad- rangular space enclosed by strong walls, the longer side, in this instance, running from west to east ; this was the so- called inner court, or " the court " in the strict sense of the word. This court was approached by a flight of steps, and at the foot of this stair was a railing within which no Gentile was allowed to pass. Any Gentile who ventured to pass this boundary and set foot within the inner court was punished with death ; and the lioman authorities respected the scruples of the Jews in regard to this matter to such an extent that they sanctioned the execution of this sentence even in those ^^* See in general, Opitii Commentnrius de cu.stodia lou/ili nocinrna (Ugolini's Thcs. vol. ix. pp. 979-1076). Winer's Reahrörkrh. ii. ."JOO f. Kneuckcr's art. " Tempelpolizei," in Scbenkel's Bihclkx. vol. v. p. 484 ff. 2G6 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOllSHIP. cases in wbicli Eoman citizens had been the offenders.^®^ To this railing notices were attached at certain distances from each other, with the prohibition and the penalty for infringing it inscribed upon them in Greek and Latin.'^**® According to Philo, there were keepers in his day not only at the entrances to the inner court, but likewise at the gates of the outer one as well, one of their principal duties being to see that the pro- hibition in question was rigidly complied with. In addition to these there were watchmen patrolling all round by night and by day to make sure that nothing of an unseemly character was going on anywhere.'^^^ According to the Mishna, there were twenty-one points at which the Levites kept watch (at night), and three at which the priests did so. The Leviti- cal keepers were stationed partly at the gates and the corners of the outer court (inside of it), and partly at the gates and corners of the inner court (outside of it), while the priestly guards again had charge of the inner court.^^^ It was usual ^^5 See in geueral, Joseph. Antt. xv. 11. 5 ; Bell. Jiid. v. 5. 2, vi. 2. 4 ; Apiov. ii. 8. Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, § 31 (ed. Äraiig. ii. 577). Mishna, Middoth ii. 3 ; Keliin i. 8. It was in consequence of an alleged violation of this prohibition on the part of the Apostle Piiul, by taking Trophimus into the inner court, that the popular tumult arose that led to the apostle's being arrested (Acts xxi. 28). For the judicial proceedings in such cases, comp, further p. 188, above. ^^6 One of those inscriptions was discovered and published in the year 1871 by Clermont-Ganneau. For an account of it, see Clermont-Ganneau, Eevue archeolofjique, new series, vol. xxiii. 1872, pp. 214-231, 290-296, pi. X. Derenhouvg, Journal astaiique, 6th series, vol. xx. 1872, pp. 178-195. Piper, Jahrh.f. deutsche Theol. 1876, p. 51 f. The inscription runs thus: — MH0ENA AAAOrENH EISHO PETE20AI ENT02 TOT HE PI TO IE PON TPT'ii'n) were in regular use, and while the playing upon the instruments hitherto mentioned was left entirely to the Levites (the traditions hesitating somewhat only with regard to the reed-]3ipes), the blowing with trumpets, on the other hand, was performed by priests. This latter was also an accompaniment above all of the offering of the daily burnt-offering, and of other parts of ^'^'^ 1 Chron. XV. 19. Joseph. Antt. vii. 12. 3. I9S Antt. vii. 12. 3. ^^^ 1 Sam. xvi. 23, xviii. 10, xix. 9. ^ö" Arachin ii. 0. 5. ^^^ On the TTse of those last-mentioned instruments, see in particular, Arachin ii. 3-4. § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AXD THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 273 the service as well.""^ Tlie dawn of tlie Sabbath was likewise announced by some of the priests blowing trumpets from the roof of the temple.'"^ The services of a more menicd hind were performed, in the time of Zerubbabel, Ezra and Xehemiah, by temple slaves (D^yn:).^''* It is true that D'J'n^ still continue to be mentioned in the literature of a later period/"^ but it is no longer possible to make out with certainty what the nature of their duties now was. Instead of them we now meet with what are called " servants " (P'i^jT) ; '^^ nay we find that, in Philo, the cleaning and sweeping of the temple are mentioned along with the duty of watching as being all of them performed by the vecoKopoi, i.e. the Levites.^"'^ There were also a good many functions that were left to be performed by boys belonging to the families of the priests (i^^na '•nna).^"'^ IV. THE DAILY SERVICE. The daily worship of the sanctuary was conducted by the twenty-four divisions of the priests (see p. 2 1 6 ff. above), each division taking its turn and officiating for a week at a time. The divisions were changed every Sabbath day, the arrange- -°- See in general, Num. x. 1-10 ; Ezra iii. 10 ; Noh. xii. 35 ; 1 Chron. XV. 24, xvi. 6 ; 2 Chron. v. 12, vii. 6, xxix. 26-28 ; Sir. L 16. Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 6. Sukka v. 4-5; Rosh liashana iii. 3-4; Tamid vii. 3. Lundius, Die alt. jüd. IlclUfjth. book iii. chap, xlvii. 203 Joseph. Bell. Jud. iv. 9. 12. Sukka v. 5. 20* Ezra ii. 43, 58, 70, vii. 7, via. 17, 20 ; Neh. iii. 26, 31, vii. 46, 60, 73, X. 29, xi. 3, 21 ; 1 Chron. ix. 2. Comp. Pfeffinger, De Nethinacis (in Ugo- lini's r/ifs. vol. xiii.). Wm^r'a Realwörterh., avt. "Nethinim." Oehler, art. "Nethinim," in Herzog's Rcal-Eiicijcl, 1st ed. vol. x. 296 f. 205 For example, Jelamoth ii. 4 ; Kiddushin iv. 1 ; Mokkolh iii. 1 ; Horajoth m. 8. 206 Sukka iv. 4 ; Tamid v. 3. Comp, further. Sola vii. 7-8 ; Joma vii. 1. 207 Philo, De praemiis saccrdotuvi, sec. vi. (ed. Mangey, ii. p. 236): "Ertpot OS rcc; arocc; y,xl tx iv ü—xiäpu Kopouvn; rov (popvTci/ iKy.oui^ouaiu, STrifu'/.öfni/oi KudxporriTo;. 208 Joma i. 7 ; Sukka v. 2 ; Saulicdrin ix. 6 ; Tumid i. 1 ; Middotli i. 8, iü. 8. DIV. n. VOL. I. S 274 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. nieut being that the retiring one should offer the morning sacrifice and the extra Sabbath offerings (according to Num. xxviii. 9, 10) before leaving, while the one that came in to take its place was to offer the evening sacrifice and put the fresh shewbread upon the table.""" On tlie occasion of the three leading festivals of the year (Passover, Pentecost, and the feast of Tabernacles) the whole twenty-four courses officiated simultaneously."^" The attempts made by Christian scholars to make out on chronological grounds the week during which the course of Abia happened to serve in the year of our Lord's birth (Luke i. 5) have no tenable historical basis on which to rest.^^^ Every weekly division again was broken up into somewhere between five and nine sub-divisions, each of which officiated on an average for a single day the one after the other. If the sub-divisions happened to be fewer than seven, then some of them required to take their turn twice ; but if, on the other hand, there happened to be more than seven, then on some of the days two of them 20^ See, in particular, Tosefta, Sukka iv. 24-25 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 200) ; also Mishna, Sukka v. 7-8 ; Tamid v. 1. 2 Chron. xxiii. 4, 8 (where the priestly courses of services are evidently in question ; it is otherwise in the corresponding passage 2 Kings xi. 5, 9). Joseph. Anti. vii. 14. 7 : oiirec^s TS (/.iav "TTurptoiv Otxx.ouiiadoii rifi ds^ Ixi '^f/Ap»g oktco, oi%6 aotßßoirov iTrl ca,ßß(x.Tou. It is probable that we ought also to understand as referring to the changing of the weekly (and not the daily) divisions, the passage contra Apion. ii. 8 : alii succedentes ad sacrificia veniuut, et congregati in templum mediante die a praecedentibus claves templi et ad numerum vasa omnia percipiunt. 210 See Sukka v. 6-8, and Bartenora on Sukka v. 6, in Surenhusius' edition of the Mishna, ii. p. 279. 211 See for such attempts, Scaliger, De emendatione temporum (Coloniae AUobrog. 1629), Appendix, pp. 54-59. lA^tioot, Harmonia evangelistarum, note on Luke i. 5 (Opp. i. pp. 258-264). Bengel, Ordo temporum (1741), pp. 230-232. Wieseler, Chronologische Synapse, pp. 140-145. Seyffarth, Chronologia sacra (1846), pp. 97-103. Stawars, Die Ordnung Abia in Beziehung auf die Bestimmung des wahren Geburtsdatums Jesu (Tub. Theol. Quartalschr. 1866, pp. 201-225). The calculations here in question are based partly upon purely gratuitous assumptions and partly upon a very late and somewhat untrustworthy notice in the Talmud, to the effect that the course of Joiarib was the one that happened to be officiating on the day ou which the temple was destroyed (Dab. Taanith 29"). § -24. THE PrJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 275 officiated at the same time (see p. 216, above). But furtlier, as never more than a fraction of tlie priests belonging to a sub-division were required to ofüciate at the regular daily offering of tlie public sacrifices, it was necessary to determine by lot those on whom the active duties of the day were to devolve. Like the priests, the Levites were also divided into twenty-four courses of service (see p. 227 f., above), which in like manner relieved each other every week.^^' But lastly, in addition to this there was an analogous division oj the people themselves into twenty-four courses of service (DiiDüTp), each of which had to take its turn in coming before God, every day for a whole week, by way of representing the whole body of the people while the daily sacrifice was being offered to Jehovah.^^^ The division actually engaged in the perform- ance of this duty was known under the designation of ""pyo, "a station." At the same time the case of the ordinary Israelites differed from that of the priests and Levites in this respect, that unlike these, the entire division did not require to go up to Jerusalem when its turn came. Instead of this the persons belonging to it met together in the synagogues in the towns in or near which they resided and there engaged in prayer and the reading of Scripture; probably in every instance it was merely a deputation of them that actually went up to Jerusalem to be present at the offering of the sacrifice. In that case it was this deputation that, in the strict sense of the word, constituted the ""^I^o, which " stood by " while the sacrifice was being offered."* 212 1 Chron. ix. 25; 2 Chron. xxiii. 4, 8. Joseph. And. vii. U. 7. Taanith iv. 2. 213 On the whole arrangement, comp. Buxtorfs Lex. Chahl. col. 1622 f. (see under loy). Lightfoot, Ministerium temjili, cap. vii. 3 (Opp. i. p. 700 f.). Carpzov, Apparatus historico-crilicns, p. 109 f. Hottingcr, De viris statioiiariis, Marburg 1707 (a mo.st exhaustive treatment of the matter). Hcrzfckl, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, vol. iii. pp. 188-200, 20-1-209. Oeliler in Herzog's Real-Encycl, 1st ed. vol. xii. 187 (2nd ed. vol. xii. 227). Hamburger, Real- Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, vol. ii. pp. 877-880 (art " Opferbeistände"). 21* See especially, Taanith iv. 1— i. The principal passage, Taanith iv. 2, 276 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. The officiating priests wore, during the service, a special official dress, which consisted of the four following articles : — (1) D''p:3ö, i.e. short breeches covering merely the hips and thighs, and made of byssus (probably not cotton, but fine white linen). Then over these (2) the rii^na, a long, somewhat close-fitting coat, reaching down to the feet, with narrow sleeves, and also made of byssus. This coat was fastened together somewhere about the breast with (3) a girdle (^3.^?^?), which mostly consisted of byssus also, only it had ornaments of purple, scarlet and blue embroidered upon it. It was therefore the only part of the attire that had any colour about it, all the rest being pure white. Then the covering for the head was (4) the ■"'V^-'P, ^ kind of cap or turban.^^^ Shoes runs thus: "The early prophets institated twenty-four courses of service (ni"iDt^*D)- There was a station (noya) in Jerusalem, consittiug of priests, Levites and Israelites, to represent each course. When the time for service came round the priests and Levites of the course went up to Jerusalem, ■while the Israelites belonging to that course met in the synagogues of their towns and read the account of the creation." The terms of the passage are contradictory iu so far as they seem to allege that the whole '^'0V^ was in Jerusalem, while telling us, at the same time, that the Israelites merely assembled in the synagogues of their towns. It is probable that the correct view of the matter is given in the corresponding passage in the Tosefta (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 219), where to "the Israelites belonging to that course" are added the words "who were unable to go up to Jerusalem." What is meant therefore is this, that the wliole of the priests and Levites belonging to the same course, and who were capable of service, were hound to go up ; while the Israelites, on the other hand, might stay at home if it did not happen to be convenient for them to go, though at the same time it is presupposed that some of them were expected to be actually present in Jerusalem. Accordingly, in Tamid v. 6 it is assumed without more ado that the "head of the station" (^'OV^T\ C^Sl) wjis regularly present in the capital. A similar view of the matter is taken by Herzfeld, for example, iii. p. 193, and Hamburger, ü. p. 878. Bikkurim 'in. 2 proceeds on the assumption that there were station-districts or circles marked off by definite boundaries and having some leading town as the centre of each. Comp, besides, Taanilli ii. 7. 215 For the priests' attire, see Ezek. xliv. 17-19 ; Ex. xxviii. 40-4,3, xxxix. 27-29, and above all the minute description of it in Joseph. Antt. iii. 7. 1-3. Philo's brief notice in Vita Mosis, iii. 13 (Mang. ii. 157) : pc/Tav«; "Kiuov;, ^iiuotg Ti Kdl ■^spiax.iT^vi ; De monarchia, ii. 5 (Mang. ii. 225) : ij oe iadvig idTi x''^^''-' ^^ivovg kocI Trepi^u/aa. Joseph. Antt. xx. 9. 6: 7\iv7i» aro'Ä-Jiv. Aristeas, ed. M. Schnaidt in Merx' Archiv, i. 270. 1-2: tZ'j ispiuv Ksnothvu- § 24. THE PIIIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 277 are nowhere mentioned, and it may be regarded as certain that the priests always officiated without having anything on the feet.-^'^ As the white attire was a symbol of purity, so the (Aiuu'j yAxpi T^c^'J efupui'j ßvaui'joi; ^^irajtv. The literature of our subject is the same as that ah-eady referred to in connection M'ith the high priest's dress ; see note 124, above. On the question as to whether byssus is to be identified with cotton or with linen, see among others, Wmer a Realwörterb., art. "Baumwolle;" Dillmann's note on Ex. xxv. 4; Haneberg, Die religiösen AUerthümcr, pp. 536-538 (who is of opinion that Rosellini has decided the question, and that in favour of cotton) ; and, on the other side, Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, vol. ii. (1S82) p. 464 f., and the leading work on the subject quoted there, viz. Yatts' Textrinum antiqaorum. An Account of the Art of Weaving among the Ancients, part i. London 1843 ; also Hehn, Cultnrpßanzen und Hausthiere, 3rd ed. p. 145. As the ancients did not always carefully distinguish between linen and cotton, it is quite possible that tliere were some instances in which cotton was also made use of for making the priests' attire (as witness, for example, the fine Indian fabric from which the garments were made which the high priest was in the habit of wearing on the afternoon of the great day of atonement, and which consisted of that material). On the other hand, it may be taken as certain that, as a rule, it was linen tliat was used. According to Mishna, Kilajim ix. 1, only flax (DTlt^'S) and slieup's wool ("IDV) were employed for the purpose in question, the latter being for the parti -coloured ornamentation on the girdle ; see the commentaries in Surenhusius' Mishna, vol. i. p. 149, and Braun's Vestitns sacerdolum Hehraeorum, i. 6. 2, ii. 3. 4. It is with reference to this matter that it is said in Josephus, Antt. iv. 8. 11 : f^in^ui V tl vf^uv K'Kuariiv l| iplov x.xl T^iuov ffToXs^j/ (popshw T0<; yap itpivai /icövot; ruvr-^v ec^oOi^ii-^Sxt. Consequently the priests' attire was expressly exempted from the prohibition of Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 11. 21C See Bartenora on Shekalim v, 1 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 192). Braun's Vestitus sacerd. Heb. i. 3. 3 (pp. 4.)-47). Carpzov, Discalceatio religiosa in loco sacro ad Ex. iii. 5 (in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxix.). Ugulini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. 405 ff. Winer's Reahcörterh.ü. 271. Leyrer in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. vii. p. 718. The following passage occurs in Megilla iv. ö with reference to the worship of the synagogue : " He who says, I will not lead the prayers in coloured clothes, as little is be to do so in white attire. He who is unwilling to do so with sandals on, as little is he to do it barefooted." The meaning of which is simply this, that in the service of the synagogue no one is to presume to wear the dress of a priest. With regard to the priests' benediction, on tiie other hand, Jochanan ben Sakkai is said to have ordained, that even after the destruction of the temple it was still to be pronounced by them only with the feet bare (/lo.s/i hashana 31^ ; Sota 490. Dereubourg, llistoire de la Palestine, p. 3U5, note 3). 278 §24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. officiating priests required to be men characterized by Umfcrance and Lcvitical 'purity. During the period of their service they were prohibited from drinking wine or any other intoxicating beverage.^^'^ ISTor were they allowed to enter the conrt for the purpose of officiating unless they were Levitically clean. Nay more, even those who were so were, in every instance, required to take a formal bath previous to their entering upon the services of the day." But besides this, they had tlien to go and vxisli the liandi and feet in the brazen laver (li'?) that stood in the open air between the temple and the altar of burnt- offering. As regards the sacrifices that were offered every day,^^" they are to be distinguished into two classes, the j^uhlic and -1' Lev. X. 8-11 ; Ezek. xliv. 21. Pseudo-Hecataeus in Josephuf:, contra Apion. i. 22 (ed. Bekker, p. 204, 26 ff.) : to -T^rxpdTroiii oTvov ov Tctunvreg lu tu ispa. Philo, De monarchia, ii. 7. Joseph. Aittt. iii. 12. 2; Bell. Jud. V. 5. 7. Mishna, Taanith ii. 7. Ugolini's Thesaurn.3 itself, see also Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; Sir. 1. 3 ; Middoth iii. 6 ; Joma iii. 10 ; Tamid iii. 8. Lightfoot, Desert ptio temjtli, cap. xxxvii. 1 {0pp. i. 643 sq.). Clemens, De lahro aeueo, Traject. ad Rh. 1725 (also in Ugolini's Thex. vol. xix.). The commentaries in Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 223, v. 360. Iken, Tractatus talmudicus de cultu qnotidiano, 1736, pp. 32-34 (full of matter). AYiner's lieahcörterb., art. " Handfass." Bähr's Symbolik, 2nd ed. i. pp. 583-586. Köhlers Lchrb. der Bibl. Geschichte, i. p. 373 f. 2-" On the sacrificial worship generally, see Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heiligth. book iii. chap, xxxiii.-xlvi. Bähr's Symbolik, ii. 187-522. Winer's Realwörtcrb., art. "Opfer;" and in addition, the various articles on Braiidopfer, Schuld- und Sündopfer, Dankopfer, Speisopfer, Trankopfer, Räuchern, etc. Oehler's art. " Opfercultus des alten Testaments," in Herzog's Real-Encycl. (1st ed. x. 614-652, 2nd ed. xi. 29-61). Thalhofer, Die unblutigen Opfer des mosaisch. Cult. 1848. Kurtz, Der alttestamcntUche Opftrcult. nach seiner Begründung und Anweyidwig dargestellt und erläutert, 1862. Kohler's Lehrb. der Bibl. Geschichte, i. p. 387. Wellhausen, Geschichte Israels, i. 53-84. Dillmann's Exeget. Handb. zu Exod. u. LeviL § 2J. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 279 the 2>ncatc saerifices.^^^ The former were offered in name of the people, and were purchased witli a portion of the people's own offerings, especially the half - shekel tax ; while the latter again were those in which only private individuals were concerned, and which might be offered on a vast variety of occasions, some of them being voluntary and others of them being, for some particular reason or other, compulsory. Both those categories again were sub-divided into different sorts, varying according to the particular objects for which they were offered, though they all admit of being classified under the three following heads : — (1) the hurnt-offerings, the essential characteristic of which lay in the fact that the whole victim was consumed upon the altar; (2) the sin- and the ^?'cs2?«ss-üfferings, in the case of which only the fat was burnt upon the altar, while the flesli fell to the priests ; (3) the peace-offerings (Q''P/*^ ''f???)» according to Luther, " thank- offerings," in the case of which again it was only the fat that was burnt upon the altar, while the flesli Nvas used by the owner of the sacrifice himself as material for a jocund sacrificial feast."^ As was only natural, it was the numerous pp, 373-387. The dictionaries of Schenkel and Riehm. and the archaeo- logical works of De AVette, Ewald, Keil, Haneberg and others. --^ Philo, De vtctimix, sec. iii. (ed. Mang., ii. 238 f.) : 'Ettei Oi ruv dvatuu, eti fAtv ilai'j UTTip ccir a-'jio^ rov 'iduovg, d Si "hu ro ii,7^r,dii il~uv UTrip »ToiUTOS ecudpii-au yiyov;, eci os i/'rrs p eKOLarov tuv iipovpystu oi^iovvTUv y^iKTiou vpoTipov TTtpl Tuv xcit!>uu. Joseph. Anlt. lü. 9. 1 : 8i/o ftiii yxp iillU tspovpyt eti TOVTUu o vj y.i'j vtto rov loturav, irspx o 'jtto tok oy;ciov uvvTt- -22 In the leading passage on the classification of the .sacrifices, viz. Lev. i.-vii., there are, strictly speaking, /('re kadiny hinds of them niciitioned : (1) the burnt-offering, (2) the meat-offering, (3) the peace-offering, (4) tlio sin-offering, and (5) the trespass-offering. But the meat-offering is oertaiidy not to be regarded as being on a level with tiie animal sacrifices seeing that, like the drink-offering, it occurs for the most part s>impiyas au accompaniment of such sacrifices. With regard to the sin- and trespass- offerings, they are no doubt distinct, yet they are so much akin to eicli other that they may well be regarded as one species. Consequently in tlie case of the animal siicrifices, and these are by far the most important of all, we ought to distinguish them into three leading kinds, as Philo and Josephus have already done (the former De cictimii-, § iv., and the latter 280 § 2i. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. private offerings of so many different kinds that constituted the bulk of the sacrifices. However, as it is with giving an account of the regular daily worship of the sanctuary that we are here concerned, it is only the public sacrifices that fall to be considered by us, and especially the most important of them all, the 'people's daily hurnt-offering. In order that the reader may be in a better position for understanding what is to follow, it will be well, before pro- ceeding farther, to offer here one or two topographical observations.^^^ The viuicr court, within which the whole of the worship was celebrated, was divided by means of a wall into two divisions, a western and an eastern. The latter was called " the court of the women," oiot however because none but women were admitted to it, but because women as vxll as men were allowed to enter it,^^* The beautiful gate- way in the east side of this court, with its elaborate two- leaved gate made of brass {rj 6vpa r] \eij2nn n^y, for example, in Num. xxviii. 10, 15, 24, 31, xxix. IG, 19, 22, 25, 28, 31, 34, 38 ; Ezra iii. 5 ; Neh. x. 34. "l^Drin, for example, in Dan. viii. 11-13, xi. 31. xii. 12 ; Mishua, Pemchhn v. 1 ; Jama vii. 8 ; T'aan'ith iv. G ; Mcnachoth iv. 4. It is from this that the whole tractate bearing the title of Tumid derives its name. 23* For what follows, comp. Kuenen, De godsdicnst van Israel, ii. 270- 272. Wellhausen's Geschichte Israels,!, pp. 81, 82. Eeuss, Lliistoire sainfe et la hi {La Bible, Anciai Testament, part iii.), i. 202. Smend's Exeget. § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 285 time of Aliaz the morning sacrifice consisted only of a burnt- offering, and the evening one of simply a meat-offering (2 Kings xvi. 15). This had become so much of an established practice that various parts of the day took their names from it. To speak for example of anything as happening at the time " when the meat-offering was presented " was equivalent to saying toward evening (1 Kings xviii. 29, 36). Not only so, but this mode of denoting the hour of the day had become so completely established that it continued in use even long after the practice had been introduced of offering a burnt-offering in the evening as well (Ezra ix. 4, 5 ; Dan. ix. 21).-^^ It would appear that this had not been introduced as yet in Ezekiel's time. Yet in his day there must have been already an advance upon tlie older practice, in so far as, according to this prophet, both a burnt-offering and a meat- offering would seem to have been offered in the mornimj (Ezek. xlvi. 13-15). On the other hand, by tlie time the priest-code came to be in force it was prescribed that hoth a hurnt-offcring and a meat-offering should he offered every morning and every evening as loell, and further, that on every occasion they should also be accompanied with a drink- offering (Ex. xxix. 38-42; Xum, xxviii. 3-8). And so we find that, in the time of the author of the Chronicles, the practice thus established of offering a burnt-offering twice every day in the course of the daily service was looked upon as one of long standing (1 Chron. xvi. 40 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 11, xxxi. 3). This then formed the true heart and centre of the whole sacrificial system of worship. In no circumstances whatever could it be allowed to be dispensed with. We find, for example, that in the year 70 Jerusalem had for a con- Handbuch zu Ezekiel, p, 381 f. The objections advanced by Dillmann, Exegct. Handbuch zu Exod. u. Levit. p. 313, can in no way affect what is a simple and undoubted matter of fact. -^^ In the Mishna even the expression "time of the miuchah'' (of the meat-offering) continues to be used as equivalent to the afternoon ; for example, Bcrachoth iv. 1 ; Pesachim x. 1 ; Rosh hashana, iv. i ; Mc(j'dla iii. 6, iv. 1. 286 § 24. THE PPJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. sicleraLle time been invested by the liomans, and that, in consequence, the scarcity of food had reached a climax, but for all that the daily sacrifices continued to be regularly offered ; and it was felt by the Jews to be one of the heaviest calamities that could have befallen them when, on the l7th of Tammuz, they at last found themselves in the position of having no more to offer.^^^ The following are the more specific prescriptions contained in the priest - code with regard to the Tamicl (Ex. xxxix. 38-42 ; iSTum. xxviii. 3-8).'^^ Every morning and evening alike a male lamb of a year old and without blemish was to be offered as a hurnt-offering , and in doing so all those regulations were required to be observed that apply to burnt-offerings generally, particularly those contained in Lev. i. 10—13 and vi. 1-6. Not only so, but on every occasion a meat-offering and a drinh-offering were to be offered along with the burnt- offering, as it is prescribed by the priest-code that these w^ere to accompany all burnt-offerings without exception (Num. xv. 1—16). In cases in which the victim happened to be a lamb, the meat-offering was to consist of one-tenth of an ephah of fine flour (n.^°), which was to be mixed Q^^'^, therefore not baked) with a quarter of a bin of pure oil ; while the corre- sponding drink-offering was to consist of a quarter of a hin of wine. The time at which the morning sacrifice was to be offered was early dawn ; that for the evening sacrifice again was to be, in Biblical phraseology, D;'3"iyn p3^ ix. in the evening twilight, though at a later period it had become the practice to offer the evening sacrifice so early as the afternoon, or 236 Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 1 ; Mislma, Taanith iv. 6. Similarly in the days of the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes the suppression of the Tamkl was regarded as one of the most serious calamities possible (Dan. viii. 11-13, xi. 31, xii. 11). -s-" Comp, further, Lightfoot's Ministerium templi, cap. ix. {0pp. i. 716- 722). Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heiligtli. book v. chap, i.-ii. Winer's Real- wörterb., art. " Morgen- imd Abeudopfer." Keil, Haiulb. der hibl. Archaeol. (2nd ed. 1875) p. 373 f. Haueberg, Die religiösen Alterthiimer, pp. 604- 609. For full details, consult the tractate Tamid, and comp, note 250, below. § 21. THE PEIESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 287 according to our mode of reckouiug, somewhere about three o'clock."-^^ It was also the regular practice to offer the daily meat- offering of the hiyh priest in couj unction with the daily burnt- offering of the people. For, according to Lev. vi. 12—16, the high priest was required to offer a meat-offering every day (T'Dri),--^^ both morning and evening, and one too which differed from that offered in the name of the people along with their burnt-offering, not only in respect of quantity, but also as regards the mode in which it was prepared. It consisted altogether of only the tenth of an ephah of fine flour, of which one half was offered in the morning and the other half in the evening ; and not only was it mixed with oil, but after being so it was hahed in a flat pan (n3no) ; the cakes thus prepared were then broken into pieces, oil was poured over them, and then they were duly offered (Lev. vi. 14; comp. Lev. ^^"^ On the principal occasion on wliich tbey speak of the Tamid, Philo and Josephus simply reproduce the scriptural statements with regard to the times for offering it (Philo, De victimis, sec. iii. : Kxff sKxar^v fiiu ovv i^uAootv O'jti »(/.'jov; »'juyitv oisip/irxi, toi/ fii'j oiy^a tyi su, tov ti oiiXri: io'üioa;. Joscpb. Aiitt. iii. 10. 1 : iy^ot tov o/juoaiov dvxXuf/.aTo; uöy^o; ia~l'j xpuct Kits' kKadTYiv ijfiipxv afcc^sadcn ruu cci/rosraiv cipx,o,uivYi; re ijyipx; x,»i ^/lyovuYi;}. What the actual practice was in later times is clearly evident from Antt. xiv. 4. 3 : Sij TVji Tjiiipcc;, 'izpui ts x,oti ■Trspl ivocTYiv upccv, hpovp'/ov'JTUV iTTt rot) ßcüf/.(jv. This entirely accords with the statement of the Mishna (Pesachim V. 1), to the effect that the evening sacrifice was usually slaughtered about half-past eight and offered about half-past nine o'clock (consequently, according to our reckouiüg, about half-past two and half-past three o'clock in the afternoon). Comp, further, Josephus, contra Apion. ii. 8 (cd. Bekker, p. 239) : Mane ctiam aperto templo oportebat facientes traditas hostias iutroire et mcridie rursus dum clauderetur templum. And hence it was also the practice to go to tlie temple about the ninth hour for devotional purposes (Acts iii. 1, x. 3, 30). See in general, Herzfeld's dxchichte des Volkes Jisrael, iii. 184 f. 2"" With this it is impossible to reconcile the words " in the day when he is anointed," Lev. vi. 20 ; one or other is a later interpolation. See Dillmann's Exeget. Havdh. zu Exod. n. Levit. p. 442. Jewish and Christian expositors have endeavoured in various ways to dispose of tbu discrepancy contained in this passage. See Fraukel, Cchcr den Eivjittss der palästin' ischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik (1851), p. 143 f. Luiidius, Die alt. jiid. Ileiligth. book iii. chap. ix. Thalliufor, Die unbluL Opfer des mos. Cultes (1848), pp. 139-1 Jl. 288 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. ii. 5-6).^^° Owing to the circumstance of its being made ready in a nano, it was known at a later period simply as the ^"'0"'?n, " t^^^ haked (the cakes), which is the designation already given to it, directly or indirectly, by the author of the Chronicles,^*^ and subsequently by the Mislina in particular.^*^ Now as the presenting of this offering was incumbent upon the liigli priest, we are, of course, justified in speaking of him as offering a daily sacrifice.^*^ At the same time it must be borne in mind that here the high priest is to be regarded as the offerer of the sacrifice only in the same sense in which the people is so in the case of the daily burnt-offering, i.e. he causes it to be offered in his name and at his own expense,^'^ but it was by no means necessary that he himself should officiate on the occasion. In fact the expression used in con- nection with this matter in Lev. vi. 1 5 is not n''"ip^ but merely -*" On the mode of preparation, comp, further, Philo, De victimis, sec. xv. Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7 ; j\JenacJioth xi. 3. Both ntJ'v (kneading) and n*DX (baking) formed part of the process. Lundius, Die alt. jiid. Ileiligth. book iii. chap, xxxix. pp. 56-61. Thalhofer, Die unUut. Opfer, p. 151 if. 2*1 1 Chron. ix. 81. In this passage the Septuagint simply paraphrases the words D^n^nn nb'J/'O as follows : t« 'ipyx tyi; dvatx; toD Trr/ä.vw tow f/i.i'/a.'Kov ispicjg. So also Gesenius, Thesaurus, under DTlDn. But it is probable that the author of the Chronicles may have had in view the baked meat-offering generally, and not that of the high priest alone. ^^^ Tamid i. 3, iii. 1, iy.fin.; Joma ii. 3, iii. 4 ; Menaclioth iv. 5, xi. 3 ; Middotli i. -4. 2*3 Philo, De specialibus legibus, ii. sec. xxiii. (Mang. ii. 321) : siixi>t; Ii Kul öuaiu; TihZiv x.a.S' iKÜ-arnv ij/^ipctv. The well-known passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews (vii. 27) is also to be explained on this ground ; only it must be understood that this daily meat-offering on the part of the high priest was not a sin-offering, as the passage in question might lead one to suppose. On several Talmudic passages in which, either apparently or in reality, it is the daily offering of a sacrifice on the part of the high priest that is in question, see Herzfeld's Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, ii. p. 140 f. 2*4 Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7 : 6vit V 6 /s/jsyj (=the high priest) ix. rZu loiau ecux'hcofiii.rav, x,cti Ot; SKxaTr,; iif/,ipotg rovro "Troiii, »hivpov iXuia fn/axyfihov Kui '^i'TTYiyo; ovT/iOit ßpctxiix' x,ul it; f^kv kariu »aaxpuy tov ci7\ivpoii, tovtov Si TO fiii/ '/ifiifjv Tirpui TO V i-epou ost'>.-/i; iTn^pipn tw ■7:vpi. When a high priest died, the meat-offering had to be furnished at the expense of the people (according to Rabbi Juda, Shelcalim \ü. 6, at the expense of his heirs) until his successor was installed. § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 289 DE'yv We learn from Josephus that the high priest officiated as a rule on the Sabbath and on festival days (see p. 255, above). But on ordinary occasions the meat-offering of the high priest, in common with the sacrifices of the people, was offered by the priests who happened to be officiating for the time being ; and when the lots were drawn with the view of deciding who were to take the various parts of the service for tlie day, one was always drawn at the same time to determine who was to be entrusted with the duty of presenting the T^'^^ü., i.e. the meat-offering of the high priest.^'*' Nay more — seeing that the law speaks of this offering as being an offering of Aaron and his sons (Lev. vi. 13), — there is no reason why it should not also be conceived of as a sacrifice which the priests offered for themselves.^*^ Besides the offering of the sacrifices just referred to, the priests in the course of the daily service were also called upon to perform certain functions inside the temple in con- nection with the altar of incense and the candlestick. On the former incense had to be offered every morning and every evening alike (Ex. xxx. 7, 8), that offered in the morning being 2Jfevious to the offering of the burnt-offering, and that in 2*5 Tamid iii. 1, iv. fin. ; Joma ii. 3. It is true, no doubt, that, strictlj' speaking, what is in view in the passages here referred to is not the actual offering of the sacrifice, but the bringing of the materials of it to the ascent leading to the top of the altar. Still, according to Tamid v. 2, Jo7na iL 4-5, there was also appointed for the actual offering (the carrying of the sacrifice up to the altar hearth) precisely tiie same number of priests again as were employed in bringing it to the foot of the altar, viz. nine, corre- sponding to the nine parts of which the sacrifice was composed, and among which, even in the passages first referred to (Tamid iii. 1, iv.fin.; ,/oina ii. 3), the pn"'3n are expressly mentioned. Consequently, there can be no doubt whatever tliat the actual offering of the pn^3n also devolved, as a rule, upon an ordinary priest. 2*" Philo, Quis rerum div. Jieres. sec. xxxvi. (Mang. i. 497) : 'Axx« x«< tx; ivhikiXiii övaiug öpof.; tt: laa "ht'/jor^ivec;, «ji/ n VTrep otVTUv ocviyova tv o! iipi^i Old T^j (7£^.r,; TrpijaxyeTXi rxyr,yi.n(pdivT0s. 1>1V. II. VOL. I. T 290 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. the evening, on the other hand, coming nficr it, so that the daily burnt-offering was, as it were, girt round with the offer- ing of incense. ' Then further, with regard to the ca7idlesticJc, it had to be attended to every morning and every evening. In the morning the lamps were trimmed and replenished with oil, when one or more of them (according to Josephus three) were allowed to burn throughout the day. In the evening again the rest of them were lighted, for it was prescribed tliat during the night the whole seven were to be burning (see especially Ex. xxx. 7, 8 ; 2 Chrou. xiii. 1 1 ; and in general, j). 281, above). Then lastly, with the view of imparting greater beauty to the worship, it was also deemed proper to have vocal and instmmental music. When the burnt-offering was being pre- sented the Levites broke in with singing and playing upon their instruments, while two priests blew silver trumpets (2 Chron. xxix. 26-28 ; Num. x. 1, 2, 10). While this was going on the people were also assembled in the temple for prayer. At the pauses in the singing the priests sounded a fanfare with their trumpets, and as often as they did so the people fell down and worshipped.^*^ There was a special 2*'' Philo, De victimis, sec. iii. (Mangey, ii. 239) : Zlg os >c»d' sicccar^v i]/ü£pxv iTridvfAiArxt r» xavrwy ivotöidTot-TX &i)^tot.(/t,ä,TUU iha tos/ kxtocttstxi- /icxro;^ oiviax'iUTog i^hiov y,»l dvofcsvov "z-po rs -rii; kuÖiuij; dvaioct; y.xl y.iroe, r'/jy id'Trsptvyiv. De victimis (iffereniibus, sec. iv. (Maug.ii. 254) : oi> yxp Itphrxt T'^u 6a6x,xvtou 6v(jixv s^a 7rpo(7xyw/iii/, -Trplu ivtov Ti'ipl ßxdvi/ opdpov I'ttiSv- l^txaxt. Still more precise is the statement of the Mishna (Joma iii. 5), to the effect that " the offering of the morning incense took place between the sprinkling of the blood and the offering of the various parts of the victim ; while the corresponding evening one occurred between the offering of these portions and the drink-offering." 2*8 On the assembling of the people in the temple for prayer, see Ijuke i. 10 ; Acts iii. 1. For more precise information, as furnished by the tractate Taniid, see below. It is quite a mistake to suppose, as has been done through a misapprehension of Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, x. 3, 9, 30, that the third, sixth, and ninth hours of the day (therefore, according to our reckon- ing, nine, twelve, and three o'clock) were regular stated times for prayer (so, for example, Schoettgen, Ilorae liehr. i. 418. Winer's Realwörtcrb. i. 398. De Wette's note on Acts ii. 15 ; and Meyer's on Acts iii. 1). The actual times for prayer were rather the three following : — (1) early in the § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 291 psalm for every day of the Aveek, tlie one for Siinday being the 24th, for Monday the 48th, for Tuesday the 82iid, fur Wednesday the 94th, for Thursday tlie 81st, for Friday the 9ord, and for the Sabbath the 92nd.-"'^ The form of the daily service in the temple whicli we have just been describing, is the same as that which had been moniiiisr, at the time of the morninj? sacrifice ; (2) in tbe afternoon, about the ninth hour (three o'clock), at the time of the evening sacrifice • and (3) in the evening at sunset. See Beraclioih i. 1 ff., iv. 1. HerzfeM's Gesch. des Vollen Jisrael, iii. p. 183 ff. Hamburger, L'eal-Enci/cl./ür Bibel u. Talmud, 2nd part, arts. "Morgengebet," " Minchagebet," '-Abendgebet." 2-*o Tamid vii. fin. Further, Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heilif/th. book iv. chap. V. no. 25. Herzfeld's Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, iii. 163 f. Grätz, Die Tempel psalmen {Monatsschr. f. Gesch. n. Wissens, des Judenlh. 1878, pp. 217-222). Delitzsch's Commentar zu den P.^almen. In the case of five of the psalms here in question the Sept. also inserts in the title of each a correct statement of the particular day on which it was to be sung, thus : Ps. xxiv. (xxiii.), T'^; y.ix; (TaSSctTov ; xlviii. (xlvii.), oiVTipx tjaßßuTov ; xciv. (xciii.), TiTpxdi (jec-ßßxrov ; xciii. (xcii.), si; ryjii i)i/,ipoct/ rov 'TrpoiycißßciL-ov, ots kxtu- KtoToci '4 yi] ; xcii. (xci.), il; t'/jv 7ju,-pxv rw (jctßßcizov. As regards the psalm for the Sabbath, the statement to the effect that it was the one appointed for that d;iy has forced its way even into the Masoretic text. It has been alleged that the Jews were led to select those particulai- psalms from an idea that they presented suitable parallels to the six creative days (see llosh ha.shana xxxi.a ; So/tri)n xviii. 1 ; the commentaries of Bar- tenora and Maimonides in Surenhusius' Mishna, vol. v. p. 310). But in the majority of the psalms in question it is quite impossible to discover any such parallelism. This view has obviously been suggested by the circum- stance tliat when the "station" of Israelites assembled in the synagogue to read a portion of the Scripture (as described at p. 275 f. above), it was so arranged that in the course of the week the entire account of the creation should be read through consecutively {Taanith iv. 3: On the finst day of the week they read the account of the first and second days' work ; on the second day of the week, that of the second and third days' work, and so on). Besides the psalms for the different days of the week, many others, of course, were used in the services of the temple on the most divers occa- sions. Thus, on the high festival days, for example, the so-called llalhl Avaa sung, i.e. according to the ordinary view, Ps. cxiii.-cxviii. ; at tlie .same time the traditions would seem to be somewhat undecided as to Avliat we are to understand by the llallcl ; see Buxtorf's Lex. Chald. col. G13-Ü16 (under y?T\)- Lightfoot's Home luhr., note on Luke xiii. 35 (0/>//. ii. p. 538 f.). Lundius' note on Taaniih iii. 9 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iL p. 377). Grätz, Monatsschr. 1879, pp. 202 ff., 241 ff. Levy's I^'euhcbr. Wörterb. under ^^n. Hamburger, Real- Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, Sod part, art. " Hallcl." 292 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. already delineated with so much fondness by the son of Sirach (Sir. 1. 11-21). A very circumstantial account o^ the moriiing service, founded evidently on sound tradition, is given in the Mislina in the tractate Tamid, the substance of which may here be subjoined by way of supplement to what we have already said.^^ The officiating priests slept in a room in the inner court. Early in the morning, even before daybreak, the official who had charge of the lots for deciding how the different functions for the day were to be apportioned came, and, in the first place, caused a lot to be drawn to determine who was to per- form the duty of removing the ashes from the altar of burnt- offering. Those who were disposed to offer themselves for this task were expected to have taken the bath prescribed by the law previous to the arrival of the above-mentioned official. The lots were then drawn, and one of those who thus presented themselves was in this way told off to perform the duty in question. This person then set to work at once while it was still dark, and with no light but that of the altar fire. The first tiling he did was to wash his hands and feet in the brazen laver that stood between the temple and the altar, after which he mounted the altar and carried away the ashes with a silver pan. While this was being done, those whose duty it was to prepare the baked meat-offering (of the high priest) were also busy with their particular function.^^^ Meanwhile fresh wood was laid upon the altar, and, while this was burning, the priests, after they had all in like manner washed their hands and feet in the brazen laver, went up to the lisclikath ha-gasith (on this see *"" The tractate in question is to be found in Surenhusius' 3Iishia, vol. v. pp. 284-310 ; and in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xix. col. 1467-1502. The principal pas.?ages along with other material also in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xiii. 942-1055. There is a good edition of the tractate by itself (and, as in the case of those already mentioned, also furnished with a Latin translation and notes), under the title, Tractatus Talmudicus de cultu quotidiano templi, quern versione Latina donatum et notis ilhistratum . . . sub praesidio Dn. Conradi Ikenii jiatrin sui , . , eruditorum examini subjicit auctor Conradus Iken, Braemae 1736. "1 Tamkl i. 1-4. Comp. Joma i. 8, ii. 1-2. § 24. THE rEIP:STIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 203 p. 191, above), Avhere the further drawing of the lots took place.'"^ The official who had charge of this matter then caused lots to be drawn in order to determine — (1) who was to slaughter the victim ; (2) who was to sprinkle the blood upon the altar ; (3) who was to remove the ashes from the altar of incense ; (4) who was to trim the lamps on the candlestick ; further, who were to carry the various portions of tlie victim to the foot of the ascent to the altar, viz. who (5) was to carry the head and one of the hind legs ; (6) who the two forelegs ; (7) who the tail and the other hind leg ; (8) who the breast and the neck; (9) who the two sides; (10) who the entrails; (11) who the offering of fine flour; (12) who the baked meat- offering (of the liigh priest); and (13) who the wine for the drink-offering.^^^ The next step was to go out to see whether there was as yet any symptom of daybreak. Then as soon as the dawn appeared in the sky they proceeded to bring a lamb from the lamb-house and the ninety-three sacred utensils from the utensil-room. The lamb that was thus to form the victim had now some water given to it from a golden bowl, where- upon it was led away to the slaughtering place on the north side of the altar, ^""^ ]\Ieanwhile the two whose duty it was to clean the altar of incense and trim the lamps proceeded to the temple, the former with a golden pail {"^p) and the latter with a golden bottle (t^s). They opened the great door of the temple, went in, and proceeded, the one to clean the altar of incense, and the other to trim the lamps. In the case of the latter however the arrangement was, that if the two that were farthest east were found to be still burning they were in the meantime to be left undisturbed, and only the other five were to be trimmed. But should it so happen that the two that were farthest east were out, then they were, in the first place, to be trimmed and relighted before the trimming of the others was proceeded with. And so having finished '^^^ Tamid ii. l-ö. ^''^ Tainid iii. 1 ; Juma ii. 3. 2-'* Tamid iii. 2-5 ; comp. Joma iii. 1-2. 204 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. their task, the two priests now retired, but they left behind them in the temple the utensils which they had been using.-"'^ While the two just referred to were thus occupied within the temple, the lamb was being slaughtered at the slaughtering place by the priest to whose lot this duty had fallen, another at the same time catching up the blood and sprinkling it upon the altar. The victim was then flayed and cut up into a number of pieces. The entrails were washed upon marble tables that were at hand for the purpose. There were whole six priests appointed to carry the pieces to the altar, one piece being borne by each priest. Then a seventh carried the offering of fine flour, an eighth the baked meat-offering (of the high priest), and a oiinth the wine for the drink-offering. All the things here mentioned were in the first instance laid down on the west side of the ascent to the altar and at the foot of it, and then seasoned with salt, whereupon the priests betook theiDselves once more to the lischJcath ha-gasith for the purpose of repeating the schma.^'^® After they had repeated the schma, the lots were again drawn. In the first instance they were drawn among those who as yet had not been called upon to offer up incense in order to determine which one amongst tliem should now be entrusted with this duty.^"'^ Then another was drawn to deter- mine who were to lay the various parts of the victim upon the altar (which, if we are to believe Eabbi Elieser ben Jacob, was -5^ Tam'ul iii. 6-9. For an exposition of Tamid'in. G, comp, further, Giiitz, Monatsschr. 1880, p. 2S'J if. 2.5C Tamid iv. 1-3. For the place where the pieces were laid down, see also Shclallm viii. 8. According to Shekalim vi. 4, there was a marble table for this purpose standing on the west side of the ascent to the altar. On the salting of the pieces, see Lev. ii. 18 ; Ezek. xliii. 24 ; Joseph. Antt. iii. 9. 1. 2^" The offering of the incense was regarded as the most solemn stage in the whole sacrificial act. See Philo, De victimis offerentihus, sec. i v. (Mangey, ii. 254) : " Oau yup, oTf^oii, "hlduv yAv df^ilvuv y^pvrjo;, Toi ^i tv ocovtoi? tuu iKTO; üyiurapet, toitovtu x,psirrc-iv Vj oioe. zuv I'tt lÖv (/.i 6)f/Avo)i/ £t/;(;o£^n, röv otinör TBonvüv lepovpyovvTic. The pixsciiptions in Ezck. xlvi. 4, 5 are essentially different from this. But the main difference between pre- and post- exilic times, as regards both the festival sacrifices and the tamid alike, lay in this, that j>revious to the exile the king was called upon to defray ihe cost of them, whereas after the exile they were provided at the expense of the people thcmselrei^. See in particular, Ezek. xlv. 17 ; and in general, Ezek. xlv. 18, xlvi. 15. For an account of the form of worship observed on the Sabbath, see Lundius, Dk alt. jiid. Ileiligth. book v. chap. v. 298 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP, only one day, there were offered the same sacrifices as on each of the seven days of the feast of the Passover (Num. xxviii. 26-31). Then on the occasion of the feast of Taber- nacles, which, as being the festival that took place when the harvest was over, would naturally be celebrated with special tokens of thankfulness, the number of sacrifices was much greater still. On the first day of this feast there were offered, as a burnt-offering, thirteen young bullocks, two rams, and fourteen lambs, along with the corresponding meat- and drink- offerings, and over and above all this a he-goat as a sin- offering ; while on each of the six following festival days, all those sacrifices were repeated, with this difference, that every day there was one bullock fewer than on the preceding day (Num. xxix. 12-34). Similar supplementary sacrifices and offerings, at one time on a larger at another on a smaller scale, were also prescribed for the other festivals (the new moon, the new year, and the great day of atonement) that occurred in the course of the year (see in general, Num. xxviii.-xxix.). Then to those sacrifices which merely served to indicate in a general way the festive character of the occasions on which they were offered, there were further added those special ones that had reference to the peculiar significance of the feast (on this see Lev. xvi. and xxiii.). But copious as those public sacrifices no doubt were, they still seem but few when compared with the multitudes of 2orivate offerings and sacrifices that were offered. It was the vast number of these latter — so vast in fact as to be well-nigh inconceivable — that gave its peculiar stamp to the worship at Jerusalem. Here day after day whole crowds of victims were slaughtered and whole masses of flesh burnt ; and when any of the high festivals came round, there was such a host of sacrifices to dispose of that it was scarcely possible to attend to them all notwithstanding the fact that there were thousands of priests officiating on the occasion,'^'' But the people of 266 Aristeas (in Havercamp's Joseplius, ii. 2. 112. Merx' Archiv, i. 27G. 5, C) : TloAT.«« yocp fivpiocos; ktyjvuv -T^-poaa.yovru.i y.aroi roig ruv sopruu § 24. THE PPJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSIIIP. 299 Israel saw in the punctilious observance of this worship the principal means of securing for themselves the favour of their God. APPENDIX. PARTICIPATION OF GENTILES IX THE W'ORSHIP AT .lEnU.SALKM. Considering the wall of rigid separation which, as regards matters of religion, the Jews had erected between themselves and the Gentiles, it would not readily occur to one that these latter were also permitted to take part in the worship at Jerusalem, And yet that such was the case is a fact as well authenticated as any fact could be. Nor are we thinking here of the large body of proselytes, i.e. of those Gentiles who, to some extent, professed their adherence to the faith of Israel, and who on this account testified their reverence for Israel's God by sacrificing to Him. No, we have in view such as were real Gentiles, and who, in sacrificing at Jerusalem, would by no means care to acknowledge that in so doing they were pro- fessing their belief in the sujjcrsfitio Jiulaica. There is how- ever but one way of understanding this singular fact, and that is by reflecting how formal and superficial the connection often is, in [»ractical life, between faith and worship, — a con- nection that originally was of so very intimate a character, — and also how this was peculiarly the case at the period now in question. The presenting of a sacrifice with a view to its being offered in some famous sanctuary was very often mitliing more than an expression, on the part of the offerer, of a cosmopolitan piety, nay, in many instances a mere act of r,u.ipx;. Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 19, /'///.; rtoXXii» os kxt* to ä.j»yx.ottr,» di-jX'/of/Avuu 6v(riiii/ x.»6' SKoiarYi» ijuipx-j, kxI <)ixj:ipö'^zu; iv -zetvnyiipiai y.»l koor*(; C-TTip ri ioi'cc SKccarov k*1 x.on'f, v-zio »—ccviuv O/as fAvpix; Kctl ov-^t rü; eevTu.; »iriai k.t.X. Comp, the miinbers given in 1 Kings viii. G3 ; 1 Chron. xxix. 21 ; 2 Chron. xxix. o2 f., xxx. 2t. xxxv. 7-9. 300 § 21. THE PrJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. courtesy toward a particular people or a particular city, and not in the least intended to be regarded as indicating the man's religious creed. And if this was a thing that occurred in the case of famous sanctuaries elsewhere, why should it not take place at Jerusalem as well ? There was no reason why the Jewish people and their priests should discountenance an act intended to do honour to their God, even though it were purely an act of politeness. As for the offering of the sacrifice, that was really the priests' affair ; it was for them to see that this was gone about in proper and due form. And if the sacrifice were provided, there did not seem to be any particular reason for caring at whose expense it was so. In any case the Jew was not called upon, through any religious scruple, to decline a gift of this nature even from one who did not otherwise yield obedience to the law. And accordingly we find the Old Testament itself proceeding on the assumption that a sacrifice might be legitimately offered even by a Gentile 0^?. I?)-"^^ And so the Judaism of later times has also carefnlly specified what kinds of sacrifices might be accepted from a Gentile and what might not : for example, all were to be accepted that were offered in consequence of a vow or as freewill offerings (all ^''Ti^ and ri^^'^3) ; while, on the other hand, those of an obligatory character, such as sin-offerings, trespass-offerings, and those presented by those who had issues, and by women after child-birth and such like, could not be offered by Gentiles.^^® The offerings therefore which these latter were permitted to present were burnt-offerings, meat- offerings, and drink-offerings.^^^ Hence it is, that in enumerat- ing the special legal prescriptions relating to offerings, there 26^ Lev. xxii. 25 and Dillmann's note. It is here stated that it would be unlawful to take blemished animals for victims even from a Gentile, which pre-npposes, of course, that, generally speaking, Gentiles might lawfully present sacrifices. ^^^ Shckalim i. 5. 2^^ Thank- or peace-offerings they were debarred from presenting, for the simple reason that they would not possess the Levitical purity required of those who, in this instance, partook of the flesh of the victims at the sacrificial feast (Lev. vii. 20, 21). § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHU'. 301 is frequently a reference, at the same time, to tlie sacrifices of the Gentiles as well.'"^'* The general fact, that sacrifices were offered by and in the name of Gentiles, is one that is vouched for in the most explicit way possible Ijy Josephus, who informs us that on the occa- sion of the breaking out of the revolution in the year G a.D., precisely one of the first things done was to pass a resolution declaring that it was no longer lawful to take sacrifices from Gentiles.''^ By way of protesting against such a proceeding, the opposite conservative party took care to point out that " all their forefathers had been in the habit of receivinü sacri- fices at the hands of Gentiles ; " and that if the Jews were to be the only people among whom a foreigner was not to Ije allowed to sacrifice, then Jerusalem would incur the reproach of being an ungodly city,^'"' History records at least several remarkable instances of the matter now in question. "When we are told, for example, that Alexander the Great once sacrificed at Jerusalem,"'^^ the truth of this fact no doubt depends on how far it is historically true that this monarch ever visited that city at all. But be this as it may, the simple fact of such a thing being even recorded goes to prove that Judaism looked upon such a proceeding as perfectly legiti- mate and proper. Then Plolcmacus III. is likewise alleged to have offered sacrifices at Jerusalem.'"^* Again, Antiochiis VII. (Sidetes), while he was at open feud with the Jews and was in the very act of besieging Jerusalem, went so far as, on the occasion of the feast of Tabernacles, to send sacrifices into tlie city, presumably with the view of disposing the God of the enemy in his favour, while the Jews on their part cordially ^''^ Shekalim vii. 6 ; Schachim iv. 5 ; Menachoth v. 3, h, 6, vi. 1, ix. 8. Comp, further, Haml)urger'8 Rcal-Encycl. für Bibd u. Talmud, 2nd part, art. " Opfer der Heiden." 271 Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 2-4. 2' 2 Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 4: ort von/ng o/ 'Trpöyoi/oi rxi «tto rciiv oi'K>.o'yivü» 6vat»g scvioixofro. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 3 : x.aroiy^nZiax'jB*! rii; tzoK'.u; doiiltixv, ii 77ap* fAÖvot; lovoxioi; uvn dvon ri; «AXorp/oj oun TrpooKVutian. ^'^ Joseph. Antt. xi. 8. 5. ^r* Joseph, contra Apion. ii. 5, init. 302 5 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. welcomed the sacrifices as a token of the king's sympathy with their faith.'"'"^ Further, wlien Marcus Agrippa, the dis- tinguished patron of Herod, came to Jerusalem in the year 15 B.c., he there sacrificed a hecatomb, consequently a burnt- offering consisting of no fewer than a hundred oxen.^'" Once more, Josephus tells us with regard to Vitellius, that he came to Jerusalem at the Passover season in the year 37 A.D., for the purpose of offering sacrifice to God."''^ How frequent such acts of courtesy or cosmopolitan piety were may be further seen from the circumstance that Augustus expressly commended his grandson Caius Caesar, because on his way from Egypt to Syria he did not stay to worship in Jeru- salem. ^'^^ TertuUian is therefore perfectly justified in saying that once upon a time the Romans had even honoured the God of the Jews by offering Him sacrifice, and their temple by bestowing presents upon it.^'^ Nor are we to suppose that it is merely proselytes that are in view when Josephus describes the altar at Jerusalem as " the altar venerated by all Greeks and barbarians," '^^ and says of the place on which the temple stood, that it " is adored by the whole world, and for its renown is honoured among strangers at the ends of the earth." -«1 In the class of sacrifices offered for and in the name of Gentiles should also be included the sacrifice, for the Gentile authorities. As previous to the exile the Israelitish kings were in the habit of defraying the cost of the public sacrifices, 2's Ann. xiii. 8. 2. 2''6 Anit. xvi. 2. 1. Sacrifices on so large a scale as this were nothing unusual in the temple at Jerusalem. See Ezra vi. 17. Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. xlv. (Mang. ii. 598). Orac. Sihijll. iii. 576, 626. 2'"'' Antt. xviii. 5. 3. ^'■^ Sueton, AiKjust. cap. xeiii. : Gajum nepotem, quod Judaeam prae- tervehens apnd Hierosolyma nou supplicasset, coiilaudavit. -'•^ TertuUian, Apolof/ct. cap. xxvi. : Cujus (Judaeae) et deura victimis et templum douis et gentem foederibus aliquamdiu Roraani honorastis. -^•^ Bell. Jud. V. 1. 3: TOu"^'h'hmt i^äiai Kot,l ßxpß/ipot; asj3oia,u,iov ßojfiov. 2**^ Bell. Jud. iv. 4. 3 (ed. Bekker, v. 315. 2-4) : 6 ös :/x() tjjj- oUov^uivn; § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 303 SO Cyrus iu like manner is said to have given orders that whatever means and materials might he required for this purpose should he furnished out of the royal excliequer, at the same time however with the view of prayer heing offered " for the life of the king and his sons " (Ezra vi. 1 0). The fact of a sacrifice being specially offered in behalf of the sovereign (oXo/cai^Tfoo-i? TrpoacjiepofMevr} virep rod /^acriXetw?) is further confirmed by still more explicit testimony belonging to the time of the Maccabaean movement (1 Mace. vii. 38). Consequently we see that even then, at a time when a great proportion of the people was waging war with the king of Syria, the priests were still conscientiously offering the sacri- fice that, as we may venture to suppose, had been founded by the Syrian kings themselves. In the Roman period again lliis sacrifice, offered on behalf of the C! entile authorities, was precisely the only possible form under which Judaism could i'urnish something like an equivalent for that worship of the emperor and of Rome that went on througliout all the other provinces. We learn indeed from the explicit testimony of Philo, that Augustus himself ordained that, in ail time coming, two lambs and a bullock were to be sacrificed every day at the emperor'' s expense. '^^^ It was to this sacrifice offered "in hehalf of the emperor aud the Human 2^coplc " that the Jews expressly pointed in the time of Caligula, when their loyalty happened to be called in (question in consequence of their having opposed the erection of the emperor's statue in the temple.^^^ And we are fuitlier informed that it continued to •-'32 I'hilo, Lrcj. ad ('(ijinit.acv. xxni. (ctl. Mang. ii. 509) : ■rrcoa-a.^u.i y.xl oi »luvo; oLvxyiadai Svaix; iuOiÄ:)c-i> o'^okociitov^ Kee6' 'sy,»(rrr,v i}f*ipecv tK ru» loiuv 'JTpooöoCßiv, cc77utiy,y,y ru ii\^i 07)/:iov ruu Vuy,xiay olg rii; ii,uiox; dvnu 'ijuaxu. From the conclusion of this sentence we see that, like the public sacrifices, the daily sacrifice for the emperor was also ofTeri' »xt fisyüT^av iif/.lv S<« rov vL^w kxI toiv ^po(pyiTuv x,xi ruv ctKhuv rZ)v x,a,T cclrovg vikoXovO/ikotuv ZiZofisvuv^ VTrip üw tioV iazlv iTTCttUilv TO» I(7^«0)X "TTOtttiixi Kxl GO'fixg X,.T.'h. ^ Joseph, contra Apion. i. 8 : Ov yccp /^vpicchi ßtßi'hiuv ual mxp i],u.iv davft,- (fuvuv Kctl (/.cf/^of^iviuVj ^vo 'hi fiö'jx irpog rolg i'iKoat ßißhtx, tow ttuuto; 'ixovTX xpi'jtiv TYiv ccvx'/pa.cxg rot/ ßlov Trepii^ovaiv. 'Axo oi ' ApTx^SD^ov f^ixpi Tov y-xd iif^x: xoovov '/iypxvrxi ptiv iKxarx, ■Trwrsa; 0£ oi/x öfioix; ii^iUTXi rot; Trpti xvtuv dix to ptvi yiviodxi rriv toiv 'Trooip-firuu xy.pißij lixlox^iv. Jerome in his Proloyus (jaleatus to the Books of Samuel (0pp. ed. Vallarsi, ix. 455 sq. ; see the passage, e.g. in Gfrorer, Jahrh. des Heils, i. 237 sq., and in the introductions of De Wette, Bleek and others) gives the following enumeration as that customari/ amonc] the Jews: (1-5) Pentateuch ; (6) Joshua; (7) Judges and Ruth ; (8) Samuel; (9) Kings; (10) Isaiah; (11) Jeremiah and Lamentations; (12) Ezekiel ; (13) twelve minor pro- phets; (14) Job; (15) Psalms; (16) Proverbs; (17) Ecclesiastes; (18) Song of Solomon; (19) Daniel; (20) Chronicles; (21) Ezra and Nehemiah ; (22) Esther. The same enumeration, but in a somewhat dif- ferent order (and witli the omission of the twelve minor prophets, which must however be an oversight of the transcriber), is given by Origen in Eusebius' Ilist.Eccl. vi. 25 (in which the designation ' A^y.io(piKuouy. for the Book of Numbers, which is generally left unexplained, is nothing else than D"'n^p3 t'Oin, Joma vii. 1 ; Sota vii. 7 ; Menachoth iv. 3). It can consequently be hardly doubtful, that Josephus also takes this enumeration for granted, and intends by his 5 + 13 + 4 = 22 books our present canon. The four books containing " hymns of x^raise to God and rules of life for men," are the Psalms and the three Books of Solomon. That 1 Chron. and 2 Chron. formed, as early as the time of Christ, the closing books of the canon, may be inferred from Matt, xxiii. 35 = Luke xi. 51, where the slay- ing of Zachariah is mentioned as the last murder of a prophet. Chronolo- gically viewed tlie death of Urijah, Jer. xxvi. 20-23, was later, but according to the order of the canon the assas-^sination related in 2 Chronicles is certainly the last. ^ Jadajim iii. 5 : " All holy Scriptures, even the Song of Solomon and Ecclesiastes, defile the hands." R. Judah says : The Song of Solomon defiles the hands, but Ecclesiastes is doubtful. R. Joses says : Ecclesiastes does not defile the hands, and the Song of Solomon is doubtful. R. Simon says : Ecclesiastes is among the points on which the school of Shammai decides in a manner to lighten, the school of Hillel in a manner to aggravate diffi- culty. R. Simon ben Asai said : I have received it as the tradition of the seventy-two elders, that on the day that R. Eieazar ben Asariali was named president, it was decided tliat the Song of Solomon and Ecclesiastes defile the hands. R. Akiba said : No, no. Never has any one in Israel affirmed that the Soug of Solomon did not defile the hands. For no day in the 310 § 25. SCRIBISM. other books than those of our present canon, that they were ever reckoned canonical by the Palestinian Jews, although the Book of Wisdom was so highly esteemed tliat it was some- times cited "in a manner only customary in the case of passages of Scripture." ^° It was only the Hellenistic Jews who combined a whole series of other books with those of the Hebrew canon. But then they had no definite completion of the canon at all. Notwithstanding the combination of the Nebiim and Kethu- history of the world was ever of so great importance as that on which the Song of Solomon appeared in Israel. For all other scriptures are holy, but the Song of Solomon the holiest of all. If there was any dispute, it was respecting Ecclesiastes. R. Johanan, son of Joshua, the son of R. Akiba's father-in-law, said : As ben Asai has declared, so was it disputed and so decided. Edujoth v. 3 : R. Simon (according to R. Ismael) says : In three cases the school of Shammai decided in a manner to lighten, the school of Hillel to aggravate difficulties. According to the school of Shammai, Ecclesiastes does not defile the hands ; the school of Hillel says : It defiles the hands, etc. Hieronymus, Comment, in Ecclesiast. xii. 13 {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, iii. 496) : " Aiuut Hebraei quum inter caetera scripta Salomonis quae antiquata sunt nee in memoria duraverunt et hie lihcr oUi- terandus videretur eo quod vanas Dei assereret creaturas et totum putaret esse pro nihilo et cibum et potum et delicias transeuntes praeferret omnibus, ex hoc uno capitulo meruisse auctoritatem, ut in divinorum voluminum numero poueretur." See in general, Bleek, Theol. Stud, und Kritik. 1853, p. 321 sq. Delitzsch, Zeitsch. für luih. Theol. 1854, pp. 280-283. Strack, ait. "Kanon des A. T.'s," in Herzog's Real-Encycl.., 2nd ed. vii. 429 sq. Weber, System der altsynagorjalen paläst. Theologie, p. 81. ^^ S. Zuiiz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden, p. 101 sq. Against the canonical authority of the Book of Wisdom, see Strack in Herzog's lleal- Encycl. vii. 430 sq. It is quite a mistake to think we have a right to infer with Movers {Loci qiddam historiae canonis Vet. Test, illustrati, 1842, p. 14sq.), and after him with Bleek {Stud. u. Krit. 1853, p. 323), from those passages in Josephus {Antt. Preface, § 3, x. 10. 6, xxii. 11. 2; contra Apion. i, 1. 10) in which he states generally that the Holy Scriptures {rx iip» y^ky.- [Ad-rcc, Oil iipxt ßißXoi) were his authorities for his whole history, that he also regarded such of his authorities as did not belong to the Hebrew canon as " holy Scriptures." For these were chiefly heathen authorities. Geiger too can scarcely be right when he insists on regarding as among such " holy scriptures," which according to Shahhath xvi. 1 might not be read on the Sabbath day, the apocryphal books (Zcitschr. 1867, pp. 98-102). For by these are probably meant, as Jewish expositors also declare, the KethubLin (of these only the five Megilloth were used in the public worship of the synagogues, and these only on special occasions during the year). See Kisch, Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1880, p. 543 sqq. § 25. SCPJBISir. 311 bi7n with the Thorah, they were never ]»laced quite on a level with it. The Thorah always occu[»ie(l a higher position as to its religious estimation. In it was deposited and fully contained the original revelation of the Divine will. In tlie prophets and the other sacred writings this will of God was only further delivered. Hence these are designated as the " tradition " (p^'^P., Aramaean NRCPtr'N), and cited as such.^ On account of its higher value it was decided that a book of the law might be purchased by the sale of the Holy Scriptures, but not Holy Scriptures by the sale of a book of the law.^*^ In general, however, the Nchiim and KctMibim participate in the properties of the Thorah. They are all " Holy Scriptures " {^y^} '?n3) ; ^^ with respect to them all it is determined, that contact with them defiles the hands (so that they may not be touched inconsiderately, but with reverent awe).-^* They are all cited by essentially the same formulas. For although special formulas are sometimes used for the Thorah, yet the formula, which most frequently occurs, ""?.!!?2'^', " for it is said," is applied without distinction to the Thorah and the other Scriptures ;^^ as also in ilie sphere of Hellenism (comp, the X. T.), the formula 'yiypairrat and the like.^" Xay ^^ hi the Mishna, Taanitk ii. 1, a passage from Joel is cited with the formula : " in the tradition he says" ("lOIS Nin n!?3p3)- Comp, in general, Zunz, Die gnttcsdiemtlichen Vorträge der Juden, p. 44. Herzfeld, Gesch. den Volkes Jisrael, iii. 18 sq. Joh. Delitzsch, De ivspiratiove scripturae sacrae, p. 7 sq. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (Cambridge 1877), p. 120sq. ^- Megilla iii. 1. ^^ Shabhath xvi. 1 ; Eruhin x. 3 ; Bahn huthra i. 6,^"«. ; Sanhedrin \. (> ; Para x. 3 ; Jadajim iii. 2, 5, iv. 5, 6. ^* Edujoth V. o ; Kelini xv. G ; Jadajim iii. 2, 4, 5, iv. 5, 6. '^ So e.g. to adduce citations from tiie Kethubim on)}': Lrrac/ioth vii. 3 (P.S. Ixviii. 27), Bcrachoth ix. 5 (Ruth ii. 4). Pea viii. 9 (Prov. xi. 27), Shah- liath ix. 2 (Prov. xxx. 19), Shabhath ix. 4 (Ps. cix. 18), f!osh hashana i. 2 (Ps. xxxiii. 15). In those the quotation is always introduced by the foniuila "1DS3B'- But this very formula is also by far the most frequent in quota- tions from the Nebiim and the Thorah. Comp, the list of scriptural qiiota- tations in Pinner, Udicrsttznng d(s Tractates Bcrachoth (1812), Introd. fol. 21b. *'■ See in general on the fonniilas of citation, Surenhusius, ßiß'/.og kxtu/.- ?i«yqj (Amstelodauii 171.')), pp. 1-;!G. I>öi)\iQ,JIcnnencutik der ncute,stanient~ 312 § 25. SCRIBISM. the Nebiim and Kethubim are sometimes quoted as " the law" (v6fxo<;)}^ And there is perhaps nothing more charac- teristic of the full appreciation of their value on the part of the Jews, than the fact that they too are not first of all to Jewish conviction didactic or consolatory works, not books of edification or history, but also " law," the substance of God's claims upon His people. II. THE SCRIBES AND THEIR LABOURS IX GEXERAL. The Literature. Uisiniis, Antiquilates Hchraicae scliolastico-academicae. Hafniae 1702 (ako in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxi.). Hartmann, Die enge VerMudung des Alten Testaments mit dem Neuen (1831), pp. 384-413. Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert des Heils, i. (1838) pp. 109-214. Winer, RWB. ii. 425-428 (art. " Schriftgelehrte ")• Jost, Das geschichtliche Verhültniss der Rahhincn zu ihren Gemeinden (Zeitschr. für die historische theologie (1850), pp. 351-377). Levysohn, Einiges über die hebräisclien und aramäischen Benennungen für Schide, Schüler und Lehrer (Franke's Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wis- sensch. des Judenth. (1858), pp, 384-389). Leyrer, art. " Schriftgelehrt," in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. xiii. (1860) pp. 731-741. Klöpper, art. " Schriftgelehrte," in Schenkel's Bibellcxicon, vol. v. pp. 247-255. Ginsburg, art. " Scribes," in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature. Plumptre, art. " Scribes," in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. Weber, System der altsynagogalen palästinischen Theologie (1880), pp. 121-143. Hamburger, Real- Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. iL, arts. "Gelehrter," "Lehrhaus," " Rabban," "Schüler," " Sopherim," "Talmudlehrer," " Talmudschulen," " Unterhalt," " Unterricht." Stiack, art. " Schriftgelehrte," in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 2nd ed. xiii. (1884) pp. 696-698. liehen Schriftsteller (1829), pp. 60-69. Pinner, Uebersetzung des Tractates Berachoth, lutrod. fol. 21a, 22a. Joh. Delitzsch, De inspiratione scripturae sacrae, p. 4 sq. Comp, also Strack, Prolegomena critica in Vet. Test. (1873), p. 60 sqq. ^" Rom. iii, 19 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 21 ; John x. 34, xii. 34, xv. 25. § -?.:,. scribisjVL 313 With the existence of a law is naturally involved tlie necessity of its scientific study, and of a 'professional acquaintance with it. Such necessity exists at least in proportion as this law is comprehensive and complicated. An acquaintance with its details, a certainty in the application of its several enact- ments to everyday life, can then only be attained by its being made a matter of professional occupation. In the time of Ezra, and indeed long after, this was chiefly the concern of the priests. Ezra himself was at the same time both priest and scribe (löiD). The most important element of the Penta- teuch was written in the interest of the priestly cultus. Hence the priests were at first the teachers and guardians of the law. Gradually however this was changed. The higher the law rose in the estimation of the people, the more did its study and exposition become an independent business. It was the law of God, and every individual of the nation had the same interest as the priests in knowing and obeying it. Hence non-priestly Israelites more and more occupied tliem- selves with its scientific study. An independent class of " biblical scholars or scribes," i.e. of men who made acquaint- ance with the law a profession, was formed beside the priests. And when in the time of Hellenism the priests, at least those of the higher strata, often applied themselves to heathen culture, and more or less neglected the law of their fathers, the scribes ever appeared in a relative contrast to the priests. It was no longer tlie priests, but the scribes, who were the zealous guardians of the law. Hence they were also from that time onwards the real teachers of the people, over whose spiritual life they bore complete sway. In the time of the New Testament we find this process fully completed ; the scribes then formed a firmly compacted class in undisputed possession of a spiritual supremacy over the people. They are usually called in the New Testament ypafj-fiuTei';, i.e. "learned in Scripture," " the learned," corre- sponding to the Hebrew D"'1siD, which in itself means nothing more than homines literati (men professionally occupied with 314 § 25. SCEIBISat. the Scriptures).^^ That such occupation should concern itself chiefly with the law was self-evident. Besides this general designation, we also meet with the more special one vo/jllkoi, i.e. "the learned in the law," "jurists" (Matt. xxii. 35 ; Luke vii. 30, X. 25, xi. 45 sq., 52, xiv. 3);^^ and inasmuch as they not only knew, hut taught the law, they were likewise called vofiohiSda-KaXoi, " teachers of the law " (Luke v. 17; Acts V. 34). Josephus calls them Trarpioiv e^rjyrjTal vo/ncov,^'* or in Graecized fashion aoc^iarai'^^ also iepojpafifxarel2"l, " my master," is found in the Mishna, e.g. J^esachiin vi. 2 ; Rosh hashana ii. 0, fill.; Xcilarim ix. 5; Baha kamma viii. 6. Also with the plural suffix ^rai, "our master," Berachoth ii. 5, 7. This predicate having been bestowed upon the scribes in their teaching capacity, 3"i gradually acquired the meaning of " teacher." It seems to have been already thus used in a saying attributed to Joshua ben Perachiah, Ahoth i. 6. In the time of the Mishna this meaning was, at all event.s, quite common ; see Rash ha.skana ii. 9,ßn.; Baha mezia ii. 11 ; Edujoth i. 3, viii. 7 ; Ahoth iv. 12 ; Kcrithoth vi. 9, fin. ; Jadajim iv. 3, ßn. Comp. John i. 89. 25 Like Momieur. Comp, on the title of Rabbi generally, Seruppii Dis.<^crt. de titulo Rahhi (in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxi.). Lightfoot and Wetzstein on Matt, xxiii. 7. Buxtorf, Dc abhreviaturis hcbraici.<<, pp. 172-177. Carpzov, Apparatus historico-cridcus, p. 137 sqq. Winer, RWB. ii. 290 sq. Pressel in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. xii. 471 sq. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 431 Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, v. 305. Steiner in Schenkel's Bihcllex. v. 29 sq. Riehm's Würterh. s.v. Hamburger, Real-Enc, Üiv. ii. art. "Rabban.'' The Lexica to the New Testament, s.v. pußßi. ^c Both forms appear iu the Targums (see Buxtorf, Le.v. i'hald. s.v. Levy, Chald. Würterh. s.v.), and on tlic other hand pi almost always in the Hebrew. Of the form jni only one example is known to me in the Mishna, viz. in Taanilh iii. 8, where it is used with reference to God. On 316 § 25. SCPJBISM. Mislma as tlie title of four prominent scribes of the period of the Mishna (about A.D. 40-150),^" and in the New Testament, on the other hand, paßßovvu (P^l or P^l) as a respectful address to Christ (Mark x. 51 ; John xx. 16).^^ In the Greek of the New Testament Eabbi is represented by Kvpie (Matt. viii. 2, 6, 8, 21, 25 and frequently) or SiSdaKoXe (Matt. viii. 9 and frequently) ; in St. Luke also by iiriardTa (Luke v. 5, viii. 24, 45, ix. 33, 49, xvii. 13). Uanjp and Ka67]yr)T^ Ahoth iii. 8. ■''- Ehiiolh i. 3. 69 Aboth ii. 8. Comp, also Gfrörer, Das JaJirh. fics IIcils, i. 168-173. ^0 Berachoth iv. 2 ; Demai ii. 3, vii. 5 ; *Tcnnnoth xi. 10 ; Shabbath xvi. 1, xviii. 1 ; *Pesachhn iv. 4 ; Beza iii. 5; Aboth v. 14: Mcitachoth x. 9 ; Jadajim iv. 3, 4. In the passages marked * the plural form occurs. On other designations of the house of teaching, see Vitringa, De si/nagoga vetere, p. 133 sqq. ''1 Terumoth xi. 10 ; Pcsachim iv. 4. It is evident from both passages, that the houses of teaching were lUnlluct from the synafiofiiics. On the hiuh estimation in which the^e houses of teaching were held, see also llambuigcr, Real-Enctjd. ii. 075-677, art. '^ Lehrhaus." 326 § 25. SCWBISM. house of teacliing.^^ In Jerusalem indeed the catechetical lectures were held " in the temple " (eV tm lepw, Luke ii. 46 ; Matt. xxi. 23, xxvi. 55 ; Mark xiv. 49 ; Luke xx. 37; John xviii. 20), i.e. in the colonnades or some other space of the outer court. The pupils sat on the ground during the instruc- tion (y\P,P^) of the teacher, who was on an elevated place (hence Acts xxii. 3 : Trapa rovc«tT«>.A«y-^f in quo secundum veterum theolor/orum Hehraeorum formiiUis cdkgdndi ct modos interpretandl conc'diantur loca ex V. in N. T. alUcjata (Amstelodami 171o), especially pp. 57-88. Wachner, Antiquitates Ehraeorum, vol. i. 1743, p. o53 sqq. Döpke, Hermeneutik der ncutestamcntlichen Schriftsteller, part i. 1829. Hartmaiin, Die enge Verbindung des Alten Testaments mit dem Neuen (1831), pp. 384-731. Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden, historisch entwickelt, Berlin 1832. Hirschfeld, Der Geist der tahnudischen Auslegung der Bibel. Erster Thl. Halachischc, Exegese 1840. The same, Der Geist der ersten Schrift- auslegungen oder die hagadische Exegese, 1847. Frankel, Vorstudien zu der Septuagiuta (lieipzig 1841), pp. 163-203, especially pp, 179-191. The same, L'eher elen Einßuss der pcdiistinischcn Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik, Leipzig 1851 (354, p. 8). The same, Ueber pedüstinische und ulexandrinischen Schriftforsehung, Breslau 1854 (42, p. 4). Weite, Geist und Werth der altralbinischen Schriftauslegung (Tüb. Theol. Quartaischriß, 1842, pp. 19-58). Keuss, Gesch. der heil. Schriften Neuen Testaments, § 502-505 {iiber die Auslegung des A. T. bei den Juden). Diestel, Gesch. des Alten Testamentes in der christlichen Kirche (1869), pp. 6-14. Herzfcld, Geschichte des ]'olkes Jisrael, iii. 137 ff., 226-263. Jost, Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner, Secten i. 90 ff., 227-288. Geiger, Urschrift und Uehersetzungen der Bibel in ihrer Abhängigkeit von der inneren Entwickelung des Judenthums, Leipzig 1857. Pressel, " Rabbinismus," iu Herzog's Real-Encycl, 1st ed. vol. xii. (1860), pp. 470-487. Hausrath, Neutestamentl. Zeitgeschichte, 2i)d ed. i. 80-113. Freudcnthal, Hellenistische Studien (1875), pp. 66-77 (on the influence of Hellenism upon the Palestinian Midiash, see also Geiger, Jiid. Zeitschr. xi. 1875, p. 227 sqq.). Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria (1875), p. 142 sqq. (on the mutual influence of the Palestinian and Alexandrian theology and exegesis). Bacher, Die Agada der babylonischen Amoräer, 1878. Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten (Grätz' Monat.^schrift für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1882-1884). Also separately under the title, "him" or "not"). When R. Akiba says, Aboth iii. 13, that the nib^D is " a fence about the Thorah," niDD means not the critico-textual, but the Halachic tradition ; see Strack, p. 388. 330 § 25. SCRIBISM. Die Agada der Tannaiten, vol. i. From Hillel to Akiba, Strasbourg 1884. Weber, System der altsynae/ogalen palüstin. Theologie (1880), especially pp. 88-121. Reuss, Gesch. der heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments (1881), § 411-415, 582-584. Hamburger, Beal-Enc.für Bibel und Tcdmud, Div. ii. (1883) art. " Agada" (pp. 19-27), "Allegorie" (pp. 50-53), "Exegese" (pp. 181-212), "Geheimlehre" (pp. 257-278), " Halacha" (pp. 338-353), "Kabbala" (pp. 557-603), "Mystik" (pp. 816-819), " Rabbinismus " (pp. 944- 956), "Recht" (pp. 969-980). 1. IVic Halacliali. The theoretical labours of the scribes were, as has been already remarked in the preceding section, of a twofold kind, — 1. the development and establishment of the law, and 2. the manipulation of the historical and didactic portions of the Holy Scriptures. The former developed a law of custom beside the written Thorah, called in Eabbinical language the Halachah ("^^pn, properly that which is current and customary). The latter produced an abundant variety of historical and didactic notions, usually comprised under the name of the Haggadah or Agadah (^"^^J] or i^"]^^, properly narrative, legend). The origin, nature and contents of both have now to be more fully discussed. Their common foundation is the investigation or exposition of the Biblical text, Hebr. K^1'=i.^'' By investigation however "'' ^-\'r\ is found iu the Mishna in the following constructions : — 1. To investigate, to explain a passage or portion of Scripture, the accusative object being either expressed or to be mentally supplied, ßerachoth i. 5 ; Pesachim x. 4:,ßn.j Shekalim i. 4, v. 1 ; Joma i. 6 ; Megilla ii. 2 ; Sota v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, ix. 15; Sanhedrm xi. 2. 2. with 3 in the same sense "to give explanations of a passage," Chagiga ii. 1. 3. "To find or discover a doctrine by investigation," e.g. J)o tiHT if nSi "he discovered this from such and such a passage " (Joma viii. 9), or without jo {Jehamoth x. 3 ; Chullin V. 5), or in the combination Ci>"^'^ ^niD PIT^ "Such or such a one gave this explanation" (>heJcalim vi. 6 ; Kethuhoth iv. 6). The substantive formed from t^iT is K'no, investigation, explanation, elaboration {Shekalim vi. 6 ; Kethuhoth iv. 6 ; Nedarim iv. 3 ; Ahoth i. 17) ; also in the combination ti'llDn n"'3, see above, note 60, It is already found 2 Chron. xiii. 22, 24, 26. § 25. SCltlßlSM. 331 ^vas not meant historical exegesis in the modern sense, but the search after new information upon the foundation of the existing text. The inquiry was not merely what the text in question according to the tenor of its words might say, but also what knowledge might be obtained from it by logical inference, by combination with other passages, by allegorical exegesis and tlie like. The kind and method of investigation was different in the treatment of the law and in that of the historical and dogmatico-ethic portions, and comparatively stricter in the former tlian in the latter. The Halacliic Midrash (i.e. the exegetic development of passages of the law) had first of all to regard only the extent and range of the several commands. It had to ask : to what cases in actual life the precept in question applied, wliat con- sequences it in general entailed, and what was to be done, that it might be strictly and accurately observed according to its full extent. Hence the commandments were split and split again into the subtlest casuistic details, and care was taken by the most comprehensive precautionary measures, that no kind of accidental circumstance should occur in observing them, which might be regarded as an infringement of their absolutely accurate fulfilment. The legal task was not, how- ever, exhausted by this analysis of the existing text. There w'ere also many difficulties to solve, some arising from internal contradictions in the legal code itself, some from the incon- gruity of certain legal requirements with the actual circum- stances of life ; others, and these the most numerous, from the incompleteness of the written law. To all such questions scholars had to seek for an answer : it was their business to obviate existing discrepancies by establishing an authoritative explanation ; to point out how, when the observance of a precept was eitlier impossible, difficult, or inconvenient, by reason of the actual relations of life, a compromise might nevertheless be made with the letter of its requirements ; and lastlj', to find for all those cases of actual occurrence, which were not directly regulated by the written law, some legal 332 § 2.5. SCEIEIS-M. direction when the need for such should arise. This last department especially furnished an inexhaustible source of labour for juristic discussion. Again and again did ques- tions arise concerning which the written or hitherto appointed law gave no direct answer, and to reply to which became therefore a matter of juristic discussion. For answering such questions two means were actually at their disposal, viz. inference from already recognised dogmas and the establishment of an already existing tradi- tion. The latter, so far as it could be determined, was of itself decisive. Scientific exegesis (Midrash) was thus by no means the only source for the formation of a legal code. A consider- able portion of what subsequently became valid law had on the whole no point of connection with the Thorah, but was at first only manner and custom. This or that had been done thus or thus, and so imperceptibly custom grew into a law of custom. When anything in the legal sphere had been so long usual that it could be said, it has always been thus, it was law by custom. It was then by no means necessary that its deduc- tion from the Thorah should be proved ; ancient tradition was as such already binding. And the recognised teachers of the law were enjoined and competent to confirm this law of custom. Prom these two sources there grew up in the course of time a multitude of legal decisions by the side of, and of equal authority with, the written Thorah. These were all comprised under the common notion of the Halacliah, i.e. the law of custom. For what was discovered by scientific investigation was, when it obtained validity, also law by custom, '^i^ü/^ Hence valid •58 This comprehensive notion of the ns^n appears from the following passages: Pea ii. 6, iv. 1, 2; Orla iii. 9; Shahhath i. 4; Chagiga L 8; Jebamoth viii. 3 ; Nedarim iv. 3 ; Edujotli i. 5, viii. 7 ; Ahoth iii. 11, 18, V. 8 ; Kerithoth iii. 9 ; Jadajim iv. 3, fn. "Jewish custom," n'''Tin'' JTl (Kethuhoth vii. G), is synonymous with |*"1X T]"n (KiddiLshin i. 10), and as only designating the conventional, must not be confounded with the Halachah. § 25. SCKIBISM. 333 law now included two main categories, the written Thorah and the Halachah/^ which, till at least towards the close of the period with which we are occupied, was propagated only orally. Within the Halachah there are again different categories : (1) single Halachoth (traditional enactments) decidedly traced back to Moses ;^" (2) the great body or Halachah proper; (3) certain enactments which are designated as the " cq'tpoint- ments of the scribes" (ü"'"isiD ^i:?"n).'^ All three categories are of legal obligation. But their authority nevertheless differs in degree according to the above sequence, those of the first class being highest, and those of the third relatively lowest. For while the Halachah in general was regarded as having been at all times valid, there was with regard to the Q'^'ioiD '•liTiT the conviction, that they were first introduced by the successors of Ezra, viz. by the D'''isiD.'- There was in general, in the period of the Mishna, a perfect consciousness that many tradi- tional ordinances had no kind of foundation in the Thorah, and that others were connected with it by the slightest of ties." Nevertheless the law of custom was quite as binding '■^ min or \!ir\[>'0 (writing) and riDPn are distinguished, f. 7. in Orla\\\.^\ Chagirja i. 8 ; Nedarim iv. 3. So too are Kip?D and T^'^^y^ (the teaching of the law), Kiddushin i. 10. '" Such ij^Di:) n^'u? niD?n are mentioned in the Mislina in three passages: I'en ii. 6; Edujnth \\\\. 7; Jadajim iv. 3,^«. There are altogether from fifty to sixty in the Rabbinical-Talmudic literature. '•^ Orla iii. 9 ; Jchamoth ii. 4, ix. 3 ; Hanhcdrlti xi. o ; Para xi. 4-6 ; Tohoroth iv. 7 ; Jadajim iii. 2. Comp, also Kelim xiii. 7 ; Tehuljom iv. 6. '2 That the QnaiD ''Ml had relatively less authority than the Halachah simply, is evident from Orla iii. 9 (where it is quite unjustifiable to Supple- ment na^n by ^TDD HETD^). On the recent date of the D"'"iaiD """lai, comp, especially Kelim xiii. 7 ; I^juI jom iv. 6 : D^lDlD VJ^n cnn "131. ^^ Compare especially the remarkable passage, Chafjic/a i. 8 : " Release from a vow is a dogma which hovers, as it were, in the air, for there is nothing in Scripture on which it can be founded. The laws concerning the Sabbath, the festival sacrifices, and the defrauding (of sacred things by misuse), are like mountains hanging by a hair, for there are few pas- sages of Scripture and many laws of custom (ni3S"l) concerning them. On the other hand, the civil laws (pyi), the laws of ritual, the laws concerning uncleanness and incest, are entirely founded on Scripture, and form the essential contents of the (written) Thorah." So 4. § 25. SCRIBISM. as the written Thorali ; ^* nay, it was even decided that oppo- sition to the D''~)ii"iD "•"131 was a lieavier transgression than opposition to the decrees of the Thorah ; ''^ because the former, being the authentic exposition and completion of the latter, were therefore in fact the ultimate authority. It was in the nature of the Halachah that it never could be a thing finished and concluded. The two sources, whence it arose, were continually flowing onwards. Xew enactments were always being evolved by successive scientific exegesis (Midrash), and new customs might always arise as usage differed. Both, when they had attained prescriptive right, became Halachah, the extent of which might thus be enlarged ad infinitum. But at each stage of development a distinction was always made between what was already valid and what was only discovered ly the scientific inferences of the Bahhis, between na^n and H (to judge). Only the former was legally binding, the latter in and of itself not as yet so.'* Not till the majority of the learned had decided in their favour were such tenets binding and henceforth admitted into the Halachah. For the majority of those distinguished for learning was the decisive trihnnaV^ Hence the Q"'p3n nni were also to be kept as binding.^* It is self-evident however, that this principle applies only to such cases as were not decided by an already valid Halachah. For concerning any matter for which a Halachah is in existence this must be unconditionally obeyed, though ninety-nine should be against and only one for it.'^^ By the help of this principle of the majority the great difiiculty which arose through the separation of the schools of Hillel and Shammai was overcome (see No. 4). So long as the differences between the two were not reconciled, the conscientious Israelite must '>^ Comp, especially, Aboth iii. 11, v. 8. '5 Sanhedrin xi. 3 : min "'"l^nsn D"'12iD nnnn IDin. ''" See especially, Jehamoth viii. 8 ; KeritJiotli iii. 9. The niD/TI and Un*1D are therefore disriiiguished from each other as two kinds of subjects of instruction. Nedarim iv. 3. '■" Shabbath i. 4 sqq. ; Ednjoth i. 4-6, v. 7 ; JJickwaoth iv. 1 ; Jadajim iv. 1, 3. ^8 Necjaim ix. 3, xi. 7. " Pea iv. 1-2. § 25. SCRIBISM. 335 have been in great perplexity which to adhere to. The majority here too gave the final decision, whether it was that the schools themselves compared numbers, and that one was outvoted by the other,**" or that subsequent scholars settled differences by their final decision." The strictness with which the uuchangeableness of the Halachah was in general proclaimed might induce one to sup- pose, that what was once valid must remain unaltered. But there is no rule without exception, nor was this so. Nor indeed are the cases few in which laws or customs were afterwards altered, whether on purely theoretical grounds, or on account of altered circumstances, or because the old custom entailed inconvenience.'*'' Widely as the Halachah differed from the written Thorah the fiction was still kept up, that it was in reality nothing else than an exposition and more precise statement of the Thorah itself. The TJiorah vxis still formally esteemed as the supreme rule from ivhich all legal axioms must he derived.^^ Certainly the Halacha had its independent authority, and was binding, even if no scriptural proof was adduced. Hence, though its validity did not depend upon success in finding a scriptural proof, it formed part of the business of the scribes to con- firm the maxim of the Halachah by the Scriptures.** More ^^ A few cases are mentioned in which the school of Hillel was outvoted by the school of Shammai, Shalbalh i. 4 sqq. ; Mikwauth iv. 1. 8^ As a rule tlie Mishna, after mentioning the differences of the two schools, states the decision of " scholars." ^2 Such innovations were e.g. introduced hy Hillel {SheUith x. 3 ; Gittin iv. 3 ; Aracliinij.. 4), Kabban Gamaliel {Ro.^h hashana n. b ; Gittin iv. 2-3), Rabban Johanan ben Sakkai {Suklca iii. 12 ; Rosh hashaua iv. 1, 3, 4 ; Snio ix. 9 ; Menachoth x. .5), II. Akiba (Maa.iei- sheni v. 8 ; Nasir vi. 1 ; Challa iv. 7 ; Bikknrim iii. 7 ; Shckalini vii. 5 ; Joma ii. 2 ; Kethuhoth v. 3 ; Ncdarim xi. 12 ; Gitlin v. ; /'Jihijoth vii, 2 ; Teh ii I join iv. 5). "^ This holds good notwithstanding the admission mentioned in note 73. See especially, Weber, p. 96 sqq. "* Tliat this supplementary learned confirmation of the Halachah often referred to passages of Scripture entirely different to those from which the Halachic maxims really arose, is seen, e.g. in the classic passage SShuhhath ix. 1-4. 336 § 25. SCRIßISM. absolute was the demand for satisfactory confirmation in the case of newly advanced or disputed maxims. These could only obtain recognition by methodical Midrash, i.e. by being deduced in a convincing manner from passages of Scripture, or from other already acknowledged propositions. The method of demonstration which was in such cases applied, was one which, though it indeed appears somewhat strange to us, has its rules and laws. A distinction was made between the proof proper (p\^y) and the mere reference p^T).^^ Hillcl is said to have laid down for the proof proper seven rules, which may \)Q, called a kind of Eabbinical logic.*'' These seven rules are as follows : (1) ""^ini ?;?, '' light and heavy," i.e. the infer- ence a minori ad maj'ics ; ^^ (2) nvi^ nira, " an equal decision," i.e. an inference from the similar, ex analogia;^^ (3) 2X I^jn ins 31030, " a main proposition from 07ie passage of Scripture," i.e. a deduction of a main enactment of the law from a single passage of Scripture ; (4) D''3iri3 ""irö 2X ]]:2, " a main proposition from two passages of Scripture ; " (5) £3"iQ1 7?3, b?p'^ ü'iSi, " general and particular," and " particular and general," i.e. a more precise statement of the general by the particular, and of the particular by the general;*' (6) i3 s>;i''3 **5 Shahhath viii. 7, ix. 4 ; Saiihcdrin viii. 2. Comp. Weber, p. 115 sqq. ^^' They ai-e found in the Tosefta, Sanhedrin xii.ßn. (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 427), in the Aboth de-Rahbi Nathan c. 87, and at the close of the intro- duction to the Sifra (Ugolini, TJiesaurvs, vol. xiv. 595). The text of the Sifra is, at least according to the edition of UgoUni, defective. The correct reading is found from the almost verbally identical texts of the two other authorities. Comp. Hillel and his seven rules of interpretation in the Monats- schr.filr Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1851-52, pp. 156-162. **'■ Examples in Berachoth ix. 5 ; Shehiith vii. 2 ; Beza v. 2 ; Jebamoth viii. 3 ; Nasir vii. 4 ; Sota vi. 3 ; Baba bathra ix. 7 ; Sanhedrin vi. 5 ; Edujoth vi. 2 ; Aboth i. 5 ; Sebachim xii. 3 ; Chidlin ii. 7, xii, 3 ; Becho- roth i. 1 ; Kerithoth iii. 7, 8, 9, 10 ; Necjaim xii. 5 ; Machshirin vi. 8. ^^ E.g. Beza i. 6 : " Challah and gifts are presents due to the priests, and so is the Terumah. As then the latter may not be brought to the priest on a holy day, so neither ma,y the former." Another example in Arachiniv.ßn. In both passages the expression niC' n"lT3 is used. **■• In the thirteen Middoth of R. Ismael this figure is specified in eight different manners, e.g. by the formula p^3i 0"lD1 ?^3 — " general and parti- cular and general" — i.e. a more precise «tatoment of two general cxpres- § 2ö. scRimsM. 337 "inx Dip03, " by tlie similar in another passage," i.e. a more precise statement of a passage by the help of another; (7) i^^^^yo "Tp^ri "i^^^, " a thing which is learned from its connec- tion," a more precise statement from the context. These seven rules were subsequently increased to thirteen, the fifth being specified in eight different manners, and the sixth omitted. The laying down of these thirteen Middoth is ascribed to E. Ismael. Their value for the correct interpretation of the law was so highly esteemed on the part of Eabbinic Judaism, that every orthodox Israelite recited them daily as an integral element of his morning devotions.®** The matter which formed the subject of juristic investiga- tion on the part of the scribes was in effect furnished by the Thorah itself. The precepts concerning the priestly sacrifices and religious usages in general occupy the largest space therein. For the peculiarity of the Jewish law is, that it is pre-eminently a kno of ritual. It seeks in the first place to establish by law in what manner God desires to be honoured, what sacrifices are to be offered to Him, what festivals are to be kept in His honour, how His priests are to be maintained, and what religious rites in general are to be observed. All other matters occupy but a small space in comparison with this. The motive whence all the zealous labours of the scribes arose corresponded with this content of the law : it was the desire to make sure by an accurate expression of the law, that none of the claims of God should be violated in even the slightest particular, but that all should be most conscien- tiously observed to their fullest extent. The endeavours of sioDs by a particular one intervening, as e.g. Deut. xiv. 26, where the general expression, "whatever thy soul dusireth," used at the beginning and end, is limited by the words "oxen, sheep, wine, intoxicating drink, wliicli stand between. '.10 Hence they are found in every Jewish Siddur (Book of Prayers), as well as in the introduction to tlie SiJ'ra. Comp. Wauhner, Antitpiitatcx Ehrnc- oriim, i. 422-523. Pinner's translation of the treatise, JJcracholh, Introd. fol. 17b-20a. Prcssel in Herzog's Jl/al-Enci/cl., ed. 1, xv. 651 sq. Weber, Sij.ilcm xicr altsi/narjof/aku paliist. Thad. pp. 106-115. mV. TI. VOL. I. Y 338 § 25. SCEIBISM. the scribes were therefore directed chiefly to the development of (1) the precepts concerning sacrifices, tlie various kinds of sacrifice, the occasions on which it was to be offered, the manner of offering, and all connected therewith,- i.e. of the entire sacrificial ritual ; (2) the precepts concerning the celebration of holy seasons, especially of the Sabbath and the annual festivals — Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles, the Day of Atonement, the New Year ; (3) the precepts concerning tribute for the temple and priesthood — first-fruits, heave- offerings, tithes, the first-born, the half-shekel tribute, vows and freewill offerings and whatever related to them — their redemption, valuation, embezzlement, etc. ; and lastly (4) the various other religious appointments, among which the ^precepts concerning clean and unclean occupy by far the largest space. The appointments of the law in this last respect were an inexhaustible source for the exercise of the most minute and conscientious acuteness on the part of the scribes. The statutes by which it was determined, under what circum- stances uncleanness was incurred, and by what means it might be obviated, were truly endless and incalculable. Such religious decrees however by no means formed the exclusive matter of the labours of the scribes. For the law of Moses contains also the principles of a criminal and civil law ; and the practical requirements of life offered occasion enough for the further development of these materials also. Of course the materials in question were not all equally elaborated. The laws concerning marriage were the most completely developed, partly because the marriage law gave more oppor- tunity, and partly because this subject was the most closely connected with religion. The other departments of civil life are not treated with quite the same fulness in the Mishna (in the treatises Bdba kamma, Baha mezia, and Baba hathra), and still less is the criminal law worked out (in the treatises San- hedrin and Mahkotli). The department of public law is as good as completely ignored. It is true that the Thorah fur- nished but extremely little opportunity for its development, § 25. SCMBISIVL 339 and that such labour as was expended on it would have been utterly useless by reason of political circumstances.®^ 2. The Haggada. The Haggadic Midrafih, i.e. the elaboration of the liistorical and didactic portions of Holy Scripture, is of an entirely different kind from the Halachic Midrash. While in the latter the treatment is pre-eminently a development and carrying on of what is actually given in the text, the Hag- gadic treatment does not take for the most part its content from the text, but interpolates it therein. It is an amplifica- tion and remodelling of what was originally given, according to the views and necessities of later times. It is true, that here also the given text forms the point of departure, and that a similar treatment to that employed in passages from the law takes place in the first instance. The history is worked up by combining the different statements in the text with each other, completing one b}'^ another, settling the chronology, etc. Or the religious and ethical parts are manipulated by formulating dogmatic propositions from isolated prophetic utterances, by bringing these into relation to each other, and thus obtaining a kind of dogmatic system. But this stricter kind of treatment is overgrown by the much freer kind, wliicli deals in a perfectly unrestrained manner with the text, and supplements it by additions of the most arbitrary and mani- fold kind. In other words, the treatment is Midrash in its stricter sense in only the smaller portion, and is on the contrary and for the most part a free completion by means of ^^''J,^, i.e. legends.''^ •'^ The survey of the contcuts of the Mishna (see § 3) furnishes proof of what is stated above. "^•1 Just as the Hulachoh was developed from Miürash in tlie province of law, 'was the Haergadah developed from Midrash in the other books of Scrip- ture, only the relation was in the latter case a much looser one. Tiie ninjS are mentioned as an independent subject of instruction beside t^miD and niDt'i"' in Nedorim iv. 3. 340 § 25. SCKIBISM, A canonical book of the Old Testament, viz. the Book of Chronicles, furnishes a very instructive example of the historical Midrash. A comparison of its narrative with the parallel portions of the older historical books (Kings and Samuel) will strike even the cursory observer with the fact that the chronicler has enlarged the history of the Jewish kings by a whole class of narratives, of which the older documents have as good as nothing, viz. by narratives of the merit acquired, not only by David, but by many other pious kings through their maintenance of, and more abundant provision for, the priestly ritual. The chronicler is especially solicitous to tell of the conscientious care of these kings for the institutions of public worship. In the older documents scarcely anything is found of these narratives which run through the whole of Chronicles. It may be said that their absence in the books of Kings and Samuel is no proof of their non-historical nature, and that the chronicler obtained them from other sources. But the peculiarity is, that the very institutions for the maintenance of which these kings are said to have been distinguished, belong in general to the post-exilian period, as may, at least in the main points, be still proved (see § 24), Evidently then the chronicler dealt with the older history from a stated point of sight, which appeared to him very essential ; and as public worship was the most important matter in his own eyes, the theocratic kings could not but have been distinguished by their interest in it. At the same time he pursues the practical object of pointing out the just claims and high value of these institutions by showing the attention, which the most illustrious kings devoted to them. The notion that this was any adulteration of the history, was probably one which never occurred to him. He thought he was improving it by treating it accord- ing to the needs of his age. His work, or rather the larger work from which our Books of Chronicles are probably but an extract, is therefore, properly speaking, an historical Midrash, as indeed it is expressly designated § 25. SCRIDISM. 341 (^fl^) by its editor and abbreviator (2 Cliron. xiii, 22, xxiv. 27).^^ The method of dealing with the sacred history here described continued its exuberant growth to later ages and went on striking out ever bolder paths. The higher the credit and inoportance of the sacred history rose in the ideas of the people, the more thorough was the labour bestowed upon it, and the more urgent was the impulse to give more accuracy, more copious elaboration of details, and to surround the whole with a more complete and brighter halo. Especially were the histories of the patriarchs and the great lawgiver more and more adorned in this fashion. The Hellenistic Jews were particularly active in this manner of working up history. Nay, one might almost have supposed that it had originated with them, but that the Books of Chronicles furnish proof to the contrary, and that the whole method of this ]\lidrash so entirely corresponds with the spirit of Eabbinical scholarship. The literature, in which the remains of this Haggadic treatment of history are still preserved is comparatively copious and varied. We find such in the works of the Hellenists Demetrius, Eupolemus, Artapanus (see concerning them, § 33) ; in Philo and Josephus,^^ in the so-called Apocalypses, and generally in the pseudepigraphic literature ;^ much also in the Targums and Talmud, but most in the JNIidrashim proper, which are ex nrofesso devoted to the treatment of the sacred text (see above, § 3). Among these the oldest is the so-called Book of Jubilees, which may rank as the specially classic model of this Haggadic treatment of Scripture. The whole text of the canonical Book of Genesis is here reproduced in such wise, *- Comp. "Wellhauseu, Geschichte IsracLs, i. 23G sq. Ö3 On Josephus, see Zunz, Die goitesdicnstlichcn Vorträge der Juden, p. 120. On Philo's contact with the Palestinian Midrash, see Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria, pp. 142-1.^9. 9* Comp, especially, Fabricius, Codex pacudrpigraphux Vctcris Tcstamcnti (2 vols. 1713-1723), whose work is so arranged that the literary remains relating to each Scripture character arc placed together, according to their chronological order. 342 § 25. SCßlBISM. that not only are the particulars of the history chronologically fixed, but also enlarged throughout in contents, and remodelled according to the taste of after times. By way of iUustrating this branch of labour on the part of the scribes, the following few specimens are given.^^ The history of the creation, e.g., is completed in the follow- ing manner : " Ten things were created in the twilight on the evening before the Sabbath — 1. the abyss of the earth (for Korah and his company) ; 2. the opening of the well (Miriam's) ; 3. the mouth of the ass (Balaam's) ; 4. the rain- bow ; 5. the manna in the wilderness; 6. the rod of Moses; 7. the shamir, a worm which spits stones ; 8. alphabetic writing; 9. the writing of the tables of the law; 10. the stone tables. Some reckon with these : the evil spirits, the grave of Moses, and our father Abraham's ram ; and others the first tongs for the preparation of future tongs.^*' A copious circle of legends, with which we are acquainted by means of their deposits and continuations in later Jewish literature, was formed concerning the life of Adam.^^ Enoch, who was miraculously translated to heaven by God, seemed especially adapted for revealing heavenly mysteries to men. Hence a book of such revelations was ascribed to him towards the end of the second century before Christ (see § 32). Later legends praise his piety and describe his ascension to heaven.®*^ The Hellenist Eupolenius (or whoever else may be the author of the fragment in question) designates him as the inventor of astrology .^^ It is self- evident that Abraham, the ancestor of Israel, was a subject of special interest for this kind of 95 Compare in general, Hartmann, Die enge lerhindung, etc., pp. 464-514. Herzfeld, Gesch. d. Volkes Jisrael, iii. 490-502. Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, i. 2!: 6 sqq. 9" Ainth V. 6. 9" Fabricius, Codex pseudepigr. i. 1-24, ü. 1-13. Hort, art. "Adam, oooks of," in Smith's Dictionary of Christian Biography, vol. i. (1877), pp. 34-39. Dillmann in Herzog's Real-Enc, 2iid ed. xii. 366 sq. »« Hamburger, Real-Enc. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. art. " He- noclisage." 99 Euseb. Praep. evang. ix. 17. § 25. SCIÜBLSM. 3-13 historical treatment Hellenists and Palestinians took equal pains with it. A Hellenistic Jew, probably as early as the third century before Christ, wrote, under the name of Hecataeus of Abdera, a book concerning Abraham.-^"'^ According to Artabanus, Abraham instructed Pharethothes, king of Egypt, in astrology."^^ He was in the eyes of Ptabbinic Judaism a model of Pharisaic piety and a fulfiller of the whole law, even before it was given.-^°'^ He victoriously withstood — it is com- puted — ten temptations,^''^ In consequence of his righteous behaviour, he received the reward of all the ten preceding generations, which they had lost by their sin.^°^ Afoses the great lawgiver and his age are surrounded with the brightest halo. The Hellenists, in works designed for heathen readers, represent him as the father of all science and culture. He was, according to Eupolemus, the inventor of alphabetical writing, which first came from him to the Phoenicians, and from tbem to the Greeks. Artabanus tells us tliat the Egyptians owed to him their whole civilisation.'** It is there- fore something less, when it is only said in the Acts, that he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians (Acts vii. 22), though even this goes beyond the Old Testament. The history of his life and v>'ork is dressed up in the most varied manner in Hellenistic and Eabbinic legends, as may be seen even from the representations of Philo and Josephus.^*^ The names of the Egyptian sorcerers, who were conquered by ^00 Joseph. Anlt. i, 7. 2. Clemens Alex. Strom, v. 14. 113. ^"^ Euseb. Praep. evanr/. ix. 18. Comp, also on Abraham as an astro- loger, Joseph. A)dt. i. 7. 1. Fabricius, Codex psendepigr. i. 350-378. 102 Kidduslun iv. \A,jin. Comp. Nedarim iii. 11, n.fin. 103 Aboth V. 3. Book of Jubilees in Ewald's Jahrh. iii. 15 ; Aboth de- Rabbi Nathan, c. 33; Pirke de- Rabbi Elk ser, c. 26-31; Tar(/um Jer. on Gen. xxii. 1. Fabricius, i. 398-400. Beer, Leben Abrahams, pp. 190-192. The interpreter of Aboth v. 3 (Surenhusius' Mishna, iv. 465. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, p. 94). 10* Aboth V. 2. Comp, generally, Beer, Leben Abraham'' s nach Auffassung der jüdischen Sage, Leipzig 1859. 10^ Eupolemus, Euseb. Praep. eiang. ix. 26 = Clemens Alex. Strom, i, 23. 153. Artabanus, Euseb. Praep. evang. ix. 27. 10" Philo, Vita Mosis. Joseph. Antt. ii.-iv. Compare generally, Fabri- 344 § 25. SCRIBISM. Moses and Aaron, are known (2 Tim. iii. 8). In the mariih through the wilderness, the Israelites were not merely once miraculously provided with water from a rock, but a rock pouring forth water accompanied them during their whole wandering in the wilderness (1 Cor. x. 4). The law was not given to Moses by God Himself, but reached him by the means of angels (Acts vii. 53 ; GaL iii. 19 ; Heb. ii. 2). It was part of the perfection of his revelation to have been written in seventy languages on stones set up upon Mount Ebal (Deut. xxvii. 2 sqq.).^'^'^ The two unlucky days in the history of Israel being Tammus 17 and Ab 9, the unfortunate events of the Mosaic age must of course have taken place on one of these two days ; on Tammus 1 7 the tables of the law were broken, and on Ab 9 it was ordained that the generation of Moses should not enter the land of Canaan.^"^ The strange circumstances at the death of Moses also furnished abundant material for the formation of legends (Deut. xxxiv.).^'^^ It is known that Michael the Archangel contended with Satan for his body (Jude 9). The history too of the post-Mosaic period was manipulated by historical Midrash in the same manner as the primitive history of Israel. To give only a few examples from the New Testament. In 1 Chronicles and Euth there occurs in the list of David's ancestors a certain Salma or Salmon, the father of Boaz (1 Chron. ii. 11 ; Euth iv. 20 sq.). The historical Midrash knows, that this Salmon had Eahab for his wife (Matt. i. 5)."'' The drought and famine in the days of Elijah lasted, according to the historic Midrash, three and a cius, Codex pseudepigr. i. 825-868, ii. 111-130. Beer, Lehen Closes nach Auffassung der jüdischen Sage, Leipzig 1863. i"' Sota vii. 5, with reference to Deut, xxvii. 8. 3t:iM 1X3, "plaiuly engraven (therefore intelligibly to all)." The seventy languages correspond -with the seventy nations of Gen. x. ; see Targum Jonathan on Gen. xi. 7-8 ; Deut. xxxii. 8 ; rirke de-Bahhi Elieser, c. 2i, in Wagenseil on Sota vii. 5, in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 263. los Taanith iv. 6, also the passages of the Gemara in Lundius, in Suren- husius' Mislina, ii. 382. '"9 Comp, already Joseph. Antt. iv. 8. 48. ^i*" According to another Midrash, Rahab was the wife of Joshua, § 2Ö. SCRIBISM. 345 half years, i.e. half of a week of years (Luke iv. 25 ; Jas. v. 17)."^ The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews mentions among the martyrs of the Old Testament those who were sawn asunder (Hel), xi. 37). He means Isaiah, of whom the Jewish legend says that this was the manner of his death."' As in the case of the sacred history, so also in that of the religious and ethical matter of tlie Scriptures, the manipulation was of two kinds. On the one hand there was a dealing by combination, by inference and the like, with what was actually given ; on the other there was also a free completion by the varied formations of creative religious speculation. And the two imperceptibly encroached one upon the other. Not a few of the doctrinal notions and ideas of after times actually arose from the circumstance, that the existing text of Scripture had been made a subject of " investigation," and therefore from reflection upon data, from learned inferences and combinations founded thereupon. Imagination freely employing itself was however a far more fertile source of new formations. And what was obtained in the one way was constantly blended with what was arrived at in the other. "With the results of investigation were combined the voluntary images of fancy, nay the former as a rule always followed, either consciously or unconsciously, the same lines, the same tendency and direction as the latter. And wlien the free creations of speculation had gained a settled form, they ^^^ So too Jalkut Sliimoni in Surenhusius, B//3Xof KX7ctf.hu.y7j;. p. 681 sq. On the Elijah legends in general, comp. S. K., Der J'roithct Elia in der Leqeude {Jfonatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jiidenth. 1863, pp. 241- 255, 281-29G). Hamburger, Rcal-Encfiir Bibel und Talmud, Div. i. ^^2 Ascensio laajae (cd. Dillmann, 1877). c. v. 1 ; Jehamotk 49''. Justin, Dial. c. Tryph. c. Vl(). Tertullian, de patieiUia, c. 14; scorpiace, c. 8. Hippolyt. de Christo et Antichristo, c. 30. Origenes, epi.it. ad African, c. 9 ; comment, ad Matt. xiii. 57 and xxiii. 37 {0pp. ed. Lommatzscli, iii. 49, iv. 238 sq.) ; Commodiav. carmen apolorjet. v. 509 sq. (ed. Ludwig) ; Hieronymus, comment, ad haiam, c. bl,fin. {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, iv. 660). Other patristic passages in Fabricius, Codex pscitdc/dijr. i. 1088 sq. Wetzstein and Bleek on Heb. xi. 37, and in Otto's note on Justin. Tnjph. 120. 346 § 25. scrjBisM. were in their turn deduced from Scripture by scholastic ]\[idrash. These theological labours, which were always investigating old, and incessantly creating new material, were extended over the entire religious and ethical department. It ivas owing to them that the whole circle of religious ideas in Israel had received in the times of Christ on the one hand a fanciful, on the other a scholastic character. For the religious development was no longer determined and directed by the actual religious produc- tivity of the prophets, but in part by the action of an un- bridled imagination, not truly religious though dealing with religious objects, and in part by the scholastic reflection of the learned. Both these ruled and directed the development, in proportion as really religious life lost in inward strength. It was in entire consistency with this tendency of the whole development, that special preference was shown for dealing with such objects as lay more at the circumference than in the centre of religious life, with the temporally and locally transcendent, with the future and the heavenly world. For the weaker the power of genuine religion, the more would fancy and reflection move from the centre to the circumfer- ence, and the more would such objects be detached from their central point and acquire an independent value and interest. The grace and glory of God were no longer seen in the present earthly world, but only in the future and heavenly world. Hence on the one side eschatology, on the other mythological theosophy, were cultivated with the greatest zeal. A copious abundance of notions concerning the realization of the salvation of Israel in a future period of the world's history was the growth of scientific investigation and unfettered religious fancy. The conditions, the premisses and the accom- panying circumstances, under which the means and forces by which this salvation would be realized, were stated, and most especially was it declared wherein it would consist and how surpassing would be its glory; in a word. Messianic dogma was more and more carefully cultivated and extensively de- § 25. scribisäl 347 veloped. So too was there much solicitous occupation with the heavenly world : the nature and attributes of God, heaven as his dwelling - place, the angels as His servants, the whole fulness and glory of the heavenly world ; such were the objects to which learned reflection and inventive fancy applied themselves with special predilection. Philosophic problems were also discussed : how the revelation of God in the world was conceivable, how an influence of God upon the world was possible without His being Himself drawn down into the finite, how far there was room for evil in a world created and governed by God, and the like. Two portions of Holy Scrip- ture in particular gave much scope for the development of theosophic speculation, these were the history of the creation (n^^s^.a nb'vo) and the " chariot " of Ezekiel C^??'!'?). *>• the introductory vision of Ezekiel, chap. i. In the explanation of these two portions, profound mysteries which, according to the view of scholars, ought to form an esoteric doctrine, were dealt with. " The history of the creation might not be explained before two, and the chariot not even before one, unless he were a scholar and could judge of it from his own knowledge." "^ In these thus carefully guarded exposi- tions of the history of the creation and of the chariot, we have the beginnings of those strange fancies concerning the creation and the spiritual world, which reached their climax in the so-called Kabbala of the Middle Ages. The exposition and further development of the law was a process under comparatively strict regulations, but an almost unbridled caprice prevailed in the province of religious specu- lation. Rules and method, except in a very figurative sense, were here out of question. One thing especially, which made the development of the law so continuous and consequent, viz, the principle of a strict adherence to tradition, was here absent. The manipulator of the religious and ethical matter was not bound, like the interj)reter of the law, to a strict ^^3 Chagiga ii. 1. Comp, also Mc/illa iv. 10. Further particulars in Herzfeld, iii. 410-424. 348 § 25. SCEIBISM. adherence to tradition. He might give his imagination free play, so long as its products would on the whole admit of being inserted in the frame of Jewish views. A certain tradition was indeed formed in this sphere also, but it was not binding. Eeligious faith was comparatively free, while action was all the more strictly shackled. With the absence more- over of the principle of tradition in this department all rules in general ceased. For there was really but one rule for the " investigator," viz. the right of making anything of a passage, which his wit and understanding enabled him. If neverthe- less certain " rules " are laid down even for Haggadic interpre- tation, it was only tliat caprice here became methodical. A number of such rules for Haggadic exposition are met with among the thirty-two Middoth (hermeneutical principles) of E. Joses ha-Gelili, the age of whicli cannot indeed be more particularly determined."* Later Judaism discovered thai there is a fourfold meaning of Scripture, which is indicated in the word Dl"iS (Paradise), viz. 1. t^C'S, the simple or literal meaning ; 2. TO"! (suggestion), the meaning arbitrarily imported into it ; 3. ti'^i"^. (investigation), the meaning deduced by investigation ; and 4. nio (mystery), the theosophistic mean- ing.-^ It would be a superfluous task to give examples in illustra- tion of this kind of exegetical method, since we are sufficiently acquainted with it from the New Testament and the whole body of ancient Christian literature. For together with Holy ^^* See the 22 Middoth, e.g. in Waehner, Antiquitates Ehraeorum, i. 396- 421. Pinner, translation of the treatise Berachoth, Introd. fol 20^-21», Pressel in Herzoges lleal-Enc, 1st ed. xv. 658 sq. On the historical litera- ture, comp, also Zunz, Die gottesdiem^illchen Vorträge der Juden., p. 86. Fürst, BihUotheca Jiidaica, ii. 108. ^1^ The initials of these four words produce the word Dn""lQ. I am unable to say how ancient this distinction of a fourfold meaning may be. Compare on this subject, Waehner, Antiquitates Ehraeorum, i. 353-357. Döpke, Hermeneutik der neutestamentlichen Schriftsteller, pp. 135 - 137. Deutsch, Der Talmud (1869), p. 16 sq. The distinction between Tü"l and i^rn is essentially the same as that between i^T and n'^in, see note 85, above. § 25. scIlIBIS^r. 349 Scripture itself, its own mode of exegetical treatment was transferred by Judaism to the Christian Church. In saying this however it must also be remarked, that the exegetic method practised in the New Testament, when compared with the usual Jewish method, is distinguished from it by its great enlightenment. The apostles and the Christian authors in general were preserved from the extravagances of Jewish exegesis by the regulative norm of the gospel. And yet who would now justify such treatment of Old Testament passages, as are found e.g. in Gal. iii. 16, iv. 22-25 ; Eoni. x. 6-8; Matt. xxii. 31-32? Jewish exegesis however, from which such a regulator was absent, degenerated into the most capricious puerilities.^^* From its standpoint, e.g. the trans- position of words into numbers, or of numbers into words, for the purpose of obtaining the most astonishing disclosures, was by no means strange, and quite in accordance with its spirit."' With the comparatively great freedom allowed to develop- ment in the sphere of religious notions, it is not to be wondered, th.dX foreign influences also made themselves felt with more or less power. Palestine had already been for a long time open to the general intercourse of the world. So early as the foundation of the great world-powers of the Assyrians, 'i" Comp, generally the literature mentioned p. 269, especially Dopke, pp. 88-188. Hartinann, pp. 534-699. Gfrörer, Das Jahrlnnnhrt des Ilciüt, i. 244 sqq. Hirscbfeld, 1847. "Weite in the Tübitu/er Quartalschrift, 1842. Hausrath, i. 97 sqq. Hamburger's article in the Rcal-Encfur Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. On Pliilo's allegorical exposition of Scripture, see especially Gfrörer, PJiilo, i. 68-113. Zeller, Die Philosophie dir Griechen, iii. (3rd ed.), pp. ."46-352. Siegfried, Philo, p. 160 sqq. ^^'' In an appendix to the Mislina, the statement, e.g., that God will give to every righteous man 310 worlds as his inheritance, is proved by Prov. viii. 21 : n;^ "inn ^Tljn^ ; because C^" stands for 310 (Ukzin iii. 12; the passage is missing in the Cambridge MS. edited by Lowe). On the other hand, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas, who herein entirely follows the paths of Jewish exegesis, proves from the 318 servants of Abraham that Abraham had already in spirit beheld the cross of Jesus, because the number 18 = III means the name Jesus, and the number 300 = T means the cross. Beirnah. c. 9. 350 § 25. SCKIBISM. Chaldaeans and Persians, iuflaences of the most varied kind bad passed over the land. When it lay for two centuries under Persian supremacy, it would indeed have been very surprising if this fact had left behind it no kind of trace in the sphere of Israelitish intellectual life. ISTor could it, with all its struggles for intellectual isolation, have possibly with- drawn itself entirely from the supremacy of the Greek spirit. Hence it cannot be denied that on the one hand Babylonian, on the other Greek influences are especially discernible in the development of Israel's religious notions. The amount of this influence may indeed be disputed. A careful investigation of details, especially in respect of the influence of Parseeism, has not as yet been made. This influence may perliaps have to be reduced to a comparatively small proportion. The fact however, that both Babylonian and Greek influences asserted themselves, is undeniable.-^^^ At first sight indeed it seems strange, nay enigmatical, considering the high wall of partition which Judaism erected in respect of religion between itself and heathenism. There is however no need of appealing, in explanation to the circumstance, that such influences were felt at a time when this wall of partition was as yet no unscaleable one, for they continued to be exerted in later times also ; ^^^ nor to the fact, that no wall of partition is strong enough to resist the power of intellectual influences. The deepest reason that can be offered in explanation is, on the contrary, that legal Judaism itself laid the chief stress upon correctness of action, and that comparatively free x)lay was therefore permitted in the sphere of religious notions. 118 Compare with respect to Parseeism the certainly candid judgment of Lücke, Einleitung in die Ofetibarung Johannes (2nd ed.), p. 55 sq. : " The influence of the ancient Persian religion upon the development of Jewish religious notions ... is an indisputable fact." On the influence of Hellenism upon the Palestinian Midrash, see Freudenthal, Hellenistischen Studien (1875), pp. 66-77. Siegfried, Philo, p. 283 sqq. 119 Angelology was far more strongly under the influence of Parseeism at the period of the Babylonian Talmud than previously. Comp. Kohut, Uebei- die jüdische Angelologie und Dämonologie, 1866. The influences of Hellenism upon the Palestinian Midrash, pointed out by Freudenthal and § 25. SCEIBISM. 351 IV. THE MOST FAMOUS SCRIBES. The Literature. The older Hebrew works on the MLihna teachers in Wolf, BiUiotlu Ilehr. ii. 805 sq. Fürst, Biblioth. Judaica, ii. 48 sq. Ottho, Historia doctorum misnicorum qua opera etiam syitedi-ii macjni Hierosolymitani praesides et vice-praesides recensentur. Oxonii 1672 (frequently reprinted, e.g. also in Wolf's Bihlioth. Hehr. vol. iv., and in Ugolini's llicsauriis, vol. xxi.). Job. Chrph. Wolf, Bihliothcca Ilcbraea, ii. 805-865 (gives an alphabetical catalogue of the scholars mentioned in the Mishna). Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael. iü. 226-263. The same, Chronolo- gische Ansetzung der Schriftgelehrten von Antigonus von Socho bis auf B. Akiba {Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jtidenth. 1854, pp. 221-229, 273-277). Kämpf, Genealogisches und Chronologisches bezuglich der Patriarchen aus dem HilleVschen Hause bis auf li. Jehuda ha-Nasi, den Redacteur der Mischnah (Monatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judcnth. 1853, pp. 201-207, 231-236; 1854, pp. 39-42, 98-107). Jost, Geschichte des Judenthuvis und seiner Sccten, vols. i. ii. Grätz, Geschichte der Juden, vols. iii. iv. Derenbourg, Ussai sur l'histoire et la geographic de la Palestine d''apres les Thalmuds et les autres sources rabbiniques. P. i. : Histoire de la Palestine depuis Cyrus jusqu'd Adrien. Paris 18C7. The works, written in Hebrew, of Frankel (1859), Brüll (1876) and W^eiss (1871-1876). For further details concerning them, see the literature on the Mishna, § 3. Friedländer, Geschichtsbilder aus der Zeit der Tanaiten und Armoräer, Brunn 1879 (a careless performance, see Theol. Litztg. 1880, p. 433). Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii., the several articles. Bacher, Die Agada der T'anaiten (^^fonatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1882-1884). Also separately. Die Agada der Tanaiten, vol. i. 1884. It is not till the period of the Mishna, i.e. about 70 a.])., that we have any detailed information concerning individual scribes. Of those who lived before this time, our knowledge is extremely scanty. This too is almost the case in respect of Hillel and Shammai, the famous heads of schools ; for, setting aside what is puiely legendary, our information concerning Siegfried, generally belong to a period wiien the religions seclusion liad lon\; been a very strict one. 352 § 25. SCRIBISM. tliem is comparatively small and unimportant. The names and order of the most celebrated heads of schools since about the second century after Christ have been handed down to us chiefly by the 1st chapter of the treatise Äboth (or Pirke Ahoth), in which is enumerated the unbroken succession of individuals, who were from Moses till the time of the destruction of Jerusalem the depositaries of the traditions of the law. The whole chapter runs as follows : — ^^° 1. 3roses received the law upon Sinai, and delivered it to Joshua ; he to the elders ; the elders to the prophets ; and the prophets delivered it to the men of the Great Assembly. These laid down three rules : Be careful in pronouncing judg- ment ! bring up many pupils ! and make a fence about the law ! 2. Simon the Just was one of the last of the Great Assembly. He said : The world subsists by three things — by the law, the worship of God, and benevolence. 3. Anti- gonus of Socho received the tradition from Simon the Just. He said : Be not like servants who serve their master for the sake of reward, but be like those who do service without respect to recompense ; and live always in the fear of God. 4. Joses hen Joeser of Zereda and Joses hen Jdhanan of Jerusalem received the tradition from them, Joses ben Joeser said : Let thy house be a place of meeting for the wise, dust thyself with the dust of their feet, and drink eagerly of their teaching. 5. Joses ben Johanan of Jerusalem said : Let thy house be always open (to guests), and let the poor be thy household. Avoid superfluous chatter with women. It is unbecoming with one's own wife, much more with the wife of another. Hence the wise also say : He who carries on use- less conversation with a woman, brings misfortune upon ^-0 The foUowiug translation is for the most part taken from the edition of the Mishna which has lately appeared under the management of Jost ; but partly corrected according to the careful explanation of Cahn (^Pirke Ahoth, 1875). Comp, also for the exposition the editions of Surenhusius {MisJma, vol. iv.), F. Ewald (Pirke Aboth, 1825), Taylor (Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, Cambridge 1877), and Strack (Die Sprüche der Väter, 1882). § 25. SCRIBISM. 853 himself, is hindered from occupation with the law, and at last inherits hell. 6. Joshua ben Perachiah and Niihai of Arhela received the tradition from these. The former said : Procure a companion (in study), and judge all men according to the favourable side. 7. Nithai of Arbela said : Depart from a bad neighbour ; associate not with the ungodly ; and think not that punishment will fail. 8. Jiidali hen Tahbai and Simon ben Shdach received the tradition from these. The former said : Make not thyself (as judge) an advocate. When both sides stand before thee, look upon both as in the wrong. But when they are dismissed and have received sentence, regard both as justified. 9. Simon ben Shetach said : Test the witnesses well, but be cautious in examination, lest they thereby learn to speak falsehood. lO". /S'/ie?nam7i and -^5^aZzo7i received from them. Shemaiah taught : Love work, hate authority, and do not press thyself upon the great. 11. Abtalion said: Ye wise, be cautious in your teaching, lest ye be guilty of error, and err towards a place of bad water. For your scholars, who come after you, will drink of it, die, and the name of God be thereby dishonoured. 12. Uilld and Sliammai received from these. Hillel said: Be a disciple of Aaron, a lover of peace, a maker of peace, love men, and draw them to the law. 13. He was accus- tomed also to say : He who will make himself a great name, forfeits his own, lie who docs not increase his knowlei^ge diminishes it, but he who seeks no instruction is guilty of death. He who uses the crown (of the law) (for external purposes) perishes. 1 4. The same said : Unless I (work) for myself, who will do so for me ? And if I do so for myself alone, what am I ? And if not now, when else ? 15. Sham- mai said : Make the study of the law a decided occupation ; promise little and do much ; and receive every one witli kindness. 16. Eabban Gamaliel said: Appoint yourself a tenchcr, you DIV. II. VOL. I. z 354 § '25. SCMBISM. thus avoid the doubtful ; and do not too often tithe according to mere chance. 1 7. His son Simon said : " I have grown up from early youth among wise men, and have found nothing more profit- able for men than silence. Study is not the chief thing, but practice. lie who speaks much only brings sin to pass," 18. Eabban Ä'mow len Gamaliel said: The world subsists by three things — by the administration of justice, by truth, and by unanimity. (Thus also it is said, Zech. viii. 16 : "Let peace and truth judge in your gates.")^^^ So far the Mishna. Among tlie authorities here specified, those which chiefly interest us are " the men of the great assem- bly," or of the great synagogue ('"ipnjn nD:3 ''^"?X). They appear here as the depositaries of the tradition of the law between the last prophets and the first scribes known by name. Later Jewish tradition ascribes to them all kinds of legal enact- ments.^'^ Very recent, indeed really modern, is, on the other hand, the opinion, tliat they also composed the canon of the Old Testament.^^'' As no authorities tell us who they really were, there has been the more opportunity for the most vary- ing hypotheses concerning them.^^* The correct one, that they 121 The bracketed words are wanting in the best manuscripts, e.g. Berolin. !MSS. fol. 507 (see Cahn, Pirke Ahoih, p. 62), and Cambridge University Additional, 470. 1 (see Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fatliers, p. 4). 1^2 See Kau, De synagoga magna, pp. G-24. llerzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, iii. 244 sq. Kueuen, Ocer de mannen der groote synagoge, pp. 2-6. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, p. 124 sq. D. Hoffmann in the ]\Iagazin für die Wissenschaft des Judenth. x. 1883, p. 45 sqq. 1-2 This opinion became current chiefly through Elias Levita (sixteentli century), and was transferred from bim to Christian theology. See Strack in Herzog's Rcul-Enc, 2nd ed. vii. 416 sq. (art. "Kanon des Alten Testaments"). 12* See Hartmann, Die enge Verbindung des Alien Testaments mit dem 'Neuen, pp. 120-166. The Introductions to the Old Testament, e.g. De Wette-Schrader, § 13. Heidenheim, Untersnchnngen über die Synagoga magna (Studien und Kritik. 1853, pp. 286-300). Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, ii. 22-24, 380 sqq., iii. 244 sq., 270 sq. Jost, Gesch. des Jndenth. i. 41-43, 91, 95 sq. Giätz, Die grosse Versammlung (^Jilnatsschr. f. Gesch.. vud Wissensch. des Judoithvins, 1857, pp. 31-37, 61-70). Leyrer in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. xv. 290 299. Derenbourg, Histoire de In § 25. scuiniSM. 355 never existed at all in the form wliicli Jewish tradition repre- sents, was already advocated by older Protestant criticism/" thoTijih it was reserved for the conclusive investigation of Kuenen to fidly dissipate the obscurity resting upon this subject. The only historical foundation for the idea is the narrative in Neli. viii.-x., that in Ezra's time the law was solemnly accepted by a great assembly of the people. This " great assembly " was in fact of eminent importance to the maintenance of the law. But alter the notion of a great assembly had been once fixed as an essential court of appeal for the maintenance of the law, an utterly non-historical conception was gradually combined therewith in tradition. Instead of an assembly of the people receiving the law, a collesie of individuals transmitting the law was conceived of and this notion served to fill up the gap between the latest prophets and those scribes to whom the memoiy of subsequent times still extended."® Together with the notion of the great synagogue may be dismissed also the statement, that Simon the Just was one of its latest members. This Simon is, on the contrary, no other than the high priest Simon 1, in the beginning of the third century before Christ, who, according to Josephus, obtained the surname o hUaio'i}^'' Undoubtedly this name was con- Palestive, pp. 29-40. Giiusbiirg in Kitto's Cijclopaedia, iii. 909 sqq. Netoler, "j'ub. Theul. Quartalschr. 1875, \)p. 41)0-499. Bloch, Studien zur Geschichte (kr SammluiKj der althihrüischcn Literatur (187()), pp. 100-132. Ilaui- bni-o:or, Ucal-Evc. für Bibel urtfl Talmud, Div. ii. pp. 318-ö2c5. Moutct, /•-Ksai .iiir Ics orif/ines des partis saduccen et pharisieu (188;]), pp. 91-97. D. Hoffmann, IJeher ''^ die Männer der f/mssen Versatnudnng '' (Muijdzin für die Wissenschaft des Juduithunis, lOth year, l.'S8o, pp. 45-()l). Strack in Uorzoir's lieal-J'Jnc, 2nd ed. xv. 95 sq. ^-•' Joli. Eberh. Hau, Diatribe de sijnagofia magna, Traj. ad Rh. 1720. Aniivillius, Dissertationes ad saci-as literaset pkikdogiam orientalcm pertinentt» (cd. .Michaelis, 1790), pp. 139-lGO. ^-•^ See Kueiion, Over de mannen der groote snuaqnge, Amsterdam 1876 (separate reprint, Verslagen en Medcdeclingen der kuninllijkt Ahadende van Wetcnschapppn, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 2''« Keeks, Ueel vi.). Cuuip. TIteol. Litztg. 1877, p. 100, ^" Joseph. .1«//. xii. 2. 4. 356 § 25. SCRIBISM. ferrcd on him by tlie Pharisaic party on account of his strict legal tendencies, while most of the high priests of the Greek period left mucli to be desired in this respect. It was ou this very acco\mt also that he was stamped by Jewish tradi- tion as a vehicle of the tradition of the law.^^* The most ancient scribe of whom tradition has preserved at least the name is Antiqonus of Soclio. Little more than his name is however known of him.^'*® The information too given in the Mishna of the subsequent scribes down to the time of Christ is extremely scanty and uncertain, as is indeed evident from the externally systematic grouping of them in five pairs. For there could hardly be historical foundation for such a fact as that in each generation only a pair of scholars should have specially distinguished themselves. It is likely that just ten names were known, and that these were formed into five pairs of contemporaries, after the analogy of the last and most famous pair, Hillel and Shammai.*'" In such a state of affairs, of course, only the most general out- lines of the chronology can be determined. The comparatively most certain points are the following.^^^ Simon ben Shetach was a contemporary of Alexander Jannaeus and Alexandra, and therefore lived about 90-70 B.c."^ Hence the first pair must ^-^ He is also mentioned in Para iii. 5 as one of the high priests under whom a red heifer was burnt. Comp, in general, Wolf, Bihlloth. Ilehr. ii. 864. Fiirst's LiteraturU. des Orient.'^, 184.5, p. 33 sqq. Herzfeld, ii. 189 sqq., 877 (who in opposition to Josephus maintains that Simon II., the high priest at the close of the third century, is Simon the Just), Grätz, Simon der Gerechte und seine Z?it (Monatsschrijt^ 1857, pp. 45-56). Hamburger, Real-Enc.y Div. ii. pp. 1115-1119. Montet, Essai sur Ics origines, etc. pp. 135-139. ^29 Comp, also Wolf, Bihlioth. Hehr. ii. 813 sqq. Fiirst's LiteraturU. des Orients., 1845, p. 36 sq. Hamburger, Real-Enc. s.v. In the Ahoth de-Itabbi Nathan, c. 5, two disciples, Zadok and Boethos, are ascribed to Autigonus, and the Sadducees and Boethosees traced to them. ISO Hence these ten are in Eabbinical literature sometimes simply called '* the pairs" (nij^l), e.g. Pea ii. 6. ^2^ Comp, on the chronology, Ziinz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Jndcn, p. 37, and Herzfeld in the Monatsschrift f. Gesch. und Wissenschaft des .Judenth. 1854. ^ä- With this agrees the statement in Taanilh iii. 8, that Simon ben Shetach § 25. scrjBissi. 307 he placed two geiiprations earlier, viz. about 150 h.C, Ilillel io said, according to Talmudic tradition, to have lived 100 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, and thus to have flourished about the time of Herod the Great.^^ His supposed grandson, Gamaliel I., is mentioned in the Acts (v. 34, xxii. 3), about 30-40 A.D."* It has been already stated (p. 180 sq.) that subsequent tradition makes the whole five pairs presidents and vice-presidents of the Sanhedrim, and the utter erroneous- ness of this assertion is there pointed out. They were in fact nothing more than heads of schools. The first pair, Joses ben Joeser and Joses ben Johanan, is only mentioned, besides the chief passage in the treatise Ahoth, a few times more in the Mishna,"* and still less frequently do we meet with the second pair, Joshua ben Perachiah and Nithai of Arbela.^^^ Of the third pair only Simon ben Shetach has a somewhat tangible form, though what is related of him is for the most part of a legendary cliaracter.''^' There is no was a contemporary of the Onias so famed for his power in prayer, and whose deatli is related by Josephus, Antt. xiv. 2. 1, as taking place about G.t li.c. ^^■'' Shahbath lö». llieronymus ad Jcsaj. 11 sqq. (O/ip. ed. Yalhiisi, iv. 12'^): Sammai et Uellel nou multo prius quam Dominus nasccivtur orti hUnt Judaea. 13* Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 9 ; Vita, 38, 39, 44, 60. 135 Both besides Ahoth i. 4, 5 only in Chagiga ii. 2 ; Sota ix. 9. Joses ben Joeser also in Chagifja ii. 7 ; Edujoth viii. 4. According to ChagUja ii. 7, Joses ben Joeser was a priest, and indeed a pious one (I^DH) amongst the priesthood. The information in Sota ix. 9, that since the death of Joses ben Joeser and Joses ben Johanan, there had been no more mhD'J'X, i» cibscure. Since the Mishna itself here refers to Micah vii. 1 , it is probable that m^13CX is to be taken in its usual signification (grapes), as a figurative • lesignation of men who could afford mental refreshment. Others desire to take it like ct>joA«/. Comp. Herzfeld, iii. 240-249. Dcreubourg, pp. 65, 7.Ö, 456 sqq. 136 The two only in Ahoth i. 6, 7 and Chagiga ii. 2. Instead of Nithai (^XnS or i">n3) there is good testimony in both passages {Cod. de A'o.sw/ 138, Cambridge University Additional, 470. 1, also the Jerusalem Talmud, Cha- giga ii. 2) for ""XnO or ■'^niD, i-C- Matthew, which is perhaps preferable. The native place of Nithai (^3~in) is the present Irbid, north-west of Tibei'ias, where ruins of an ancient synagogue, the building of which is of course ascribed by tradition to Nithai, arc still found (see § 27, note 89a), Comj). ilerzfeld, iii. 251 sq. Derenbourg, p. 93 sq. 1'*' On his relations with Alexander Jannacus and Alexandra, see above, 358 § 25. SCUIBISM. mention of any of tliera in Joseplius. On the other hand, he seems to speak of the fourth pair, Shemaiah and Abtalion, under the names SaiJLea<; and IlcoXiwv. He tells us that when, in the year 47 B.c., the youthful Herod was accused before the Sanhedrim on account of his acts in Galilee, and all owners of property were silent through cowardly fear, that a certain Samcas alone raised his voice, and prophesied to his colleagues that they would yet all perish through Herod. His prophecy was fulfilled ten years later, when Herod, after his conquest of Jerusalem in the year 37, had all his former accusers executed.^^^ Only the Pharisee PoUio and his dis- ciple Sameas {TlwXiwv 6 ^apicraioy 'locvviu; in Anit. xiii. 12. 1. ^■*^ So e.g. Arnold in Ilerzog's Real-Enc, 1st. ed. vi. 97. ^^'^ Comp, on both, beside Abnth i. 10, 11 and Char/Uja ii. 2, also Edujtith i. 3, V. 6. Landau in the Monatsiichrift für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judevth. 1858, pp. 317-329. Herzfeld, iii. 253 sqq. Grütz, Gesch. der Juden, l'trd ed. iii. 671 sq. (note 17). Derenbourg, pp. llG-118, 149 sq., 4C3 sq. Hamburger, Bcal-Enc, Div. ii. p. 1113 sq. (art. "Semaja"). i^'' On both, especially on Hillel, see Bicsenthal in Fiirst's Literaturhl. des Orients, 1848, Nos. 43-46. Kämpf in the same, 1819, Nos. 10-38. Arnold in Herzog's lical-Enc, 1st ed. 96-98 (and the oMer literature there cited). Ilerzfcld, iii. 257 sqq. Grätz, iii. 222 sqq. Jost, 1. 255-270. Ewald, Jahrb. der bill. Wissenschaft, vol. x. pp. 5G-83. Gesch. des Völlers Isr. vol. V. 12-48. Geiger, Das Judenthum und seine Gei^ch. i. 99-107. Delitzsch, Jesu und Hillcl, 1866 (2nd ed. 1867). Keim, Gesch. Jesu, i. 268-272. Derenbourg, pp. 176-192. Strack in Herzog's Rcal-Enc, 2nd ed. vi. 113-115. Hamburger, Jieal-Iüw. ii. 401-412. Bacher, Monatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1882, pp. 100-110. (Joitcin, I\Iogazin für die Wissen.sch. des Judenth. llth year, 1884, pp. 1-16, 49-87. 360 ^25. SCIIIBISM. two different directions, adhered to each of them. This circumstance certainly makes it evident, tliat both are of eminent importance in the history of Jewish law. Both indeed manifestly laboured with special zeal and iugenuity to give a more subtle completeness to the law, but it must not therefore be supposed, that their personal life and acts stand out in the clear light of history. What we know of them with certainty is comparatively very little. In the Mishna, the only trustworthy authority, they are each mentioned barely a dozen times.'*^ And what w^e know of them from later sources bears almost always the impress of the legendary. Hillel, called " the elder," ii?|i!','^^ to distinguish him from others, is said to have sprung from the family of David,^^ and to have immigrated from Babylon to Palestine. Being poor he was obliged to hire himself as a day-labourer to earn a living for himself and his family and to meet the expenses of instruction. His zeal for study was so great that on one occasion, not being able to pay the entrance- fee into the Beth- ha-Midrash, he climbed up to the window to listen to the instruction. As this happened in winter, he was frozen with cold, and was found in this position by his astonished teachers and colleagues.^*^ Tradition tells strange things of the learn- ing he acquired by such zeal. He understood all tongues, and even the language of the mountains, hills, valleys, trees, plants, of wild and tame animals and of daemons.''^'' At all events he was the most celebrated jurist of his age, but he was no more president of the Sanhedrim than was any other learned i'"'' Hillel is mentioned in tlie Mishna only in the following passages : Shebiith x. 3 ; Chagiga ii. 2 ; Gittin iv. 3 ; Bdha mezia v. 9 ; Eduj'oth i. 1-4 ; Aboth i. 12-1-1, ii. 4-7, iv. 5, v. 17 ; Arachin ix. 4 ; Nidda i. 1. Shammai only in the following : Maaser sheni ii. 4, 9 ; Orla ii. 5 ; SuLka ii. 8 ; Chagiga ii. 2 ; Edujoth i. 1-4, 10, 11 ; Ahoth i. 12, 15, v. 17 ; Kelim xxii. 4 ; Nidda i. 1. ^*'' Shebiith X. 3 ; Arachin ix. 4. "8 Jer. Taanith iv. 2, fol. 68^ ; Bereslitli rahha c. 98, on Gen. xlix. 10 (see Bereshith rabha, translated by Wünsche, pp. 485, 557). ^'^^ Delitzsch, Jesus und Hillel, pp. 9-11. **" Delitzsch, Jesus und Ilillcl, p. 8. § 25. SCPJBISM. 361 scribe of the time. The leading features of liis character were the gentleness and kindness of which singular proofs are related.^^^ It is manifested in the first of the maxims given above : " Be a disciple of Aaron, a lover and maker of peace, love men and attract them to the law." Shammai, noted for sternness, and also called " the elder," ]\>!f^, was the antipodes of the gentle Ilillel.^" The following example of his rigorous zeal for the literal observance of the law is given in the Mishna. When his daughter-in-law brought forth a child on the feast of Tabernacles, he had the ceiling broken through and the roof over the bed covered with boughs, that the new- born child also might keep the feast according to the precept of the law."^ The tendencies of their respective schools correspond with the mildness of Ilillel and the strictness of Shammai. The school of Ilillel decided legal questions in a mitigated, that of Shammai in an aggravated sense.^^* As they are however only minutiae on which the difi'erence turns, it will not be worth while to follow the contrast into further details.^" "I Sec Delitzsch, p. 31 sq. ^"2 q,.j^ ;; 5 . ^■„j^.^.a jj^ g, "3 Sukka ii. 8. "^ Udujoth iv. 1-12, v. 1-5. ^^* For the sake of those who may desire to go farther into the subject I here give all those passages in the Mishna in which diffiiriiccs Icticccn the two schools are mentioned. Berachoth i. 3, viii. 1-8; Pea iii. 1, vi. 1, 2, 5, vii. 6; Denial i. 3, vi. 6; Kilajim ii. 6, iv. 1, 5, vi. 1; Shehiith i. 1, iv. 2, 4, 10, V. 4, 8, viii. 3 ; Tcrumoth i. 4, v. 4 ; Maaseroth iv. 2 ; Maascr sheni ii. 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, iii. 6, 7, 9, 13, iv. 8, v. 3, 6, 7 ; Challa i. C; Orla ii. 4 ; Shahhath i. 4-9, iii. 1, xxL 3 ; Eruhin i. 2, vi. 4, C, viiL 6 ; Pcsachim i. 1, iv. 5, viii. 8, x. 2, 6 ; Shckalini ii. 3, viii. 6 ; Snkka i. 1, 7, ii. 7, iii. 5, 9 ; Beza i. 1-9, ii. 1-5; liosh hashana i. 1 ; Chagif/a i. 1-3, il 3, 4 ; Jthamoth i. 4, iii. 1, 5, iv. 3, vi. 6, xiii. 1, xv. 2, 3 ; Kclhdwth v. G, viii. 1, 6; Nedarini iii. 2, 4; Nasir ii. 1, 2, iii. 6, 7, v. 1, 2, 3, 5 ; Sota iv. 2; Giitin iv. 5, viii. 4, 8, 9, ix. 10 ; Kiddushin i. 1 ; Baba mczia iii. 12 ; Dahn balhra ix. 8, 9 ; Ednjolh i. 7-14, iv. 1-12, v. 1-5; Schachim iv. 1 ; Chullin i. 2, viii. 1, xi. 2 ; Bcchoroth v. 2 ; Keriihoth i. G ; Kilim i.v. 2, xi. 3, xiv. 2, xviii. 1, XX. 2, G, xxii. 4, xxvi. 6, xxviii. 4, xxix. 8 ; Ohalolh ii. 3, v. 1-4, vii. 3, xi. 1, 3-6, 8, xiii. 1, 4, xv. 8, xviii. 1, 4, 8 ; Para xii. 10 ; Tohoroth ix. 1, 5, 7, X. 4 ; Mikwaoth i. 5, iv. 1, v. 6, x. G ; Nidda ii. 4, 6, iv. 3, v. 9, X. 1, 4, G-8 ; Machshirin i. 2-4, iv. 4, 5, v. 9 ; Saliitn i. 1-2 ; Tchul jom i. 1 ; Jadajim iii. 5; Ukzin iii. G, 8, 11 ; ^S12C* n^3 only : Berachoth vi. 5 ; Dcmai iii. 1 ; Kilajim viii. 5 ; Tcrximoth iv. 3 ; Orla ii. 5, 12 ; Beza ii. 6 ', ?G2 § 25. SCPJBISM. Some examples may suffice. The command to prepare no food on the Sabbath was extended to laying-hens, and hence it was debated, whether and under what conditions an eg'^' laid upon a holy day might or might not be eaten,^®® Or it was discussed, whether fringes (Zizith) were needful or not to a square linen night-dress ; ^^^ or whether on a holy day a ladder might be carried from one pigeon-house to another, or might only be slanted from one hole to another.^*^ Of ideas of reformation, which Jewish self-love would so willingly have us believe in, there is not, as w^e see, a single word. In practice the milder school of Hillel gained in the course of years the upper hand, though in many points it voluntarily relinquished its own view and assented to those of the school of Shammai,^^^ while in others neither the opinion of Hillel nor that of Shammai was subsequently followed.^^ An enactment, contrary indeed to the law, but authorized by the state of things, and certainly of salutary results, is connected with the name of Hillel. The legal appointment of a release of all debts every seventh year (Deut. xv. 1-11) entailed the evil consequence, " that people hesitated to lend each other money," although the law itself warned against backwardness in lending on account of this institution (Deut. XV. 9). In order then to do away with this evil, the so-called Prosbol (?i2Tn3 = irpoaßoX^), i.e. the delivery of a declaration, EdujotTi iii. 10 ; Mihwaoth iv. 5. This list of passages shows that the differences relate chiefly to the matters treated of in the first, secoud, third and fifth parts of the ^lishna, i.e. (1) religious dues, (2) the Sabbaths and holy days, (3) the marriage laws, and (4) the laws of purification, and scarcely at all to those treated of in the fourth and fifth parts (civil and criminal law and the laws of sacrifice). The latter, which do not affect the religious acts of private individuals, but either purely civil or sacerdotal transactions, were not discussed with equal zeal in the schools. The civil and criminal law did not on the whole excite the same interest as religious decrees. It is however probable that the sacrificial laws had already been dealt with by the more ancient priestly scribes, and lay outside the direct sphere of Rabbinical authority. ^5« Beza i. 1 ; Edujoth iv. 1. Delitzsch, p. 21 sq. 15^ Edujoth iv. 10. 153 ßc~a i. 3. ^'^ Edujoth i. 12-1-4. *' " E.(]. Edujoth i. 1-3. Comp, the passages cited in note 155. § 25. SCEIBIS.M. 363 or as we should say a registered declaration, was introduced by Hillel's influence.^^^ It was, that is to say, allowed to a creditor to make in court a declaration to the following effect : ^^}i} 3in b^u '•ji^Q nipip3;i^ D''j»'nn "»jSbz^ iji^a C"k u^b ^^ ''Dio nris-ii'' l^r b «3JivC' ^^, " I so and so deliver ^^^ to you the judges of such and such a place (the declaration), that I may at any time I choose demand the payment of all my outstand- ing debts." Such a reservation made before a court secured the creditor even during the Sabbath year, and he needed not to be backward in lending money on its account. Tims credit was again laid upon a more solid foundation.'"^ A Simon, said also to be the father of Gamaliel I., is generally named by both Jewish and Christian scholars as the son of Hillel. The existence of this Simon, and with liim the whole genealogical relation, is however very questionable.'®* We do not reach a really historical personage till Gamaliel I., I3"i I";^'] ''^\'^?, as he is called in the Mishna, in distinction from ^''i According to others PHTIID = ■^rpoj ßovT^vj», which is however very- improbable. ^*'' "IDD, "to deliver" (whence also miOD, tradition), answers to the Greek word ■zpofrßä.Xkitu. ^''^ Comp, on the Prosbol especially, SJichiith x. 3-7 (the formula will bo found Shehiith x. 4) ; tlie institution by Ilillel, Shehiith x. 3 ; Gittin iv. 3 ; generally : Pea iii. 6 ; Moed katan iii. 3 ; Kethuboih ix. 9 ; Ukzin iii. lU. Such Prosbol declarations are indeed to be understood by the av,uß6Xcii» rüv 'hioxvitx.oTuv, which, according to Joseph. Bell. Jud., were deposited among the archives at Jerusalem. Literature : Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. col. 1806 sq. Guisius in Surenhusius' Ilishna, i. 196. Jost, Gesch. de.'i Judenth. i. 265 sq. Hamburger, Rcal-Enc. ii. 939 sq. (art. "Prosbol"). Levy, NcuTiehr. Wvrtcrh. s.v. ^UT1"i3- ^"^ He is not mentioned in the Mishna at all. His name first occurs in the Babylonian Talmud, and there not as the son of Ilillel, but only aa holder of the dignity of Nasi between Hillel and Gamaliel I. Tlic wholo passage (Shahhaih 15*, below) is aa follows : pyjrni bii'b^2i p>'t3"'1 bbn r^:^ nXO JT'DH '':sh jniX"''J'3 Ijnj. " Hillel and Simon, Gamaliel and Simon held the dignity of Nasi, during tiie time of the existence of the temple, for a hundred years," i.e. during the last hundred years before the destruction of the temple. Considering the worthlessncss of tliis late Talmudic information, 13. Lebrecht e.g. is quite justified in disputing the existence of this Simon altogether (Geiger's Jüdische Zcitschr. für Wi^scnsih. und Lebet}, xi. 1875, p. 278, note). For older views of him, see Wolf, Biblioth. Ilcbr. ii. 8G1 sq. 364 § 25. SCRIBISM. Gamaliel 11.^*" It was at his feet that the Apostle Paul sat (Acts xxii. 3) ; and it was he who once gave counsel in the Sanhedrim to release the accused apostles, since their work, if it were of man, would come to nought, while if it were of God, it was in vain to oppose it (Acts v. 34-39). Christian tradition has in consequence of this represented him as being a Chris- tian,^''^ while Jewish tradition glorifies him as one of the most celebrated teachers. " Since Eabban Gamaliel the elder died there has been no more reverence for the law (nninn HUS) ; and purity and abstinence (nv^'nD'i rnriD) died out at the same time."^®' That he was as little the president of the Sanhedrim ^''^ Orla ii. 12 ; RosTi hashatia iL 5 ; Jehamoth xvi. 7 ; Sota ix. 1.5 ; Gittin iv. 2-3. In all these passages he is expressly called "the elder" (jp^n). Independently of Ahoih i. 16, this elder Gamaliel is probably meant also in Pea ii. 6 and Shekalim vi. 1. In other passages this is doubtful. In particular the famous jurist Slav Tabi (>DD) was not in the service of the elder, but of the younger Gamaliel {Bcrachoili ii. 7 ; PesacTiim vii. 2 ; Sukka ii. 1). Comp, in general, Graunii, Historia Gamaliclis, Viteb. 1C87. A\^olf, BihUoth. Hebraea, ii. 821 sq. The same, Curae philol. in Nov. Test, on Acts V. 3i. Palmer, Paulus und Gamaliel, Giessen 1806. Winer, RWB. i. 389. Pressel in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. 656 sq. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, ord ed. iii. 373 sqq. Jost, Gesch. des Judenth. \. 281 sqq., 423. Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vi. p. 2.56 sq. Derenbourg. Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 239-246. Schenkel in the Bibellex. ii. 328-33U. Hamburger, Rcal-Enc, Div. ii. art. " Gamaliel I." '"'' Clement. Rtcogn. i. 65 sqq. Comp, also the narrative of the presbytir Lucianus of Jerusalem on the finding of the bones of the martyr Stephen (in Latin in Surius, Vitae Sanctorum, iv. 502 sqq. (3 August) ; Baroniiis, Annal. ad ann. 415, and in the Benedictine edition of Augustine, vol. vii. Appendix), according to which tl;e bones of Nicodemus, Gamaliel and his son Abiba, who all here figure as Christians, were found at the same time as those of Stephen. This legend of Lucianus, which was already known to Genuadius, Vitae, 46, 47 (see also Fabricius, BihUoth. graeca, ed. Harles, x. 327), was drawn upon by the presbyter Eustratius of Constantinople, Gth century, in his book on the state of the dead, cap. 23 (published in Greek by Leo Allatius 1655 ; see Fabricius, Bihl. gr. x. 725, xi. 623). Lastly, Photius gives extracts from Eustratius in his Bihliotheca cod. 171. On a monument of the three saints, Gamaliel, Abibas and Nicodemus at Pisa, see AVagenseil on Sota ix. 15 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 314 sq.). Comp, also Thilo, Cod. apocr. p. 501 ; NiUes, Kalendarium Manuale (1879), p. 232, and the literature there cited. ^'"' Sota ix. 15. niinn tub means "reverence for the law;" see Wagenseil in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 312, n. 13, 315, n. 20. Comp. § 25. SCRIBISM. 365 as Hillel was, appears from Acts v. 34 sqq., where he figures as a simple member of it. Much confusion concerning him ha8 arisen, especially among Christian scholars, by attributing to him matters which apply to Gamaliel II., e.g. labours at Jahne and elsewhere. His son Simon also enjoyed extraordinary fame as a scribe.^^^ Josephus says of him : '^ 'O Be l!l/xcov ouro<; rju TToXeo)? fXGV 'lepoaoXvficov, *** With Gamaliel II., J'csarhim vii. 2; with Jushua. Elujotli viL i=» liichoroth i. 6 ; with Kiiescr, Ncdarim ix. 1. 368 § 25. SCRIBISM. certain passages, according to whicli the date of his life would have to be considerably postponed, a subsequent E. Zadok is probably intended.^^ To the first decades after the destruction of the temple belongs also a distinguished priestly scribe, K. Chananiah, " president of the priests " (□"•jnDn po)."^ He relates what his father had done, and what he had himself seen in the temple,^^' and appears in the Mishna almost entirely as a narrator of the details of the priestly ritual/^^ It is charac- teristic of him as an eminent priest, that he exhorts to prayer for the welfare of the heathen authorities/^^ E. Elieser ben Jacob ^^'^ also belongs to the first generation after the destruction of the temple. For it is very probable that a former scribe of the same name must be distinguished from the considerably later E. Elieser ben Jacob so frequently quoted in the Mishna. He flourished not long after the destruction of the teraple,^^^ in which his uncle had ministered as a Levite,^^^ and he is frequently quoted as an authority in the treatise Middotli ; ^^^ nay, subsequent tradition ^^^ So Shahhath xx. 2, xxiv. 5. Comp. Bacher, Monatssclir. 1882, p. 215. If we acknowledge the existence of this subsequent E. Zadok, the question of course arises, whether other passages must not also be referred to him. ^''5*' See Derenbourg, pp. 368-370. Hamburger, Real-Enc. ii. 131, and Bacher, Monatssclir. 1882, pp. 21G-219. His name according to the best authorities is not Chauina but Chananiah (so Cod. de Rossi 138, and the Cambridge MS. edited by Lowe). On the ofEce of a priestly pD, see above, p. 259. '^^' Sehachim ix. 3, xii. 4. ^^^ See in general, Pesachim i. 6 ; Shekalim iv. 4, vi. 1 ; Ediijotli ii. 1-3 ; Ahoth iii. 2; Sehacliim ix. 3, xii. 4; Menachoth x. 1 ; Negaimi. 4; Para iii. 1. 189 Ahotl iii. 2. i"" Dereubourg, p. 374 sq. Bacher, Monatssclir. 1882, pp. 228-233. 1^1 So also Derenbourg, 375, n. 2, and Bacher, 228. The younger Elieser ben Jacob w\as a contemporary of R. Simon about A.D. 150 (Pai-a ix. 2), and narrates in the name of Chananiah ben Chakinai, who again narrates in that of R. Akiba (Kilajim iv. 8. Tosefta, Ncgaim 617. 38 ; Tohoroth 072. 16, ed. Zuckermandel). -92 MidJoth i. 2. "« Middoth i. 2, 9, ii. 5, 6, v. 4. Comp. Slickalim vi. 3. § 25. SCKIBISM. 369 even ascribes to him the composition of the whole treatise.^*' It can no Ioniser be decided in particular cases which passages are to be attributed to him and which to E. Elieser ben Jacob the younger. Perhaps the statements on circumstances of ritual may be referred to the elder/'" Eabban Gamaliel II., son of Simon and grandson of Gama- liel I., the most renowned scholar of the turn of the century (about A.D. 90-110), lived only a few decades later than Johanan ben Sakkai."*^ The tribunal at Jabne, of which he was the head, was in his days generally acknowledged as the chief authority in Israel.^^^ The most famous scholars were here assembled about him, and in this respected circle Gama- liel was reckoned the decisive authority.^®* Among the scholars in close intercourse with him, E. Joshua, about his equal in age, and E. Akiba, his junior, were the most eminent."*^ On the other hand, Gamaliel does not seem to have entered into close relations with his famous contem- i'-* Joma 16a. Dereubourg, o74, u. 1. 1^^ E.g. the statements conceruiug the marriages of priests (Bikkurim i. 5 ; Kiddushin iv. 7), the sacrificial rites (Menachoth v. 6, ix. 3 ; Tamid v. 2), the first-born of cattle (Bcchoroth iii. 1), the sacred singers (Arachin ii. 6), the offerings of proselytes (Kcrithoih ii. 1). i^*' See concerning him the Hebrew works of Frankel, Brüll and Weiss, also Jost, Gesch. des Judenlh. ii. 25 sqq. Landau, Mortatsxchr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1851-52, pp. 283-295, 323-335. Grätz, Geschichte der Juden, iv. 30 sqq., 423 sq. Derenbourg, pp. 30G-313, 319- 3-46. Hamburger, Rcal-Enc. ii. 237-250. Bacher, Monalsschr. 1882, pp. 245-2G7. The chronology results from the fact that his younger contem- porary Akiba played a part in the Barkochba war. i'-*^ Rosh hashana ii. 8-9 ; Kelim v. 4. Comp. Derenbourg, pp. 319-322. He seems to have sojourned but temporarily at Kefar-Othnai, where we only once (Giltin i. 5) meet with Gamaliel. 198 Hence when once during a protracted absence of Gamaliel it had to be decided, whether tlie year was to be a leap year, this was only done with the reservation that Gamaliel should agree to it (Eilnjolli vii. 7). Comii. al.so for the authoritative po.sition of Gamaliel, the formula " Kabban Gama- liel and the elders'' (Maaser shod v. 9 ; Shahhalh xvi. 8 ; Eriihin x. 10). i"'-' Uli the mutual relations of Gamaliel, Joshua and Akiba, comp, especially. iSIaascr sheni v. 9 ; Erubin iv. 1 ; Ji'osh hashana ii. 8-9 ; Maaxcr shciii ii. 7 ; Siikku iii. 9 ; KirUhoih iii. 7-9 ; Ncfjaim vii. 1. Gamaliel and Joshua. Jadajlin iv. 4. Gamaliel and Akiba, Ro.sh ha.ihana i. 6 ; Jchamolk xvi. 7. DIV, II. VOL. I. 2 A 370 § 25, SCRICISM. porary E. Elicser ben Hyrcanus, At least there is no trace of this in the Mislina, while subsequent tradition on the contrary relates that Elieser was excommunicated by Gama- liel (see below). Gamaliel once undertook in conjunction with E. Joshua, E. Akiba and the equally renowned E. Eleasar ben Asariah, a sea voyage to Eome, which obtained a certain celebrity in Eabbinical literature.^"^ He is said to have been on one occasion removed by the seventy -two elders from the presidential dignity on account of his too autocratic dealings, and E. Eleasar ben Asariah to have been appointed to replace him. Gamaliel was however, on showing contrition, soon reinstated in his office, which Eleasar voluntarily vacated.^^^ The elevation of Eleasar by tlie seventy-two elders to the headship of the school is at any rate evidenced by the j\Iishna."'^" In his legal decisions Gamaliel followed the school of Hillel ; it is mentioned as an exception, that in three things he decided in an aggravated sense, according to the school of Shammai."**'^ In general he is characterized as much by legal strictness on the one liand,^"* as on the other by a certain amount of worldly conformity, nay of candour of judgment.^^'^ The two most celebrated contemporaries of Gamaliel were E. Joshua ben Chananiah and E. Eliesev ben Hyrcanus, both pupils of Johanan ben Sakkai.-"" We frequently find them disputing with each other on legal questions, and Akiba the -0» Ertihin iv. 1-2 ; Maaner sheui v. 9 ; Shalhalh xvi. 8. Grätz, Monatssclir. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judentli. 1851-52, pp. 192-202. Derenbourg, pp. 334-340. Renan, Les e'vangiles (1877), p. 307 sqq. Bacher, Alonatsschr. 1882, p. 251 sqq. -"^ Jci: Berachotli iv. 1, io\. T'^'^ ; Bub. Berachoth 27'' (in German in Pinner, Talmud Bahll Tractat Beraclioth, 1842, in Latin in Surenhusius' Mlshna, ii. 337, iii. 247). Jost, Gesch. des Judenth. ii. 28 sqq. Grätz, Gesch. der Jaden., iv. 35 sqq. Derenbourg, pp. 327-329. -"- Sehachim i. 3 ; Jadajim iii. 5, iv. 2. -"3 Beza ii. 6 ; Edujoth iii. 10. -»* Berachoth ii. 5-6. -^'^ Comp, beside tlie journey to Ronie, Ins intercouise with the governor (hegemon) of Syria {Ednjoth vii. 7) and his visit to the bath of Aphrodite at Akko, although there was there a statue of the heathen goddess {Aboda mra iii. 4). ^°*'' Aboth ii. 8. Comp. Edujoth viii. 7 ; Jadajim iv. o,ßn. § 25. SCRIBISM. 371 younger taking jiart in these discussionp.""' With Gamaliel however Joshua only, and not Elieser, seems to have been in familiar intercourse. According to later tradition this would be explained by the fact that Elieser was excommunicated by Gamaliel.'*'^ It. Joshua was descended from a Levitical family.^"* He was of a gentle and yielding disposition, and hence submitted to the unbending Gamaliel.^^" " Since the death of li. Joshua, there is no longer any kind-heartedness (naiü) in the world." ^^' His motto was, " En\7-, evil desire and hatred bring a man out of the world.^'^ Pekiin or Bekiin (yV'pVi TVP^), is named as the place of his labours.^*^ His close relations with Gamaliel however lead to the conclusion that he also resided partly at Jabne. Tradition relates of him, among other things, that he had various conversations with the Emperor Hadrian on religious subjects.^^* In con- trast with the yielding Joshua, Elieser was of a firm, unbending character, and a very strict adherent to tradition, over which, by reason of his faithful memory and extensive scholarship, he had more influence than any other.^^* His teacher -"^ Oq the mutual relations of Joshua, Elieser aud Akiba, comp, especially Pcsachim vi. 2 ; Jchamoih viii. 4 ; Nedarim x. 6 ; Nasir vii. 4 ; Edujoth ii. 7. On Josluia aufl Elieser, Pcsachim vi. 5 ; Taanith i. 1 : Sebachim vii. 4, viii. 10 ; Nasir vii. 4. On Joshua aud Akiba, Pisachim ix. G; Sanhedriii vii. 11. On EÜL'ser and Akiba, Pea vii. 7; Kcrifhot/i iii. 1((; Shebiith viii. 9-10. 208 Jer. Mocd Katan iii. 1, fol. 81'1 ; Bab. Baha luczia b9^ ; Jost, Gesch. de.f Judenth. ii. 35. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 47. Dcrcnbourg, 324 sq. -^^ This appears from Maaser shcni v. 9. Comp, on Jo.«hua, the Hebrew works of Fraukel, Brüll and Weiss ; also Grätz, G(sch. der Juden, iv. 50 sqq., 42G sq. Dcrcnbourg, pp. 019 sqq., 41() sqq. Hainburgcr, Rcal- Eiic. ii. 510-520. Bacher, Mmmtsschr. 1882, pp. 040-359, 4.';3-4(i4, 481-496. ^"' liosh hashonn ii. 8-9. Dcrcnbourg, 32,^-327. -'^ Sota ix. 15. 212 Ahuih ii. 11: nvnnn nwn i;in -i^*''i y-in py. 213 py*pa, Savhedrin 32 ; Toscfta, Sota 307, 8. \'']}'>p2, Jtr. Chagiga i. 1. Dcrcnbourg, 307. 21* Bacher, Afoitalsschr. 18s2, pp. 4(51 sqq., Isi .•^qq. 21^ See the Hebrew works of Franke), Brüll and Wci.-^s ; also Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 4:5 .sq., 42.") sq. Dcrcnbourg, 319 sqq., 366 sqi[. Hamburger, ii. ir)2-l34a Derenbourg, p. 387 sq. 235 Comp, briefly, Hamburger, p. 528. Bacher, Monatsschr. 1883, p. 73 sq. -3''' See above, p. 336 ; and Derenbourg, pp. 389-391. -3'' The tradition is reduced to its true proportion e.g. in Bacher, Monatsschr. 1883, p. 66 sq. Comp, also on the two Midrashim, § 3, above- § 25. SCRIBISM. 375 like most of his contemporaries, is said to liave died as a martyr in the Barkochba war.'^^ Among those scribes who also had intercourse with Gamaliel, Josliua and Elieser, but stood more or less in a relation of discipleship to them, by far the most celebrated was K. Akiba ben Josepli.'^^'' He flourished about A.D. 1 1 0-135. II is relations with Gamaliel, Joshua and Elieser have already been spoken of (notes 199, 200, 207). He surpassed them all in influence and reputation. None gathered about him so large a number of })upils ; ^*" none was so glorified by tradition. It is scarcely possible however to pluck the historically true from the garland of myths. Not even the place of his labours is known with certainty ; from the Mishna it seems to have been Lydda,^" while the Baljylonian Talmud names Bene- Barak (pin ''JD).'^^ Such sentences of his as have been handed down are not only characteristic of his rigidly legal stand- point, but also show that he made dogmatic and philosophic questions the subjects of study.^" Like the ancient Zealots, he combined national patriotism with religious zeal. Hence he hailed the political hero Barkochba as the Messiah,^" and is said to have suffered martyrdom as one of the most eminent sacrifices for the national cause.^^^ Of his exegetic method it can only be said, that it is an exaggeration and degeneration of tluit which prevailed among the Kabliis in general, "it is -3^ Grätz, iv. 175. Deronbourg, p. 436. -^* See concerning iiim the Hebrew works of Fraukel, Brlill and Weiss; also Jost, Gcsch. des Judentli. ii. b9 sqq. himdsiu, Monatsschi: ßtr Gesch. und WisseiiscJi. des Judenth. 1854, pp. 45-51, 81-93, 130-148. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 53 sqq. ; Ewald's Gesch. des Volles Israel, vii. 376 sqq. Deronbourg, pp. 329-331, 395 sqq., 418 sqq. Hamburger, ii. 32-43. Bacher, Monatsschr. 1883, pp. 254 sqq., 297 sqq., 347 s.iq., 419 sqq., 433 sqq. Gastfreund, Bioijraphledes Tanaiten lluhl Akiha (in Hebrew), Lembergl871. ^•'f* Derenbourg, p. 395 sq. -" Rush has/idiia i. 6. 2*2 Sanhedrin 32b ; Derenbourg, pp. 307, 395. -'3 The sentences, Almth iii. 13-16. Among them. iii. 15, is the sjiying njinj mt^'ini "lav ^an, "Everything is watched (by God), but freedom is granted (to men).' -•" Derenbourg, p. 425 scj. '■'*^ Grätz, iv. 176, 177. Derenbuurg, p. 436. Bacher, 1883, p. 256. 376 § 25. SCKIBISM. the art of deducing heaps of Halachoth from every jot of the law."^^'' To attain this, the principle was acted on, that no word of the text was superfluous, that even the slightest, the most apparently superfluous elements of the text contain the most important truths.^" It is of much more value than these exegetical tricks, and of real epoch-making importance in the history of Jewish law, that in the time of Akiba, and probably under his direction, the Halachah, which had hitherto been only orally propagated, was for the first time codified. The various materials were arranged according to the point of view of their actual matter, and what was current law was recorded in writing together with adductions of the divergent views of all the more eminent scribes. This work forms the foundation of the Mishna of E. Judah ha-Nasi, which has been preserved to us.^*^ E. Tarphon, a priestly scribe, who is said to have been very much in earnest about his priestly duties and privileges, so far as this was possible after the destruction of the temple, was a contemporary of Akiba."''^ He lived at Lydda,^^" and was chiefly in intercourse with Akiba,^''^ but took part in a ^-iß Bacher, MonaUsclir. 1883, p. 254 sq. -*" Thus e.(j. the particle ns is said to indicate, that besides the object mentioned, something else is also intended together with it. In tlie account (jf the creation QVO'J'n nx is used, because the sun, moon and stars are also meant (Wünsche, BcresJdtli rahba, p. 6 sq.). ComiJ. Derenbourg, p. 397. The proselyte Aquila tried to be faithful to this exegetical principle by translating in his Greek version of the Bible cvu zov ovpxuou x-ai avv T'/iu -/vi'j, at which Jerome vents his just scorn (^Epist. bl ad Pammachium, c. 11, 0pp. de Vallarsi, i. 316). Comp, also, on Aquila as a disciple of Akiba, Hieronymus, Comment, in Jes. viii. 11 sqq. (Vallarsi, iv. 122): Akibas quern magistrum Aquilae proselyti autumant. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 437. ^i*^ That an older work of the time of Akiba is the foundation of our present Mishna, may be inferred almost with certainty from its contents. That the work in question was edited by Akiba himself may also be accepted as probable from the testimony of Epiphanius (heier. 33. 9). For further particulars, see § 3. Comp, also Derenbourg, pp. 399-401. -*9 See in general, Derenbourg, pp. 376-383. Hamburger, ii. 1196 sq. Bacher, Monatssclir. 1883, pp. 497-507. -^0 Taanilli iii. 9 ; Baha mcziei iv. 3. -51 Tcrumoth iv. 5, ix. 2 ; Neisir vi. 6 ; BccliorolJi iv. 4 ; KcritJioth v. 2-3, To.sefta, Mikivcwth, GÖ4. 4, 660. 33. § 25. SCRIBISM. 377 disputation with Eleasar ben Asariali, Ishmael and Joshua."^ Subsequent tradition makes him, like all the scribes of his time, a martyr in the Barkochba war."^^ As this is however of just the same value as the Christian tradition, which makes all the apostles martyrs, he may very well be identical with that Trypho with whom Justin met, and who said of himself that he had fled from Palestine on account of the war,^^* It is peculiar that hard words against the Gospels and against the Christian faith should have been reported exactly of him.=^" Beside E. Tarphon there remain to be mentioned as con- temporaries of E. Akiba, E. Johanan ben Nuri, who lived also in the time of Gamaliel II., Joshua and Elieser, but is most frequently spoken of as in intercourse with Akiba ;^^ E. Simon ben Asai, or merely Ben Asai, who is famed for 2^2 Jadajim iv. 3. ^^^ Grätz, iv. 179. Deronbourg, p. 436. ^''■' Justin. Dial. c. TrypJione, c. 1 : siul os 'Eßpuioi ix, -Trepnof^.ij:, (f!V'/uv rov uuv yevofisuov vo'hsf^.Q'j, Iv rn 'EA7i«3; x«i rr, Y^oolvda roc vfJKhai, liayuv. The names pD")t3 aud Tpv