LIBRARY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 MRS. MACKINLEY HELM
 
 A HISTOET 
 
 OF 
 
 THE JEWISH PEOPLE 
 
 IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST. 
 
 EMIL SCHtJEEE, D.D., M.A., 
 
 PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE ÜNlVi:USITV OF GIKSöKN, 
 
 Being a Second and Revised Edition of a "Manual of 
 the History of JVew Testament Times," 
 
 Secoiiö Diviöton. 
 
 THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF PALESTINE, AND OF THE 
 JEWISH PEOPLE, IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHJilST. 
 
 TBANSIATED BV 
 
 SOPHIA TAYLOR AND REV. PETER CHRISTIE. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 CHARLES S C R I IJ X E R ' S SONS. 
 
 189L
 
 THE PORTIONS OF THE TRANSLATORS RESPECTIVELY ARE— 
 
 By Miss Taylor. 
 
 Vol. I. pages 1-149, and page 306 to end. 
 Vol. II. pages 1-242. 
 
 By Rev. Peter Christie. 
 
 A^ol. I. pages 150-305. 
 Vol. II. page 243 to end. 
 
 The Sections run ou from the First Division, which, as explained in the 
 Preface, is in preparation. 
 
 Volume III., completing this Division, is in the pres«.
 
 
 »ratefullg ©eticatcti 
 
 ALBRECHT RITSCHL, D.D. 
 
 CARL VON WEIZSÄCKER, D.D.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 It is a reconstruction of the Manual of the History of New 
 Testament Times which here appears under another title. 
 I believe that this new title expresses more plainly and 
 oorrectly than the old title the actual contents of the book. 
 For in fact, whether in its former or present state, it does 
 not profess to be more than a History of the Jewish People 
 in the Time of Jesus Christ, to tlie exclusion of the state 
 of the heathen world. I could not decide on admitting the 
 latter, because the selection to be made must have been an 
 arbitrary one. 
 
 The external framework of the book has undergone biit 
 little alteration in this new revision. Most of the paragraphs 
 remain the same. The only additions are the section on 
 the Priesthood and the Tempi« worship (§ 24), and the two 
 paragraphs on the Palestino- Jewish and the Graeco- Jewish 
 literature (§32 and 33), which replace the former section 
 on the Apocalypse. Thus the number of paragraphs is only 
 increased by two. Within this former framework, however, 
 the book has certainly become almost a new one. Eenewed 
 consultation of authorities and continued occupation with the 
 subject furnished so much fresh material, that a considerable 
 increase of extent was unavoidable. The matter of this 
 Second Division is threefold that of the first edition, although
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 I have earnestly striven not to expand the form beyond 
 the limits then observed. It is only in verbal citations from 
 documentary authorities that I have allowed myself somewhat 
 more liberty than in the former edition. 
 
 An apology is needed on my part for issuing the second 
 half of the book before the first. This inversion of the natural 
 order was not at first contemplated. I merely began opera- 
 tions on this second half because there was more to be done 
 here than in the first, my purpose being to print both parts 
 in one volume as before. The work, however, so grew under 
 my hands as to render a division necessary. At the same 
 time, the completion of the whole was consequently so 
 delayed, that it seemed desirable to publish what was ready 
 at once. This was the more possible because this half also 
 forms a comparatively independent whole. While thus 
 issuing this Second Division first, I can at the same time 
 express the hope, that the First Division, which will not 
 expand in the same proportion, may, with the needful index, 
 follow it within the space of one year. 
 
 E. SCHÜRER. 
 GIESSEN, Sept. 1885.
 
 CONTENTS OF DIVISION IL VOL. I. 
 
 § 22. The State of Culture in general, 
 I. Mixture of Population, Language, 
 II. Diffusion of Hellenic Culture, . 
 
 1. Hellenism in the Non- Jewish Regions, 
 
 2. Hellenism in the Jewish Region, . 
 III. Position of Judaism with respect to Heathenism, 
 
 § 23. Constitution. Sanhedrim. High Priest, 
 I. The Hellenistic Towns, 
 
 Raphia, 66. Gaza, 68. Anthedon, 72. Ascalon, 7*1 
 Azotus, 76. Jamnia, 78. Joppa, 79. ApoUonia, 83 
 Straton's Tower = Caesarea, 84. Dora, 87. PtolemaiS; 
 90. Damascus, 96. Hippus, 98. Gadara, 100. AbUa. 
 104. Raphana, 106. Kanata, 106. Kanatha, 108 
 Scythopolis, 110. Pella, 113. Dium, 115. Gerasa, 
 116. Philadelphia, 119. Sebaste = Samaria, 123 
 Gaba, 127. Esbon (Hesbon), 128. Antipatris, 130 
 Phasaelis, 131. Caesarea Panias, 132. Julias = Beth 
 saida, 135. Sepphoris, 136. Julias = Livias, 141 
 Tiberias, 143. 
 II. The strictly Jewish Territory, .... 
 
 III. The great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, . 
 
 History, 165. Composition, 174. Jiuisdiction, 184. Time 
 and Place of Sessions, 190. Judicial Procedure, 193. 
 
 IV. The High Priests, 
 
 § 24. The Priesthood and the Temple Wousmi-, 
 I. The Priesthood as a distinct Order, 
 II. The Emoluments, 
 
 III. The Various Functions of il'.e Priesthood, 
 
 IV. The Daily Service, 
 Appendix. Participation of Gentiles in the Worship at Jeru 
 
 salem, ...... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1 
 1 
 11 
 11 
 29 
 51 
 
 57 
 
 149 
 163 
 
 195 
 
 207 
 207 
 230 
 254 
 273 
 
 299
 
 Xll 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 § 25. SORIBISM, ..... 
 
 I. Canonical Dignity of Holy Scripture, 
 II. The Scribes and. their Activity in general, 
 III. Halachah and Haggadah, 
 
 1. The Halachah, 
 
 2. The Haggadah, . 
 
 IV. The most famous Scribes, » 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 
 306 
 
 
 306 
 
 
 312 
 
 
 329 
 
 
 330 
 
 
 . 339 
 
 
 351
 
 5 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 I. MIXTURE OF POrULATIOX. LANGUAGE. 
 
 THE Jewish poimlation of Palestine experienced, during the 
 Greek and Eoman period, as well as in previous centuries, 
 great fluctuations both in numbers and extension. From the 
 beginning of the Hellenistic period to the rising of the Mac- 
 cabees the Jewish element must be regarded as gradually 
 receding, the Greek as triumphantly advancing. The rising 
 of the Maccabees and its consequences produced however an 
 important change, Judaism gaining ground thereby both inten- 
 sively and extensively. It was internally consolidated and 
 extended its boundaries in nearly every direction : to the west, 
 by the Judaizing of the towns of Gazara, Joppa and Jamnia 
 (see above, § 7, and below, § 23. I.); to the south, by the 
 compulsory conversion of the Idumaeans under John Hyrcanus 
 (see § 8) ; to the north, by the conversion of the Ituraeans 
 under Aristobulus I. (see § 9) ; and in all directions by the 
 conquests of Alexander Jannaeus. It is true that the Judaism 
 of these Asraonean princes from John Hyrcanus onwards was 
 not that of the scribes and Pharisees ; still they represented, 
 though in their own fashion, the Jewish religion and nationality, 
 as the example of the " Hellenistic Aristobulus " especially 
 proves. Then, under Alexandra even the Pharisaic tendency 
 again prevailed. Under the Piomans and Herodians indeed 
 the pursuit of a Graeco-Roman culture was again favoured 
 as nnich as possible. But Pharisaic Judaism was now so 
 established, both externally and internally, by the develop- 
 ment of the last two centuries, that its state of possession 
 could not thus be essentially encroached upon, and not till 
 
 PIV. ir. VOL. I. A
 
 2 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 the convulsions of the wars under Vespasian and Hadrian 
 did it again incur great losses. 
 
 For the times of Josephus we have somewhat more accurate 
 information concerning the extension of the Jewish population 
 in Palestine in the description he has given of the country in 
 his Bell. Jud. iii. 3.^ From this we learn — what is else- 
 where confirmed — that of all the maritime towns, two only, 
 viz. Joppa and Jamnia, which were Judaized in the Mac- 
 cfiibaean period, contained a chiefly Jewish population. In all 
 the other coast towns the Gentile was the prevailing element 
 (see also § 23. I.). In the interior, on the contrary, the 
 countries of Judaea, Galilee and Peraea had an essentially 
 Jewish population. To these were added the regions lying 
 to the east of the Sea of Gennesareth, viz. Gamalitis, 
 Gaulonitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis, which had a mixed 
 Jewish and heathen population. 
 
 This threefold division of the Jewish region into Judaea, 
 
 Galilee and Peraea (^1^^'!, ^"'^3, H^.D '^^V) is also repeatedly 
 
 ^ It is evident, that Josephus intends to give in the above-mentioned 
 passage {Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1-5) a description of the Jewish country, i.e. of 
 those districts of Palestine, which were entirely or chiefly inhabited by 
 Jews. For all Gentile districts are excluded from the description and only 
 mentioned to define the boundaries of the Jewish regions. He thus first 
 describes Galilee, which is bounded on the west by the region of Ptolemais ; 
 on the east by that of Hippo?, Gadara, etc. (iii. 3. 1) ; then Peraea, which 
 is bounded on the north by the region of Pella, on the east by that of 
 Gerasa, Philadelphia, etc. (iii. 3. 6). Hereupon follows a description of 
 Samaria (iii. S. 4), and finally one of Judaea (iii. 3. 5). The latter extends 
 from the Jordan to Joppa Cuixp'; 'loV^j), Joppa being thus not reckoned 
 as a part of Judaea. The Hellenistic coast towns are all excluded from 
 the description ; and Josephus only says of the Jewish territory that it 
 was not deprived of those enjoyments, which come from the sea, because 
 it extended to the coast lands (iii. 3. ö : cKpf.oriroii ol ovli t^ju I« da.'h.öcaan; 
 Tip-TTväv VI 'Ioy3«/o6, TO?j rapsex/o/? KctTotTsivovjci). To the four provinces 
 mentioned, Josephus adds, by way of supplement : (1) the region of 
 Jamnia and Joppa as being the only maritime towns of which the popula- 
 lation was chiefly Jewish (comp. § 23. I.) ; and (2) the provinces of 
 Gamalitis, Gaulonitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis, in the kingdom of Agrippa, 
 because the Jewish element here formed at least a very considerable 
 fraction. It is of special interest to observe, that in this whole description 
 Josephus includes Samaria, thus evidently regarding the Samaritans also 
 as Jews, though as heterodox Jews.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUIIE IN GENERAL. 3 
 
 assumed in the Mislnia." Tlie central country and nucleus 
 of the whole was Judaea, which was bounded on the north by 
 Samaria, on the east by the Jordan and the Dead Sea, on the 
 west by the district of the Philistine-Hellenistic cities, on the 
 south by Arabia Petraea. In Judaea was the centre of Jewish 
 life; it was here that the new community had first reorganized 
 itself after the Babylonian captivity, here that the rising of the 
 Maccabees originated, and here that the learned and educa- 
 tional activity of the scribes and Pharisees had its chief seat. 
 In the north, and separated from Judaea by Samaria, was 
 Galilee, whose boundaries were to the north the district of 
 Tyre ; to the west, that of Ptolemais ; to the east, Jordan and 
 tlie Lake of Gennesareth. The population of Galilee also was 
 mainly Jewish ; for the inhabitants of this district had not 
 joined the Samaritan schism, as might have been expected 
 from the former common history of the kingdom of Ephraim, 
 On the contrary, the tendency adopted by Judaism in the 
 post-exilian period had been — we no longer know how or when, 
 but certainly during the Persian period — successfully brought 
 to bear in this district also, and an enduring religious associa- 
 tion thus established between the inhabitants of Judaea and 
 Galilee. Peraea, the third of the Jewish lands, lay beyond 
 the river Jordan, and was bounded on the north by the 
 district of Pella, on the east by the districts of Gerasa, 
 Philadelphia, and Heshbon, and on the south by the kingdom 
 of Arabia Petraea. In this province also the population was 
 an essentially Jewish one.^ Still, neither in Galilee nor 
 Peraea must we conceive of the Jewish element as pure and 
 unmixed. In the shifting course of history Jews and Gentiles 
 had here been so often, and in such a variety of ways, throw)i 
 
 * Shebiith ix. 2 ; Ketliuhoth xiii. 10 ; Buha hallira iii. 2. 
 
 * Comp. e.(j. Antt. xx. 1. 1 (the dispute of the Jews with the Phila- 
 delphians concerning boundaries); Bell. Jiul. iv. 7. 4-6 (the share of the 
 Jews of Peiaeii iu the revolt). The Mishna too always assumes, that 
 Peraea (p~i>n "l3y) is a land inhabited by Jews ; see Shebiith ix. 2 ; 
 
 Bikkurim i. 10; Taanith iii. G; Ktihnb'ith xiii. 10; Baba bathni iii. 2; 
 Ediijolh via. 7 ; Mcnachoth viii. 3.
 
 4 § 22. THE STATE OF CÜLTUEE IN GENERAL. 
 
 together, that the attainment of exclusive predominance by 
 the Jewish element must be counted among the impossibilities. 
 It was only in Judaea, that this was at least approximately 
 arrived at by the energetic agency of the scribes during the 
 course of a century. 
 
 In spite of the common religion and nationality of the three 
 provinces, many differences of manners and customs existed 
 between their inhabitants, and these imparted a certain 
 independence to their inner life, quite apart from the political 
 separation repeatedly appearing. The Mislina mentions, e.g., 
 slight differences in respect of the marriage laws between 
 Judaea and Galilee,* varying customs in the intercourse 
 between espoused persons,^ differences of weights and coinage 
 between Judaea and Galilee.® The three provinces are there- 
 fore looked upon as in certain respects " different countries."^ 
 
 The districts east of the Lake of Gennesareth (Gamalitis, 
 Gaulonitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis) formed a somev.-hat 
 motley assemblage. The population was a mixed one of Jews 
 and Syrians {Bell. Jud. iii. 5: oiKovai he avrrjv uiydBe'i 'lovBaloL 
 T€ Kol Hvpot). But besides the settled population, numerous 
 nomadic hosts, from whom the former had much to suffer, 
 were wandering about in these border lands of civilisation. 
 Very favourable to them were the caves of this district, in 
 which they could lay up stores of water and provisions, and 
 in case of attack find refuge, together with their flocks and 
 herds. Hence it was very difficult to subdue them. The 
 powerful hand of Herod however succeeded in inducing among 
 them a certain amount of order. ^ With the view of keeping 
 these turbulent elements permanently in check, he frequently 
 settled foreign colonists in Trachonitis ; at first, three thousand 
 Idumaeans f then a colony of warlike Jews from Babylon, to 
 
 * Kethuhoth iv. 12. ^ Jebamoth iv. 10 ; Kcthuhoth i. 5 
 
 ^ Teriimoth x. 8 ; Ketlmhoth v. 9 ; Cladhn xi. 2. 
 
 " E.g. ill respect of the fundamental principle, that the wife is not bound 
 to accompany her husband to another country {Kethuhoth xiii. 10), in 
 respect of the law of usucaption {Baha hathra iii. 2). 
 
 8 Ä7itt. XV. 10. 1. » Avtt. xvi. 9. 2.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 5 
 
 whom he granted the privilege of immunity from taxation.^^ 
 His sons and grandson continued this work. Nevertheless 
 one of the two Agrippas had to complain in an edict of the 
 brutish manner of life {dr^piwZr)^ KaTda-raad) of the inhabitants 
 and of their abode in the caves. ^^ Herod's exertions for the 
 promotion of culture at last introduced the Greek element 
 into these countries. In tlie neighbourhood of Kanatha (see 
 § 23. I.) are still found the ruins of a temple, which according 
 to its Greek inscriptions belongs to the period of Herod the 
 Great. ^^ Greek inscriptions of the two Agrippas, especially of 
 Agrippa II., are found in larger numbers in the neighbourhood 
 of Hauran, '^ In the Roman period the Greek element pre- 
 dominated, at least externally, in these districts (see hereon 
 Nr. ii. 1). 
 
 The Samaritans also belonged in a wider sense to the 
 Jewish population,^* For their character is not rightly viewed 
 
 "> Ahlt. xvii. 2. 1-3. On the history of this colony, comp, also Vila, 11. 
 
 *' The unfortunately very scanty fragments of this edict are given in 
 Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions Grecques et Latines. vol. iii. n. 2329. 
 Thence also in the Zeitschrift für ivissenschaftl. Theol. 1873, p, 252. 
 
 12 Comp, especially the inscriptions in Le Bas and Waddington, vol. iii, 
 n. 2364. 
 
 13 I,e Bas and Waddington, vol. iii. n. 2112, 2135, 2211, 2329, 2365, 
 2418^. Thence also in the Zeitschrift für icixsenschaftl Theol. 1873, 
 p, 248 sqq. 
 
 1* Kautzsch gives in Herzog's Real-EncijcL, 2nd ed. xiii. 351-355, the 
 most complete catalogue of tlie copious literature on the Samaritans. 
 Comp, especially : Ccllarius, Collectanea historiae Samai-itanae, 1688 (also in 
 Ugolini, Thcs. t. xxii.) ; Robinson's Palestine, iii. 130, 131; Juynboll, 
 Commentarii in historiam gentis Samaritauae, Lugd. Bat. 1846 ; Winer, 
 RWB. ii. 369-373; Lutterbcck, Die neutcstamcntlichen Lehrbegriffe, 
 i. 255-269 ; Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, iii. 580 sqq. ; Jost, Gesch. 
 des Judcnthnms, i. 44-89 ; Petermann in Herzog's Real-Encijcl, 1st ed. 
 xiii. 359-39 1. Hausrath, Zeitgesch., 2nd cd. i. 12-23 ; Schrader in Schenkel's 
 Bibtllexiccn, v. 149-154 ; Appel, Quaestiones de rebus Samaritanorum siib 
 imperio Romanorum peractis, Getting. 1874 ; Nutt, A Sketch nf Samaritan 
 History, Dogma, and Literature, London 1874; Kohn, "Zur Sprache," 
 "Literatur und Dogmatik des Samaritaner" (articles in the Kunde des 
 Morgenlandes, vol. v. No. iv. 1876) ; Kautzscli in Richm's Handwörter- 
 buch des bibl. Altertums, sub voce; Recess, Gesch. der heil. Schriften 
 Alten Testaments, § 381, 382; Hamburg.r, Real- Encijclopädie für Bibel und 
 Talmud, div. ii. 1883, pp. 1062-1U71 ; Kautzscli in Herzog's Real-EncycL,
 
 6 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 till it is regarded from the twofold point of sight — (1) of their 
 being indeed, according to their natural composition, a mixed 
 people arising from the intermingling of the former Israelitish 
 population with Gentile elements, especially with the heathen 
 colonists introduced by the Assyrians; and (2) of their having 
 a religion essentially identical with that of Israel at an earlier 
 stage of development. Among the colonists, whom the 
 Assyrians had planted (2 Kings xvii, 24 sqq.) in Samaria from 
 the provinces of Babylon, Cuthah, Ava,Hamath and Sepharvaim, 
 those from Cuthah ('1^3, ni3, 2 Kings xvii. 24, 30) seem to 
 have been particularly numerous. The inhabitants of Samaria 
 were hence subsequently called Cuthites by the Jews (Xovdaloi 
 in Joseph. Antt. ix. 14. 3, xi. 4. 4, 7. 2, xiil 9. 1; in Eabbinic 
 literature D''n^3^'*^). We must not, however, confidently assume, 
 that the ancient Israelitish population was entirely carried 
 away, and the whole country peopled afresh by these heathen 
 colonists. It is, on the contrary, certain, that a considerable 
 percentage of the ancient population remained, and that the 
 new population consisted of a mixture of these with the 
 heathen immigrants. The religion of this mingled people was, 
 according to the Bible (2 Kings xvii. 24—41), at first a mixed 
 religion, — a combination of the heathen rites introduced by 
 the colonists with the old Israelite worship of Jidiveh upon 
 the high places. Gradually however the Israelitish religion 
 must have obtained a decided preponderance. For, from what 
 we know with certainty of the religion of the Samaritans (of 
 course leaving malicioiis reports out of question), it was a pure 
 Israelitish monotheism. They acknowledged the unity of God 
 and the authority of Moses as the greatest of the prophets; they 
 
 2nd ed. xiii. 340-355. Various contributions to the Samaritan literature by 
 Heidenheim in the deutschen Vicrteljalirssclirift für engl.-tlieol. Furschung 
 und Kritik, 1861 sqq. 
 
 ■•■** D^ri13 in the Mishna in the following places : Berachoih vii. 1, viii. 8 ; 
 
 Pea ii. 7 ; Demai iii. 4, v. 9, vi. 1, vii. 4 ; Ternmnth iii. 9 ; Clialla iv. 7 ; 
 Shekalim i. 5 ; Rosh hashana ii. 2 ; Ketliuhoth iii. 1 ; Ncdarim iii. 10 ; 
 Gittin i. 5 ; Kiddushin iv. 3 ; OJialoth xvii. 3 ; 2'ohoroth v. 8 ; Nidda iv 
 1, 2, vii. 3, 4, 5.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GEXEKAL. 7 
 
 observed the Jewish rite of circumcision on the eighth day, the 
 sanctification of the Sabbath, and the Jewish annual festivals. 
 Xay, they even relinquished tlie i^re-Deuteronomic standpoint 
 of the worship of Jahveh upon high places, accepted the whole 
 Pentateuch as tlie law of Israel, and consequently acknow- 
 ledged the unity of the Jewisli worship. It is only in the 
 circumstance of their transferring this worship not to Jeru- 
 salem but to Gerizim that we perceive the after effect of the 
 older standpoint. Here, according to the somewhat suspicious 
 account of Josephus, tliey built in the time of Alexander the 
 Great^'^ a temple of their own ; and even after its destruction 
 by John Hyrcanus, Gerizim continued to be their sacred 
 mountain and the seat of their worship. ^^ They did not 
 indeed participate in the further development of Pharisaic 
 Judaism, but rejected all that went beyond the injunctions of 
 the Pentateuch. ISTor did they accept any of the sacred w^ritings 
 of the Jewish canon except the l*entateuch. But for all this 
 the right to call themselves "Israelites" cannot be denied them, 
 so far, that is, as religion and not descent is in question. 
 
 The position of Judaism proper with regard to the Samari- 
 tans was always a hostile one : tlie ancient antagonism of 
 the kingdoms of Israel and Judah was here carried on in a 
 new form. When the Samaritans desired, in the time of 
 Zerubbabel, to co-operate in the building of the temple at 
 Jerusalem, they w^ere rejected by the Jews (Ezra iv. 1) ; and 
 "the foolish people who dwell in Sichern" are as much hated 
 by the Son of Sirach as the Edomites and Philistines (Ecclus. 
 1. 25, 26). The Samaritans on their side requited this dis- 
 position with like hostility.^' The legal appointments, never- 
 
 ^5 Josephus, Antt. xi. 7. 2 ; 8. 2 sqq. The history of Sanballat and his 
 son-in-law, with whicli Joseplius connects the building of the temple on 
 Gerizim, happened according to Nehemiah"s account in his own days 
 (Neh. xiii. 28), about one hundred years before Alexander the Great. 
 
 1'^ Destruction by John Hyrcanus, Aiilt. xiii. 9. 1. Continuance of venera- 
 tion for it: John iv. 20; Joseph, yiutt. xviii. 4. 1 ; Bell. Jitd. iii. 7. 32. 
 
 ^' Neh. iv. 1 sqq.; Luke ix. 52, 53; Joseph. Aiitl. xviii. 2. 2, xx. 6. 1 ; 
 Bell. JikI. ii. 12. 3 ; RosK hashana ii. 2.
 
 8 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEEAL. 
 
 theless, of Eabbinic Judaism with respect to the Samaritans, 
 are, from the standpoint of Pharisaism, generally correct and 
 just/^ The Samaritans are never absolutely treated as 
 " foreigners," but as a mingled people, whose Israelitish descent 
 was not indeed proved, but always to be regarded as possible.^® 
 Hence their membership of " the congregation of Israel " is 
 not denied, but only designated as doubtful.^^ Their observ- 
 ance of the law, e.g. with regard to tithes and the Levitical 
 laws of purification, did not indeed correspond with Pharisaic 
 rec[uirements, on which account they were in many respects 
 placed on a level with Gentiles.^^ They were never however 
 treated as idolaters (nV'^y), but, on the contrary, decidedly 
 distinguished from them.^^ Their observance of the Sabbath 
 is occasionally mentioned,-^ and it is assumed as at least 
 possible, that they could say a genuine Israelitish grace at 
 meals.'-* In fact they stand, so far as their observance of the 
 law is concerned, on the same level as the Sadducees."^ 
 
 The language of the Jewish population of all the districts 
 
 ^^ A collection of Rabbiuical definitions is given in the treatise DTl^D, 
 in the seven small treatises published by Rapliael Kirchheini (see above, 
 § 3) ; the passages of the Mishna (see above, note 14a) ; cor.ip. also Light- 
 foot, Centuria Matthaeo praemissa, c. 56 {0pp. ii. 212) ; Hamburger, as 
 before quoted. 
 
 ^* Compare, on the one hand, Shekalim i. 5 (obligatory sacrifices for the 
 temple are to be received only from Israelites, not from Gentiles nor even 
 from Samaritans) ; on the other, Berachoth vii. 1 (when three Israelites 
 have eaten together, they are bound to prepare themselves formally for 
 prayer ; this also holds good if one of the three is a Samaritan) ; Ktthuhoth 
 iii. 1 (the claim for a money compensation on account of cohabitation with 
 an Israelitish virgin holds good in respect of a Samaritan virgin). 
 
 20 Kidduslibi iv. 3. 
 
 21 Comp, in general, Demai vii. 4 ; Tohoroth v. 8 ; Nidda iv. 1, 2, vii. 3-5. 
 
 22 Berachoth vii. 1 ; Demai iii. 4, v. 9, vi. 1 ; Terumoth iii. 9. The asser- 
 tion, that the Samaritans worshipped the image of a dove, is a slander first 
 appearing in the Talmud (./tr. Aboda sara v. fol. 44^; Bah. Chullui C*; see 
 Levy, Neidiehr. Wörterbuch, s.v. |V), and one, of which the Mishna as yet 
 knows nothing. 
 
 23 Nedarim iii. 10. 24 Berachoth viii. 8. 
 
 2^ Comp. Nidda iv. 2 : " The Saddiicees, when they follow the customs of 
 their fathers, are equal to the Samaritans." Epiphanius says of the 
 Sadducees, Hacr. 14 : tcc TtxiiT» oi tax '^ocfimpHTcti; ((v'hxTTOviJtv,
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEKAL. 9 
 
 here nientioiiecl was, since the last centuries before Christ, 
 no longer Hebrew, but Aramaic.^® How and when the 
 change was effected, cannot now be ascertained. At any 
 rate, it was not the exiles, who returned from Babylon, who 
 brought the Aramaic thence, for tlie post-exilian literature of 
 the Israelites is also chiefly Hebrew. Nor was the Aramaic 
 dialect of Palestine the Eastern (Babylonian), but the 
 Western Aramaic. Hence it must have penetrated gradually 
 to Palestine from the north. The period of tlie transition is 
 marked by the canonical books of Ezra and Daniel (the latter 
 about 167—165 b.c.), which are written partly in Hebrew, 
 partly in Aramaic (Aramaic are Ezra iv. 8-6, 18, vii. 12-26 ; 
 Dan. ii. 4-7, 28). A saying of Joses ben Joeser, about 
 the middle of the second century before Christ, is cited in 
 Aramaic in the JNIishna,"'*^ also certain sayings of Hillel and 
 other authorities."'^ That Aramaic was in the time of Christ 
 the sole popular language of Palestine, is evident from the 
 words mentioned in the New Testament : äßßa (Mark xiv. 36), 
 a.KeXSafid'^ (Acts i. 19), yaßßadä (John xix. 13), yoXyoOa 
 (Matt, xxvii. 33), i(f)(pa6d (Mark vii. 34), Kopßavä^ (]\Iatt. 
 xxvii. 6), /xa/jt.ü)vä<; (i\Iat.t. vi. 24), fxapav aOa (1 Cor. xvi. 22), 
 M€<Taia<s = i^r]'<Z'p (John i. 41), Trda'^a (Matt. xxvi. 17), puKu 
 (Matt. V. 22), aaTuvu'i (Matt. xvi. 23), rakiOa kov/jll (]\lark 
 v. 41) ; to which may be added names of persons, such as 
 Kr](f)ä<i, Mdp9a, TaßcOd^-' and the numerous names compounded 
 with "13 (Barabbas, Bartholomew, Barjesus, Barjonas, Barnaljas, 
 Barsabas, Bartimteus). The \vords, too, of Christ upon the 
 
 28 Comp. Zung, Die gottcsfJienstlichen Vorträcje der Juden (1832), p. 7 sq. ; 
 Heizfeld, Gesch. d. Volkes Israel, iii. 44 sqq., 58 sqq. ; Bohl, Forsclntiigen 
 nach einer, Volkshibel zur Zeit Jesu (1873), pp. 4-28; Delitzscli, U eher die 
 palästinische Volkssprache, ivelche Jesu und seine Jünger geredel haben 
 (''Saat auf Hoffnung''), 1874. pp. 195-210; Rouss, Gesch. der heil. 
 Schriften Neuen Testaments, § 40 ; tlie same, Gesch. der heil. Schrif'ten 
 Alten Testaments, § 416, 417; Kaiitzsch, Grammar of Bildical Aramaic 
 (1884), pp. 4-12. 
 
 ^'' Ednjoth viii. 4. 
 
 28 Hillel, Aboih i. 13, ii. G ; others, Aboth v. 22, 23. 
 
 23 The accentuation in our editions is very inconsistent. Consistent 
 accentuation would require pxKx, roLtAÜ, Tecjitdx.
 
 10 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN CENERAL. 
 
 cross: 'JEXcot iXcol' \a/j,a aaßa^Oavel (Mark xv. 34), are 
 Aramaic. Hebrew was so little current with the common people, 
 that the lessons from the Bible read in public worship had to 
 be translated verse by verse into tlie dialect of the country.^ 
 Notwithstanding however this complete prevalence of 
 Aramaic, Hebrew still remained in use as " the sacred 
 language " (ti'lPO |it^?). It was read aloud in the synagogues of 
 Palestine both before and after the Ploly Scriptures ; and in 
 certain liturgical cases the use of Hebrew was absolutely 
 required.^^ Hebrew also continued to be the language of the 
 learned, in which even the legal discussions of the scribes 
 were carried on. Not until about the third century after 
 Christ do we find Aramaic in use for the last-named purpose ; 
 and while the Mishna was still in Hebrew (second century), 
 the Palestinian Talmud was (fourth century) in Aramaic. 
 The latter is our most copious source for the knowledge of 
 this language of Palestine. Some hints concerning dialectic 
 differences of pronunciation between Judaea and Galilee are 
 given in the Gospels and the Talmud.'^* 
 
 »0 Megllki iv. 4, 6, 10. Comp, below, § 27. 
 
 ä' Jebamoth xii. 6 ; Sota vii. 2-4, viii. 1, ix. 1 ; Megilla i. 8. See especially 
 Sota vii. 2 : " The following portions are delivered in the sacred language 
 alone: the section of Scripture at the offering of the first-fruits, the 
 formula at the Chaliza, the blessings and curses, the blessing of the priest, 
 the form of blessing of the high priest, the portion read by the king (at 
 the Feast of Tabernacles in the Sabbatic year), the formula at the killing 
 of a calf (on account of one found dead), and the speech of one anointed 
 for war when addressing the army." On the other hand, e.g. the Shma, 
 the Shmone-Esre (see on this, § 27, Appendix), grace at meals, etc., might 
 be said in any language (Sota vii. 1). All this applies to oral delivery. 
 In writing, the use of Hebrew was required for the text of the TefilUn 
 and Mcsiisoth ; for all besides, even for the Scriptures, any language was 
 allowed, according, however, to Eabban Gamaliel, only Greek beside 
 Hebrew for the latter {Megilla i. 8). The formula for the writing of 
 divorcement was usually, according to U. Juda, Aramaic (Giltla ix. 3), but 
 miglit also be Greek (Gittin ix. 8). 
 
 ä- Matt. xxvi. 20, 73, and its interpreters — Buxtorf, Lex. s.v. 7pj, col. 434 
 sqq.; Lightfoot, Centnria clwrograph. Mutthaco j>raeinissa, c. S7 (0pp. Ü. 
 232 .«q.) ; Mor'miis, Exercitationes biblicae (1G99), ii. 18. 2, p. 514 sqq. ; 
 Aug. Pfeiffer, Decas selecta exercitationum sacrarum, pp. 206-216 (in the 
 Appendix to his D.uhia vcxata script, sacrae, Leipsic and Frankfort 1685);
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 11 
 
 IL DIFFUSION OF HELLENIC CULTURE, 
 
 1. Hdlenism in the Non-Jeivisli Bcgions. 
 
 The Jewish region just described was, in ancient times as 
 well as in the Graeco-Eoman period, surrounded on all sides 
 by heathen districts. Only at Jamnia and Joppa had the 
 Jewish element advanced as far as the sea. Elsewhere, even 
 to the west, it was not the sea, but the Gentile region of the 
 Philistine and Phenician cities, that formed the boundary of 
 the Jewish. These heathen lands were far more deeply pene- 
 trated by Hellenism, than the country of the Jews. No 
 reaction like the rising of the Maccabees had here put a stop to 
 it, besides which heathen polytheism was adapted in quite a 
 different manner from Judaism for blending with Hellenism. 
 While therefore the further advance of Hellenism was obstructed 
 by religious barriers in the interior of Palestine, it had attained 
 here, as in all other districts since its triumphant entry under 
 Alexander the Great, its natural preponderance over Oriental 
 culture. Hence, long before the commencement of the Eoman 
 period, the educated world, especially in the great cities in the 
 west and east of Palestine, was, we may well say, completely 
 Hellenized. It is only with the lower strata of the popula- 
 tions and the dw^ellers in rural districts, that this must not be 
 equally assumed. Besides however the border lands, the 
 Jewish districts in the interior of Palestine were occupied by 
 Hellenism, especially Scythopolis (see § 2o. I. Nr. 19) and 
 the town of Samaria, where Macedonian colonists had already 
 been planted by Alexander the Great (§ 23. I. Nr. 24), while 
 the national Samaritans had their central point at Sichem. 
 
 The victorious penetration of Hellenistic culture is most 
 
 plainly and comprehensively shown by the religious worship. 
 
 The native religions, especially in the Philistine and Phenician 
 
 cities, did indeed in many respects maintain themselves in 
 
 AVctstein, Nov. Test, on ^[att. xxvi. 7^) ; Neubauer, O'eotjrnjthic (hi Talmud, 
 p. 184 sq. Further, older literature in Wolf, Curac phil. in Xoc. Test, on 
 Matt. xxvi. 73.
 
 12 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUr.E IX GENERAL. 
 
 their essential character ; but still in such wise, that they 
 were transformed by and blended with Greek elements. But 
 besides these the purely Greek worship also gained an entrance, 
 and in many places entirely supplanted the I'ormer. Unfor- 
 tunately our soui'ces of information do not furnish us the 
 means of separating the Greek period proper from the Roman, 
 the best are afforded by coins, and these for the most part 
 belong to the Roman. On the whole however the picture, 
 which we obtain, holds good for the pre-Roman period also, 
 nor are we entirely without direct notices of this age. 
 
 On the coins of Raphia of the times of the empire are seen 
 especially Apollo and Artemis according to the purely Greek 
 conception ; ^^ upon those of Anthedon, on the contrary, the 
 tutelary goddess of the city is conceived of as Asiarte?^ 
 
 Of the worship at Gaza in the times of the Roman Empire 
 complete information is given in the life of Porphyry, Bishop 
 of Gaza, by Marcus Diaconus. According to this, there wera 
 in Gaza in the time of Porphyry (the end of the fourth 
 century after Christ) eight Brj/xocrioc vaol, viz. of Helios, 
 Aphrodite, Apollo, Persephone (Kore), Hecate, Hereon, a 
 temple of Tyche, and one of Marnas.^ Prom this it appears 
 that the purely Greek worship was the prevailing one, and 
 this is confirmed in general by the coins, upon whicli other 
 than Grecian deities also appear.^'' A temple of Apollo in 
 
 33 Mionnet, Description de medailles antiques, v. 551 sq. ; Supplement, viii. 
 376 sq. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte (1874), pp. 237-240, 
 pi. xii. n. 7-9. Stark, Gaza, p. 584. 
 
 3* Mionnet, v. 522 sqq.; Siq^pl. viii. 364. De Saulcy, pp. 234-236, pi. 
 xii. n. 2-4. Stark, p. 594. 
 
 35 Marci Diaconi Vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis, ed. Haupt (Essays of 
 the Berlin Academy, formerly known only in the Latin translation), c. 04 : 
 ^(fxv hi iv TV) "Kohti vecol iiö6)'Kuu OYjfiöaiot 6ktu, toD n HT^iov x.xl t^s 
 
 A^pdhh-fi; Kctl rou ' KvoKhoivo; kui t^j ^öpim kxI tvh Hkxty;; k»i to 
 7\i'/6f^ivov 'Hpuov KOil TO T^j Tvx^S TJjf ■Kohiw;, ix.öt.'hwv Tvx<^7ou, xxl to 
 Mupviiov, S i'Aiyov iivxt TOu KpYirxysuov; A/oji <> ivif^i^'iv üvxt ivdo^önpoi» 
 "TcäuTuv Tuu iipcJv TO)u XT, uvT x'^'iv . Thc Mameion is also mentioned in many 
 other passages of this Avork. 
 
 36 Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 448 sqq. Mionnet, v. 533-549; Siippl. viii. 
 371-375. De Saulcy, pp. 209-233, pi xi. Stark, Gaza, pp. 583-5S9.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUUE IX GENERAL. 13 
 
 Gaza is already mentioned at the time of the destruction of the 
 city by Alexander Jannaeus {Antf. xiii. 13. 3). In the Eoman 
 period only the chief deity of tlie city, Mamas, was, as his 
 name (id = Lord) implies, originally a Shemitic deity, who was 
 however more or less disguised in a Greek garment.''^ 
 
 A mixture of native and Greek worship is also found at 
 Ascalon, A chief worship here was tliat of 'A(J)po8ltt] 
 oupaviT], i.e. of Astarte as Queen of Heaven, She is mentioned 
 even by Herodotus as the deity of Ascalon, and is still 
 represented on coins of the imperial epoch chieliy as the 
 tutelary goddess of the town.''"^ With her is connected, 
 nay probably at first identical, the Atargatis or Derceto, 
 which was worshipped at Ascalon under a peculiar form 
 (that of a woman with a fish's tail). Her Semitic name 
 (nnyiny, compounded of iny = Astarte, and nnj?) already 
 points out that she is " merely the Syrian form of Astarte 
 blended with another deity " (Baudissin). From this fish- 
 form it is evident, that "the fertilizing power of water" 
 was especially honoured in her,^^ Asclepius Xeovrovxo^ 
 
 '^ Comp, on Marnas besides tlie passages in Marcus Diaconus, Steph. Byz. 
 s.v. Toc^»' ivdsu Kxl TO Toil KpyjTUirjv Aio; Toto »vroi; stveci, ou x.»i k,«.&' 
 hl^»: ty-x'hoiiv Mtupvoii/, ep/n-^vivo/ziuou Kpnrw/it/TJ. Eckhel, Dactr. N^inn. in. 
 450 sq. Stark, Gaza, pp. ^uG-fM). Tlie oldest express testimony to the 
 cult of Maroas are coins of Hadrian with the superscription Mxpi/x ; see 
 Mionnet, v. 5o9. üe gaulcy, pp. 216-218, pi. xi. n. 4. His cult is also 
 met with beyond Gaza. Comp, the in.scription of Kanata in Le Bas and 
 Waddington, Inscriptimis, vol. iii. n. 24128 (Wetstein, n. 183) : Au Mxpux 
 TU Kvptu. With the worship of Marnas as Zii/g KpnTxysu*;; is also con- 
 nected the later Greek legend, that Gaza was also called Mtviix, after Minos 
 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Vü^» and x.v. 'Mi'vuci). Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 580 sq. 
 
 '"* Herodotus, i. 1U5. The coins in Mionnet, v. 523-533; Siippl viii. 
 865-370. De Saulcy, pp. 178-208, pi. ix. and x., and comp. Stark, 
 pp. 258 sq., 590 sq. Th.; identity of the Grecian Aphrodite with Astarte 
 is universally acknowledged. Perhaps even the names are identical ; 
 Aphtoreth and thence Aphroteth might, as Hommel conjectures, have 
 arisen from Ashtoreth (Fleckeisen's Juhrhuchcr für class. PhUoUujic, 1882, 
 p. 170). 
 
 ^'•' On the wor.ship of Derceto in Ascalon, see especially Strabo, xvi. 
 p. 785; Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 23. 81 ; Lucian, De Syria dca, c. 14; Ovid, 
 Mctam. iv. 44-46. The Semitic name upon a Palmyrian inscription 
 and .some coins (see Baudissin, and ou the coins very fully Six in thu
 
 14 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. 
 
 of Ascalon, to whom the Neo-Platonist Proclus composed a 
 hymn, is, as well as these two, to be regarded as an originally 
 Oriental deity .■*° The genuinely Greek deities Zeus, Poseidon, 
 Apollo, Helios, Athene, etc., appear also on the coins of 
 Ascalon.'*^ A temple of Apollo in Ascalon is mentioned in 
 pre-Herodian times, the grandfather of Herod having been, it 
 is said, Hierodule there.*^ 
 
 In Azotus, the ancient Ashdod, there was in the pre- 
 Maccabaean period a temple of the Philistine Dagon, who was 
 formerly also w^orshipped at Gaza and Ascalon.'*^ At the 
 conquest of Ashdod by Jonathan Maccabaeus, this temple 
 was destroyed, and the heathen worship in general extirpated 
 (1 Mace. X. 84, xi. 4). Of its re-establishment at the restora- 
 tion by Gabinius no particulars are known. In any case 
 Azotus also had in this later period a considerable number of 
 Jewish inhabitants (see § 23. I. Xr. 5). 
 
 In the neighbouring towns of Jamnia and Joppa the 
 Jewish element attained the preponderance after the Macca- 
 bi^an age. Joppa is nevertheless of importance to Hellenism, 
 
 Numismatic Chronicle, 1878, p. 103 sqq.). With the worship of Derceto 
 was connected the rehgious honour paid to the dove in Ascalon, on which 
 comp. Philo, ed. Mang. ii. 646 (from Philo's work, de Providentia, in 
 Eusebius, Praep. evang. viii. 14. 16, ed. Gaisford ; from the Armenian in 
 Aucher, Philouis Jadaei sermoues (res, etc., p. 116). On the literature, the 
 article of Baudissin in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 2nd ed. i. 736-740, is worthy 
 of special mention. To the hst here given of the hterature must be added 
 the article on "Derceto the Goddess of Ascalon,'' in the Journal of Sacred 
 Literature and Biblical Record, new series, vol. vii. 1865, pp. 1-20. Ed. 
 Meyer, Zeitschr. der DMG. 1877, p. 730 sqq. Six, Monnaies d'Hierapolis 
 en Syrie (Numismatic Chronicle, vol. xviii. 1878, pp. 103-131, and pi. vi.). 
 llayet, Dedicace a la de'esse Atergatis {Bulletin de correspondance helleniqne, 
 vol. iii. 1879, pp. 406-408). The inscription found in Asty^mlia and 
 given here runs thus : Ayjioxo; kx/ EvTropo; ATupyccTstri xyi6r,Kxv. 
 Atargatis occurs only three times besides in Greek inscriptions. Corp. 
 inscr. Grace, n. 7046. I^e Bas et Waddingtou, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 1890, 
 2588. 
 
 ■•0 Stark, Gaza, pp. 591-593. 
 
 *^ See the coins in Miounet and De Saulcy, as above. Stark, p. 589. 
 
 *' Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 6. 2 ; 7. 11. 
 
 ■*^ See on this temple, Baudissin in Herzog's Real-Encycl, 2ud ed. 
 iii. 460-463, and the literature there cited.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL, 15 
 
 as tlie scene of the myth of I't-iseus and Andromeda ; it was 
 here on the rock of Joppa, that Andromeda was exposed to 
 the monster and delivered by Perseus.^ The myth retained 
 its vitality even during the period of Jewish preponderance. 
 In the year 58 b.c., at the splendid games given by M. 
 .Scaurus as aedile, the skeleton of the sea-monster brought 
 to Rome from Joppa by Scaurus was exhibited.'*^ The per- 
 manence of the myth in this locality is testified by Strabo, 
 Mela, Pliny, Josephus, Pausanias, nay even by Jerome.*^ 
 The Hellenistic legend, according to which Joppa is said to 
 have been founded by Cepheus, the father of Andromeda, 
 also points to it.^''" Pliny even speaks of a worship of the 
 Ceto there,*^ and Mela of altars with the name of Cepheus 
 and his brother Phineus as existing at Joppa.'*'^'* After Joppa 
 was destroyed as a Jewish town in the war of Vespasian, the 
 heathen worship regained the ascendancy there.^^ 
 
 In Caesarea, which was first raised to a considerable city 
 by Herod the Great, we meet first of all with that worship 
 of Augustus and of Borne, which characterized the Roman 
 
 *^ The cailiest mention of Joppa as the place of this occuireuce is founil 
 in Scylax (four centuries B.c.). See Müller, G'cofjr. gr. minores, i. 79 ; 
 comp, in general, Stark, p. 255 sqq., 593 sq. 
 
 *^ Plinins, Hist. Nat. ix. 5. 1 1 : Beluae, cui dicebatur exposita fuisse 
 Andromeda, ossa Romse adportata ex oppido Judaeae Jope ostendit inter 
 reliqua miracula in aedilitate sua M. Scaurus longitudine pedum xl., 
 altitudine costarum Indices elephantos excedente, Spinae crassitudine 
 sesquipedali. On Scaurus, comp, the review of the Roman Proconsols 
 of Syria in vol. i. On the time of his aedileship, Pauly's Encycl. i. 1, 
 2nd ed. p. 372. 
 
 <ß Strabo, xvi. p. 759; .Mela, 11 ; Plinius, v. 13. 69; Joseph. Bdl. Jud. 
 iii. 9. 3; Pausanias, iv. 35. C<; Hicronymus, Comment, ad Jon. i. 3 {0pp. 
 ed. Vallarsi, vi. 394). Most make mention, that traces of Andromeda's 
 chains were seen on the rock at Joppa. 
 
 *"' Steph. Byz. s.v. 'lö-^r-^. 
 
 *^ Plinius, v. 13. 69 : Colitur illic fabulosa Ceto. The name Ceto is indeed 
 only a Latinizing of y-ijTo; (sea-monster) ; comp. Stark, p. 257. 
 
 *"* Mela, i. 11 : ubi Cephea regnasse eo signo accolae adfirmant, quod 
 titulura ejus fratrisque Phinei vetercs quacdara arae cum religione plurima 
 retineut. 
 
 *^ Comp, in general the coin.s in Mionnet, v. 499 ; Dc Saulcy, p. 176 sq. 
 pi. ix. n. 3, 4.
 
 16 § 22. THE STA.TE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 
 
 period. Provinces, towns and princes then vied with each 
 other in the practice of this cult, which was indeed prudently 
 declined by Augustus in Eome, but looked upon with approval 
 and promoted in the provinces.*^ It was self-evident that 
 Herod also could not remain behind in this matter. If a 
 general remark of Josephus is to be taken literally, he 
 " founded Caesarea (Kacaapela, i.e. temples of Ciesar) in 
 many towns.""" Such are specially mentioned in Samaria, 
 Panias (see below) and in Caesarea. The magnificent temple 
 here lay upon a hill opposite the entrance of the harbour. 
 Within it stood two large statues, one of Augustus after the 
 model of the Olympic Zeus, and one of Eome after that of 
 Hera of Argos, for Augustus only permitted his worship in 
 combination with that of Eome.^^ "With respect to the other 
 worships of Caesarea, the coins show a motley variety. In 
 saying this we must certainly take into consideration, that 
 
 ■^ Tacit. Anna!, i. 10, Augustus is reproached nihil deorum honoribus 
 relictum, cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli 
 vellet. Sueton. Aiit/. 59 : provinciarum pleraeque super teinpla et aras ludos 
 quoque quinquenuales paene oppidathn constituerunt. Only in Rome did 
 Augustus decline this worship (Sueton. Avg. 52 : in urbe quidein pertina- 
 cissime abstinuit hoc honore) : a temple was first erected for it there by 
 Tiberius (Tacit. Annal. vi. 45 ; Sueton. Calig. 21). Among the temples to 
 Augustus, which have been preserved, the most celebrated is that at 
 Ancyra, on which comp. Perrot, Exploration archcologique de la Galatie et 
 de la Bithy7iie, etc. (1872), pp. 295-312, planche 13-31. Compare in 
 general on the worship of the emperor, Preller, Römische MytJiologie, 
 p. 770 sqq. ; Boissier, La religion romaine d^ Auguste aux Antonius (2nd ed. 
 1878), i. pp. 109-186 ; Kuhn, Die städt. und hürgerl. Verfassung des vom. 
 Reichs, i. 112 ; Älarquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. iii. (1878) p. 
 144 sqq., and vol. i. (2nd ed. 1881) p. 503 sqq. ; Le Bas et Waddington, 
 Inscript. vol. iii. Illustrations to n. 885 ; Perrot as above, p. 295 ; 
 Marquardt, De provinciarum Romanarum conciliis et sacerdotihus (Ephemeris 
 epigraphica), i. 1872, pp. 200-214 ; Desjardins, Le culte des Divi et le culte 
 de Rome et d'Auguste (Revue Je philologie, de literature et d'histoire 
 ancienues), nouv. serie, iii. 1879, pp. 33-63. I am only acquainted with the 
 latter from Bursian's philolog. Jahresher. xix. 620-622. 
 
 ^o Bell. Jud. i. 21. 4 ; comp. Antt. xv. 9. 5. 
 
 ^' Sueton. Aug. 52 : templa ... in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi 
 6U0 Komaeque nomine recepit. On the temple at Caesarea, Joseph. Bell. Jud. 
 i. 21. 7 ; Antt. xv. 9. 6. Philo also mentions the "Eißxaretov, see Legat, ad 
 Cajum, § 38 fin., cd. Mang. ii. 590,/». The remains of a tcm})le h.ave also
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 17 
 
 these belong for the most part to the second and third 
 centuries, which is of importance in the case of Caesarea, 
 because after the time of Vespasian the Eoman element, in 
 opposition to the Greek, received a considerable reinforcement 
 in the Eoman colony introduced into Caesarea by that 
 emperor. Hence it is to be ascribed to the influence of the 
 Eoman element, that the Egyptian Serapis, who was, as is 
 well known, highly honoured in Eome, occurs so very fre- 
 quently. In general, however, we may transpose to an earlier 
 period also the deities mentioned on the coins. We here 
 find again Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Herakles, Dionysos, Athene, 
 Nike, and of female deities chiefly Astarte, according to the 
 view of her prevailing in Palestine.^^ 
 
 The coins of Dora, which are assignable to a period subse- 
 quent to Caligula, have most frequently the image of Zeus 
 with the laurel.^^ In a narrative of Apion, which is indeed 
 a silly fiction, Apollo is designated the dcus Dorensmm!'^ His 
 worship, which was common in all these towns (comp. Eaphia, 
 Gaza, Ascalon, Caesarea), is to be traced to Seleucid influence. 
 For Apollo was the ancestral God of the Seleucids, as 
 Dionysos was that of the Ptolemies.^^ 
 
 The ancient Ptolcmais (Akko) Avas in the age of the 
 Seleucids and Ptolemies one of the most flourishing of 
 heathen cities (see § 23. I. Nr. 11). Hence we may here 
 assume, even without more special information, an early 
 
 been discovered in Caesarea by the recent researches of Englishmen (^The 
 Survey of We.stern Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 13 sqq., 
 with plan of the town, p. 15). It must, however, remain uncertain whether 
 they are those of the temple of Augustus. 
 
 ^■- Miounet, v. 486-497 ; Snppl. viii. 3;]4-043. Serapis very often. Zeus, 
 n. 53 ; Svppl. n. 43. Poseidon, n. 38. Apollo, n. 6, 12, 13 ; Suppl. n. 
 7, 12, 15. Herakles, n. 16. Dionysos, n. 37, 54, 56. Athene, S}ippl. 
 n. 37. Nike, n. 4; Suppl. n. 6, 8, 20. Asfcirte, n. 1, 2, 7, 18, 24, 51 ; 
 Suppl. n. 9, 10, 11, 45. Still more in De Saulcy, pp. 112-141, 
 pi. vii. 
 
 •" Mionuet, v. 359-362 ; Suppil. viii. 258-260. De Saulcy, pp. 142-148, 
 pi. vi. n. 6-12. Comp, also Eckhel, iii. 362 sq. 
 
 *• Joseph, contra Apion. ii. 9. 
 
 " Stark, Gaza, p. 568 sqq. 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. B
 
 18 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GEXEÜAL. 
 
 penetration of the Greek worship. Upon the autonomic coins 
 of the town, belonging probably to the last decades before 
 Christ (soon after Caesar), is found almost universally the 
 image of Zeus.^'' In the time of Claudius, Ptolemais became 
 a Eoman colony. Upon the very numerous subsequent coins 
 is found chiefly Tyche (Fortuna) ; likewise Artemis, Pluto 
 and Persephone, Perseus with Medusa, the Egyptian Serapis 
 and the Phrygian Cybele." The Mishna gives an account of 
 a meeting of the famous scribe Gamaliel II. with a heathen 
 philosopher in the bath of Aphrodite.^^ 
 
 • Beside the towns on the coast, it was chiefly the districts 
 in the east of Palestine wliich were the earliest and the most 
 completely Hellen ized. It is probable that Alexander the 
 Great and the IJiadochoi here founded a number of Greek 
 towns, or Hellenized towns already existing. Hence arose in 
 early times a series of centres of Greek culture in these parts. 
 Their prosperity was interrupted for only a short time by 
 the cliaotic work of destruction of Alexander Jannaeus. For 
 Pompey already made an independent development again 
 possible to them by separating them from the Jewish realm 
 and combining them probably under the name of Dccajjolis 
 into a certain sort of unity. 
 
 Damascus is reckoned by Pliny and Ptolemy as the chief 
 among these cities of Decapolis. It was an important 
 arsenal even in the time of Alexander the Great. Its 
 Hellenistic character at that period is testified to by coins 
 of Alexander, which were minted there (see § 23. I. Nr. 12). 
 From that time onward it became increasingly a Hellenistic 
 city. At the partition of the great empire of the Seleucids 
 into several portions towards the end of the second century 
 before Christ, it even became for a while the capital of one of 
 
 "« De Saulcy, pp. 1,54-156. 
 
 *'' Mionnet, v. 473-481; Suppl. viii. 824-331. Tyche (Fortuna) 
 frequently. Artemis, n. 29, 39. Pluto and Persephone, u. 37. Perseus, 
 Suppl. n. 19, 20. Serapis, n. 16, 24, 28. Cybele, n. 42. Still more in 
 De Saulcy, pp. 157-169, pi. viii. 
 
 *** Ahoda sara in. 4.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 19 
 
 these smaller kingdoms. As was consequently to be expected, 
 the autonomic and mostly dated coins of Damascus reaching 
 to the commencement of the Eomau Empire, present us with 
 tlie purely Greek deities : Artemis, Athene, Nike, Tyche, 
 Helios, Dionysos. ^^ Upon imperial coins proper the emblems 
 and images of stated divinities are, comparatively speaking, 
 but seldom found. Silenus, the honoured companion of 
 Dionysus and with him Dionysos himself here occur the most 
 frequently; especially in the third century after Christ.^" The 
 Hellenistic legend, which connects him with the foundation of 
 Damascus, also points to the worship of this god.^^ Perhaps 
 his worship both here and in other cities of Eastern Palestine 
 is to be traced to Arabian influence. Eor the principal deity 
 of the Arabians was conceived of by the Greeks as Dionysos.*'^ 
 Upon the Greek inscriptions, which have been preserved in 
 Damascus and its neighbourhood, Zeus is more frequently 
 mentioned.'"^ 
 
 In many of the towns of Decapolis, especially in Kanatha, 
 Gerasa, and Philadelphia, the existing magnificent ruins 
 of temples of the Eoman period still bear witness to the 
 former splendour of the Hellenistic worship in these 
 towns. "^ Of the special worships of the several towns, we 
 have for the most part but deficient information. In 
 Scythopolis, Dionysos must have been specially honoured. 
 
 «" De Saulcy, pp. 30-33. Artemis, n. 2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 14, 21. Athene, 
 n. 2, 8, 14, 15. Kike, n. 11, 12, 22, 23. Tyche, n. 17, 18. Helios, n. 3, 
 21. Dionysos, n. 24, 25. Most also in Mionnet, v. 283 sq. ; Supjil. via. 
 193 sqq. 
 
 60 Mionnet, v. 285-297 ; Snppl. viii. 193-20G. Silenus, n. Gl, 62, 68, 
 G9, 72, 77, 85; Supj^l n. 34, 35, 48. Dionysos, u. 80, 88. The most 
 also in De Saulcy, pp. 35-5G. 
 
 "' Stephanus Byz. s.v. AxccuaKo^. 
 
 62 Herodot. iii. 8. Arrian, vii. 20. Strabo, xvi. p. 741. Origones, contra 
 Cels. V. 37. Hcsych. Lex. s.v. Aovaupr,;. Krehl, Ucbcr die Religion der 
 voridumischen Araber, 18G3, pp. 29 sqq., 48 sqq. 
 
 ''^ Le Bas et AVaddington, Inscrlptioi.'i, vol. iii. n. 1879, 2549, 2550. 
 Zii/; Kspx'Ji/io; (at Deir Kanun on the Nahr Barada). Corp. Inscr. Graec. 
 4520 = AVaddington, n. 2557^^. 
 
 6* See the geographical literature niciitinned in § 23. I.
 
 20 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENEEAL. 
 
 For the town was also called Nysa/^ and this is the mytho* 
 logical name of the place, in which Dionysos was brought up 
 by the nymphs. ^^ The name Scythopolis was also referred 
 mythologically to Dionysos (see § 23. I. Nr. 19). On the 
 coins of Gadara Zeus is most frequently met with, also 
 Herakles, Astarte and other individual deities. ^^ Artemis is 
 depicted on the coins of Gerasa as the Tü-)(rj Fepdacov.'"^ In 
 Philadelphia Herakles appears to have been the principal 
 divinity, Tv^crj ^ikaSeXcfyecov, other individual gods also occur- 
 ring.^^ The coins of the other cities of Decapolis are not 
 numerous, and offer but insufficient material. 
 
 Apart from the coast towns and the cities of Decapolis, there 
 are only two other cities in which especially Hellenism gained 
 an early footing, viz. Samaria and Panias. Alexander the Great 
 is said to have settled colonists in Samaria. In any case it 
 was an important Hellenistic military post in tlie times of the 
 Diadochoi (see § 33. I. Nr. 24). The town was indeed razed 
 to the ground by John Hyrcanus, but the Hellenist rites 
 must certainly have been re-established at its restoration by 
 Gabinius, and have attained still greater ascendancy at the 
 
 *5 Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 18. 74 : Scythopolim antea N^ysam. Steph. Byz. 
 s.v. '^.Kvdö'Tzohii, TLotKuiaTiuifiS "^oKtii >! Nt/acrjjj (1. Nt/aa«) Ko/X>jj '^.vpioe.g. On 
 coins chiefly Nt/ff[«/(yf ?] '2.x.v6o\j7ro'h.trui)'\. 
 
 ^•^ A whole number of towns claimed to be the true Nysa. See Steph. 
 Byz. s.v. (Nvaxi ttö'Kh; -TiroXKai), Pauly's Encycl. v. 794 sq. Pape-Benseler, 
 Wörterhuch der griecli. Eigennamen, s.v. 
 
 6^ Mionnet, v. 323-328 ; Sup2Jl. via. 227-230. De Saulcy, pp. 294-303, 
 pi. XV. 
 
 ^^ Mionnet, v. 329 ; Suppl. viii. 230 sq. De Saulcy, p. 384 sq., pl. xxii. 
 n. 1-2. 
 
 69 Mionnet, v. 330-333. Snppl viii. 232-336. De Saulcy, pp. 386-392, 
 pl. xxii. n. 3-9. The bust of the young Herakles is found with the super- 
 scription Hpux-T^m upon a coin of Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus (see the 
 representation of it in De Saulcy, pl. xxii. n. 7). Upon two others (one 
 of Marcus Aurelius, the other of Commodus) is depicted a vehicle drawn 
 by four horses, with the superscription YLpa.x.'hiiov (Mionnet, n. 77, 80 ; De 
 Saulcy, pp. 390, 391). According to the ingenious suj^position of Eckhel 
 {Doctr. Num. iii. 351), we are to understand by the latter a small statue 
 or sacellum which was on festivals carried in procession. The T^/^n 
 ^t'KuOi'hC^iov upon the coins of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, see De 
 Saulcy, p. 389.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF GÜLTUKE IN GENERAL. 21 
 
 enlargement of the town by Herod the Great, who also here 
 erected a magnificent temple to Augustus. "° On the other 
 worships some further information is furnished by coins 
 attributable to times subsequent to Nero. '^ In Panias, the 
 subsequent Caesarea Fhilippi, the Greek Pan must have been 
 worshipped since the commencement of Hellenic times in the 
 grotto there ; for the locality is in the days of Antiochus the 
 Great already mentioned by the name of to Tldveiov (see § 
 23. I. Nr. 29). The continuance of his worship in later 
 times is also abundantly testified by coins and inscriptions.^' 
 Herod the Great built here as well as in Caesarea Stratonis 
 and Samaria a temple of Augustus."^ Of other deities Zeus 
 is most frequently found upon the coins, some appear singly ; 
 the image of Pan is, however, by far the most prevalent. ''* 
 
 Subsequently to the second century after Christ, Hellenic 
 worship may be proved to have existed in other towns of 
 Palestine also, as Sepphoris, Tiberias, etc. It may however 
 be assumed with tolerable certainty, that it found no favour 
 in them before the Vespasian war. For till then the cities in 
 question were chiefly inhabited by Jews, who would hardly have 
 tolerated the public exercise of heathen worship in their midst. ^^ 
 
 The case was different with the half-heathen districts of 
 Trachonitis, Batanaea, and Auranitis, east of the Lake of 
 Gennesareth. Here too tlie Hellenistic worships probably 
 
 7"> Bdl. Jiul. i. 21. 2 ; comp. Autt. xv. 8. 5. 
 
 " Mioniiet, v. 513-516 ; Siippl. viii. 35G-359. De Saulcy, pp. 275-281, 
 pi. xiv. n. 4-7. 
 
 " The coins in Mionnet. v, 311-315, n. 10, 13, 16, 20, 23 ; Suppl. viii. 
 217-220, n. 6, 7, 8, 10. Others in De Saulcy, pp. 313-324, pi. xviii. ; 
 comp, especially tlie representations of Pan with the flute in De Saulcy, 
 pi. xviii. n. 8, 9, 10. The inscriptions in Le Bas et Waddington, Inscr. 
 vol. iii. n. 1891, 1892, 1893 {=Corp. Inner. Grace, u. 4538, 4537, 
 Addenda, p. 1179). 
 
 " Antt. XV. 10. 3 ; Bell. .hid. i. 21. 3. 
 
 '* See Mionnet and De Saulcy's above-named work. 
 
 '^ That tliere were no heathen temi>les in Tiberius may be indirectly 
 inferred also from Josepli. Vita, 12. For only the destruction of Herod's 
 palace adorned with images of animals is mentioned, not that of heathen 
 temples.
 
 22 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 first penetrated to a wider extent subsequently to the second 
 century after Christ, But the work of Hellenization began 
 with the appearance of Herod and his sons, who gained for 
 culture these hitherto half-barbarous places (see above, p. 4). 
 The worship of Hellenic deities was afterwards admitted. The 
 inscriptions, of which a special abundance has been preserved 
 in these regions, testify to its prevalence from the second to 
 the fourth centuries. The same observation must however here 
 be made as with respect to the Philistine towns, viz. that the 
 native Arabian deities were still maintained beside the Greek 
 gods. 
 
 Among these Dusarcs, compared by the Greeks to Dionysos, 
 takes the fu'st place. His worship in Eoman times is testified 
 chiefly by the games dedicated to him, the "ÄKria Aovadpia 
 in Ädraa and Bostral^ Several other Arabian gods, the 
 names of some of whom are all that is known to us, are also 
 mentioned upon the inscriptions.'^ The Greek deities have, 
 however, the preponderance during this period. Among them 
 by far the most frequently occurring is Zeus/^ and next to 
 him Dionysos, Kronos, Herakles."^ Of female deities the 
 
 ^^ Aovaä.prii in Le Bas et 'Waddington, Inscr. vol. iii. n, 2023, 2312. 
 The Nom. propr. J^ovaocpto^, n. 191G. xi'J'n in de Yogiie, Sijrle Centrale, 
 Inscriptions se'mitiques, pp. 1L3, 120. The "A^t/« Aovaccoi» in ^lionnet, v. 
 577-585, n. 6, 6, 18, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37. The same also in De Saulcy, 
 pp. 375, 365, 369 sq. Comp. Tertullian, Apolog. 24 : Unicuique etiam 
 provinciae et civitati suus deus est, ut Syriae Astartes, ut Arabiae Dusares. 
 Hesych. Lex. s.v. : ^ovaaprtv tov ^lövvuov Nxßu.r»hi. Krehl, Ueber die 
 Religion der vorislamischen Araber (1863), p. 48 sq. Waddington's illus- 
 trations to n. 2023. Mordtmann, Dusares iu Epiphanius (Ztschr. der DMG. 
 1875, pp. 99-106). 
 
 " eexvlptrvi; or 0s«:/3o/o? in Waddington, n. 2046, 2374^ (C. I. Gr. 4609, 
 Addend, p. 1181), 2481. See concerning him "Waddington's illustrations 
 to n. 2046. Ouxacitxdo-j, Waddington, n. 2374, 2374^ vvp) Qaqiu, in de 
 Yogiie, Syrie Centrale, Inscr. se'm. pp. 96, 103. n>X. Allath (a female 
 deity), de Vogue, pp. 100, 107, 119. 
 
 '8 Waddington, n. 2116, 2140, 2211, 2288, 2289, 2290, 2292, 2339, 2340, 
 2390, 2412d (Wetzstein, 185), 2413^ (Wetzst. 179), 2413J (C. /. Gr. 4558), 
 2413k (C. 7. Gr. 4559). Zev; Ti-Kuoc, n. 2484. 
 
 '*> Dionysos, Waddington, n. 2309. Kronos, n. 2375, 2544. Heracles, 
 a. 2413c (Wetzst. 177), 2428.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 23 
 
 most frequent are Athene ^^ and Tyche/^ then Aphrodite, Nike, 
 Irene.^ Finally, the religious syncretism of the subsequent 
 imperial period favoured other Oriental, as well as the ancient 
 native deities. Among these the Syrian Sun-god, who is here 
 adored, now under his Semitic name Avfiov, now under his 
 Greek name "HXlo^, at another under both together, plays the 
 chief part.^ His worship so flourished in Constantine's time 
 also, that a considerable temple could even then be erected for 
 it in Auranitis.^* Nay, the Christian preachers were only 
 able to suppress it, by substituting for him the prophet 
 'HXLa<i^ Besides the Syrian Sun-god, the worship of 
 Marnas of Gaza and the Egyptian deities Ammon and Isis, 
 may also be shown to have been practised.^'' 
 
 Periodical games were often closely connected witli the 
 religious rites. In this department also the predominance 
 of Hellenic customs may be proved by numerous examples. 
 But even here authorities for the Greek period, properly so 
 called, are extremely few. We know, that Alexander the 
 Great celebrated splendid games at Tyre.^^ The TrevraeTrjpLKo^ 
 
 80 Waddington, n. 2081, 2203^ (Wetzst. 16), 2216, 2:308, 2410, 2-153, 
 2461. Also with a local colouring ( Ah'yei Toi^y.ulv;, at Kauatha), u. 2345. 
 
 81 "Waddington, n. 2127, 217G, 24131' to 2413' { = Corp. Inner. Graec. n. 
 4554 to 4557), 2506, 2512, 2514. In the Semitic Tv-/,^ the name of a 
 deity is rendered by ^3 (see Lagarde, Gesammelte Abhandlanrjen, 1866, 
 p. 16. Mordtmann, Zeitsclir. tl. DMG. 1877, pp. 99-101, and comp, the 
 locality near Jerusalem mentioned in the Mishna JV ij, Sahim i. 5). It 
 does not however follow that tlie worship of Tv^n can be traced back to 
 the old Semitic Gail, the wide diffusion of which cannot be proved (comp, 
 Baudissin in Herzog's Real-Encijcl. 2nd ed. iv, 722 sq.). Rather is the 
 Syrian Astarte, with which Tyche is certainly generally connected, to be 
 thought of (so also Mordtmann). 
 
 82 Aphrodite, AVaddington, n, 2098. Nike, n. 2099, 2410, 2413j (C. I. 
 Gr. 4558), 2479. Irene, n. 2526. 
 
 83 Ai;^6t;, Waddington, n. 2441, 2455, 2456. "Hx/oj, n. 2398, 2407. 
 'H?i;o,' dii,; Av,uo;, u. 2392, 2393, 2395. 
 
 8* Waddington, n. 2393. 85 ggg Waddington on n. 2197. 
 
 86 Marnas, Waddington, n. 2412« (Wetzst. 183). Ammon, n. 2313, 
 2382. Isis, n. 2527. Also upon a coin of Kanata in Mionnet, Suppl. viii, 
 225, n. 5. 
 
 8^ Arrian, ii. 24. 6; iii. G, 1. Comp. Plutarch, ylfcx. c. 29. Droysen, 
 Gesch. d. llelknismns (2ud ed.), i. 1. 297, 325.
 
 24 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 a-'ycav held there is incidentally mentioned in the prefatory 
 narrative of the Maccabean rising (2 Mace. iv. 18-20). 
 On the same occasion we learn also that Antiochus Epiphanes 
 desired to introduce the Aiovvaia into Jerusalem (2 Mace, 
 vi. 7). But it is just in the Hellenic towns of Palestine 
 that the celebration of such solemnities during the pre- 
 Eoman period cannot be proved in detail, though from the 
 general character of the age it must evidently be assumed.^^ 
 Not till we come to the Roman period are authorities again 
 abundant. The great importance of public games in imperial 
 times is v/ell koown ; not a provincial town of any conse- 
 quence was without them,^® This was especially the case 
 with those in connection with the cult of the Imperator, the 
 games in lionour of the emperor, which were everywhere in 
 vogue, even in the time of Augustus.^^ In Palestine also 
 they were introduced' by Herod into Caesarea and Jerusalem. 
 Other games of various kinds also existed beside them. Their 
 prevalence in the chief towns of Palestine in the second 
 century after Christ is proved by an inscription at Aphrodisias 
 in Caria, upon which the council and people of the Aphro- 
 disians record the victories gained by one Aelius Aurelius 
 Menander in several contests. Among the games here 
 enumerated are some also which took place in Palestinian 
 towns.®^ In a similar inscription at Laodicaea in Syria, of the 
 
 *8 Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 59-1 sq. 
 
 8Ö Compare on the games in the Koman period, especially Friedländer, 
 Darstellungen aus der SitteiKjescli. Roms, vol. ü. (3rd ed. 1874) pp. 261-622. 
 On their organization and kinds, also Marqnardt, Römische Staatsver- 
 waltung, vol. iii. (2nd ed. 1878) pp. 462-544 (also edited hy Friedländer). 
 
 ^•^ Sueton. Aug. 59 : proviuciarum pleraeque super templa et aras ludos 
 juoque quinquennales paene oppidatim constituerunt. 
 
 ^^ Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. n. 1620'^. The inscription, as is proved 
 by another pertaining to it (n. 1620*), is of the time of Marcus Aurelius. 
 The part which interests us is as follows : — 
 
 Aoe.^xax,ou ß ecfdpuv Trxi/xpxTtUf 
 
 Ji'/ipvröu dvOpoiv 'Kot.vx.pä.'ziv. 
 
 Tvpov dvQpuu TTot.vx.pa.'civ, 
 
 K»ia»psiuu T'/^'j '^rpot.Tuvog dvopau TTCcvKoxriVf 
 
 Ntati' mohiv TSjf '^.oi.y.ccplcc; duopuu 'ttuvkoxtiv
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUP.E IX GENERAL. 25 
 
 beginning of the tliird century after Christ, the victor himself 
 transmits to posterity the victories he obtained. Here too 
 many towns of Palestine are mentioned as the theatres of 
 these victories.^^ Lastly, in an anonymous Descripiio totius 
 orhis of the middle of the 4th century after Christ, are 
 enumerated the kinds of games and contests, for which the 
 most important towns of Syria were then distinguished.^^ 
 From these and other sources the following materials have 
 been compiled.** 
 
 In Gaza a '7rav7]yvpi<i ""Ahpiavi'i was celebrated from the time 
 of Hadrian.^^ A TrayKpariov is mentioned as held there 
 in the inscription of Aphrodisias.^^ The iximmacarii 
 (= irafjbfxd^oi or TrajKpaTiaarat) of Gaza were in the fourth 
 
 '^x.vdjTTO'Ki'j civopoiv 'za.vy.pv.TtVy 
 
 Y»^x'^ ccudpuu TT mux. peer 11/, 
 
 Kxtaocpuxu llccuixOot ß' dvopo'v 'Tzavy^pxrcj^ ... 
 
 4>/?i«öiÄ(p£/o£» T'^j Apoeßiat; dvOpuv '7:ot,vx,pct,rtv. 
 
 ^2 Corp. Inner. Grace, n. 4472 = Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. u. 1839. 
 The date of the inscription is a.D. 221. It mentions among others games 
 at Caesarea, Ascalon and Scythopolis. 
 
 ^3 This originally Greek Descriptio tctlm orhis is preserved in two Latin 
 paraphrases, both of which are given in Jliiller's Geo(jraphi Gracci minores, 
 ii. 513-528. One also in Riese's Geograjihi Latini minores (1878), pp. 104- 
 126. According to the freer but more intelligible version c. 32 runs as 
 follows : lam nunc dicendum est quid etiam in se singulae civitates, de 
 quibus loquimur, habeant delectabile. Habes ergo Antiochiam in ludis 
 circensibus eminentem ; similiter et Laodiciam et Tyrum et Berytum et 
 Caesaream. Et Laodicia mittit aliis civitatibus agitatores optimos, Tyrus 
 et Berytus mimarios. Caesarea pantoiuinios, Ileliopolis choraulas, Gaza 
 pammacarios, Ascalon athletas luctatorcs, Castabala pyctas. 
 
 "* In enumerating the towns I follow the same order as above when 
 treating of the worshij-s. and in § 23. I. The further information may also 
 be given, that the kinds of (jamcs wqvh in general as follows: (1) in the 
 circus (i'TTTTOloofios) the chariot race ; (2) in the amphitheatre the contests 
 of gladiators and fights of wild beasts; (3) in tlie theatre plays, pro- 
 perly so called, to whicii were also added pantomimes; (4) in the stadium 
 gymnastic games — boxing, -wrestling, and running; the latter wore also 
 sometimes held in the circus (Marquurdt, iii. 504 sq.). At the great 
 annual feasts several of these gumts were generally combined. 
 
 "•^ Chron. pancli., ed. Dindorf, i. 474. 
 
 '"' The 'TTotyKpuTiov is the " joint contest," wliich comprises both WTestling 
 (7r«x>i) and boxing (^vv/i^vj). Hence it belongs to the order of gymnastic 
 games.
 
 26 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUllE IN GENERAL. 
 
 century the most famous in Syria.^' Jerome in his Life, 
 of Hilarmi mentions the Circensian games there.^^ A 
 ToXavTiaio^ a'^oav is testified for Ascalon in the inscription of 
 Laodicaea. Its wrestlers {athlelac luctatores, see note 93) were 
 particularly famous. In Caesarea a stone theatre and a large 
 anjphitheatre, the latter with a view of the sea, were built by 
 Herod the Great ; ^^ a arahtov is mentioned of the time of 
 Pilate ; ^'^^ the town must also have had a circus from its 
 commencement, since a ittttcoz/ Sp6fio<i was held (see below) so 
 early as at the dedication by Herod. Even now traces and 
 remains of a theatre are discernible.^^^ All the four species 
 of games having thus been from the first provided for, it follows 
 that all four were in fact celebrated at the dedication by Herod 
 the Great.^"^ From that time onwards they were repeated every 
 four years in honour of the emperor.^°^ These were however 
 of course not the only games held at Caesarea. All the four 
 kinds may also be pointed out singly in later times. 1. The 
 ludi circenscs of Caesarea were in the fourth century after 
 Christ as famous as those of Antioch, Laodicaea, Tyre and 
 Berytus (see note 93). 2, Titus instituted after the termina- 
 
 ^^ See above, note 93. In the text of the second Latin translation of the 
 Dtscr. totius orbis, it is said more fully concerning Gaza : aliquando aufcem 
 et Gaza habet bonos auditorcs, dicitur autem habere earn et pammacliarios. 
 The Latin auditores is nndonbtedly an erroneous translation, perhaps for 
 ciJcpoccy.ciTiy.Qi (see Stark, Gaza, p. 595). 
 
 '•'^ Hieronymus, Vila Hilarionis, c. 20 (0pp. ed. Vallarsi, ii. 22): Sed et 
 Italiens ejusdem oppidi municeps Christianus adversus Gazensem Duum- 
 virum, Marnae idolo deditum, circenses equos nutriebat. 
 
 93 A7itl. XV. 9. 6ßi. ; Bell. Jnd. i. 2L 8. 
 
 loo Antt. xviii. 3. 1 ; Bell. Jiid. ii. 9. 3. 
 
 ^"1 The Survey of Western Pedesline, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, 
 ii. 13 sqq. (with plan of the town, p. 15). 
 
 ^^- Antt. xvi. .0. 1 : x,otTr,y"ys7^x.ii f/Ji/ yxp dycj^/ot /LcovaiKt]; x.ot.1 yvy.vf/.u» 
 xd'Kini^ccruv, 'X»piiTX,iv»>t.ii OS "TTO^.v 'TzT^vjdog fiouofiec^^uv y.xl d/jpiuv, hwüiu Tg 
 opöf/.ov, etc. 
 
 ^"2 The games were celebrated y.arci -TrturuizYtpi^» {Antt. xvi. 5. 1) and 
 hence called 7r:-yrccir-/ipt!cot cc") oii/sg {Bell. Jud. i. 21. 8). According however to 
 our mode of expression these games were held every four years. The same 
 formula are constantly used of all fourth yearly games, the Olympic, the 
 Actian, etc. See the Lexica and the material in the index to the Corp. 
 Inscr. Graec. p, 158, 5.1;.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 27 
 
 tion of the Jewish war ghidiatorial contests and fights of wild 
 beasts, in which hundreds of Jewish prisoners were sacrificed.^''* 
 The Emperor Maximiuus exhibited at the celebration of his 
 birthday animals brought from India and Ethiopia.^°^ 3. 
 Games in the theatre are mentioned in the time of King 
 Agrippa I.^^'' The pantomimi of Caesarea were in tlie fourth 
 century tlie most famous in Syria (see note 93). We must 
 understand indeed of pantomimic games also, what Eusebius 
 says of the games of ]\Iaximinus.^*'" 4. A TrayKpdrtov is 
 mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias, a boxing-match 
 in that of Laodicaea.-^"^ In Ptolemais a gymnasium was 
 built by Herod the Great.^°^^ 
 
 In Damascus also a gymnasium and theatre were built by 
 Herod the Great (see Josephus as before). The existence of 
 a TrayKpa-Tiov there is testified to by the inscription of Aphro- 
 disias, and aeßda/xca (games in honour of the emperor) are 
 mentioned upon the coins since Macrinus.^"'^ liuins of two 
 theatres are still standing at Gadara.^^*' A paufxa^la there 
 occurs on the coins of Marcus Aurelius.^^^ Kanc.tha has 
 besides ruins of its temple those of a small theatre, hewn out 
 in the rock and designated on an inscription as öearpoetSe? 
 whelov}^'^ In Scythopolis traces of a hippodrome are found, 
 and ruins of a theatre are still standing.^^'^ A irwy/cpaTLov is 
 
 !»♦ BelJ. Jii'l. vii. 31. i«^ Euseb. De Martijr. Palaest. vi. 1-2. 
 
 106 Antt. xix. 7. 4 ; 8. 2. On the i,'aiues mentioned in the last passnge, as 
 held in honour of the Emperor Claudius, see above, § 18, i^. fin. 
 
 1"^ De ]\Iartijr. PaJaest. vi. 2 : dvopuv ivrh^vois ricl aoiit-xaKicti; 'Trxpxhö^ovg 
 y^vXiOt-yw/iets roig ipuatv iiiO£iKvv/:cii/uv. See also the note of A'alesius. 
 
 108 "j^jg ^^yf^yj toolc fjlaoe on the occasion of the "Ssoviipiio; ütKouftii/iKog 
 Tlvßtxög (seil, «ywv), i.e. of tlie Pytiiic games dedicated to the Emperor 
 Septimius Sevorus. 
 
 losa Joseph. Btll. Jud. i. 21. 11. 
 
 '"' Mionnet, v. 291 sqq. : Suppl. viii. 198 sqq. De Sanlcy, p. 42 sqq. 
 
 "° See the geographical literature cited in § 23. I. note 179. 
 
 "1 See especially Eckh' 1, Ijuctr. Xum. iii. 348 sqq., also Mionnet, v. 826, 
 n. 38. De Saulcy, p. 299. 
 
 '1- The inscription in Le Bas et Waddiugton, vol. iii. n. 2341. On 
 the building itself, see the geographical literature cited § 23. I. note 214. 
 
 ^" See especially, 7'Jie Survey of Wtstcrn Palcstitie, Memoir.^ by Conder 
 and Kitchener, vol. ii. p. 106 (plan of the liippodrome) and p. 107 (plan
 
 28 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. 
 
 mentioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias, and a raKavTialo^ 
 af^öiv in that of Laodicaea. Among the magnificent ruins of 
 Gcrasa are found those of two theatres and traces of a 
 Naumachia (an amphitheatre erected for battles of ships),-^^* 
 Philadelphia too possesses the ruins of a theatre and of an 
 Odeum (a small roofed theatre)/^^ and a TrayKpariov is men- 
 tioned in the inscription of Aphrodisias. In Caesarea Fanias 
 " various spectacles " (TravToia^ Oecopia';), especially gladiatorial 
 contests and wild beast fights, in which Jewish prisoners 
 were used, were given by Titus after the termination of the 
 Jewish war.^^^ A TrayKpariov held there is mentioned in the 
 inscription of Aphrodisias. On games in the Jewish towns 
 (Jerusalem, Jericho, Tarichea, Tiberias), see the next section. 
 
 Besides the religious rites and games, there is finally a third 
 point which shows how deeply Hellenism had penetrated in 
 many of these towns, viz. that they produced men, who 
 gained a name in Greek literature. Among the coast towns 
 Ascalon is especially prominent in this respect. In Stephanu? 
 of Byzantium {s.v. 'AaKoXwv) are enumerated four Stoic philo- 
 sophers : Antiochus, Sosus, Antibius, Eubius, who were natives 
 of Ascalon. Of these only Antiochus is elsewhere known. 
 He was a contemporary of Lucullus and a teacher of Cicero, 
 and therefore belongs to the first century before Christ, His 
 system is moreover not exactly stoic but eclectic.-'^'^ As gram- 
 marians of Ascalon, Ptolemaeus and Dorotheas, as historians 
 Apollonius and Artemidorus are named by Steph. Byz. The 
 two latter are unknown. Dorotheas is elsewhere quoted, but 
 his date cannot be decided.-^^^ Next to the philosopher 
 
 of the theatre). The theatre is according to Conder (ii. lOG) the best 
 preserved spechneu of Eoman work in Western Palestine, 
 
 ^^* See the geographical literature cited § 23, note 1. 253, 
 
 11^ See the literature cited § 23, note 1. 270. 
 
 "6 Bell. Jud. vii. 2. 1, 
 
 ^" See Pauly's Encykl. i, 1 (2nd ed.), p. 1141 sq., and the literature there 
 cited, especially Zeller. Also Hoyer, De Antiocho Ascalonita, Bonn 
 1883. 
 
 ^^* See Fabricius, Bihlioth. graeca, ed. Harles, i. 511, vi. 365, x, 719. 
 Pauly's Encykl. ii. 1251. Nicolai, GriecJi. Literaturgesch. ii. 381.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 29 
 
 Antioclius, the grammarian Ptolemaeus is best known.^^^ If 
 he was, as stated by Stephen, 'Apia-rdp'x^ov 'yvoopiixo'^, he would 
 belong to the second century before Christ. He is probably 
 however of a considerably later date (about the beginning of 
 the Christian era).^"'' Among the towns of Decapolis Gadara 
 and Gerasa are especially to be mentioned as the birthplaces 
 of distinguished men. Of Gadara was the Epicurean Philo- 
 demus, the contemporary of Cicero, numerous fragments of 
 whose writings have become known through the rolls dis- 
 covered in Herculaneum ; also the epigrammatic poet Meleager 
 and the cynic Menippus, both probably belonging to the first 
 century before Christ. The Greek anthology contains more 
 than a hundred epigrams of Meleager, nay he was himself the 
 founder of this collection. Lastly the rhetorician Theodorus, 
 the tutor of the Emperor Tiberius, was also a Gadarene. All 
 the four are already mentioned in combination by Strabo.^^^ 
 Of Gerasa were, according to Steph. Byz. {s.v. Tepaaa) : 
 Ariston (pt^rojp daTeio<;), Kerykos (aocpcaTi]';) and Plato 
 {uo/xtKo<; pijrcop), all three not otherwise known. 
 
 2. Hellenism in the Jewish RegionP^^ 
 
 In the Jewish region proper Hellenism was in its religious 
 aspect triumphantly repulsed by the rising of the Maccabees ; 
 it was not till after the overthrow of Jewish nationality in the 
 wars of Vespasian and Hadrian, that an entrance for heathen 
 
 ^^^ See Fabricius, Biblioth. gracca, i. 521, vi. 156 sqq. Pauly's Ei)c>jkl, 
 vi. 1, 142. Nicolai, Griech. Litcraturge.sch. ii. 347. Baege, Dc Ptolemaco 
 Ascalonita, 1882; also in DlastrUitiones pliilol. Halenscs, v. 2, 1883. 
 
 120 Comp, on the date of I'toleniy, Baege, pp. 2-6. In Stark, (inza, he is, 
 certainly through inadvertence, transposed to the niicMle of the third 
 century. 
 
 ^-^ Strabo, xvi. p. 759. For further particulars on all four, see the works 
 of Fabricius {Biblioth. grace), Pauly {Encgkl.), Nicolai {Griech. Literatur- 
 gesch.) ; on Philodemus aud Menippus in the works of Zeller and Uebcrwcg 
 on the history of Greek philosophy ; on ^lenippus, \Yildenow, De Menippo 
 Cynico, Ilalis Sax. 1881. 
 
 i-^a Comp, in general Hamburger, Rculcncyclop. für Bibel und Talmud^ 
 2nd Div., article '' Griechenthuui,"
 
 30 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IK GENEEA.L. 
 
 rites was forcibly obtained by the Eoinaus. In saying this 
 however we do not assert, that the Jewish people of those 
 early times remained altogether unaffected by Hellenism. For 
 the latter was a civilising power, which extended itself to every 
 department of life. It fashioned in a peculiar manner the 
 organization of the state, legislation, the administration of jus- 
 tice, public arrangements, art and science, trade and industry, 
 and the customs of daily life down to fashion and ornaments, 
 and thus impressed upon every department of life, wherever 
 its influence reached, the stamp of the Greek mind. It is true 
 that Hellenistic is not identical with Hellenic culture. The 
 importance of the former on the contrary lay in the fact, that 
 by its reception of the available elements of all foreign cultures 
 within its reach, it became a world-culture. But this very 
 world-culture became in its turn a peculiar whole, in which the 
 preponderant Greek element was the ruling keynote. Into 
 the sti'eam of this Hellenistic culture the Jewish people was 
 also drawn ; slowly indeed and with reluctance, but yet 
 irresistibly, for though religious zeal was able to banish 
 heathen worship and all connected therewith from Israel, it 
 could not for any length of time restrain the tide of Hellenistic 
 culture in other departments of life. Its several stages 
 cannot indeed be any longer traced. But when we reflect 
 tliat the small Jewish country was enclosed on almost every 
 side by Hellenistic regions, with which it was compelled, even 
 for the sake of trade, to hold continual intercourse, and when 
 we remember, that even the rising of the Maccabees was in the 
 main directed not against Hellenism in general, but only against 
 the heathen religion, that the later Asmonaeans bore in every 
 respect a Hellenistic stamp — employed foreign mercenaries, 
 minted foreign coins, took Greek names, etc., and that some 
 of them, e.g. Aristobulus I., were direct favourers of Hellenism, 
 — when all this is considered, it may safely be assumed, that 
 Hellenism had, notwithstanding the rising of the Maccabees, 
 gained access in no inconsiderable measure into Palestine even 
 before the commencement of the Eoman period. Its further
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 31 
 
 diffusion was not to any considerable amount promoted by the 
 rule of the Eomans and Herodians, who added to it that 
 Latin element, which makes itself so very apparent especially 
 after the first century of the Cliristian era. For this later 
 age (the first half of the second century after Clirist), tlie 
 ]\Iishna affords us copious material, plainly showing the influ- 
 ence of Hellenism upon every sphere of life. A multitude of 
 Greek and also of Latin words in the Hebrew of the Mishna 
 shows, how it was just Hellenistic culture which had gained 
 an ascendancy in Palestine also. A series of examples may 
 serve to substantiate this in detail also.-^^" 
 
 It is chiefly of course in the department of civil government 
 and military matters that, together with foreign arrangements, 
 we find foreign terms also current. A provincial governor is 
 called |iDjn {i]'ye/jL(öv), a province x"'Jl?Ojn (riyefxovia), the muni- 
 cipal authorities of a town "»anN (j^PXV-^''^' ^^r soldiers in 
 general the Latin niiVJ^ (legiones) is used ; an army is called 
 t<'D"^L2D^< (a-rpaTia), war DID^D (TToXeyLto?), pay N'':dbx (o-^ooviov), 
 a helmet «nop (cassida), a shield D*~in {0vpe6<i)}-'^ In matters 
 of jurisprudence, Jewish traditions were in general strictly 
 adhered to. The law, given to His people b}' God through 
 
 ^-- The comiDilatiou following is for the most part the result of my owu 
 collection. Anton Theodor Hartmann's catalogue of the Greek and Laitin 
 words in the Wi&hna {Thesauri lititjuac hehraicac e 3Iishia aiKjcndi partlcula 
 i. (Kostochii 1825), pp. 40-47, comp. Pt. iii. (182G, p. 95)), a very careful 
 work, though not comjilete as to authorities, has famished me with several 
 needed additions. Comp, also on the foreign words in the Mishna and 
 Talmud, Sachs, Beiirage zur J^prach- und Altertlnam^forsdanuj uns jüdischen 
 (liulleii, Kos. I. and II. 185l'-1854. Cassel in Ersch and Gruber's Enci/cL, 
 Div. ii. vol. 27, p. 28 sq. Adolf Brull, Fremdsprachliche Redensarien und 
 ausdrücklich ids fremdsprachlich bezeichnete Wörter in den Talmuden und 
 Midraschim, Leipzig 1869. Perles, Etj/mologische Studien zur Kunde der 
 rahbinische Sprache und Althertlnimer, Breslau 1871. N. Brull, Frcmd- 
 sjirachliche Wörter in den Talmuden und Midraschim {Jahrb. fur jüdische 
 Gesch. und Literatur, i. 1874, pp. 12.''!-220). 
 
 ^" pDJn, Edujoih vii. 7 ; t^-iJlDjn, O'itlin i. 1 ; "13^^^, Kiddushin iv. 5. 
 
 ^-* ni3VJ?, Kelim xxix. 6; Ohalvth xviii. 10; {<*unL!DX, Kiddushin iv 
 5 ; Diohc, Svta ix. 14 ; Para viii. 9 ; S'-ID^S ("ot X''2£DX), see Levy, 
 JS'c/dicbr. Wiirtcrhuch, s.v., Sanhedrin ii. 4; X^Dp, Sh(dibath vi. 2; Kelim 
 %\. 8; Dnn, Shabhath vi. 4; Sota viii. 1; Aboth iv. II.
 
 32 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEKAL. 
 
 Moses, extended not only to sacred transactions, but also to 
 matters of civil law and the organization of the administration 
 of justice. Here too then the Old Testament was in essential 
 points the standard. We nevertheless meet with Greek 
 terms and arrangements in some particulars in these depart- 
 ments also. The court of justice is indeed generally called r\^2 
 p, but sometimes also pnnniD (avviSptov), the assessors pnn-iD 
 (TTupeSpot), the accuser nirnp {KaTTjyopo';), the advocate D''^piD 
 (•jrapdK\'7]To<;), a deposit '»p^niax {virodrjKrj), a testament 
 ••pwi {SLa6rjK7}), a guardian or steward DlD"nD''DX {e7rirpo'rro<;)}^^ 
 ISTay even for a specifically Jewish legal institution, intro- 
 duced in the time of Hillel, viz. the declaration before a 
 court of justice j that the right to call in a given loan at any 
 time was reserved notwithstanding the Sabbatic year, the 
 Greek expression bnrna {trpoaßokrj) was used.^^^ 
 
 Of other public institutions, games again come first into 
 notice. Pharisaic Judaism has always repudiated the heathen 
 kind of games. Philo indeed says in his work. Quod omnis 
 ■prohus liter, that he was once present at an ä'^oav iray- 
 KpaTiaaTMv, and another time at the performance of a tragedy 
 of Euripides.^^ But what the cultured Alexandrian allowed 
 himself was no standard for the strict legal Palestinians. 
 Even in the period of the Maccabees the building of a 
 gymnasium in Jerusalem and the visiting of the same on 
 the part of the Jews is mentioned as a chief abomination of 
 the prevailing Hellenism (1 Mace. i. 14, 15; 2 Mace. iv. 9-17). 
 And this continued to be the standpoint of legal Judaism.^^ 
 
 ^^^{"mrijD, Sota ix. 11; Kiddushm iv. 5; Sanhedrln i. 5-6; Shehuoth 
 ii. 2 , Middoth v. 4 ; specially abundant in the later Targums, see Buxtorf, 
 Lex. Chald., and Levy, Chald. Wörterb. s.w.— piimD, Joma 1. 1 ; "iirDp 
 and D''^p-ia, Aboth iv. 11 ; '•p^niDX, Glttin iv. 4 ; "p^nn, Moed kalan iii. 3 ; 
 Baba mezia i. 7 ; Baba bathra viii. 6 ; D1S"nD''DS, Shebiith x. 6 ; Bikknrim 
 L 5 ; Pe.tachim viii. 1 ; Gittin v. 4 ; Baba kamma iv. 4, 7 ; Baba bathra iii. 3 ; 
 Sliebuoth vii. 8 ; sanD'^SN (stewardess), Kethuboth ix. 4, 6. 
 
 ^-•^ i'lnmB, Pea iii. 6 ; Shehiith x. 3-7 : Moed katan iii. 3 ; Kethd^oth 
 ix. 9 ; Gittin iv. 3 ; Ukzin iii. 10. 
 
 ^2' 0pp. ed. Mangey, ii. 449 and 467. 
 
 ^2* Aboda sara i. 7 : " Neither bears, lions, nor anything from whicli harm
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 33 
 
 Even Josepbus designates the theatre and amphitheatre as 
 " foreign to Jewish customs." '^' Judaism however was 
 unable, in spite of this theoretic repudiation, to prevent 
 the pageantry of heathen games from developing in the midst 
 of the Holy Land during and after the Herodian period ; and 
 we cannot assume that the mass of the Jewish population 
 denied themselves from visiting them. A theatre and amphi- 
 theatre were built in Jerusalem by Herod, Vvho instituted 
 there as well as at Caesarea games every four years in honour 
 of the emperor.'^*^ The games imply the existence also of a 
 stadium and hippodrome, the latter indeed is once expressly 
 mentioned.^^^ In Jericho where Herod seems to have 
 frequently resided were a theatre, amphitheatre and hippo- 
 drome.^^^ In Tiberias a stadium is incidentally mentioned.^^^ 
 Even so unimportant a town as Tarichea had a hippodrome.^^ 
 The public hatlis and public inns were further arrangements 
 showing the influence of Hellenism. The bath indeed was 
 designated by a purely Hebrew expression TC'?'?- But the 
 name for the director of the bath, |?3 (ßaXavev<;), points to 
 its Greek origin.'^ In the case of the public inns their Greek 
 
 to others might arise, might be sold to the heathen. They may not be 
 helped in building a Basilica, a place of execution (Gradum), a Stadium or 
 Bema. Comp, in general, Winer, Realwörterb. s.v. " Spiele " and the litera- 
 ture there cited. Low, Die Lehensalter in der jüdischen Literatur (1875), pp. 
 291-300. Weber, System der altsyiiaf/Of/alen palästin. Iheologie (1880), p. 
 68: Opinion was everywhere very strict "on the theatre and circus of 
 the heathen." Hamburger, Real-Encydopädie für Bibel und Talmud, Div. 
 ii. article " Theater." 
 
 ^^^ Antt. XV. 8. 1 : dixrpou . . . ecfHpidixrpoi/, Vipio-Trrx y,iv ä.f/.^u rri 
 'TTo'Kvn'Kiiec, rov di Karo, rovg lovixiov ; söov ; ocAy^örpioi' xpri>xi; n yecp 
 
 »ilTilV Kxi hx/ÜXTUV T<Jl(lVTUV i~iOil^tg OV 'TTOtpxZihoTXI. TllC JCWS SaW ill 
 
 these games a ^xvipx KXTx'hvaig ruv ■Tt[/.u(/.i'juv 7:xp xvtoI; iditv. 
 
 '^° Antt.nY. 8. 1. The games at Jerusalem, like those at Caesarea, com- 
 prised all the four kinds : gymnastic and musical games, chariot racing and 
 contests of wild beasts. See the further description in Josephus as above. 
 
 131 Antt. xviü. 10. 2; Bell. Jud. ii. 3. 1. 
 
 132 Theatre, Antt. xvii. 6. 3. Amphitheatre, Antt. xvii. 3. 2; Bell. 
 Jud. i. 33. 8. Hippodrome, xvii. G. 5 ; Bell. Jud. i. 33. 6. 
 
 133 Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 6, iii. 10. 10 ; Vita, xvii. 64. 
 13* Bell. .hid. ii. 21, 3 ; Vita, xxvii. 28. 
 
 ^^* p3, Kelim xvii. 1 ; Sahim iv. 2. Compare on the baths as a heathen 
 DIV. IL VOL. I. C
 
 34 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 name, ^pTJlD (jravhoKeiov or iravho'^elov), already showed them 
 to be a product of the Hellenistic period.'^'' 
 
 Architecture in general and especially in public buildings 
 must be regarded as emphatically a Hellenizing element.^^^ 
 In the Hellenistic towns in the neighbourhood of Palestine 
 this is of course self-evident. They all had their vaov<i, 
 Oearpa, 'yv/jLvdaia, e^€8pa<i, (TTod<t, d<yopd<i, vSaTCOv ela-wyooyd'i, 
 ßakavela, Kpr)va<i and 'jreplcnvka in Greek fashion.^^ But 
 also in Palestine proper, the prevalence of the Greek style — 
 especially since the time of Herod — may be safely assumed. 
 When Herod built himself a splendid palace, there can be no 
 doubt that he adopted for it the Graeco-Pioman style.^^ The 
 same remark applies also to the other contemporary palaces 
 and monuments of Jerusalem. In any case not only were 
 Stadia'**' known in Palestine, — as must be assumed from what 
 has been remarked about the games, — but also Basilica,^*^ 
 
 institution but one permissible to Jews, especially Ahoda sara i. 7, iii. 4. 
 On their diffusion and arrangements, Marquardt, Das Privatlehen der 
 Römer, vol. i. (1879) p. 262 sqq. Hermann and Blümner, Lehrh. der 
 griechischen Privatalterthümer (1882), p. 210 sqq. 
 
 ^^® ^p*131Q, Jebamoth xvi. 7 ; Gittin viii. 9 ; Kiddushin iv. 12 ; Eduj'oth 
 iv. 7 ; Ahoda sara ii. 1. n"'p1ilS (the hostess), Demai iii, 5 ; Jehamoih 
 xvi. 7. Foreign travellers are called N^JD3S< or p^53D^N (^^voi), Demai 
 iii. 1 ; Chullin viii. 2. '•plilQ not unfrequently in the Targums, see 
 Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., and Levy, Chald. Wörterh. s.v. A lyifA6(rioi/ or koivov 
 TTxvloxiov occurs in two inscriptions in the Haurau, Le Bas et Waddington, 
 vol. iii. n. 2462, 2463. The word also occurs, as is well known, in the N. T. 
 (Luke X. 34). See Wetstein, Nov. Test, on Lukex. 34; Hermann and Bliim- 
 ner, Lehrh. der griechischen Privatalterthümer., p. 499 sqq., and the Lexicons. 
 
 137 Comp. Winer, RWB., article "Baukunst." Rüetschi in Herzog's 
 Real-EncycL, 2nd ed. ii. 132 sqq. De Saulcy, Histoire de Vart judaique, 
 Paris 1858. Conder, Notes on Architecture in Palestine {Quarterly Statement, 
 1878, pp. 29-40). Almost all the ruins that remain belong to the non- 
 Jewish towns of Palestine. 
 
 138 See especially the summary of the buildings of Herod, Bell. Jud. 
 i. 21. 11. On Gaza, comp. Stark, 598 sqq. On Berytus, the buildings of 
 the two Agrippas, Antt. xix. 7. 5, xx. 9. 4. On the public buildings, which 
 were everywhere customary in Greek towns, see Hermann and Bliimnor, 
 Lehrh. der griechischen Privatalterthümer (1882), p. 132 sqq. 
 
 ^39 See the description Bell. Jud. v. 4. 4. 
 
 no J1•^J3^;J{ (arx^tov), Baha kamma iv. 4 ; Ahoda sara i. 7 
 
 1*1 '>p^">D3 {ßxdi'hiK'/i), Ahoda sara i. 7 ; Tohoroth vi. 8.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL, 35 
 
 porticoes/^- porches/^^ Tribunes/'** banqueting - halls ^*^ and 
 other buildings after the Graeco-Eoman manner. Even in the 
 temple at Jerusalem the Grecian style of architecture was 
 copiously adopted. It is true that in the temple proper (the 
 vaö'i) Herod could not venture to forsake the old traditional 
 forms. But in the building of the inner fore-court we see the 
 influence of Greek models. Its gates had fore-courts (i^e8pai) 
 within, between which colonnades {arroai) ran along the 
 inside of the walls.^*^ The gate at the eastern side of the 
 outer court had folding doors of Corinthian brass, which were 
 more costly than those covered with gold and silver.^*" Quite 
 in the Grecian style were the colonnades {<noai), which 
 surrounded the outer court on all four sides. Most of them 
 were double {hiTrkal)}-^^ but the most magnificent were those 
 found on the south side. They were in the form of a 
 basilikon (/3ao-/\eto9 arod) ; four rows of large Corinthian 
 columns, together 162 in number, formed a three-aisled hall, 
 the middle aisle of which was broader by a half than the 
 two side aisles and as high again. ^^^ All this does not indeed 
 prove, that the Grecian was the prevailing style for ordinary 
 private houses, nor may this be assumed. Occasionally we 
 
 ^■•^ X3D^*''X (ffTo«), Shekaliin viii. 4; Sukka iv. 4; Ohalolh xviii. 9; 
 Tohoroth vi. 10. 
 
 ^^® imoax (s|^5,5«), Moascrotk iii. 6 ; Eruhia viii. 4 ; Sola viii. 3 ; 
 Tumid i. 3 ; Middoth i. 5 ; Ohaloth vi. 2. The k^eopx is ao open fore-court 
 in front of the house door. See especially Ohaloth vi. 2. 
 
 "* nO"'3 (ßii,ux), Sota vii. 8 ; Alwla sum i. 7. 
 
 ^*^ P^Jp^ia (rpiK-htvos), Erubiii vi. 6; Baba bathra vi. 4; Aboth iv. 16; 
 Middoth i. 6. 
 
 14* The iiihpm are mentioned by this name in the Mishna also {Tamid 
 l 3 ; Middoth i. 5). Comp. BeU. Jud. v. 5. 3 ; also v. 1. bfin., vi. 2. 7, 4. 1 ; 
 Antt. XX. 8. 11. On the aroxt of the inner court, see Bell. Jiid. v. .5. 2 /in., 
 vi. 5. 2 (whore they are decidedly distinguished from those of the outer). 
 
 1*^ Bell. ,/ud. v. 5. 3, init. Comp, also on this gate, Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 3, 
 vi. 5. 3. It was probably identical with the dvpx üpxix mentioned Acts 
 iii. 2. 
 
 "8 Bell. Jud. V. 5. 2, init. ; comp. Bell. Jud. v. 3, and also Philo, De 
 monarchia, lib. ii. § 2. The aroxt are also mentioned in the Mishna under 
 this Greek designation {Shekaliin viii. 4 ; S"kka iv. 4). 
 
 "» Aiitl. XV. 11. 5.
 
 36 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 see also that Phoenician and Egyptian architecture was also 
 found in Palestine.^^° 
 
 Plastic art could, by reason of the Jewish repudiation of all 
 images of men and beasts, find no entrance into Palestine ; and 
 it was only in isolated cases, as e.g. when Herod the Great had 
 a golden eagle brought into the temple, or Herod Antipas placed 
 images of animals on his palace at Tiberias, that the Herodians 
 allowed themselves to defy Jewish views.-^^^ Grecian music was 
 undoubtedly represented at the feasts at Jerusalem and else- 
 where.^''^ The musical instruments of the Greeks, Kidapc^, 
 •^akrr^pLov and avfi^aivia, are, as is well known, mentioned in 
 the Book of Daniel and also in the Mishna.^^^ Of games of 
 amusement dice, N^nip (Kvßela), were, as the name shows, intro- 
 duced into Palestine by the Greeks. They also were repudiated 
 by the stricter Jews.^^* In the matter of wi^iting the influence 
 
 150 Tyrian courts to houses are mentioned Alaaserotli iii. 5 ; Tyrian and 
 Egyptian windows, Baha hathra iii. 6. The Tyrian houses were particu- 
 larly large and elegant, see Strabo, xvi. p. 757, init. ; Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 
 18. 9. 
 
 isi The eagle in the temple, Antt. xvii. 6. 2 ; Bell. Jud. i. 33. 2. The 
 representations of animals on the palace at Tiberias, Joseph. Fita, 12. Repre- 
 sentations of animals are also found upon the remarkable ruins of Aräk el- 
 Emir, north-west of Heshbon, which are evidently identical with the castle of 
 Tyrus mentioned by Josephus in the neighbourhood of Heshbon, the build- 
 ing of which he ascribes to one Hyrcanus of the time of Seleucus IV. 
 {Antt. xii. 4. 11). It is however questionable, whether the castle with its 
 rude figures of animals is not older than Josephus supposes, viz. of pre- 
 Hellenistic origin; see De Vogue, Le Temple de Jerusalem (1864), pp. 37-42, 
 pi. xxxiv., XXXV. Tuch, Report of the Saxon Gesellsch. derWissensch. pMlol.-Mst. 
 CI (1865), pp. 18-36. De Saulcy, Voyage en Terre Sainte (1865), i. 211 sqq. 
 The same in the Memoires de VAcademie des Inscr. et Belles Lettres, vol. 
 xxvi. 1 (1867), pp. 83-117 with pi. viii. Due de Luynes, Voyage d''explora- 
 tion a la mer morte, etc., pi. 30-33. Badeker, Palästina (1875), pp. 320-822. 
 
 ^^2 Herod offered prizes ro7; Iv rri fx-ovamyi ^ixyivo/^suoig x-ot-l öv^i'Ktx.ois 
 xxAovf^si/oi; . . . x.xt ZiiaTTOvaoKJTO -prxur»; rov; iTriuYiiiOTXTOv; ihöuv tTcl 
 TViu öiuiXhxu {Antt. XV. 8. 1). 
 
 15^ Dan. iii. 3, 5, 10, 15. On the several instruments, see especially 
 the article in Gesenius' Thesaurus. N^J1S?0D, also Kelim xi. 6, xvi. 8. On 
 music in general among the Jews, Winer, RWB. ii. 120-125. Leyrer in 
 Herzog's Real-EncycL, 2nd ed. x. 387-398. Low, Die Lebensalier in der 
 jüdischen Literatur, p. 300 sqq. 
 
 ^^* N'21p, Shabhath xxiii. 2 ; Rosh hasliana i. 8 ; Sanhedrin iii. 3 ; Shebuoth
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 3? 
 
 of the Greek and Eomau periods is shown in the words used 
 for pen, Oübp, {KaXafio<;), and writer, '62'? (librarius)}^^ 
 
 But it was in the department of trade, of industry, and all 
 connected therewith, and in that of the necessaries of daily 
 life, that the influence of Hellenism made itself the most 
 forcibly noticeable. By their ancient commerce with the 
 Phoenicians the coast lands of the Mediterranean had already 
 entered into active intercourse with each other.^^'^ While, 
 however, in ancient times the Phoenicians had the preponder- 
 ance as givers, the Orientals now more occupied the position 
 of receivers. At least it was the Graeco-Ptoman element which 
 was now the intermediary and influential factor in the general 
 commerce of the world. This is plainly shown in the trade 
 and commerce of Judaeo-Palestine.^^^ Already are the tech- 
 
 vii. 4. See in general Low, Die Lehensalter, p. 32.3 sqq. Hermann and 
 Blümner, G riech. Privatalterthümer, p. 511 sqq. Marquardt, Dax Pricatlehen 
 der Bömer, ii. 824 sqq. 
 
 ^^^ 0'\übp, Shabbath i. 3, viii. 5. '-fpzh, -^c« ü- *J ; Shahbath i. 3 ; Gitiiri iii. 1. 
 
 ^*^ On the commerce of the Phoenicians, see especially the classic work of 
 Movers {Die Phönicier), the last part of which (ii. 3, 1856) is entirely devoted 
 to this subject. On the influence thereby exerted upon AVestern by Eastern 
 culture, see the literature in Hermann and Blümner, Griechische Privatalter- 
 thümer (1882), p. 41 sq., and in Marquardt, PJas Privatleben der Römer, 
 vol. ii. (1882), p. 378 sq. 
 
 ^*7 On Jewish commerce, see especially Herzfeld, Handehgeschichte der 
 Juden des AUerthums (1879); and for a short account, Winer, RWB. L 
 458 sqq. Leyrer in Herzogs Real-Euc, 2nd ed. v. 578 sqq., xiii. 513 sqq. 
 (art. " Schiffahrt "). De Wette, Lchrb. der hehr.-jüd. Archäologie (Rübiger, 
 4th ed.), p. 390 sqq. Keil, Handh. der hibl. Archäol. (2nd ed. 1875) p. 599 sqq. 
 Hamburger, Real- Encyclopüdie für Bibel und Talmud., Div. ii. art. '• Welthan- 
 del." For an acquaintance with Oriental commerce in general, in the first 
 Century after Christ, one of the most important and interesting authorities is 
 the TLipi-'Kovs T^; ipv6p»g du.'hä.aarti (probably composed by a contemporary of 
 Pliny about 70-75 after Christ). Comp, on the Periplus, especially Schwan- 
 beck, Rhein. Museum, new series, vol. vii. 1850, pp. 321-369, 481-511. 
 Dillmann, Monthly Report of the Berlin Academy, 1879, pp. 413-427. Jurien 
 de la Graviere, Le commerce de VOrient sous les regnes d^Auguste et de 
 Claude (Revue des deux morides, 1883, Nov. 15, pp. 312-355). The text is 
 given in Müllers Geographi Graeci minores, vol. i. 1855, pp. 257-305 (see also 
 the Proleg., p. xcv. sqq.). The separate publication, Fabricius, I'hc Peri- 
 plus of the Red Sea, by an unknown traveller, in Greek and German, with 
 critical and explanatory notes, and a com[)lete glossary of words. Leipzig 
 1883 (in this work is given, pp. 1-27, the rest of the literature).
 
 38 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 nical designations of the commercial class partly Greek. A 
 coru-dealer is called }1D^D {(titcovtjs:), a sole dealer, ^ISJD {jxovo- 
 •jrco\7)<;), a retail dealer, itDi^S (irpaTrip),^'^^ a merchaut's account- 
 book is called Dp:3 {ttlvu^)}^'-' The whole coinage system of 
 Palestine was partly the Phoenician-Hellenistic, partly the 
 entirely Greek or lloman.^*^^ Eeckonings were made in Pales- 
 tine in the time of the Maccabees by drachmas and talents.^*"^ 
 During the period of indej)endence the Asmonean princes 
 certainly issued money of their own, coined according to a 
 native (Phoenician) standard, and with Hebrew inscriptions. 
 But the later Asmoneans already added Greek inscriptions 
 also. Of the Herodians only coins of Eoman values with 
 Greek inscriptions are known. In the period of Eoman 
 supremacy the Eoman system of coins was fully carried out, nay 
 even the Eoman names of coins were then more current than 
 the Hebrew and Greek ones, which were used simultaneously. 
 This is seen by the following comparison of the material 
 afforded by the Mishna and the New Testament.^*^^ (1) The 
 Palestinian gold coin is the Eoman aureus of 25 denarii, often 
 
 iJS pfi^^D, Demui ii. 4, v. 6 ; Baha haihra v. 10; Kclhn xii. 1; ^1330, 
 Demai v. 4 ; Aboda sara iv. 9 ; on anuv/ii and fiovoTrüT^m, see also Heiz- 
 feld, p. 135 sq. "iti7D is in some places = Tr^jAj^Tsjixoy, the place of sale; 
 and Herzfeld (pp. 181, 132) insists on so understanding it in the two 
 passages quoted ; but it is more probably = ^/jät'/j/s (so Hartmann, This, 
 ling. Hebr. e Mischna aug. p. 45). 
 
 ^^'' DpJD) Shabbaih xii. 4 ; Shebiioth vii. 1. 5 ; Abotli ill. 16 ; Ktlim 
 xvii. 17, xxiv. 7. This account-book consisted of two tablets bound together, 
 which could be opened and closed. 
 
 1®" On the Jewish coinage of earlier and later times, see Bertheau, Zur 
 Geschichte der Israeliten (1842), pp. 1-49. Zuckermann, Ueber ialmudische 
 Gewichte und Münzen, 1862. Herzfeld, Metrologische Voruntersuchungen zu 
 einer Geschichte des ibräischen resp. (dtjüdischen Handels, 2 parts, 1863-1865. 
 The same, Handelsgeschichte der Juden (1879), pp. 171-185. Winer, RWB. 
 art, "Gold;" also the articles Denar, Drachme, Stater, Sekel. De Wette, 
 Lehrh. der hebr. -jüdischen Archäol. (4th ed. 1864) p. 251 sqq. The works of 
 De Saulcy, Madden, and others on Jewish coins ; see above, § 2. Hultsch, 
 Griechische und römische Metrologie (1882), pp. 456 sqq., 602 sqq. 
 
 ^''^ Drachmas, 2 Macc. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43. Talents, 1 Macc. xi. 28, 
 xiii. 16, 19, XV. 31, 35 ; 2 Macc. iii. 11, iv. 8, 24, v. 21, viii. 10 sq. What 
 standard is to be assumed in this case must here be left uncertain. 
 
 ^^- On the coins named in the New Testament, see Madden, History
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUItE IX GENERAL. 39 
 
 mentioned in the Mishna under the name of the " gold denarius " 
 (an? njn).^^^ (2) The current silver coin was the denarius 
 {Zrjvdpcov), which is the most frequently named of all coins in 
 the New Testament (Matt, xviii. 28, xx. 2 sqq., xxii. 19 ; Mark 
 vi. 37, xii. 15, xiv. 5 ; Luke vii. 41, x. 35, xx. 24 ; John vi. 7, 
 xii. 5 ; liev. vi. 6). That this Latin designation is familiar 
 to the Mishna is very evident, for it is here almost more 
 frequently mentioned by the expression "i3n than by its 
 Semitic equivalent r^T.^*^^ The denarius being esteemed equal 
 in value to an Attic drachma, calculations were still made by 
 drachmas. Still this mode of computation was no longer 
 frequent.^^^ (3) Of copper coins, the two as piece, or dupon- 
 dius (Hebr. p^JiD), is chiefly meutioued.^*^'^ Such a dupondius 
 is also meant in the saying of Christ, Luke xii. 6, where the 
 Vulgate rightly translates acrcrapiwv hvo ])y dijjondio. (4) The 
 most common copper coin was the as, Greek äaaäpiov (Matt. 
 X. 29 ; Luke xii. 6), Hebr. ids, sometimes expressly designated 
 
 of Jewish Coinage (18G4), pp. 232-248 ; Winer and De "Wette's above- 
 mentioned works. On the Roman coinage, comp, especially the excellent 
 summary in Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. ii. (1876), pp. 3-75. 
 The two chief modern works are Mommsen, Gesch. des römischen Münz- 
 wesens, 1860, and Ilultsch, Griechische mid römische Metrologie, 1882. 
 
 ^"^ an? "in, Maaser sheni ii. 7, iv. 9 ; Shekalim vi. G ; Nasir v. 2 ; 
 ßaha kamma iv. 1 ; Shehuoth vi. 3 ; Meila vi. 4. On the Roman aureus 
 (called also denarius aureus), see Marquardt, ii. 25 sq. ; Hultscli, y>. 308 sqq. 
 That the 2nT "in was equal to 25 denarii appears, e.g., from Keihuboth x. 4 ; 
 Baha kamma iv. 1. 
 
 i<^i "ijn, e.g. Pea viii. 8 ; Demai ii. 5 ; Maaser sheni ii. 9 ; Shekalim 
 ii. 4 ; Beza iii. 7 ; Kcthuhoth v. 7, vi. 3, 4, x. 2 ; Kiddushin i. 1, ii. 2 ; 
 Baha mezia iv. 5 ; Arachin vi. 2, 5, and elsewhere. T^t, -^«a viii. 8, 9 ; 
 Jama iii. 7 ; Kethuboth i. 5, vi. 5, ix. 8 ; Gittin vii 5 ; Kiddushin iii. 2 ; 
 Baba kamma iv. 1, viii. 6 ; Balia bathra x. 2. 
 
 ^'^'^ lpuxfi>i, Luke XV. 8 sq. ; Joseph. Vita, 44. In both pa3.sages, however, 
 drachmae of Tyrian value may be intended ; comp, below, note 172. 
 
 ICC pi-ij-12, Pea viii. 7 ; Shehiith viii. 4 ; Maaser sheni iv. 8 ; Erubin 
 viii. 2 ; Baha mczia iv. 5 ; BaJiu bathra v. 9 ; Shebuoth vi. 3 ; Kelim 
 xvii. 12 (in the last expressly named as the Italian pondion (''pi5t2"'K |V*1J12). 
 From Baba bathra v. 9, it is evident that & lyondion ^tv^o asses, as is also 
 expressly noticed in the Talmud {jer. Kiddushin 58*^ ; lab. Kiddushin 12a ; 
 Lightfoot, Ilorae hebr. on Matt. v. 26, 0pp. ii. 288 sq.). The pondion i3 
 therefore without doubt the Roman diipoudiu.'<, as Guisius on Pea viiL 7 
 (in Surenhusius' Mishna L 7) has remarked.
 
 40 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. 
 
 as the Italian as, "'p^t2"'N "IDS'.^*'^ It amounted originally to one- 
 tenth, but after the second Punic war (b.c. 217), to only 
 one-sixteenth of a denarius. ■^^^ (5) The smallest copper coin 
 was the nciiD, amounting to only the eighth of an as}^^ It 
 was unknown to the Eoman system of coinage, its name too is 
 Semitic. The Xeirrov however which occurs in the New Testa- 
 ment (Mark xii, 42 ; Luke xii. 59, xxi. 2), and is, according 
 to Mark xii. 42, the half of a quadrans, is identical with it. 
 Coins of this size are in fact found in the period of the later 
 Asmoneans and single ones in the Herodian-Komish period.^'** 
 It is however striking, that both in the Mishna and the New 
 Testament reckonings are made by this smallest portion of the 
 as, and not by the semis (half as) and quadrans (quarter as), 
 while the latter were then coined in Palestine also, and indeed 
 more frequently than the Xeinov}^^ The mode of reckoning 
 seems, according to the latter, to have come down from pre- 
 Eoman times, but to have remained in use even after the 
 introduction of the Eoman valuation. The coins issued in 
 the Phoenician towns, especially in Tyre, which were in cir- 
 culation in Palestine even when no more were made according 
 to this standard, differed in value from the Eoman coins.^'^ 
 
 ^^'' ''p^D^X IDS, KiddusMn i. 1 ; Edtijotk iv. 7 ; Chidlln iii. 2 ; Mik- 
 waolh ix. 5. On -|DS in general, e.g. Pea viii. 1 ; Shebiith viii. 4 ; Maase- 
 roth ii. 5, 6 ; Maaser sheni iv. 3, 8 ; Erubin vii. 10 ; Baha mezia iv. 5 ; 
 Baha hathra v. 9. 
 
 168 Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 16. 
 
 169 nD1"l3> Kiddushin i, 1, ii. 1, 6; Baha kamma ix. 5, 6, 7 ; Baha mezia 
 iv. 78 ; Shebuoth vi. 1, 3 ; Edujoih iv. 7. That it amounted to the eighth 
 of the as is said Kiddushin i. 1 ; Edujoth iv. 7. 
 
 1'" See Mailden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 301. 
 
 ^''1 See Madden, as above. The seinis and quadrans are not to my knoAv- 
 ledge mentioned in the Mishna, but first occur in the Jerusalemite and 
 Babylonian Talmud. In the New Testament indeed the quadrans (xoS- 
 potvT/is) is twice mentioned. But in one passage (Mark xii. 42) the words 
 iariu KoapxvTni are only an explanation on the part of the evangelist ; in 
 the other (Matt. v. 26) the expression xoBsä^t«? was probably inserted by 
 the evangelist in place of "hiTnöu offered by his authority, and preserved by 
 St. Luke (xii. 59). The authorities therefore of our Gospels mention only 
 the XfXToV, as the Mishna mentions only the noilS. 
 
 1^2 The coins of Plioenician valuation were somewhat lighter than the
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUltE IN GENEKAL. 41 
 
 That which applies to money, the medium of commerce, 
 applies also to its objects. Here too we everywhere come upon 
 the track of Greek and Eoman names and matters.^ ''^ At the 
 same time we must not overlook the fact, that Palestine with 
 her abundance of natural products made on her part large 
 contributions to the commerce of the world; the produce of 
 her soil and her industrial commodities went into all lands 
 and were some of them world-famed.^^* But whether the 
 
 Rüman ; see Hultsch, Griech. und rum. Metrologie, p. 594 sqq. A uö^nri/.» 
 Tvpiou, of the value of 4 drachmae, is mentioned by Joseplius, Bell. Jnd. ii. 21. 
 2 ; comp. Vita, 13, s. fin. The liopxxi^ov (Matt. xvii. 24) and the arxryip 
 (=4 drachmae. Matt. xvii. 27) are coins of this valuation: for the temple 
 tribute, as well as those generally prescribed in the A. T., were dis- 
 charged according to Tyrian valuation (Mishna Bechoroth viii. 7 ; Tose/ta 
 Kethuhoth xii. fin.), because this corresponded to the Hebrew ; comp. 
 Hultsch, pp. 604 sq., 471. When Josephus states the value of the v6f<.iaf<,x 
 Tvpiov to have been 4 Attic drachmae, this is but an approximate valuation, 
 for the Tyrian tetradrachmon was somewhat lighter than the Attic (Hultsch, 
 595 sq.). 
 
 ^^2 On the commercial commodities of antiquity, see especially Marquardt, 
 Das Privatlehen der Römer, vol. ii., Leipzig 1882 (2nd ed. of the römischen 
 Privatcdterth'umer, vol. ii.). Karl Friedr. Hermann and II. Blümner, Lehrh. 
 der griechischen Privatalterlhümer, Freiburg 1882. Biichsenschütz, Die 
 Hauptstätten des Geiverhßeisses im klassischen Alterthuma, Leipzig 1869. 
 Ou the products of Egypt in particular, Lumbroso, llecherches sur 
 Veconomie politique de I'Egypte sous les Lagides, Turin 1870. On the arts of 
 the Restoration, Blümner, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und 
 Künste hei Griechen und Römern, vols, i.-iii., Leipzig 1875-1884. The 
 Edictam Diocletiani de jiretiis rerum (1st ed.) given — (1) by Mommsen in the 
 reports of the Saxon Scientific Sociel)/, phil.-hi.^t. CI. vol. iii. 1851, pp. 
 1-80, with Appendix, pp. 383-400 ; (2) by AYaddingtou in Le Bas et Wad- 
 dington, Inscr. vol. iii., Explications, pp. 145-191; (3) by Mommsen in 
 Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. iii. 2, pp. 801-841, is a copious source of informa- 
 tion concerning goods. I quote from Waddington's edition. 
 
 ^^* On the commercial commodities of Palestine, see Movers, Die 
 Phönicier, ii. 3 (1856), pp. 200-235; Herzfekl, llamlebgesch. der Juden, ])p. 
 88-117; Blümner, Die gewerhliche 'Ihiitigkeit, etc., pp. 24-27. A survey of 
 the chief commodities in the fourth century after Christ is given in the 
 Totius 07'his descriptio in Midler, Gcograjdii gr. minores, ii. 513 sqq. c. 29 • 
 Ascalon et G<aza in negotiis eminentes et abundantes omnibus bonis mittunt 
 omni regioni Syriae et Aegypti vinum optimum ... c. 31: Quoniam ergo 
 ex parte supra dictas descripsimus civitates, necessarium mihi videtur, ut 
 etiam quidnam unaquaeque civitas proprium habeat exponamus, ut qui 
 legit, certain eorum seien tiam habere possit. Scythopolis igitur, Laodicia, 
 Byblus, Tyrus, Berytus omni mundo linteamen emittunt ; Sarepta vero,
 
 42 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUKE IN GENERAL. 
 
 commodities were produced in the land or introduced from 
 abroad, they equally bore in large proportion the impress of 
 the prevalent Hellenistic culture ; the produce of the interior 
 was regulated by its requirements, while just the objects 
 which were the fashion in all the world were those which 
 were imported into Palestine.^"^ 
 
 A series of examples from the three departments of (1) 
 provisions (2), clothing and (3) furniture may serve as a 
 further illustration. Of foreign provisions, e.g., there were 
 known in Palestine Babylonian sauce (nn«), Median beer 
 (13?^), Edomite vinegar (K^in) and Egyptian zythos (Dinn)."* 
 Also other Egyptian products, viz. fish,"^ mustard, kürbis, 
 
 Caesarea, Neapolis et Lydda pui-puram praestant ; omnes auteni fructiferae 
 vino, oleo et frumento ; Nicolaum vero palmiilam invenies abuiidare in 
 Palaestina regione, in loco qui dicitur Hiericho, similiter et Damasci minores 
 palmulas, sed utiles, et pistacium et omne genus pomorum. Especially 
 famous was the linen manufacture of Scythopolis. In the Edictum Dioci. 
 c. xvii.-xviii., the linen goods of Scythopolis stand first as the most expen- 
 sive. See also Jer. Kiddushui ii. 5: ]a^ n"'3D fXnn D^^H jn^i'S ''^3, 
 Movers, ii. 3, 217 sq. Herzfeld, p. 107. ^larquardt, Das Privatleben der 
 Römer, ii. 466. Büchsenschütz, p. 61. Blümner, Die gewcrhl. Thütigkeit, 
 p. 25. The Mishna too assumes, that Galilee carried on chiefly the manu- 
 facture of linen, and Judea on the contrary that of woollen goods {Baha 
 kamma x. 9). Hence there was a wool-market at Jerusalem. 
 
 '^''^ On imported articles, see also Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte, pp. 117-129. 
 
 176 AU four are mentioned, Pesachini in. 1, as examples of provisions, 
 which are prepared from kinds of grain and have gone through a process of 
 fermentation. On the Egyptian i^äog (a kind of beer, Hebr. Dinn, not 
 Din'':, see Levy, Nenheh: Wörterbuch, s.v.), comp. Thcophrast. de caus. 
 plant, vi. 11. 2. Diodor. i, 34. Plinius, xxii. 164. Strabo, xvii. p. 824. 
 Digest, xxxiii. 6, 9. Edict. Diucletiani, ii. 12. Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. s.v. 
 "Waddington'ß explanations to the Edict. Diocl. p. 154. Pauly's Encykl. 
 s.v. cerevisia. Marquardt, Privatleben der Römer, ii. 444. Hermann and 
 Blümner, Griech. Privatleben, p. 235. Hehn, Kidtnrpflanzen und Hausthiere 
 (3rd ed. 1877), p. 136 sq. Schleusner's Lexicon in LXX. s.v. and the 
 Lexicons generally. It also occurs in the Greek translations of the Old 
 Testament Isa. xix. 10. 
 
 1'^ Machshirin vi. 3. Pickled fish {rccpt'-^rt), which are produced in 
 large quantities in different places in Egypt, and formed a considerable 
 article of exportation, are intended (Blümner, Die gewerbl. Thätigkeit, etc., 
 pp. 14, 17. Lumbroso, Recherchcs, p. 133. The expositors of Num. xi. 5). 
 A large number of places on the Egyptian coast had the name of Tuoixicn 
 from this branch of industry (Steph. Byz. s.v.). See, concerning its wide 
 diffusion, Marquardt, Privativen der Römer, ii. 420 sqq., and the chief
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 43 
 
 beans, lentils.^'* Likewise Ciliciau groats/^'* ]]ithynian cheese,^*" 
 Greek pumpkins/^^ Greek and Eoman hyssop/-- and Spanish 
 kolias.^^^ From abroad came also, as their foreign names 
 show, e.g. asparagus, lupines and Persian nuts.^^'* Very 
 widely diffused in Palestine was the custom of salting fish or 
 pickling them in brine, as the name of the town Tapf^^eac on 
 the Lake of Gennesareth and the frequent mention of brine 
 {mimes) in the Mishna prove.^*'^ The foreign origin of this 
 custom also is evident from its foreign name. 
 
 Of materials for dress and garments of foreign origin the follow- 
 ing are mentioned: Pelusian and Indian linen and cotton fabrics,^^ 
 
 work there cited, viz. Köhler, T»pr^o; ou recherclics sur I'ldstoire et Ics 
 antiquites des peclieries de la linssie meridionale (^Memoires de V Academic 
 imp. des sciences de St. Pctnshom-g., vi. Serie, vol. i. 1832, pp. ,"47-490). 
 ^'^ Mustard (t5"mn), Kilajim i. 2. Pumpkins (nj/^'q), Kilajim i. 2, 5. 
 
 Beans (713), Kilajim i. 2, ii. 11, iii. 4; Shchiith ii. 8, 9; Shahhatli ix. 7; 
 Nedarim vii. 1, 2. Lentils (□''t^'ty), Maascroth v. 8 ; Kdim xvii. 8. 
 
 Egyptian lentils were known also in Kome, see Pliuius, xvi. 201 ; Marquai-dt, 
 ii. 410. Their cultivation in Egypt is of ancient date, see Hehn, Kultur- 
 pflanzen und Haustliiere (3rd ed.), p. 188. 
 
 ^^' '•p^'^P Onj, Maascroth v. 8; Kelim xvii. 12; Necjaim vi. 1. 
 
 180 ips>jni nj^33, Ahoda sara ii. 4 (for thus we should here read, accord- 
 ing to the best authorities, instead of the corrupt ''P'"''J1S D^l Dr^j). 
 Bithynian cheese is also spoken of, Pliuius, xi. 241 : trans maria vero 
 Bithynus fere in gloria est. 
 
 ^^^ n'':i'' n]}bl, Kilajim \. .0, ü. 11 ; 0?-/rtiii. 7 ; Ohahlh viii. 1. 
 
 ^*- IV 31TN and '»Dil 31T^<, Ncgaim xiv. 6 ; Para xi. 7. Tlie former also 
 Shahhatli xiv. 3. 
 
 ^^^ pDDSn D''"'p"lp, Shahhatli xxii. 2 ; Machshiiiii vi. 3. The colias is a 
 kind of tunny -fish (see concerning it Plinius, xxxii. 146 ; Marquardt, ii. 422 
 and the Lexicons). It was of course salted for commerce and was like the 
 Spanish Txpixog everywhere well known (Marquardt, ii. 421 ; Bliinnicr, pp. 
 130-135). 
 
 ^** Asparagus (D1J1DDX, oLcT^xpocyoi)., Nedarim vi. 10. Lupines (DIDTlH, 
 6£pf4,oi), Shahhath xviii. 1 ; Machshiriii iv. G ; 'Ithul join. i. 4. Persian 
 nuts ('"pDiaX, Hipatx.'i)), Kilajim i. 4 ; Maascroth i. 2. In both places, as 
 the context shows, not peaches, but Persian nuts are meant, on which 
 comp. ^larquardt, ii. 411. 
 
 ^85 D^^i^^, Terumoth xi. 1 ; ,/oma viii. 3 ; Nedarim vi. 1 ; Ahoda sara ii. 4 ; 
 Kelim x. 5. 
 
 18« The garments worn by the high priest on the Day of Atonement 
 were, according to .Joma iii. 7, made of both materials. In the morning 
 he wore the pDI^^Q, in tlie afternoon the pTiljn (whether these were of
 
 44 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUllE IN GENEHAL. 
 
 Cilician haircloth,^®^ the saguvi (ciio), the dalmatica (p''P"'D?dW;, 
 the 'paragandiun (ni3"is), the stola {r\'h\2^^)}^ the hand- 
 kerchief (pmiD, (Tovhcipiov)}^ the felt hat (;v^Q, irikiov), 
 the felt socks (s^bsoN, ifiTriXia), the sandals (biJD), of which 
 the Laodicean ("»pn^ hi:D) are mentioned as a special kind.'^^ 
 
 linen or cotton is not shown by these designations). The fine linen 
 of Pclusium was famous; see Plinius, xix. 1. 14: Aegyptio lino minimum 
 firmitatis, plurimum lucri. Quattuor ibi genera : Taniticum ac Ptlusia- 
 cuni, Buticum, Tentyriticum. Movers, ii. 3. 318. Büchsenschütz, 62 sq. 
 Blümner, Die geicertdiche Thüti;/keit, p. 6 sqq., especially 16. — Indian 
 materials (öd6i.(ov''lvlix.6v, oSörfi^lvliKTi, (iivö6vsi''lvöix.oii) are e.g. also frequently 
 mentioned in the Periplus maris Erytiaaei (see above, note 157) as articles 
 of commerce (§ 6, 31, 41, 48, 63). Probably cotton goods are to be under- 
 stood. See Marquardt, ii. 472 sq. Fabricius, Der Periplus des erythräischen 
 Meeres (1883), p. 123, and Brand's article, " Ueber die antiken Kamen und 
 die geographische Verbreitung der Baumwolle im Alterthum " (18G6), 
 quoted in both these two works. 
 
 ^^^ "'P^V' ^'^t'lim xxix. 1. — Ciliciuni was a cloth made of goat's hair, and 
 used for very various purposes (coarse cloaks, curtains, covers, etc.). See 
 Marquardt, ii. 463; Büchsenschütz, 64 ; Blümner, 30. If then St. Paul was 
 a uK/iuoToiog of Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts xvin. 3), his calling was closely 
 connected with the chief manufacture of his native place. In the Mishna 
 ^ph'^p is called "felt" (Filz), e.g. matted (yerßlzics) hair on the beard, 
 chest, etc. (^Mikwaotli ix. 2). 
 
 188 Q-ijD, Kdim xxix. 1 ; Mikiraoih vii. 6. |1''p^Ct3^*7, KHaj'm ix. 7. 
 "IIJIQ, Sliekalim iii. 2 ; Kelim xxix. 1. rivüVX, Joma vii. 1 ; Giltin vii. 5. 
 For particulars respecting this piece of clothing, see Marquardt, ii. 584 sq., 
 563 sq., 536 sq. AVaddington, explanations to the Edict. Dioclet. pp. 175 sq., 
 182, 174 sq. Moramsen, Reports of the Saxon Scientific Society, jdtil.-hist. 
 CI. iii. 71, 391. — The sagum was a mantle which left the arm at liberty, and 
 was therefore especially worn by soldiers and artisans. The three others are 
 different kinds of underclothing (hence in the Armenian translation of the 
 Bible paregot more frequently occurs for ^nüu ; see Lagarde, Gesammelte 
 Abhandtun gen, 1866, p. 209 sq.). The dalmatica is also mentioned in 
 Epiphan. Haer., when speaking of the garments of the scribes. 
 
 1S9 p-niD, Shahbalh iii. 3 ; Joma vi. 8 ; Sanhedrin vi. 1 ; Tamid vii. 3 ; 
 Kelim xxix. 1. In the New Testament, Luke xix. 20; John xi. 44, xx. 7; 
 Acts xix. 12. Much matter concerning it is also found in Wetstein, Nov. 
 Test, on Luke xix. 20, and in the Lexicons. 
 
 190 pi^a, Kelim xxix. 1 ; Nidda viii. 1. X''^SIDN, Jehamoth xii. 1 ; Kelim 
 xxvii. 6 (comp. Marquardt, ii. 486 ; Waddington, p. 164 ; Mommsen, p. 71), 
 ^*73D, e-g- Shabbath vi. 2, 5, x. 3, xv. 2 ; Shekalirn iii. 2 ; Beza i. 10 ; 
 Mtgilla iv. 8 ; Jehamoth xii. 1 ; Arachin vi. 5. The sandal-maker was 
 called "i^njD, Jehamoth xii. 5 ; Kethuboth v. 4; Ahoth iv. 11 ; KeVnn v. 5. 
 See on sandals in general, Marquardt, ii. 577 sq. ; Hermann and Blümner, 
 Griechische Privatalterthümer, pp. 181, 196. ^pnS SliD, Kelim xxvi. 1.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CÜLTÜEE IX GENERAL. 45 
 
 A series too of technical expressions in the department of 
 manufactured articles testifies to the influence of Greek 
 models. The spun thread is called sö^3 (vi]fj,a), a certain 
 aiTangement of the loom DTi^p (/catpo?)/^^ the tanner ^D"in 
 {ßvp(76i)<i)}^ Of raw materials, hemp {e.g. DUjp, Kavvaßo^, 
 Kuwaßa) was first introduced into Palestine by the Greeks.^"^ 
 Domestic utensils of foreign, especially of Greek and Roman 
 origin, are everywhere plentiful. Of Egyptian utensils, a 
 basket, a ladder, and a rope are mentioned,^^* also a Tyrian 
 ladder,'®^ Sidouian dishes or bowls.'^*' Of Greek and Eoman 
 utensils we find the bench (ijDDD, suhsellium), the arm- 
 chair (xiinp, KudeSpa), the curtain (p^^i, velum), the mirror 
 (X"'">Sp2DN, specidaria), the Corinthian candlestick.^^''' For 
 eating and drinking, e.g. the plate (N^uipDX, scutella), the 
 bowl ("»yQ, <f)(,äXr]), the table-cloth (nsD, maijpd)}^^ For cases 
 
 Which liaodlcea is meant cannot be ascertained, probably the Phrygian, 
 which was famed for its manufactures {Edict. JJiocL; Marquardt, ii. 460 ; 
 Büchsenschütz, p. 65 ; Blümner, pp. 27, 28). The Syrian Laodicea was 
 chiefly famous for its linen manufacture (Edict. Diocl. xvii.-xviii. ; Mar- 
 quardt, ii. 466 ; Büchsenschütz, p. 61 ; Blümner, p. 26). 
 
 ^^' Nö^i, Eruhin x. 13; Shekalim viii. 5; KelimsSx. 1, xxix. 1; N'egaimxi. 
 10. DITp, Shahbath xiii. 2; Kelim xxi. 1. Comp, on the kxIoo^, especially 
 Blümner, Technolofjie und Tcrminvloyie der Gewerbe xind Künste, i. 126 sqq. 
 
 ^•'^ "'DIU, Kethuboth vii. 10. ""pDnn (the tan-yard), Shabbath i. 2 ; Baba 
 huthra ii. 9. 
 
 ^^^ 0133 p, Kilajim v. 8, ix. 1,7; Nefjaim xi. 2. On the comparatively late 
 diffusion of hemp, see Hehn, Kulturpflanzen u. Ilausthicre (3rd ed.), p. 168 sq. 
 
 !'••* Basket (nS'^aa), Shabbath xx. 2; Sota ii. 1, iii. 1; Kelim xxvi. 1. The 
 reading also of Tebuljum. iv. 2 is certainly Hw'^Ba instead of n2^D3. Ladder 
 (D^D), Baba bathra iii. 6 ; Sabim iii. 1, 3, iv. 3. Rope (^3n), Sota i. 6. 
 
 ^*^ Baba bathra iii. 6 ; Sabini iii. 3. 
 
 *^ß Kelim iv. 3. D'^DIp, comp, the Biblical nop. Glass vessels are 
 certainly meant ; for the making of glass vessels formed in Roman times a 
 main branch of Sidonian industry. Plinius, //. N. v. 19. 76 : Sidon artifex 
 vitri. Hermann and Blüinner, Griech. Privatalterthiimer, p. 437 sq. 
 Marquardt, Privatleben, ii. 726. 
 
 ^^' /"DSD, Baba bathra iv. 6 ; Sanhedrin ii. \,fin.; Kelim ii. 3. xxii. 3; 
 Mikwaoth v. 2 ; Sabim iv. 4. ©omp. Marquardt, ii. 704. {<-nnp, Kithuboth 
 V. 5 ; Kilim iv. 3, xxii. 3 ; Marquardt, ii. 705. p^^i, Kelim xx. 6, xxiv. 13. 
 N^l^pBDX, Kelim xxx. 2. Corinthian candlesticks in the possession of 
 King Agrippa, Joseph. Vit<i, 13. 
 
 »'•'S N^3u, Shabbath xxi. 3 ; Beza i. 8 ; Moed katan iii. 7 ; Edujoth iii. 9
 
 46 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENERAL. 
 
 of all kinds the most common designation is |Tn, drjKt}}^ 
 Special kinds of wooden vessels are the cask or box (nsip, 
 cnpa), the wine-barrel (dd''D, 7rt^o?),^°° the chest (sopDl^J, 
 yXwa-aoKo/jLov), the small chest (KiDDp, KafjuTrrpa), the casket 
 (XDDp, caiKci), the sack (!)1i'"iD, fjiapa-inriov).-'^^ 
 
 The stock of Greek and Latin words in the Mishna is far 
 from being exhausted by the specimens quoted. They suffice 
 liowever to give a vivid impression of the full adoption of 
 Western manners and customs even in Palestine in the 
 second century after Christ. The influence of the Greek 
 language reached still farther. For even in cases where the 
 introduction of Western productions and notions is not treated 
 of, we meet with the use of Greek words in the Mishna. The 
 air is called T'IK (aT^p),^"^ the form DSlü (tütto?), the sample or 
 pattern NO*n {Selyfia),-^^ an ignorant, a non-professional, or a 
 private individual oinn {l8i,cÖT'r]<;), a dwarf D3: {vdvvo^), a 
 robber D''t2D^ (XrycrTj??).^"* For the notion " weak " or " ill " 
 
 (s!'3ü elsewhere means a marble slab in the floor, Sota ii. 2, Middotli i. 9, 
 iii. 3, or a tablet with pictures, Rosli hashana, ii. 8). X?ü1pDX, Moed kataii 
 ii. 7 ; Kelim xxx. 1. >*5^3, Sota ii. 2 ; Marquardt, ii. 632. nso, Berachoth 
 viii. 3 ; Marquardt, ii. 469. 
 
 ^^^ p'TI, Shabbath xvi. 1 ; Ktlim xvi. 7, 8. 
 
 -^^ nsip (any round hollow vessel, cask, basket, box), Pea viii. 7 ; Demoi 
 ii. 5 ; Shabbath viii. 2, xviii. 1 ; Shekalim iii. 2 ; Keihitboth vi. 4 ; Kelim 
 xvi. 3 ; Ohaloih vi. 2 ; Machshirai iv. 6, vi. 3. DtO'S (more correctly 
 DIT'S), Baba mezia iv. 12 ; Baba bathra vi. 2 ; Kelim iii. 6 ; Marquardt, ii. 
 45, 626 sq. Hermann and ßlümner, Privatalterthümei\ p. 162. 
 
 -"^ XDpDI^J, Gittin iii. 3 ; Baba mezia i. 8 ; Meila vi. 1 ; Ohaloih ix. 
 15. According to the latter passa.ae a coffin might have the form of a 
 y'hua^wjy.ryj or a Ku.y.iv'Tti». The LXX. (2 Chron. xxiv. 8, 10, 11) put 
 y'hmtjiy-oyio'j for pis. bi the New Testament (John xii. 6, xiii. 29) y'husao- 
 y^fjuov is a money-box. See on all these meanings, Wetstein, Nov. Test, on 
 ,Tohn xii. 6, and the Lexicons. NItSJDpi Kelim xvi. 7 ; Ohaloth ix. 15. XDSp, 
 Kdim xvi. 7 ; Marquardt, ii. 705 sq. 5]1V"1D, Shabbath viii. 5 ; Kelim xx. ]. 
 
 ^"^ "CIX, Shabbath 3 ; Chagiga i. 8 ; Kethuboth xiii. 7 ; Gittin viii. 3 ; 
 Kinnim ii. 1 ; Ktlim i. 1, ii. 1, 8, iii. 4, and elsewhere ; Ohaloth iii. 3, iv. 1 ; 
 Sabim v. 9. 
 
 203 DB1Ü, c-g- the different shapes of the loaf (^Demai v. 3, 4), or the shape 
 in which the loaf was baked {Menachoth xi. 1), or the holder for the 
 Tephillin (Kelim xvi. 7), or the formula for the bill of divorcement {Gittin 
 iii. 2, ix. 5). XOJn, Shabbath x. 1, a specimen of seeds. 
 
 -'04 j3i>in used very frequently in the most different relations, eg. of a
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENEIIAL. 47 
 
 the Greek expression D'':t2DN {acrd€Vi]<;) for steep D"ist:p 
 (KaTa(f)€p')]<;) is used.^"^ The employment also of Greek and 
 Latin proper names is pretty frequent even among the lower 
 classes and the Pharisaic scribes. Not only were the aristo- 
 cratic high priests, who were on friendly terms with the 
 Greeks, called Jason and Alexander (in the Maccabeau 
 period), Boethus and Theophilus (in the Herodian period), 
 not only did the Asmonean and Herodian princes bear the 
 names of Alexander, Aristobulus, Antigoniis, Herod, Archelaus, 
 Philip, Antipas, Agrippa, but among men of the common 
 people also, as the apostles of Christ, names such as Andrew 
 and Philip appear. And in the circles of the Eabbinical scribes 
 we find an Antigonus of Socho, a R Dosthai ( = Dositheus), a 
 E. Dosaben Archinos (for such and not Harkinas was the Greek 
 name of his father), E. Chananiah ben Antigonus, E, Tarphou 
 (=:Tryphon), E. Papias, Symmachus. Latin names also were 
 early naturalized. The John ]\Iark mentioned in the New 
 Testament was, according to Acts xii. 12, a Palestinian ; so too 
 was Joseph Barsabas, whose surname was Justus (Acts i. 23). 
 Josephus mentions besides the well-knowm Justus of Tiberius, 
 also e.ff. a Niger of Pera^a.^^"^ 
 
 But all that has been said does not prove that the Greek 
 language also was familiar to the common people of Palestine. 
 However large the number of Greek w'ords which had pene- 
 trated into the Hebrew and Aramaic, an acquaintance with 
 
 layman as distinguishcfl from a professional craftsman {Moed katan i. 8, 
 10), or of a private in<livi(lual in distinction from a ruler or official 
 (Xedarhn v. 5 ; Sanhcdrhn x. 2 ; Gittin i. 5) ; also of ordinary priests as 
 distinguished from the high priest {Jeiamoth ii. 4, vi. 2, 3, 5, vii. 1, ix. 1, 
 2, 3). DJ3, Bechoroth vii. G, and in the proper name DJ3 p [lyotJ') Bikkurim 
 iii. 9 ; Shdbhath xvi. 5, and elsewhere ; also of animals (Para ii. 2) and 
 objects (Tamid iii. 5 ; Middoth iii. 5). D'tOD^, usually in the plural 
 D^ÜD^, Berachoth i. 3 ; Pea ii. 7, 8 ; Shabbath ii. 5 ; Pemchim iii. 7 ; 
 Naair vi. 3 ; Baha kanuna vi. 1, x. 2. 
 
 -"^ D^3DDS. Berachoth ii. 6 ; ./own iii. 5. DIEUp, Ohaloth iii. 3 ; 
 Tithoroth viii. 8, 9. 
 
 -'"5* Compare in general, Hamburger, Real- E7icijd. für Bibel und Talmud, 
 Div. ii., article " Namen."
 
 48 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 
 
 Greek by the mass of the people is not thereby proved. In 
 fact, it must be assumed, that the lower classes in Palestine 
 possessed either no knowledge, or only an insufficient one of 
 Greek. When the Apostle Paul wanted to speak to the 
 people in Jerusalem, he made use of the Hebrew (Aramaic ?) 
 tongue (Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2). When Titus during the 
 siege of Jerusalem repeatedly summoned the besieged to 
 surrender, this was always done in Aramaic, whether Titus 
 commissioned Josephus to speak, or spoke in his own name by 
 the help of an interpreter.^"^ Thus the incidental knowledge 
 of Greek on the part of the people was in any case by no 
 means an adequate one. On the other hand it is probable, 
 that a slight acquaintance with Greek was pretty widely 
 diffused, and that the more educated classes used it without 
 difficulty.^°^ Hellenistic districts not only surrounded 
 Palestine on almost every side, but also pushed far into the 
 interior (Samaria, Scythopolis). Constant contact with them 
 was inevitable. And it is not conceivable, that this should 
 continue without the diffusion of a certain amount of know- 
 ledge of the Greek language in Palestine also. To this must 
 be added, that the country, both before and after the 
 Asmonean period, was under rulers, whose education was a 
 Greek one : first under the Ptolemies and Seleucidse, then 
 
 206 Joseph. Bell Jud. v. 9. 2, vi. 2. 1. Interpreter, Bdl Jud. vi. 6. 2. 
 If it sometimes appears as though Titus had spoken directly to the people 
 (^Bcll. Jud. V. 9. 2, vi. 2. 4), we see from the latter passages that this is 
 only in appearance, and that Josephus had to interpret his speech (^Bell. 
 Jud. vi. 2. 5, init.). 
 
 2*"^ The question respecting the diffusion of Greek in Palestine has been 
 much discussed both in ancient and modern times. The copious literature is 
 recorded in Hase, Lehen Jesu, § 29, note b. Credner, Einleitung in das Nene 
 Testament, p. 183. Volbeding, Index Dissertationum quibus singnli Jiistoriae 
 N. T. etc. loci illustrantur (Lips. 1849), p. 18. Danko, Historia Revelationis 
 divinae Nov. Test. (Vindob. 1867) p. 216 sq. Of more modern times, Hug, 
 Ei7Ü. in die Schriften des N. T. (4th ed. 1847) ii. 27-49. Rettig, 
 Epliemerides cxegetico-tJieolorjicae fasc. iii. (Gisste 1824) pp. 1-5. Thiersch, 
 Versuch zur Herstellung des histor. Standpuncts (1845), p. 48 sqq. Roberts, 
 Discussions on the Gospels, Cambridge and London 1864, Macmillan & Co. 
 (571, p. 8). Delitzsch, Saat und Uofnung, 1874, p. 201 sqq.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENEItAL. 49 
 
 under the Herodians and Eomans ; nay some even of the 
 Asmoneans promoted Greek civilisation. The foreign rulers 
 too brought with them into the country a certain amount of 
 elements moulded by Greek training. We know of Herod 
 especially, that he surrounded himself with Greek literati 
 (see § 1 5). There were foreign troops in the land ; Herod 
 had even Thracian, German and Gallic mercenaries.^^^ The 
 games given by Herod at Jerusalem brought not only foreign 
 artists, but spectators from abroad into the holy city.^*^^ But 
 the most numerous concourse of strangers took place at the 
 cfreat annual Jewisli festivals. The thousands of Jews, who 
 came on these occasions from all parts of the world to Jeru- 
 salem, were for the most part both in language and education 
 Hellenists. And not only Greek Jews, but actual Greeks, i.e. 
 proselytes, came at the Jewish feasts to Jerusalem to sacrifice 
 and worship in the temple (comp. John xii. 20 sqq.). We 
 must conceive of the number of such proselytes, who made 
 annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem, as something considerable. 
 Again many Jews, who had received a Greek education 
 abroad, took up their permanent abode at Jerusalem, and 
 even formed there a synagogue of their own. Hence we find 
 at Jerusalem in the times of the apostles a synagogue of the 
 Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians, Cilicians, and Asiatics 
 (Acts vi. 9 ; comp. ix. 20), in which it is uncertain whether one 
 congregation or five are spoken of.^°^^ In Galilee the larger 
 towns had probably a fraction of Greek inhabitants. We know 
 this for certain of Tiberias,"^'' not to speak of the mainly non- 
 Jewish Caesarea Philippi. Together with this strong penetra- 
 tion of the interior of Palestine by Greek elements, there 
 must have been not infrequently the necessary acquaintance 
 with the Greek tongue. And single traces actually point to 
 
 20« Antt. xvii. 8. 3. 209 Antt. xv. 8. 1. 
 
 209a A. synagogue of the Alexandrians at Jerusalem is also mentioned, 
 Toscfta Megilla iii., ed. Zuckermandel, pp. 224, 26 ; Jcr. Mcr/illa 73^ (in 
 Lightfoot, Florae on Acts vi. 9). 
 
 210 Joseph. Vita, 12. 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. D
 
 50 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUItE IN GENERAL. 
 
 this. For while the Asmoneans had their coins stamped with 
 both Greek and Hebrew inscriptions, the Herodians and 
 Eomans coined even the money intended for the Jewish region 
 proper with merely Greek inscriptions ; and it is known from 
 the gospel history that the (undoubtedly Greek) inscription 
 upon the coins of Caesar could be read without difficulty at 
 Jerusalem (Matt. xx. 20 sq. ; Mark xii. 16 ; Luke xx. 24)."^^ 
 The statement of the Mishna, that even in the temple certain 
 vessels were marked with Greek letters, is certainly supported 
 there by only one authority (11. Tomael), while according to 
 the prevailing tradition the letters were Hebrew."^^ When 
 further it is determined in the Mishna that the writing of 
 divorcement might be in the Greek language also,^^^ and that 
 the Holy Scriptures might be used in the Greek translation,-^* 
 both these permissions may refer to the Jewish Dispersion 
 beyond Palestine. The notice on the contrary, that at the 
 time of the war of Titus (or more correctly Quietus) it was 
 forbidden to any one to have his son instructed in Greek,^^^ 
 presupposes, that hitherto that which was now prohibited had 
 taken place in the sphere of Eabbinic Judaism.^^^^ Nor can 
 the circumstance be otherwise explained, than by a certain 
 familiarity with Greek, that in the Mishna the names of Greek 
 letters are often used for the explanation of certain figures, 
 e.g. ''3 for the explananation of the figure X, or ^^^3 for the 
 explanation of the figure F.-^^ 
 
 From the commencement of the Koman supremacy the 
 Latin was added to the Greek language and culture. But 
 Latin, as in all the eastern provinces, so also in Palestine, 
 attained no wide diffusion till the later imperial period. In 
 the first centuries the Poman officials in their intercourse with 
 
 ^'^ Comp, the representation of such a denarius as Jesus probably liad iu 
 His hand, in Madden's History of Jewish Coinage, p. 247. 
 
 -1- Shckalim iii. 2. ^^^ Gittin ix. 8. 
 
 21* Megilla i. 8. 215 i^^f^ ix. 14. 
 
 "i-'ii Comp, on the general position of Kabbinical Judaism to Greek edu- 
 cation, Hamburger, Real-Encycl., 2nd Div., art. " Griechenthum." 
 
 216 '»3, JllenachoiJi vi. 3 ; Kclim xx. 7. X?3S' Middoth iii. 1 ; Kelim xxviii, 7
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IX GENERAL. 51 
 
 provincials exclusively employed the Greek language. It was 
 only in ofificial documents, inscriptions, and the like, that 
 Latin was, from the time of Caesar, also adopted. Thus e.g. 
 Caesar commanded the Sidonians to set up in Sidon upon a 
 brazen tablet his decree for the appointment of the Jewish 
 high priest Hyrcanus II. in the Greek and Roman languages 
 (Antt. xiv. 10. 2). Another official decree of the same period 
 was in like manner to be set up in the Eoman and Greek 
 tongues in the temples of Sidon, Tyre, and Ascalon {Antt. 
 xiv. 10. 3). Mark Antony commanded the Tyrians to set 
 up in a public place a decree issued by him in Greek and 
 Latin {Antt. xiv. 12. 5). In the temple at Jerusalem there 
 were placed at intervals on the enclosure {8pv(f)aKTo<;), beyond 
 which a nearer approach to the sanctuary was forbidden to 
 Gentiles, tablets {ar^Xat) with inscriptions, which announced 
 this prohibition partly in the Greek and partly in the Latin 
 language (Bell. Jud. v. 5. 2, vi. 2. 4). The superscription also 
 over the cross of Christ was written in Hebrew, Greek, and 
 Latin (John xix. 20). Beyond such official use Latin had not 
 advanced in Palestine, in the early times of the Eoman 
 supremacy. 
 
 3. Position of Judaism loith respect to Heathenism, 
 
 The more vigorously and perseveriugly heathenism con- 
 tinued to penetrate into Palestine, the more energetically did 
 legal Judaism feel called upon to oppose it. On the whole 
 indeed the advance of heathen culture could not, as has been 
 shown, be prevented. But for that very reason the lines of 
 defence against all illegality were only the more strictly and 
 carefully drawn by the vigilance of the scribes. Extreme 
 vigilance in this direction was indeed a vital question for 
 Judaism. For, if it was not to succumb in the struggle for 
 existence, in which it was engaged, it must defend itself with 
 the utmost energy against its adversary. But the anxiety 
 with which the struggle was carried on infinitely increased
 
 52 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEKAL. 
 
 the danger which was to be guarded against, and which was 
 in fact victoriously encountered. For the greater the subtilty 
 with which casuistry determined the cases, which were to be 
 regarded as a direct or indirect pollution through heathen 
 customs, the more frequent was the danger of incurring it. 
 Hence the course of events placed the pious Israelite in an 
 all but unendurable position. He was in almost daily contact 
 with heathenism, whether with persons or with goods and 
 matters which «sought and found entrance into Palestine in 
 the way of trade and commerce. And the zeal of the scribes 
 was continually increasing the number of snares, by which 
 an Israelite who was a strict adherent to the law might incur 
 uncleanness through heathen practices. 
 
 Two points especially were not to be lost sight of in guard- 
 ing against heathen practices — (1) heathen idolatry and 
 (2) heathen non-observance of the Levitical law of unclean- 
 ness. With respect to both the Pharisaism of the scribes 
 proceeded with extreme minuteness. (1) Por the sake of 
 avoiding even an only apparent approximation to idolatry, the 
 Mosaic prohibition of images (Ex. xx. 4 sq. ; Deut. iv. 1 6 sq., 
 xxvii. 15) was applied with the most relentless consistency.^^'^ 
 To suffer anything rather than the setting up of the statue of 
 Caligula in the temple was indeed quite right.^^^ But pictorial 
 representations in general, such as the trophies in the theatre 
 in the time of Herod,^^^ or the eagle at the gate of the temple,^^*' 
 were also repudiated. When Pilate marched his troops into 
 Jerusalem with the eagles of the legions, a regular tumult 
 took place.^^^ Vitellius took his troops by an indirect course 
 from Antioch to Petra for the sole reason of not polluting 
 the sacred soil of Judah by the Eoman eagles.^^^ And at 
 the outbreak of the war, the first thing to be done in 
 
 217 Comp. Winer, RWB., art. " Bildnerei." Rüetschi, art. " Bilder," in 
 Herzog's Real-Encycl, 2nd ed. ii. 460 sqq. Wieseler, Beiträge zur richtigen 
 Würdigung der Ew. p. 84 sqq. 
 
 «18 Antt. xviii. 8 ; BeU. Jud. ii. 10. ^ig jintt. xv. 8. 1, 2. 
 
 220 Amt. xvii. 6. 2 ; Beü. Jud. i. 33. 2. 
 
 « 21 Aiitt. xviii. o. 1 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 2, 3. 222 Antt. xviü. 5. 3.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. 53 
 
 Tiberias was to destroy the palace of Antipas, because 
 it was adorned with images of animals.^^^ It seems indeed, 
 that coins with the image of tlie emperor were circulated in 
 Judaea (Matt. xxii. 20, and parallel passages); but the coins 
 issued there were not, from considerate forbearance, so 
 stamped.^^* When the famous scribe Gamaliel II. justified his 
 visit to the baths of Aphrodite at Akko (Ptolemais) by saying, 
 that the image of Aphrodite was there because of the baths, 
 and not the baths because of the image of Aphrodite,^"^ this 
 was a kind of consideration by no means generally recognised 
 as valid in the sphere of legalistic Judaism. To obviate the 
 danger of a direct or indirect encouragement of idolatry, or 
 any kind of contact therewith, an Israelite was forbidden to 
 transact business with Gentiles, to lend to, or borrow anything 
 from them, to make them payments, or receive payments 
 from them during the three days preceding, and, according to 
 E. Ismael, also the three days following any heathen festival,^^^ 
 while on the festival itself an Israelite was to hold no kind of 
 intercourse in the town.^"'^ All objects, which miglit even 
 possibly be connected with idolatrous worship, were forbidden. 
 Thus heathen wine must not only be made no use of, because 
 it might possibly have been offered as a libation, but it was 
 also forbidden to derive any profit from it.^"'^ If wood had 
 been taken from an idol grove all use of it was prohibited. 
 If the stove had been heated by it, the stove must be broken 
 to pieces, if it were still new ; but if it were old, it must be let 
 to cool. If bread had been baked with it, not only the eating, 
 but every use of it was forbidden. If such bread were mixed 
 with other bread, U(j use of it was allowed. If a weaver's 
 
 "3 Vita, 12. 
 
 224 Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, v. 82 sq. Madden, History of Jewish 
 Coinage, pp. 134-153. De Saulcy, Ninnismatiqiic dc la Tcrre Sainte, p. 
 69 sqq., pi. iii. and iv. 
 
 225 Aboda sara iii. 4. 22c y[l,oda sara i. 1, 2. 227 Ahoja sara i. 4. 
 
 228 Aboda sara ii. 3 ; comp, also the Geniara (Aboda Sara, or tlie wor- 
 ship of idols, a tract from the Talmud, translated by Ferd. Christian Ewald, 
 2nd ed. 1868, p. 213 sqq., especially 221 sqq.).
 
 54 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENEEAL. 
 
 shuttle were made of such wood, its use was forbidden. If a 
 garment had been made of the stuff woven therewith, all use 
 of the garment was forbidden. If this garment had been 
 mixed among others, and these again among others, the use 
 of all was forbidden.-^^ 
 
 If all this sufficiently provided for the separation of 
 Judaism from heathenism, it was still further inculcated by 
 the notion, that a Gentile — as a non-observer of the laws of 
 purification — was unclean, and that consequently all inter- 
 course with him was defiling ; that further, for the same 
 reason, even the houses of the heathen, nay all objects 
 touched by them, — so far as these were receptive of Levitical 
 uncleanness, — were to be regarded as unclean.^^*' When it is 
 said (Acts x. 28), that a Jew might have no intercourse with 
 a heathen (adeficrov ia-riv dvBpl ^lovSaim KoWaadat rj 
 irpoaep^eaOat äWo(fiv\a)), this must not indeed be misunder- 
 stood to the extent of supposing that there was an absolute 
 prohibition of all intercourse, yet it does mean that ceremonial 
 uncleanness was incurred hy such intercourse. All Gentile 
 houses were as " such unclean.^^* jNIerely to enter them 
 was to become unclean (John xviii. 28). All articles 
 belonging to Gentiles and of a kind susceptible of Levitical 
 uncleanness, were unclean, and needed before using some 
 kind of purification. "If any one buys kitchen utensils of 
 a Gentile, he must dip what is to be purified by dipping ; 
 boil what is to be boiled and heat in the fire what is to be 
 heated; spits and gridirons are to be made red-hot; knives need 
 only be sharpened and they are clean." ^^^ Apart from this 
 
 229 Ahoda sara iii. 9. 
 
 23" Comp, also on what follows, Weber, System der altsynagogalen palii- 
 stinisclien Theologie (1880), p. 68 sqq. 
 
 231 Ohaloth xviii. 7. Comp. Kirchner, Die jüdische Passahfeier und Jesu 
 letztes Mahl (Progr. of the Duisburg Gymnasium, 1870), pp. 34-41. 
 Delitzsch, Talmudische Studien, xiv. The uncleanness of Gentile houses 
 according to Jewish notions is testified to in the N. T. (Zcitsch: für luth. 
 Theol. 1874, pp. 1-4). Schürer on (pxyih to -Trxaxx, John xviii. 28, 
 akademische Festschrift (1883), p. 23 sq. 
 
 2''2 Ahoda sara v. 12.
 
 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUliE IN GENERAL. 55 
 
 nncleanness, which so many objects might contract by iise on 
 the part of Gentiles, there were lastly many heathen products, 
 which could not be used by Jews, because in their production 
 the Jewish laws, especially those relating to the distinction 
 between clean and unclean, had not been observed. Partly 
 lor the former, partly for the latter reason, the most ordinary 
 provisions, if coming from the heathen, were not to be eaten 
 by Jews, who were only allowed to use them by buying and 
 selling. This was especially tlie case with milk milked by a 
 heathen without an Israelite seeing it, also with the bread 
 and oil of the heathen.^^^ Neither could a strictly legal 
 Israelite at any time sit at meat at a Gentile table (Acts 
 xi. 3 ; Gal. ii. 12). Hence Israelites travelling in foreign 
 countries were in very evil case, and, if they wanted to be 
 exact in their observance of the law, had to restrict themselves 
 to vegetable raw materials, as e.g. certain priests, friends of 
 Josephus, who having been brought as prisoners to Eome 
 lived there upon nuts and tigs.""' 
 
 To all the reasons here stated, wliich made intercourse 
 with the heathen and their abode in the Holy Land a heavy 
 burden to an Israelite, who was faithful to the law, was added 
 an entirely opposite and doctrinal view, which caused the 
 rule of strangers in the land of Israel to be felt as a glaring 
 contrast between the ideal and reality. For the land was the 
 property of the chosen people. None but Israelites could be 
 landowners therein. Even the lettinrj of houses and fields to 
 the heathen was, according to the theory of the scribes, for- 
 bidden.^^^ And what with such views must have been their 
 
 -^' Ahoda sara ii. 6. With respect to oil, see Joseph. And. xii. 3. 1 ; 
 Bdl. Jud. ii. 21. 2 ; Vita, 13. Ou the motives, see the Geniara {Ahoda 
 .sara, translated by Ewald, p. 247 sqq.). Milk e.g. was forbidden, because 
 there might possibly be mixed with it milk from unclean animals ; oil, 
 because it might (at least according to one authority) have contracted nn- 
 cleanness from unclean vessels. Talmudic authorities are not always clear 
 even concerning the motives. See the discussions in the Gemara as above. 
 
 ^"* Joseph. Vita, 3. 
 
 2'^ .{hoda .sara 1. 8. The letting of ticlds was still more strictly forbidden
 
 56 § 22. THE STATE OF CULTUEE IN GENERAL. 
 
 feelings at finding the heathen really in possession — if not 
 privately yet politically — of the whole land ? Under such 
 circumstances we can understand, that the question, whether 
 it were lawful for a faithful Israelite to pay tribute to Caesar 
 at all, would be one of serious consideration (Matt. xxii. 
 15-22 ; Mark xii. 13-17 ; Luke xx. 20-26). 
 
 Thus circumstances present us with a peculiar double 
 picture: a yielding to the influence of heathen customs 
 together with the erection of the strongest wall of partition 
 against them. So far as the actual purpose of the latter 
 was a defence against heathenism in its religious aspect, 
 its aim was certainly attained. In other respects, however, 
 heathen culture was not restrained by it, but only made a 
 burdensome oppression to Israelites. 
 
 than that of houses, since in the former case not only was the possession of 
 the soil delivered up to Gentiles, but tithe was not paid on the produce.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. SANHEDRIM. HIGH PRIEST. 
 I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS 
 
 The Literature : 
 
 Noris, Annus et epochae Sijromacedonum in vetustis urhium Syriae nummis 
 praesertlm Mediceis expositae (Florence 1689). I cite from the Leipsic 
 edit. 1696. 
 
 Belley, Supplements aux Dissertations du Cardinal JVoris sur les ^poques des 
 Syro-MacMoniens, in the Me'moires de V Academe des Inscriptions et 
 Belles-Leltres, ancient series, vols. xxvi. xxviii. xxx. xxxii. xxxv, Paris 
 1759-1770. 
 
 Eckhel, Doctrina numorum vricrum. Vol. iii. Vindob. 1794. 
 
 Mionnet, Description de medailles antiques. Vol. v. Paris 1811. Supple- 
 ment. Vol. viii. Paris 1837. Recueil des planches. Paris 1808. 
 
 De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Description des monnaics auto- 
 nomes et imperiales de la Palestine et de V Arabic Pe'tr^. Paris 1874. 
 
 Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismus. 2nd ed. 3 parts in 6 half vols. 
 Gotha 1877-1878. 
 
 Stark, Gaza und die phil'istüische Küste. Jena 1852. 
 
 Kuhn, Die .städtische und bürgerliche Verfassung des römischen Reichs bis auf 
 die Zeiten Justinians. 2 parts. Leipzig 1864-1865. 
 
 Kuhn, Ucber die Entstehung der Städte der Alten. Komenverfassung und 
 Synoilcismos. Leipzig 1878 (especially pp. 422-434). 
 
 Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung. Vol. i. (also under the title of 
 Handb. der röm. Altcrikümer von Marquardt u. Mommsen, vol. iv.). 
 2nd ed. Leipzig 1881. 
 
 Pauly's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Alterthumsivissenschaft, unter den 
 betr. Artikeln. 
 
 Winer's and Sclienkel's Biblische Jlcahcörtcrbucher, unter den betr. Artikeln. 
 
 The geographical works of Keland, Kaumer, Robinson, Ritter, Gueriu, and 
 others (for the titles see above, § 2). 
 
 Menke's Bibclatlas, maps iv. and v. 
 
 Of fundamental importance in the political life of Palestine 
 during the Hellenic era was the independent organization of 
 large municipal communities. Tliis was indeed no novelty in 
 Palestine, where from of old the large towns of the Philistine 
 and Phoenician coasts had formed centres of political life. 
 The entrance of Hellenism marks however a turning- 
 
 G7
 
 58 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 point in this respect also. For, on the one hand it 
 essentially transformed the existing communities, while on 
 the other it founded numerous new ones and made the 
 municipal communities in general the basis of the jpolitical 
 organization of the country in a far more thorough manner 
 than before. Wherever Hellenism penetrated — especially on 
 the Philistine coasts and the eastern boundaries of Palestine 
 beyond the Jordan — the country districts were grouped 
 around single large towns as their political centres. Each of 
 such communities formed a comparatively independent whole 
 managing its own internal affairs, and its dependence upon 
 the rulers of Syria consisted only in the recognition of their 
 military supremacy, the payment of taxes, and certain other 
 performances. At the head of such a Hellenistically organized 
 community was a democratic senate of several hundred 
 members, which we may probably conceive of as resembling 
 the Athenian ßovKrj, i.e. as one changed annually, chosen from 
 the Phylae, or as a committee chosen by lot from the people 
 (Marquardt).-^ It formed the ruling power, not for the town 
 only, but also for all the smaller towns and villages, which 
 belonged to the often extensive district of the town.^ The 
 entire Philistinian and Phoenician coast was in this way 
 divided into a number of municipal communities, some of 
 which were of considerable importance. We have then 
 briefly to consider as such the Hellenistic towns in the east 
 and north-east of Palestine, the Hellenized towns in the 
 interior of Palestine, such as Samaria and Scythopolis, and the 
 towns founded by Herod and his sons, of which a considerable 
 portion of the population was non-Jewish. 
 
 1 The Senate of Gaza, e.Q. consisted of 500 members (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 
 13. 3), that of Tiberias of 600 {Bdl. Jud. ii. 21. 9). Comp. Kiüin, Die 
 städtische und bürgerliche Verfassung, ii. 354. 
 
 2 The furnishing of these towns with a district of greater or less extent 
 will be shown in many cases in what follows. Compare on the Hellenistic 
 town-constitntion, F. W. Tittmann, Darstellmuj der griechischen t^taatsver- 
 fassung, Leipzig 1822. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, i. 208-216 
 
 (1881). Also much matter in the Corp. Inscr. Grace, p. 32 sqq.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 59 
 
 Witli all their independence these towns of course par- 
 ticipated on the whole in the political fate of the rest of 
 Palestine. In the time of the Diadochoi the government 
 changed very frequently, Ptolemy I. three times took pos- 
 session of Phoenicia and Palestine, and three times had to 
 surrender them. It was not till about 280 B.c. that Ptolemy 
 (II.) Philadelphus succeeded in establishing the rule of the 
 Ptolemies over these countries for a lengthened period.^ 
 After that date not only Palestine proper, but also the whole 
 of Phoenicia, as far as Eleutherus, south of Aradus, was under 
 their dominion.^ Their power, however, did not extend beyond 
 Lebanon. Damascus already belonged to the Seleucidae.* 
 In the years 219-217 b.c. Antiochus assumed a transitory 
 possession of Palestine, but was obliged to give it up in 
 consequence of the unsuccessful battle at Eaphia. After the 
 death of Ptolemy (IV.) Philopator, he however invaded 
 Palestine a second time, and his victory at Panias (198 b.c.) 
 was decisive in favour of the Seleucidae. From this time 
 onward Palestine and the whole Philistinian-Phoenician coast 
 belonged to the Syrian kingdom.® The supremacy of the 
 Ptolemies, like that of the Seleucidae, found its expression 
 chiefly in two points : in the appointment of military 
 governors (arpaTrjyoi) in the regions subject to their sway, 
 and in the imposition of regular taxes. Josephus in his 
 account of Josephus, the farmer of taxes, and his son Hyrcanus 
 (Antt. xii. 4), gives us a very vivid picture of the manner in 
 which the system of taxation was organized in the later 
 period of their rule, a picture which, notwithstanding its 
 
 ^ For particulars, see Stark. Gaza und die, jdiilixtäische Küste, pp. ;U7-3C7. 
 It seems probable, from an inscription of Oum el-Awamid, published by 
 Renan {Missio7i dc Phe'niric, pp. 711-7Ü.5), that Tyre had an era wliich began 
 thirty-seven years later than that of the Seleucidae, i.e. 275 n.c. (see Renan 
 as above, pp. 719-723). Its cause seems to have been the definite seizure 
 of Phoenicia by Ptolemy II., who showed himself on that occasion the 
 benefactor of the town. Comp. Six, Numismatic Chronicle, 1877, p. 192. 
 
 < See Stark, pp. 368, 371. Kuhn, ii. 128 sq. 
 
 ^ See below, on Damascus. 
 
 ^ Farther particulars in Stark, pp. 375—106, 425 sqq.
 
 60 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS, 
 
 fictitious colouring, certainly gives a faithful reflection of the 
 institutions. It shows that the imposts were not collected by 
 the authorities, but leased to great contractors, to whom their 
 collection in the several towns was given up.^ 
 
 Towards the end of the second century before Christ, the 
 kingdom of the Seleucidae increasingly exhibits an image 
 of dissolution. The central authority was so weakened by 
 continual revolutions, that a multitude of independent com- 
 munities were founded in the border lands of the empire. 
 During this period therefore not only did the Jews obtain 
 and maintain their full freedom, but a numher also of the 
 larger toivns, which had already in the wars between Syria 
 and Egypt often played a part of their own, declared them- 
 selves independent, and as a sign of their independence began 
 a new computation of time. Thus Tyre had an era dating 
 from the year 126 B.c.; Sidon a similar one from the year 
 111; Ascalon from 104. In other towns individual 
 " Tyrants " would seize upon the sovereignty. Thus we find 
 towards the end of the second, and in the beginning of the 
 first century before Christ, a tyrant, Zeno Kotylas in Phila- 
 delphia, his son Theodorus in Amathus on the Jordan, Zoilus 
 in Straton's Tower and Dora, Demetrius in Gamala.^ And there 
 
 '^ In illustration of Josepli. Anlt. xii. 4, compare especially Stark, pp. 412- 
 423, and Nussbaum, Observationes in Flavii Josephi Antiquitates {Göttin- 
 ger Dissertat. 1875), pp. 15-17. There is an internal contradiction in the 
 narrative of Josephus. He transposes the beginning of the renting of the 
 taxes by Josephus, which lasted twenty-two years to the reign of Ptolemy 
 Euergetes, who died 221 B.c. (Atitt. xii. 4. 1 ; comp. 4. 6) ; the entire 
 account also assumes, that Palestine was then still under the rule of the 
 Ptolemies. Tliis would, as Stark states, p. 416, bring it to about the years 
 229-207 B.c. On the other hand however Josephus always calls the wife 
 of the Egyptian king, Cleopatra, while this name was first naturalized in 
 the family of the Ptolemies by Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus the 
 Great and wife of Ptolemy V. Stark rightly finds the error to consist in 
 the mistake as to the queen's name, and accepts the results which follow 
 from the other dates. The view of Nussbaum is more artificial. It is 
 based moreover upon the improbable assumption, that Palestine had shortly 
 after the battle of Raphia already come again into the possession of 
 Antiochu«. 
 
 8 Stark, p. 478 sq. Kuhn, ii. 1G2.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 61 
 
 is no lack of evidence that the Eomans at their entry into 
 Syria found there a number of independent petty princes.^ 
 
 The strengthening of the Jewish power was in those times 
 fatal for the towns in the neighbourhood of Palestine. Even 
 the earlier Maccabees, and subsequently John Hyrcanus, sub- 
 jected several towns. But it was especially Alexander 
 Jannaeus who made conquests on a large scale. At the end 
 of his rule all the coast towns from Eaphia to Carmel, with 
 the sole exception of Ascalon, almost all the towns of the 
 country east of Jordan, and of course those also which were 
 situated in the interior, such as Samaria and Scythopolis, as 
 far north as the Lake of Merom,'° were subject to the Jews. 
 
 The conquest of Syria by Pompey put an end again at a 
 stroke to the independence of all the small towns, which had 
 separated themselves from the empire of the Seleucidae. The 
 only consequence to the autonomic towns was, that they now 
 entered into the same relations of voluntary dependence 
 towards the Eomans, in which they had hitherto stood towards 
 the Seleucidae. To those towns however, which had been 
 subjected by the Jews, the Eoman invasion had even the 
 character of a deliverance from a hated rule. Por Pompey 
 again separated from the Jewish region all those towns which 
 had been subjected to the Jews since the time of the 
 Maccabees and restored to them their freedom.^^ Josephus 
 enumerates as such " liberated " towns, which had of course 
 to acknowledge the Eoman supremacy, the following : Gaza, 
 Azotus, Jamnia, Joppa, Straton's Tower, Dora, Samaria, 
 Scythopolis, Hippus, Gadara, Pella, Dium.^^ The list is, 
 however, incomplete. For besides the above-named, others also 
 
 '•' Josephus speaks quite generally of i*6i)otpy,ot (Anit. xiii. 16. 5). Appiaii. 
 Syr. 50, testifies that Pompey tZv vvo rol; SeXfyx/S«/? yivofiis/uv iduZu tcTi^ 
 f^iv iviarrioiv ö/äs/ovj ßxaiyvix; »j ovvxarct;, whom however Pompey certainly 
 was not the first to create. Plinius, Hist. Nat. v. 23, 82, still knows in 
 Syria of seventeen tetrarchias in regna dcscriptas barbaris nominibus. 
 
 ^o Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 4. See above, § 10. 
 
 '^ Compare on the Roman custom of giving their freedom to the towna 
 of conquered regions, Kuhn, ii. 15-19. 
 
 12 Antt. xiv. 4. 4 : Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7.
 
 62 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 used the Pompeian era, i.e. the computation since the libera- 
 tion by Pompey, and many of these towns retained it till far 
 into the imperial period. Those lying in the region east of 
 the Jordan, together with Scythopolis, then united with each 
 other in the " ten cities alliance," the so-called Decapolis. 
 The proconsul Gabinius was another benefactor to many of 
 these towns. In the years 57-55 B.c. he rebuilt the towns 
 of Eaphia, Gaza, Anthedon, Azotus, Jamnia, Apollonia, Dora, 
 Samaria and Scythopolis, some of which had been entirely 
 destroyed by the Jews.^^ The Ptoman civil wars however, with 
 their exhaustion of the provinces and the arbitrary rule of 
 Antony in the East, brought bad times to these towns. He 
 bestowed upon Cleopatra the entire Philistinian and Phoenician 
 coast, from the borders of Egypt to Eleutherus, with the sole 
 exception of Tyre and Sidon.^* Even when, after the fall of 
 Antony and Cleopatra, whose authority had ceased of itself, a 
 more quiet era had been established by Augustus, many of 
 these towns again changed masters.^^ Augustus bestowed 
 upon Herod all the coast towns from Gaza to Straton's Tower, 
 with the exception of Ascalon, together with the towns of 
 Samaria, Hippus and Gadara in the interior.-^^ After the 
 death of Herod these towns again experienced different fates. 
 Gaza, Hippus and Gadara were placed under the immediate 
 government of the Roman legate of Syria (on Anthedon, see 
 below the section respecting it) ; Azotus and Jamnia with 
 Phasaelis, which was built by Herod, were given to his sister 
 Salome, while Joppa, Straton's Tower and Samaria fell with 
 the rest of Judaea to Archelaus.-^^ The towns belonging to 
 
 13 Antt. xiv. 5. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4. 
 
 14 Antt. XV. 4. I, fin.; Bell. Jud. i. 18. 5. 
 
 15 The different changes of possessors subsequently to Alexander Jannaeus 
 are visibly represented by the numei'ous special maps in Menke's Bibdatlas, 
 plates iv. and v. 
 
 16 Antt. XV. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 8. Of the coast towns Josephus names 
 only Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Straton's Tower. But Azotus and Jamnia, 
 which after the death of Herod fell to his sister Salome, must then have 
 come into Herod's possession. 
 
 17 Antt. xvii. 11. 4, 5; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 4.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 63 
 
 Salome came after lier death to the Empress Livia.^® After 
 the death of Livia, they seem to have been transferred to the 
 private possession of her son Tiberius, on which account we 
 find an imperial eVtV/aoTro? in his time in Jamuia.^^ The 
 towns bestowed upon Archelaus, together with the rest of his 
 district, came after his deposition under the oversight of a 
 Roman procurator, then in the years 41-44 A.D. to King 
 Agrippa I., and were again after his death under Eoman 
 procurators. This frequent change of masters was however 
 of little more consequence to these towns, than that the taxes 
 had to be paid now to one now to another governor. For 
 they had, on the whole, the independent management of their 
 own afifairs, even though the supremacy of their different 
 masters made itself sometimes more and sometimes less 
 noticed. Finally, it was of importance to the development 
 of their communal life that Herod and liis sons refounded a 
 great number of towns, so especially Caesarea ( = Straton's 
 Tower), Sebaste ( = Samaria), Antipatris, Phasaelis, Caesarea 
 Philippi, Julias, Sepphoris, Livias, Tiberias. 
 
 The kind of dependence of these towns upon the Eoman 
 power both in name and in fact differed considerably.''^ There 
 were in the Eoman Empire both free and subject communities. 
 The former (civitates liherac, iXevdepot) had not only their 
 own judicature and administration of finance, but were also 
 free from taxation proper and only bound to certain definitely 
 appointed contributions ; they were avrövofxoc koX (f)6p(ov 
 cireXet«? (Appian. Civ. i. 102)."^ Again there was among 
 these a privileged class, the civitates foederatae or such as had 
 their freedom guaranteed by a foedus. All these free cities 
 were indeed dependent upon Eome, but were not regarded as 
 
 ^* Antt. xviii. 2. 2; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 1. Azotiis is not expressly named 
 but is certainly intended. 
 
 ^^ Anil, xviii. 6. 3. Comp. Marquardt, Römische StaatsccnvaltuiH/, ii. 
 248 sq. 
 
 2" Comp, on what follows, Kuhn, ii. 14—11. Marquardt, i. 71-86, 396. 
 Also Stark, Gaza, pp. 522-525. 
 
 -' Sec especially Marquardt, i. 78 sq., 84 sq.
 
 64 § 23. CONSTITUTIOX. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 belonging in the strict sense to the province. From them 
 must then be distinguished the subject towns {vTrijKoot) 
 properly belonging to the province, the specific difference of 
 which from the former consisted in their liability to taxation. 
 For avTovofjbia, or the privilege suis legibus uti, was often 
 conceded to them, though under the control of the Eoman 
 proconsul.^^ All the varieties of civic position here alluded 
 to were represented among the Syrian towns. Tyre e.g. was 
 one of the privileged civitates foederatae?^ Ascalon was an 
 oppid'um liberum. But just because this is mentioned of 
 Ascalon as something special, the greater number are not to be 
 regarded as free communities in the technical sense of the 
 word. Nor is it, according to what has just been said, 
 opposed to this that many of them are designated as avTovofioi. 
 And still less does it signify, when Josephus says that 
 Pompey made these towns free (iXevdepa^). For this means 
 only their liberation from Jewish sway. Their political con- 
 dition is correctly pointed out by Josephus by the expressions 
 7rpoaevei/j,€ rfj iirap'^ia and Karera^ev eh rrjv ^vpiaKrjv 
 eirap-^iav?^ These slight political distinctions were not 
 indeed of much practical importance. For the most privi- 
 leged towns were taxed for certain requirements, and on the 
 other hand many of the subject towns, at least in Syria, had 
 a jurisdiction and administration of their own. Least of all 
 were these distinctions paid respect to with regard to military 
 affairs. It would be a great mistake to suppose, that in war 
 all or most of these towns were released from the obligation 
 of furnishing auxiliaries. At least Josephus speaks quite 
 generally of the auxiliaries, which had been furnished by " the 
 towns " at the campaign of Cestius Gallus against Jerusalem,^ 
 when in the year 4 b.c. Berytus with its district furnished 
 
 22 See especially Kuhn, ii. 34 sqq. ^' Marquardt, L 75. 
 
 24 Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7. 
 
 -^ Bell. Jud.ü. 18. 19: IT^glffTO/ Zs x.al sk, rav ttöXsuv Iv'tKovpot avvihiyriaav, 
 ij^-TTiipiec /ail/ '/irrufuvot ruv arparturuv, rxig Bs ■^podv/atxi; axl ru k*t» 
 lovOmiuv (/.iatt to T^itTrov lu tccI; s'iriar'/if^xi; oi'Jct7^>.ripovvTig.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 65 
 
 1500 auxiliaries to the army of Varus,^^ this certainly is not 
 a case in point, inasmuch as Berytus was then already a 
 Eoman colony and was therefore under different legal regula- 
 tions from the other towns. But we also know e.g. that from 
 A.D. 44-67 there was in Caesarea a garrison of five cohorts 
 and a wing of cavalry, which was formed for the most part 
 of Caesareans and Sebastenians (inhabitants of the towns of 
 Caesarea and Sebaste and their respective districts).^'' Nay we 
 find towards the end of the first century after Christ a coliors 
 I. Tyriorum already in Moesia.^ So too in occupying the 
 towns with garrisons regard was certainly had less to political 
 distinctions than to military requirements. "Free" Antioch 
 became the chief seat of the Eoman military force in Syria , 
 and we know of Ascalon, that though an oppidum liberum, it 
 received a Eoman garrison, though but a small one.^' 
 
 The Roman colonics occupied among the towns of the 
 Eoman Empire a position of exemption from taxes.^" There 
 had been such both in Palestine and Phoenicia since the time 
 of Augustus. The oldest were Berytus, founded by Augustus, 
 Ptolemais by Claudius, Caesarea by Vespasian. AH. the 
 colonies of the imperial period were military colonies, i.e. they 
 consisted of superannuated soldiers, to whom possession of 
 lands was awarded as payment for their services, and indeed 
 in such wise, that this was always done to a large number at 
 one place contemporaneously, thereby founding the colony. 
 The lands required for the purpose were in earlier times 
 simply taken from their possessors. Afterwards {i.e. after 
 
 26 Antt. xvii. 10. 9 ; Bell. Jud. ii. b. 1. 
 
 27 Antt. xix. 9. 1, 2, xx. 6. 1 ; Bell. Jurl ii. 12. 5, iii. 4. 2, and especially 
 XX. 8. 7: (Aiyct Si (PpovovvTs; Ivl tu tov; v'hiiarov; tuu CvoFufixiov; ix-üii 
 arpxrivofiivav Kxt(Txpei; ilvxt x,cc\ '2.tßot.(rTr,uovi. Further particulars in the 
 Zeitschr. für wisscnKchaftUche Thenhejie, 1875, p. 419 Fqq. 
 
 28 Corp. Inscr. Lai. vol. iii. p. SG3 (Diplom, xx. of the year a.D. 99). 
 
 29 Bell. Jud. iii. 2. 1. 
 
 s** See on this subject in general, Kein, art. " Colonia " in Fauly's Ikal-Enc. 
 ii. 504-517. Kuhn, Die städt. und bürgerl. Verf. i. 257 sqq. Marquardt, i 
 35 sqq. 86 sqq., 92-132. 
 
 1 I\". II. VOL. L E
 
 6ß § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Augustus) it was customary to compensate the owners or 
 to give the veterans such land as was already state pro- 
 perty. The colonists either formed a new community beside 
 the older one, or themselves entered into the older com- 
 munity, in which case the latter received in its entirety the 
 Eoman municipal constitution.^^ Thus the plantation of a 
 colony, which had formerly been an act of cruel plunder, 
 gradually became an actual favour to a town. The rights of 
 colonies also differed. Those were in the most favoured 
 position, which had received the full jus Italicum and with it 
 exemption from poll taxes and land taxes.'^^ Herod imitated 
 Augustus in his system of establishing military colonies.^^ 
 
 The position of those towns, which were temporarily under 
 the Heroclian princes, did not essentially differ from that of 
 those directly under Eoman governors. It is certainly 
 possible, that the Herodian princes made their power more 
 directly felt, but this cannot be proved. For the security of 
 their sovereignty, they appointed governors of their own in 
 the towns ; thus Herod the Great placed an äp-xcav in Idumaea 
 and Gaza,^ Agrippa I. a a-Tparrjyof; in Caesarea ^^ and an 
 eirap'xp'i in Tiberias,^^ Agrippa II. a viceroy in Caesarea 
 Philippi^ and an cTrap^o^ in Gamala.'"'^ Such a viceroy was 
 also the idi^äpxv^ oi King Aretas in Damascus, 2 Cor. xi. 32. 
 
 The great independence of these towns involves the fact, 
 that each had its special history. In following this in each 
 separate case, we shall begin with the towns of the Philistinian 
 and Phoenician coast, advancing from south to north. Many 
 of these had at the commencement of the Hellenistic period a 
 brilliant past behind them and continued to be of prominent 
 importance during the whole Graeco-Eoman period. 
 
 1. Baphia, 'Pa^ia (so is it written on the coin), may still be 
 
 31 Marquaidt, i. 118 sq. ^2 Marquardt, i. 89. 
 
 33 Antt. XV. 8. 5. See below, Samaria, Geba, Heshbon. 
 
 8* Anlt. XV. 7. 9. 35 ^^^^^_ xix. 7. 4. 
 
 36 Joseph. Vita, 9 ; whether Agrippa I. or IT. is spoken of is uncertain. 
 
 8' Vita, 13. Comp. Kuhn, ii. 346. ^8 yua^ n.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 67 
 
 pointed out iu the ruins oi Kirheth hit' Bcfah, situated according 
 to Gueiin abo ,t half a league from the sea, but upon a flat 
 harbourless shore/^ and therefore regarded by Pliny and 
 Ptolemy as an inland town.*" It was the first Syrian town 
 after leaving Egypt." Apart from the cuneiform inscrip- 
 tions,'*' it is first mentioned in history in the campaign of 
 Antigonus against Egypt, B.c. 306, when the fleet of Antigonus, 
 under the command of his son Demetrius, was here destroyed 
 by a storm.*^ It then became famous chiefly through tlie 
 victory, which was here gained by the unwarlike Ptolemy 
 Philopater over Antiochus the Great, and which resulted in 
 the loss of Palestine and Phoenicia by the latter.'** In the 
 year 193 the marriage of Ptolemy Philopater with Cleopatra, 
 daughter of Antiochus the Great, was celebrated here.**'* In 
 the beginning of the first century before Christ Eaphia was 
 conquered by Alexander Jannaeus (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 13. 3 ; 
 Bell. Jud. i. 4. 2 ; comp. Antt. xiii. 15. 4), was afterwards, like 
 the neighbouring towns, separated by Pompey from the Jewish 
 district and was rebuilt by Gabinius {Antt. xiv. 5. 3 ; Bell. 
 Jud. i. 8. 4). Hence the coins of Piaphia, of the imperial 
 age (from Commodus to Philip the Arabian), have an era 
 commencing with the refoundation by Gabinius (57 B.c.).'*' 
 
 a" Diodor. x.k. 74 calls Raphia IvaTrpoaopfnuTov x-ui n-jxyuo/i. 
 
 <o Plin. HLst. Nat. v. 13. 68. Ptolem. (ed. Nobbe), v. 16. 6. Comp, 
 also, Strabo, xvi. 2. 31; Itincrar. Antonlni (ed. Parthey et Pinder, 1848), 
 p. 69. Sozomenus, Hist. cccl. vii. 15. Hierocles, Syiiccdcmii-i (ed. Parthey, 
 1866), p. U. Reland, Palacslina, p. 967 sq. Ritter, Erdkunde, xiv. 138 
 sqq., xvi. 39. Räumer, Ptdiistina, p. 219. Gueriu, Jiide'e, ii. 233 •235. Le 
 Quieii, Oriens christianus, iii. 630. 
 
 ■*^ Polyb. V. 80: TLpur/i ruv ■/.oc.roL Ko/A>iv Ivpixv ttoKiuv wj "Tirpit: rviu 
 AiyvTrrov. Joseph. Bill. Jud. iv. 11. 5: sfirt os h ttoTi/s a-vr/i 'S.vpix; ccpx'^- 
 
 " Fiiedr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? (1881), p. 291. 
 
 *^ Diodor. xx. 74. Droysen, Gesch. des Hellenismus (2nd ed.), ii. 2. 147. 
 Stark, Gaza, p. 358. 
 
 *^ The battle is fully described Polyb. v. 82-86. Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 
 382-386. 
 
 •'''a Livius, XXXV. 13. 
 
 ■** This may now be considered as certain, tiiough Noris and Eckliel 
 still hesitate, whether the era of Pompey or of Gabinius was to be 
 accepted. See Noris, Annus el epochae Synmacedomnn, v. 4. 2 (ed. Lips p.
 
 68 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 It seems hence to have been in the possession of the Herodian 
 princes. 
 
 2. G-aza, Fd^a, Hebr. n-|y,*'^ the ancient and important city 
 of the Philstines, so often mentioned in the Old Testament.*^ 
 Herodotus knows it by the name of KdSuri^, and remarks, 
 that it is not much smaller than Sardis.^'* Already in the 
 times of Persian supremacy it must — as the coins testify — 
 have been in active intercourse with Greece.*^** In the time of 
 Alexander the Great it was next to Tyre the most important 
 fortress on the Philistinian-Phoenician coast, Alexander did 
 not take it till after a three months' troublesome siege (332 
 B.c.).^^ After that time it became more and more a Greek 
 
 515-521). Eckhel, Doctrina numorum, iii. 454 sq. Mionnct, Description 
 de medailles, v. 551 gq. ; Suppl. via. 376 sq. ; Kenner, Die Münzsammlung 
 des Stifts St. Florian in Ober-Oesterreich (1871), pp. 179-182, Plate vi. u. 
 17-18. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Ten-e Sainte, pp. 237-240, pi. xii. n. 
 7-9. Stark, Gaza, p. 515. 
 
 *® On the Hebrew form, comp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Yü^a.- sx.'htjdri Kotl "A^a.- 
 xal f^ixpt vvv '2vpoi " A^ccu oti/TViv KXKovuiy. 
 
 *• See Reland, Palaestina, pp. 787-800. Robinson's Palestine, ii. pp. 
 36-43. Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 45-65. Raumer, Palästina, pp. 192-194. 
 Winer, RWB. s.v. Arnold in Herzog's Real-Enc., 1st ed. iv. 671-674. 
 Sepp, Jerusalem und das heilige Land, 2nd ed. ii. 617 sqq. Guerin, Jude'e, ii. 
 178-211, 219-221. The Survey of Wcsfeiii Palestine, Memoirs by Conder 
 and Kitchener, iii. 234 sq., 248-251, and pi. xix. of the large Eoglish chart. 
 Gatt, Bemerkungen über Gaza und seine Umgebung (^Zeitschr. des deutschen 
 Pal. Ver. vii. 1-14). For the history, see especially Stark, Gaza. Also 
 Alb. V. Hormann, Gaza, Stadt, Umgebung und Geschichte, 1876 (Progr. des 
 Knabenseminars der Diöcese Brixen zu Rothholz, see the notice in Zeitschr. 
 f. die Österreich. Gymnasien, 1877, p. 142 sq.). 
 
 *''* Herodot. ii. 159, iii. 5 : Ixpoiuu ov x.o'h'hu i'hxauouo;. 
 
 *''^ Comp, on these exceedingly interesting coins the learned article of 
 Six, Observations sur les monnaies pheniciennes {Numismatic Chronicle, 
 new series, vol. xvii. 1877, pp. 177-241 ; on Gaza, pp. 221-239). The 
 coins have partly Greek, partly Phoenician inscriptions. The name of the 
 town (fy or nfy) is to bo seen at all events on several of them. Their 
 most interesting feature however is, that they are coined according to an 
 Athenian standard and with Athenian types, evidently for commerce with 
 Greece. It is probable, that genuine Athenian coins first came to Palestine 
 in the period of the hegemony of Athens in the fifth century before Christ, 
 and that henceforth others were coined after their pattern. See Six, as 
 above, pp. 230 sq., 234-236. 
 
 *^ The two months' duration of this siege is testified by Diodor. xvii. 48 
 and Josephus, Antf. xi. 8. 3, 4. Comp, also Arrian, ii. 26, 27. Curtins, iv. 6,
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE UELLENIöTIC TOWNS. 69 
 
 town.^''^ The contests of Ptolemy Lagos with the other 
 Diadochoi for the possession of Coelesyria of course affected 
 Gaza in the highest degree. In 315 b.c. it was conquered 
 by Antigonus.^** In 312 it again fell into the hands of 
 Ptolemy in consequence of his victory gained at Gaza over 
 Demetrius the son of Antigonus.''^ In the same year how- 
 ever he renounced the possession of Coelesyria, and on his 
 retreat had the most important fortresses, Gaza among them, 
 demolished.®- The sovereignty over these districts changed 
 several times during the decades next following, till at 
 length they were for a longer period in the possession of the 
 Ptolemies about 240 B.C. In the years 218-217 Gaza, like 
 the rest of Syria, was temporarily in the possession of 
 Antiochus the Great.®^ Twenty years later Coelesyria came 
 permanently under the dominion of the Seleucidae through 
 the victory of Antiochus the Great at Panias (198 b.c.). 
 Gaza also must then have been conquered after a difficult 
 siege, to which indeed we have only allusions in Polybius." 
 The sway of the Seleucidae is evidenced among other things by 
 a coin of Demetrius I. (Soter) minted at Gaza.^^ During the 
 contests in the Syrian kingdom between Demetrius II. (Nicator) 
 and Antiochus VI. respecting Trypho (145-143 B.c.), Gaza 
 refusing to join the party of Antiochus, was besieged by 
 
 and Plutarch. Alexander, 25. Polyb. xvi. 40 (= ed. Hultsch, xvi. 22»). 
 Droysen, Gesch. cl. Hellenismus, 2nd ed. i. 1, 297-301. Stark, Gaza, pp. 
 236-244. 
 
 *^ It is expressly designated a to'^/j 'eax»)V(V, Joseph, jbift. xvii. 11. 4; 
 Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3. 
 
 'io Diodor. xix. 59. Droysen, ii. 2. 11. Stark, p. 350, 
 
 ^1 Diodor. xix. 84. On the battle, Droysen, ii. 2. 42 sqq. Stark, pp. 
 351-354. 
 
 *^ Diodor. xix. 93 : KU^iuKxy^i rxg d^t'j'h'jyuTÜTot,; -uv KiKp»-Yit^.ivuv ttöXicü!/, 
 AxYiu ftsu T^i <l>oi'jix.r,g "Evpict;, ' IöVjj» S« koci loixccpnoty nxl Vet^xu tth 
 Ivpiu;. Comp. Stark, p. 355 sq. 
 
 *3 Polyb. V. 80. Stark, pp. 382-385. 
 
 «* Polyb. xvi. 18, xvi. 40 (ed. Hultsch, xvi. 22'0, xxix. 6* (ed. Ilultsch, 
 xxix. 12). Stark, p. 204 sq. 
 
 ^^ Gardner, Caialague of the Greek Cuius in the British Ji'useum, Sekucid 
 kiJigs of Sijria (1878), p. 47.
 
 70 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Jonathan the Maccabee in coucert with him, and its environs 
 laid waste, whereupon it gave up its opposition and delivered 
 hostages to Jonathan as a pledge of its adherence to 
 Antiochus.^" With respect to the constitution of Gaza at 
 this time we learn incidentally, that it had a council of 500 
 members.^^ About the year 96 B.c. Gaza as well as the 
 neighbouring cities of Eaphia and Anthedon fell into the 
 hands of Alexander Jannaeus. Alexander conquered it after 
 a siege of one year, though at last only through treachery, and 
 abandoned the city and its inhabitants to destruction (Joseph. 
 Antt. xiii. 13. 3; Bell. Jiid. i. 4. 2; comp. Antt. xiii. 15. 4. 
 Stark, p. 499 sqq.). When Pompey conquered Syria, Gaza 
 also — so far as its existence can be then spoken of — obtained 
 its freedom {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). The newly 
 built town consequently began a new era from the time ef 
 Pompey (52 b.c.).'^ The rebuilding itself did not take place 
 till the time of Gabinius {Antt. xv. 5. 3). Probably the 
 ancient Gaza was then forsaken and the new town built 
 somewhat farther southwards.^^ In the year 30 b.c. Gaza 
 
 ^^ 1 Mace. xi. 61, 62. Joseph. Antt. xiii. 5. 5. Stark, p. 492, No 
 conquest of Gaza took place in the Maccabean period. For in the passage 
 1 Mace. xiii. 43-48 we must read Gaz u'a. 
 
 ^'^ Joseph. Antt. xiii. 13. 3. 
 
 "8 On the era of Gaza, comp. Noris, Annus et epochae Syromaced. v. 2, 3 
 (ed. Lips. pp. 476-502). Eckhel, Doct. Num. iii. 448-454. Lleler, Handb. 
 der Clironol. i. 474 sq. Stark, Gaza, pp. 513-515. The coins in Mionnet, v. 
 535-549 ; Suppl. viii. 371-375. De Saulcy, Nvmismatique dc la Terre 
 Sainte, pp. 209-233, pi. xi. The Chronicon pascJiale (ed. Dindorf, i. 352) 
 remarks on Olymp. 179. 4 = 61 B.c. : 'Eynvhu Tx^ocht tov; ia.vrZ)v yjövov^ 
 dpiß^uüvaiv. Hence Noris and Eckhel place the begiuning of the era in the 
 year 61 B.C. According however to Ideler and Stark, the year 62 must 
 according to the coins be regarded as the starting-point of the era. 
 
 ^^ On the distinction between Old and New Gaza, comp, especially 
 Stark, pp. 352 sq., 509-513. The town near which Ptolemy Lagos conquered 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes, 312 B.C., is expressly called Old Gaza by Diodorus 
 and Porphyry ; see Diodor. xix. 80 (r'/iu ■yra'Accixv Tx^xu) ; Porphyry in the 
 fragment in Euseb. Chron. ed. Schoene, i. col. 249-250 (according to the 
 Armenian veterem Gazam, in Greek in Syncellus, Hx'hxi'/oi^ctv, or as Gutschmid 
 reads Hcthxiyx^^v). It is to just this Old Gaza that the notice of Strabo, 
 that Gaza was destroyed by Alexander and has since lain waste, refers ; 
 Strabo, xvi. 2. 30, p. 759: x.oLTia7:xai/.iVYi o v'xoW'Ks^öt.uhpov kxI f^ivovaec
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 71 
 
 came under the authority of Herod the Great (Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; 
 Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3). After his death it was again added to 
 the province of Syria (Antt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). 
 With this agrees the fact, that the imperial coins of Gaza do 
 not begin till after the death of Herod the Great, The 
 oldest known are two coins of Augustus of the years 63 and 
 66 aer. Gaz.*^° In the time of Claudius, Gaza is spoken of as 
 an important city by the geographer Mela.^^ In A.D. 66 it 
 was attacked and destroyed by the rebellious Jews (Joseph. 
 Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). This must however have been a very 
 partial destruction, For so strong a fortress could not 
 have been actually destroyed by a baud of insurrectionary 
 
 spyifAo;. [The remark in Acts viii. 26 : xvrn iarh spYi/^io;, is on the con- 
 trary not in point here, because cuvTri there more probably refers to o'Bo'c,-.] 
 Strabo is indeed so far mistaken, that he seems to know nothing of New 
 Gaza, his remark being based upon the statement of an older geographer, in 
 whose time New Gaza did not as yet exist. The existence of a New Gaza, 
 somewhat to the south of Old Gaza, is however chiefly evidenced by an 
 anonymous geographical fragment (A^o(7'3-«o-^ar<« nuoc yiO)ypct(pi>ici, ed, 
 Hudsun [in the appendix to his edition of Diouysius Perieget., Gcographiae 
 vet. scriptorcs Graeci minores, vol. iv., Oxon. 1717], p. 39: /xtroi rx 
 ' Vi'jo/,6povp»7j vix Txt)X Kihxi -xoXt; oiiax kxi xvrvi ud ij epyifios Tcc^x, strx i] 
 ^AaKxhav woA/f) and by Hieronynms (^Onnmast., ed. Lagarde, p. 125 : 
 antiquae civitatis locum vix fundamentorum praebere vestigia, banc autem 
 quae nunc cernitur, in alio loco pro ilia, quae conruit, aedificatam). If 
 then the local distinction of Old and New Gaza is beyond question, we must 
 also with Stark consider it most probable, that the foundation of New 
 Gaza must be referred to Gabinius. For an entire destruction of Old Gaza 
 did not, as Strabo seems to suppose, result from its conquest by Alexander 
 the Great, but from that by Alexander Jannaeus. For the rest both Old 
 and New Gaza lay twenty stadia inland (see on Old Gaza, Arrian, II. 26 ; on 
 New Gaza, Sozom. Hist. eccl. v. 3 ; Strabo, p. 759, erroneously seven 
 stadia, Antoninus Martyr, c. 33, mil. pass.). From both too must be 
 distinguished the port of Gaza, which indeed remained the same for both, 
 Tx^xiay "htf^vju, Strabo, p. 759 ; Ptoleniaeus, v. 16, 2, This port was raised 
 to a city under the name of Kuuarxvntx by Constantine the Great (Euseb, 
 Vita Constantin. iv. 38 ; Sozc^meuus, Hist. cccl. ii. 5), but lost this name 
 again together with the rights of a city through Julian and was afterwards 
 called again only 'Mx'iov^ux; (= seaport town) ; see Sozom. Hist. cccl. v, 3. 
 Marci Diaconi Vita Porpliyrii, ed, Haupt (an article of the Berlin Acad, 
 1874), c, 57. Antoninus Martyr, c. 33. Reland, p. 791 sqq. Stark, p. 513. 
 Kuhn, ii, 363, Guerin, JuJa; ii. 219-221. 
 
 CO Eckhel, iii, 453 sq, Mionnet, v, 53G. De Saulcy, p. 213. 
 
 *^ Mela, 1. 11 : in Falaestina est iugins et munita admodum Gaza.
 
 72 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Jews. Coins too of the years 130, 132, 135 aer. Gaza, 
 (= A.D. 68/69, 70/71, 73/74) testify to the lasting pro- 
 sjDerity of the city.^^ Special tokens of favour seem to have 
 been bestowed upon it by Hadrian.*'^ It is called on an 
 inscription of the time of Gordian (a.D. 238-244) lepa koX 
 a<Tv\o<i Kol avTovofio'if'* It must have subsequently become 
 a Eoman colony. ^^ Eusebius speaks of it as a ttoXi? 
 iiria-rjjiioi;.^ And this too it remained for a considerable 
 period.®^ The independence of these great cities is shown 
 in perhaps the most striking manner by the fact, that 
 Gaza as well as Ascalon, Tyre and Sidon had each its own 
 calendar.^ 
 
 3. Anthedon, ^AvOrjScov, situate on the sea, erroneously called 
 an inland town by Pliny,^^ was according to Sozomen only 
 twenty stadia from Gaza, probably in a northerly (north- 
 westerly) direction.*^^^ Its very name shows it to have been 
 
 *2 Miomiet, v. .537 sq. ; Sitppl. viii. 372. De Saulcy, p. 214. 
 
 ^^ The coins of Hadrian's time have a new Hadrianic era as well as the 
 usual town era. The Chronicon paschale (ed. Diudorf, i. 474) mentions 
 besides a iroiv/iyvptg Wdpiuv/j, as celebrated since the time of Hadrian. See 
 Stark, p. 550. 
 
 ^* Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 5892. Comp. Stark, p. 554 sq. 
 
 ^^ Le Bas et AVaddington, Inscriptions., vol. iii. n. 1904 : KoXuiviag Tx^yig. 
 The mention also of a Gazensis Duumvir by Jerome, Vita Hilarionis, c. 20 
 (Vallarsi, ii. 22), points to a Roman municipal constitution. Comp. 
 Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverwaltung, i. 429. 
 
 ^^ Euseb. Onomast.., ed. Lagarde, p. 242. 
 
 ^^ Antoninus Martyr (about A.D. 570, De locis Sanctis, c. 33 ; Tublcr et 
 Molinier, Itinera, i. 109) ; Gaza autem civitas est splendida, deliciosa, 
 homines in ea honestissiiui, omni liberalitate decori, amatores peregiinorum. 
 
 ^^ See on the whole, Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, i. 410 sq., 434 sq., 
 438 sq. On Gaza also, Noris, v. 2 (ed. Lips. p. 476 sqq.). Stark, p. 517 sq. 
 
 63 Plin. Hist. Xat. v. 13. 68 : intus Anthedou. That it was on the coast 
 is however certain from the unanimous testimony of all other authors ; see 
 Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 4, xviii. 6. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 8 ; Ptolem. v. 16. 2 ; 
 Steph. Byz. s.v.j Sozomenus, Hist. eccl. v. 9. See on the subject in 
 general, Reland, Pcdaestina, pp. 566-568. Raumer, Palästina, p. 171, 
 Pauly's Real-Enciicl. i. 1. 1087 sq. Guerin, Judce, ii. 215-218. Le Quien, 
 Oriens christianus, iii. 631. 
 
 6'^ Sozomenus, v. 9. Anthedon is according to Joseph. A7iti. xiii. 15. 4 
 generally placed south of Gaza. But the majority of the passages from 
 Josephus speak of it as north of Gaza {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Dell. Jud. i. 4. 2, 20.
 
 § 23 CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 73 
 
 founded in the Greek period. It is first mentioned in the 
 time of Alexander Jannaeus, who conquered it about the same 
 time as Eaphia (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 13. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 4. 2 ; 
 comp. Antt. xiii. 15. 4). Like the other coast towns it was 
 undoubtedly retaken from the Jews by Pompey. Gabinius 
 rebuilt it {Antt. xiv. 5. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4). Augustus 
 bestowed it on Herod {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3), 
 Avho again restored it and gave it the name of Agrippias or 
 Agrippeion in honour of Agrippa {Antt. xiii. 13. 3 ; Bell. Jud. 
 i. 4. 2, 21, 8). It is not expressly mentioned in the parti- 
 tion of Herod's inheritance. Hence it is uncertain whether, 
 like its neighbour Gaza, it was united to the province of 
 Syria, or passed like Joppa and Caesarea to Archelaus (see 
 Stark, p. 542 sq.). In the latter case it would have shared 
 the fate of the rest of Judaea and therefore have come, after 
 the deposition of Archelaus, under Eoman procurators and 
 have been from A.D. 41-44 under the rule of King Agrippa. 
 The existence of a coin of Anthedon with the name of Agrippa 
 would give evidence of the latter, if its reading were certain.'" 
 At the beginning of the Jewish war Anthedon was attacked 
 and partially devastated by tlie revolted Jews {Bell. Jud. ii. 
 18. 1). The name Agrippias was never naturalized; Josephus 
 already and all subsequent authors call it Anthedon again. '^ 
 On coins too only this name occurs.'^ 
 
 3, ii. 18. 1) ; so too PJinius, v. 13. G8. The note of Theodosiiis is decisive 
 for its lying between Gaza and Ascalon ; Theodosius, De situ terrae sanctae (ed. 
 Gildtmeister, 1882), § 18 : inter Ascalonam et Gazam civitates duae, id est 
 Anthedon et Maiouia. Rightly thercfore has Gatt (Zeitschr. des Deutsdun 
 J'aUisliiia-Veix'ins, vii. 1S84, pp. 5-7) identified the ruins of el-Blachije, 
 one league north-west of Gaza, for which a native gave him the name of 
 Teda, with Anthedon. Comp, also the remarks of Xoldeke and Gilde- 
 meister, Zcitsdir. d. DPV. vii. 140-U2. 
 
 '•^ The coins in Mionnet, Snppl. viii. 364. A^'ainst the correctness of the 
 reading see Madden, Coins o/ the Jews (1881), p. 134. 
 
 ''^ So Plinius, Ptolemaeus, Steph. Byz., Sozomenus in the passages cited ; 
 Ilierocles, .Synced, p. 44 ; the Acts of the Councils in Le Qnien, as above. 
 The isolated assertion of Tzetzes (in Reland, p. 567), that the former 
 Anthedon is " now " called Agrippias, is based upon Josephus only. 
 
 '- Eckhcl, Doctr. Num. iii. 443 sq. Miounet, Dcscript. v. 522 sq. ; Sujßj/L
 
 74 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS, 
 
 4. Ascalon, ^Ao-koXov, Hebr. I^^p'^'i?, was like Gaza an impor- 
 tant town of the Philistines, repeatedly mentioned in the Old 
 Testament and also already known to Herodotus/^ The present 
 Ascalon lies close to the sea, and Ptolemy also mentions 
 Ascalon as a coast townJ* But the old town must have lain 
 inland, if ever so little, since even in the sixth century after 
 Christ Ascalon and Majuma Ascalonis are distinguished/'^ 
 In the Persian period Ascalon belonged to the TyriansJ® 
 Coins of Alexander the Great coined at Ascalon mark the 
 commencement of the Hellenistic period/^^ Like all Palestine 
 and Phoenicia it was in the third century before Christ under 
 the dominion of the Ptolemies, and had consequently to pay 
 them yearly tribute/' With Antiochus HI. began its subjec- 
 
 viii. 364. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainie, pp. 234-236, pi. xii. 
 n. 1-4. All three indeed give also coins with the legend ' A-ypi-inriov. Bui 
 these do not belong to Authedon ; see Stark, p. 515. 
 
 '3 Herodot. i. 105. See on Ascalon in general, Eeland, Palaestina, pp. 
 586-596. Winer, RWB., and Pauly, Real-Enc. s.v. Ritter, Erdkunde, 
 xvi. 70-89. Eaumer, Paläst. p. 173 sq. Tobler, Brüte Wanderung nach 
 Palästina (1859), pp. 32-44. Sepp, Jerusalem (2nd ed.), ii. 599 sqq. 
 Guerin, Judee, ii. 185-149, 153-171. Guthe, Die Ruinen Aslaluii's, with a 
 plan (Zeitsclir. d. deutschen Palästina-Vereins, ii. 164 sqq.). The Survey of 
 Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. 237-247 (with 
 a plan), also plate xix. of the large English chart. 
 
 ^* Ptolem. V. 10. 2. 
 
 ^^ Antoninus Martyr, c. 33 (in Tobler and Molinier, Itinera, i. 109) : 
 Ascalonem ... In proximo civitatis Maiuraa Ascalonis. In A.D. 518 a 
 bishop of Ascalon and a bishop of Majuma Ascalonis are mentioned con- 
 temporaneously ; see Le Quien, Oriens christ. iii. 602 sq. Kuhn, ii, 363, 
 
 '''' Scylax in Geographi graeci minores, ed. Müller, i. 79 : ^ Ka/A'Kuv •yrohii 
 Tvpiuu x.ctl ßnaihsid. Movers {Phonicier, Ü. 2. 177 sq.) insists on referring 
 this notice only to the harbour of Ascalon (Majuma Ascalonis) which he 
 considers to be a foundation of the Tyrians. But this lay in the immediate 
 neighboui'hood of the town (see the preceding note) and could hardly have 
 been in the possession of any, who did not own the town itself. It is on 
 the contrary to be suj^posed, that Ascalon was, in the Persian period (to 
 which the statements of Scylax refer) under the rule of the Tyrians as 
 Joppa and Dora were under that of the Sidonians. 
 
 '•^^ L. Müller, Numismatique d'' Alexandre le Grand (1855), p. 308, planches, 
 n. 1472 sqq. The coins communicated by Mionnet, i. 522, Suppl. iii. 199, 
 belong, according to Müller, p. 267, to the town of Aspendos in Pamphylia. 
 
 ^'' Joseph. Antt. xii. 4. 5 ; see above, p. 52 sq. If it is correct, that a coin 
 of Antiochus, coined at Ascalon, is in existence (as Mionnet, v. 8, No. 53,
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 75 
 
 tiou to tlie Seleucidae, which is also evidenced by Ascalonian 
 Seleucid coins from Autiochus III. to Antiochus IX.''' Ascalon 
 was able by prudent concessions to protect itself against the 
 increasing power of the Jews. The Maccabaean Jonathan did 
 indeed march twice against tlie town, but was on both occasions 
 pacified by a respectful welcome on the part of the inhabit- 
 ants.^^ Ascalon was also the only coast town, which remained 
 unmolested by Alexander Jannaeus. It was able in the year 
 104 B.c. to attain to independence and thenceforth began a 
 computation of time of its own, which it made use of even in 
 the times of the Eoman Empire.'* The Eomans acknowledged its 
 independence at least formally.''^ Besides the usual era of tlie 
 year 104 b.c. another of 57 B.c. occurs in several instances, 
 which proves that Ascalon was favoured by Gabinius.^^ On 
 some of the coins of Ascalon the heads have been taken for 
 
 states), Ascalon must at that time have been imder Syrian sway. But 
 comp, on the other side, Stark, Gaza^ p. 476 ; Droysen, iii. 1. 274. 
 
 "•^ Mionnct describes Ascaloniau coins of Antiochus III. and lY., of Trypho 
 and Antiochus YIII. {Descripi. de medailles, v. p. 25, No. 219, pp. 88, 72, 
 No. 625, p. 525 ; Suppl. viii. 366). The catalogue of the British Museum 
 gives such of Trypho, Alexander Zebinas, Antiochus YIII. and IX. (Gai-dner, 
 Catcdogne of the Grcdc Coins, Seleucid Kings, 1878, pp. 68, 69, 81-88, 91) ; 
 de Saulcy, one of Trypho (Mekinc/cs de Niimismaiique, vol. ii. 1877, p. 
 82 sq.). See on the subject generally, Stark, Gaza, pp. 474-477. 
 
 " 1 Mace. X. 86 and xi. 60. Stark, Gaza, pp. 490 sq., 492. 
 
 80 See on the era 104 b.c., Cliron. pascJiale on Olymp. 169. 1 = 104 B.c. 
 (ed. Dindorf, i. 346) : ' AaKxT^avlrxi rev; euvrZv )cpö'jov; iuni/dsv cl()id[/,ov(jiu. 
 Ilieron, Chron. ad ami. AhraJi. 2295 (in Euseb. Chron., ed Schoene, 
 ii. 185): The second year of Probus (1030 A.v.C.) = 380 aer. Ascal. 
 Noris, Annus et epochac, v. 4. 1 (ed. Lips. pp. 503-515). Eckhel, Doclr. 
 Num. iii. 444-447. Coins in Mionnct, Descr. v. 523-533 ; Suppl. viii. 365- 
 370. De Saulcy, Nuinismali(juc dc la Terre Salute, pp. 178-208, 406, pi. ix. x. 
 The same, Melanges de N'umismatique, vol. ii. 1877, pp. 148-152. 
 
 *^ PJinius, Hist. Nat. v. 13. 68 : opi)iduiu Ascalo liberum. In the earlier 
 imperial period (down to the mildle of the 2nd century after Christ) 
 Ascalon used autonomic as well as imperial coins, the former however of 
 only the smallest kind and least value ; sec de Saulcy, p. 187. 
 
 82 Tlie double date 56 and 102 is found on a coin of Augustus. On 
 another (in de Saulcy, p. 189, No. 8), 55 and 102. The year 102 is 
 according to the usual era of Ascalon 3/2 B.c. If however this, according 
 to the second era = 55/56, then the year 1 of this latter era = 57 B.c. (not 
 58, as was before supposed on the strength of the coin of the year 56).
 
 V6 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 those of Cleopatra and a Ptolemy, which would point to 
 their sovereignty or claims to sovereignty over this region.^*^ 
 Ascalon was never in the possession of Herod and his 
 successors, although it was indeed adorned with public 
 buildings by Herod,^" who seems also to have had a palace 
 there, which after his death passed into the possession of his 
 sister Salome.^* The ancient enmity of the Jews and Asca- 
 lonians made the breaking out of the Jewish war in A.D. 66 
 fatal for both. At first Ascalon was devastated by the 
 Jews;^' then the Ascalonians put to death all the Jews 
 dwelling in their city, 1500 in number ; ^^ finally, the Jews 
 made a second attack upon the town, which was indeed easily 
 repelled by the Eoman garrison stationed there.^ Ascalon 
 long remained a flourishing Hellenistic city with celebrated 
 religious rites and games.^ Many individuals famous in Greek 
 literature were natives of this town.^'^ 
 
 5. Azotus, "A^o)To<i, or Ashdod, Hebr. "li^f ^^, like Gaza and 
 Ascalon, an old Philistine town frequently mentioned in the Old 
 
 "^^a De Saulcy, Note sur quelques monnaies inedites cVAscalon {Revue 
 Numismatique, 1874, pp. 124-lo5). Feiiardeut, the same, pp. 184-194. 
 Comp. Bursian's p/»7oZ. Jahresbericht, vii. 467 sq. 
 
 83 Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 11. 
 
 8* Joseph. Antt. xvii. 11. 5 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3. Comp. Stark, p. 542. 
 On the question, whether Herod was born at Ascalon, see above, § 12. 
 De Saulcy thinks the use of certain supposed Jewish symbols (two cornu- 
 copias crossing each other with a lemon (?) in the middle) upon certain 
 coins of Ascalon of the time of Augustus must be referred to the influence 
 of Herod ; see his Note sur quelques monnaies d' Ascalon, in the Annuaire de 
 la Societe Frangaise de Numismatique et d'ArcMologie, iii. 253-258. 
 
 85 Joseph. Bell. Jud. n. 18. 1. ^^ Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5. 
 
 ^'' Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 2. 1, 2. On the enmity of the Ascalonians to the 
 Jews, see also Philo, ii. 576, ed. JIangey. 
 
 88 The games are mentioned in the inscription Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 
 4472 ; Le Bas et WaHdington, Inscriptiojis, vol. iii. n. 1839 (comp, above, 
 p. 24 sq.). Ammian. Marcellin. xiv. 8. 11 mentions Caesarea, Eieuthero- 
 polis, Neapolis, Ascalon and Gaza as the most important towns of Palestine. 
 To this very day " the ruins of Ascalon and Kaisarieh are the most 
 considerable on the whole coast from Ghaseh to Berüt " (Tobler, Dritte 
 
 Wanderung, p. 44). 
 
 89 Steph. Byz. s.i: reckons four philosophers, two grammarians, and two 
 historians of Ascalon (comp, above, p. 25) ; and the catalogue is not yet 
 complete (see Reland, p. 594).
 
 § 23. COXSTITUTIOX. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 77 
 
 Testament and already known to Herodotus,^'^ Ptolemy speaks 
 of it as a coast town ; ^^ Joseplms at one time as a coast, at 
 another as an inland town.^' The latter is more accurate, for it 
 lay, as the present Asdud does, more than a league inland, on 
 which account "A^coro'i irapoKio^ is in Christian times dis- 
 tinguished from "A^o3To<; fieao'yeco'i.^^ The district of Azotus 
 is frequently mentioned in the Books of the Maccabees ; but 
 no certain conclusions can be drawn therefrom as to its extent/-*'* 
 Nor are any further details of its fate under the Ptolemies and 
 Seleucidae known.^'*'* At the time of the rising of the Macca- 
 bees Azotus was unable to maintain itself against Jewish supre- 
 macy, Judas already destroyed its altars and images (1 Mace. 
 V. 68). Jonathan, however, devastated the city, together with its 
 temple of Dagon, by fire (1 Mace. x. 84, xi. 4). At the time of 
 Alexander Jannaeus the city, or rather its ruins, belonged to 
 the Jewish region (Joseph. Antt viii. 15. 4). Ponipey again 
 separated it from this latter, and made it a free town (Anft. xiv. 
 4. 4 ; Bell. Jucl. i. 7. 7). Put the ruined city was not restored 
 till Gabinius {Antt. xiv. 5. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4). It possibly 
 came, together with the other maritime towns, under the 
 dominion of Herod (b.c. 30), from whom it passed after his 
 death to his sister Salome {Antt. xvii. 8. 1, 11. 5 ; Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 6. 3). Whether, like Jamnia, it fell after her death to the 
 
 •JO Herodot. ii. 157. See on the subject generally, Reland, Palaestina, 
 pp. 60G-609. Winer, RWB., s.v. Asrlod. Pauly, Fual-Enc. i. 2. 2208 sq. 
 Kitter, Erdkunde, xvi. 94-100, Rauiuer, Palast, p. 174 ; Tobler, Dritte 
 Wanderung, pp. 26-32. Giierin, .Tudee, ii. 70-78 ; The Survey of Western 
 Palestine, Memoirs by Condor and Kitchener, ii, 409 sq., 421 sqq., also sheet 
 xvi. of the large English ciiart, 
 
 '•'i Ptolem, 
 
 ^^ As a coast town, Antt. xiii. 1.'), 4 ; as an inland town, Antt. xiv, 4. 4 ; 
 Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7 ; comp. Kuhn, ii. 362, 364. 
 
 "* Hierocli«, Synecdemus, ed. Parthey (1866), p. 43. 
 
 *** 1 Mace, xiv, 34, xvi, 10. 
 
 ^** On two interesting coins of Asdod, probably of the firet Diadochian 
 period, see Georg Hoffmann in Sallet's Zeitsclir. Jur Numismatik, vol. ix. 
 1882, p. 96 sq. The superscription of tiie coins is Hebrew, bnt in Greek 
 characters. On the one is IP ASAflA A2INA, i.e. nron niTJ'S "i^y (the 
 strong city of Ashdod) ; on the other IP A2 IPO.M Ii. i.e. probably the 
 city of Ashdod in the eighth year of Hirom (the king of the city).
 
 78 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Empress Livia is not quite certain, since Azotus is not expressly 
 named {Antt. xviii. 2. 2 ; Bell. Jucl. ii. 9. 1). It is probable 
 that a considerable portion of its population was Jewish, on 
 which account Vespasian was obliged, during the Jewish war, 
 to place a garrison in it {Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 2). Coins of Azotus 
 during the Eoman period seem not to have been preserved.^^ 
 
 6. Jamnia, 'Id/jiveia, in the Old Testament Jabneh, n^n^ 
 (2 Chron. xxvi. 6), under which name it frequently occurs in 
 Eabbiuic literature.^*^ Jamnia, like Azotus, is sometimes called 
 a maritime, sometimes an inland town,^'' for it lay consider- 
 ably inland, but had a port. Both are correctly distinguished 
 by Pliny and Ptolemy.^* There is express testimony that 
 Jamnia had a district. ^^ According to Strabo, it was so 
 densely populated that Jamnia and its neighbourhood were 
 able to furnish 40,000 fighting men.^^" In the Maccabaean 
 period Jamnia was — at least according to the second Book of 
 the Maccabees — attacked by Judas, and its port together 
 with the fleet burnt.^°^ The town itself however did not 
 
 ^* The coins with the legend Tvx'i ' Aauriuv, which older numismatics 
 have referred to this town (Eckhel, iii. 448 ; Mionnet, v. 534 ; Syppl. 
 viii. 370), are rightly denied to belong to it by de Saulcy (JS'umlsm. p. 
 282 sq.), even on account of the <r instead of ^ [also in the Pseudo-Aristeas 
 ' Aauriav x^^pi*" is, according to ^for. Schmid in Merx's Archiv, i. 275, 6, the 
 correct reading, instead of ' A^art'cov ;<;«p«v]. 
 
 '■"> Misbna, Shekalim i. 4 ; Rosh hashana ii. 8, 9, iv. 1, 2 ; Kethuboth iv. 6 ; 
 Sanhedrin xi. 4 ; Edujoth ii. 4 ; Aboth iv. 4 ; Bechorolh iv. 5, vi. 8 ; 
 Kelim V. 4 ; Para vii. 6. For the passages of the Tosefta, see the index 
 to Zuckermandel's edition (1882). Neubauer, La GeograpMe du Talmud, 
 1868, pp. 73-76. 
 
 3^ Maritime town, Antt. xviii. 15. 4. Inland town, Antt. iv. 4. 4 ; BeU. 
 Jud. i. 7. 7 ; comp. Kuhn, ii. 362 sq. 
 
 öS Plinius, H. N. v. 13. 68 : Jamneae duae, altera intus. Ptolem. v. 16. 2 : 
 'luf^uiiTuu 7.t^'/iu\ V. 16. 6: ' loci^viiot. See generally, Pieland, p. 823 sq. 
 Winer, RWB.^s.v. " Jabne." Pauly, Real-Enc. iv. 17. Raumer, p. 203 sq. 
 Ritter, xvi. 125 sq. Tobler, Dritte Wanderung, pp. 20-25. Guerin, Judee, 
 ii. 53-65. The Sm-vey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, 
 ii. 414, 441-433 ; also sheet xvi. of the large English chart. 
 
 ^'•^ Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 5 : ' Jii.f<,viiat kxI ' loV)? ruu -Trspio'iKav »(p^yci i'-xt. 
 
 ^00 Strabo, xvi. p. 759. Strabo here indeed erroneously calls Jamnia 
 
 ^01 2 Mace. xii. 8 sq., 40 ; comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 487.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION, I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS, 79 
 
 come into the possession of the Jews either then, or, as 
 Josephus asserts, under Simon.-^°^ It was not till Alexander 
 Januaeus that it formed a portion of the Jewish territory (Antt. 
 xiii. 15. 4). Pompey again separated it from the latter (Antt. 
 xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7), Gabinins restored it. Like Azotns, 
 Jamnia must also have come into the possession of Herod, 
 since it was left by him to his sister Salome {Antt. xvii. 8. 1, 
 11, 5 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). The Empress Livia received it 
 from the latter {Antt. xviii. 2. 2 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 1), and after 
 her death it seems to have become a private possession of 
 Tiberius {Antt. xviii. 6. 3; see above, p. 55). The population 
 was then a mixed one of Jews and heathen, but with a pre- 
 ponderance of the Jewish element. -^"^ This explains the fact, 
 that Vespasian twice found himself obliged to garrison the 
 city,^°* and that Jamnia, after the destruction of Jerusalem, 
 soon became a headquarter of Jewish learning. 
 
 7. Joppa, 'loirr) or 'Iottttt)^^^ Hebr, is^/*"' the present Jaffa. 
 
 ^<*- Joseph. Antt. xiii. 6. 6 ; BtU. Jud. L 2. 2. See, on the other hand, 
 1 Mace. X. 69, xv. 40. 
 
 103 Philo, Lef/at. ad Ca/'um, § 30 (Mang. ii. 575) : to-'jtvj lUr/xli; o'ucwtiu 
 01 ttXe/owj f/Au lovOxiot, iTspoi dk rivig oiXKoi^vT^ot T^xpeia^äxpiun; «to tuu 
 -7r?.r,<7iox,üpü)i/. Ol Tol; rpo'rvov ztv» ctiidr/iAdtu ourz.; yAroiKot, y.u,y..oi k»1 'Trcu.y- 
 (^.xrct ■roi.tikyjtv'jiv, aiti rt 'Trupa.T^vdun; rüv TrctTpiuv lovosiioi;. Philo, indeeJ, 
 by here assigning the part of natives to the Jews, and that of metoikoi. to 
 the heathen, reverses the true order of things. For even in the Maccabaean 
 period Jamnia was a chiefly heathen city, nor was it till afterwards that its 
 Jewish element increased. 
 
 104 Joseph. Bell. .hid. iv. 3. 2, 8. 1. 
 
 105 The orthography fluctuates. In the texts of non-biblical authors the 
 form 'löVii, which is required by Greek graniuiarians, is preferred (see 
 Movers, Phönicicr., ii. 2. 176, note 73. Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Ada societ. 
 pMlol. Lips. vol. V. p. 104) and corroborated by the usage of poets 
 (Alexander Ephesias in Stcph. Byz., ed. Meiueke, p. 255 : Aup6; r dy^loLt^og 
 r 'loV>j Trpovycova* doi'K»<j(rr,;, also Dionys. Pcrieg. in Müller, Gcnfjr. gr. mtn. 
 ii. ICO: o'tr 'loV>i» kxI Tui^ccv 'E'Axi'oct r Ivuxiovut). The biblical manu- 
 scripts, on the contrary, have, as it appears, universally 'IoVtdj, whether in 
 the Old or New Testament (1 ^laccabeos and Acts). Of the few coins that 
 have been preserved some have one, some the other form. The Greek ' leVyj 
 is related to is^ as 'Ax» is to isy But it might also arise from the form *£^ 
 (concluding with Jod), as the name is given on the inscription of Eschmun- 
 azar. See Schlottmann, Die Inschrift EscJuniinazars (1868). p. 150 sqq. 
 
 106 Josh. xix. 46 ; Jonah i. 3 ; 2 Chron. ii. 15 ; Ezra iii. 7. Mishna,
 
 80 § 23. CONSTITÜTIOX, I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 The special importance of Joppa is found in the fact that it 
 was comparatively the best harbour on the coast of Palestme.^^' 
 It was therefore at almost all periods the chief place of 
 debarkation for the interior of Judaea, and its possession, 
 especially on the greater development of trade and commerce 
 in later times, was almost a vital question for the Jews. In 
 the Persian period, and indeed in the time of the Sidonian 
 King Eschmunazar, Joppa was granted to the Sidonians by 
 the " Lord of Kings," i.e. by the Persian monarch.^^'* To the 
 Greeks it was chiefly known as the scene of the myth of 
 Perseus and Andromeda, and is mentioned as such even before 
 the time of Alexander the Great by Scylax (see above, p. 1 5). 
 In the Diadochian period it seems to have been an important 
 arsenal. When Antigonus wrested Coelesyria from Ptolemy 
 Lagos, he was obHged to take Joppa as well as other places 
 by force.^^^ And when, three years later (312 b.c.), Ptolemy 
 Lagos found he could not hold the reconquered region against 
 Antigonus, he had Joppa razed on his retreat as one of the 
 more important fortresses. ^"^ In the time of the Maccabees 
 
 Nedarini iii. 6 ; Tosefta, Demai i, 11 (ed, Zuckermandel, p. 46, 1). 
 Neubauer, La Geographie du Talmud, p. 81 sq. 
 
 10'' Joseph. Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 3 indeed describes the harbour as dangerous, 
 •which it still is. It miist, however, have been comparatively the best. 
 According to Diodor. i. 13, there was but one safe harbour («(/^«x^ "KiyAva), 
 viz. the Pharos of Alexandria from Paraetonium in Libya to Jopa iu 
 Coelesyria. Strabo too (xvi. p. 759) rightly gives prominence to the import- 
 ance of Joppa as a port for Judaea. See especially 1 Mace. xiv. 5. Compare 
 on the subject in general, Reland, pp. 864-867. Winer, R WB. Pauly, Recd- 
 Enc. Schenkel, Bihellex. s.v. Ritter, xvi. 574-580, Raumer, p. 204 sq. 
 Tobler, Topographie von Jerusalem, ii. 576-637. Sepp, Jerusalem (2nd ed.), 
 i. 1-22. Guerin, Jud^e, i. 1-22 Bädeker-Socin., Palästina (1st ed.), 
 p. 131 sqq., with plan. Schwarz, Jafa und Umgebung, mit Plan (Zeitschr. 
 d. deutschen Pal.-Ver. iii. 44 sqq.). The Survey of Western Palestine, 
 Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iL 254-258, 275-278 ; also sheet xiii. 
 of the large English chart. 
 
 1"'^ See the inscription of Eschmunazar, line 18-19, and Schlottmann, 
 as above, pp. 83-147 sqq. The text is best given in the Corpus Inscrip* 
 tionum Semiticarum, vol. i. (1881) pp. 9-20. 
 
 ^"8 Diodor. xix. 59. Comp. Droysen, Hellenismus, ii. 2. 11. Stark, Gaza. 
 p. 350. 
 
 10** Diodor. xix. 93. Comp. Droysen, ii. 2. 54. Stark, p. 355 sq.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 8] 
 
 the efforts of the Jews were especially directed to obtain 
 possession of this important place. It is true that Judas 
 Maccabaeus — if the account is quite trustworthy — only 
 destroyed the port and fleet of Joppa during a nocturnal 
 attack (2 Mace. xii. 3-7). Jonathan however, in the year 
 147 or 146 B.c., made a .serious assault of the town, in 
 consequence of which the inhabitants opened the gates to him 
 and forced the Syrian garrison to depart (1 Mace. x. 75, 76). 
 Thenceforward the Jews remained with but slight inter- 
 mission in possession of the town till the time of Pompey. 
 From the same period also must be dated the Judaizing of the 
 city. For when, a few years after its conquest by Jonathan, 
 the inhabitants showed signs of again surrendering the town 
 to the Syrians, Simon, the brother of Jonathan, stationed a 
 Jewish garrison in it (1 Mace. xii. .33, 34) and compelled the 
 heathen inhabitants to leave the town (1 Mace, xiii, 11: 
 e^eßaXe rov^ oWa? iv avrf))}^^ Simon then enlarged and 
 improved the harbour and fortified the town (1 Mace. xiv. 5,34). 
 "When the energetic Antiochus VII. (Sidetes) endeavoured 
 again to retrench the power of the Jew\s, the possession of 
 Joppa was a main point of dispute. Even while Antiochus 
 was contending with Trypho, he demanded from Simon the 
 surrender of Joppa (1 Mace. xv. 28-30). The latter however 
 declared himself only ready to pay a sum of money instead 
 (1 Mace. XV. 35). "When, some years later, in the beginning 
 of the reign of John Hyrcanus, all Palestine was conquered 
 and even Jerusalem besieged by Antiochus, it is probable 
 that Joppa had already been taken by him. He was 
 nevertheless satisfied at the conclusion of a peace with the 
 payment of a tribute for Joppa (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 8. 3)."* 
 Thus the town continued in the possession of the Jews, and 
 
 ^^^ Comp. Stark, p. 493 sq. A similar procedure was observed towards 
 Gazara. 
 
 '^^ The seizure of Joppa by an Antiochus is assumed in two Roman 
 Senatus-consultus, in the latter of which its surrender is commanded liim 
 by the Roman Senate (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 9. 2, xiv. 10. 22). Perhaps this 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. F
 
 82 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I, TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 in later times even the payment of the tribute ceased. There 
 is express testimony that Alexander Jannaeus possessed Joppa 
 {Antt. xiii. 15. 4). This maritime city was however taken by 
 Pompey from the Jews, who were thus entirely cut off from 
 the sea {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). Among the favours 
 bestowed by Caesar on the Jews one of the most valuable was 
 the restoration of Joppa {Antt. xiv. 10. 6)."" It is not quite 
 certain whether Herod held Joppa from the first. At any 
 rate, like the other coast towns, it belonged, during the years 
 34-30 B.c., to Cleopatra (see above, § 15), and thenceforth to 
 Herod {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3)."^ From this time 
 it was always united with Judaea proper, and hence passed 
 after Herod's death to Archelaus {Avitt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 6. 3), and was after his deposition under Eonian procurators. 
 At the beginning of the Jewish war, Joppa was, by reason of 
 its mainly Jewish population, a central seat of rebellion. 
 It was destroyed at the very beginning of the war by Cestius 
 Gallus {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 10), but soon fortified again and 
 conquered a second time by Vespasian {Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 2-4). 
 From that time it probably again became a chiefly heathen 
 town. It is shown by a coin recently discovered, that it was 
 also called Flavia, which leads to the inference of its re- 
 foundation in the time of Vespasian."^'"^ Notwithstanding its 
 close connection with Judaea, Joppa formed an independent 
 
 explains the striking leniency of Antiochus in the conditions of peace. It 
 is however just questionable, whether Antiochus Sidetes is meant. 
 
 112 For further details, see above, § 15. 
 
 iiä The Jews having been in possession of Joppa since Caesar, and it 
 being expressly said of Joppa, that Herod conquered it when he took 
 possession of liis kingdom {Auii. xiv. 15. 1 ; Bell. Jud. i. 15. 3, 4), it must 
 be supposed that it was his from the beginning of his reign, and that he 
 then obtained it again in the year 30, after the short interregnum of 
 Cleopatra. The only difficulty is, that at the enlargement of his domains 
 in the year 30, Joppa is named, not as a portion of the domains again 
 bestowed on Herod, but expressly as among the towns neioly bestowed 
 besides these. 
 
 113a Darricarrere, Suj- une mormaic ineditc ele Joppe {Eevite archeologique, 
 nouv. Serie, vol. xliii. 1882, p. 74 sq.). The coin is of the time of Elaga- 
 balus, and bears the inscription : lo'TTTr/Ji ^Phaovix;.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 83 
 
 political community after the manner of Hellenistic towns."* 
 Of its coins few specimens have been preserved.^^^ 
 
 8. Apollonia, ^AiroWwvla. An Apollonia between Joppa 
 and Caesarea is mentioned by geographers down to the later 
 imperial period."^ It occurs only twice in history : at the 
 time of Alexander Jannaeus, when it belonged to the Jewish 
 region (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 4), and at the time of Gabinius, 
 who restored it (Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4). According to the 
 statement of distance in the Peutinger table (22 m. p. from 
 Caesarea) it must have been situate where the present Arsuf 
 is.'^^^ Stark's supposition, that it is identical with Xw^ovcra, 
 is commended by the circumstance, that in Cyrenaica also an 
 Apollonia and a Sozusa appear, which are probably identical. 
 Sozusa would thus be the town of Apollo XonTrjp}^^ The 
 name Apollonia makes it probable, that it was founded by 
 Seleucus I. in the time of the definitive occupation of Coelesyria 
 by the Ptolemies."^ 
 
 ^1* This appears cliiefly from the manner in which Josephus (Bell. Jud, 
 iii. 3. 5) mentions Joppa hcside Judaea proper: fud'' »; ^Ixfivetx kxI 'Iottyi 
 Tuv TTiptoiKuu d(pnyovvTxi. In Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 4 also, the x.u^xi and 
 ■TvOAxvcti TJj? ' loVjjf are mentioned. 
 
 11° Eckhel, Docir. Num. iii. 433. Mionnet, v. 499. De Saulcy, p. 176 sq., 
 pi. ix. n. 3, 4. Reichardt, Numismatic Chronicle, 1862, p. Ill ; and Wiener 
 Numismat. Monatshefte, published by Egger, a'oI. iii. 1867, p. 192. 
 Darricarrere, as above. 
 
 116 Plinius, //. N. V. 13. 69. Ptolem. v. 16. 2. Tahula Peutinger. Segm. 
 ix. Geographus liavennas, ed. Pinder et Parthey (1860), pp. 83 and 356. 
 Guidonis Geogr. in the above-named edition of the Geogr. Ravcnn. p. 524. 
 Steph. Byz., s.v. 'AxoTiXwy/«, reckons twenty-five towns of this name, 
 No. 12 among them: inpl rijv Koiy^nv Ivplatv; No. 13: x-xra. ^lö'yry.'j (this 
 being the one now in question) ; No. 20 : 2vptxg kxtx ' A-Trxfuixi'. 
 
 11^ See in general, Reland, p. 573. Ritter, xvi. 590. Pauly's Enc. i. 2. 
 1308. Kuhn, ii. 362. Gueriu, Samarie, ii. 375-382. The Survey of Wcslcrn 
 Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 135, 137-140 (with plan) ; 
 also sheet x. of the large English chart. De Saulcy, Numismatique, 
 p. 110 sq., pi. vi. n. 1, 2. 
 
 11^ 'S.öj^ovax in Hierocles, ed. Parthey, p. 44. Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 452. 
 On Sozusa in Cyrenaica, Forbinger, Ilandh. ii. 829. 
 
 11^ Appian. Syr. 57 does not indeed mention our town, but speaks 
 of Apollonia as a Macedonian town - name transplanted into Syria by 
 Seleucus I. Comp. Stark, as above.
 
 84 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 9. StratorCs Tower, Xrpdjoivo'i 7rvpyo<i, afterwards Caesarea.^^ 
 Like Apollonia, Straton's Tower may have been a foundation 
 of the Hellenistic period, perhaps at first a castle, so called 
 after a general of the Ptolemies. It is however possible, that 
 it was founded towards the end of the Persian period by a 
 Sidonian king of the name of Straton.^^^ Artemidorus, about 
 100 B.c., is the first geograpliical author by whom it is 
 mentioned.-^^' At that period too it first occurs in history, 
 being mentioned in the time of Aristobulus I., 104 B.c. (Aiitt. 
 xiii. 11. 2). In the beginning of the reign of Alexander 
 Jannaeus, a " tyrant," Zoilus was master of Straton's Tower and 
 
 ^20 See generally, Reland, pp. 670-678. Eaumer, p. 152 sq. Winer, 
 RWB., and Scheukel's Bibellex. s.v. Caesarea. Pauly, Real-Enc. ii. 47. 
 Kuhn, Die siädt. und bürgerl. Verfassung, ii. 347-350. The same, Uehcr 
 die Entstehung der Städte der Alten (1878), pp. 423-433. Ritter, xvi. 598- 
 607. Sepp, Jerusalem (2nd ed.), ii. 573 sqq. Guerin, Samarie, ii. 321. 
 The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 13-29 
 (with plans), ako sheet vii. of the English chart. 
 
 121 In Justinian's Novelle 103 praef. it is said of Caesarea : Kuhoi ye 
 ccDXfi'cc 7S iari x-ctl »tl asfcw/i, i]:/lx.x rs »vr'/iu '^rpxruu iopvaxro TrpuTog, og kS, 
 'EAAacoj dvaarx; yiyoysv cn-vrvj; ciKiiyrY,; '/jvikx ri OueaTrxaiavo; . . . si; rviu 
 ruu KuKTOipoj!/ cci/T'/iV Jjvofixas Trpoayiyopictv. The worthlessness of this notice 
 is shown already by the gross mistake with respect to Vespasian. As there 
 was a Strato7is Island on the Abyssinian coast of the Red Sea (Strabo, xvi. 
 p. 770), Straton's Tower may have been a foundation of the Ptolemies. So 
 Stark, Gaza, p. 451. To me however it seems almost more probable, that 
 it was founded by the Sidonians. For towards the end of the Persian 
 period they were in possession of the nearest towns both northward and 
 southward, viz. Dora and Joppa (which see), and therefore presumably of 
 the strip of coast also upon which Straton's Tower was built. Straton 
 moreover was the name of one or more of the last kings of Sidon (see 
 Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 87, and also Bockh). At any rate its designation as 
 ■TTvpyog, tower, is not usual for a town of Hellenistic foundation. Lastly, L. 
 Müller thmks, that a coin of Alexander the Great with the letters 2t may 
 be referred to our Straton's Tower (L. Müller, Numismatique d' Alexandre 
 le Grand, p. 306, plates, n. 1466), in which case it must already have 
 been in existence in the time of Alexander the Great, or at latest in the 
 Diadochian period (in which also coins of Alexander were issued). All 
 this combined favours the view, that it was already founded by the 
 Sidonians. 
 
 1-2 Artemidorus in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aupog (on Artemidorus, see Forbiger, 
 Handbuch der alten Geographie, i. 246 sqq., 255 sqq. Pauly's Enc. s.v.). 
 The latest geographer who knows of Straton's Tower by that name only is 
 Strabo, xvi. p. 758.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 85 
 
 Dora (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 1 2. 2). He was soon overthrown by- 
 Alexander Jannaeus (Antt. xiii. 12. 4), and hence Straton's 
 Tower is named among the towns belonging to Alexander 
 (Antt. xiii. 15. 4). It obtained its freedom from Pompey 
 (Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jitd. i. 7. 7). It was bestowed upon 
 Herod by Augustus (Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jucl. i. 20. 3), and 
 from this period dates the special importance of the town. 
 For it was rebuilt on the most magnificent scale by Herod, 
 and provided with artificial embankments and an excellent 
 harbour (Antt. xv. 9. 6, xvi. 5. 1; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 5-8).^23 
 He called the town Kaiadpeia in honour of the emperor, and 
 the harbour Xeßaaro'^ Xifxi'jvP^ Hence on Nero's coins we 
 meet with Kaiaapta rj 7rpo<; ^eßaa-Tco Xi^evt.^^^ The designa- 
 tion Kaia-dpeua Seßaar/] occurs only once.^"*' Elsewhere 
 the town is called in distinction from others Kacadpeia 
 XTpdTwvo<;}^^ and in later times Kaiadpeta Tr]<i TlakaKnivr]';}'^^ 
 It quickly attained to great prosperity, and remained for a 
 long period one of the most important towns of Palestine.*^® 
 After the death of Herod it passed with the rest of Judaea to 
 
 123 Besides the above principal passages, compare also Joseph. Antt. xv. 
 8. 5. Flinius, v. 13. 69. On tlie time of its building, see above, § 15. On 
 its constitution and political position, see especially Kuhn's above-named 
 work. 
 
 12* On the latter, see Antt. xvii. 5. 1 ; Bdl. .TwI. i. 31. 3. 
 
 125 These coins are fully treated of by Belley in the Memoires de VAcarUmie 
 des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, old series, vol. xxvi. 1759, pp. 440-445. 
 Comp, also Eckhel, iii. 428 sq. Mionnet, Description, v. 486 sq. De 
 Saulcy, Numismatiqite, p. 116 sq. 
 
 1-'^ Joseph. Antt. xvi. 5. 1. Philo, Legat, ad Cajnm, § 38, ed. Mang. ii. 590. 
 The designation Avyovara Kcitaccottx occurring on an inscription (Corp. 
 Inscr. Grace, n. 4472 = Lt' Bus et \Vaddington, Inscriptions, vol. üi. n. 1839) 
 is an abbreviation of colonia prima Flavia Augusta Caesarea, the official title 
 of Caesarea as a colony since Vespasian ; see below, p. 87, and Kuhn, ii. 349. 
 
 1" Ptolem. V. 16. 2, viii. 20. 14. Clement. Homil. i. 15, 20, xiii. 7 ; 
 Recogn. i. 12. Le Bas et AVaddingtoii, Inscriptions, vol. iii. n. 1620** (In- 
 scription of Aphrodisias in Caiia of the second century after Christ, comp, 
 above, p. 24). 
 
 128 Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lagarde, pp. 207, 250. De martyr. Pakstinne, i. 2. 
 
 ^29 Joseph. Bell. .lud. iii. 9. 1. Clement. Reco(jn. i. 12. Apollonius, Ttjan. 
 epist. xi. (in Epistohnp-aphi graeci, ed. Hercher, Paris 1873, Didot). Totius 
 orhis descriptio in Müller, G'eogr. gr. minores, ii. 517. Ammian. xiv. p. 11.
 
 86 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Archelaus {Äntt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). It after- 
 wards continued on all occasions united with Judaea, and 
 hence came after the deposition of Archelaus under Koman 
 procurators, then under Agrippa I., and then again under 
 procurators. Coins of Agrippa I., which were coined in 
 Caesarea, are still in existence.^^^ His arparrj'yo'i in Caesarea 
 is incidentally mentioned (Antt. xix. 7. 4). It is well known 
 that he himself died there (see above, § 18), He was 
 hated by the Caesareans for his Judaizing tendencies {Antt. 
 xix. 9. 1). The Eoman procurators, both before and after the 
 reign of Agrippa, took up their abode at Caesarea (see above, 
 § IT*'). Hence the town is called in Tacitus, Judaeae cap7it 
 (Tac. Hist. ii. 78). It was also the chief garrison for the 
 troops under the command of the procurators, who were for 
 the most part composed of natives (see above, p. 65), The 
 population being chiefly a heathen one (Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 1), 
 though mingled with a considerable Jewish fraction, disputes 
 easily occurred, and the more so that both had equal civil 
 rights, and had therefore to conduct the affairs of the 
 town in common,^^"'^ Neither the Jews nor the heathen 
 were satisfied with this state of things. Each of these parties 
 claimed the exclusive government of the town. Already 
 towards the close of the official career of Felix there were 
 sanguinary contests on the subject, in consequence of which 
 Nero, whose adviser had been bribed by the heathen party, 
 deprived the Jews of their equality of right, and declared the 
 heathen sole governors of the town. The exasperation which 
 ensued gave the first inducement to the great rising of the 
 Jews in a.D. 66 {Antt. xx. 8. 7 and 9 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 7, 
 14. 4, 5). After the breaking out of the war, the Jews, as 
 
 130 Eckhel, iii. 491, 492. Madden, Historij of Jewish Coinage, pp. 107, 109. 
 The same, Coins of the Jews (1881), pp. 13-3, 136. Tlie coins with the legend 
 Kuiaecpua.; «o-vTiovare rightly denied by Eckhel to belong to our Caesarea. 
 
 130a Xhe ävapig oi x-mr i^c^vfJ T~/ig ■^o'Asiyj, mentioned Acts xxv. 23, must 
 according to the context be regarded as heathen. This however does not 
 exclude Jews from a share in the government, but merely corresponds with 
 the preponderance of the heathen element testified to by Josephus.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 87 
 
 tlie minority, fell victims to the fury of the heathen populace. 
 It is said that all the Jewish inhabitants, 20,000 in numher, 
 were then assassinated in an hour {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1, vii. 8. 
 7, ed. Bekker, p. 161). Caesarea was changed by Vespasian 
 into a Eoman colony, though without the full jus ItalicumP^ 
 On coins it bears the title col{pnia) prima Fl{avia) Äug{ustc() 
 Caesarensis or Caesarea. To this was added after the time 
 of Alexander Severus the title metropolis, or as it is more 
 completely given on coins after Decius, metropolis, pr. S. Pal. 
 ( = provinciae Syriac PalaestinaeP'^ 
 
 10. Dora, Awpa, in Polybius Aovpa, elsewhere also Awpo<;, 
 in Pliny, Dorum}^^ Hebr. in or ixi,^^* an old Phoenician 
 
 ^^^ Plinius, //. iV. V. 13. 69 : Stratonis turris, eadem Caesarea, ab Herode 
 rege condita, nunc colonia prima Flavia a Vespasiano iinperatore dediicta. 
 Digest, lib. xv. 8. 7 (from Paulus): Divus Vespasianus Caesarieuses colonos 
 fecit non adjecto, ut et juris Italici esseut, sed tributum his reuiisit capitis ; 
 sed divus Titus etiam solum immune factum iuterpretatus est. Ihid. lib. xv. 
 1. 6 (from Ulpianus): In Palacstina duae fnerunt coloniae, Cae.?ariensis et 
 Aelia Capitolina, sed neutra jus Italioum habet. Comp. Zuuipt, Cnmmcn- 
 tatimies epigr. i. 397 sq. Ou the ju.s Italicum, see Jfarquardt, Römische 
 Staatsverwaltung, i. 89 sqq. (1881). and the literature therein cited, p. 89, 
 note 7, to which is to be added : Beaudouin, Etude stir le .Jus italicum, 
 Paris (1883). Comp. Revue critique, 1884, No. 6, pp. 99-101. 
 
 132 On the coins in general, see Eckhel, iii. 428-442. Miouuet, v. 486- 
 497 ; Suppl. viii. 334-348. De Saulcy, pp. 112-141, pi. vii. 
 
 '33 The form Awpo; occurs especially in older authors, but is also 
 preferred by Steph. Byz. Aws« was afterwards exclusively used. (1) 
 Aupoi is found in Scylax (fourth century B.c.), ApoUodorus (about 140 
 HjC.), Alexander Ephesias (see on him Pauly's Enc. s.v. Alex. n. 40), 
 Charax (the three last named in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aupo;). To this series 
 belongs also Pliny (H. N. v. 19. 75, Dorum). (2) AaJo«« or Awo« found 
 besides in 1 Mace, in Artemidorus (about 100 B.c.), Claudius Jolaus (both 
 in Steph. Byz.), Josephus (constantly), ou coins of Caligula, Trajan, Ela- 
 gabalus (in De Saulcy), Ptolemaeus (v. 1.5. 5), Clement. Recogn. (iv. 1), 
 Eusebius (Onom., ed. Lag. p. 250), Hieronymus (the same, p. 115), 
 Hierocles (ed. Parthey, p. 43), the lists of bishops (in Le Qiiien, Oriens 
 Christ, iii. 574 sqq.), Gcograjihiis Ravcnnas (ed. Pinder et Parthey, pp. 89, 
 357). To this series belong also Polybius (v. 66, Advpa) and Tab. Pcvting. 
 ^Thora). Comp, also note 136, below. The first Book of the Maccabees 
 uses A<u/)Äindecl., it is elsewhere treated as a neut. plur. (Josephus usually; 
 Eusebiu.?, p. 280, the lists of bisliop.s) ; sometimes also as a fem. sing. 
 (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 7. 2 ; c. Apinn. ii. 9. Clement. Recogn. iv. 1). 
 
 "* nn. Josh. xi. 2, xii. 23 ; Judg. i. 27 ; 1 Chron. vii. 29. "iN'n, Josh.
 
 88 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 settlement 8 or 9 miles north of Caesarea.^^^ It was known 
 from ancient times to the Greeks, being already mentioned 
 by Hecataeus of Miletus, who lived 500 years before Christ, 
 in his description of the eartli,^^^ Nay, it is possible that it 
 may, during the hegemony of Athens in the Mediterranean in 
 the 5th century B.c., have been tributary to the Atheniaus.^^*^^ 
 In the time of the Sidonian King Eshmunazar it was granted 
 to the Sidoniaus by the " Lord of Kings," i.e. by the Persian 
 monarch.^^'^ Hence Scylax, whose description refers to the 
 
 xvii. 11 ; 1 Kings iv. 11. Also upon the inscription of Eshmunazar, see 
 below, note 137. In the 0. T. nil riQ3 (Josh. xii. 23 ; 1 Kings iv. 11) or 
 "in niSJ (Josh. xi. 2), properly the height or heights of Dor, and therefore 
 probably the hill country, which lay inland from Dor, is distinguished from 
 the town of Dor (see Riehm's Wörterbuch, s.v.). Only the former and not 
 the maritime town was possessed by Solomon. Less probable is Movers' 
 notion {Phönickr, ii. 2. 175 sq.), that Naphath-Dor is distinguished as an 
 inland town from Dor as a coast town. 
 
 13^ The foundation by the Phoenicians is fully described by Claudius 
 Jolaus in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aupo; (also in Müller, Fragm. hist, grace, iv. 3G3). 
 •Joseph us also calls Dora a mT^ts rvi; ^oivikyi; (Vita, 8; c. Apion. ii. 9). 
 The distance from Caesarea, 8 r?j. p. according to Tab. Peuiing.; 9 m. p. 
 according to Eusebius (Onom., ed. Lag. p. 283) and Jerome (the same, pp. 
 115, 142). According to Artemidorus (in Steph. Byz. s.v.), Dora lay Iot 
 Xipoovnaoitoov; roVoy. Comp, generally, Reland, pp. 738-741 ; Raumer, p. 
 154; Winer, Schenkel, Pauly, s.^'.,• Ritter, xvi. 607-612; Guerin, Samarie, 
 ii. 305-315. The Survey of Westei-n Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and 
 Kitchener, ii. pp. 8, 7-11 ; also sheet vii. of the English chart. 
 
 136 Hecataeus in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aapog (also in Müller, Fragm. hist, graec. 
 i. 17, n. 260) : f^iToi Bs ^ i7«,7^a.i Aupo;, uvv oi Aupx x,cthihcci. The words 
 cannot indeed have come down just as they stand from Hecataeus, because 
 they manifest a change in the usage of the language, which did not fully 
 take place till about 500 years later (see above, note 133). Hence the 
 copy made use of by Steph. Byz. must here have had an interpolation. 
 On Hecataeus, see Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geogr. i. 48 sqq. C. Müller, 
 Fragm. hist, graec. t. i. Proleg. pp. ix.-xvi. Westermann in Pauly's Enc. 
 iii. 1082 sq. 
 
 136a The Aapos tributary to the Athenians is indeed generally taken to 
 be a town in Caria (according to Steph. Byz. s.v. Aupog). Such an one 
 however not being elsewhere known of, and the power of the Athenians 
 extending in any case to Cyprus, we may perhaps suppose it to have been 
 the Phoenician Doros. See Ulr. Köhler, Urkunden und Untersuchungen zur 
 Geschichte des Delisch-attischen Bundes {Transactions of the Berlin Aca- 
 demy, 1869), pp. 121, 207. Six, Numismatic Chronicle, 1877, p. 235. 
 
 ^2'' See the inscription of Eshmunazar, lines 18, 19, in the Corp. Inscript.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 89 
 
 Persian period, rightly calls Dora a town of the Sidonians.^'^ 
 Although Dora was no large city/'"'^ it M'as on account of its 
 favourable position a strong fortress. When Antiochus the 
 Great made (219 b.c.) his first attack upon Coelesyria, he 
 besieged Dora, but in vain.^''*^ Eighty years afterwards 
 (139-138 B.c.) Trypho was here besieged by Antiochus 
 Sidetes with a large army, but equally without result. The 
 siege ended with the flight of Trypho.^^^ On a coin of 
 Trypho's stamped at Dora the town is called le(pä) K{ai) 
 aiavXos;)}^^ Some decades afterwards we find it in the 
 possession of the tyrant Zoilus (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 12. 2), 
 who was afterwards overthrown by Alexander Jannaeus 
 {Antt. xiii. 12. 4). It must therefore have subsequently 
 belonged to the Jewish region, but was again separated 
 from it by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bdl. Jiid. i. 7. 7). Like 
 many other towns, Dora also then began a new era, which 
 it continued to use on coins of the imperial age.^^'^ It 
 was restored by Gabinius {Antt. xiv. 5. 3). After Pompey 
 
 Semiticariim, vol. i. (1881) pp. 9-20; also Sclilottmann, Die Im^chrift 
 Eschmunazar (18C8), pp. 82 sq., 146 sqq. 
 
 ^^^ Scylax in Geograplii graeci minores, ed. Müller, i. 79 : AZpo; nrot.ii 
 lihaviav. On Scylax, see c.cj. Fabricius-Harles, Blhlioth. gr. iv. 606 sqq. 
 Forbiger, Ilandh. d. alun Gcogr. i. 113 sqq., 123 sqq. Westermann iii 
 Fauly's Enc. vi. 1. 891 sq. Nicolai, Griech. Literaturgesch. i. 322 sq. 
 Anonymi vulgo Scylacis Caryandensis periplum maris intemi cum appen- 
 dice, iterum rec. Fahricius, Lips. 1878. 
 
 i''-* Artemidorus : 'Tra'Kia/axriov. Claudius Jolans : ßoecxitx '770>vi'x'-'^i (both 
 in Steph. Byz.). Clement, llecogn. iv. 1 : breve oppidum. 
 
 »0 Polyb. V. 66. ^^^ 1 ^facc. xv. 11-37 ; Joseph. Antt. xiii. 7. 2. 
 
 I'is Mionnet, v. 72. Stark, p. 477. 
 
 i''3 Tlic commencement of the era cannot be strictly deterniincd. At 
 all events however it is that of Pompey (b.c. 63?), not that of Gabinius, 
 as De Saulcy, in spite of his own objections assumes, for an era of Gabinius 
 could not begin earlier than the autumn of 58 B.c. = 696 A.U.C. and then 
 175 aer. Dor., of which year coins of Trajan are in existence, would be = 
 870/871 A.U.C., while Trajan was already dead before the autumn of 870. 
 See generally, Noris, iv. 5. 5 (ed. Lips. pp. 453-4.")8). Fellerin, Rccucil de 
 me'dailles de j^cvples ct de villcs (3 vols. Faris 1763), ii. 216 sq. Eckhel, 
 Doctr. Num. iii. 362 sq. Ideler, Ilandh. der Chromdngie, i. 459. The 
 coins in Mionnet, v. 359-362 ; Suppl. viii. 258-260. De Saulcy, pp. 142-148, 
 pi. vi. n. 6-12.
 
 90 § -23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 it was under direct Eonmn government, and therefore 
 never belonged to Herod (whose dominions on the coast 
 extended no farther northward than Caesarea). It is called 
 on coins of the imperial period lepa äcTv\o<; avrovofio^ 
 vavap'x^i'i}'^^ The existence of a Jewish community in Dora is 
 evidenced by an occurrence of the time of King Agrippa I. : 
 a number of young people once placed a statue of the emperor 
 in the Jewish synagogue, and it needed energetic intervention 
 on the part of Petronius the governor, in a letter addressed to 
 the authorities of Dora {Awpirwv tol^ irpcoToi'i), to secure to 
 the Jews that free exercise of their religion, which had been 
 pledged to them {Antt. xix. 6. 3). In the later imperial period, 
 Dora seems to have fallen into decay.^*^ Christian bishops 
 of Dora are however mentioned down to the 7th century.^*^ 
 
 11. Ptolemais, UrokeixaU}^^ The original name of tlie 
 town was Akko, isv (Eichter 1. 31), or, as it reads in Greek, 
 "Ak7]. By this name it was already known to the Greeks 
 in pre-Hellenistic times.-''*^ It was here that in the year 
 
 ^^* See especially Mionuet and De Saulcy, as above. 
 
 1^5 Hieronymus, Ononiast., ed. Lagarde, p. 115: Dora . . . nunc deserta. 
 Ihid. p. 142: Dor autem est oppidum jam desertum. The same, Peregri- 
 natio Paulae (in Tobler, Palaestinae descriptiones^ 1869, p. 13) : ruinas Dor, 
 urbis quondam potentissimae. 
 
 1^^ Le Quien, Oricns christianns, iii. 574-579. 
 
 ^^'^ For a description of the situation, see Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 10. 2. 
 Compare in general, Reland, pp. 534-542. Pauly, Real-Enc. vi. 1. 243. 
 Winer, Aü. " Acco." Raum er, p. 119 sq. Ritter, xvi. 725-739. Robinson, 
 Recent Scriptural Researches in Palestine, iii. 89-101. Sepp, Jerusalem, ii. 
 513 sqq. Guerin, Galilee, i. 502-525. Bädeker-Socin, Paläst. 1st ed. p. 
 369 sqq. (with plan of the present Akka). The Survey of Western Palestine, 
 Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 145, 160-167, also sheet iii. of the 
 English chart. Ebers and Guthe, Palästina, vol. ii. p. 450. 
 
 1*8 Scylax in Geogr. gr. min., ed. Müller, i. 79. Isaeus, Orat. iv. 7. 
 Demosthenes, Orat. 52 contra Callippum, §24 (where indeed the word" Ax>jj» 
 is first restored in Dindorf's edit, after the gloss in Harpocration, Lex. s.v. 
 'Ann, the earlier edition having ©o«*«;/). Diodor. xv. 41, xix. 93. 
 Polyaen. iii. 9. 56. Cornel. Xepos, xiv. Datames, c. 5. Comp. Strabo, xvi. 
 p. 758. Plinius, H. N. v. 19. 75. Charax in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aupog. 
 Claudius Jolaus in Steph. Byz. s.v. "Akyi. Steph. Byz. ibid, and s.v. 
 JlToT^sfixt;. The Lexicographers, Etymolog, magn., Harpocration, Suidas 
 (see the passages in Reland, p. 536 sq. ; also Kuhn, ii. 331). A coin of 
 A.KVI in Mionnet, v. 473 ; De Saulcy, p. 154, pi. viii. n. 2 ; some others in
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 91 
 
 374 B.C. the arnjy of Artaxerxes Mnemnon assembled for 
 the campaign against Egypt.^'*^ Ake must have been an 
 important town in the time of Alexander the Great, For 
 among the coins of Alexander stamped in Phoenicia those of 
 Ake especially are very numerous. They have the name of 
 Alexander in Greek, that of the town in Phoenician characters 
 ('AXe^dvSpov, ay, sometimes xay), and the year of an era 
 beginning with Alexander the Great. As elsewhere so too 
 in Ake these coins were still issued long after the death of 
 Alexander.^"" Ake was levelled to the ground in the year 
 312 by Ptolemy Lagos, when he again evacuated before 
 Antigonus the district of Coelesyria, Avhich he had just 
 conquered.^^^ It probably received from Ptolemy II. the 
 
 Keichardt, Nnmlsmalic aironlclc, 186'2. p. 108; 1864, p. 187. Wiener 
 Xumismat. Monatshefte, published by Egger, vol. ii. 18G6, p. .3. On the 
 ancient history of Ake, comp, especially the fragment from ^^enander in 
 Joseph. Antt. ix. 14. 2 (Ake revolts from Tyre in the time of Slialmuuczar, 
 and goes over to Shalmanezar). 
 
 ^■•^ Diod. XV. 41. This is referred to also by Polyaen. iii. 9. 56 ; Cornel. Xep. 
 xiv. 5; comp. Strabo, xvi. p. 758: EU i} UrüAsfiocts hri fnyä'h^ -Kohic, ^i/"Akyiv 
 uuofix^ov, Tporspov v\ i^^^pavTO öofi/ir/jp lu vpog tviu AiyvTrrov oi Tlipaon. 
 
 '^^ See Eckhel, iii. 408 sq. ; Mionnet, i. 520 sq. ; also Recueil des planches, 
 pi. xxi. n. 1-10; Suppl. iii. 197 sq. and pi. ii. n. 1-6. Gesenius, Scripturae 
 liiignaeque Phoeniciae nunnanenta, p. 269 sij. L. Müller, Xitmismeitiqiie eV Alex- 
 andre le Grand (1855), p. 303 ; also planches, n. 1424-1463. Numerous 
 copies of these coins (gold staters of Alexander, especially those of the years 
 23 and 24) have become known by means of a large discovery of coins at 
 Sidon in the year 1863. Sec AV(cckbecker) in the Wiener Ä^nmismatische)i 
 Monatsheften, pub. by Egger, vol. i. 1865, pp. 5-11. Waddingtcn in the 
 Revue Numismatiqne, 1865, pp. 3-25. Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismus 
 (2nd ed.), i. 1. 302-304. The same, Monatsber. der Berliner Akademie^ 
 1877, p. 40 sqq. Weckbecker in Egger's Wiener Numismat. Monatsheften, 
 i. 98, 99, teils of tetradrachmas of Ake of Alexander the Great with the years 
 16, 22, 31, 32, which " were brought to market in Beirut by an Armenian 
 of Mossul at about the same time (1802-1863)." A collection of the whole 
 material maybe expected in the Corp. Inscr. Scniiticarum. On the fact 
 that coins were issued with tiie name of Alexander after his death, see L. 
 Müller, Numismalique d' Alexandre le Grand, pp. 50-90. The numbers of the 
 years on the coins of Ake are 5-46. Since the year 334 or 333 must be 
 accepted as the starting-point, these coins were issued not only till 306, 
 when the Diadochoi assumed the royal title, but also till about two decades 
 afterwards. See especially, Müller, pp. 80-83. 
 
 ^^' Diodor. xix. 93. Comp, above, note 52 (Gaza) and 109 (Joppa).
 
 92 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 name of UroXeiJiaU, which was henceforth the prevailing 
 one.^^^ Still its original name Akko was uninterruptedly 
 maintained beside the Greek one, which it subsequently sup- 
 planted.^^^ In the Seleucid period also Ptolemais figures as 
 one of the most important cities of the Phoenician-Philistine 
 coast. The conquest of this region by Antiochus the Great 
 in the year 219 was much facilitated by the surrender to him 
 of the towns of Tyre and Ptolemais by the Phoenician general 
 Theodotus.^^* Antiochus wintered in Ptolemais in 218/219.^^' 
 The Seleucidae after their definitive occupation of Phoenicia 
 specially favoured Ptolemais. On coins, especially those of 
 the times of Antiochus IV. and VIIL, the inhabitants are 
 called ^AvTLo-)(eh ol iv IlToXeixatSi,, sometimes with the addi- 
 tion Upa a(TvXo<;, sometimes lepa avTovofx,o<;. The bestowal of 
 the title " Antiochians," and with it perhaps certain privileges, 
 is to be regarded as a mark of favour, which was aspired after 
 by many other towns, e.g. Jerusalem, during the predominance 
 of the Hellenistic party.^^*' Seleucid coins of Antiochus V., 
 
 152 The founding and naming of the town is expressly referred to Ptolemy 
 in Pseudo-Aristeas (ed. Moritz Schmidt in Merx' Archiv, vol. i. p. 274) : 
 TLroTiiiactiZ» tsji/ t/5j-o rnv ßciaiT^iu; sKriaf^sv/iv. This is also probable in itself. 
 Ptulemy II. was the first of the Ptolemies, who continued in possession of 
 Phoenicia and Coelesyria. That he there undertook the founding of towns 
 is proved by the example of Philadelphia (see below). Already in 219-217 
 Ptolemais is mentioned under this name in Polybius, without his pointing 
 out that it was then not as yet known by this name (Polyb. v. 61-62. 71). 
 Comp, also Droysen, iii. 2. 305. 
 
 15-^ The name isy occurs especially in Rabbinic literature, see Mishna, 
 Nedarim iii. 6; Gittin i. 2, vii. 7 ; Ahoda sara iii. 4 ; Ohaloth xviii. 9. The 
 passages of the Tosefta in the Index to Zuckermandsl's ed. (1882). Neu- 
 bauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 231 sq. To this very day the town is 
 called Akka (Acre). 
 
 154 Polyb. v. 61-62. Comp. Stark, Gaza, p. 375 sqq. ^^s Polyb. v. 71. 
 
 156 On the coins in question, see Eckhel, iii. 305 sq. Mionnet, v. 37 sq., 88, 
 216-218. Gardner, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum, 
 Seleucid Kings, p. 41. Even the circumstance that isp» ä.(rv>.o; appears as 
 an apposition to 'Aj/T/o^ä'? ('A!'t/o;^;s6j» ruv b XlToXf^a/'B/ /sjoäj «o-t/Xoy, 
 and similarly on the coins of Hippiis, see below, No. 13), proves that the town 
 of Ptolemais and its citizens collectively, not a colony of Antiochian 
 merchants in Ptolemais, is intended (the latter is the view of Eckhel and 
 Kuhn, i. 22 ; see, on' the other hand, Stark, p. 449 ; Droysen, iii. 2. 305).
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 93 
 
 Demetrius I., Alexander Balas, and Trypho, minted at 
 Ptolemais, are in existence.^^^ The town was used as a 
 residence by the kings during their temporary abode in these 
 regions (1 Mace. x. 56-60, xi. 22, 24). It always showed 
 itself hostile to the Jews. Even at the beginning of the 
 Maccabaean rising, it was especially the towns of Ptolemais, 
 Tyre and Sidon, which fought against the Jews, who had 
 revolted from Syrian sovereignty (1 Mace, v 15 sqq.). Jonathan 
 was here treacherously taken prisoner by Trypho (1 Mace, xii 
 45 sqq.). After the accession of Alexander Jannaeus, B.c. 
 104, when the Seleucidae had already lost all authority in the 
 southern parts of their dominions, three neighbouring powers 
 contended for the possession of Ptolemais. At first Alexander 
 Jannaeus entertained the purpose of conquering it, but was 
 prevented from carrying out his design by Ptolemy Lathurus, 
 the ruler of Cyprus, who himself took possession of the town 
 by force (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 12. 2-6). He was however soon 
 deprived of it by his mother Cleopatra, queen of Egypt {Antt. 
 xiii. 13. 1-2). Ptolemais seems never again to have come 
 under the authority of the Selucidae, nay even the still more 
 northward towns of Tyre and Sidon had meantime made 
 themselves independent. On the contrary, we still find there, 
 about 70 B.c., an Egyptian princess, Selene, daughter of this 
 Cleopatra, and widow of Antiochus Grypus, to whom she had 
 been given in marriage by her mother, when the latter entered 
 into alliance with him again.st Antiochus Kyzikenos, who 
 ruled in Coelesyria.^*^ At the instance of this Selene 
 Ptolemais closed its gates against Tigranes, king of Armenia, 
 the conqueror of the Seleucid kingdom; was thereupon 
 
 The title Antiocliians was also aspired after by the Hellenistic party ia 
 Jerusalem ; see 2 Mace. iv. 9, and Grimm (the passage should be translated, 
 " and to enroll the inhabitants of Jerusalem as Antiochians,'' or " to receive 
 the inhabitants of Jerusalem into the list of Antiochians'"). ^Vhether, and 
 what, privileges were combined therewith can hardly be ascertained. 
 
 ^^'' Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, etc., pp. 44, 47, ö2. A coin of 
 Trypho is given by De Saulcy, Melanges de Numism. vol. ii. 1877, p. 82. 
 
 ^*® Justin. Hist, xxxix. 4. 4.
 
 94 § 23. COXSTITüTIOX. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 conquered by Tigranes, but again liberated wlien Tigranes 
 found himself obliged to retreat by reason of the attacks of 
 the Eomans upon his own kingdom (J ose'ph. Antt. xiii. 16. 4). 
 Ptolemais seems to have experienced special favour from 
 Caesar, when in the year 47 he was over the affairs of 
 Syria. For there are in existence some of its coins of the 
 imperial period with an era reaching back to Caesar.^^^ 
 Probably the coins with the legend Uroke^ai. iepa<; kuI 
 da-vXov (or the like) belong also to this time (shonly after 
 Caesar).^^° The Emperor Claudius settled a colony of veterans 
 in Ptolemais. Hence the town was henceforth callea colonia 
 Ptolemais, though it did not possess the actual privileges of a 
 colony.^^^ At the breaking out of the Jewish war, the Jews 
 in Ptolemais, 2000 in number, were slaughtered by the 
 inhabitants {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). The district of Ptolemais 
 is mentioned by Josephus as the western boundary of Galilee 
 {Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1; comp. Vita, 24). The formula: JTroXe/iai'Sa 
 KctX TT)v irpoaKvpovaav avrfj, seil. X(öpav (1 Mace. x. 39), is 
 characteristic. 
 
 Next to the great maritime towns, the towns of the so- 
 called Deeapolis belong to the class of independent Hellenistic 
 communities. The organization alluded to in this word w^as 
 probably the work of Pompey. For we first meet with the 
 term (17 AeKa-jrdkL'i) during the Pioman period ; ^^^ and most 
 
 159 See Eckhel, iii. 425. De Saulcy, pp. 162, 164, 166. Ptoleraais was 
 not the only town which was favoured by Caesar ; comp. Marquardt, i. 397. 
 
 i*"" See these especially in De Saulcy, 1.54-156. 
 
 i*^! Plinius, V. 19, 75 : colonia Claudi Caesaris Ptolemais quae quondam 
 Acce ; comp, xxxvi. 26. 190. Digest, lib. xv. 1. 3 (from Ulpianus) : Ptole- 
 maeensium enira colonia, quae inter Phoeuicien et Palaestinam sita est, nihil 
 praeter nomen coloniae habet (also Koris, p. 427 sq.). On coins : COL. 
 PTOL., sometimes with the numbers of the vi. ix. x. xi. legions. See in 
 general. Noris, iv. 5. 2 (ed. Lips. pp. 424-430). Eckhel, iii. 423-425. 
 Mionnet, v, 473-481; Suppl. viü. 324-331. De Saulcy, pp. 153-169. 
 405 sq., pi. viii. n. 2-11. The same, Melanges de Numismatiqnc, vol. ii. 
 1877, pp. 143-146. Zumpt, Commentat. cpigr. i. 386. Marquardt, i. 428 
 
 162 Matt. iv. 25 ; Mark v. 20, vii. 31 ; Plinius. H. N. v. 18. 74. Josephus, 
 Bdl. Jud. üi. 9. 7; Vita, 65, 74. Ptolemaeus, v. 15. 22. Corp. Inscr. Graec. 
 n. 4501 (inscription of the time of Hadrian). Eusebius, Onomast.., ed.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 95 
 
 of the towns of Decapolis owe their independent political 
 existence to Ponipey. These were the Hellenistic towns of 
 the country east of Jordan, which, having been suhjected by 
 Alexander Jannaeus, were again liberated from Jewish autho- 
 rity by Pompey. It is probable that they thus formed a kind 
 of confederacy, which originally consisted of ten towns, and 
 was therefore called r] AeKcuTToKL<i, but retained the name 
 after the number was enlarged by the accession of other 
 towns. For the number did not always remain the same, as 
 riiny, our chief authority, remarks, H. N. v. 18. 74: Deca- 
 politana regio a numero oppidorum, in quo non onmes eadem 
 observant, plurimum tamen Damascum, Philadelphiam, Eha- 
 phanam, Scythopolim, Gadara, Hippon, Dion, Pellam, Galasam 
 (read : Gerasam), Canatliam. Besides Pliny, only Ptolemy 
 V. 15. 22-23 gives an enumeration of the several towns. 
 It contains all the towns mentioned by Pliny, with the excep- 
 tion of Eaphana ; and besides these, nine others (situated 
 chiefly in the north of Palestine in the neighbourhood of 
 Damascus), so that the number given by him amounts to 
 eighteen. Hence we must keep to Pliny for the original 
 number. To those named b}'' him, we add only Abila and 
 Kanata (another town than Kanatha), both which have also 
 the Pompeian era. All the towns except Scythopolis lie in 
 the region east of the Jordan. The inclusion of Damascus, 
 lying so far to the north, is striking. Since however it is 
 mentioned by both Pliny and Ptolemy, it must be retained. 
 In any case Decapolis, as such, continued in existence in the 
 second century after Christ (the time of the geograplier 
 Ptolemy). Its dissolution took place in the course of the third 
 century, in consequence of the transference of some of its 
 most important towns to the province of Arabia (constituted 
 a province a.D. 105). The mention of Decapolis by later 
 
 Lagardo, p. 251. Epiplianius, Hacr. 29. 7; dc mciix. ctpond. § 15. Stephanas 
 Byz. s.v. Yipxax (the text handed down has here ■naactciax.nihiKcfzöy.iui, 
 for which liowever Meineke rightly reads o-y^cfTziXiu;). Comp, in general, 
 Winer, RWB., s.v. " Decapolis." Caspari, Clironolufjisch-giojraphische Ein- 
 kiluiHj ill (las Lchcn Jesu Christi (1809), pp. 83-90.
 
 96 § 23. CONSTITUTIOX. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWXS. 
 
 authors, as Eusebius, Epiphanius, Steph. Byz., rests therefore 
 only on historical information. The following enumeration 
 is in geographical order from north to south. 
 
 12. Damascus, AaiJLa(xicö<i, Hebr. P^\ From the varied 
 history of this town, we can here bring forward only such 
 particulars as are important with respect to its constitution 
 during the Hellenistic and Eoman periods.^^'^ The dominion 
 of Alexander the Great over Damascus is evidenced not only 
 by the narratives of authors, but by coins of Alexander 
 issued there.^^^* In the third century before Christ, Damascus 
 seems to have belonged not, like Phoenicia and Palestine, to 
 the Ptolemies, but to the Seleucidae. It is true, that when 
 Ptolemy II. seized Phoenicia and Palestine, B.C. 280, he must 
 also have taken possession of Damascus. It was however 
 reconquered by Antiochus I. (280-262).^®* At the great 
 invasion of the realm of the Seleucidae by Ptolemy III., B.c. 
 246, in which all Syria was for some time lost to Seleucus 
 IL, Damascus seems to have been not once conquered, but 
 only besieged. Seleucus relieved it, when in the year 242/241 
 he again victoriously pressed southwards.^^ The fact, that 
 Damascus anciently formed part of the Seleucid dominions, is 
 
 '^^ See in general, Eodiger in Ersch and Gruber's Encycl. sect. i. vol. 
 22, Div. 2, pp. 113-116. Arnold in Herzog "s Eeal-Encycl. 1st ed. iii. 259- 
 262. Winer, s.v. Noldeke in Schenkel's Bihcllex. s.v. Robinson, Recent 
 Scriptural Researches, iii. 442-468. Ritter, Erdkunde xvii. 2. 1332 sqq. 
 Kreraer, Topographie von Damascus {Records of the Viennese Academy, phiL- 
 hist. CI. vol. V. and vi. 1854-55). Porter, Five Years in Damascus, 2 vols. 
 1855. Sepp, Jerusalem (2nd ed.), ii. 358-385. ßädeker-Socin, Palästina 
 in Bild und Wort, vol. i. (1883) pp. 389-442 and 504. 
 
 163a Curtius, iii. 13, iv. 1. Arrian, ii. 11. 9 sq., 15. 1. The coins in L. 
 Müller, Numismaiique d'Älexa7idre le Grand, p. 287 sq., pi. n. 1338-1346. 
 
 164 polyaen. iv. 15 ; comp. Droysen, Gesch. d. Hellenismus, iii. 1. 256, 274. 
 Stark, Gaza, pp. 366, 367. 
 
 165 Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoeue, i. 251 (Armenian text according to Peter- 
 mann" s translation) : Ptolemaeus autem, qui et Triphon, partes (regiones) 
 Syriorum occupavit : quae vero apud (ad contra) Damaskum et Orthosiam 
 obsessio fiebat, finem accepit (accipiebat) centesimae tricesimae quart ae 
 olompiadis anno tertio, quum Seleukus eo descendisset (descenderit). 
 Olymp. 134, 3 = 242/241 B.c. Comp. Droysen, iii. 1. 390, 393. Stark 
 adopts, according to Zohrab's translation of the Armenian text, the view 
 of an actual taking of Damascus by Ptolemy.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 97 
 
 indirectly confirmed by the circumstance, that Polybius, when 
 fully relating the particulars of the conquest of Phoenicia and 
 Palestine by Antiochus the Great (v. 61-71), mentions indeed 
 the taking of the most important Phoenician and Palestinian 
 towns, but nowhere speaks of Damascus. When in 111 b.c. 
 the Syrian kingdom was, in consequence of the strife between 
 the brothers Antiochus VIII. (Grypos) and Antiochus IX. 
 (Kyzikenos), divided, and Antiochus Kyzikenos established him- 
 self in the southern part,^^^ Damascus probably became the 
 capital of his small kingdom. At all events it was about 95-85 
 B.c. repeatedly the capital of a kingdom of Coelesyria separated 
 from the kingdom of Syria, first under Demetrius Eukaerus 
 a son of Antiochus Grypos (Joseph. A71U. xiii. 13. 4), then under 
 Antiochus XII. also a son of Grypos (Antt. xiii. 15. 1). 
 Antiochus XII. fell in battle against the Arabian king Aretas ; 
 and Damascus continued henceforth under his authority (Antt. 
 xiv. 15. 1, 2 ; Bell. Jud. i. 4. 7, 8). When Pompey pene- 
 trated into Asia, Damascus was first of all occupied by his 
 legates {Antt. xiv. 2. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 6. 2). Apparently it 
 was not restored to the Arabian king, but united to the pro- 
 vince of Syria.^^'' In the time of Cassius (44-42 b.c.) we 
 find a Pioman commander, Fabius, in Damascus {Antt. xiv. 
 11. 7, 12. 1 ; Bell. Jud. i. 12. 1, 2). Already in the times 
 of Augustus and Tiberius there were Pioman imperial coins of 
 Damascus, but at the same time, as in the case of Ascalon, 
 autonomic ones also. The Seleucid era is used on both, and 
 this continued to be the prevailing one at Damascus.'*^^ There 
 
 '^'^ Euseb. Ckron., ed. Scboeue, i. 260. 
 
 ^^^ Hieronymus, Comment. inJcsnj. c. 17 (^Opp. eA Vallarsi, iv. 194) : Alii 
 aestimant de Romana captivitate praedici, quoniam et Judaeorum captiis est 
 populus, et Damascus, cui iinperabat Areta, similem sustiuuit servitutem. 
 I cannot think Afarquardt (i. 405) correct in adopting the notiou, that the 
 Arabian kings kept possession of Damascus in exchange for the payment 
 of a tribute till a.D. 106. 
 
 ^"^ See on the coins in general, Noris ii. 2. 2 (ed. Lips. pp. 87-9o). 
 Eckhel,iii.329-3;U. Mionnet, v. 283-297; .S'«/)/'/- via. 193-206. DeSaiilcy, 
 pp. 30-56, 404, pi. ii. n. 1-10. Kremer, Dk Münzsammlung des Stifts St. 
 Florian (1871), pp. 167-170, table vi. n. 7, 8. 
 
 DIV. n. VOL. I. G
 
 98 5 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLEXISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 are no coins of the times of Caligula and Claudius, though 
 there are coins from iSTero onwards. With this circumstance 
 must be combined the fact, that Damascus, when St. Paul 
 fled from it (probably in the time of Caligula), was under a 
 viceroy (ißvdp'^'rj'i') of the Arabian king Aretas (2 Cor. xi. 32). 
 Hence it then belonged temporarily to the Arabian king, 
 whether he seized it by violence or obtained it by imperial 
 favour. That tliere was a Jewish community in Damascus 
 is already evident from the New Testament (Acts ix. 2 ; 
 2 Cor. xi. 32). That it was numerous may be inferred from 
 the number of Jews slain at Damascus at the breaking out 
 of the great war. This amounted to 10,000, or according 
 to another statement 18,000 (the former, Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 2 ; 
 the latter. Bell. Jud. vii. 8. 7). After Hadrian the town bore 
 the title jjirjTpÖTroXi^, after Alexander Severus it was a colony 
 (not first after Philip the Arabian, as even Eckhel supposes), 
 both facts being witnessed to by the coins.^^^ We are informed 
 {Antt. xviii. 6. 3) of a dispute concerning boundaries between 
 the Damascenes and Sidonians in the time of Tiberius, which 
 is chiefly of interest as showing, how extensive the district 
 pertaining to this town must have been, since it bordered 
 upon that of Sidon. 
 
 13. Hippus/'Iinro^, is properly the name of a mountain or 
 hill, on which stood the town of the same name.^^° Identical 
 with it is probably the Hebrew Susitha (xjT'D'id), which is 
 frequently mentioned in Kabbinical authorities as a Gentile 
 town of Palestine,^"^ and Susije,^"^* which frequently occurs 
 in Arabic geographers. The following statements serve to 
 
 ^^" On tbe title ^>jTpoV&X/?, see Eckliel, iii. 331. Kuhn, ii. 192. Mar- 
 quardt, i. 430. 
 
 1^" Ptolemaeus, v. 15. 8. 
 
 ^'1 In the Tosefta, Ohaloth xviii. 4 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 616, 23), Susitha 
 is mentioned together with Ascalon as an example of a heathen town " girt 
 about " by the land of Israel. It is elsewhere frequently named in conjunc- 
 tion with Tiberias. Comp. I.ightfoot, Ccntnrla chronographica Matthaco 
 pracmissa, c. 77 ; decas Marco pracmissa^ c. 5. 1 (^Opp. ii. 226, 413). Neu- 
 bauer, Geographie du Talmud., pp. 238-240. 
 
 ^^la Qierniont-Ganneau, On e'fait Hippos de la Deiapole? (Revue arched'
 
 § 2.3. CONSTITUTION. I. THE IIELLENISIIC TOWNS. 99 
 
 determine the locality. According to Pliny, it stood on the 
 eastern shore of the Lake of Gennesareth ; ^'^ according to 
 Josephus, only 3 stadia from Tiberias ; ^^^ according to Euse- 
 bius and Jerome, near a certain city and castle of Afeka.^^* 
 According to these data the ruins of el-Hösn on a hill on the 
 eastern shore of the Lake of Gennesareth are probably to be 
 regarded as marking the position of the ancient Hippus ; a 
 village of the name of Fik, whicli must be identical with 
 the ancient Afeka, is three-quarters of a league off.^"^ The 
 supposed identity of the name Hippos with el-Hösn (the 
 horse) is certainly questionable.^"^ But little is known of the 
 history of Hippus.^ '^ It received its freedom from Pompey 
 (Joseph. Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). It was bestowed 
 by Augustus upon Herod {Antt. xv. 7. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3), 
 after whose death it was again separated from the Jewish 
 region {Antt. xvii. 11.4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 3). On this occasion 
 it is expressly called a Greek city {I.e.). At the outbreak of 
 the Jewish revolt the district of Hippus as well as that of 
 Gadara was devastated by the Jews under the leadership of 
 
 logique, nouvelle sdric, vol. xxix. 1875, pp. 36:^-369). Furrer, Ztitschr. 
 d. deulachen Palästina- Verein.^., ii. 7-4. 
 
 i'2 Plinius, V. 15. 71 : in lacum . . , Geuosaram . . . araoeuis circuni- 
 saeptnm oppiclis, ab orieate Juliade et Hippo. 
 
 ^'3 Josepli. Vita., 65. Tiie statements of Josephus are here indeed very 
 systematic, Hippus 30, Gadara GO, Scythoi)olis 120 stadia from Tiberias. 
 He is here following the tendency of stating distances as low as possible. 
 His figures must therefore be anything but strictly taken. Besides it is 
 clear also from Josephus, that the district of lli[ipus lay by the lake, 
 opposite Tarichea (TVto, 31) in the neighbourhood of Gadara {Vita, 9). 
 
 1'* Euseb. Onoviast., ed. Lag. p. 219. Hieron. ibid. p. 91. 
 
 ^^5 The situations of Fik and el-Hösn are alrearly described by Burckhardt, 
 Meisen in Syrien, i. 438. That it is here that the ancient Hippus must be 
 sought is the view also of Raumer, p. 250. Hitter, xv. 1. 352 sq. Furrer, 
 Zeitsclir. d. deutschen Pal.- Vereinte, ii. 73 sq. Others identify el-Hösn with 
 Garaala, and find Hippus either in Fik (so ^^errill, East of the Jordan, 
 1881, pp. 163-169) or in Sumra, lying far more to the south (so Gueriu, 
 Galilee, i. 310-312). 
 
 ^"*' Clermont-Ganneau (as above, p. 364) explains Hösn as the common 
 promniciatioti uf Hi.sii (fortress). The name occurs elsewhere also as an 
 /\rabic local name in modern Palestine. 
 
 ''^ Comp, besides the literature in note 175, Reland, p. 821 sq.
 
 100 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Justus of Tiberias {Bell Jud. ii. 18. 1 ; Vita, 9). The inhabit- 
 ants of Hippus retaliated by slaying or casting into prison 
 all the Jews dwelling in the city {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). 
 In Christian times Hippus was the see of a bishop.^" The 
 name of the town has as yet been only once shown to exist 
 upon coins (viz. on one of Nero's time).'""'"^ But coins with 
 the legend Avno'^ecov rcov irpo<; 'I'Tr{Trov) t?)? lep{a<i) K{al) 
 aavkov have been rightly referred by numismatists to Hippus. 
 They have as might be expected the Pompeian era, and on 
 most is the image of a horse.^"^ — The district of Hippus is 
 mentioned Vita, 9, 31 ; Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1. Vita, 9 : ifiiriTrprja-i 
 rd<i T€ Tahaprivoiv Koi ' Itttttj^oüv KCi)fMa<;, ai Sr) fxedoptoL ri]^ 
 TißepidSo^ Kai T?}? Toov ^KvOoiroKiroiv 'yrj<i ervfy^avou Ketfxevai, 
 is most instructive as showing, that the districts of these four 
 towns were so extensive as to form a connected whole. 
 
 14. Gadara, FaBapd. The position of Gadara on the site 
 of the present ruins of Om-Keis (Mkes), to the south-east of 
 the Lake of Gennesareth, was recognised by Seetzen so early 
 as 1806, and may now be regarded as settled.^^® The main 
 point of connection is furnished by the warm springs for 
 which Gadara was famous, and which are still found in this 
 region.^®" They lie on the northern bank of the Scheriat 
 
 1"'' Epiphan. Haer. 73, 26. Le Qiiien, Oriens christianus, iii. 710 sq. 
 Hierocles, Synecd., ed. Parthey, p. 44. The Notit. ejnscojmt., the same, p. 144. 
 
 irra The coin is given by Muret, Revue Niimismatiqiie, troisieme serie, 
 vol. i. 1883, p. 67, and pi. ii. n. 9. It has on one side a head of Nero 
 with the superscription Aut. Kotia., on the other a horse with the super- 
 scription Ittvyivcuu and the date AAP (131), the latter according to the 
 Pompeian era. 
 
 1^8 Noris, iii. 9. 5 (ed. Lips. pp. 331-334). Eckhel, iii. 346 sq. Mionnet, 
 V. 319 sq. ; Suppl. viii. 224. De Saulcy, pp. 344-347, pi. xix. n. 10-15. 
 
 1^^ Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien (ed. by Kruse, 4 vols. 1854-59), i. 868 
 sqq., iv. 188 sqq. Burckhardt, Reisen in Syrien, i. 426 sqq., 434 sqq., 537 
 sq. (who indeed takes Om-Keis for Gamala, but is corrected by his editor 
 Gesenius). Buckingham, Travels in Palestine, 1821, pp. 414-440 (like 
 Burckhardt). Winer, s.v. " Gadara." Raumer, p. 248 sq. Ritter, xv. 1. 871- 
 Ö84, XV. 2. 1052 sq. Sepp, Jerusalem, ii. 211-216. Bädeker-Socin, p. 415 sq. 
 Guerin, Galilee, i. 299-808. Merrill, East of the Jordan (1881), pp. 145-158. 
 For the history, Reland, pp. 773-778. Kuhn, ii. 365 sq., 371. 
 
 ^^^ Comp, on the situation, Euseb. Onomast. p. 248 : Txlxpx, 'ttoThs i>''^h
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 101 
 
 el-Mandur ; on the southern bank, at about a league's distance 
 from the springs, are found on the lofty ridge of the hill the 
 ruins of the town. Hence the Scheriat el-Mandur is identical 
 with the Hieromices, which according to Pliny flowed past 
 the town.^^^ Gadara was in the time of Antiochus the Great 
 already an important fortress. It was conquered by Antio- 
 chus both at his first invasion (b.c. 218),^^^ and when he 
 finally took possession of Palestine after his victory at 
 Panias, B.c. 198.^^^ It was taken by Alexander Jannaeus 
 after a ten months' siege (Antt. xiii. 13. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 4. 2). 
 It consequently belonged under him and his successors 
 to the Jewish region {Antt. xiii. 15. 4), but was separated 
 from it by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). 
 On this occasion Pompey, out of regard for his freedman 
 Demetrius of Gadara, rebuilt the city, which had been 
 destroyed by the Jews (Alexander Jannael^s ?). Hence upon 
 the numerous coins of the town extending from Augustus to 
 Gordian, the Pompeian era is used. It begins in the year 
 
 Toi/ 'lophxvYiv, ccvriKpi/ "^x-vdoTohiu; xeil TifiiptK^og vpo; dvxro'Kiii: h tu opu, 
 ov wjBOff T«?j vfrapiioci; zoctuv depf^Zv v^dcruv "Kovrpd. 'tt upöcKinoct. 
 Ibid. p. 219 : Alf^üö . . . xufiri v'Kinaiov Toioocpuv, ^ lari» ^^[/.y,x6öi, 'ivöx toc 
 ruv $spf^uy vhcttuv dspf^öi 'hovrpcc. On the baths, see also especially the passages 
 from Epiphaiiius, Antoninus Martyr and Eunapius (who declares them to 
 have been the most important after those of Baiae), in Reland, p. 775. Also 
 Origenes in Joaun. vol. vi. c. 2-i (ed. Lommatzsch, i. 239) : Tülxpx yxp 
 TÖ'Kig i^t'j ia-zL rij; 'lovoxix;, Tnol vfj rx hixßo-^TX 6ip/^x rvy/^xvit. The 
 place where the springs are situated occurs in the Talmud under the name 
 nnön. See the passages in Levy, Ncuhebr. Würierbtich, ii. 69 sq. Lightfoot, 
 Centuria Matthaeo praemissa, c. 74 (0pp. ii. 224 sq.). Hamburger, Jhol- 
 Encyclop. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. art. " Heilbäder." Grätz, 
 Monatschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jiuhnth. 1880, pp. 487-495. 
 
 181 Plinius, V. 18. 74 : Gadara Hieromice praefluente. The form 
 Hieromax, which still appears in handbooks, is derived from the incorrect 
 reading Hieroniace. That Hieromices nmst be adopted as the nominative 
 is proved by the occurrence elsewhere of tiie forms Hieromicas {Tab. 
 Pcuting.) and Jeromisus (Gto[/r. llaccnnas, ed. Finder et Farthcy, p. 85). 
 Tbe native name is Jarmuk, Tj^HD")', Mishna, Para viii. 10, and Arabic 
 geographers (see Arnold in Hcrzog's Ileal- Enajd. Ist ed. vii. 10, xi. 20). 
 
 1*2 Polyb. v. 71. Stark, Gaza, p. 381. Polybius says of Gadara on this 
 occasion : x 6uku ruu kxt^ iKu'vov; rov; tc'ttoi/; cxt^P'^Tn-i ^ix^ipuv. 
 
 1«^ Polyb. xvi. 39 = Joseph. Antt. xii. 3. 3. Stark, p. 403.
 
 102 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 690 A.U.C., SO that 1 acr. Gadar. = 64/63 b.c.'^* The 
 memory of its rebuilding by Pompey is also perpetuated upon 
 coins from Antoninus Pius to Gordiauus by the legend 
 IIofjbTrrjtewv Tahapewu}^' The notion that Gadara was the 
 seat of one of the five Jewish Sanliedrin established by 
 Gabiuius is incorrect (see above, § 13). In tlie year 30 B.c., 
 Gadara was bestowed upon Herod by Augustus {Antt. xv. 7. 
 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3). The town was however very discon- 
 tented with his government. So early as the year 23-31 
 B.c., when M. Agrippa was staying at Mytilene, certain 
 Gadarenes there brought complaint against Herod {Antt. xv. 
 10, 2). Complaints were repeated when Augustus in the 
 year 20 personally visited Syria {Antt. xv. 10. 3). In both 
 cases those who made them were dismissed. It is quite in 
 accordance with this, that we find Gadarene coins of just the 
 year 20 B.c. (44 aer. Gadar) with the image of Augustus and 
 the inscription Xeßatnö^ — Herod being desirous, by stamping 
 such coins at Gadara, to show his gratitude to the emperor.^*^ 
 After the death of Herod, Gadara regained its independence 
 under Eoman supremacy {Antt. xvii. 11. 4; Bdl. Jud. ii. 6. 
 3). At the beginning of the Jewish revolt the district of 
 Gadara, like that of the neighbouring Hipp us, was devastated 
 by the Jews under the leadership of Justus of Tiberias {Bell. 
 Jud. ii. 18. 1 ; Vita, 9). The Gadarenes, like their neigh- 
 bours of Hippus, avenged themselves by slaying or imprison- 
 ing the Jews dwelling in their town {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 5). 
 Such of the inhabitants however as were fiiendly to the 
 Pvomans, not feeling themselves secure against the turbulent 
 
 18* On the era and the coins, see Noris, iii. 9. 1 (ed. Lij)s. pp. 297-308). 
 Eckhel, iü. 348-350. Mionuet, v. 323-328; Suppl. vüi. 227-230. De 
 Saulcy, pp. 294-303. pi. 15. Kenner, Die Miinzcsammlung des Stifts St. 
 Florian (1871), p. 171 sq., Taf. vi. u. 10. 
 
 18^ As the legend is generally abbreviated (Ilo. or no,«7r. Tothxp;ui/), 
 the reading is not quite certain. Tlie older numismatics give for a coin of 
 Caraealla the reading lio/nTrriinuy Talccpiojy ; De Saulcy, on the contrary (p. 
 302, and pi. xv. n. 9), gives Uou'77Yinav YxOotpajv, which is certainly correct. 
 
 1*^ Comp. De Saulcy, p. 295. The coins in Mionnet, v. 323 ; Suppl. 
 viii. 227.
 
 § 23. CONSTITÜTIOX. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 103 
 
 elements in their own city, requested and received a Eoman 
 garrison from Vespasian in the later period of the war {Bell. 
 Jud. iv. 7. 3, 4).^^^ In what sense Josephus can designate 
 Gadara as the /jLrjrpoTroXi'^ t?)? Tlepatwi [Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 3) 
 cannot be further ascertained.^*'^ On coins, especially of the 
 time of the Antonines, it is called le^pa) a(r(y\o<i) a{yT6vofio<i) 
 7(. . . ?) Kol(\r}^) ^vp(La<i)}^^ According to an inscription 
 discovered by Eenan, it was during the later imperial period 
 a Eoman colony."^ The infarmatiou of Stephanus Byz. (s.v.), 
 that it was also called ^AvTio^eia and ^eXevKeia, stands quite 
 alone, and certainly refers only to temporary official designa- 
 tions, not to such as had come into common use. There is 
 abundant evidence that it was already in pre-Christian times 
 a flourishing Hellenistic town. Josephus calls it at the death 
 of Herod a ttoXl^ 'E\\r)vL<; (Antt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 
 6. 3) ; Strabo mentions as renowned natives of Gudara, Philo- 
 demus the Epicurean, the poet Meleager, and Menippus the 
 Cynic, who on account of his witty style was often called 
 6 <77rovBoye\olo^, and Theodorus the orator.^^^ Of later times 
 must also be added Oenomaus, the cynic and tlie orator 
 
 18^ From Joseph. Vila, 15, it might appear as though Josephus also, as ruler 
 of Galilee, liad ouce taken possession of Gadara b)- force. But the reading 
 there should certainly be Vußxpil;, instead of YciOccpu;; comp. Vita, 25, 45, 
 47. In Bell. Jud. iii. 7. 1, also Vocßxpeav must be read for Yaoxpioiv. 
 Lastly, in Antt. xiii. 13. 5, either the reading is corrupt or another Gadara 
 is meant. 
 
 1*^ Eckhel (iii. 349) supposes that it was the place of assembly of some 
 association for the celebration of periodical games, in which sense the word 
 jtojrpoVoX/; is certainly often used. 
 
 ^^^ See in De Saulcy especially the coins of Commodus, n. 2 (p. oOl), and 
 Elagabalus, n. 5 (p. 303). The predicate ispa. is also found in an epigram 
 of .Meleager, where he says of liimsclf : o-j diÖTrai; ijuöouai Tvpo;, Yxodpui/ 6' 
 iipoi x^uv {Anthologia palatlna.1 vii. 419, ed. Jacobs, vol. i. p. 431). Gadara 
 is also designated by Steph. Byz. as xoA/; Kot'Är,; "^vpicx,;. 
 
 ^^ Renan, Mission de Phciiicie, p. 191 =:Cor/>. Jnscr. Lat. vol. iii. n. 181 
 (epitaph at Byblus) : col(onia) Valen(tia) Gadara. 
 
 ^^^ Strabo, xvi. p. 759. Strabo indeed frequently confuses our Gadara 
 with Gadaza = Gadara. That the latter cannot be regardeil as the native 
 jilace of these men is self-evident. The individuals in question are all known 
 to us elsewhere (see above, p. 29). The orator Tiieodorus was the tutor of 
 the Emperor Tiberius (Sueton, T'iher. 57), and iifterwards lived at Rhodes,
 
 104 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Apsines.^^^ Meleager says of himself that he came of " an 
 Attic race, dwelling in Assyrian Gadara." ^^^ The district of 
 Gadara formed the eastern boundary of Galilee (Bell. Jud. 
 iii. 3. 1). On its extent, comp. Vita, 9, and above, p. 100. 
 That it reached to the Lake of Gennesareth may not only be 
 inferred from Matt. viii. 28 (where the reading is uncertain), 
 but also from the coins, on which a ship is often por- 
 trayed, nay once (on a coin of Marc. Aurel.) a vav^a{y(ia) 
 mentioned.^''* 
 
 15. Ahila, "AßiXa. The local name Abel [?^^) or Abila is 
 very frequent in Palestine. Eusebius knows of three places 
 of this name celebrated for the cultivation of the vine : (1) A 
 village in South Peraea, 6 mil. pass, from Philadelphia ; (2) A 
 7ro\t9 iiriarjfiof;, 12 mil. pass, from Gadara; (3) A place 
 between Damascus and Paneas."^ Of these the second town 
 on the east of Gadara is the one with which we are here 
 concerned. Its situation, on the south bank of the Scheriat 
 el-Mandur, was discovered, as well as that of Gadara, by 
 Seetzen.^^® Pliny does not mention this Abila among the 
 cities of Decapolis. Its inclusion among them is however 
 evidenced by an inscription of the time of Hadrian.^^^ An 
 
 where Tiberius frequently visited him during bis exile (Pauly's Enc. vi. 
 2, 1819). 
 
 192 Reland, p. 775. 
 
 193 Antliologia palatina, vii. 417, ed. Jacobs, vol. i. p. 430 (ed. Diibner, 
 L 352, where however, without reason, Toihü.poti is changed into Yötlctpit) : 
 
 Naffoj iiA,» ^piTrriipoc Tvpo;' Trocrp» di /m nKUoi 
 Ardl; IV ' Aaovpiois vctiof^hcc Toi^xpoi;. 
 19* On the latter, comp, especially Eckhel, iii. 348 sq. A ship is seen in 
 the illustrations in De Saulcy, pi. xv. n. 9-11. 
 
 195 Euseb. Onomast., ed. Legarde, p. 225 : "A/SsA »(A-viKuv. ev6» iTrohi^ytui» 
 '\i<p6»i. yvii viuv ' Kf^i^üu, 7, iuTiv ilg 'in vvi/ >cu/it,n dfi'Trsy^oCpopog" Aßi'K «xo r 
 anfAiiuv <i>i'hcthi'h(()ix;. x-al ä.'h'KYi 'Trö'hii STria/ifiOs ' AßiAoi oho(p6pog Kcc'hovf/Aii-ifti 
 "huaruace. Va.'hxpuv a-fiu.iioii //3' xpoj ctvu.r'j'hä,;. x,xi Tpir/i ti; uiiT'/j ' Aßi'Kcc rvji 
 ^oivix.AS f^trcc^v Axu,x(7x,ov kxI Tlxvixoo;. 
 
 196 Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien (edited by Kruse), i. 371, iv. 190 sq. 
 Comp, also Burckliardt, Reisen in Syrien, i. 425, 537. Raumer, p. 241. 
 Ritter, xv. 2. 1058-1060. On the history, Reland, p. 525 sq. Kuhn, ii. 
 335, 371 sq. 
 
 197 Corp. Inscr. Graec. n, 4501 (inscription of Palmyra of the year 445 
 aer. Sei. = 133-134 a.D.): ' Ayxdxy/iho;' Aßi'Knvi; tyis AiKxx6?.io;.
 
 § 23. CONSTITU'IIOX. I. THE liELLEXlSTlC TUWX.S, 105 
 
 "AßiBa by which our "AßiXa is certainly intended is also 
 placed by Ptolemy among the cities of Decapolis/^^ It first 
 appears in history in the time of Antiochus the Great, -vvho 
 occupied Abila as well as its neighbour Gadara at both his 
 first and his second conquest of Palestine, 219 and 198 B.c.^*® 
 On the whole it seems to liave frequently shared the lot of 
 Gadara. Like the latter, Abila received its liberty through 
 Pompey. For the coins of Abila with the Pompeian era are 
 rightly ascribed to this town.^"" Its titles also are the same as 
 those of Gadara: [(epa) a^avkos;) a(yT6vofj,o'i) y( . . . ?) Koi(X7?9) 
 ^v(piu<;). The coins show that the town was also called 
 HekevKeia, the inhabitants were called 5'eXei;/c(ei9) ^AßCkTjvoL^^ 
 In Nero's time Abila was given to Agrippa IL, unless the notice 
 of Josephus to that effect rests upon an error.^^^ In the sixth 
 century after Christ Christian bishops of Abila, who may with 
 tolerable certainty be referred to our Abila, are mentioned.""'^ 
 16. Baphana, not to be confounded with the Syrian 'Pa(f)d- 
 
 *88 Ptolem. V. 15. 22. The Codex of Vatopedi also has here "Aßicoc ; 
 Bce Geographie de Piole'me'e, reproduction photolilhogr. du manuscrit grec du 
 monasterc de Vatopedi (Paris 1867), p. Ivii. line 4. 
 
 193 Polyb. V. 71 and xvi. o9 = Joseph. .1?/«. xii. 3. 3. 
 
 2"" See on these, especially Belley iu tlie Me'rnoires de V Academic des In- 
 scriptions et Belks-Lettres, ancient series, vol. xxviii. 1761, pp. 557-567. 
 Eckhel, iii. 345 sq. Mionnet, v. 318; Suppl viii. 223 sq. De Saulcy, pp. 
 308-312, pi. xvi. n. 1-7. 
 
 201 This is now confirmed l)y a coin of Faustina, jun., given by De Saulcy 
 (p. 310, and pi. xvi. n. 2). The coins formerly known give either the abbre- 
 viated 2;. ' Aßi?^/juuv or (a damaged one of Faustina) . . . ?.evx.. Aßt'hoc.g, the 
 former of which was completed as 2£/3ss(rT(aj/, the latter as Asväkoo.c, both 
 erroneously, as is now shown. 
 
 202 Jicil J mi ii. 13. 2. In the parallel passage, Antt. xx. 8. 2, Josephus 
 says nothing of it ; and it is striking that Abila should not (like the other 
 towns there named : Julias-Bethsaida, Taricliea, Tiberias) be connected with 
 the rest of Agrippa's dominions. Besides Antt. xii. 3. 3 and Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 2 
 are the only passages in which our Abila is mentioned by Josephus. For 
 in Antt. iv. 8. 1 , v. 1. 1, Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 6, another Abila, near the Jordan, and 
 opposite Jericho, not far from Julias- Livias, and not identical with either of 
 the three places of the same name mentioned by Eusebins, is meant. Again, 
 the well-known Abila Lysaniae is different. Nor is tiie list by any means 
 thereby exhausted. See Winer, IIWB., s.v. "Abila." 
 
 203 Le Quien, Oriens christianus, iii. 702 sq. Comp. Hierocles, Synced.^ 
 ed. Parthey, p. 44. Notit. episcopal., the same, p. 144.
 
 106 §23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 veia in Cassiotis, is mentioned only by Pliny (v. 18. 74).^°* 
 The 'Pa(f)cov however of the first Book of the Maccabees (v. 37 
 = Joseph. Antt. xii. 8. 4), which, according to the context of the 
 narrative (comp. v. 43) lay in the neighbourhood of Astaroth- 
 Karnaim, and therefore in Batanaea, is probably identical with 
 it. Since Ptolemy has not the name of Eaphana among the 
 towns of Decapolis, it is probable that he mentions the town 
 by another name ; and it is at least possible, though only 
 possible, that Eaphana is, as Quandt supposes, identical with 
 the Capitolias mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 15. 22), and so 
 frequently elsewhere since the second century after Christ.^"^ 
 
 17. Kanata. The existence of this town, as distinct from 
 Kanatha, has but recently been ascertained on the ground of 
 inscriptions by Waddington.^"^ Upon an inscription at el-Afine 
 (on the south-western declivity of the Hauran, to the west of 
 
 -°* On the Syrian Raphaneia, .see Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 1. 3, 5. 1. Ptolem. 
 V. 15. 16. Tab. Peuting. Hierocles, ed. Parthey, p. 61. Steph. Byz. s.v. 
 Eckhel, iii. 323. Mionnet, v. 268 ; Suppl. viil 168. Pauiy's Encyd. s.v. 
 Ritter, xviL 1. 940 sq. 
 
 205 Quandt, Judäa und die Naclibarschafl im Jalirli. vor und nach der 
 Geburt Christi (1873), p. 40 sq. Capitolias was (according to Tab. Peuting.) 
 16 m. p. from Adraa. Since then Raphana was in the neighbourhood of 
 Astaroth-Karnaim, and the latter (according to Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lag. 
 p. 213) 6 m. p. distant from Adraa, Capitolias and Raphana may in fact 
 be identical. The situation of almost all these places is indeed not yet 
 certainly determined. It seems to me incorrect to seek CapitoUas, as is 
 frequently done, to the south-east of Gadara. For, according to the 
 Itinerarium Antonini (ed. Parthey et Pinder, pp. 88, 80), it lay on the direct 
 route from Gadara to Damascus, and therefore to the nor^/i-east of the 
 former. With this agree also the astronomical definitions of Ptolemy 
 (north-east of Gadara, under the same geographical latitude as Hippus). 
 The roadway too given in the Peutingcr Tabic, Gadara-Capitolias-Adraa- 
 Bostra, has therefore not a south-eastern, but a north-eastern direction. 
 On the whole Raumer is correct, although his more particular determination 
 of the locality is very problematical. Compare on C^apitolias in general, 
 Koris, iii. 9. 4 (ed. Lips. pp. 323-331). Eckhel, 328 sq. Mionnet, v. 281- 
 283 ; Suppl. viii. 192. De Saulcy, pp. 304-307, pi. xvi. n. 9. Reland, 
 p. 693 sq. Ritter, xv. 356, 821, 1060. Raumer, p. 246. Seetzen, Reisen 
 (edited by Kruse), iv. 185 sqq. Kuhn, ii. 372. Le Quien, Oriens christ. 
 iii. 715 sq. 
 
 -"^ Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions grecqucs tt latines, vol. iii., de- 
 scriptions of n. 2296, 2329, and 241 2d. Comp, also Marquardt, Römische 
 Staatsverwaltung, i. 395, note 17.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOAVXS. 107 
 
 Hebran) is mentioned an uyci)yo<i vScItcov elacßepofieucov ei? 
 Kuvara built by Cornelius I'alma, governor of Syria in the 
 time of Trajan.^"^ This Kanata cannot be identical with 
 Kanatha = Kanawat, for the latter, lying higher than' el- 
 Atine, and being itself abundantly supplied with water, an 
 aqueduct from el-Afine thither is inconceivable. The situa- 
 tion of Kanata is however also determined by an inscription 
 discovered by Wetzstein at Kerak (in the plain west-south-west 
 of Kanawat) : Au fjueyiarla] KavarijvMv 6 \hrifjLo<i\^°^ Accord- 
 ing to- this Kanata is identical with the present Kerak, 
 to whose former Greek culture other inscriptions also bear 
 testimony .^"^ The few coins of Kanata, which were by former 
 numismatists wrongly attributed to the better known Kanatha, 
 prove at least that Kanata had the Pompeian era, and there- 
 fore very probably belonged to Decapolis.^'^ The coins belong 
 to the times of Claudius and Domitian.^" That Kerak was 
 once a town is confirmed by the mention of a ßovXevrr]<i upon 
 an inscription.^^^ On the other hand, another inscription of 
 the middle of the third century after Christ calls it a kco/j-t}.^^^ 
 It had thus already lost the rights of a town. The date 
 on this inscription is according to the era of the pro- 
 vince of Arabia, hence we may conclude, that at the establish- 
 ment of this province (105 b.c.) it was allotted to it. 
 
 «o? Le Bas et "Waddingtoii, vol. iii. ii. 2296. 
 
 208 -wretzstein, Aitsf/ewähltc f/ricchischc und lateinische Inschriften (7'rans- 
 actinn.iof the Berlin Academy, ISQli, phi I nJ. -hi stor. Cl.),u. lh!ö = ÄVaddiugLou, 
 n. 2412d. 
 
 2"-' Wetzsteiu, n. 1 83-186 ^AVaddingtou, n. 2412a-2412g. 
 
 2'0 Bclley in the ]\Ie'moires de I' Academic des Inscr. et Belles- Lettirs, aucient 
 serie.s, vol. xxviii. 568 sqq. Eckhel, iii. 347. Mioimet, v. 231 ; Suppl. viiL 
 225. De Saulcy, p. 339 sq., pi. xxiii. n. 8, 9. Reicluirdt in the Wiener 
 Numismat. Zeitsch. 1880, pp. 68-73. De Saulcy and Reichardt were the 
 first to distinguish correctly the coins of Kanata and Kanatha. Among 
 the older numismalicians arc also other rnistakes. 
 
 211 >[ionnct, Suppl. viii. 225, gives a coin of Maximinus, which however 
 does not belong to Kanata, but to Ascalon (see De Saulcy, p. 208). De 
 Saulcy and Rcicltardt give each a coin of Elagabalus, the reading of which is 
 however very uncertain. 
 
 =ä'"- \Vetz.stein, n. 184 = W;v](lington, n. 2412e. 
 
 2'" Wetzstein, n. 186 = Waddingtou, n. 2412^.
 
 108 § 23, CONSTITUTION-. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 18. Kanaiha. On the western declivity of the Hauran 
 range is the place now called Kanaiuat, whose ruins are 
 among the most important of the country east of the Jordan. 
 Numerous inscriptions, well preserved remains of temples and 
 other public buildings, prove that an important town once 
 stood here ; and both ruins and inscriptions point to the first 
 centuries of the Eoman imperial period. The ruins have, 
 since Seetzen's first hasty visit, been frequently described.^^* 
 The inscriptions have been most completely collected by 
 Waddington.^^" It is rightly and almost universally admitted, 
 that the Kanatha so often mentioned by ancient authors, and 
 with which the Old Testament ri3|? (Num. xxxii. 42 ; 1 Chron. 
 ii. 23) is probably identical, is to be sought for here.^^^ The 
 form of the name fluctuates between Kdvada and KdvcoOa ; 
 Kevadr)v6<; also occurs upon an inscription.^" Apart from 
 the Old Testament passages, the history of Kanatha cannot 
 
 -^^ Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien (edited by Kruse), i. 78 sqq. , iv. 40, 51 sqq. 
 Burclshardt, Beisen in Syrien, i. 157 sqq., 504 sq. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 
 931-939. Porter, Five Years in Damascus, 1855, ii. 89-115 (with plan). 
 Bädeker-Socin, Palästina, p. 433 sqq. (with plan). Merrill, East of the 
 Jordan (1881), pp. 36-42. Views of the ruins in Laborde, Voyage en Orient, 
 Paris (1837-1845), livraisou 21, 22, 26 ; and in Rey, Voyage dansleHaouran 
 et aux bords de la mer morte execute pendant les annees 1857 et 1858, Paris. 
 Atlas, pi. v.-viii. (pi. vi. plan). 
 
 2^^ Le Bas et Waddington, Liscriptions, vol. iii. n. 2329-2363. Older 
 information in Corp. Inscr. Graec. 4612-4615. Wetzstein, Ausgewählte In- 
 schriften (Transactions of the Berlin Academy, 1863), n. 188-193. 
 
 216 The identity of Kanatha with the present Kanawat is best proved in 
 Porter's Five Years in Damascus, ii. 110 sqq. The statements in Eusebius 
 and the Tab. Peuting. are especially convincing. Compare also for the history, 
 Reland, pp. 681 sq., 689. AA^iner, R WB. , s. v. " Kenath. " Raumer, p. 252. 
 Ritter, as above. Kuhn, ii. 385 sq. Waddington's explanations onn. 2329. 
 
 ^i'' The form Kanatha is found in Josephus (Bell. Jud. i. 19. 2), Plinius 
 (v. 18. 74), Ptolemaeus (v. 15. 23), Steplianus Byz. (^Lex. s.v.), Eusebius 
 (Onomast. , ed. Lag. p. 269) ; on coins (see the next note), inscriptions {Corp. 
 Inscr. Graec. n. 4613: KxvxdYivus/ yj Trö'hts; Waddington, n. 2216: Kxvx6-^u6s 
 ßovMvT*is ; Renier, Inscr. de VAlge'rie, n. 1534 and 1535 = Co7-p. Inscr. Lat. 
 vol. viii. n. 2394, 2395: cohors prima Flavia Canatlienorum) ; also the Tabula 
 Peuting. (Chanata). The form Kanotha is found in Hierocles, ed. Parthey, 
 p. 46 (Kxvüdd) ; a Xotitia episcopat., the same, p. 92 (Kctvodxi); the Acts 
 of the Council of Chalcedon in liC Quien, Oriens christianus, ii. 867 (gen. 
 Kxvu$x;} ; an inscription in the Bullettino deW Instituto di corrisp. archeol.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE IlELLEXISTIC TOWNS. 109 
 
 be traced farther back tlian the time of Pompey ; its coins 
 have the Poinpeian era/'^ and it is reckoned by botli Pliny 
 (v. 18. 74) and Ptolemy (v. 15. 23) among the towns of 
 Decapolis. On the coins of Commodus given by Reichardt 
 the inhabitants are called raßeiv{tel<i) Kavad(r)voi) ; the town 
 therefore seems to have been restored by Gabinius. Herod 
 experienced a mortifying defeat at Kanatha in a battle against 
 the Arabians.^^^ On the civic constitution of Kanatha in 
 imperial times we get some information from inscriptions, 
 ßovXevTai being frequently mentioned,^^" and once an a'yopa- 
 v6fio<i.^'^ A Graeco-Latin epitaph of a Syrian merchant, dis- 
 covered in 1862 in the neighbourhood of Trevoux in France, 
 is of special interest. He is designated in the Greek text as 
 ßoij\€VTr]<; ttoX/tt;? re Kav(o6ai,[(o]v e[ . . .] Xvpir}<i, in the 
 Latin as decurio Septimianus Canotha.^^^ AVhat the latter 
 title denotes is indeed very doubtful.^^^ If the Xvpia of the 
 Greek text is to be understood in the strict sense of t\\e2Jrovmce 
 of Syria, it follows from the combination of the two texts, that 
 Kanatha belonged to the province of Syria down to the time 
 of Septimius Severus."^* In the time of Eusebius it belonged 
 to the province of Arabia. It is striking that Eusebius calls 
 
 1867, p. 204 (/SofAsvT'^j woX/t/ij n Kctva6eci{^ai]u). Lastly, Kiuotdnvos in 
 Waddington, n. 2343. On the present form of the name Kauawat, see 
 Wetzstein, Reisebericht über Ilauran und die Trachonen (1860), p. 77 sq. 
 
 218 See De Saulcy, pp. 399-401, pl. xxiii. n. 10 ; and especially Reichardt, 
 Die Münzen Kanatha's ( Wiener Nmnismat. Zeitschr. 1880, pp. 68-72). 
 
 219 Bell. Jud. L 19. 2. In the parallel passage, Antt. xv. 5. 1, the place 
 is called K*vä., 
 
 220 Waddington, n. 2216, 2339 (= Wetzstein, n. 188). Corp. Inscr. Grace. 
 n. 4613 (= Waddington, n. 2331a). The last-named inscription was dis- 
 covered by Seetzen, not in Kanawat (as is erroneously stated in the Corp. 
 Inscr. Grace, and in AVaddington), but in Deir el-Chlef ; see Kruse in his 
 edition of Seetzeu's Traveb, iv. 40, note. 
 
 221 Corp. Inscr. Grace. 4912 = Waddington, n. 2330. 
 
 222 The inscription is given by Henzen in the Bidlcttino dcIV Ii)stlluto di 
 corrisp. archeol. 1867, pp. 203-207. 
 
 223 See Henzen as above, and Waddington's explanations on 2329. 
 
 223a So also Waddington on n. 2329, and Marquardt, i. 396. Still Mar- 
 quardt is inclined, by reason of the circumstances of the garrison, to the 
 view that Kanatha was, in the time of Caracalla, already united to the pro- 
 vince of Arabia ; see p. 433, note 3.
 
 110 §23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWXS. 
 
 it a Koofir}.''* Could it in his time have no longer had a civic 
 constitution ? ^'*^ A Christian bishop of Kanotha was present 
 at the Councils of Ephesus (a.D. 449), Chalcedon (a.D. 451) 
 and Constantinople (a.D. 459).'"* 
 
 19. ScytJiopolis, ^kvOÖttoXi'?, one of the most important 
 Hellenistic towns of Palestine, the only one among the towns 
 of Decapolis which lay westward of the Jordan.^^^ The 
 ancient name of the town was Beth-sean, ]^^ ri''3 or IB* JT3, in 
 the Septuagint and in the first Book of Maccabees (v. 52, 
 xii. 40 sq.), Baiöa-dv.'^^ The ancient name was always 
 maintained beside the Greek one,^^* nay at last supplanted it. 
 To this very day the desolate ruins of Beisan in the valley 
 of the Jordan south of the Lake of Gennesareth mark the 
 position of the ancient city. The name XicvÖö-ttoKl^ is 
 undoubtedly equal to XkvOüv iroXi';, as indeed it is frequently 
 written. "^^ The reason for this name is very obscure, pro- 
 bably it must be explained as by Syncellus, by the fact that 
 a number of Scythians settled here on the occasion of their 
 
 "2* Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lagarde, p. 269: KxuxO. Koiy./) rvj; 'Apsißixs 
 d; 'in Koiuxdx 'hiyoy.kyin . . . x-sirxt Sf kxI tri kxI vv'j \'j 'YpcL%u'Jt Tt'hriijiov 
 Tioarpuy. 
 
 224a fije statements of Eusebius are not quite trustworthy. He calls e.g. 
 Jabis at one time vroXt; (p. 225), at another Kuy./i (p. 268). 
 
 225 Le Quien, Oricns christ. ii. 867. 
 
 2^^ See in general, Reland, pp. 992-998. Winer, s.v. "Beth-sean." Raumer, 
 p. 150 sq. Pauly's Enc. vi. 1. 729. Robinson, Palestine, iii. 326-332. 
 Ritter, xv. 1. 426-435. Kuhn, ii. 371. Gueriu, Samarie, i. 284-299. 
 The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 
 83, 101-114 (with plans) ; also sheet ix. of the large English chart. 
 
 227 In the Old Test., Josh. xvii. 11, 16 ; Judg. i. 27 ; 1 Sam. xxxi. 10, 12 ; 
 2 Sam. xxi. 12 ; 1 Kings iv. 12 ; 1 Chron. vii. 29. On the identity of Beth- 
 .sean and Scythopolis, see Josepli. Antt. \. 1. 22, vi. 14. 8, xii. 8. 5, xiii. 6. 1, 
 The gloss of the LXX. on Judg. i. 27. Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lag. p. 2ß7. 
 Steph. Byz. (see next note). 
 
 223 jj^'^ n^n in the Mishna, AboJa sara i. 4, iv. 12. The adj. ''jj^ia, Pea 
 viii. 1. Comp. Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 174 sq. Steph. Byz. 
 s.v. '2kvÖ6xo'äi;, Yia.'Ket.ia-ivYi; 'JTO'Kk; sj Nwtr*); (1. Nwo-st) KoiXvi; '^•jpix;, 'Sx.vduv 
 TTö'X/j, -TrpÖTtpov Seiiirco'j hiyöfMv/} wxo -rciiv ß»pßc(.puy. The form 
 Beisau is contracted from Beth-sean. 
 
 223 ^y^vduv TT&'X/,', Judith iü. 11 ; 2 Macc. xii. 29 ; LXX. Judg. i. 27. 
 Polybius, V. 70. Aristides, ed. Dindorf, ü. 470.
 
 §23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Ill 
 
 great invasion of Palestine in the seventh century before 
 Christ.^^^ On the name Nysa, which Scythopolis also bore 
 according to Pliny, Stephanus Byz., and which is found 
 upon coins, see above, p. 20. The town was perhaps 
 already known by its Greek name Scythopolis in the time of 
 Alexander the Great, or at any rate in the third century 
 before Christ, when it was tributary to the Ptolemies."^^^ When 
 in 218 B.c. Antiochus the Great invaded Palestine, the town 
 willingly («aö' ofioXo'yiav) surrendered to him.^*^ Like the 
 rest of Palestine however it did not come permanently under 
 Syrian dominion till twenty years later (198 B.c.). In the 
 time of the Maccabees Scythopolis is mentioned as a heathen 
 town, but not as one hostile to the Jews (2 Mace. xii. 
 29-31). Towards the end of the second century (about 107 
 B.c.) it came under Jewish rule, the weak Antiochus IX. 
 (Kyzikenos) being unable to offer effectual resistance to the 
 advance of John Hyrcanus, nay his general Epicrates 
 treacherou.sly surrendering Scythopolis to the Jews (Joseph. 
 Antt. xiii. 10. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 2. 7 speaks otherwise).^^^ Hence 
 
 2'o Syucell. ed. Dindorf, i. 405 : 'S.-Kwdui t/jv UuT^ocistiuyiv Kxriloxfiov kocI 
 rr,v B«<raf (1. B«/«?«») Kxria-ycou t7!v £| ccvruy y.'hyi6il<s tt'j '^x.vSit'JTt/ktu. On the 
 invasion of the Scythiun.s, see especially Herodotus, i. 105. Euseb. Cliron., 
 cd. Schoene, ii. 88 sq. Pliny too and his successor Solinus derive the name 
 from the Scythians, but indeed from those whom the god Dionysius settled 
 there for the protection of the grave of his nurse : Plinins, v. 18. 74 : 
 Scythpolim, antea Xysani, a Libero Patre sepulta nutrice ibi Scythis 
 deductis. Solinus (f.d. Mommseu), c. 36 : Liber Pater cum humo nutricem 
 tradidi.<set,condidifcLocoppidum, ut sepulturae titulum etiam urbis moenibus 
 arapUaret. Incolae deerant . e comitibus suis Scythas delegit, quos ut aiumi 
 firmaret ad proraptam rcsistendi violentiam, praemiura loci nomen dedit. 
 For another and equally mythological derivation from the Scythians, see 
 Malalas, ed. Dindorf, p. 140, and Cedrenus, ed. Bekker, i. 237. In general 
 Stcph. Byz. also explains the name by 1x.viu-j -jzota; (see note 228). The 
 derivation from Sukkoth is obviated by the fact, that the Hebrew nanif of 
 the town is not Sukkoth but Beth -scan. 
 
 2''i Joseph. AnU. xii. 4. ."). Comp, above, p. ;J3. It wouM be a more ancient 
 testimony to the use of the Greek name, if the reference of the lettere Ix. on 
 certain coins of Alexander the Great to Scythopolis were certain. See L. 
 iliiller, Xnmismatiipie (V Alexandre le Grand, p. 304, planches, u. 1429, 1464. 
 
 -"32 Polyb. V. 70. Stark, Gaza, p. 381. 
 
 ^33 On the chronology, comp, above, § 8.
 
 112 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 we find it also in the possession of Alexander Jannaeus {Antt. 
 xiii. 15. 4). It was again separated from the Jewish region 
 by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 5. 3, xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7), 
 and restored by Gabinius {Antt. xiv. 5. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4). 
 It afterwards continued to be an independent town under 
 Eonian supremacy. Nor did either Herod or his successors 
 ever possess the town. Its membership among the cities of 
 Decapolis is testified by Joseplms, who calls it " one of the 
 largest towns of Decapolis " {Bell. Jud. iii. 9. 7 : ^ he iarc 
 fieyia-TT] tt}? AeKaTToXeox;). It is not quite certain what era 
 it made use of. The Pompeian era is evidently used on a 
 coin of Gordianus ; while upon others a later one seems 
 adopted. The titles of the town, especially upon the coins 
 of Gordianus, are iGpa aavXo^.-^^ At the beginning of the 
 Jewish war, A.D. 66, the revolted Jews attacked the district 
 of Scythopolis {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). The Jewish inhabit- 
 ants found themselves obliged, for the sake of safety, to fight 
 on the side of the heathen against their fellow-countrymen, 
 who were attacking the town. The heathen inhabitants how- 
 ever afterwards requited this alliance by faithless treachery, 
 luring them into the sacred grove, and then surprising them 
 by night and massacring them to the number, as it is said, 
 of 13,000 {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 3, 4, vii. 8. 7 ; Vita, 6). When 
 Josephus says with respect to the period of the Jewish war, 
 that Scythopolis was then obedient to King Agrippa {Vita, 
 65, ed. Bekker, p. 341, 20 : t?)? vtttjkoov ßaaiXei), this is 
 certainly not to be understood in the sense of actual subjec- 
 tion, but only means, that Scythopolis was on the side of 
 Agrippa and the Eomans.^^^ The district of Scythopolis 
 
 ^^* See on the coins and the era, Belley in the Meinoires des luscr. et 
 Belles-Lettres, ancient series, vol. xxvi. 1759, pp. 415-428. Eckhel, iii. 438- 
 440. Mionnet, v. 511 sq. ; Siippl. viii. 355 sq. De Saulcy, pp. 287-290, 
 pi. xiv. n. 8-13. 
 
 235 This is all that Josephus is in the context concerned with. It is highly 
 improbable that Scythopolis really belonged (as Menke in his Bibel- Atlas 
 supposes) to the dominions of Agripj^a, since Josephus in the passages in 
 which he is describing accurately the realm of Agrippa does not mention it.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 113 
 
 must be regarded as very extensive. At the taking of Scytho- 
 polis and Philoteria (a town of that name on the Lake of 
 Gennesareth of which we know nothing else) by Antiochus 
 the Great, in the year 218, Poly bins remarks, that the district 
 subject to these two towns could easily furnish abundant 
 support for the whole army."^^ We have also similar testi- 
 mony at a later date, viz. that of Josephus {Vita, 9), that the 
 district of Scythopolis bordered on that of Gadara (see above, 
 p. 88). The district of this town is also mentioned Bell. 
 Jud. iv. 8. 2. The subsequent history of Scythopolis, which 
 remained for centuries an important and flourishing town, 
 cannot be further pursued here. On its religious rites, games 
 and industry, compare above, pp. 19, 27, 41. 
 
 20. Pclla, niXka. The district of Pella is designated by 
 Josephus as the northern boundary of Peraea.^^^ According 
 to Eusebius, the Jabesh of Scripture was only 6 7n. p. from 
 Pella, on the road from this latter to Gerasa.^^^ Now as Gerasa 
 lies south of the present Wadi Jabis, Pella must have lain 
 a little to the north of it, and hence it is almost certain, that 
 the important ruins at Fahil, on a terrace over the Jordan valley 
 opposite Scythopolis in a south-easterly direction, mark the 
 position of the ancient Pella.^^^ That it stood here is further 
 
 -^^ Polyb. V. 70: iv&xpau; hx^ ""^poe: tu; ^i'h'Xovact; iTrißo'Koi; ^i* to toj» 
 ü~OTiT oc'/fiiviov xupctv recig vo'hiai Totvroii; pefOiu; Qvuoiddxi ttxvti t' 
 oTp*T0'!7iQCfi piCp^jijysiv xai ox<pt7\^ TrcepxaicivK^eiu rci x-ccrfziiyovrot. 7rp6; tvi'j xP-'^^. 
 
 ^^^ Jkll. Jud. iii. 3. 3. Pcraca is here taken in its political meaning, i.e. 
 •with the exclusion of the towns of Decapolis (cuinp. above, p. 2). In a 
 geograijhical sense, it reaches much farther northward, comprising e.g. even 
 Gadara {Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 3). 
 
 238 Euseb. Onomast.. ed. Lag. p. 225 : ij oi 'lüßi; tTriKiiu» rov ' looOxi/au vvv 
 iOTi fCiyt'iTTi) voKig^ TiiXKrig -Troh-tu; OnaTua* arif^tiioti y' üutövTuv kvi Yipxaxv. 
 Similarly, p. "268 (where however Jabis is more correctly called a KUf^ri). 
 
 -39 Comp. Robinson's Palestine, iii. 320-325. Ritter, xv. 2. 1023-1030. 
 Raumer, p. 254. Guerin, Galilee, i. 288-2'j2. Merrill, East of the Jordan 
 (1881), pp. 442-447. On the history, Relaud, p. 924 sq. Droyseu, 
 JI(llc7iismiis, iii. 2. 204 sq. Kuhn, ii. 374. There is but slight foundation 
 for the objection raised by Kruse (Seetzen's Ileiscn, iv. 198 sqq.) to tlie 
 above determination of the locality. Korb's thorough discussion of the 
 situation of Pella (Jahu's .Jahrb. für Philologie und Paedagogik, 4th year, 
 vol. L 1829, pp. 100-118) places the situation too far northward by partially 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. H
 
 114 § 23. CONSTITUTION^. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 borne out by the fact that Pliny describes Pella as aq^uis divitem?*^ 
 Whether the original Semitic name was Fahil (x^na ?), and the 
 name Pella chosen by the Greeks on account of its similarity 
 of sound, may be left iiucertain.^^"'^ In any case the name 
 Pella was borrowed from the famous Macedonian town of the 
 same name. The latter being the birthplace of Alexander 
 the Great, it is not improbable that our Pella as well as the 
 neighbouring Dium was founded by Alexander the Great him- 
 self, as indeed the somewhat corrupt text of Stephanus Byz. 
 declares.^^^ According to another passage of Steplianus Byz. 
 our Pella was also called JBoOxi«?.-^^ Pella is first mentioned 
 in history at tlie conquest of Palestine by Antiochus the 
 Great, b.c. 218, when after taking Atabyrion (Tabor) he 
 
 placing in the foreground the statements of Josephus, and neglecting to do 
 justice to the more precise statements of Eusebius. 
 
 2" Plinius, V. 18. 74. 
 
 240a Tuch, Qaaestioncs dc Flavii Josephi libris historicis (Lii^s. 1859), p. 18, 
 altogether regards Pella as only the Greek pronunciation for s^riQ, and 
 scouts the idea of any connection with the name of the Macedonian town. 
 This is however more than improbable. 
 
 ^*' Steph. Byz. ed. Meineke, s.v. Ahv, ncoKii; . . . Koi\/i; Ivplag, ktIoi^o. 
 A'As^aulpov., X.CCI IIs'AXc«. The words nul Ile^tXBs are probably the gloss of 
 some learned reader, who thus meant to say that Pella as well as Dium was 
 founded by Alexander the Great. The reading i; kxI n^xx« is an erroneous 
 emendation by some former editor. Comp, also Droysen, iii. 2. 204 sq. 
 A Syrian Pella is also mentioned among the cities founded by Seleucus I. 
 in Appian. Syr. 57, and Euseb. Chro7i., ed. Schoene, ii. 116 sq. According 
 to the Latin text of Jerome : Seleucus Antiochiam Laodiciam Seleuciam 
 Apamiam Edessam Beroeam et Pellam urbes condidit. So also Syncell., ed. 
 Dindorf, i. 520, and the Armenian text of Eusebius, in which only Seleucia 
 is missing. By this Pella however we must probably understand the town 
 of Apamea on the Orontes, which was at first called by its founder 
 Seleucus I. Apamea, and afterwards Pella, which name was subsequently 
 lost (see especially Malalas, ed. Dindorf, p. 203 [according to Pausauias 
 Damascenus, comp. Müller, Fragm. hist, grace, iv. 470] ; also Strabo, xvi. 
 p. 752 ; Stephanus Byz. s.f. '' A-TrüfAsix ; in Diodor. xxi. 25, Apamea occurs 
 under the name of Pella, see Wesseling's note on the passage). It is true 
 that the lists in Appian and Eusebius mention Pella along with Apamea 
 as though they were two different cities. This mistake has however 
 arisen from the circumstance, that the change of name has been looked 
 upon as a second founding, and treated accordingly in the lists of founda- 
 tions of towns. Hence indeed our Pella (in Decapolis) is out of question. 
 
 ^^- Steph. Byz. s.v. IIsAA«. tto'A;? . . . K&/a>5c Ivplctg., 7; BovTii "hiyoyAvrt.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 115 
 
 turned towards the country east of the Jordan and seized Pella, 
 Kamus, and Gephrus.^^^ Alexander Jannaeus conquered and 
 destroyed the town, because its inhabitants would not adopt 
 "Jewish customs " {Bell Jud. i. 4. 8 ; Antt. xiii. 15. 4).^^^^" It 
 was again sejDarated from the Jewish region by Pompey {Antt. 
 xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 7). The fact of its having belonged 
 to Decapolis is attested by Eusebius and Epiphanius as well as 
 by Pliny and Ptolemy ,^^* The few coins which have been 
 preserved bear, as might be expected, the Pompeian era.^*'^ 
 When Pella is named in Josephus {Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 5) among 
 the chief places of the eleven toparchies of Judaea, this must 
 be ascribed either to a mistake on the part of Josephus him- 
 self or to an error in the text. At the commencement of the 
 Jewish war Pella was attacked by the insurgent Jews {Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 18. 1). During the war the Christian Church fled thither 
 from Jerusalem.^*® Christian bishops of Pella are mentioned 
 in the fifth and sixth centuries after Christ.^^'' 
 
 21. Bium, Alov. Among the towns of this name, of which 
 Steph. Byz. enumerates seven, that in Macedonia at the foot 
 of Olympus is the best known. Hence it is very credible, 
 that our Dion in Coelesyria was a foundation of Alexander the 
 Great.^^* According to the astronomical definitions of Ptolemy 
 (v. 15. 23), Dium lay under the same degree of latitude as 
 
 2*3 Polyb. V. 70. 
 
 2*3a Jn the last passage also our Pella is certainly inteuded, and not 
 another Moabitc one. Josephus only names Pella quite at the end of the 
 list after enumerating the Moabite towns, because he desires to append a 
 special remark concerning it. Comp. Tuch, Qnaesliones, etc., pp. 17-19. 
 
 21* Pliu. V. 18. 74. Ptolem. v. 15. 23. Euseb. OnomasL, ed. Lag. p. 251. 
 Epiphanius, Haer. 29. 7 ; dc mcnsiiris el ponder. § 15. 
 
 -■•^ See Belley in the M<finoircs dc VAcade'mie des Inscr. et Delias- Lettres, 
 ancient series, vol. xxviii. 5C8 sqq. Eckhel, iii. 350. Micunet, v. 329 ; 
 Suppl. viii. 232. De Saulcy, pp. 291-293, pi. xvi. n. 8. 
 
 2*6 Euseb. Hist, eccl. iii. 5. 2, 3 ; Epiphanius, Haer. 29. 7 ; de mensuris et 
 ponder. § 15. 
 
 2*^ Le Quien, Oriens christ. iii. 698 sq. 
 
 2*8 So Steph. Byz. s.v. Alou (see above, note 241). Stcphauus remarks 
 5; TO voiip uoaipov, and quotes the following epigram : — 
 
 uxf4,x TO SiYj:>6v yTvVKSpou ^07C/'i/, ijvidi 'TtIyj;, 
 iruvoii y.lv hi\pyi;, ivdii hi y,ocl ßiorov.
 
 116 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Pell a, but ^ of a degree farther eastward. With this agree 
 the statements of Josephus concerning Pompey's route, that 
 the Jewish king Aristobuhis accompanied Pompey on his 
 march from Damascus against the Nabataeans as far as 
 Dium, that here he suddenly separated from Pompey, who 
 therefore now turned suddenly westward and came by Pella 
 and Scythopolis to Judaea.^^^ Little is known of the history 
 of Dium.^®" It was conquered by Alexander Jannaeus {Antt. 
 xiii. 15. 3), liberated by Pompey {Antt. xiv. 4. 4), and then 
 belonged to Decapolis (Plin. v, 18. 74; Ptolem. v. 15. 23). 
 The coins of Dium, with the legend AeiTjvayv, have the 
 Pompeian era. Some of those belonging to the time of 
 Caracalla and Geta are still in existence.^"^ The A ia mentioned 
 by Hierocles is certainly identical with this Dium.^^^ 
 
 22. Gerasa, Tepaaa. The ruins of the present Dscharasch 
 are the most important in the region east of the Jordan, and are 
 indeed (with those of Palmyra, Baalbec and Petra) among the 
 most important in Syria. There are still in existence con- 
 siderable remains of temples, theatres and other public 
 buildings. About one hundred columns of a long colonnade, 
 which ran through the middle of the town, are still standing. 
 The buildings seem from their style to belong to the second or 
 third century after Christ. ^^^ Pew inscriptions have as yet 
 
 2*9 Joseph. Antt. xiv. 3. 3, 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 6. 4, fin. Also Menkes Bibel- 
 Atlas, sheet iv. In both passages indeed Dium first came into the text 
 through Dindorf's emendations. The older editions have, Antt. xiv. 3. 3 : 
 ilg A'/^'Kiov TToAiv ; Bell. .Jud. i. 6. 4 : axo ^iMizö'hiUi. As certain manuscripts 
 have äTTo "hio^ ii'KiovTro'hscag (see Cardwell's ed.) we might feel inclined to 
 read Heliopolis in both passages. Bnt the context makes this impossible. 
 
 250 Comp. Reland, p. 736 sq. Raumer, p. 247. Kuhn, iii. 382 sq. 
 
 251 See Belley in the Meinoires de VAcademie des Inscr. et Belles- Lettres^ 
 ancient series, vol. xxviii. 568 sqq. Eckhel, iii. 847 sq. Mionuet, v. 32 j 
 Suppl. viii. 26. De Saulcy, pp. 378-383, pi. xix. n. 8, 9. 
 
 252 Hierocles, Synecd., ed. Parthey, p. 45. The Notitia episcopal. , the same, 
 p. 92. Also in Joseph. Antt. xii. 15. 3 the manuscripts have A/«». 
 
 2** See in general, Seetzen, Reisen, i. 388 sq., iv. 202 sqq. Burckhardt, 
 Reisen, i. 401-il7, 530-536 (with plan). Buckingham, Travels in Palestine, 
 1821, pp. 353-405. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 1077-1094. Bädeker-Socin, 
 Palästina, p. 408 sqq. (with plan). Merrill, East of the Jordan, pp. 281-290. 
 Illustrations, Laborde, Voyage en Orieiit (Paris 1837 sq.), livniison 9, 16,
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. Il7 
 
 been publisliecl.^"^ There can be no doubt that here was 
 the ancient Gerasa.^"'^ The derivation of the name from 
 yepovTe'i (veterans) of Alexander the Great, who settled 
 here, is based only upon etymological trifling.^'" It is 
 certainly possible, that the foundation of Gerasa as a 
 Hellenistic town may reach as far back as Alexander the 
 Great. It is first mentioned in the time of Alexander 
 Jannaeus, when it was in the power of a certain Theodorus 
 (a son of the tyrant Zeno Kotylas of Philadelphia). It was 
 conquered after an arduous siege by Alexander Jannaeus 
 towards the end of his reign.^^^ It was while still defendinjr 
 the fortress Eagaba " in the district of Gerasa " that he died.^^^ 
 Gerasa was undoubtedly liberated by Pompey, for it belonged 
 to Decapolis.^^'^ At the outbreak of the Jewish war it was 
 attacked by the Jews (Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1); yet the Jews 
 dwelling in the town were spared by the inhabitants (Bell. 
 Jud. ii. 18. 5). The Gerasa conquered and destroyed by 
 
 34, 35. Rey, Voyarje dans le Ilaouran et mix lords de la mer morte execute 
 pendant Ics ann^es 1857 and 1858 (Paris), Atlas pi. xix.-xxiii. (pi. xxi. plan). 
 Due de Luynes, Voyage d' Exploration ä la mer morte ä Petra et sur la rive 
 gauche du Jourdain, Paris s. a. (1874), Atlas, pi. 50-57. Also Riehm's 
 Wörterb. s.v. " Gadara." 
 
 25* Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4Gfil-46G4. Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. iii. n. 
 118, 119. Wetzstein, Ausgewühlte Inschriften (Trans, of the Berlin Acad. 
 1863), n. 205-2Ü7. Böckli, Report of the Berlin Acad. 1835, p. 14 sqq. Allen, 
 American Journal of Philologij, vol. iii. (Baltimore 1882), p. 206. Quarlcrlg 
 Statement of the Palestine Kxjiloratiini /-'««r/, 1882, p. 218 sqq.; 1883, p. 107 sq. 
 
 2" Compare on the history, Kcland, p. 8U6 sqq. Pauly's Encycl.m. 770. 
 Winer, s.v. "Gadara." Räumer, p. 249 sq. Ritter, as above. Kuhn, ii. 370, 
 383. 
 
 2*6 See the passages from Jamblicus and the Etymolog, magnum ia 
 Droysen, Hellenismus, iii. 2. 202 sq. Also Reland, p. 806. 
 
 ^'''' Bell. Jud. i. 4. 8- In the parallel passage Antt. xiii. 15. 3, 'Y-aa»» 
 stands instead of Yiootauu. The reading in Bell. Jud. is however certainly 
 the correct one. 
 
 258 Antt. xiii. 15.5. Ragaba can hardly be identical with the 'F.pyoc of Euse- 
 bius (p. 216), which lay 15 m. p. we.stwar-d of Gerasa, and was therefore cer- 
 tainly under the power of Akxainler Jannaeus before the conquest of Gerasa. 
 
 259 Ptolem. V. 1.5. 23. Steph. Byz. s.v. Tepxa», voXig rii; Koi>.n; ^vpixs, 
 rii; liKocTTcXiu; (for such is the reading, as by Meinekc, instead of the 
 traditional rsaactpiaKetihiKonvöMu;). Plinius, v. 18. 74. names Galasa, for 
 which we must read Gerasa, among the cities of Decapolis.
 
 118 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Lucius Annius at the command of Vespasian {Bell. Jud. 
 iv. 9. 1) cannot be this Gerasa, which as a Hellenistic town 
 was certainly friendly to the Eomans. The few coins of 
 Gerasa (from Hadrian to Alexander Severus) have no era 
 and contain no epithet of the city. They almost all have the 
 superscription "Aprefjici tv-^^tj Tepaawv."^^ On an inscription 
 of the time of Trajan the inhabitants are called ^AvTio^^h 
 Trpb'i To) Xpvaopoa.'^^ Upon another inscription, also of the 
 Eoman period, the town is called Tepacra ^Avri6')(^€ta^^^^ 
 In an ethnographic sense Gerasa must be reckoned part of 
 Arabia,^^^ but seems even in the second century after Christ 
 to have belonged to the province of Syria and only subse- 
 quently to have been incorporated in that of Arabia.^''^ In 
 the fourth century after Christ it was one of the most 
 important towns of this province.^^ Its district was so large, 
 
 260 Eckhel, iii. 3,50. Mionnet, v. 329 ; Suppl. viii. 230 sq. De Saulcy, p. 
 384 sq., pi. xxii. n. 1, 2. 
 
 -61 ]\IommseD, Berichte der sächsisch. Oesellsch. d. Wissensch., philol-hist. 
 Classe, vol. ii. 1850, p. 223. Waddington, n. 1722. The inscription was 
 set up in honour of A. Julius Quadratus, the imperial legate of Syria, and 
 indeed in his native Pergamos (where the inscription was discovered). 
 The Gerasenes designate themselves according to AVaddington's completion, 
 [ .\vrio]x^^^ ■J"^" {j^P^i '!^'\v y^pvaopocc tuu '7r\_p6r'\ipo'j [Tf\pcc(jyiuuu 5j ßovTi'/i y,xi 
 S^[,4toj]. No other place in Syria is known by the name of Chrysorrhoas 
 except the Nuhr Barada near Damascus (Strabo, xvi. p. 755. Plin. v. 18. 
 74. Ptolem. v. 15. 9). It is self-evident that this cannot, as Mommsen 
 strangely assumes, be intended here. On the contrary, we find that the 
 rivulet Kerwan running through Gerasa was also called Chrysorrhoas (see 
 Bädeker, p. 409). 
 
 261^ American Journal of Philology, vol. iii. (Baltimore 1882) p. 206, 
 communicated by Allen, from a copy by Merrill. The inscription was 
 found in Gerasa itself. It is an epitaph consisting of four distichs on a 
 woman of the name of Juliana from Antioch. She died in the course of 
 her journey in Gerasa and was buried there, and it is said of her in the 
 epitaph that she will not now return to her home in Antioch, dXK' 'ihotxiv 
 y»i[yi\g [r]£|s[«](r[)7j] ,u,ipoi '' \uTtoy,iini- That the inscription belongs to 
 the Roman period is shown by the name Juliana. 
 
 262 Origenes in Joann. vol. vi. c. 24 (^Opp. ed. Lommatzsch, i. 239), Tipxca 
 is riig ' Apcißt'xi sari TrÖTiig. 
 
 263 See Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, 1. 433, note 1. 
 
 264 Ammian. Marc. xiv. 8. 13 : Haec quoque civitates habet inter oppida 
 quaedam ingentes Bostram et Gerasam atquo PhiladeJphi'Xm murorum
 
 § 23. C0:N"ST1TUTI0N. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOAVKS. 119 
 
 that Jerome could say, that what was formerly Gilead was 
 now called Gerasa.'*^^* Famous men of Gerasa are mentioned 
 by Steph. Byz.^^ The names too of certain Christian bishops 
 are well known.*"* 
 
 23. PJiiladclphia, ^tXaSeX^eta, the ancient capital of the 
 Ammonites called in the 0. T, "Eabbah of the Ammonites" 
 (jirsy "ija ri|i"i), i.e. the chief city of the Ammonites, or more 
 shortly " Eabbah " (nai).^^^ In Tolybius it is called Eabbat- 
 Amana,^"^ in Eusebius and Steph. Byz. Amman and Ammana.^*^ 
 The situation of the town is certainly evidenced by the ruins 
 south of Gerasa, which to this day bear the name of Ammana. 
 The ruins belong, like those of Kanatha, to the Eoman period.^''* 
 The town received the name of Philadelphia from Ptolemy II. 
 
 fiimitate cautissimas. Comp. Euseb. Onomast. p. 2-i2. Ttpxacc^ '7r6>.ig 
 
 264a Hieronyraus in Ohadjam v. 19 (Vallarsi, vi. 381): Benjamin autem 
 . . . cunctam possidebit Arabiam, quae prius vocabatur Galaad et nunc 
 Gerasa uuncupatur. Comp, also Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 250. 
 
 2''* Steph. Byz. s.v. Yioetact' l^ xiirin ^Apiarav p'/iroip donlö; hriu . . . kxI 
 KvjpvKo; aoittiT/ii xctl IWoctuv vo^iko; py-'^p. To these must also be added 
 the Neo-Pythagorean philosopher and mathematician Xicomachus of Gerasa, 
 second century after Christ (Fabric. Bill grace, ed. Harless, v. 629 sqq.). 
 
 2*56 Epiphan. Hatr. 73. 26. Le Quien, Oriens christ. ii. 859 sq. 
 
 267 Deut. iii. 11 ; Josh. xiii. 2ö ; 2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 26-29, xvii. 27 ; 
 Jer. xlix. 2, 3 ; Ezek. xxi. 25, xxv. 5 ; Amos i. 14 ; 1 Chron. xx. 1. On 
 the identity of Kabbah of the Ammonites with Philadelphia, see below the 
 passages from Eusebius (note 269), Steph. Byz. and Jerome (note 271). 
 
 268 Polyb. V. 71, 'P«/3,3«r«j£t«ev9f. So too Steph. Byz. s.v. ' FxßßxTÜpc,- 
 f^ctvx, Tzohti rijs opuv^g 'Apctßiccs. 
 
 269 Euseb. OnomasL, ed. Lagarde, p. 215, 'A/n/neiv i} vvu ^/XaotA^/«, 
 'Tcd'hii iirio-^^oi; r'/ii^ hpoL^ictg. Ibid. p. 219, .\f^p(.üv . . . ccvtyi larlv \.[*y.si.v 
 ij Kul ^i'ha.Oi'^$iot, iro'Ki; irria/i/xoi riig Aoußixg. Comp. ihid. p. 288, 
 'Vcißfiöc, TTo'Ats ßctat'Atia; ' Ay./^aiv, »inn iorl 'J^i'hocOi'/ifix. Steph. Byz., see 
 note 271. 
 
 2"o See in general, Seetzen, Reisen, i. 396 sqq., iv. 212 sqq. Burckhardt, 
 Reisen, ii. 612-618. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 1145-1159. De 6aulcy, 
 Voyage en Terre Sainte, 1865, i. 237 sqq. (with plan). Bäueker-Socin, 
 Palästina, p. 318 sqq. (with plan). Merrill, ImsI of tlie Jordan, p. 399 sqq. 
 Couder, QuarUrhj Slatcmcut, 1882, pp. 99-112. Illuptrations, Laborde, 
 Voyage en Oriint (Paris 1837 sqq.), livr. 28, 29. On the history, besides 
 Ritter, the article on " Rabbath Amnion "' in Winer's Realwiirkrh., Her/.ig's 
 Rdd-Encyd. (1st ed. xii. 469 sq.), Schenkel's Biltllex., Riehm's YVß. 
 Kuhn, ii. 383 sq.
 
 120 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 (Philadelphus), to whom consequently its Hellenization is to 
 be referred.^' ^ lu the time of Antiochus the Great it was 
 a strong fortress, which in the year 218 B.c. he vainly 
 endeavoured to take by storm, and of which he was 
 unable to get possession, till a prisoner showed him the 
 subterranean path, by which the inhabitants came out to 
 draw water. This being stopped up by Antiochus, the town 
 was forced to surrender for want of water.^"'' About 135 B.c. 
 (at the death of Simon Maccabaeus) Philadelphia was in the 
 power of a certain Zenos Kotylas {Antt. xiii. 8. 1 ; Bell. Jud. 
 i. 2. 4). It was not conquered by Alexander Jannaeus, though 
 he had possession of Gerasa to the north and Esbon to the 
 south of it. Hence Philadelphia is not named among the 
 towns which were separated by Pompey from the Jewish 
 region. It was however joined by him to the confederacy of 
 Decapolis^'^ and had therefore the Pompeian era.^^^ It was 
 in its neighbourhood that Herod fought against the Arabians.^"^ 
 In A,D. 44 sanguinary contests took place between the Jews 
 
 ^''^ Steph. Byz. s.v. ^t'Kxli'K<p£iec . . . r^; l.vpi'u; l'7n<puv'Ai voKi;., 4 
 Kpinpov " \f<,y,otvct, iiT 'A(7t«pth, iir» ^iX»Oeh(piioi üttÖ üzo'Kii^xtov toD 
 O/XfltBiXtpof. Hieronymus in Ezek. c. 25 (Vallarsi, v. 285) : Rabbath, quae 
 hodie a rege Aegypti Ptolemaeo cogiioinento Philadelpho, qui Arabiam 
 tenuit cum Judaea, Philadelphia uvincupata est. L. Müller (Niimismatiquc 
 cC Alexandre le Grand, p. 309, pi. n. 1473 sqq.) refers certain coins of 
 Alexander the Great, with the letters <bi to our Philadelphia. Although 
 it would not be impossible for coins with the name of Alexander to be issued 
 in the days of Ptolemy II. (see note 150, above), yet the correctness of this 
 explanation seems to me very questionable. Philoteria e.g. (Polyb. v. 70) 
 might be intended. 
 
 272 Polyb. V. 71. Conder found in his surveys at Amman a path, which 
 is possibly identical with that mentioned by Polybius, see Athenssum, 1883, 
 n. 2905, p. 832 : The discovery at Amman. Comp, also Quarterly Statement, 
 1882, p. 109. 
 
 273 Plinius, V. 18. 74. 
 
 274 Chron. pascliale (ed. Dindorf, i. 351), ad Olymp. 179. 2 = 63 B.c., 
 ^tXct'^:'h(pug iVTii/Siv ci.pi6t.<.w(ji Tovi loiVTuu ■)(,p6vovg. The era is also 
 frequently found upon coins. See Noris, iii. 9. 2 (ed. Lips. pp. 308-316). 
 Eckhel, iii. 351. Mionnet, v. 330-333 ; Siq^jü. viii. 232-236. De Saulcy, 
 pp. 386-392, pi. xxii. ]i. 8-9. 
 
 275 Bell. Jud. i. 19. 5. In the parallel passage Antt. xv. 5. 4, Philadelphia 
 is not mentioned.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 121 
 
 of Peraea and the Philadelpliians concerning the boundaries 
 of a village called Mia in our present text of Josephus, but 
 for which Zia is probably the correct reading {Antt. xx. 1. 1).^'® 
 At the outbreak of the Jewish war, Philadelphia was attacked 
 by the insurgent Jews {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). Upon an 
 inscription of the second century after Christ our Phila- 
 delphia is called ^iXaBe\(f)eia t?}? 'ApaßLa<;.^'^ This is 
 however meant only in an ethnographical sense. For coins 
 down to Alexander Severus have the superscription ^iXa- 
 SeXcfyecov, Kot\r]<; Xvpia'i^''^ The town therefore still belonged 
 to the province of Syria and was probably allotted to the 
 province of Arabia towards the close of the third century.^^* 
 In the fourth century it was one of the most important towns 
 of this province.^*" Josephus mentions the district of Phila- 
 delphia {^iXaBeXcfiijvT]) as the eastern boundary of Peraea (Bell. 
 Jud. iii. 3. 3). If the supposition be warranted, that Zia is 
 the correct reading in Joseph. Antt. xx. 1. 1, the district of 
 Philadelphia must have extended to about 1 5 m. p. westward 
 of the town, in other words, full half of the land lying between 
 tlie Jordan and the town must have belonged to the Phila- 
 delphian district. 
 
 It is an undouhted fact, that all the cities hitherto described 
 formed indej^endent political communities, which — at least after 
 the time of Pompey — lücre never internally blended info an 
 organic U7iity with the Jewish region, but were at most externally 
 united with it under the same rider. Almost all of them had a 
 chiefly heathen population, which after the third century before 
 
 2"6 A village of Zia lying 15 m. p. west of Philadelphia is meutioned by 
 Eusebius, Onomast. p. 258, x«i 'ioTt vuv 'Li* KÜf4.Yi ü; oLtto u arif^iiu» <I>.'A«- 
 Oi'X<pioti tTrl ovaf^eis. The supposition that Zia is the correct reading in this 
 passage has been already expressed by Reland (p. 897), Havercauip 
 (ou Joseph. I.e.) and Tuch, Quacsiioncs de Fl. ./usephi libris historicis, Lips. 
 1850, p. 19 sq. 
 
 2''' Le Bas et Waddington, Iiiscr. vol. iii. n. lG20b ; corap. above, p. 25. 
 
 2'3 See Mionnet, Sitppl. viii. 230. De Saulcy, p. 392. 
 
 2"^ Comp. Marquardt, i. 433, note 1. 
 
 ^ä" Amniian. Marcellin. xiv. 8. 13 (see above, note 261). Comp, also 
 the passages from Eusebius (note 269).
 
 122 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Christ became more and more Hellenistic in its character. It 
 was only in Joppa and Jamnia and perhaps in Azotus, that 
 the Jewish element obtained during and after the Maccabaean 
 period the ascendancy. But even these towns with their 
 respective districts formed both before and after that time 
 independent political units. — To the same category belonged 
 also, as Kuhn correctly admits/^^ the towns which were re- 
 founded hy Herod and his sons. It is true, that in many of 
 these the population was mainly Jewish. But even where 
 this was the case, the constitution was of Hellenistic organiza- 
 tion, as is shown especially in the case of Tiberias. In 
 most of them however the heathen population preponderated. 
 Hence we must not assume, that they were organically 
 incorporated with the Jewish realm, but that they occupied 
 within it an independent position similar to that of the 
 older Hellenistic towns. Xay in Galilee, where it was 
 indeed impregnated with heathen elements, the Jewish 
 country seems, on the contrary, to have been subordinate to 
 the newly built capitals — first to Sepphoris, then to Tiberias, 
 then again to Sepphoris (see the articles concerning them). 
 Among the towns built by Herod certainly the two most im- 
 portant were Sebaste, i.e. Samaria, and Caesarea, the latter of 
 which has been already spoken of (No. 9). Of less importance 
 were Gaba in Galilee and Esbon in Peraea (Antt. xv. 8. 5), which 
 must also be regarded as chiefly heathen towns, for at the 
 outbreak of the Jewish war they, like Ptolemais and Caesarea, 
 Gerasa and Philadelphia, were attacked by the insurgent Jews 
 (Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). Lastly, we have to mention as towns 
 founded by Herod, Antipatris and Phasaelis, Kypros named 
 together with the latter being a mere castle near Jericho and 
 not a TToXi? [Bell. Jud. i. 21. 9 ; Antt. xvi. 5. 2), which also 
 applies to the fortresses of Alexandreion, Herodeion, Hyrcania, 
 Masada and Machaerus. Among the sons of Herod, Archelaus 
 founded only the village (Kcofii]) of Archelais."^^ Philip, on the 
 
 '■^^^ Die .städtische and bürgerliche Verfassung des röm. Reichs, ii. 34;G-3J:8. 
 2*2 Comp. Joseph. .4?*^^ xvii. 13. 1 ; Ä7itt. xviii. 2. 2. Pliuius, xiii. 4,
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 123 
 
 other hand, built Caesarea ■« Panias and Julias = Bethsaida, and 
 Herod Antipas the cities of Sepphoris, Julias = Livias and 
 Tiberias. These ten cities still remain to be treated of: 
 
 24. >S€&«.s^' = Samaria.^^^ The Hellenization of the town 
 of Samaria (Hebr. T'l^b') was the work of Alexander the Great. 
 The Samaritans had during his stay in Egypt, B.C. 332-331, 
 assassinated Andromachus his governor in Coelesyria. Conse- 
 quently when Alexander returned from Egypt (b.c. 331), he 
 executed strict justice upon the offenders and planted Mace- 
 donian colonists in Samaria.^^* The Chronicle of Eusebius 
 speaks also of a refoundation by Perdiecas,^^ which could 
 only have taken place during his campaign against Egypt 
 (b.c. 321); this is however very improbable so soon after the 
 colonization by Alexander the Great. As in old times so 
 now also Samaria was an important fortress. Hence it was 
 levelled by Ptolemy Lagos, when in the year B.c. 312 he again 
 surrendered to Antigonus the land of Coelesyria, which he 
 
 44. Ptolem. v. 16. 7. According to the Tabula Peutinger.^ Archelais lay- 
 on the road from Jericho to Scythopolis 12 m. p. from Jericho and 24 
 m. p. from Scythopolis. See also Robinson's Palestine, iii. 5G9. Ritter, 
 XV. i. 457. Gucrin, Samarie, i. 235-23H. The Survey of Western Palestine, 
 Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 387, 395 sq., and sheet xv. of the 
 chart. 
 
 *^ Compare in general, Roland, pp. 979-983. Pauly's Encycl. vi. 1. 
 727 sq. Winer, .>f.v. ''Samaria." Raumer, p. 159 sq. Robinson's Pa/fÄ^/zf^', iii. 
 126, 127. Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 658-666. Guerin, Samarie, ii. 188-210. 
 Badeker-Socin, p. 354 sqq. Sepp, Jernsakm, ii. 66-74. The Survey of 
 Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 160 sq., 211-215 
 (with plan), also sheet xv. of tlie large English chart. 
 
 28* Cm-tius, Unfus, iv. 8 : Oneravit hunc doloretn nuntius mortis Andro- 
 machi, quem praefccerat Syriae : vivum Samaritae cremaverant. Ad cujus 
 interitum vindicandum, quanta maxime celeritate potuit, conteudit, adveni- 
 entique sunt traditi tanti sceleris auctores. Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 
 114 (ad ann. Abr. 1680, according to the Armenian): Androniachum 
 rcgionum illorum procuratorera constituit, quem incolae urbis Samari- 
 tarum interfecerunt : quos Alexander ab Egipto reversus punivit : capta 
 urbe Macedonas nt ihi hahitarent collocavit. — So too Syncell., ed. 
 Dindorf, i. 496 : tyiV ^ocy-xaixsi ttO'Aiv i'huv ^ \'/^i^xv6po; ^loty-ih'jvot; h »Crii 
 
 285 See below, note 287, and also Droysen, iii. 2. 204. Ewald's Gesch. des 
 Volkes Israel, iv. p. 293.
 
 124 §23, CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 had shortly before conquered. ^^® Some fifteen years later 
 (about 296 b.c.) Samaria, which had meanwhile been restored, 
 was again destroyed by Demetrius Poliorcetes in his contest 
 with Ptolemy Lagos.^^*^ Thenceforward we are for a long 
 time without special data for the history of the town. Poly- 
 bius indeed mentions, that Antiochus the Great in both his 
 first and second conquest of Palestine 218 and 198 b.c. 
 occupied the country of Samaria,^^^ but the fate of the town 
 is not further indicated. It is of interest to find, that the 
 country of Samaria, under the Ptolemies as well as under 
 the Seleucidae, formed like Judaea a single province, which 
 again was subdivided into separate vofioi}^^ Towards the 
 end of the second century before Christ, when the Seleucidian 
 Epigouoi were no longer able to prevent the encroachments 
 of the Jews, the town fell a victim to their policy of conquest ; 
 and Samaria — then a 7ro\t9 o'^vpcordrrj — was again conquered 
 in the reign of John Hyrcanus (b.c. 107) by his sons Anti- 
 gonus and Aristobulus after a siege of a year, and entirely 
 given up to destruction {Antt. xiii. 10. 2, 3; Bell. Jxid. i. 
 2. 7).^^° Alexander Jannaeus had possession of the town or its 
 ruins [Antt xiii. 15. 4). It was separated from the Jewish 
 region by Pompey and never henceforth organically combined 
 with it {Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bdl. Jud. i. 7. 7). Its rebuilding was 
 the work of Gabinius {Antt. xv. 14. 3 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 4), on which 
 account its inhabitants were for a while called Taßi,vLel<ij^^^ 
 
 286 Diodor. xix. 93. Comp, above, note 52 (Gaza), 109 (Joppa), 151 
 (Ptolemais). 
 
 2" Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 118 (ad Olymp. 121. 1 = 296 B.c. ac- 
 cording to the Armenian): Demetrius rex Asianorum, Poliorcetes appellatus, 
 Samaritanorum urbem a Perdica constructam (s. incolis freqnentatain) totam 
 cepit. Syncell., ed. Dindorf , i. 519 : Anuvirpto; 6 IIoA/oox^tsJc rvivTrot^tv 'S.xft.etpeav 
 iTröpSyiieu. So too i. 522. Comp. Droysen, ii. 2. 243, 255. Stark, p. 361. 
 
 2S8 Polyb. V. 71. 11, xvi. 49= Joseph. Aiiti. xii. 3. 3. 
 
 289 See in general, Antt. xii. 4. 1, 4 ; 1 Mace. x. 30, 38, xi. 28, 34. 
 
 2^" On the chronology, comp, above, § 8. 
 
 2*'^ Cedrenus, ed. Beker, i. 323: rviv rav Yccßt'jiuv (1. Totßtvtiuv) '7r6'Kiv,Tii» 
 "Tsors '^ocy.xpaccv (Herodes) i7rtx,Tt'aot.; "S.ißxaTYiv otiiz'^v vpoa/iyopsviTS. Cedrenus 
 here indeed mistakes Herod the Great for Herod Antipas and the latter 
 again for Herod Agrippa.
 
 §23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 125 
 
 The town was bestowed upon Herod by Augustus (Antf. 
 XV. 7. 3; Bell. Jud. i. 20. 3); and by his means it first 
 regained prosperity. Tor while it had hitherto been a com- 
 paratively small though strong town, its extent was so greatly 
 increased by Herod, that it was now twenty stadia in circum- 
 ference and not inferior to the most important towns. In 
 the city thus enlarged Herod settled six thousand colonists, 
 composed partly of disbanded soldiers, partly of people from 
 the neighbourhood. The colonists received excellent estates. 
 The fortifications too were rebuilt and extended, and finally 
 the town obtained also, by the erection of a temple to 
 Augustus and other magnificent edifices, the splendour of 
 modern culture.^^^ Herod gave to the newly-rebuilt town 
 the name of ^eßaa-Ti] {Antt. xv. 8. 5; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 2. 
 Strabo, xvi. p. 860) in honour of the emperor, who had 
 recently assumed the title of Augustus. The coins of the 
 town bear the inscription Xeßaarrjvoyv or Xeßaarrjvwv 
 ^vp(ia<i) and a special era commencing with the year of the 
 rebuilding of the city, i.e. according to the usual view 25 or 
 perhaps more correctly 27 b.c.^^^ The town is also mentioned 
 in Eabbinical literature by its new name of Sebaste ("uDao).^^^ 
 When Josephus says, that Herod granted it " an excellent 
 constitution," i^aiperov evvojjbiav {Bell. Jud. i. 21. 2), he makes 
 indeed no great addition to our knowledge. It is however 
 probable from other reasons, that the country of Samaria was 
 subordinated to the town of Sebaste precisely as Galilee was to 
 the capitals Sepphoris and Tiberias respectively and Judaea 
 was to Jerusalem. For on the occasion of the tumults of the 
 
 282 Considerable remains of a large colonnade running along the hill, the 
 Duilding of which is probably to be ascribed to Herod, arc still in existence. 
 See the literature cited in note 2S3. 
 
 -^^ On the date of the rebuilding, see § 15. On the coins in general, 
 Noris, V. 5 (ed. Lips. pp. 531-536). Eckhel, iii. 440. Miounet, v. 513-516 ; 
 Suppl. viii. 356-359. De Saulcy, pp. 275-281, pi. xiv. n. 4-7. 
 
 '^^* Mishna, Araddn iii. 2 (the " pleasure gardens of Sebaste," niDTiQ 
 ■•ÜDDD, are here adduced as an example of specially valuable property. 
 See the conunentary of Bartenora in Surenhusius' Mishna, v. 198). Neu- 
 bauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 171 sq.
 
 126 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Samaritans under Pilate a " council of Samaritans," ^a/jLupicov 
 rj ßovkrj, is mentioned, which seems to point to a united 
 organization of the country {Antt. xviii. 4. 2).^^^'* Sebastenian 
 soldiers served in the army of Herod and embraced the 
 party of the Eomans against the Jews in the conflicts which 
 broke out at Jerusalem after his death {Bell. Jud. ii. 3. 4, 
 4. 2, 3 ; comp. Antt. xvii. 10. 3). At the partition of 
 Palestine after the decease of Herod, Sebaste with the rest 
 of Samaria fell to Archelaus {Antt. xvii. 11. 4 ; Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 6. 3), after whose banishment it remained for a time under 
 Eoman procurators, was then temporarily under Agrippa, and 
 then again under procurators. During this last period Sebas- 
 tenian soldiers formed a main element in the Eoman troops 
 stationed in Judaea (see above, p. 65). At the outbreak 
 of the Jewish war Sebaste was attacked by the insurgent 
 Jews {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). The town of Sebaste, with its chiefly 
 heathen population, then remained as during the disturbances 
 that followed the death of Herod {Antt. xvii. 10. 9 ; Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 5. 1) undoubtedly on the side of the Eomans, while the 
 native Samaritans in the district of Sichem certainly occu- 
 pied a difficult position {Bell. Jud. iii. 7. 32). Sebaste 
 became a Eoman colony under Septimius Severus.^^^ But its 
 importance henceforth declined before the prosperity of 
 Neapolis = Sichem.^'^'^ Eusebius and Stephanus Byz. still call 
 Sebaste only " a small town." ^^"^ Its district was nevertheless 
 
 294a On the constitution and political position given by Herod to the town, 
 see especially Kuhn, Ueher die Entstehung der Städte der Alten (1878), pp. 
 422 sq., 428 sqq. 
 
 -3ä Digest, lib. xv. 1. 7 (from Ulpiauus) : Divus quoque Severus in Sebas- 
 teuam civitatem coloniam deduxit. On coins, COL. L. SEP. SEBASTE. 
 Comp. Eckhel, iii. 441. Zumpt, Commentationes epigr. i. 432. Kuhn, ii. .o6 
 The coins in Mionnet and De Saulcy, as above. 
 
 -ä6 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 11, names Neapolis, but not Sebaste, 
 among the most important towns of Palestine. Comp, above, note 
 88. 
 
 '^' Euseb. Onomast. p. 292 : 2s/3«(7T-^y, tsj» viv ivo^i-^vtiv r^? W.a.'hoi.ia- 
 il'j-fii;. Steph. Byz. s.v. "Isfiocarvi . . . isri Is kuI h t« l.cci^oe.pihihi
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I, THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 127 
 
 SO large, that it comprised e.g. Dothaini, which lay 1 2 m. ^;. 
 northward of the town.^^^ 
 
 25. Gala, Tcißa or Taßd. The name corresponds to 
 the Hebrew J^^a or nyna, a hill, and is a frequent local name in 
 Palestine. We are here concerned only with a Gaba, which 
 according to the decided statements of Josephus stood on 
 Carmel, and indeed in the great plain near the district of 
 Ptolemais and the borders of Galilee, and therefore on the 
 north-eastern declivity of Carmel (see especially, Bdl. Jud. iii. 
 3. 1, and Vita, 24). Herod here settled a colony of retired 
 knights, on which account the city was also called vroXt? 
 iinriccv (Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1 ; Antt. xv. 8. 5).^^^ From the manner 
 in which the town is mentioned in the two passages, Bell. 
 Jud. iii. 3. 1 ; Vita, 24, it is evident that it did not belong 
 to the district of Galilee. Its population being chiefly 
 heathen, it was attacked by the Jews at the beginning of the 
 Jewish insurrection (Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1), while on the other 
 hand it took an active part in the struggle against the Jews 
 {Vita, 24). This town is probably the Geba on Carmel men- 
 tioned by Pliny. ^''^ Whatever other material has been adduced 
 to the contrary by scholars with respect to Gaba, has served 
 to complicate rather than throw light upon the questions 
 concerning its situation and history .^''^ A Gabe 1 6 m. ii. from 
 Caesarea is mentioned by Eusebius, but the distance stated is 
 
 2** Euseb. Onomast. p. 249 : Aadxn'fi . . . hccuivu iu opiate Ss/Saar^j, 
 »■nrixii 8« uvTVis ari/neioi; tß' ivl toc ßöpnx fiipn. 
 
 -9^ The latter passage (Anit. xv. 8. 5) is according to the usual text : IV re 
 TU y.iyot.'hii 7:-soiu, ruv iTri'Kix.ruv iTTTriuv -Trip] ocvrou «roxX/isws-«?, ;)^<i;o/oy 
 avviKTioi'j iTziTirri Tce.y^i'hxictYccßx Kcc'hov/nsyov y.xi rrj llspxix r'/iu ' F.i7:ßc,):/7Tii/. 
 Accordiug to this it niiglit be supposed that Herod had founded three 
 colonies : 1. an unknown place in the great plain ; 2. a place called Gaba in 
 Galilee ; and 3. Esebonitis iu Peraea. Tiie two first are, however, certainly 
 identical ; the re after e^r/ must be omitted, and the meaning of ivl rri 
 Yx7^iy\xict is, as the whole context shows, "for the controlling of Galilee." 
 This also confirms the view, that Gaba lay on the eastern declivity of Carmel. 
 For the rest, the reading here, as well as in Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 1, fluctuates 
 between Vocßa. and TußofK», but the former is preferable. 
 
 8Ö0 Plinius, //. N. V. 19. 7.-). 
 
 See in general, Ileland, p. 769. Pauly's Eiici/d. iii. ÖG3. Kuhn, Die 
 
 801
 
 128 § -23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 too short to suit the situation north-east of Carmel.^^ Still 
 more improbable is it, that the coins with the superscription 
 KXavBi{e(ov) ^L\nr(Treü}u) raßrjvcov belong to our Gaba. 
 These titles point rather to a Gaba, which had belonged to 
 the Tetrarch Philip ; ^^ and the Gabe, mentioned by Pliny as 
 near Caesarea Panias, may be identical with it."''* Lastly, 
 which Gaba the Fäßat in Palaestina secunda, mentioned by 
 Hierocles,may be, must be left uncertain.^^' Guerin thinks he 
 has discovered one Gaba in the village of Sheikh Abreik upon a 
 hill near Carmel, with the situation of which the statements 
 of Josephus certainly agree. ^® 
 
 26. IJsho7i or Resbon, Hebr. lintJ'n, in the LXX. and 
 Eusebius 'Ea-eßcov, Josephus 'Ecraeßcop, later 'Ecrßov<i. The 
 town lay, according to Josephus, 2 m. p. east of the Jordan, 
 
 städt. und hürgerl. Verf. ii. 320, 350 sq. The same, Ueber die Entstehung der 
 Städte der Alten, p. 42-±. Quandt, Judäa und die Nachbarschaft im Jahrh. 
 vor und nach der Geburt Christi (1873), p. 120 sq. 
 
 302 Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lagarde, p. 246 : xetl iari irdhixm Yct.,11 
 Kn'Mvi^ivr, üi »7^6 (j-/ifiituv <?•' rJö; Kxtactpiia; et alia villa Gabatha in finibus 
 Diocaesareae -TrxpscmifiivYi t« fnyoi'ha '!zihiv tvi; Atysauo;. The Avords here 
 interpolated in Latin from Hieronymus have been omitted from the text of 
 Eusebius through homoioteleuton. Through their omission it came to 
 appear, that the little town of Gabe was 16 m. p. from Caesarea, and yet at 
 the same time in the great plain of Legeon (Megiddo), which is not possible. 
 The Gabe of Eusebius seems, on the contrary, to be identical with Jeba, 
 which is marked on the large English chart directly north of Caesarea on 
 the western declivity of Carmel. Map of Western Palestine, sheet viii. to 
 the left, above ; also Memoirs, ii. 42, where indeed this Jeba is identified 
 
 with 'TTOKl^ ITT'^iui/. 
 
 3Ö3 See on the coins, Noris, iv. 5. 6 (ed. Lips. pp. 458-462). Eckhel, iii. 
 344 sqq. Mionnet, v. 316-318 ; Suppl. viii. 220-222. De Saulcy, pp. 339- 
 343, pi. xix. n. 1-7. The corns have an era commencing somewhere 
 between 693 and 696 a.u.c. 
 
 301 Plinius, H. N. v. 18. 74. 
 
 305 Hierocles, Synecd., ed. Parthey, p. 44. 
 
 306 Guerin, Galilee, i. 395-397. Sheikh Abreik lies upon an isolated 
 eminence close to Carmel, under the same degree of latitude as Nazareth. 
 Compare The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and 
 Kitchener, i. 343-351, also the English map, sheet v. It is certainly incorrect 
 to seek for Gaba in the situation of the present Jebata, as Meuke does in 
 his Bibel- Atlas. The latter is much too far from Carmel, in the midst of the 
 plain; and is, on the contrary, identical with the Gabatha of Eusebius (see 
 note 302).
 
 § -23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 129 
 
 opposite Jericho.^"^ With this agrees exactly the situation of the 
 present Keshan, east of Jordan, under the same degree of latitude 
 as the northern point of the Dead Sea, where ruins are also 
 found.^"'^ Hesbon is frequently mentioned as the capital of 
 an Araorite kingdom.^*'^ In Isaiah and Jeremiah, on the 
 other hand, it appears as a Moabite town.^^° And as such it 
 is also mentioned by Josephus even in the time of Alexander 
 Jannaeus, by whose victories it was incorporated in the Jewish 
 region {Äntt. xiii. 15. 4), Its further history cannot be 
 accurately followed. At all events it was in the possession of 
 Herod, when he refortitied it for the control of Peraea, and 
 placed in it a military colony {Antt. xv. 8. 5).^^^ The 
 district of Esbon is mentioned as the eastern boundary of 
 Peraea by Josephus, hence it did not in a political sense 
 belong to Peraea.^'^ At the outbreak of the Jewish war, it was 
 
 ^"^ Euseb. Onomast. p. 253: 'Eaißüv . . . x.otXuTctt Os uvv''¥.aßüv;, s-Trlayiino; 
 ^o'X/j TV); ' Apxßi'xi, ii> opsai toI; eiurt>c.pv rvti lipt)cov; KHf^iun, a; octto ainf^ituv 
 K TOt* lophoivov. 
 
 '■^"^ See Seetzen, Eeisen, i. 497, iv. 220 sqq. Burckhardt, licisen, ii. 623 
 fiq., 1063. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 2. 1176-1181. De Saulcy, Voyage en 
 Terre Sainte (1865), i. 279 sqq. (with a plan of the ruins). Biideker-Socin, 
 Palästina, p. 318. On the history, Reland, p. 719 sq. Raumer, p. 262. 
 The articles on " Hesbon," in Winer, Schenkel, Riehm, Herzog's Real- 
 Encijcl. 1st ed. vi. 21 sq. Kuhn, Die städt. und bürgerl. Verfassung, ii. 
 337, 386 sq. 
 
 309 Niun. xxi. 26 sqq. ; Deut. i. 4, ii. 24 sqq., iü. 2 sqq., iv. 46 ; Josh, ix. 
 9, lii. 2 sqq., xiii. 10, 21 ; Judg. xi. 19 sqq. Comp, also Judith v. 15. 
 
 310 Isa. XV. 4, xvi. 8, 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 2, 34, 35, xlix. 3. 
 
 3*1 Thus certainly must the passage cited be understood ; see on its tenor, 
 note 299. The form 'F.dißuvlri; is the designation of the district of Esbon. 
 The town itself is called 'T^aißüv or 'Eaaißüu. 2s/3(uj/m? occurs for 
 'Egißtavhig, Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1, iii. 3. 3. See the following note. 
 
 312 '2ißanrii is certainly the reading, as in Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1, instead of 
 'S.i'Kßuvt-i;. In Mcnke's Bibcl-Atlas, sheet v., Essebon is correctly placed 
 outside Peraea; on the other hand, it is incorrectly allotted to the Nabataean 
 realm instead of to that of Herod the Great. It is possible that after the 
 death of Herod it may have fallen into the hands of the Arabians, as e.g. 
 Machaerus also temporarily belonged to them (Antt. xviii. 5. 1). The cir- 
 cumstance that Esbon, after the erection of Arabia to the rank of a pro- 
 vince, belonged thereto favours this supposition. Less convincing is the 
 mention of the Esbonitae Arabes in Pliuius, v. 11. 65, since this is only said 
 in an ethnographical sense. In any case the lißomri; formed in the time of 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. L I
 
 130 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 attacked by the insurgeut Jews {Bell. Jud. ii. 18. 1). At the 
 creation of the province of Arabia, A.D. 105, Esbon, or as it 
 was now called Esbiis, was probably forthwith awarded to it, 
 for Ptolemy already speaks of it as belonging to Arabia.^'* 
 The few coins as yet known are those of either Caracalla or 
 Elagabalus.^^^ It was an important town in the time of Euse- 
 bius,^'^ and Christian bishops of Esbus (Esbundorum, ^Eaßovv- 
 Ticov) are mentioned in the fourth and fifth centuries.^^** 
 
 27. Antipatris, ^AvTtirarpi'if'^^ The original name of this 
 town was Ka(f)apaaßd,"'^^ or Kaßapaaßä^^^ sometimes Kairep- 
 aaßlvqf^ Hebrew xao "isa, under which name it also occurs in 
 Eabbinical literature.^"^ Its situation is evidenced by the 
 present Kefr-Sciba, north-eastward of Joppa, the position of 
 
 Joseplius a town district proper, -which though perhaps subject to the 
 Arabians, was still distinct from the other Arabias, Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 3. 
 
 ^^3 Ptolem. V. 17. 6. The town is here called "Eaß'jfr« (so also the Codex 
 of Vatopedi, see Geographie de Ptolemee, reproduction pliotollthograpMqve, 
 etc., Paris 1867, p. Ivii. below), which however is properly the accusative 
 form of 'Eaßov:. 
 
 ^^* Eckhel, iii. 503. Miounet, v. 585 sq. ; Sitppl. viii. 387. De Saulcy, 
 p. 393, pi. xxiii. n. 5-7. 
 
 ^^^ See above, note 307. Eusebius also frequently mentions the town else- 
 where in the Onomasticon. See Lagarde's Index, .v.r. iaßow, saißow and saißov;. 
 
 ^^^ Le Quien, Oriens chrhtlanus, ii. 863. 
 
 '^^ See on the subject generally, Reland. p. 569 sq., 690. Pauly's Enc. 
 i. 1. 1150. Kuhn, ii. 351. Winer, a.v. "Antipatris." Raumer, p. 147. Robin- 
 son's Palestine, ii. p. 242, iii. pp. 138, 139. Ritter, xvi. 569-572. Gueriu, 
 Samarie, ii. 357-367 ; comp. ii. 132 sq. Wilson, Quarterly Statement, 
 1874, pp. 192-196. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Oonder 
 and Kitchener, ii. 134, 258-262 ; the English map, sheets x. and xiii. 
 Ebers and Guthe, Palästina, vol. ii. p. 452. 
 
 ^^8 Joseph. Antt. xvi. 5. 2. 
 
 3^^ Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 1. The reading here fluctuates between Kußxp- 
 (706/3«, Xccßxpaxßx and Xeeßxp^ix.ßK. 
 
 32" Such is undoubtedly the reading instead of koci ■zspaxßivyi in the 
 passage of the Chronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf, i. 867 : o uvr6$ Is x,»l 
 ' Audriooi/ec iT^iKTia»; ' hypiTr-Tretuv ln'i.'KiGi'j, srt 3s kxI TrspaxßiuYjv it; ovopcsc 
 ' Ai/TivKTpov IM) ili'ov TTxrpög. Comp. Reland, pp. 690, 925. In the parallel 
 passage in Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 595, it is said : hi ri Tlccpixyxßxv ih 
 TifiViU AuriTxrpou rov -Trxrpo; xi/Tov ' Avri'Trxrpi'hx uv6u.xai. 
 
 3-'i Tosefta, Nidda 649. 35 (ed. Zuckermandcl) ; Bab. Nidda 61» ; Jcr. 
 Demai ii. 1, fol. 22«. Hamburger, Eeal-Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, 
 ii. 637, art. " Kephar Saba."
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 131 
 
 which aOTees with the statements of ancient writers concernintr 
 Antipatris, that it was 150 stadia from Joppa,"^"^ at the entrance 
 of the mountainous district,*^^ and 2 6 w. 'p. south of Caesarea, 
 on the road thence to Lydia.^^"* Herod here founded in a 
 well-watered and well-wooded plain a new city, which he 
 called Antipatris in honour of his father Antipater (Antt. xvi. 
 5. 2 ; Bell. Jud. i. 21. 9). The town is also mentioned in Rabbini- 
 cal literature under this name, D"it2D"'D3N* ; ^^ also by Ptolemy, 
 Eusebius, and Stephanus Byzantinus.^^ It was much reduced 
 in the fourth century after Christ, being spoken of in the 
 Itinerar. Burdig., not as a civitas, but only as a mv.tatio 
 (stopping place), and designated by Jerome as a semirutum 
 opidulnm.^^ Yet a Bishop of Antipatris still occurs in the 
 Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451.^'* Its existence in 
 these later times is also elsewhere evidenced.^^^ Nay, so late 
 as the eighth century after Christ it is still spoken of as a 
 town inhabited by Christians.'^ 
 
 28. Phasaelis, ^aaarjXi'i.^^^ It was in honour of his 
 brother Phasael that Herod founded in the Jordan valley, in a 
 
 «22 Antt. xüi. 15. 1. 323 ßgii /„(/. i. 4. 7. 
 
 ^2< The Itinerarium Burdigahufse (in Tobler and Molinier, Itinera, etc., 
 p. 20) gives the distance from Caesarea to Antipatris at 26 vi. p., that 
 from Antipatris to Lydda at 10 m. p. The former number agrees almost 
 exactly with the situation of Kef r- Saba, the latter is in consequence of a 
 clerical error too little. The general situation of Antipatris, as on the road 
 from Caesarea to Lydda, is also elsewhere testified ; seeAritt. xxiii.ol ; Joseph. 
 Bell. Jud. ii. 19. 1, 9, iv. 8. 1. Hieronym. l\re(jrinatio Paidae (in Tobler, 
 Palaestinae desn: p. LS). The reasons brought forward by Guerin, Wilson, 
 Conder, and Mühlau (Kiehm's Wörterh.) against the identity of Kefr-Saba 
 and Antipatris do not seem to me decisive. 
 
 325 Mishna, O'iltin viL 7 ; ßab. G'dtbi 70''. Lightfoot. Centuria ^Jatth(^fo 
 praemissa, c. .58 (0pp. ii. 214). Neubauer, O'^graphie da Talmud, pp. 
 86-90. Hamburger, Real-Encycl. ii. 63, art. " Antipatris." 
 
 326 Ptolcmaeus, v. 16. 6. Eusebius, Onomast. pp. 24.5, 246. Steph. Byz..«.«. 
 32'' See the passages cited, note 324. 
 
 328 Le Quien, Oriens chri.stianu.'!, iii. .579 sq. 
 
 329 Hierocles, Synced, (ed. Tarthey) p. 43. The Notlfia episcopat. (the 
 same), p. 143. 
 
 330 Theophanis, Chronographia, ad ann. Dom. 743 (ed. Bonnens. i. 6.58). 
 
 331 See in general, Roland, p. 953 sq. Pauly's Enc. v. 1439. Kaumer, 
 p. 216. Robinson's Palestine, i. p. 569, iii. p. 293. Ritter, xv. 1. 458 aq.
 
 132 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 hitherto untilled but fertile region, which was thus gained foi 
 cultivation, the city of Phasaelis {Antt. xvi. 5. 2 ; Bell. Jud. 
 i. 21. 9). After his death the town, with its valuable palm 
 plantations, came into the possession of his sister Salome 
 {Antt. xviii. 8. 1, 11. 5; Bdl. Jud. ii. 6. 3); and after her 
 death into that of the Empress Livia {Antt. xviii. 2. 2 ; Bell. 
 Jud. ii. 9. 1). Pliny speaks of the excellent dates obtained 
 from the palm trees growing there.^^^ The town is also 
 mentioned by Ptolemy, Stephanus Byz., and the geographers 
 of Eavenna.^^^ Its name has been preserved in the present 
 Karbet Fasail on the edge of the plain of the Jordan, in a 
 fertile district. The stream flowing thence to the Jordan is 
 called Wadi Fasail.^^^* 
 
 29. Caesarea PaniasF"^ To Uaveiov properly means the 
 grotto dedicated to Pan at the source of the Jordan.^^^ It is 
 first mentioned under this name by Polybius in the time of 
 Antiochus the Great, who there gained (198 B.c.) over the 
 
 Guerin, Samarie, i. 228-232. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs 
 by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 388, 392 ; and the large Enghsh map, 
 sheet XV. 
 
 .332 piinius^ //; ^, xiii. 4. 44 : Sed ut copia ibi atque fertilitas, ita nobiU- 
 tas in Judaea, nee in tota, sed Hiericunte maxume, quamquam laudatae et 
 Archelaide et Phaselide atque Liviade, gentis ejusdem convaUibus. 
 
 ^^^ Ptolem. V. 16. 7. Steph. Byz. s.v. Geographns Ravennas, edd. Finder 
 et Parthey (1860), p. 84. The town is also mentioned in the Middle Ages 
 (in Burchardus and Marinus Sanutus), see the passages in Guerin, Samarie, 
 i. 231 sq. 
 
 ^^* See especially the large English map, sheet xv., and the description 
 in Guerin and Conder, as above. 
 
 32^ See on the general subject, Keland, pp. 918-922. Winer's RWB. 
 and Schenkel's Bihellex. s.v. "Caesarea." Kuhn, ii. 334. Robinson's 
 Palestine, iii. 397-413. Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 1. 195-207. Guerin, 
 Galilee, ii. 308-323. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder 
 and Kitchener, i. 95, 109-113, 125-128; the large English map, sheet ii. 
 Ebers and Guthe, Pcdästina in Bild und Wort, i. 356-366. Views of the 
 Pan-Grotto in the Due de Luynes Voyage d' Exploration, etc., Atlas, 
 plates 62, 63. Inscriptions, Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4537-4539. Le Bas 
 et Waddington, Inscriptions, vol. iii. n. 1891-1894. 
 
 33^ The Paneion is described as a grotto {air'/i'ha.inv, öivrpov) in Joseph. 
 Antt. XV. 10. 3. Bell. Jud. i. 21. 3, iii. 10. 7: IoksI /aiv ' loplotvov xjjy^ 
 TO Uuviov. Steph. Byz. s.v. lictvi». The mountain was called by the same 
 name as the grottq. Euseb. Hist. eccl. vii. 17 : sv 7ul; vTrupiixi: tov kx?.ov-
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 133 
 
 Egyptian general Scopas the decisive victory, in consequence 
 of wliich all Palestine fell into his hands.'^^^ Even this early 
 mention would lead us to infer a Hellenization of the place 
 in the third century before Christ. In any case the popula- 
 tion of the surrounding district, as its farther history also 
 shows, was chiefly non-Jewish. In the early times of Herod 
 the country of üaviä'i (as it was called from the Pan-Grotto 
 there) belonged to a certain Zenodorus, after whose death, in 
 the year 20 b.c., it was given by Augustus to Herod (see 
 above, § 15), who built a splendid temple to Augustus in the 
 neighbourhood of the Pan-Grotto {Antt. xv. 10.3; Bell. Jud. 
 i. 21. 3). The place, which lay there, was originally called 
 like the country, Havid'i or Tlavedf.^^^ It was first, however, 
 transformed into a considerable town by Philip the Tetrarch, 
 the son of Herod, who rebuilt it and called it Kaiaapeia, in 
 honour of Augustus {Antt. xviii. 2. 1 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 1). 
 This refoundation belongs to the early times of Philip ; for 
 the coins of the town have an era, the commencement of 
 which probably dates from the year 3 b.c. (751 a.u.c), or at 
 latest 2 B.C. (752 a.u.c.).^^^ After the death of Philip, liis 
 realm was for a few years under Eoman administration, then 
 under Agrippa I., then again under Eoman procurators, and 
 at last, in A.D. 53, under Agrippa II., who enlarged Caesarea 
 and called it N€po}viä<; in honour of Nero (Antt. xv. 9. 4), 
 
 fiivou Uxviov opov; (To Hocvuov is properly an adjective requiring as ft 
 complement either öii/rpov or 6po;. 
 
 *^^ Poly bins, xvi. 18, xxviii. 1. 
 
 838 Ylxutöti or TLetvid; is properly an adjective and indeed the fern, of 
 ndviio; (as eiypici;, hiVKu;, öpaä; are the poetic feminines of aypio;, >.(vk6:, 
 Spuoi). Hence tlie same word serves to designate both the country (wliere 
 X^P» is the complement, Aiitt. xv. 10. 3, xvii. 8. 1. Bill Jud. ii. 9. 1. 
 Plinius, V. 18. 74 : Panias in qua Caesarea) and the town or village (where 
 TTÖy^i; or KUfiYi is the complement, Anil, xviii. 2. 1). 
 
 338 See Noris, iv. 5. 4 (cd. Lips. pp. 442-453). Eckhel, iii. 339-344. 
 Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendadonc (Rome 1793), iii. 2, p. 322 sqq. 
 The coins in Mionnet, v. 311-315 ; Suppl. viii. 217-220. De Saulcy, pp. 313- 
 324, pi. xviii. The addition to the Chronicle of Eusebius, which transposes 
 the foundation to the time of Tiberius, is of no value. See below, note 390. 
 Also Jerome in the Chronicle and Comment, on Matth. xvi. 13 (see note 345).
 
 134 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIG TOWNS. 
 
 which name is occasionally found on coins.^*° That the town 
 was then also chiefly a heathen one appears from Joseph, Vita, 
 13. Hence both Titus and Vespasian passed their times of 
 repose during the Jewish war amidst games and other 
 festivities at this place.^*^ The name Neronias seems never 
 to have been naturalized. In the first century after Christ 
 this Caesarea was, to distinguish it from others, usually called 
 Kaia-äpeia rj ^Ckiir'Trov ; ^^^ its official designation upon coins, 
 especially of the second century, is Kaca(dp€ia) ^eß(a(rT7]) 
 i€p(a) Kol äav(Xo<;) vtto UaveccD.^*^ Elsewhere it has generally 
 been called since the second century Kata-apeia Ilavia^, 
 which name also predominates on coins of the third."^^ Since 
 the fourth the name of Caesarea has been wholly lost, and the 
 town called only Panias.^^^ This seems besides to have 
 always remained its prevailing name among the native popu- 
 
 3*0 Mionnet, v. 815. De Saiücy, pp. 316, 318. Madden, History of 
 Jewish Coinage, pp. 116, 117. The same, Coins of the Jews, pp. 145, 146. 
 
 311 Joseph, Bell. JiuL iii. 9. 7, vii. 2. 1. 
 
 3*2 Matt. xvi. 13 ; Mark via. 27. Joseph. Antt. xx. 9. 4 ; Bell. Jud 
 iii. 9. 7, vii. 2. 1 ; Vita, 13. 
 
 3*3 See the literature cited in note 339, especially Mionnet and De Saulcy. 
 
 3** Ptolem. V. 15. 21, viii. 20. 12 (Kxiaxpeicn YLocvixc). Corp. Inscr. 
 Grace, n. 4750 (upon the statue of Memnon at Thebes), and n. 4921 (at 
 Philoe), both times KonGot-piix; Uuviülo;. Le Bas et Waddington, Inscrip- 
 tions, vol. iii. n. 1620^' (at Aphrodisias in Caria in the second century after 
 Christ) • Kxiaocpuxv Ylaeyiacdx. Tabula Peuting. (Caesareapaneas). Geo- 
 graphus Ravennas, edd. Finder et Parthey, p. 85. The coins in De Saulcy, 
 pp, 317, 322 sq, 
 
 3*5 Eusebius, who frequently mentions the town in the Onomasticon , 
 always calls it TluvsUi only (see the Index in Lagarde's edition). And this 
 is generally its name in ecclesiastical literature ; see Eusebius, Hist. eccl. vii. 
 17, 18. Hieron. in Jeseij. xUi. 1 sqq., ed. Yallarsi, iv. 507 (in confinio 
 Caesareae Philippi, quae nunc vocatur Paneas). Idem in Ezek. xxvii. 19, 
 ed. Yall. v. 317 (ubi hodie Paneas, quae quondam Caesarea Philippi voca- 
 batur) ; Idem in Matt. xvi. 13, ed. Vail. vii. 121 (in honorem Tiberii (sic !) 
 Caesaris Caesaream, quae nunc Paneas dicitur, construxit). Sozom. v. 21. 
 Philostorg. vii, 3 (comj). also Müller, Fragm. hist, graec. iv. 546). Theo- 
 dorct. Quaest. (see the passages in Reland, p. 919). Malalas, ed. Diudorf, 
 p. 237. Glycas Theophanes (see the passages in Keland, p. 922). Photius, 
 Cod. 271, sub fin. The Acts of the Councils (in Le Quieu, Oriens chris- 
 tianus, ii. 831). Hierocles, Synecd., ed. Parthey, p. 43. Theodosius, TJe 
 situ terrae sanctae, § 13 (ed. Gildemeister 1882). On the supposed statue 
 of Christ at Paneas, see also Gieseler, Kirchcngisch. i. 1. 85 sq.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 135 
 
 latiou/*° as it is also that chiefly used (in the form D"'^:q) in 
 liabbinic literature.^^^ When the " \illages of Caesarea 
 lliilippi " {al Kwfiat KaLaapeia<i t?}? ^lKittttou) are mentioned 
 in the New Testament, Mark viii. 27, of course the genitive 
 here expresses not a merely " local reference " of the villages 
 to the town,^^^ but shows that they belong and are subject to 
 it, — in other words, that Caesarea had, like each of these towns, 
 a district of its own which it governed. 
 
 30. Julias, formerly Bcthsaida^^ In the place of a village 
 called Bethsaida, lying to the north of the Lake of Gennesareth, 
 a new town was built by Philip, who called it 'Iov\td<;, in 
 honour of Julia the daughter of Augustus {Antt. xviii. 2. 1 ; 
 Bell. Jucl. ii. 9. 1). Its situation eastward of the Jordan, just 
 before the latter flows into the Lake of Gennesareth, is placed 
 beyond doubt by the repeated and concurrent statements of 
 Josephus.^^*^ The foundation of this city also must have 
 taken place in the earlier times of Philip. For in the year 
 2 B.c. (752 A.u.c.) Julia had already been banished by 
 Augustus to the island of Pandateria,^"^ and it is not conceiv- 
 
 ^^^ Comp. Euseb. //. E. vii. 17 : £-< rit; (i?i7j-77oii Kuirjotpsiu;, t^j 
 Tlxysxooi. <^oiviKii ■zpoaoe.'/üpivovat. 
 
 3*" Mishna, Para viii. 11 ; Tosefta, Bechoroth p. 542, 1, ed. Zuckermandel 
 (in both passages the " Grotto of Paulas," D''''j2 mVD, is mentioned). 
 Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. col. 1752. Levy, Chahl. Würierluch, ii. 273 sq. 
 Lightfoot, Centuria Matthaeo praemissa, c. 67 {0pp. ii. 220). Neubauer, 
 Geographie che Talmud, pp. 23G-238. The corrupted form D^^CD does not 
 belong to the usage of the living language, but in the first instance to a 
 later text. In the passages cited from the Mishna the best authorities still 
 have D''''3D (so Aruch, Cod. de Rossi 138, Cambridge University Additional, 
 470. 1). In Aruch this form only is everywhere quoted. 
 
 3*8 So Winer, Grammatik, § 30. 2. 
 
 3*8 See in general, Relaud, pp. 653 sqq., 869. Raumer, p. 122. Winer, 
 s.v. "Bethsaida." Kuhn, ii. 352. Robinson, ii. pp. 405, 406, iii. pp. 358, 
 359. Ritter, xv. 1. 278 sqq. Guerin, Galilee, i. 329-338. Furrer in the 
 Zeitsch. of the German PaL- Vereins, ii. 66-70. 
 
 350 See especially. Bell. Jud. iii. 10. 7 ; also Antt. xviü. 2. 1 (on the Lake 
 of Gennesareth) ; Vita, 72 (near the Jordan) ; Antt. xx. 8. 4 ; Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 13. 2 (in Feraea). Also Plinius, II. N. v. 15. 71, mentions Julias on the 
 eastern shore of the Lake of Gennesareth. 
 
 351 Velleius, ii. 100. Dio Ca.-sius, Iv. 10. Comp. Sueton. Aug. 65. Tac. 
 Annal. i. 53. Pauly's Enc. v. 844 sq. Lewin, Fasti sacri (1805), u. 961.
 
 136 § 23. co^'ST^■UTION. i. the Hellenistic towns. 
 
 able, that Philip should, after that date, have named a town 
 after her.^^^ Of its subsequent history, nothing is known but 
 that it was given by Nero to Agrippa II. {Antt. xx. 8. 4; Bell. 
 Jucl. ii, 13. 2). It is mentioned in Pliny, Ptolemy and the 
 geographers of Eavenna.^^^ From the manner iu which 
 Josephus speaks of it {Antt. xviii. 2. 1), it might appear as 
 thoiigh Philip had only altered the name of the village of 
 Bethsaida into Julias, and thus, that the new place too was 
 only a KcofjLT].^'^* In another passage however he explicitly 
 distinguishes Julias from the surrounding villages as a ttoXi?, 
 hence the former was properly speaking a TroXi? from the 
 time of its rebuilding. The question as to whether the 
 Bethsaida of the New Testament was identical with this — a 
 question recently again decided in the affirmative ^^^ — must 
 here be left undiscussed. 
 
 31. Sepphoi'is, ^e7r(f)(öpi<;.^^^ The Semitic form of this 
 name fluctuates between Pl^^iy and "'lioy. Perhaps the former 
 is the older, the latter the abbreviated form.^'^'^ With the 
 
 3^2 So also Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendaiione, p. 327 sqq. 
 Lewin, Fasti sacri, n. 953. The Chronicle of Eusebius erroueoiisly places 
 the foundation of Julias in the time of Tiberius ; see below, note 390. 
 
 353 Plinius, V. 15. 71. Ptoleni. v. 16. 4. Geogr. Ravennas, edd. Pinder 
 et Partbey, p. 85. 
 
 35* Anit. xviii, 2. 1 : KUftYi» Se Byiöaeiiociv, -Trpoi "Kifivy) §£ tÄ TswriaapiTiut, 
 -TröT^iu; 'nat.pot.'J-^uv oi^lu[/,ot, v'K'/iöii ts otKYjTopui/ x,tc\ I'fi «AAjj ^uvxi^ii, lov'At'ot 
 öv/ccrpt TYi Ketiaapos öfiui/vfiov iKxKiatv. 
 
 355 Holtzmann, Jahrb. f. prot. Theol. 1878, p. 383 sq. Furrer in the 
 Zeitsch. of the German Päl.-Ver. ii. 66-70. Against this identity, see 
 especially Relaud, Raumer and Winer, as above. 
 
 356 See in general, Reland, pp. 999-1003. Pauly's Enc. vi. 1. 1050. 
 Raumer, p. 189. Kuhn, ii. 372. Robinson's Palestine, iii. Ill, 112. 
 Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 748 sq. Guerin, Galilee, i. 369-376. The Survey of 
 Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 279 sq., 330-338 ; 
 also sheet v. of the English map. 
 
 35'^ The place does not occur in the Old Testament, but very frequently, 
 on the other hand, in Rabbinical literature. In the Mishna it is found in 
 the four following places : Kiddushin iv. 5 ; Baba mezia viii. 8 ; Baba 
 bathra vi. 7 ; Arachin ix. 6 ; very often in the Tosefta (see the Index in 
 Zuckermandel's edition). Comp, also Lightfoot, Centuria Matthaeo prae- 
 missa, c. 82, 83 (0pp. ii. 229 sqq.). Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, ii. 
 1115. The orthography fluctuates between |mDV (or, which is the same, 
 I^I^B'V, D^IIDV) and ^niQ^ (""IID"'^). The Cod. de Rossi 138 has in all the
 
 § 23. CONSriTUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWXS. 137 
 
 former correspond the Greek and Latin Xeir^ovpiv, Saphorim, 
 Safforine ; ^^^ with the latter Xair^ovpei, Sapori.^^^ Josephus 
 constantly nses the Graecized form Se7r(f)cöpt<;. On coins 
 the inhabitants are called HeTrcpojprjvot.^^'^ The earliest 
 mention is found in Josephus in the beginning of the reign 
 of Alexander Jannaeus, when Ptolemy Lathurus made an 
 unsuccessful attempt to take Sepphoris by force (Antt. xiii. 
 12. 5). AVhen Gabinius, about 57-55 b.c., divided the 
 Jewish region into five " Synedria/' he transferred the 
 Synedrium for Galilee to Sepphoris (Aiitt. xiv. 5. 4 ; Bell. 
 Jud. i. 8. 5) ; which shows that this town must then have 
 been the most important town of Galilee. It is also mentioned 
 as a place of arms at the conquest of Palestine by Herod the 
 Great, who was only able to take it without difficulty, because 
 the garrison of Antigonus had evacuated the place (Antt. xiv. 
 15. 4; Bell. Jud. i. 16. 2). At the insurrection, after the 
 death of Herod, Sepphoris seems to have been a main seat of 
 the rebellion. Varus despatched thither a division of his 
 army, burnt the town and sold its inhabitants as slaves (Antt. 
 xvii. 10. 9 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 5. 1). This makes a turning-point 
 in its history ; from a Jewish town adhering to the national 
 party it now became a town friendly to the Eomans, with 
 probably a mixed population. For Herod Antipas, to whose 
 possession it was transferred, rebuilt it and made it " the 
 
 four places in the Mishna p"ilB''V ; the Cambridge manuscript too ( University 
 Additional, 470. 1) has throughout the phiral form. This also appears to 
 be the prevailing form in the Jerusalcinite Talmud (see the quotations in 
 Lightfoot, as above). Elsewhere, on the contrary, msv predominates, 
 especially in the Tosefta (according to Zuckermandel's edition). 
 
 ^'^^ Sexipoi'/!/», Epiphan. Uaer. 30. 11 (ed. Diiulorf). Saphorim, lliennii/- 
 rmis praef. in Jonam (V^allaK^i, vi. 390). Safforine, Ilitron. Onomast., ed. 
 Lagarde, p. 88. In John xi. 54 the Greek and Latin text of the Cod. 
 Cantabr. has the addition 1x7r(p6vpiiv, Sapfurim, after x"9<*-^- 
 
 359 1ot.TrJ:(tvpii, Ptolem. v. IG. 4 (the Codex of Vatopedi has '^etT^ovptl 
 without the addition ij lotTr^ovpis ; see Geor/raphic de Ptolcmc'e rcprndurtion 
 jihotolithofirajihlquc, etc.. p. Ivii.). Sajiori, Gcoi/rnjihuts lidfoina.i, edd. I'inder 
 et Parthey, p. 85. 
 
 3^" See Eckhel, iii. 425. Miounet, 482. De Saulcy, p. 325 sq., pi. xvii. 
 u. 1-4.
 
 138 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 ornament of all Galilee " {Antt. xviii. 2. 1) : Trpocr^Tjfia rov 
 TaXCkalov iravTo^. But its population was — as was shown 
 by its attitude during the great war, A.D. 66-VO — no longer 
 anti-Eoman and hence no longer purely Jewish.^*'°^ It is 
 perhaps this change, which is referred to in a passage of the 
 Mishna, in which the " ancient government of Sepphoris " is 
 assumed to have been a purely Jewish one.^'^^ At its rebuild- 
 ing by Herod Antipas, Sepphoris seems to have been also 
 raised to the rank of capital of Galilee.^^^ 
 
 3«0a That it was however still clih'ßy Jewish is evident especially from 
 Bell. Jud. iii. 2. 4 : 'jrpoövfAov; a(f»; xvTai>; v7riox,'^:nQ kxt» tuv öy-o'^v'Kuv 
 
 s^^ KiddasJiin iv. 5. It is here said, that every one is to be esteemed an 
 Israelite of pure blood, who can prove his descent from a priest or Levite, 
 who has actually ministered as such, or from a member of the Sanhedrim ; 
 nay every one whose ancestors were known to have been public oflBcials or 
 almoners, in particular, according to Rabbi Jose, every ^3"iX3 DIDH TV'TV^ ''D 
 }'''nD''V bl^' njCTl. In explanation of this difficult passage we remark 
 that a^inn, properly "sealed," is here equivalent to "confirmed, acknow- 
 ledged, accredited by documents " (compare the use of a^ppctyl^a, John iii. 
 33, vi. 27). The word iy, which the common text has after Dinn, must 
 according to the best MSS. be expunged. '•D"1X = äjo;(;sj. njCi''' is certainly 
 not the local name Jeshana (for which older commentators have taken it), 
 but the adjective "old." Hence two explanations are possible. Either — 
 1. " Every one, who (with respect to his ancestors) was recognised in the 
 old government of Sepphoris as a member thereof." It would then be 
 assumed that all the members of the old goverimient were Israelites of 
 pure blood. Or 2. " Every one, who was acknowledged hj the old govern- 
 ment of Sepphoris," viz. as an Israelite of pure blood. In this case also the 
 old government of Sepphoris woidd he assumed to consist of purely Israelitish 
 officials. The first explanation seems to me to be preferable according 
 to the context. It may certainly be questionable, when the ancient 
 purely Jewish government of Sepphoris was replaced by another of mixed 
 or heathen composition. This might have taken place in the time of 
 Hadrian, when much may have been changed in consequence of the 
 Jewish insurrection, at about which period also, it should be observed, 
 SeiDphoris received the new name of Diocaesarea (see below). According 
 to all indications however, it seems to me probable, that Sepphoris so early 
 as its rebuilding by Herod Antipas was no longer a purely Jewish town. 
 Consider also the coins with the image of Trajan ! 
 
 ^^^ Josephus says, Antt. xviii. 2. 1 : viysv ctin'hv tuvroapot-opiücc. This alone 
 tells us nothing more than that he granted it its autonomy {ui>rox.pxTapidct 
 = xvrövoy.ov). But subsequent history makes it probable, that the rest of 
 Galilee was then already subordinated to it. The explanation of uUTox-pct-
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 139 
 
 This raiik was however after \\'ai(ls bestowed b}' the same 
 prince upon the newly built city of Tiberias, to M'hich 
 Sepphoris was subordinate."*^ It so continued until Tiberias 
 was, in the reign of j^ero, separated from Galilee and bestowed 
 upon Agi'ippa IL, when Sepphoris consequently again occupied 
 the position of capital of Galilee.**^ Thus these two towns 
 alternately assumed the same position with respect to Galilee, 
 that Jerusalem did with respect to Judaea (see below, § 2). 
 Sepphoris was at that time the most important fortress in 
 Galilee,^^' and, after Tiberias, the largest town in the pro- 
 vince.^^ Hence, at the outbreak of the Jewish war, it w^as of 
 the greatest consequence, that just this town did not participate 
 in the insurrection, but remained from the beginning on the 
 side of the Eomans. So early as the time when Cestius 
 Gallus marched against insurgent Jerusalem, Sepphoris took 
 up a friendly position towards him.®^' It remained also faith- 
 ful to its Eomish tendencies during the winter of A.D. 66/67, 
 when Josephus was organizing the insurrection in Galilee.'^^ 
 
 Toiii; as capital can hardly be conceded. Some MSS. have ce,vTOKpxTooi, 
 whence Dindorf conjectures : ixv^x,s!/ »vTr,v avroy-pxTopi, "he dedicated it 
 to the emperor." 
 
 363 Vita, 9, Justus said of Tiberias : ii; vi "T^öya; IotIu dii ry;; YxKi'Kxioc,;, 
 Ap%iiiv "hi ivi yi Tuu 'Hpiioov Y.piiiw rov rirpa,px.^v kccI x-riarov '/ivoyAvov, 
 
 ßOVAYlSivTOi etilTOV TilU "^iV^UptTUV IVOKIV TV] 'H ißifliCilV V TT OCKO V i t V. 
 
 ^^* Vita, 9 : »p^oti yxp iv9v; T'/iu f/Au "SiiTT^püpiv, tTru^yj 'Puf/.xioic C':rviy,ov'Js^ 
 TVig Vx'hiT^xixg. 
 
 36" ßell.Jad. ii. 18.11 : '/i KupnpurÜTyi zr,; YxkCkxIu,; ttsX/j liTT^öipi:. Comp. 
 Bell. .lud. iii. 2. 4. The oiKpiviKii is mentioned Vita, 67. Comp. Mi.->hii;i, 
 Arachiii ix. G : p-|'iS''i* b'C^ ^Jt^'^"l HIVp, " the ohl citailel of Sepphoris." 
 Tosefta, Shahhath, p. 129, 27th ed. Zuckcrmandel, '•"nS'VQw' NTU^'p. 
 
 366 Vita, 65 (ed. Bekker, p. 340, 32) : riv h rri Yot'hiiMticf, -KoKioyj xi 
 fAiytarxi 1s7r<püpts kuI Ttßipixg. Vita, 45 : d; SfT^&ijo/i/, i^iyiajviv ruv iv ta 
 r»7^0^ecief. vohiv. Bcll. Jud. iii. 2. 4 : fAtyiaTViV f^iv ovaaii tvh TxXt'Kuiu; ■z-öhiu, 
 ipvf.'joTxru Se iTrtKrKr^uivYiv '/."f'V- According to Vita, 25, Tiberias, 
 Sepphoris and Gabara were the three largest towns of Galilee. 
 
 ■56- ]Ml. Jud. Ü. IS. 11. 
 
 368 Joseph. Vita, 8, 22, 25, 45, 65. Two passages indeed iu tlie J Uli .lud. 
 seem to contradict this: according to Jkll. .Jud. ii. 20. 6, Josephus com- 
 mitted to the Sepphorites themselves the charge of fortifying their town, 
 because he found them in otlier respects "ready for war" {-Trpodvfiuv; iirl 
 Toy 7rc;?is,ao»), i.e. against the Romans ; and according to Bd'. .Jud. ii, 21. 7, 
 Sepphoris, at the outbreak of the conflict between Josephus and the more
 
 140 § 2;J. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Josepluis therefore took possession of it by force, in doing 
 which he was unable to prevent its being phmdered by his 
 Galilaean troops.^^ Cestius Gallus consequently sent a 
 garrison to the oppressed town, by which Josephus was re- 
 pulsed, when he for the second time entered it by force.^'* 
 Vespasian soon after arrived in Galilee with his army, and 
 Sepphoris entreated and again received from him a Eoman 
 garrison."'^^ We have but fragmentary information of the 
 further history of the town. Its inhabitants are, on coins of 
 Trajan, still called Xeir^wprjvoi Soon after however it 
 received the name of Diocaesarea, which appears on coins 
 since Antoninus Pius. Its official designation upon coins is : 
 AtOKai(crdpeia) lepa a<r(uXo?) Kal avröivofxosi)?^^ The name of 
 Diocaesarea remained the prevailing one in Greek authors,'''^ 
 though its original appellation continued to exist, and at last 
 
 fanatical war party, stood on the side of the latter. The true relation 
 however between these two facts is seen from the more special statements 
 of the Vita. The Sepphorites alleged their readiness to attach themselves 
 to the cause of the revolution, solely for the purpose of keeping off from 
 themselves the whole revolutionary party ; and fortified their city not 
 against, but for the Eomans (see especially, Vita, 65). And when in the 
 winter of 66/67 they had remained a long time without Roman protection, 
 they were obliged to tack between the two revolutionary parties, which 
 were mutually attacking each other, and as far as possible to take up a 
 friendly position towards both (see Vita, 25, and especially, Vita, 45), to 
 which circumstance what is said in Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 7 may be reduced. 
 
 369 Vita, 67. 
 
 3^" Vita, 71. The remark, Vita, 15: ok /"£» kcctx Kpxro; iT^av ^i7r<pw 
 phot?, refers to this double capture of Sepphoris. 
 
 3^^ Vita, 74 ; Bdl. Jud. iii. 2. 4, 4. 1. The former garrison sent by 
 Cestius Gallus had meantime either withdrawn or was now replaced or 
 strengthened by the troops of Vespasian. 
 
 ^''^ See on the coins in general, Noris, v. 6, fin. (ed. Lips. 562-564). 
 Eckhel, iii. 425 sq. Mionnet, v. 482 sq. ; Sappl. viii. 331 sq. De Saulcy, pp. 
 325-330, pi. xvii. n. 1-7. On a supposed coin of Sfleucus I. (Nikator), Eckhel, 
 iii. 426. Mionnet, v. 4. On the identity of Sepphoris and Diocaesarea, 
 Epiphan. Haer. 30. 11,^«. Hieronymus, Onomast., ed, Lagarde, p. 88. Idem, 
 praefat. in Jonam (Vallarsi, vi. 390). Hegesippus, De hello Jud. i. 30. 7. 
 
 3^3 Eusebius, in Onomast., calls the town exclusively Aioxetiaxpeix (see 
 the Index in Lagarde). Compare also, beside the literature cited in the 
 preceding note, Socrates, Hist. eccl. ii. 33. Sozora. Hist. eccL iv. 7. 
 Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. Bonnens. i. 61. Cedrenus, ed. Bekker, i. 
 524. Le Quien, Or lens christ. iii. 714.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIG TOWNS. 141 
 
 banished the newone.^'^ The district of Diocaesarea was so exten- 
 sive, that it included e.g. the village of Dabira on Mount Tabor.^'^ 
 32. Julias or Livias^^ In the Old Testament, a place called 
 Beth-haram (D'jn ^"'3 or '{^J} ri^2), in the country east of the 
 Jordan, in the realm of the Amorite kings of Hesbon, is men- 
 tioned (Josh. xiii. 27 ; Xum. xxxii. 36). In the Jerusalemite 
 Talmud nno"i n^3 is stated to be the more modern name of 
 this Beth-haram ; '^^ and both Eusebius and Jerome identify 
 the scriptural Beth-haram with the B7]6pa/ji.(f)6d or Bethramtha, 
 which was known to them.'^^ The B7]6apd/xado<;, where 
 Herod the Great had a palace, which was destroyed during 
 the insurrection after his death, is at any rate identical with 
 the latter.^^^ It was this very Bethramphtha, which was rebuilt 
 and fortified by Herod Antipas, and called Julias in honour 
 of the wife of Augustus (Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2. 1 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 
 9. 1). Eusebius and others give the name as Livias instead of 
 Julias,^'' and the town is elsewhere frequently mentioned by this 
 
 3^* On the continued use of the name Sepphoris, see above, notes 357- 
 359. The place is still called Sefurije. 
 
 3''5 Euseb. Onomast. p. 250 : Axßnpoi ... h ru opsi &ocßüp, Iv öpiot; 
 AtoKonactpiioi.;, Gabatha, the present Jabata, about 7-8 mil. pass, from 
 Diocaesarea, also belonged to its district. See above, note 302. 
 
 ^•^ See in general, Reland, pp. 6-42, 874. Pauly's Enc. iv. 1107. 
 Winer, RWB. i. ni {s.v. "Beth-haram"). Raumer, p. 260. Ritter, xv. 
 538, 573, 1186, Seetzen, Reisen, iv. 224 sq. Riehm's Worterb. s.v. Beth- 
 haram. Kuhn, Die städtische und bürgcrl. Verfassung, ii. 352 sq. Id. 
 Ueber die Entstehung der Städte der Alten (1878), p. 426. Tuch, Qnais- 
 tiones de Flavü Josephi lihris historicis (1859), pp. 7-11. 
 
 3^' Jer. Shebiith 38^ (on Mishna, Shebiith ix. 2 ; see the passage also in 
 Rcland, pp. 306-808). Peraoa is liere divided into three parts, according to 
 its physical conditions of mountain, plain, and valley (in. nf5DC «ind pDJ?)- !'» 
 the mountainous part lies e.g. Machaerus, in the plain Ilcsbon, in the valley 
 pn n^a and n"lD3 n''a. nnm n''^ and p-ic:) n^n are then stated to be the 
 more modern names of these last two places. In the Tosefta (p. 71, 22rd ed. 
 Zuckermandel) the two places are called snoi m03 n^D. Has the n*3 been 
 here omitted before XDD"), or could the place have been called simply sn^OI ? 
 
 ^''8 Euseb. Onomast., cd. Lagarde, p. 234. Hieronj-mus, ibid. p. KJo. 
 
 379 Bell. Jud. ii. 4. 2. In the parallel passage, Antt. xvii. 10. 6, the 
 name is corrupted. Instead of iu ' Af/.otdol;, as the traditional text has it, 
 we must read either iv' hpai^udcjl; (with the omission of Beth, so Tuch, 
 Quaestiones, etc., p. 10) or just iv ByidxpoctixSoh. 
 
 330 Euseb. Onomast. p. 234 : B«^^«,«.? t'« . . . uirrt oi larlv vi vvv kxmv
 
 142 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 name.^^^ Since the wife of Augustus was called by her own 
 name Livia during his lifetime, and did not bear the name 
 of Julia till she was admitted into the gens Julia by his 
 testament,^^ we must conclude that Livias was the older name 
 of the town, and that tliis was after the death of Augustus 
 altered into that of Julias ; but that this new official appella- 
 tion was, as in the case of Caesarea Philipp! and Neronias, 
 unable to banish the older and already nationalized name. 
 Only Josephus uses the official designation Julias. He still 
 mentions the town by this name at the time of the Jewish war, 
 when it was occupied by Placidus, a general of Vespasian. 
 The situation of the town is most accurately described by 
 Theodosius, the Palestinian pilgrim (sixth century), and after 
 liim by Gregory of Tours : it lay beyond Jordan, opposite 
 
 [.dvYi Kißiä.i, Hieroiiymus, ilihl. p. 103 : Betliramtha ... ab Herode in 
 honorem Augusti Libias cognominata. Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 
 MS sq. : Herodes Tiberiadem condidit et Liviadcm (according to Jerome, 
 also the Armenian). Sijnecd., ed. Dindorf, i. 605 : ' Houo-zi; sKrias Ttßrptxda, 
 dg o'joux Tißiplw Ketiaapo;, 6 ctiirlg Aißixox. 
 
 ^^^ Plinius, IL N. xiii. 4. 44. Ptolemaeus, v. 16. 9 (Aißixg according to 
 the Cod. of Vatopedi). Euseb. in Onomast. frequently. Hierocles, SynectL, 
 ed. Parthey, p. 44. The Notitia episcopal., the same, p. 144. The Acts of 
 the Councils (Le Quien, Oriens christ. iii. 655 sq.). The Vita S. Joannis 
 Silentiarii (in the Acta Sanctorum, see the passage in Reland, p. 874). 
 GeograpJms Ravennas, ed. Pinder et Pai'they, p. 84 (Liviada as nominat.). 
 Theodosius, De situ terrae sanctae, § 65, ed. Gildemeister, 1882 (Liviada 
 as nominat.). Gregor. Turon. De (ßoria martyr, i. 18. On the nomina- 
 tive formation Liviada, see Ronsch, Itala und Vulgata, p. 258 sq. 
 
 3S2 On the testament of Augustus, see Tacit. Annal. i. 8 : Livia in 
 familiam Jnliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur. The name Julia for 
 Livia is found in authors (see e.g. Tacit. Annal i. 14, v. 1. Sueton. Calig. 
 16; Dio Cassius, Ivi. 46. Plinius, H. N. x. 55. 154. Joseph, frequently), 
 and upon coins and inscriptions. See Pauly's Enc. iv. 484, 1116. 
 Palestinian coins of Julia, see in Madden, History of Jeivish Coinage, pp. 
 141-151. The same. Coins of the Jews (1881), pp. 177-182. 
 
 383 Bell. Jud. iv. 7. 6, 8. 2. The town is not elsewhere mentioned by 
 Josephus. For in Antt. xx. 8. 4, Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 2, it is certainly Juhas = 
 Bethsaida, which is intended ; and in Antt. xiv. 1. 4, Az/S/«? is probably 
 the same place, which is called A£,k/3« in Antt. xiii. 15. 4, where it is 
 questionable which form is correct. Comp. Tuch, as above, pp. 11, 14. 
 The Avaiii of Strabo, p. 763, which also lay in the same district, and is 
 distinct from Livias, might also be compared, since it existed in the time of 
 Pompey.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. T. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 143 
 
 Jericho, 12 711. p. from that town, in the neighbourhood of the 
 warm springs.^^* Witli this Ensebius, who places it opposite 
 Jericho on the road to Hesbon, coincides.^*'^ Its cultivation 
 of dates is as much celebrated by Theodosius as by Pliny. ''^ 
 
 33. Tiberias, Tißepid^;.^^^ The most important work of 
 Herod the Great was the building of a new capital on the 
 western shore of the Lake of Gennesareth, which he called 
 Tißepidq in honour of the Emperor Tiberius. It was situ- 
 ated in a beautiful and fertile district in the neighbourhood of 
 celebrated warm springs {Antt. xviii. 2. 3 ; Bell. Jiicl. ii. 9. 1 ; 
 compare above, § 17'^).'^^^ Its building took place consider- 
 ably after that of Sepphoris and Livias. For while Josephus 
 mentions the building of these two cities at the very begin- 
 ning of the reign of Herod Antipas, he does not speak of the 
 building of Tiberias till the entrance of Pilate upon his oilfice 
 (a.D. 26); ^qq Antt. xviii. 2. 1-3. This makes it probable, 
 
 38< Theodosius, Dc situ terrae mnctae (ed. Gildemeister, 1882), § G.5 : 
 Civitas Liviada trans Jordaneni, habens de Hiericho niilia xii. . . . ibi aquae 
 calidac sunt, ubi Moyscs lavit, et in ipsis aquis calidis leprosL curantur. 
 Gregr. Turon. De gloria martyruvi, i. 18 : Sunt autem et ad Levidani 
 (elsewhere Leviadem) civitatera aquae calidae . . . ubi similiter leprosi 
 iTiundatitur ; est autem ab Hiericho duodecim millia. 
 
 3^^ Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lagarde, pp. 213, 216, 233. Comp, also the 
 passage from the Vita S. Joamiis Silcntiarii in Reland, p. 874. The data 
 furnished are sufficient for an approximate determination of the locality, 
 but there is as yet no certain foundation for more accurately fixing it. 
 
 88C Plinius, H. N. xiii. 4. 44 (see above, note 332). Theodosius, I.e. : 
 ibi habet dactulum nicolaum majorem ; also the note of Gildemeister. 
 
 ^^^ See in general, Reland, pp. 1036-1042. Raumer, p. 142 sq. Winer, 
 RWB. s.v. Robinson's Palestine, ii. p. 380 sq., iii. p. 342 sq. Ritter, 
 Erdkunde, xv. 315-322. Biideker-Socin, pp. 382-387. Sepp, Jerusakm, 
 ii. 188-209. Guerin, aalile'r, i. 250-264. The Survey of Western Palestine, 
 Memoir.f by Conder and Kitchener, i. 361 sq., 379, 418-420 ; also sheet vi. 
 of the large English chart. 
 
 388 On tiic warm springs, see Plinius, //. N. v. 15. 71 : Tibcriade aqni.s 
 calidis salubri. Joseph. Anil, xviii. 2. 3 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 21, 6, iv. 1. 3 ; Vila, 
 16. Mishna, Shahhath iii. 4, xxii. 5 ; Nef/aini ix. 1 ; ^[nchshirin vi. 7. Tosofta, 
 Shnlihath, ]>. 127, 21st ed. Zuckermandel. Antoninus Martyr, c. 7 . in 
 civitatem Tiberiadem, in qua aunt thermae sahae. Jakubi (9th cent), 
 translate«! in the Zcituch. d. deutschen Pal.- Verein, iv. 87 sq. The present 
 Tiberias lies about 40 minutes north of the springs ; and there is no reason 
 for transferring the former situation of the town elsewhere. For tha
 
 144 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 that Tiberias was not built till A.D. 26 or later.^^^ Eusebius 
 in his Chronicle decidedly places the building in the 14tli 
 year of Tiberius ; but this statement is quite without chrono- 
 logical value.^^*^ Unfortunately the era of the town occurring 
 upon the coins of Trajan and Hadrian cannot be calculated 
 with certainty. It appears however, that the dates of the 
 coins do not contradict the conjecture arrived at from 
 Josephus.^^^ The population of Tiberias was a very mixed 
 
 opinion of Furrer (Zeiisch. d. DPV. ii. 54), that the ancient Tiberias lay so 
 close to the springs, " that they were enclosed within the walls of the 
 town," rests upon a mistaken view of Joseph. Vita., 16 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 6. 
 See on the other hand, Antt. xviii. 2. 3; Bell. Jud. iv. 1. 3. (The l» 
 lißiptüoim the twoformer passages means only "in the district of Tiberias;" 
 thus also e.g. in Steph. Byz., ed. Meineke, p. 366 : YioiaTvioy, opo; Iv 'Ao-xevB« 
 TJj,' 'n.oi,y,!pv'hloi.;\ p. 442: tan axl iv KvI^ik'j xufivi M.t7\.i<saot.; comp. Marquardt, 
 Römische Staatsverwaltung, i. 1881, p. 16, note 5. In the Old Test, also 
 nntrj^n^in the district of Ashdod.) The place where the springs were 
 was called 'Efifixovg (Antt. xviii, 2. 3) or ' Af^^ccov; (Bell. Jud. iv. 1. 3), 
 Hebrew nnon, Jer. Eruhin v. 22d below ; Tosefta, Eruhin p. 146, 5th ed. 
 Zuckermandel. Comp, also Lightfoot, Centuria Mattliaeo praemissa, c. 74 
 (Opp. ii. 244 sq.). Hamburger, Real- Encyklop. für Bihel und Talmud., 2nd 
 Div., art. " Heilbäder," 
 
 3^^ So also Lewin, Fasti sacri (London 1866), n. 1163, 
 
 390 Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 146-149 relates the building of new 
 towns by the sons of Herod in the following rder : Philip built Caesarea 
 and Julias, Herod Antipas built Tiberias and Livias. All the buildings are 
 placed in the time of Tiberius. Sepphoris is entirely passed over. All this 
 puts it beyond doubt, that the statements of Eusebius are entirely derived 
 from Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 9, 1, For the buildings are there enumerated in 
 exactly the same order, also after the accession of Tiberius, and with the 
 same omission of Sepphoris. Hence the statements of Eusebius are not 
 only without independent value, but are besides derived from the more 
 inaccurate statement of Josephus in the Bell. Jud., and ignore his more 
 accurate account in Antt. xviii, 2. 1-3. 
 
 391 On the coins and the era, see Noris, v, 6 (ed. Lips, pp. 552-564), 
 Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione, p. 824 sq. Huber in the 
 Wiener Numismatische Zeitsch., 1st year, 1869, pp. 404-414. De Saulcy, 
 pp. 333-338, pi. xvii. n. 9-14. The same, in the Annuaire de la Socie'ie 
 Francaise de Numismatique et d'Archevl. iii. 266-270. Among the dated coins 
 only those of Trajan with the date 81 and those of Hadrian with the date 
 101 are attested with certainty. Noris and Sanclemente assume also coins 
 of Trajan with the year 101, and accordingly calculate the epoch of 
 Tiberias to be A.D. 17 (then the year in which Hadrian succeeded Trajan, 
 i.e. A.D. 117 = 101 era of Tiberius, and a.D. 17 = 1 era of Tiberius). But the 
 coins with the vear 101 certainlv all belong to Hadrian. Other coins too
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. TUE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 145 
 
 one. To obtain inhabitants for his new town Herod 
 Antipas was obliged to settle there, partly by compulsion, 
 a real colluvies hominuni (see above, § 11'^). Its attitude 
 however during the Jewish war shows them to have 
 been chiefly Jewish. The constitution however was one 
 of Hellenistic organization.^®'^ The town had a council 
 {ßovXrj) of 600 members,^®'^ at the head of which was 
 an ap')((üv^^^ and a committee of the heKa irpwroc^^^ also 
 
 given singly by numismatists (De Saulcy gives coins of Claudius with the 
 year 33, of Trajan with 80, and of Hadrian with 103) are also doubtful. 
 Hence all that can with certainty be affirmed is, that the epoch of Tiberias 
 cannot o.t/in earlier than a.D. 17. The consideration, that Tiberias was 
 probably in the possession of Agrippa II. till a.D. 100, and hence could not 
 previously have issued imperial coins, leads somewhat farther. Under this 
 assumption the epoch could not on account of the coins of Trajan of 81 be 
 placed earlier than a.d 19. A still further point of contact might be 
 obtained, if the title, which Trajan bears upon the coins of 81, could be 
 certainly determined. For if he is on these called only Germanicus and not 
 Daciciis, the coins in question could not have been issued later than a.d. 
 103 (after which year Trajan bore also the latter title), and consequently the 
 epoch could not begin later than a.D. 22 (so Eckhel). If however in the 
 reverse case he has just upon these coins both titles (as R'4chardt asserts in 
 Huber's above-named work, reading TER A. instead of TEPM), the coins 
 could not liave been issued earlier than 103, nor the epoch begin before 
 a.D. 22. This would be in accordance with Josephus. 
 
 ^^^ See on what follows, Kuhn, Die städtische und hürgerl. Ver/assuwj, 
 ii. 3.53. The same, Ueber die Entstehung der Städte der Alten, p. 427 sq. 
 
 893 Bell, Jiid. ii. 21. 9. Comp, in general, Vita, 12, 3i, 55, 58, 61, 68. 
 
 89* Vita, 27, 53, 54, 57 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 3. One Jesus the son of Sapphias, 
 is here throughout named as archon of Tiberias diuing the time of the revolt. 
 Among his offices was that of presiding at the meeting of the council. 
 
 395 Vita, 13, 57 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 9= F?7a, 33. See especially, Vita, 
 13 : TOÜS T^j ßov'Kvi; TTpuTOv; OiKX. Vita, 57 : rov; OiKot Trpüzovg Ttßipiiuv, 
 On these Sex« T^puroi, sofrequently occurring in the Hellenistic communities, 
 see Kuhn, i. 55 ; Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverwaltung, i. 213 so (1881) ; the 
 Index to the Corp. Inscr. Grace, p. 35. Tliey were not perhaps the oldest or 
 the most respected members of the council, but a changing committee of it 
 with definite official functions, as the frequently occurring formula otx«- 
 "TrpuTivax; shows (see Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 2639, 2929, 2930. Add. 
 2930»^, 3490, 3491, 3496, 3498, 4289, 4415b. hK»xpuTivx.L;, u. 3418). 
 Their chief office was the collection of taxes, for the due payment of which 
 they were answerable with their private property, Digest, lib. iv. 1. 1 : 
 Mnnerum civilium quaedara sunt patrimonii, alia personarum. Patrimonii 
 sunt munera rei vehicularis, item navicularis decemprimatus : ab istis 
 enim periculo ipsorum exactiones soleinnium celebrantur. Digest, lib. iv. 18. 
 DIV. n. VOL. I. K
 
 146 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 Hyparclioi ^^'^ and an Agorauomos.^^'^ It was also pro- 
 moted to be the capital of Galilee, Sepphoris itself Leing 
 subordinated to it (see above, p. 139). The coins of 
 Tiberias issued in the time of Herod have simply the super- 
 scription Tt/Septa?.^^^ After the deposition of Herod Antipas 
 Tiberias was transferred to the possession of Agrippa I. 
 A coin of his time also, with the superscription Tißepieoyv 
 is known.^^^ After the death of Agrippa the town came 
 under the authority of the Koman procurators of Judaea. 
 It must at the same time have received new political 
 privileges or experienced some kind of favour from the 
 Emperor Claudius; for the inhabitants are constantly called 
 TißepLet<i KXavhtel^ on the coins of Trajan and Hadrian.^^" 
 It continued to maintain its position as capital of Galilee 
 till the time of Nero (Joseph. Vita, 9). By him, probably 
 in A.D. 61, it was bestowed upon Agrippa II., and thus 
 separated from Galilee (Antt. xx. 8. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 13. 2 ; 
 Vita, 9).'*°^ Hence it formed part of the realm of Agrippa, 
 when the Jewish insurrection broke out in A.D. 66. The 
 attitude of the population with respect to it was a very 
 varying one. Some desired to remain on the side of Agrippa 
 and the Eomans ; others — and indeed the mass of those without 
 property — wished to join the cause of the revolution ; others 
 again took up a position of reserve ( Vita, 9 ; comp, also 
 
 26 : Mixta muneia decaprotiae et icosaprotiae, ut Herennius Modestinus 
 .... decrevit : nam decaproti at icosaproti tributa exigentes et corporale 
 ministerium gerunt et pro omnibus defunctorum (?) fiscalia detrimenta 
 resarciunt. It is worthy of notice, that Josephus during his government of 
 Galilee delivers to the decern primi at Tiberias valuables of King Agrippa, 
 and makes them responsible for them, Vita, 13, 57. 
 
 ^^^ Belt Jud. ii. 21. 6 : to?? /liurcc rviu nroKiv v-upy^ois. 
 
 s^"" Antt. xviii. 6. 2. On the office of the oiyopiie.v6!A.oi, see Westermann in 
 Pauly's Enc. i. 1 (2nd ed.), pp. 582-584. Stephanas, Tties. s. v. The material 
 furnished by inscriptions in the Index to the Corp. Inscr. Grace, p. 32. 
 
 3"S Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 97, 98. The same, Coins of 
 the Jews (1881), pp. 119, 120. 
 
 333 Madden, History, p. 110 ; Coins of the Jews, p. 138. 
 
 ''03 See the literature cited above, especially De Saulcy. 
 
 *"' On the time, see above, § 19, Appenil x 2.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I, THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 147 
 
 Vita, 12, where the revolutionaiy party is called /} rcju vavToju 
 Koi Toiv uTTopwv aT(i(TL'i). This party had decidedly the upper 
 hand, and the rest had consequently to submit. A chief leader 
 of this party was Jesus the son of Sapphias, then archon of 
 the town.'**'^ Still even after the triumph of the revolutionary 
 torrent, a part of the population maintained their relations 
 to Agrippa, and repeatedly entreated, though in vain, his 
 support.*"^ When Vespasian had subjected the greater part of 
 Galilee and penetrated as far as Tiberias, the town ventured 
 no resistance, but voluntarily opened its gates and begged 
 for pardon, which was granted out of regard for Agrippa. 
 Vespasian indeed allowed his soldiers to march into Tiberias, 
 but spared the town and restored it to Agrippa.^"^ It 
 remained in his possession probably till his death, a.d. 100, 
 till which period it did not again come under direct Eoman 
 rule, to which circumstance extant coins of the time of Trajan 
 and Hadrian bear testimony.*"^ Eusebius designates it as a 
 TToXt? e7riar)iio<i.^^^ It was in the third and fourth centuries 
 after Christ a chief seat of Eabbinical scholarship, and is 
 hence frequently mentioned in Talmudic literature.*"'' 
 
 Of some of the last-named towns, as Antipatris, Phasaelis, 
 Julias and Livias it cannot certainly be determined whether 
 they really belonged to the class of independent towns with 
 Hellenistic constitutions, since it is just as likely that, like 
 other second-rate towns, they were incorporated in the general 
 organization of the country. They had however to be named 
 here, because in any case a certain proportion of the towns 
 built by Herod and his sons belonged to the above category. 
 
 «»a Joseph. Vila, 12, 27, 53, 54. 57 ; Bdl. Jud. ii. 21. 3, iii. 9. 7-8. The 
 revolutionary attitude of the town is plainly seen throughout the whole 
 narrative of Josephus in his Vita. 
 
 *03 Bdl Jud. ii. 21. 8-10 ; Vita, 32-34, 68-69, 70. 
 
 <o* Bell. Jud. iü. 9. 7-8. 
 
 *"* A coin of the time of Couiniodus has been ])ublished by Huber in the 
 Wiener Numismatischen Zcitschr. Jahrg. i. 1869, p. 401 sqq. 
 
 ■*°8 Onomast., ed, Lagarde, p. 215. 
 
 *o^ Neubauer, G^igrapJiie dn Talmud, pp. 208-214. Pinner, Compendium 
 desjerus. und hah. Talmud (1832), pp. 109-116.
 
 148 § 23. CONSTITUTION. I. THE HELLENISTIC TOWNS. 
 
 On the other hand, it is also possible, that the number of the 
 independent communities is not exhausted by the towns here 
 enumerated. Hence we cannot look iqwn the list we have given 
 as a strictly defined one. For the times of Eoman imperialism 
 a further number of independent civic communities would have 
 to be named, which are here designedly passed over, because it 
 was not till later (at the earliest a.d, 70) that they attained 
 this position. This was the case especially with Nicopolis 
 (= Emmaus), Neapolis (= Sichem), Diospolis (= Lydda), 
 Eleutheropolis and the communities belonging to the pro- 
 vince of Arabia, as Bostra, Adraa and others. Aelia Capitolina 
 ( = Jerusalem) too would have to be mentioned as a heathen town 
 for the period after Hadrian. On Capitolias,comp. above, p. 106. 
 Concerning the 'position of the Jevjs in these mainly heathen 
 communities no further material exists than what has been 
 already communicated on the places in question. The 
 history of Caesarea (No. 9) is the most instructive. Here 
 heathens and Jews possessed down to JSTero's time equal civic 
 rights (laoirdkneia, Antt. xx. 8. 7 and 9) and hence equal 
 eligibility to the town senate. As this of necessity entailed 
 manifold dissensions, both parties strove to bring about an 
 alteration of this state of things, each desiring to have 
 the supremacy. Thus a threefold possibility existed : 
 1. equality, 2. exclusion of the Jews, and 3. exclusion of 
 the heathen, from civic privileges. All three cases actually 
 occurred. In the old Philistinian and Phoenician towms 
 the Jews hardly possessed the privilege of citizenship. They 
 dwelt in them indeed by thousands ; but were only tolerated 
 as inhabitants ; and how strained were the relations between 
 them and the heathen citizens, is best shown by the 
 sanguinary persecution of the Jews in many of these towns 
 at the outbreak of Jewish revolution, as e.g. in Ascalon, 
 Ptolemais and Tyre. In other towns heathen and Jews 
 may have been on an equality ; this was especially the case in 
 those towns, which subsequently to the Maccabaean period 
 were mainly inhabited by Jews, as Jamnia and Joppa,
 
 § 2?. CONSTITUTION. IL JEWISH TERKITORY. 149 
 
 Whether heathens were excluded from civic rights in any 
 of the hitherto named towns is very doubtful ; and not 
 probable even in Sepphoris and Tiberias, The third possibility 
 is at all events represented by Jerusalem and in general by 
 the towns of the strictly Jewish territory. Particulars cannot 
 be further entered into from lack of material. It must suffice 
 to have established the general point of sight. On the 
 organization of the Jewish communities in these towns, see 
 below, § 27. II. and § 31. II.-III. 
 
 II. THE STRICTLY JEWISH TERRITORY. 
 
 The Literature. 
 
 Seiden, De synedriis et praefecturis jiiridicis veterum Ebraeorum, lib. i. 
 Londini 1650, lib. ii. Londini 1653, lib. iii. Londini 1655 (reprint of 
 the whole work, Amstclodami 1679). The first book treats of the 
 judicial institutions of the Jews ante legis in Sinai dationcm, the 
 second of these same institutions subsequent to the giving of the law 
 at Sinai, while the third is specially devoted to the consideration of 
 the prerogatives of the supreme court (the Sanhedrim). In spite of 
 all its critical shortcomings this learned work is still valuable on 
 account of the rich fund of material it contains. 
 
 Saalschütz, Das mosaische Recht, vol. i. 1853, pp. 53-64. 
 
 Winer, Realwörterb., arts. Alter, Aelteste ; Gericht; Städte. 
 
 Schenkel's Bibellexicon, arts. Aelteste (by Schenkel) ; Gerichte (by 
 Wittichen) ; Städte (by Furrer). 
 
 Riehm's Handwörterb. des bibl Altertums, arts. Aelteste; Gerichtswesen; 
 Dorf; Stadt. 
 
 Arnold in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. vol. xiv. p. 721 (art. Städte). 
 
 Leyrer in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. vol. xv. p. 324 f. (art. Sijncdrium). 
 
 Kuhn, Die städtische und bürgerl. Verfassung des römischen Reiclis, vol. ii. 
 pp. 336-346. 
 
 Köhler, Lehrbuch der biblischen Geschichte Alten Testaments, voL i. 1875, 
 p. 350 f. 
 
 Reuss, Gesch. der heiligen Schrißen A. T.'s, sec. cxiv. 
 
 The strictly Jewish territory — leaving Samaria out of view 
 — consisted of the three provinces of Judaea, Galilee and 
 Peraea, and was enclosed within such boundaries as would 
 naturally be formed by the contiguous portions of the districts 
 belonging to the surrounding Hellenistic towns (comp, above, 
 § 23. I.). The Gentile element in those provinces never
 
 150 §23. CONSTITUTIOIS^. II. JEWISH TEKKITORY. 
 
 formed more at the very outside than a minority of the popula- 
 tion, while we may venture to assume that, in the towns, the 
 municipal councils were composed exclusively of Jews. For 
 there cannot be a doubt that, in Jewish towns as well, there 
 were civic representative bodies to whom the management of 
 the public affairs of the community was entrusted. So far 
 back even as the earliest period in the history of Israel we find 
 frequent mention of " the elders of the city " {'^'^V^ ''^pT) in the 
 capacity of local authorities (see in general, Deut. xix. 12, 
 xxi. 2 ff., xxii. 15 ff., xxv. 7 ff. ; Josh. xx. 4 ; Judg. viii. 14 j 
 Euth iv. 2 ff.; 1 Sam. xi. 3, xvi. 4, xxx. 26 ff. ; 1 Kings 
 xxi. 8, 11). Of how many members this body was composed 
 we are hardly ever told, but their number must have been 
 something considerable. In Succoth, for example, there were 
 as many as seventy-seven (Judg. viii. 14). Those officials 
 represented the community in every department of its affairs 
 and accordingly they were also called upon to act in the 
 capacity of judges (see, for example, Deut. xxii. 15). But, 
 besides these, "judges" (Q''t?s':^) and "officers" (i3''1t2b') are also 
 specially mentioned (both classes in Deut. xvi. 18 ; while 
 in 2 Chron. xix. 5 ff. the instituting of "judges" is ascribed 
 to Jehoshaphat). Now seeing that the judges are expressly 
 mentioned along with the elders (Deut. xxi. 2 ; Ezra x. 14), 
 the two orders of officials are in any case to be regarded as 
 distinct, but probably only to this extent, that the judges 
 were those among the elders to whom the administration of 
 justice was specially entrusted. Similarly the " officers " are 
 also to be regarded as belonging to the number of the "elders," 
 their special function again being to take charge of the 
 executive department.**'* The organization then that existed 
 in later times is to be assumed as having been substantially 
 identical with the one here in question. We further find 
 that the " elders " of the city are also frequently mentioned 
 during the Persian and Geeek era (Ezra x. 14; Judith vi. 16, 
 21, vii. 23 viii. 10, x. 6, xiii. 12). As regards the Eoman 
 ^"^ See in particular, Knobel's notes on Ex. v. 6 and Deut. xvi. 18.
 
 §23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TEERITORY. 151 
 
 period ?vgain, we have evidence of the existence of local 
 tribunals at that time in such a statement, for example, as 
 that of Josephus, where he mentions that Albinus, actuated 
 by greed, liberated for a money consideration certain indi- 
 viduals who, for the crime of robbery, had been sentenced to 
 imprisonment by their respective local courts {ßovkrj)*^ 
 From what is here stated we can further gather that it was 
 the ßovKrj itself that discharged the judicial functions. Still 
 it is quite possible that in tlie larger towns especially there 
 may have been, besides the ßovKi], certain other courts of a 
 special kind. Again it is the local Sanhedrims that are to be 
 understood as referred to when, in Matt. x. 17 = ]Mark 
 xiii. 9, it is stated that the believers would be delivered ei? 
 avveBpia ; we may also regard as belonging to the same 
 category those courts that, in Matt. v. 22, are assumed to be 
 inferior in point of jurisdiction to the high court of the 
 Sanhedrim ; and similarly with regard to the Trpeaßvrepoi of 
 Capernaum (Luke vii. 3). But it is in the Mishna above 
 all that the existence of local courts throughout the country 
 of the Jews is presupposed from beginning to end.*^** As 
 regards the number of members of which such courts were 
 composed, some have been disposed to infer from the Mishna 
 that the most inferior ones consisted of not more than three 
 persons. This however is based upon a pure misapprehension. 
 For the passages appealed to in support of this view do 
 nothing more than simply enumerate the various questions 
 for the deciding of which and the various causes for the trying 
 of which three persons were deemed sufficient. Thus three, 
 for example, were considered sufficient to decide an action 
 
 409 ßdl^ Jud. ii. 14. 1 : Ka.\ rov? sx< "hViOTtiee. "htOif/.iuov; v — 6 r^s Treip 
 'tKciaTOi; /3ow>>^j vj tuv Trporipuv iTrirpövan ocTri'KvTpov TOtj cvy/tvia/. 
 
 ^^^ Shebiith x. 4 : The terms of the Prosbol-foriiiula were substAiitially 
 as follows: "I so and so ileelare before you the judges of sich and 
 SUCH A PLACE that I," etc. Sota i. 3 : How is the husband (of a woman 
 suspected of adultery) to proceed? He is to brinj,' her before the local 
 court, which will assign him two lawyers, etc. Sanhcilrin xi. 4 : A criminal 
 of that sort is tried and executed neither by the court belonging to hii own 
 town nor by the court at .Jabne, etc.
 
 152 §23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 
 
 involving money, or to pronounce judgment in cases of 
 robbery and assault, or to award damages and such like ;^" 
 this number was also sufficient to sentence any one to be 
 scourged, to determine the date of the new moon, and decide 
 as to the intercalary year ;^^^ also for the laying on of the 
 hands (upon a sin-offering offered in the name of the congre- 
 gation), and for breaking the heifer's neck (on the occasion of 
 any person being found murdered). Further cases for the 
 disposal of which only three judges were necessary were 
 those connected with the Chaliza and the refusal of a man 
 to marry the wife of his deceased brother (Deut. xxv. 7-9), 
 the redemption of the produce of fruit trees during the first 
 four years of their growth, the redemption of the second tithe 
 the value of which had not been previously determined, the 
 purchasing back of certain things that were holy to the Lord, 
 and so on.*" But nowhere is it said, that there were distinct 
 local courts consisting of only three persons. In what sense 
 we are to understand the statements of the Mishna above 
 referred to may be readily seen from another passage*^* 
 which runs thus : " Actions involving money are decided by 
 three persons. That is to say, each of the two parties in the 
 case chooses a judge and then both the parties or, according 
 to another view, both the judges, choose a third to act along 
 with them." As matter of fact the most subordinate of the 
 local courts consisted of seven persons. For one can scarcely 
 be far wrong in assuming that the statement of Josephus to 
 the effect that Moses ordained that " seven men were to bear 
 rule in every city, and that two men of the tribe of Levi were 
 to be appointed to act as officers in every court," was intended 
 to be regarded as a description of the state of things that 
 existed in Josephus' own time, for there is no mention 
 of anything of this kind in the Pentateuch.*^^ This is 
 
 *^^ Sanliedrin i. 1. 
 
 *^2 Sanhedrin i. 2. Comp, liosh hashana ii. 9, iii. 1. 
 
 *^^ Sanhedrin i. 3. ^^^ Sanhedrin iii. 1. 
 
 *^'' Antt. iv. 8. 14 . üp^truactu os x.oi,ff SKxarnv toKiv äuöps; iTrrcc . . .
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 153 
 
 corroborated by the fact that Josephus himself, when on one 
 occasion he wanted to introduce a model Jewish constitution 
 into Galilee, established a court with seven judges in every 
 town.*^^ No doubt from this latter circumstance one might 
 rather infer that this organization had had no existence in 
 Galilee previous to the revolution. But the boast of Josephus, 
 that he was the first to create this the ideal of a Jewish con- 
 stitution, may be said to be true only to this extent, that he 
 took steps to have it more rigidly put in force. In the 
 Talmud too we find " the seven leading men of the city " 
 ("I'yn -aiD nv^^) referred to on one occasion as forming a public 
 board which, among other things, was entrusted with the 
 management of the financial affairs of the community.''^'^ What 
 Josephus has stated with regard to two Levites being always 
 appointed to act as vTnjperac to the local courts (see above 
 note 415) is not without its analogies at least in the Old 
 Testament.*^^ According to the Mishna there were certain 
 special cases in which it was necessary to have priests as 
 judges.*^^ In the more populous places the local courts 
 would appear to have been composed of twenty-three members. 
 At least we find a statement in the Mishna to the effect that 
 an inferior Sanhedrim (i^^pp P'l'inJD) consisted of twenty-three 
 
 Again in reproducing the law with regard to restitution (Ex. xxii. 6 ff.), 
 Josephus presupposes the existence of courts with seven judges, Antt. 
 iv. 8. 38 : il oi fiYioiv iT^ißrjv'hou Opuu 6 'Trianvöiii xT^'oXiastsv, eifix.6/i<.evo; iTi 
 Tovc STTTX xpirei: o^vvru rov Siov x.t.X. 
 
 *^^ Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 5, S'tttx. 3=' lu iKocaTV] 'Kohit ^{Kxard ; \_KccriaTYiai'/\. 
 Those courts of seven judges were called upon to deal only with causes of 
 a more trifling kind, but not with tx, fisil^a T7päy//.»ra kxI rxg (Jiovikx; 
 ii'xx;, the adjudication of which was rather reserved for the council of 
 seventy which Josephus had established. 
 
 *^'^ Mcfjilla xxvi.a : " Rabba said, that regulation (of tlie Mishna with 
 regard to the sale of synagogues and their furniture) applies only to those 
 cases in which the scvc7i kad'mg men of the town have not disposed of them 
 by public sale. But if they shall have sold them publicly," etc. Comp, 
 also Rhenferd's Investigatio pniefccloriim et viinl.--lronim synnijof/ae, ii. 25 
 (in Ugolini's T/teaauni.f, vol. xxi.). 
 
 •"^ Deut. xxi. 5; 1 Chron. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 29. Knobel's note on Deut. xvi. 18. 
 
 *'^^ Sanherlrin i. 3. Comp, on the subject generally of priests acting ia 
 the capacity of judges, Ezek. xliv. 24, and Smend's note on this passage.
 
 15-i § 23. CONSTITUTION. II, JEWISH TEREITORY. 
 
 persons, and that one of this sort was assigned to every town 
 with a population of at least 120 or, according to E. 
 Nehemiah's view, of at least 230, in order that there might 
 thus be a judge for every ten of the inhabitants.'*^" It must 
 be confessed however that here too, as in so many other 
 instances, we have no guarantee that the actual state of 
 things quite corresponded with these regulations. Those 
 courts of twenty-three members were likewise empowered 
 to deal with criminal cases of a serious nature (niti'Sp "'J'''^),*^^ 
 for we can also see from Matt. v. 21, 22, that the trying and 
 sentencing of murderers did not belong exclusively to the 
 jurisdiction of the supreme court of the Sanhedrim. 
 
 As in the case of the Hellenistic communes, so too within 
 the Jewish domain the villages were subordinate to the towns, 
 and the smaller towns again to the larger ones. The 
 distinction between a town ('»''y) and a village (i-»n, seldom 
 ")S3) is presupposed from beginning to end of the Old Testa- 
 ment itself; the former, as a rule, being an inhabited place 
 surrounded by a wall, and the latter one that is not so 
 enclosed (see in particular. Lev. xxv. 29-31); at the same 
 time, towns themselves are also sometimes distinguished as 
 walled and unwalled (Deut. iii. 5; Esth. ix, 19). Moreover, 
 Josephus and the iSTew Testament uniformly distinguish 
 between the two notions ttoXi? and Kcofir].*'^ On one occasion 
 the New Testament speaks of Ärcoyu-oTroXei? of Palestine 
 (Mark i. 38), i.e. towns which, as regards their constitution, 
 only enjoyed the rank of a KWfir).*'^ In the Mishna there 
 are three conceptions of this matter, and these are uniformly 
 
 ■*20 Sanhedrin i. 6. Comp. Seiden, De synedriis ii. 5. Winer's Real- 
 wörtcrh. ii. 554. Leyrer in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. xv. p. 324 f. 
 
 *2^ Sanhedrin i. 4. 
 
 *22 Comp. Winer's Realwörterb. ii. 510 ; also the materials to be found in 
 the concordances to the New Testament. For the conception of a xö)y.vi in 
 the Romano-Hellenistic sense, consult Marquardt's Römische Staatsverival- 
 tung, vol. i. (2nd ed. 1881) p. 16 f. 
 
 ^23 The term x.uf/.ö'rrrj'Ktc is also to be met with occasionally in Strabo and 
 the Byzantine writers ; consult the Lexicons and Wetzstein's Nov. Test., note 
 on Mark i. 38.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 1,55 
 
 clistinguislied from each other : that of a large city (Tl^), then 
 that of a city (i^), and lastly that of a village CSS).*-* The 
 distinguishing characteristic in the case of the first t\vo would 
 seem to have been merely the difference in size ; for even an 
 ordinary town (i^V) might be enclosed by a wall, and indeed it 
 usually was so.*^^ In the Old Testament there is already 
 frequent allusion to the subordination of the villages to the 
 towns. In the lists of towns given in the Book of Joshua, and 
 above all in the fifteenth and nineteenth chapters, we often 
 meet with the expression, the " cities with their villages " 
 (I[1"'"?.Vl'1 ^"'IV'])- Elsewhere we frequently read of a city and 
 its daughter (n'^niiS), Xum. xxi. 25, .32, xxxii. 42 ; Josh. xv. 
 45-47, xvii. 11 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; Neh. xi. 25 ff. ; 1 Chron. ii. 
 23, V. 16, vii. 28 f , viii. 12, xviii. 1; 2 Chron. xiii. 19, 
 xxviii. 18; Ezek. xvi. 46 ff., xxvi. 6, xxx. 18 ; 1 Mace. v. 
 8, 65. And in keeping with the idea of the daughter, we 
 also find the term " mother " employed to designate the chief 
 town of a district (2 Sam. xx. 19). From all this it is, in 
 any case, clear that the villages were everywhere dependent 
 upon the cities. But it is also highly probable that this was 
 no less true of the smaller towns in relation to the larger ones. 
 For frequently it is not only to villages, but also to smaller 
 dependent towns that the designation " mother " is applied ; 
 at least in several instances is this most undoubtedly the case 
 (jSTum. xxi. 25 ; Josh, xv. 45-47 ; 1 Chron. ii. 23). And wliat 
 we thus gather from the Old Testament may be assumed to 
 be no less applicable to later times as well (comp, especially, 
 1 Mace. V. 8: tt}v ^lathp koI t«? OvyaTepa<; avTrj^; ibid. v. 
 65 : TTjv Xeßpchv Koi Ta<i Bvyarepa^; avTP]<i). But it is in 
 the country on the east of the Jordan above all, and in the 
 
 ■*2* Megilla i. 1, ii. 3; Kethtthoth \n\. 10; Kiddushin ii. ;> ; Bnha mezia 
 iv. 6, viii. 6 ; Arachin vi. 5. 
 
 *^^ noin "I""!!?, Arachin ix. 3 ff. ; Kclim i. 7, On t]>3, comp, Lightfoot, 
 Horae hebr., note on >fark i, 38 (0pp. ii. 437), and Levy's Ncuhebr. WUrterh. 
 it.v. This word is, strictly speaking, Aramaic Cnia) and frequently occurs 
 in the Targums in the sense of a fortification, a stronghold, a fortified 
 town. See Buxtorf's Lex. and Levy's C'hald. Wörterb., s.t.
 
 156 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 
 
 district of Traclionitis in particular, that capital villages 
 {fxTjrpoKWfilai), i.e. villages holding a position corresponding to 
 that of a capital town, were most frequently to be met with. ^' 
 Thus Phaena, the modern Mismie, is called /nrjrpoKtofiia rov 
 Tpd')(u)vo<i*^^ We have another example of a firjTpoKcofiia 
 in the case of Borechath, the modern Breite, which is also 
 situated within the district of Traclionitis.*^® Epiphanius 
 mentions rr)v BaKadov firjrpoKoyfXLav rr}? ^ Apaßia<i t?}? 
 ^iXahe\j>ia<i^^^ Of course those testimonies only date 
 from somewhere between the second and the fourth 
 centuries of our era ; moreover, the population of those 
 districts, though of a mixed character, was composed chiefly 
 of Gentiles. 
 
 Any notices of a more special kind that we have regarding 
 the subordination of certain provinces to some of the larger cities 
 apply exclusively to Galilee and Judaea, and only date from 
 the Eoman period. In Galilee, Scpjyhoris was the place which 
 Gabinius fixed upon as the seat of one of the five avveBpia or 
 (Tvvohoc ; and as the one which sat here was the only one in 
 the province {Antt. xiv. 5, 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 5), Sepphoris 
 became, in consequence, the centre of an organization that 
 embraced the whole of Galilee. It is true the arrangement 
 of Gabinius here referred to was of but short duration. But 
 in later times as well, and particularly under the Idumaean 
 dynasty, the whole of Galilee was always subordinate to some 
 one capital city, whetlier Sepphoris on the one hand or 
 Tiberias on the other (see above, notes 31 and 33). Here 
 then we have an instance of a Jewish province being placed in 
 
 *-^ See in general, Kuhn, Die städtische und hürgerl. Verfassung des röm- 
 ischen Reichs, ii. 380 ff. Marqnardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. i. 2nd 
 ed. p. 427, note 1. The Lexicons under the word fij^TpoKufitx. 
 
 *2" Corp. Inscr. Graec. No. 4551 = Le Bas et Waddington, Inscr. t. iii. 
 No. 2524. The inscription dates from the time of Alexander Severus 
 (222-235 A.D.). On Phaena, see Kaumer's Pal. p. 254 f. Porter's Five 
 Years in Damascus, ii. 244. Kuhn, ii. 384. 
 
 ^28 Le Bas et Waddington, vol. iii. n. 2396. 
 
 *2^ Epiphanius, Anacephal. p. 145.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TEIIKITORY. 157 
 
 subordination to a capital city that was not of a purely Jewish 
 character.*^'^ 
 
 In Judaea again it is to the division of the province into 
 eleven or ten toparchies, vouched for both by Josephus and 
 Pliny, that a special interest attaches. According to Josephus, 
 Judaea was divided into the following eleven KXijpov^iai or 
 TOTrap'^iai : — (1) Jerusalem, (2) Goplina, (3) Akrabatta, (4) 
 Thamna, (5) Lydcla, (6) Ammans, (7) Pella, (8) Idumaea, 
 (9) Engaddi, (10) Herodeion, (11) Jericho.*''^ Of these, the 
 seven printed in italics are also mentioned by Pliny, who, 
 by adding to them the following three : Jopica, Bctho- 
 leptephene, Orine*^"^ brings up the total number of topar- 
 chies to ten. The mention of Orine instead of Jerusalem 
 cannot be said to make any material difference. But the 
 mention of Joppa in this instance is quite as erroneous 
 as that of Pella by Josephus, for both of these were 
 independent towns and did not belong to Judaea proper. 
 Bethleptepha, on the other hand, is mentioned by Josephus 
 in another passage, and that as being the capital of 
 a toparchy.*^^ We may therefore obtain a correct list 
 if we adopt that of Josephus and substitute Betlilep- 
 tepha for PeUa.*^* In that case the toparchies would be 
 grouped as follows : *^^ in the centre, Jerusalem ; to the north 
 
 ^3" The relation is really oue of subordination, for Josephus speaks 
 distinctly of an ä.pxni' find vTra.x.ovnv ; see above, notes 3G.S and 364. 
 
 *^^ Bell. Jud. iii. 3. 5 : /nspi^irxt 8s si; ivOix.» liK-zipov^iot;, Lu oLpxa i^'tv 
 us ßctoi'hiiov rot lepoaoTwfAX, vpoctui'ax.otja» r^; TrepioiKOV -TrxuriS uarrio >j 
 «£(p(S«Ai} auy^xTo;, xi 'Koittxi 6i /air xi/r'^v Otriprivrxt rcc; roTrxpxlctg. Yotux 
 iivrepx, x.x\ (/.er xiirvtv ' AKOX/ixrrx, Qx/aiix vpoi rxvrxt; x,xi Ai/oS« kxi 
 A.y.fAxovg x.ai TiiXK-fi kxI loovftxix kxi 'EyyxhOxi kxi ' llpädsiov kxi 
 ' Upixovg. 
 
 *^^ Piiny, Hist. Nat. v. 14. 70: Reliqua Judaea dividitur in toparchi.is X 
 quo dicemus ordine : Hiericunteni pahnetis coiisitam, fontibus riguani, 
 Emmaum, Lyddam, Jopicam. Acrebitouani, Gophaniticam, Thamniticani, 
 Betholeptephenen, Orinen, in qua fuere Hierosoiyina longe clarissima 
 urbium orientis non ludaeac modo, Herodium cum oppido inlustri ejusdem 
 nominis. 
 
 ■•33 Bell Jud. iv. 8. 1 : rr,v BidT^i-r/i^puv rOTzxoyJxu. 
 
 ■*'* Comp. Kuhn, Die städtische und hürrjerl. Verf. ii. 339. 
 
 ^35 Comp. Menke's Bibel-Atlas, map v.
 
 158 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TEERITOKY. 
 
 of it, Goplina^^'"' and Akrabatta ;*"' to the north-west, Thamna*'' 
 
 *3o According to Tal. Peuting. Gophna stood on the road leading from 
 Jerusalem to Neapolis (Sichern), sixteen miles to the north of the former, 
 or according to Euseb. Onomast. fifteen miles (ed. Lagarde, p. 300 : Vo<pua. 
 . . . oL-ky/i^oa. Ki^.ixg anfisloig n' hoctx riju öoou rvju il; l^isxTo'hiu ä.yovaxv'). 
 It was a place of some importance in the time of Cassius, who sold its 
 inhabitants as slaves (AjitL xiv. 11. 2 ^ Bell. Jud. i. 11. 2). The Toipf/T/xoj 
 T07rot,p)(,i» is also mentioned by Josephus elsewhere (Bell. Jud. i. 1. 5, ii. 
 20. 4, iv. 9. 9). Comp, besides, Bell. Jud. v. 2. 1, vi. 2. 2. In Ptolemaeus 
 V. 16. 7, it occurs in the form of Vov(pvot,, Hebrew XJSia (Neubauer, Geogr. 
 du Talmud, p. 157 £f.), the modern form being Dschifna, Jufna. See in 
 general, Eauraer's Pal. p. 199; Eobinson's Palaest. ii. 263, 264; Guerin's 
 Judee, iii. pp. 28-32. The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder 
 and Kitchener, ii. pp. 294, 323, and the accompanying maps. No. xiv. 
 
 *37 Akrabatta, still farther north than Gophna and nine miles to the 
 south-east of Neapolis = Sichem (Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lag. p. 214 : 'Ay.pxß- 
 ßiiv . . ■ KUfiYi Sf 'iariv /y^öyt; "hudTaax Ni«j vo'hiui anf^iioig ff). According 
 to Mishna, Maaser sJieni v. 2, DQIpy was a day's journey to the north of 
 Jerusalem, precisely the same distance as Lydda was to the west of it, 
 which is as near the mark as can be. The ' Ax,pxßoi.rnyvi roTrxpxi» is also of 
 frequent occurrence elsewhere in Josephus and Eusebius (Jo.seph. Bell. Jud, 
 ii. 12. 4, 20. 4, 22. 2, iii. 3. 4, iv. 9. 3-4 and 9. Euseb. Onomast., ed. Lag. 
 pp. 214, 255, 267, 294, 295). The place is known at the present day as 
 Akrabeh. See in general, Raumer's Pal. p. 170. Robinson's Palestine, 
 iii. pp. 296, 297. Guerin's Samarie, ii. 3-5. The Survey, etc.. Memoirs by 
 Conder and Kitchener, ii. pp. 386, 389 f. ; and the accompanying map, 
 No. XV. Beware of confounding this with a range of hills of the same 
 name in the south of Judaea, Num. xxxiv. 4 ; Josh. xv. 3 ; Judg. L 36 ; 
 Euseb. Onomast. p. 214 ; and from which the '' Kxpoc.ßxrriv/i mentioned in 
 the first Book of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 3 = Joseph. Antt. xii. 8. 1) 
 derives its name. 
 
 *38 Thamna is undoubtedly the ancient niDTlJron or D^riTlJpri in 
 Mount Ephraim where Joshua was buried (Josh. xix. 50, xxiv. 30 ; Judg. 
 ii. 9). Eusebius frequently mentions the place as being a very large village 
 within the district of Diospolis= Lydda (see especially, p. 260, ed. Lag.: 
 @xiA,v» . • . "htxf'Ai/ii x,uyy/i ^syaX» iv opioid ^toa'Tirö'Ksug), and remarks that, 
 in his day, people were shown Joshua's tomb at a spot near by (p. 246 : 
 isiKVVTXt Bs STTtayi^uov it; en uuu uinov ro [^yr^fAx -üT^rtaiov 0«,t4j/5c x-a/^iog. 
 Ihid. p. 261 : Qxi^uuSaxpx . . . xvr/i iarl (da^vx . . iv r, u; 'in vvu 
 hix.vvTxi TO Tov 'l-/i(7ov fiVTiiiix). Thc place still exists, though only as 
 a heap of ruins, and is known by the name of Tibneh, standing in 
 a tolerably straight line between Akrabeh and Lydda, as was to be 
 expected from the order of the toparchies as given by Josephus. 
 Among the important tombs still to be seen at this place Guerin 
 believes that he has actually discovered that of Joshua. See in general, 
 Raumer's Pal. p. 165 f. De Saulcy's Voyage en Terre Sainte (1865), ii. 
 233 f. Guerin's Samarie, ii. pp. 89-104. Thc Survey of Western Palestine,
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITORY. 159 
 
 and Lydda ; *""* to the west, Emmaus ; "** to the south-west, 
 Bethleptepha ; "^ to the south, Idumaea ; *" to the south- 
 
 Memoirs, etc., ii. 299 f., 274-378, with the accompanying map, No. xiv, 
 Miihlau iu Riehm's Wörterh. p. 1668. lu the time of Cassias, Thamna 
 shared the same fate as Gophna {Antt. xiv. 11. 2 ; Bell. Jiid. i. 11. 2). The 
 toparcliy of Thamna is also mentioned elsewhere by Josephus aud Eusebius 
 (Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 4, iv. 8. 1. Euseb. Onomast.., ed. Lagarde, 
 pp. 219, 239). Comp, also Ptolem. v. 16. 8. We must take care to dis- 
 tinguish between our Thamna aud another nJDFI or nnjpn situated on 
 
 the border between the tribe of Dan and Judah to the west of Jerusalem 
 and in the direction of Ashdod. This one is also existing in the present day, 
 and is likewise known under the name of Tibueh (Josh. xv. 10, xix. 43 ; 
 Judg. xiv. 1 ff . ; 2 Chron. xxviii. 18). And lastly, from this we must 
 further distinguish a third one situated in the hill country of Judah (Gen. 
 xxxviii. 12-14 ; Josh. xv. 57). "Which Qxy-vudx is meant in 1 Mace. ix. 50 
 it is impossible to determine with any certainty. See in general, Ramner, 
 p. 224. Robinson's P«Z. ii. pp. 239, 240. Guerin's J«j Je'e, ii. 30 f . The Surveij. 
 etc., Memoirs, ii. 417, maps, No. xvi. 
 
 ^^^ Lydda (Hebr. ip, afterwards Diospolis), the well-known town on the 
 road fi-om Joppa to Jerusalem, is also mentioned {Bdl. Jud. ii. 20. 4) as one 
 of the toparchies of Judaea. On one occasion Josephus characterizes it as 
 x.ufAYi . . . -T^oMui TO fisyißos ovK ecTTOOiovax (^Anit. xx. 6. 2). For its history, 
 comp, especially 1 Mace. xi. 34 ; Joseph. A7itL xiv. 10. 6, 11. 2 ; Bell. Jud. 
 i. 11. 2, ii. 19. 1, iv. 8. 1. 
 
 ■•■"* Emmaus or Ammaus, the Nicopolis of later times, is sdll existing 
 under the name of Am was, and is situated to the south by south-east of 
 Lydda. Owing to the circumstance of its standing just at the foot of the 
 mountain range it was a place of some military importance, and is frequently 
 mentioned as such as early as the time of the Maccabees (1 Mace. iii. 40, 57, 
 iv. 3, ix. 50). For its later history. Bee especially Antt. xiv. 11. 2; Bill. 
 Jud. i. 11. 2 ; Anti. xvii. 10. 9 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 5. 1, iv. 8. 1. It is also 
 mentioned as one of the Jewish toparchies in Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 4. Li 
 Rabbinical Hebrew it is called D1SÖX (Mishna, Arachin ii. 4 ; Kerithoth 
 iii. 7. Lightfoot, Chorographica Lucae pracmissa, c. 4, 0pp. ii. 479 f. 
 Neubauer's Geof/r. du Talmud, pp. 100-102) ; it also occurs in Ptolemaeus, 
 v. 16. 7, as 'Ejuf^ccov;. Whether it is the same Emmaus that is intended iu 
 Bell. Jud. vii. 6. 6 and Luke xxiv. 13, is open to question. Comp, in general, 
 Relaud's Palaesiina, pp. 758-7G0. Raumer, p. 187 f. Winer's Rcalwörterh. 
 under this word. Arnold in Herzog's lüal-EncycL, 1st ed. iii. 778 f. 
 Robinson's Palestine, iii. pp. 146-151. Kuhn, Die städtische u. biinjerl. 
 Verfiissumj, ii. 356 f . Sepp's Jerusalem, 2nd ed. i. 40 ff. Guerin's Judci , 
 i. 293-308. The Surveij of Westeru Palestine, Memoirs, etc., iii. 14, 36 ff., 
 63-81, and the maps. No. xvii. 
 
 **^ According to Bell. Jud. iv. 8. 1, Bethleptepha stood between Emmaus 
 and Idumaea, aud should therefore be inserted here iustca 1 of Pella, as 
 erroneously given in the text of Josojihus. 
 
 **' Idumaea had been Judaizrd by Jolm Ilyrcanus {And. xiii. 9. 1, xv.
 
 160 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TEllRITORY. 
 
 east, Engaddi **' and Herodeion ; *** to the east, Jericho.''" 
 It may be assumed as self-evident that this division was made 
 chiefly for administrative reasons and, above all, with a view 
 to greater convenience in the collecting of the revenue. 
 Whether those districts were at the same time districts for 
 judicial purposes as well, it is impossible to say. In any 
 case it is probable that the whole organization does not date 
 farther back than the Eoman period, for no trace of it is to 
 be met with previous to that time.**^ The authorities from 
 whom our information is derived exhibit a singular indecision 
 in their conceptions of the political character of the capitals 
 of those districts, inasmuch as at one time they are described 
 as 7roXet9, at another as Kw/xac. It is true that here nothing 
 is to be made of the circumstance that Eusebius treats the 
 
 7, 9. Bell. Jud. i. 2. 6). Hence it was that the Idumaeans took part ia 
 the Jewish insurrection as though they too had been Jews (^Bdl. Jud. iv. 
 4. 4). Elsewhere, comp, especially Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 4, iv. 8. 1. 
 
 443 Engaddi, the ancient 1*13 py (Josh. xv. 62 ; I Sam. xxiv. 1 ff. ; Ezek. 
 xlvii. 10; Song of Sol. i. 14 ; 2 Chron. xx. 2), the existence of which on 
 the western shore of the Dead Sea is vouched for by both Josephus and 
 Eusebius (Joseph. Antt. ix. 1. 2: 'EyyaSBi xoT^tv x.ii(Ji.'iui\v Trpog rfi ' Ka(pa,'h- 
 Tiri'^i "Ki/Avt]. Euseb. Onomasi., ed. Lagarde, p. 254 : kxI vvv earl xuft/i 
 fieyiarri 'lovoociuu EyyaoSi 7rupxx,sif/Avri rn vix,pcii dxT^oiaatf). In Bell. Jud, 
 iv. 7. 2, Josephus calls it a TZü'KiY^v/]. In Ptolemaeus, v. 16. 8, it occurs as 
 'EyyaSB«. It is known in the present day as Ain Dschidi. See in general, 
 Winer's Realwijrterh. under the word. Raumer, 188 f. Kobinson's Pedestine, 
 i. pp. 500-508. Neubauer's Geogr. du Talmud, p. 160. The Survey of Western 
 Palestine, Memoirs, etc., iii. pp. 384-386, 387, and the accompanying maps, 
 No. xxii. 
 
 *** Herodeion is the important fortress built by Herod the Great in the 
 south of Judaea, some sixty stadia from Jerusalem (Antt. xiv. 13. 9, xv. 9. 4 ; 
 Bell. Jud. i. 13. 8, 21. 10), the identity of which, with the modern 
 "Frankenberge" standing to the south-east of Bethlehem, may now be 
 looked upon as generally admitted. Comp, above, § 15. 
 
 **^ Jericho, the well-known city of that name near to the Jordan, was 
 the most important town in the east of Judaea, and for this reason it too 
 was chosen by Gabinius as the seat of one of the five Jewish courts or 
 Sanhedrims (Antt. xiv. 5. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 8. 5). It is also mentioned as 
 being one of the districts of Judaea in Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 4. Besides this, 
 comp, especially Bell. Jud. iv. 8. 2, 9. 1. 
 
 **^ On the division of the Roman provinces into adminiiUrative districts, 
 see in general Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. i. (2nd ed. 1881) 
 p. 500 f.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITOKY. 161 
 
 places in question for the most part as KWfiat, for Ly liis time 
 matters had undergone an essential change.**' But Joseplius 
 himself is also somewhat undecided. For example, he speaks 
 of Emmaus as being the fxrjrpcTroXi'i of the district in which 
 it stood, and obviously therefore as that of the toparchy ; **^ 
 whereas, in speaking of Lydda, on the other hand, he calls it 
 merely a Kcofxr^, thus employing what would appear to be the 
 more correct designation (see above, note 439). We are 
 therefore bound to assume, that from the Eomano-Hellenistic 
 point of view none of the places in question were TroXet? 
 in the strict sense of the word, that is to say, they were not 
 civic communities with a Hellenistic constitution ; while it 
 was only in deference to Jewish and popular usage that they 
 were spoken of as " cities.'" Strictly speaking, tliey ought 
 rather to be called Kco/xoTroXeLq (see above, note 423), or, 
 viewed in their relation to their respective toparchies, fiijTpo- 
 Kcofjbiac (see above, notes 427-429). 
 
 There was only one town in Judaea proper that, according 
 to Eomano-Hellenistic ideas, enjoyed at the same time the 
 rank of a ttoX^?, and that was Jerusalem. To this latter all 
 the rest of Judaea was subordinate, so that it ruled over it 
 (Judaea) «09 ßaalXeiov (see note 431). Consequently its 
 relation to Judaea was similar to that in which tlie Hellenistic 
 cities stood to their respective districts.*"*® This among other 
 things is implied in the style of address that is made use of 
 in the imperial edicts issued to the Jews and which run 
 thus: ' lepoaoXvfxvTOiv äp')(ovai, ßouXrj hrjfia), ^lovSatcov ttuvtI 
 edvev, terms precisely similar to those employed in the edicts 
 
 **" The names of several toparchies ('Ax^ ot/SaTT^i/'^, &xfivirix.>i) wore no 
 doubt still retained in Eusebius' day, but the constitution itself had been 
 essentially altered by the establishment of new, independent clvitalrs such 
 as Diospolis, Nicopolis and others. The result of this was that Thamna, 
 for example, ceased to be any longer the capital of a toparchy, but was now 
 reduced to the position of a kÜ/^yi ,asy«A»i h 6piat: AtooT^oMu; (see above, 
 note 488), and so became subordinate to what was formerly known aa 
 Lydda. 
 
 "8 Bell. Jud. iv. 8. 1. 
 
 *'*^ Comp. Kuhn, Die xtiidthc'hc viul hlirr/ej-l. T'rr/h.v.v^f?;*/. ii. 812-345. 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. L
 
 162 § 23. CONSTITUTION. II. JEWISH TERRITOEY. 
 
 addressed to the Hellenistic communes where, in like manner, 
 the city with its council ruled over, and therefore was 
 regarded as representing the whole district to which it 
 belonged.^"" It is further probable that the council (the 
 Sanhedrim) of Jerusalem was also responsible for the collec- 
 tion of the taxes throughout the whole of Judaea.^^^ Again 
 there is a reminiscence of the circumstance of the " elders " 
 exercising authority over the whole of Judaea still preserved 
 to us in the Mishna.*^^ But since the death of Herod the 
 Great at least, the civil jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim of 
 Jerusalem was entirely restricted to Judaea proiwr. Ever 
 since then, Galilee and Peraea were, as regards their political 
 relations, entirely severed from Judaea, or at all events formed 
 independent spheres of administration, as has been pointed 
 out above with special reference to Galilee. And least of all 
 
 *s" Anlt. XX. 1. 2. Comp, besides for similar styles of address as 
 employed in edicts, Antt. xiv. 10 {^ihaviav xq-)(,ov(Ji ßov'hyi o'Ji/^u, ^'E(psaiu!> 
 ßof?i»5 }ceil cLpyfivai nal ^^,uu, and such like). 
 
 *^^ When, after the first throes of the insurrection, it was resolved to 
 return, for a moment, to a peaceful attitude, the magistrates and members 
 of the council of Jerusalem distributed themselves over the villages for the 
 purpose of collecting the arrears of the tribute {Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 1 : dg Se 
 T«? y.u,uoe.e: o'i n (x,p-)(,(t'jTis x-xi o'l ßov'Aivrxl y,ipia6ivTig -vovg (popov; o-yi/sXsyoi/). 
 The sums from the different quarters were speedily gathered together and 
 were found to amount in all to forty talents. But, immediately thereafter, 
 Agripjia sent the oLpxovTig and ovjotToi to Caesarea to Florus with the 
 request that he would appoint from among them tribute collectors for the 
 country (ibid, hx kmrjo; s| uvtuv »■yröhil^vj toii; tviv x^P»" (popo'Küy'ijaoi/rot.i). 
 Now, seeing that this took place after the taxes of the district, and there- 
 fore, of course, of the toparchy of Jerusalem, had been aLready collected, it 
 follows that, by the term ;<;<yp«, the whole of Judaea is to be understood. 
 It was therefore for the whole of this province that the collectors were to 
 be appointed from among the äpx,ouTi? and ovuuroi of Jerusalem. For the 
 Roman practice of employing city councils as a medium for collecting the 
 taxes, comp, in general, Marquardt, i. 501. 
 
 ^52 Taanith iii. 6 : "On one occasion the elders Avent from Jerusalem to 
 visit their toions (Dnny^ D"'^nn"'?0 a'':pr ITlO a^d appointed fasts, because 
 they found in Ascalon (jl^p^'Sn) a patch of blighted corn about the size of 
 the mouth of an oven, etc." As Ascalon never belonged to the province of 
 Judaea, this notice is in itself unhistorical, though it is correct in so far as 
 it contains a reminiscence of the fact, that at one time the towns of Judaea 
 were subject to the authority of the " elders " of Jerusalem.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. HI. SANHEDRIM. 103 
 
 can we venture to make use of the circumstance that tlie 
 rebellion in Galilee was directed from Jerusalem as an ar-ni- 
 ment to show, that in times of peace as well, Galilee was 
 under the jurisdiction of the supreme court of the Sanhedrim. 
 For the circumstances here in question are obviously of an 
 exceptional character. It was only in earlier days, and 
 particularly during the Asraonaean period, that the wliole 
 land of Judaea could be said to have been really one in a 
 political sense as well (comp, below, chap. iii.). As the 
 council of Jerusalem could scarcely have been able to attend 
 to the administration of justice in all its details, it is ante- 
 cedently probable that, besides the supreme Sanhedrim, there 
 would be one or more inferior tribunals in Jerusalem. Of 
 this too the Mishna has preserved a reminiscence, tliough it 
 happens to be a somewhat confused one.*^ 
 
 III. THE SUPREME SANHEDKLM IX JERUSALEM. 
 The LrrEiiATURE. 
 
 Seiden, De sfjnedriis et praefecturis juridicis veterum Ehraeormn, lib. i.-iii., 
 
 Londini 1650-1655 (comp, above, p. lo'2). 
 Meu.schen, Novum Tcstamcutum ex Talmnde et antiquitatihus Hebraeorum 
 
 dlustratum (Lips. 1736), pp. 1181-1199 : Diatribe de N^B'J seu directorc 
 
 ISynedrii M. Hebraeorum. 
 
 *^^ Sanhedrin xi. 2: "There were three courts of justice (pjH TID) in 
 Jerusalem. One held its sittings at the eutrauce to the temple mount (nnS hv 
 JT'Sn "in), another at the entrance to the court of the temple (mtyn nriD ^y), 
 and the third in the square chamber (nVJn nDJ^63)• Tlie [i.irtie.s came 
 with their causes to the one that sat at the entrance to the temple mount, 
 and the pre.siding judge said : ' Thus Jiave I and thus have my colleagues 
 pronounced ; thus have I and thus have my colleagues resolved.' If then 
 the court had a tradition applicable to the case in question it ,c:ave a 
 decision. But if not, the parties went to the tribunal at the entrance to 
 the court of the temple and there restated their case. If this one again 
 had a tradition bearing upon the case, it gave a decision. But if not, 
 then the parties along with the members of those courts appeared before 
 the supreme court in the square cliamber, the fountainhead of law for 
 the whole of Israel." The schematism with reference to the places at 
 which the courts were helii, is of itself suHicient to siiow that we are not 
 here dcalins: with an authentic historical tradition.
 
 164 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 Carpzov, Apparatus hislorico-criticus antiqidtatum sacrl codicis (174:8), jjp 
 
 550-600. 
 Hartnianu, Die enge Verhiadung des Alten Testaments mit dem Neuen (1831), 
 
 pp. 166-225. 
 Winer, liealicörterb. ii. 551-554, art. " Synedrium." 
 Sachs, Ueher die Zeit der Entstehung des ISynhcdrins (Frankel's Zeitschr. für 
 
 die religiösen Interessen des Judenth., 1845, pp. 301-312). 
 Saalschütz, Das mosaische Rechte, 2nd ed. 1853, i. 49 ff., ii. 593 ff. Also 
 
 his Archäologie der Hebräer, vol. ii. 1856, pp. 249 ff., 271 ff., 429- 
 
 458. 
 Levy, Z)i'e Präsidentur im Synedrium (Frankel's Monalsschr. f. Gesch. und 
 
 Wissensch. des Judenth. 1855, pp. 266-274, 301-307, 339-358). 
 Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. ii. (1855) pp. 380-396. 
 Jost, Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Secten, vol. i. (1857) pp. 120- 
 
 128, 270-281. Comp, also pp. 403 ff., vol. ii. (1858) pp. 13 ff., 25 ff. 
 Geiger, Urschrift und lieber Setzungen der Bibel (1857), p. 114 ff. 
 Keil, Handbuch der bibl'schen Archäologie (2nd ed. 1875), pp. 714-717. 
 Leyrer, art. "Synedrium," in Herzog's Reed-Encycl., 1st ed. vol. xv. (1862) 
 
 pp. 315-325. 
 Langen, Das jüdische Synedrium und die römische Procuratur in Judüa {Tab. 
 
 Theo!. Quartalschr. 1862, pp. 411-463). 
 Grätz, Geschichte der Juden, vol. iii. (3rd ed. 1878) pp. 110 ff., 683-685. 
 De Wette, Lehrbuch der hebräisch-jüdischen Archäologie (4th ed. 1864), pp. 
 
 204-206. 
 Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel (3rd ed. 1864-1868), iv. 217 ff., v. 50, 
 
 vi. 697 ff, 
 Kuenen, Over de samenstelling van het Sanhedrin ( Verslagen en Mededeelingeu 
 
 der koninkl. Academic van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Deel 
 
 X., Amstertlam 1866, pp. 131-168). Comp, also. De Godsdienst van 
 
 Israel, ii. (1870) pp. 512-515. 
 Derenbourg, Histoire de la Pcdestine (1867), pp. 83-94, 465-468. 
 Giusburg, art. "Sanhedrim," in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature. 
 Hausrath, NeutestamentUche Zeitgeschichte, vol, 1. (2nd ed. 1873) pp. 
 
 63-72. 
 Wieseler, Beiträge zur richtigen Würdigung der Evangelien (1869), pp. 
 
 205-230. 
 Keim, Geschichte Jesu, iii. pp. 321 ff., 345 ff. 
 Wellhausen, Die Pharisäer und die Saddiicäer (1874), pp. 26-43. 
 Hollzmann, art. " Synedrinm," in Scheukel's Bibellexicon, v. 446-451. 
 Hoffmann (ü.), Der oberste Gericlitshof in der Stadt des Heiligthums {Progr. 
 
 des Rabbiner-Semlnares zu. Berlin für 1877-1878). Also bis Hie Präsi- 
 dentur im Synedrium (Magazin für die Wissensch. des Judenth. v. Jahrg. 
 
 1878, pp. 94-99). 
 Reuss, Geschichte der heil. Schriften Alten Testaments (1881), sees, ccclxxvi., 
 
 ccccxcv, 
 Hamburger, Real-Encyclopüdic für Bibel und Talmud, part 2, 1883, art. 
 
 " Synhedrion ; " also the articles " Nassi " and " Abbethdin." 
 Stopfer, Le Sanhedrin de Jerusalem cm pn-emier siecle {Revue de theohgieet ie 
 
 philosophic [LaiiFanne], 1884, pp. 105-119).
 
 § -Id. CONSTITUTIOX. III. SANIIEDIÜ.M. 1G5 
 
 1. Its liistonj. There is no evidence to show that, incviov.s 
 to the Gi^eek 23criod, there existed at Jerusalem an aristocratic 
 council claiming to exercise either supreme, or what was 
 substantially supreme, authority and jurisdiction over the 
 whole Jewish nation. It is true no doubt that Eabbinical 
 exegesis has sought to identify the Sanhedrim of later times 
 with the council of seventy elders that, at his own request, 
 had once been granted to Moses to assist him with its 
 advice (Num. xi. 16), and has, in consequence, assumed 
 that this same council continued without interruption from 
 the days of Moses down to Talmudic times. But during the 
 first thousand years of this period we find practically no trace 
 whatever of its existence. For the " elders " that are some- 
 times mentioned as being the representatives of the people 
 (for example in 1 Kings viii. 1, xx. 7 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 1 ; 
 Ezek. xiv. 1, xx. 1) did not constitute a regularly organized 
 court like the future Sanhedrim. Then again, the supreme 
 court at Jerusalem, the existence of which is presupposed in 
 the Deuteronomic legislation (Deut. xvii. 8 ff., xix. 16 ff.), and 
 the institution of which the author of Chronicles ascribes to 
 Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. xix. 8), was merely a court of justice 
 with functions of an exclusively judicial character, and not a 
 council governing, or at all events substantially governing, the 
 country as was the Sanhedrim of the Graeco-Eoman age.'*'^'^* 
 But further, it is, to say the least of it, uncertain whether any 
 such court as that of the Sanhedrim existed even in tlie 
 Persian era. No doubt, at that time, the munic'qxd Council 
 of Jerusalem formed the centre of the small Jewish common- 
 wealth very much as it did at a subsequent period. And 
 thus far we might be justified in understanding the "elders" 
 of the Book of Ezra (Ezra v. 5, 9, vi. 7, 14, x. 8), and the D^lin 
 and D'3Jp of the Book of Nehemiah (Neh. ii. 16, iv. 8, 13, 
 V. 7, vii. 5), as corresponding somewhat to the future Sanhe- 
 
 ■•^''a Such certainly is the way Joscphus conceives of the matter wlien, 
 following tlie analogy of a later order of things, he speaks of the court of 
 justice here referred to under the designation of -^ yipoixj.oe. (Aiitl. iv. 8. 41).
 
 166 § 23, CONSTITUTION. ni. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 drim. But judging from the whole way in which they are 
 mentioned, it is more probable that the various orders referred 
 to are regarded in their individual capacity and not as con- 
 stituting an organized body. In any case the existence of a 
 Jewish ^epovaia earlier than the Greek period cannot be 
 proved with any degree of certainty. The first occasion on 
 which it is mentioned, and that under this designation, is in 
 the time of Antiochus the Great (223-187 b.c.), so that it 
 must, of course, have been in existence as early as the time 
 of the Ptolemies.'*^* Now seeing that, in its desire for reform 
 everywhere and in everything, Hellenism had set itself to 
 reorganize political institutions as well, we are bound to 
 assume that, in all probability, it was just the new Greek 
 rulers who would give to the Jewish yepovala the form in 
 which it was met with at the period now in question, 
 whether that form were entirely an original one or whether 
 it were simply a reorganization of a similar court that 
 was already in existence under the Persian rule. From 
 the circumstance of the designation yepova-ca being applied to 
 it, it is clear that, unlike the majority of Greek councils, this 
 was not a democratic, but an aristocratic body.*'^^ This same 
 circumstance would seem i'urther to show that, so far as its 
 original institution is concerned, this court dates back to an 
 earlier period, and therefore to the time of the Persian rule. 
 As we may well conceive, its powers would be of a tolerably 
 large and extensive character. Por the Hellenistic kings had 
 conceded a great amount of internal freedom to municipal 
 communities, and were on the whole satisfied if the taxes 
 were duly paid and their own supremacy duly recognised. 
 At the head of the Jewish commonwealth, and therefore of 
 the yepovala as well, stood the hereditary high priest. It was 
 
 ■•51 Antt. xii. 3. 3. For this whole matter, comp. Kueiien's admirable 
 dissertation in the Verslagcu en Mcdedcelivgen der koninJcl. Akademie van 
 Wetenschappen, I.e. 
 
 455 ^ yipovai» is always an aristocratic bod}'. The Council of Spaita is 
 expi'essly described as such, and so too with regard to councils generally in 
 the Doric States. See Westermann in Pauly's lical-Enc. in. 849 f.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTIOX. III. SANHEDRIM. 167 
 
 this latter, in conjunction with the yepovaia over which he 
 presided, that practically regulated the whole internal affairs 
 of the nation. 
 
 After the Maccahaean insurrection the old liigh-priestly 
 dynasty was superseded, its place being now supplied by the 
 new Asrnonaean line of higii priests, which began with Simon, 
 and which was likewise a hereditary one. Then again the 
 old yepovaia must have been essentially revolutionized through 
 its being purged of every element in it suspected of Greek 
 sympathies and leanings. But the court itself still continued 
 to exist and exercise its functions along with and under the 
 Asrnonaean princes and high priests ; for even these latter 
 could not venture to go so far as entirely to discard the old 
 nobility of Jerusalem. Hence we find the 7e/)oi;o-/a mentioned 
 in the time of Judas (2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27; the 
 rrrpeaßvrepoi rov Xaov of 1 ]\Iacc. vii. 33 being also identi- 
 cally the same thing), of Jonathan (1 Mace. xii. 6: rj yepoua-ia 
 Tov edvov<i ; ibid. xi. 23: ol irpeaßvrt^poi 'laparfK; ibid. xii. 
 35 : oi irpeaßvTepoi rov Xaov) and of Simon (1 Mace. xiii. 
 36, xiv. 20, 28).*^^ Its existence is likewise presupposed 
 in the Book of Judith, which probably belongs to the period 
 now in question (Judith iv. 8, xi. 14, xv. 8). The assump- 
 tion of the title of king on the part of the Asrnonaean princes, 
 and above all the autocratic rule of an Alexander Jannaeus, 
 indicated no doubt an advance in the direction of a pure 
 monarchy. But, for all that, the old jepovarui still continued 
 to assert itself as much as ever. At least in the reign of 
 
 ■•'^ It is interesting io this connection to comijare 1 Mace. xii. G with 
 1 Mace. xiv. 20. The matter in hand is the correspondence between the 
 Jews and the Spartans. In the former of those pa.ssages (1 Mace. xii. 6 = 
 Joseph. Antl. xiii. 5. 8) the Jews as the senders of the comnumication style 
 themselves thus : 'luvddxv äp-^npiv; y.ctl r, yipova iu tov idvovg kxi oi itpiii 
 Kotl 6 "KoiTOi oil/no; Til)v 'lovoxioiv. In the reply of the Spartans the terms 
 of the address (1 Mace. xiv. 20) are as follows : ^ty-um itpu /^.iyä.'hu Kai 
 TO<ff vpsaßvTipotf Kxl Tolg icptvut kscI t^ Ao/tt^' tuv lovOatiuv. Observe (1) 
 that 5} yipovaioc and o/ -Trpiaßvnpoi are identically the same ; (2) that in both 
 instances the classification is of & fourfold character- Iligli priest, gorousia, 
 priests, people.
 
 168 § -23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 Alexandra we find tcov ^lovBaifov ol irpeaßvTepot expressly 
 mentioned {Äntt. xiii. 16. 5).^^'^ 
 
 It is true that, when a new order of things was introduced 
 by Pompey, the monarchy was aholished. But the high 
 priest still retained the 'rrpoaracTLa rov e6vov<; [Äntt. xx. 10), 
 and therefore it may be presumed that meanwhile the position 
 of the <yepova-La would remain essentially the same as before.^^^ 
 The existing arrangements however were rather more seriously 
 disturbed by Gabiuius (57-55 B.c.), when he divided the 
 whole of the Jewish territory into five avvoSot (Bell. Jud. i. 
 8. 5) or a-vveSpca {Äntt. xiv. 5. 4).*"^ Now, seeing that of 
 those five synedria three were allotted to Judaea proper (viz. 
 those of Jerusalem, Gazara and Jericho) it follows that the 
 jurisdiction of the council of Jerusalem, if it really retained 
 anything of its previous character at all, would extend only 
 to something like a third part of the province. But probably 
 that measure meant rather more than a mere limiting of 
 jurisdiction. For the five crvviBpca established by Gabinius 
 were not municipal councils, but — as indeed we might have 
 supposed from the fact that Josephus uses the term crvvoBot, 
 as a synonymous expression — genuine Roman conventus juri- 
 dici, " districts for judicial purposes," into which the Eomans 
 were in the habit of dividing every province.^^*' And, that 
 
 *^^ Similarly iu Tyre and Sidon, for example, there was a council asso- 
 ciated with the king in the direction of affairs. See Movers, Die Phönizier, 
 ii. 1 (1849), pp. 529-542. Kuhn, Die städtische und hürgerl. Verfassung, 
 ii. 117. 
 
 ■*fi8 In tjie Psalms of Solomon, which for the most part were composed 
 in the time of Pompey, the author is in the habit of apostrophizing as 
 follows any public person or party that he happens to dislike : iuxzi av 
 Kctd-fiocti ßißriy.i Iv avvilpiu (Ps. iv. 1). Now, as it is clear from the context 
 that by the term avAlpiou we are to understand a court, it is quite possible 
 that it is our yipovaicc that is here referred to. But, owing to the ambiguous 
 nature of the expression itself and the impossibility of fixing with greater 
 precision the date of the composition of the psalm, there is historically 
 but little to be gleaned from this passage. Any light that is to be thrown 
 upon it must be derived from what we already know regarding the existing 
 order of things. 
 
 *^3 On this comp, above, § 13. 
 
 ^^^ Comp. Marquardt's Kömische Staatsverwaltung, i, (1881), p. 501.
 
 §23. CONSTITUTION, III. SANTIEDKIM. 169 
 
 being the case, the measure in question must have been 
 neither more nor less than a stricter application to Judaea of 
 the Roman system of provincial government. As things now 
 stood the council of Jerusalem no longer exercised sole juris- 
 diction within the circuit to wliich it belonged, but only in 
 conjunction with the other communities within this same 
 district. The arrangements of Gabinius however continued 
 to subsist only somewhere about ten years. For they were 
 in turn superseded by the new system of things introduced 
 by Caesar (47 B.c.). This latter reappointed Hyrcanus II. to 
 his former office of iOvap^Vi of the Jews (see above, § 13); 
 while it is distinctly evident from a circumstance that occurred 
 about that time, that the jurisdiction of the council of Jeru- 
 salem once more extended to Galilee as well. The circum- 
 stance in question was the occasion on which Herod when a 
 youth was required to appear before the avvehpiov at Jerusalem 
 to answer for his doings in Galilee {Antt. xiv. 9. 3-5). Here 
 for the first time, as frequently afterwards, the council of 
 Jerusalem was designated by the term avvkhptov. As it is 
 unusual elsewhere to find this expression applied to civic 
 councils, such a use, in this instance, is somewhat strange, 
 but probably it is to be explained by the fact that the council 
 of Jerusalem was conceived of as being above all a court of 
 justice (n ^"'?). For it is in this sense that avveBpiov is 
 specially used in later Greek,'**'^ 
 
 Kuhn (Die städt. n. hiirgerl. Verf. ii. 336, 367) also regards tlic Synedria 
 of Gabinius as identical with the convenius juridici of the Romans. 
 
 *^^ Hesychius, Lex. (see word), defines awiopto» precisely by the term 
 ZiKecoTyipiov (a court of justice). In the Sept. version of Prov. xxii. 10 
 avvihpio» is given as the rendering of pi. Comp, also Psalms of Solomon 
 iv. 1. In the New Testament again avuilpix mean simply "courts of 
 justice" (Matt. x. 17; Mark xiii. 9); similarly in the Mishtia (see, in 
 particular, Sauhedrin i. 5, D''D3t;'i' nV"nn:D = courts for the tribes, and i. 6, 
 njDp p"nn3D = au inferior court of justice). Hence Steph. in his Tfie.t. 
 (see word) correctly observes: praecipuc ita vocatur consessus judicum. 
 It is true that, in itself, owiopiov is a very comprehensive ttrm and may be 
 applied to every " assembly " and every corporate body, even to the Roman 
 senate, for example (see in general, Stephanus, This., under word, and 
 Weotermaun in Pauly's Enc. vi. 2. 1535). It is but comparatively
 
 170 § 2;J. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 Herod the Great inaugurated his reign by ordering 
 the whole of the members of the Sanhedrim to be put 
 to death {Antt. xiv. 9. 4 : 7rdvTa<; äireKreive tov9 iv ru> 
 avvehpiw). Whether the Trofra? here is to be understood 
 quite literally may be left an open question. For, according 
 to another passage, Herod is represented as having ordered 
 the forty-five most prominent personages belonging to the 
 party of Antigonus to be put to death {Antt. xv. 1. 2 : 
 äireKreive Be reacrapÜKOvra irevre tou«? irpcorovi e/c rfjf 
 atpe(T€o)<i AvTLjovov). In any case the object of this pro- 
 ceeding was either to get rid entirely of the old nobility, who 
 had been somewhat hostile to his claims, or at all events so 
 to intimidate them as to ensure their acquiescence in the rule 
 of the new sovereign. It was of those then that were dis- 
 posed to be tractable — among whom also were a good many 
 Pharisees, who saw in Herod's despotic sway a well-merited 
 
 seldom however that it is used to denote civic councils, which as eveiy one 
 knows are mostly designated by the terms /3öt/?i^ and yipovaix. It is more 
 frequently employed to denote representative assemblies, composed of 
 deputies from various constituencies. And so we have, for example, the 
 avjiOfiiov of the Phoenicians which was usually convened in Tripolis (Diodor. 
 xvi. 41), the koivov awthpiov of ancient Lycia, which was composed of 
 representatives from twenty-three different towns (Strabo, xiv. 3. 3, p. 
 664 f.), and the awilpiov koivov of the province of Asia (Aristides, Orat. 
 xxvi., ed. Dindorf, vol. i. p. 531). Hence it Is too that avvioprji and 
 ßovTiivTXi are mentioned separately as constituting two different orders of 
 officials (see inscription at Balbura in Pisidia as given in Le Bas et Wad- 
 dington's Liscr. vol. iii. n. 1221). Moreover, the senatores of the four 
 Älacedonian districts, who, according to Livy, were called tjvi/ilpoi (Liv. 
 xiv. 32 : pronuntiatum, quod ad statum Macedoniae pertinebat, senatores, 
 quos synedros vocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio respublica administra- 
 retur), were not municipal councillors, but deputies representing an entire 
 j-eglo (see Marquardt's Staatsveru-altung, i. [1881] p. 317). Now as the 
 terra in question was first heard of in Judaea in the time of Gabinius, and 
 was thereafter currently applied to the council of Jerusalem as well, one 
 might be inclined to suppose that it had been introduced in this quarter 
 in connection with the Gabiüiau measures of reform, and that its use was 
 still retained even after a new order of things had been established (as I 
 have myself held, Riehra's Wörtcrh. p. 1596). But in presence of the 
 fact, that elsewhere too, even in Hebrew itself, the term is generally used 
 in the sense of a ''court of justice," this explanation, I fear, must be 
 abandoned as more ingenious than otherwise.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTIOX. III. SANHEDRIM. l7l 
 
 judgment of heaven — that the new Sanhedrim was now com- 
 posed. For there is express evidence that such an institution 
 existed in the time of Herod also, inasmuch as one can hardly 
 understand that the "assembly " (crvveSpiov) before which this 
 monarch successfully prosecuted his charge against the aged 
 Hyrcanus could be taken as referring to any other court than 
 our Sanhedrim (Antt. xv. 6. 2, fin.).'^^'' 
 
 After Herod's death Archelaus obtained only a portion of 
 his father's kingdom, viz. the provinces of Judaea and Samaria. 
 Kor can there be any doubt that, in consequence of this, tlie 
 jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim was at the same time restricted 
 to Judaea proper (comp, above, p. 142). This continued to 
 be the state of matters in the time of the inocurators as well. 
 But, under their administration, the internal government of 
 the country was to a greater extent in tlie hands of the 
 Sanhedrim than it had been during the reign of Herod and 
 Archelaus. Josephus distinctly intimates as much when he 
 informs us that, ever since the death of Herod and Archelaus, 
 the form of government was that of an aristocracy under the 
 supreme direction of the high priests.*^^ And accordingly he 
 regards the aristocratic council of Jerusalem as being now the 
 true governing body in contradistinction to the previous 
 monarchical rule of the Idumaean princes. So too in the 
 time of Christ and the apostles the crvveSpiov at Jerusalem 
 is frequently mentioned as being the supreme Jewish 
 court, above all, as being the supreme Jewish court 
 of justice (Matt. v. 22, xxvi. 59 ; Mark xiv. 55, xv. 1 ; 
 Luke xxii. 66 ; John xi. 47 ; Acts iv. 15, v. 21 ff., vi. 12 ff., 
 xxii. 30, xxiii. 1 ff., xxiv. 20). Sometimes again the terms 
 
 **- Comp, besides, Wieseler's Beilrüge zur richtigen Würdigung der 
 Evangelien, p. 215 f. 
 
 **' Antt. XX. 10, fin. : y,iTx ö; rriv tovtuv Tt'hiurii» xpirT'jKpxTi'ec fiiv v,u ^ 
 "T^of^mix, T^v "hi 'TrpooTxaixv tov 'iduav^ oi xp^^iep-i; tTiTriaTivvTb. Now. as 
 throughout the whole section it is high priests strictly so called that are in 
 view (and of wliom only one was iu office at a time), it follows that the 
 word xpxiipi'is is to be taken as the categorical i)lural, so that tlie meaning 
 would be : the -pooTxaix rov 'iduoui was in the hands of the high priest for 
 the time beinir.
 
 172 § 2.3. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 irpecrßvTepiov (Luke xxii. 66 ; Acts xxii. 5) and yepovaia 
 (Acts V. 21) are substituted for cwehptov!^^^ A member of this 
 court, viz. Joseph of Arimathea, is described in Mark xv. 43, 
 Luke xxiii. 50, as a ßovXevTijf. Josephus calls the supreme 
 court of Jerusalem a aweSpiov '^^^ or a ßovXrj,^^^ or he compre- 
 hends the court and people under the common designation 
 of TO Koivov}^'' While in the Mishna again the supreme 
 court of justice is called ^inan p^ iTa*«» or .\^ita Plv'?'?,'^^ like- 
 wise ins; n^vy^ ^^ riir"?!?,*'^ or merely PIC?'?-'^^^'' There can 
 be no question that, after the destruction of Jerusalem in the 
 year 70 A.D., the Sanhedrim was abolished, so far at least as 
 its existing form was concerned. The comparatively large 
 amount of self-government that had hitherto been granted to 
 the Jewish people could no longer be conceded to them after 
 
 ^^* A singular feature about the last-mentioned passage (Acts v. 21) is the 
 use of such a form of designation as : to awihpiov >cxl Trxa-xv rviv yip(,v<jlxv 
 tZiv vluv ^iGpa.ri'h. Now, seeing that there can be no question as to the 
 identity of the two conceptions avt/soptov and yspovat'ot, only one or other of 
 two things is possible, either the k»i is to be taken as explanatory, or we 
 must assume that the author of the Acts erroneously supposed that the 
 ovvelpiou was of a less comprehensive character than the yipovalx (" the 
 Sanhedrim and all the elders of the people together"). The latter is the 
 more natural alternative. 
 
 •*^^ Thus, in addilion to the passages already mentioned {Anit. xiv. 9. 
 3-5, XV. 6. 2, fin.), we might refer further to Antt. xx. 9. 1 ; Vita, 12, the 
 terms of the latter passage being: ro awthpiov ruv 'lipoao'hv^iTuy. It 
 may be questioned whether it is also the supreme Sanhedrim that is 
 intended in Antt. xx. 9. 6 ; comp. Wieseler's Beiträge, p. 217. 
 
 •*^^ Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 6 : rttli ts upxupih ««' t^i/ ßovT^'/iv. Bell. Jud. ii. 
 16. 2 : 'lov^otiuv 01 rs dpxtipi^S ä/xec rolg 'hvudTcTig x,ot,i ij /BijyX^; Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 17. 1. o'l Tr äpxouTis iccil 01 ßov'KiVTcti. Comp. Antt. XX. 1. 2; Bell. 
 Jud. V. 13. 1. The place of meeting is called ßov'hvt in Bell. Jud. v. 4. 2, 
 and ßov'hivrfipiov in Bell. Jud. vi. 6. 3. 
 
 *67 Vita, 12, 13, 38, 49, 52, 60, 65, 70. 
 
 ^^^ Sota i. 4, ix. 1 ; Gittin vi. 7 ; Sanhcdrin xi. 2. 4 ; Horajath i. 5, ßa. 
 In most of the passages the expression D\^ü'1~1^3Ci' is added. 
 
 ^69 Sanhedrin i. 6 ; Middoth v. 4 Just as the term pmnjD is borrowed 
 from the Greek, so on the Palmyra inscriptions we find the words K?13 
 
 4^0 Shebuoth ii. 2. 
 
 ^'Oa g^Jl^J^ ix. 11 . Kiddushin iv. 5 ; Sanlicdrin iv. 3 The term pmnjD 
 (in a variety of senses) is also of frequent occurrence, especially in the later 
 Targums. See Buxtorf 's Lex. col. 1513 f. Levy's Chald. Wörterh. under word.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 173 
 
 such <i serious rebelliou as had taken place. Hitherto, apart 
 from the short episode in the time of Gabinius, the Ifoman 
 system of provincial government had not been strictly carried 
 out in Judaea (see above, § 17^), but now that Palestine 
 was reduced to the position of a dependent Eoman province, 
 it was no longer exempted from the ordinary system of Eoman 
 provincial administration.''^^ From all this it followed, as 
 matter of course, that a Jewish council, invested with such 
 extensive powers as this one had hitherto exercised, could not 
 possibly continue any longer. It is true, no doubt, that the 
 Jewish people lost no time in again creating for themselves 
 a new centre in the so-called court of justice (H ^'?) at 
 Jabne.^'^ But this court was something essentially dilferent 
 from the old Sanhedrim, inasmuch as it was not a legislative 
 body, but a judicial tribunal, the decisions of which had at 
 first nothing more than a merely theoretical importance. 
 And although this court also came ere long to acquire great 
 power over the Jewish people through exercising over them a 
 real jurisdiction that was partly conceded and partly 
 usurped,^'^ still Eabbinical Judaism has evidently never been 
 able to get rid of the feeling that the old " Sanhedrim " had 
 now become a thing of the past.'*^'* 
 
 •*''i For the separation of Palestine from Syria and its elevation to the 
 rank of an independent province, consult Kuhn, Die städt. n. hiirf/erl. Vcrf. 
 ii. 183 f. Marquardt's StaahvcrwultaiKj, i. (2nd ed. 1881) p. 419 ff. 
 
 ■•'^ On this court at Jabne, see especially R<ish hashana ii. 8, 9, iv. 1, 2. 
 Sanhedrin xi. 4 ; also Bechoroth iv. 5, vi. 8 ; Kelim v. 4 ; Para vii. ü. At 
 a later period (in the third and fourth centuries) this centre of Rabbinical 
 Judaism was located at Tiberias. 
 
 ■»'3 Origcu, Epist. ad Africanum, sec. xiv. (0pp. ed. Lommatzsch, vol. 
 xvii.) : K.xl vvu yovv VufixUiv ßxTiyifvovray kccI ^Iovoxiudto oioox'^cufiv xvtoi; 
 Ti'Kwuruv.i '6(TX (tvyx,up'jVVTOi Kcctascpo; 6 idvecp-^yi; 'Trctp' xvroi; Ouhxtxi, u; 
 f/cr)hiu öixipipsiv ßxrTtÄiVoi/ro; rov eövov;, i'afcsv oi 'TZiTitpxyAuot. ViviTXi 3e 
 
 zm 6xv»ru, ovTi fAtrx. t^j t«i/t)7 tt; touto Trxppmixc, ovn furx tw yxvdx~ 
 ifStv rov ßxaty.ivovrx. Kesi toDto in t»5 x'^Pf '''<''' ^^"O"? "f^oy^vv Oixrot\l/Xuris 
 Xpövov y,iy,x6tjy.xuiv Kxl 'TTiv'Kyipoipopijf/.idx. 
 
 *^* Sota ix. 11 : '■^ Ever since the ,Satdiedrim was extinguished (r\^]22\l'ü 
 P"»in3D) there has been no such thin<>: as singing at the festive lioard, for 
 it is written in Isa. xxiv. ü : ' They shall not drink wine with a song,'" eta
 
 174 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 2. Its composition. In accordance with the analogy of the 
 later Eabbinical courts of justice, Jewish tradition conceives ot 
 the supreme Sanhedrim as having been merely a collegiate body 
 composed of scribes. This is what, down to the time of the 
 destruction of Jerusalem, it certainly never was. On the 
 contrary, it is certain, from the concurrent testimony of 
 Josephus and the N"ew Testament, that, till the very last, the 
 head of the sacerdotal aristocracy continued to preside over 
 the Sanhedrim. And so we see that all the vicissitudes 
 of time had not been able to efface that original fundamental 
 character of this court in virtue of which it was to be regarded 
 not as an association of learned men, but as a body representative 
 of the nobility. But, of course, it was not to be expected 
 that the power of Pharisaism should continue to grow as it did 
 without ultimately exerting some influence upon the compo- 
 sition of the Sanhedrim. The more the Pharisees grew in 
 importance the more did the priestly aristocracy become con- 
 vinced that they too would have to be allowed to have their 
 representatives in the Sanhedrim. The first step in this 
 direction would probably be taken some time during the reign 
 of Alexandra, and the matter would doubtless receive no 
 inconsiderable impetus in the time of Herod. For this 
 monarch's high-handed treatment of the old nobility could not 
 possibly have failed to promote the interests of Pharisaism. 
 The Sanhedrim of the Eoraan period then would thus seem 
 to have been made up of two factors : that of the priestly 
 nobility, with its Sadducaean sympathies on the one hand, 
 and that of the Pharisaic doctors on the other. It is moreover 
 in the light of this fact that the various matters recorded in 
 tlie traditions will require to be viewed. According to the 
 Mishna the number of members amounted to seventy-one, 
 clearly taking as its model the council of elders in the time 
 of Moses (Num. xi. 16).'*^^ From the two statements of 
 
 ^'■^ Sankedrin i. 6: ''The supreme Sanhedrim consisted of seventy-one 
 members." " The Sanhedrim of seventy-one" is also mentioned in Sheboth 
 i. 2. In several other passages we read of seventy-two elders (Sebachim
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 175 
 
 Josephus, the one in Aoiit. xiv. 9. 4 (where we are told tliat 
 Herod, on his accession to the throne, put to death all the 
 members of the Sanhedrim), and the other in Antt. xv. 1. 2 
 (where again we are informed tliat he put to death tlie forty- 
 five most prominent members of the party of Antigonus), one 
 might be disposed to infer that the numl)er of members was 
 forty-five. But the iravra^ in the first of those statements is 
 assuredly not intended to be taken literally. On the other 
 hand, we have a great deal that tends to bear out the view 
 that the number of members amounted to seventy-one. 
 When Josephus was planning the rising in Galilee he 
 appointed seventy elders to take charge of the administration 
 of this province.*'^ In like manner the zealots in Jerusalem, 
 after suppressing the existing authorities, established a 
 tribunal composed of seventy members.^'^ This then would 
 seem to have been regarded as the normal number of members 
 required to constitute a supreme court of justice among the 
 Jews. Consequently the traditions of the Mishna too are in 
 themselves perfectly probable. As to the mode in whicli 
 
 i. 3 ; Jadajhn iii. 5, iv. 2). But, as a rule, these are foreign to the matter 
 in hand. (In all the three passages last referred to R. Simon ben Asai 
 appeals to traditions, which he professes to have received "from the mouth 
 of the seventy-two elders on the day on which they ordained W. Eleasar 
 ben Asariah as head of the school." Here then the matter in view is not 
 the supreme Sanhedrim, but the academy of Jewish scholars in the second 
 century of our era. Comp, besides, Seiden, De synedrüs, ii. 4. 10.) Just 
 as little have we to do here with the supposed seventy-two translators of 
 the Old Testament (six from each of the twelve tribes) ; see Psendo- 
 Aristeas, ed. M. Schmidt in Merx's Archiv, i. 262 f. 
 
 ■'''' Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 5. When Kuenen (Verslar/en en Medcdi dingen, x. 
 161) seeks to invalidate tho appeal to this passage by pointing to the dis- 
 crepancy between it and what is said in Vita, 14, he may be met with the 
 reply that this latter passage has been purposely tampered with. The fact 
 of Josephus having nryanized the rising in Galilee through the appointment 
 of the seventy elders, has been so distorted in Vita, 14, as to make it 
 appear that, under the pretext of friendship, he took the most distinguished 
 of the Galilaeans " to the number of somewhere about seventy '' and kept 
 them as hostages, and allowed the judgments lie pronounced to be regulated 
 by their decisions. 
 
 *'^ Bell. Jud. iv. 5. 4. Comp, in general, Hody, De btblioriim tcxtihis 
 originulibus, pp. 126-128.
 
 176 23. CONSTITUTION, III, SANHEDRIM. 
 
 vacancies were filled up we know in reality absolutely 
 nothing. But, judging from the aristocratic character of this 
 body, we may venture to presume that there was not a 
 new set of members every year, and those elected by the 
 voice of the people, as in the case of the democratic councils in 
 the Hellenistic communes, but that they held office for a longer 
 period, nay perhaps for life, and that new members were ap- 
 pointed either by the existing members themselves or by the 
 supreme political authorities (Herod and the Eomans). The 
 supplying of vacancies through co-optation is also presupposed 
 in the Mishna, in so far as, after its own peculiar way no doubt, 
 it regards the amount of Rabbinical learning possessed by the 
 candidate as the sole test of his eligibility.^^® In any case we 
 may well believe that the one requirement of legal Judaism, 
 that none but Israelites of pure blood should be eligible 
 for the office of judge in a criminal court, would also be 
 insisted on in the case of the supreme Sanhedrim,*'® New 
 members were formally admitted to take their seats through 
 
 ^''^ SanJiedrin iv. 4: " In front of them sat three rows of learned disciples 
 (Q''?r3n "'T'D/n); each of them had his own special place. Should it be 
 necessary to promote one of them to the office of judge, one of those in the 
 foremost row was selected. His place was then supplied by one from the 
 second row, while one from the third was in turn advanced to the second. 
 This being done, some one was then chosen from the congregation to 
 supply the vacancy thus created in the third row. But the person so 
 appointed did not step directly into the place occupied by the one last 
 promoted from the third row, but into the place that beseemed one who 
 was only newly admitted." 
 
 *'^ That the Sanhedrim was composed exclusively of Jews is simply a 
 matter of course. But the Mishna specially insists on evidence of pure 
 blood in the case of the criminal fudge. SanJiedrin iv. 2 : " Any one is quali- 
 fied to act as a judge in civil causes. But none were competent to deal with 
 criminal cases but priests, Levites, and Israelites whose daughters it would he 
 laivful for priests to marry ''^ (i.e. those who can furnish documentary evi- 
 dence of their legitimate Israelitish origin, Derenbourg, p. 453 : les Israelites 
 pourvus des conditions necessaires pour contracter mariage avec le sacerdoce, 
 not as Geiger, Urschrift, p. 114, erroneously renders it: those who have 
 become allied by marriage to the stock of the priesthood). From this 
 then it would appear that the Mishna presupposes that, in the case of 
 every member of the Sanhedrim, his legitimate Israelitish descent is an 
 admitted fact requiring no further confirmation {Kiddushin iv. 5). As this 
 is a point in which the tendencies of the priesthood and Pharisaism coin-
 
 § 23. COXSTITUTIOX. III. SANHEDRIM. 177 
 
 the ceremony of the laying on of hands (nD"'Op).^s'' With 
 regard to the different orders to which the members of the 
 Sanhedrim belonged we have trustworthy information on 
 that point in the concurrent testimony of the New Testa- 
 ment and Josephus. Both authorities are agi'eed in this, that 
 the ap^iepeU in the literal sense of the word were the leading 
 personages among them. In almost every instance in which 
 the New Testament enumerates the different orders we find 
 that the ap^iepeU are mentioned first.*^^ Sometimes ol 
 ap^ovT€<i is substituted for this latter as being an inter- 
 changeable expression/^^ This is also the case in Josephus, 
 
 cided, it is, to say the least of it, probable that it was also given effect to in 
 jjractice. 
 
 *^'^ The verb tjoD (to lay on the hands) is already to be met with in the 
 Mishna in the sense of to install any one as a judge (Sanhedrin iv. 4). This 
 ceremony is therefore, comparatively speaking, a very ancient one, seeing 
 that it was also observed at a very early period in the Christian Church. 
 Of course the act of laying on of the hands was not to be understood as 
 conferring any special charisma, but (as in the case of the victim in the 
 Old Testament) as indicating that something was being transferred to the 
 individual in question, that an office, a place of authority, was being com- 
 mitted to him on the part of the person by whom the ceremony was per- 
 formed. On the later Rabbinical nS^DD, see Buxtorf's Lex. Chald. col. 
 1498 f. Seiden, De synedriis, ii. 7. Vitringa, De synagoga vetere, p. 836 ff. 
 Carpzov's Apparatus, p. 577 f. Jo. Chrph. Wolf, Curae pliilol. in Nov. 
 Test., note on Acts vi. 6, and the literature quoted there (being in general 
 expositors' notes on Acts vi. 6). Hamburger, Real-Encycl. für Bibel und 
 Talmud, part ii. art. " Ordinirung." 
 
 *^^ The following are the formulae that are to be met with : — I. dpxnpsJs, 
 ypxf^f<.»Ttt; and Trptaßvnpoi (or with the two latter in reverse order), Matt, 
 xxviii. 41 ; Mark xi. 27, xiv. 43, 53, xv. 1. — II. äp^tepst; and ypxf^fixni;, 
 Matt. ii. 4, xx. 18, xxi. 15 ; Mark x. 33, xi. 18, xiv. 1, xv. 31 ; Luke xxii. 
 2, 66, xxiii. 10. — III. üpx'spsi; and -Trpiaßvnpoi, Matt. xxi. 23, xxvi. 3, 47, 
 xxvii. 1, 3, 12, 20, xxviii. 11, 12; Acts iv. 23, xxiii. 14, xxv. 15.— IV. oj 
 ccpxupu; Keel to avvihptov oMv, Matt. xxvi. 59 ; Mark xiv. 55 ; Acts xxii. 30. 
 As a rule then, the »pxispsis occupy the foremost place. The instances in 
 which they are not mentioned first (Matt. xvi. 21 ; Mark via. 31 ; Luke 
 ix. 22, XX. 19), or are omitted altogether (Matt. xxvi. 57 ; Ac^s vi. 12), are 
 extremely rare. 
 
 *^' See in particular. Acts ix. 5 and 8 (öipxos'Ti;, z-pia^i^ipot and 
 -/pottcfAXTÜg) compared with iv. 23 {dp-^np^U and -^piaßvTipoi). Of course 
 there are a couple of instances in which both o/ »px,iipiis kxI oi dipx'Jtmt 
 occur together (Luke xxiii. 13, xxiv. 20). 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. M
 
 178 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 above all, who designates the supreme authorities in Jeru- 
 salem cither by conjoining the ap'x^iepei'i with the Bwarot^^ 
 the yvoopifioi'; and the ßovX^,'^^^ or by substituting ap^ovTe<i 
 for dp)(iepec<>,'^^^ but never by coupling the two together at the 
 same time. On the other hand, the ap^cepet'i often stand 
 alone as being the leading personages in the Sanhedrim.^^^ 
 And however difficult it may now be further to determine 
 the exact significance of this term (on this see below, under 
 No. iv.), there can, at all events, be no doubt whatever that 
 it is the most prominent representatives of the priesthood 
 that are here in view. We are tlierefore to understand that 
 it was always this class that played a leading part in the 
 conduct of affiiirs. But it is certain that, along with them, 
 the ypafjLfMarel'i, the professional lawyers, also exercised con- 
 siderable influence in the Sanhedrim. Such other members 
 as did not belong to one or other of the two special classes 
 just referred to were known simply as irpeaßvTepoi, under 
 which general designation both priests and laymen alike 
 might be included (for the two categories in question, see the 
 passages in the New Testament quoted in note 481). Now, 
 as the ap'^cepeU belonged chiefly if not exclusively to the 
 party of the Sadducees, while the 'ypafx/iaT€i<;, on the other 
 hand, adhered not less strongly to the sect of the Pharisees,^^^ 
 it follows from all that we have just been saying that Saddu- 
 cees and Pharisees alike had seats in the Sanhedrim (especially 
 during the Eomano-Herodian period with regard to which 
 
 ^^^ Bell. Jud. ii. 14. 8: o'i ts dp^npil^ kxI ovi/arol to n "/vupif^u-otToy 
 rvi; -TTohioK. Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 2 : oi Ovi/oirol avu roig »px^P-^ai. Bell. Jud. 
 ii. 15. 3 : rove re eipxi-p-^i c^'i' to7; yvapi^oi^. Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 6: toi^j ts 
 ccp'Xiisp ilg Kul rviv ßov'hyiu. Bell. Jud. ii. 16. 2: o7 ti dpx'ip-^S oificc zoi; 
 Ivuxrol; Kxi ij ßovT'.'/j. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 2: ruv ts ecpx'-pi^" *««' tw» 
 •■/•jo)pif/.oiv. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. o : oi ovvxroi tois dpy^apivaiv x,xl rolg tuu 
 il^ccptaxiuv yuapi/aotg. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 5: oi 'hvvoirol ai/u rotg »pxupiiai- 
 Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 6 : ruu tvjxruv koÜ tuv « jO ;)(; / s p e « j/. 
 
 ^^* Bell. Jud. ii. 16. 1 : oi -ruv ' \ip(juohv(/.uv eLpx^vTig. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 1: 
 o'i n öipxofTs; Kxl oi ßovf\ivTxi. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 1 : rovg äp)^ovrxi «,^4« 
 Tol; ^vvetTOit:. Bell. Jud. ii. 21. 7: oi ^vjxtoI kxI tZiu xpxövruu riuig 
 
 *85 For example, Bell. Jud. ii. 15. 3, 4, IG. 3, v. 1. 5, vi. 9. 3. 
 
 **« Acts V. 17. Joscpli. Antt. XX. 0. 1.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDEIM. l79 
 
 alone can we be said to have any precise information). This 
 is further corroborated by the express testimony of the New 
 Testament and Josephus.^^' During the period in question 
 the greatest amount of influence was already practically in 
 the hands of the Pharisees, with whose demands the Sadducees 
 were obliged, however reluctantly, to comply, " as otherwise 
 the people would not have tolerated them." *^^ This remark 
 of Josephus gives us a deep insight into the actual position 
 of matters, from which it would seem, that though formally 
 under the leadership of the Sadducaean high priests, the San- 
 hedrim was by this time 'practically under the predominant 
 influence of Pharisaisra.*^^ 
 
 There is a casual notice in Josephus which may perhaps 
 be taken as pointing to the existence of an arrangement 
 peculiar to the Hellenistico-Ptoman period. On one occasion 
 when certain differences had arisen between the Jewish 
 authorities and Festus the procurator about some alteration 
 in the temple buildings, it appears that, with tlie concurrence 
 of Festus, the Jews sent " the ten foremost persons among 
 them and the high priest Ismael and the treasurer Helkias " 
 as a deputation to Nero {Antt. xx. 8. 11 : Tov<i irpcoTov^ BeKa 
 KOi ^lafidrjXov rbv ap^iepea Kal 'EXuiav tov 'ya^o(pvXaKa). 
 Now, if by the Trpwroc BeKa liere we are to understand not 
 merely the ten most distinguished persons generally, but men 
 holding a specific official position, then we are bound to 
 assume that they were no other than the committer consisting 
 
 *87 The Sadducees, Acts iv. 1 ff., v. 17, xxiii. 6; Joseph. Antt. x.\. 0. 1. 
 The Pharisees, Acts v. 34, xxiii. 6. Comp. Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 3; 
 Vita, 38, 39. 
 
 ■*88 jlritt. xviii. 1. 4: oVoVs y«/> Icr' cipx,ei: Trupi'kdotii/, ukovuiu; f<.iv kuI 
 kut' ecvdiyKX;, -Trpoay^upovat V oiiv oi; 6 <l^ccpt(TXio; Xsys/, 3/a to /avi Siv cc>k7.u; 
 
 489 Fi'oai what is here said the combiuation of the ecp^'ip^h and 
 (^xpiauhi, so frequently met with in the New Testament (Matt. xxi. 45, 
 xxvii. 62 ; John vii. 32, 45, xi. 47, 57, xviii. 3), is quite in keeping with 
 the actual state of things. A similar collocation is also to be met with 
 in Josephus, 5eZ/. /«rf. ii. 17. 3 : avvi'h66u-s ; ovv oi ^vvxzoi to?? olppcispsutnu 
 ti{ TotvTo Kxl TO?? riiv <]? ot. p I <T X l u V yvup tftoi;. Comp, also, ]'ita, 38, 39.
 
 180 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 of the heKa irpwroi so often to be met with in the 
 Hellenistic communes, and which can also be clearly shown 
 to have had a place for example in the constitution estab- 
 lished by Tiberias (see above, note 395). We are thus 
 furnished with characteristic evidence of the extent to 
 which Jewish and Hellenistico-Eoman influences had become 
 intertwined with each other in the organization of the Sanhe- 
 drim at the period in question. 
 
 As to who it was that acted as president of the Sanhedrim, 
 this is a question in regard to which even Christian scholars 
 down to most recent times and founding upon Jewish tradi- 
 tion, have entertained the most erroneous views conceivable. 
 The later Jewish tradition, which as a rule regards the 
 Sanhedrim in the light of a mere college of scribes, expressly 
 presupposes that the heads of the Pharisaic schools were also 
 the regular presidents of the Sanhedrim as well. Those heads 
 of the schools are enumerated in the Mishna tractate Ahoth 
 c. i., and that with reference to earlier times, say from the 
 middle of the second century B.C. till about the time of 
 Christ, and are mentioned in pairs (see below, § 25); 
 and it is asserted, though not in the tractate Aboth, yet in 
 another passage in the Mishna, that the^rs^ of every pair 
 had been Hasi (^*''^^), while the second had been Ab-heth-din 
 (p^ n''3 3N), i.e. according to later usage in regard to those 
 titles : president and vice-president of the Sanhedrim,^^*^ 
 Further, the heads of the schools that come after the " pairs '' 
 just referred to, especially Gamaliel I. and his son Simon, are 
 represented by the later traditions as having been presidents 
 
 ^S" Chagiga ii. 2 : " Jose beu Joeser affirms that there should be no 
 layiDg on of hands in the case of festival sacrifices, while Jose ben 
 Jochanan says that it is quite permissible. Josua ben Perachja decided in 
 the negative, Nittai (or Mattai) of Arbela in the affirmative. Juda ben 
 Tabbai in the negative, Simon ben Schetach in the affirmative. Schemaja 
 in the affirmative, Abtaljon in the negative. Hillel and Menachem were 
 at one in their opinion ; when Menachem withdrew and Schammai entered, 
 Schammai pronounced in the negative, Hillel in the affirmative. Of those 
 men the first of each pair was always a president and the second a supreme 
 
 judge (pn rr-^ n^as nn^j d''3C>i n'i^'^: vn □"jicrs-in)."
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 181 
 
 of the Sanhedrim. In all this however there is, of course, 
 nothing that is of any historical value.*^^ On the contrary, 
 according to the unanimous testimony of Josephus and the 
 New Testament, it was alwa3^s the high priest that acted as 
 the head and president of the Sanhedrim. Speaking gene- 
 rally, we may say that this is only what was to be expected 
 from the nature of the case itself. Ever since the commence- 
 ment of the Greek period the high priest had uniformly 
 acted as head of the nation as well. In like manner the 
 Asmonaeans had also been high priests and princes, nay even 
 kings at one and the same time. With regard to the Eoman 
 period, we have the express testimony of Josephus to the 
 effect that the high priests were also the political heads of 
 the nation (Antt. xx. 10,ß)i.: Trjv irpoaraalav rov eOvov; ol 
 ap^cepeU eireirlaTevvro). In his theoretical descriptions of 
 the Jewish constitution this historian invariably speaks of the 
 high priest as having been the siii^rcme judge (Apmi, ii. 23: 
 the high priest (pvXd^et tov<; vcfiov<;, BiKcicrec irepl rwv afif^ia-ßr}- 
 rov/jbivwv, KoXdaei tou? i\,e<y)(devTa<i kir ahUtp; Antt. iv. 8. 14: 
 Moses is said to have ordained that, if the local courts were 
 unable to decide a case, the parties were to go to Jerusalem, 
 Ka\ crvvekdövre^ 6 re dp'^iepev^ Kal 6 7rpo(j>7]rr)(; Kal ?) yepovai'a to 
 hoKovv aTTocpaiveaOcoa-av). Even from what is here stated we 
 are required to assume that the high priest acted the part of 
 president in the Sanhedrim. But, besides this, we have 
 testimony of the most explicit kind to the same effect. In 
 a document of so early a date as the national decree declaring 
 the combined office of high priest and sovereign to be vested 
 by right of inheritance in the family of Simon the Maccabaean, 
 it was ordained that nobody was to be allowed " to contradict 
 his (Simon's) orders, or to convene an assembly in any part 
 
 *** Comp. Kuenen as above, pp. 141-147 ; my article iu the Stud. u. 
 Krit. 1872, pp. 614-619. AVellliausen's Pharmier iiml S(i(l<liicüer, pp. 29-43. 
 Of the works belonging to an earlier date we would mention, in particular, 
 Meuschen, Nov. Test, ex Talmufk ilhistratiuii, p. 1184 f., where tiie fact is 
 already recognised that the high priest always acted as president of the 
 Sanhedrim.
 
 182 § 2.3. CONSTITUTION, III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 of the country without his knowledge or consent." *^^ In 
 the few instances in which Josephus mentions the sittings of 
 the Sanhedrim at all, we invariably find that the high priest 
 occupied the position of president. Thus in the year 47 B.c. 
 it was Hyrcanus 11.,^^^ and in the year 62 a.D. it was 
 Ananos the younger.*^* Similarly in the New Testament, it is 
 always the ap'^iepev'^ that appears as the presiding personage 
 (Acts V. 17 ff, vii. 1, ix. 1, 2, xxii. 5, xxiii. 2, 4, xxiv. l).*^'^ 
 Wherever names are mentioned we find that it is the high 
 priest for the time being that officiates as president. Thus 
 we have Caiaphas in the time of Christ (Matt. xxvi. 3, 57), 
 and Ananias in the time of the Apostle Paul (Acts xxiii. 2, 
 xxiv. 1), both of whom, as we learn from Josephus, were the 
 high priests actually in office at the dates in question. The 
 trial of Jesus before Annas (John xviii.) cannot be regarded 
 as in any way disproving this view. For there it was merely 
 a question of private examination. As little can we la}' any 
 stress on the fact that Ananos (or Annas) the younger is 
 represented as being at the head of affairs ^^^ in the time of 
 the war, and that long after he had been deposed.^^^ For the 
 circumstance of his occupying that position then was due to 
 the fact of a special decree of the people having been issued 
 at the time at which the revolution broke out.*^ The only 
 passage that might be urged in opposition to our view is Acts 
 iv. 6, where Annas (who was only an ex-high priest) is repre- 
 sented as being the president of the Sanhedrim, But this 
 passage is very much in the same position as the parallel one, 
 Luke iii. 2. In both Annas is mentioned before Caiaphas in 
 such a way as might lead one to suppose that the former was 
 
 *82 1 Mace. xiv. 44 : «.VTinnh rols v-^i ecvzov öndviaofiivoi; xxl i7riavaTpi\pxi 
 avarpo^pviu lu Tfi ycupix, ä.'Jiv cclzuxt. 
 
 ^93 Ann. xiV. 9. 3-5. ^^* Anlt. xx. 9. 1. 
 
 *95 lu answer to the strange view of Wieseler, that the president of the 
 Sanhedrim merely as such, even though he were not a high priest, bore the 
 title of dpxtip'.v;, see Stud. n. Krit. 1872, pp. 623-631. 
 
 *96 Antt. XX. 9. 1. 
 
 *97 Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 3, 22. 1, iv. 3. 7-5. 2 ; Vita, 38, 39, 44, 60. 
 
 «8 Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 3.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION, III. SANHEDRIM. 183 
 
 the high priest actually in office, though in point of fact this 
 was certainly not the case. If therefore we are not at 
 liberty to infer from Luke iii. 2 that Annas was still in office 
 as high priest, as little can we conclude from Acts iv. 6 that 
 he was president of the Sanhedrim, which would be incom- 
 patible with Matt. xxvi. 57-66. We should prefer to explain 
 the matter by saying that, in both cases, there is some 
 inaccuracy about the narrative. That the persons who are 
 mentioned in the Rabbinical traditions were not presidents ot 
 the Sanhedrim is further evident from the fact that, wherever 
 those same individuals happen to be mentioned in the New 
 Testament or by Josephus, they always appear merely as 
 ordinary members of the court. Thus Shemaiah (Sameas) in 
 the time of Hyrcanus 11.,^^ Gamaliel I. in the time of the 
 apostles (Acts v. 34, comp. ver. 27), and Simon ben 
 Gamaliel in the time of the Jewish war.®^ 
 
 The Jewish tradition in question is therefore at variance 
 with the whole of the undoubted historical facts. Not only 
 so, but it is itself only of a very late origin, and probably does 
 not belong to so early a period as the age of the Mishna. 
 The one solitary passage in the Mishna in which it occurs 
 {Chagiga ii. 2) stands there in perfect isolation. Everywhere 
 else in this work the heads of the schools above mentioned 
 are spoken of simply as heads of schools and nothing more. 
 Consequently it is extremely probable that the passage in 
 question did not find its way into the text of the Mishna till 
 some subsequent period.^^ Then again, it may be affirmed, 
 unless we have been deceived on all hands, that the titles 
 Nasi and Ah-heih-din as applied to the president and vice- 
 president of the Sanhedrim are foreign as yet to the age of 
 the Mishna. It is true both those terms are to be met with 
 
 <99 Autt. xiv. 9. 3-5. 
 
 ^^ Vita, 38, :!9. 
 
 ^^^ Later interpolations in the text of the Mishna may also be detected 
 elsewhere, for example at Aboth \.'1\. Of course the pas.sagc C/iagir/d ii. 2 
 already occurs in the Jerusalem Talmud, and so must be older at least than 
 this latter.
 
 184 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 in this work.^"^ But by Nasi it is always the actual prince 
 of the nation, specially the Icing, that is meant, as indeed, is 
 on one occasion expressly affirmed,^^'' while the Ab-heth-din 
 again, if we may judge from its literal import, can hardly 
 have been intended to mean anything else than the president 
 of the supreme court of justice (and therefore of the Sanhe- 
 drim). Besides this latter title, we sometimes meet with that 
 of Bosh-beth-din, and with precisely the same meaning.^^* It 
 was not till the post-Mishnic age that the titles Nasi and 
 Ab-hdh-din were, so to speak, reduced a step by being trans- 
 ferred to the president and vice - president respectively .*°^ 
 Finally, the so-called ^^^Siö, wlio, on the strengtli of a few 
 passages in the Talmud is also frequently mentioned by 
 Jewish and Christian scholars as having been a special 
 functionary of the court, was not so at all, but simply the 
 most " prominent " of its ordinary members, i.e. the one who 
 was most learned in the law.^^ 
 
 As regards the time of Christ it may be held as certain, 
 from all that has just been said, that the office of president 
 was always occupied by the high priest for the time being, 
 and that too in virtue of his being such. 
 
 3. Its jurisdiction. As regards the area over which the 
 
 502 j^i^3^ Taanith ii. 1 ; Nedarim v. 5 ; Horajotli ii. 5-7, iii. 1-3 and 
 elsewhere. Ji^ n''2 nX) Taanith ii. 1 ; Edujoth v. 6. 
 
 50S Horajoth iii. 3. 
 
 ^"* Rosh hashana ii. 7, iv. 4. 
 
 305 The first Rabbinical president of the Sanhedrim to whom the title Nasi 
 is applied is R. Judah, the redactor of the Mishna, at the end of the second 
 century of our era {Aboth ii. 2). Of the Rabbins tbat occupied this position 
 previous to R. Judah, there is not one that is known as yet under the 
 designation of Nasi (apart from Chagiga ii. 2). We may assume therefore 
 that the title did not come into use till toward the close of the Mishnic 
 age. 
 
 soGThe expression pi ri''3 b^ X^SIO occurs only once in the Mishna, HorO' 
 joth 1. 4. In that passage directions are given as to what is to be done in the 
 event of the court having arrived at an erroneous decision in the absence 
 of the pi ri"'3 h^ N^DIO, i-6- the most distinguished, most eminent member 
 of the collegium. For the meaning of N7S1D, comp. Buxtorf's Lex. col. 
 1729 f. Levy's Neuhehr. Wörterb. under word.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 185 
 
 jurisdiction of the supreme Sanhedrim extended, it lias been 
 already remarked above (p. 142) that its civil authority was 
 restricted, in the time of Christ, to the eleven toparchies of 
 Judaea proper. And accordingly, for this reason, it had no 
 judicial authority over Jesus Christ so long as He remained 
 in Galilee. It was only as soon as He entered Judaea that He 
 came directly under its jurisdiction. In a certain sense, no 
 doubt, the Sanhedrim exercised such jurisdiction over every 
 Jewish community in the world, and in that sense over 
 Galilee as well. Its orders were regarded as binding through- 
 out the entire domain of orthodox Judaism. It had power, 
 for example, to issue warrants to the congregations (syna- 
 gogues) in Damascus for the apprehension of the Christians in 
 that quarter (Acts ix. 2, xxii. 5, xxvi. 12). At the same 
 time however the extent to which the Jewish communities 
 were willing to yield obedience to the orders of the Sanhe- 
 drim always depended on how far they were favourably 
 disposed toward it. It was only within the limits of Judaea 
 proper that it exercised any direct authority. There could 
 not possibly be a more erroneous way of defining the extent 
 of its jurisdiction as regards the kind of causes with which it 
 was competent to deal than to say that it was the spiritual or 
 theological tribunal in contradistinction to the civil judicatories 
 of the Romans. On the contrary, it would be more correct to 
 say that it formed, in contrast to the foreign authority of 
 itome, that supreme 7iativc court which here, as almost every- 
 where else, the Eomans had allowed to continue as before, 
 only imposing certain restrictions with regard to competency. 
 To this tribunal then belonged all those judicial matters and 
 all those measures of an administrative character which either 
 could not be competently dealt with by the inferior local courts 
 or which the Eoman procurator had not specially reserved 
 for himself. The Sanhedrim was, above all, the final court of 
 appeal for questions connected with the Mosaic law, but not 
 in the sense that it was open to any one to appeal to it 
 against the decisions of the inferior courts, but rather in so far
 
 186 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 as it was called upon to intervene in every case in wliicli the 
 lower courts could not agree as to their judgment.^*"^ And 
 when once it had given a decision in any case the judges of 
 the local courts were, on pain of death, bound to acquiesce in 
 it.^"* In the theoretical speculations of the scribes we find 
 the following specially laid down as cases which are to belong 
 to the jurisdiction of the supreme court of justice : " A tribe 
 (charged with idolatry), or a false prophet, or a high priest is 
 only to be tried before the court of the seventy- one. A 
 voluntary war is only to be commenced after the decision of 
 the court of the seventy-one has been given regarding it. 
 Tliere is to be no enlargement of the city (Jerusalem or the 
 courts of the temple) till after the court of the seventy-one 
 has decided the matter. Superior courts for the tribes are 
 only to be instituted when sanctioned by the court of the 
 seventy- one. A town that has been seduced into idolatry is 
 only to be dealt with by the court of the seventy- on e."***^ 
 Accordingly the high priest might be tried by the Sanhe- 
 drim,^^" though the king, on the other hand, was as little 
 amenable to its authority as he was at liberty to become one 
 of its members.^" At the same time it is not difficult to 
 perceive that all the regulations just referred to have the air 
 of being of a purely theoretical character, that they do not 
 represent the actual state of things, but merely the devout 
 imaoinations of the Mishnic doctors. The facts to be "leaned 
 from the pages of the New Testament are of a somewhat more 
 valuable character. "VVe know, as matter of fact, that Jesus 
 appeared before the Sanhedrim charged with blasphemy (Matt, 
 xxvi. 65; John xix. 7), and that, before this same tribunal, 
 Peter and John were brought up charged with being false 
 prophets and deceivers of the people (Acts iv. and v.), Stephen 
 
 »"^ Amt. iv. 8. li^ßn.; Sanhedrin xi. 2 (see the passage as quoted above, 
 p. 142). ^"^ Sanhedrin xi. 2. 
 
 ^"3 Sanhedrin i. 5. Comp. Sanhedrin ii. 4 : ''If the king is disposed to 
 enter upon an unprovoked war, he is at liberty to do so only after the 
 decision of the comicil of the seventy-one has been given." 
 
 ^^'^ See also Sanhedrin i. 1. *^^ Sanhedrin ii. 2.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDKIM. 1S7 
 
 with being a blasphemer (Acts vi. 13 ff.), and Paul witli 
 being guilty of transgressing the Mosaic law (xVcts x.xiii.).^" 
 
 There is a special interest attaching to the question as to 
 how far the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim was limited by the 
 authority of the Eoman procurator.*^^ We accordingly pro- 
 ceed to observe that, inasmuch as the Eoman system of pro- 
 vincial government was not strictly carried out in the case of 
 Judaea (see above, § 17°), as the simple fact of its being 
 administered by means of a procurator plainly sliows, the San- 
 hedrim Avas still left in the enjoyment of a comparatively high 
 degree of independence. Not only did it exercise civil juris- 
 diction, and that according to Jcmish law (which was only a 
 matter of course, as otherwise a Jewish court of justice would 
 have been simply inconceivable), but it also enjoyed a con- 
 siderable amount of criminal jurisdiction as well. It had an 
 independent authority in regard to police affairs, and conse- 
 quently possessed the right of ordering arrests to be made by 
 its own officers (Matt. xxvi. 47 ; Mark xiv. 43 ; Acts iv. 3, 
 V. 17, 18).*" It had also the power of finally disposing, on 
 
 ^'2 The series of cases being the Siimo as in Winer's Realworterh. iL 552. 
 
 *^' On this point, comp. Bynaeus, Dc morte Jesu Christi, iii. 1. 9-14. 
 Deyling, De Judaeorum jure fjlaJii tempore Christi, adJohn xviii. 31 (Obscrva- 
 tiones sacrae, part iL 1737, pp. 414-428 ; also in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. 
 xxvi.). Iken, De jure vitae et necis tempore mortis Servatoris apud Judaeos 
 non amplius superstite ad John xviii. 31 (in his Dissertatt. philol.-theol. ii. 
 517-572). A. Balth. v. AValther, Juristisch-historische Betrachtuiujcn ueber 
 die Geschichte vom Leiden und Sterben Jesu Christi, etc., Breslau 1777, pp. 
 142-168 (this latter work I know only through the quotation from it iu 
 Liicke's Commtntar uebcr das Er. Joh., ii. 7oG ; for more of the earlier 
 literature, see Wolf's Curae philol. in Nov. Test., note on John xviii. 31). 
 Winer's Realwörterb. ii. 553. Leyrer in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st cd. vol. xv. 
 320-322. Dbllinger's Christcnlhum und Kirche in der Zeit der Grundlegung 
 (2nd ed. 1868), pp. 456-460. Lanj^en in the Tub. Theol. Quartabchr. 1862, 
 pp. 411-463. On the judicial arrangements in the Roman provinces 
 generally see Geib, Geschichte des römischen Criminalprocesses (1842), 
 pp. 471-486. Rudorflf, Römische Rcchtsgeschichte, vol. ii., especially pp. 12 
 and 345. 
 
 5'* According to Matt. xxvi. 47, Mark xiv. 43, it was by the Jewish police 
 that Jesus was arrested. It is only iu the fourth Go.-pel that it seems to be 
 implied that it was a lloman tribune (officer) with Ids cohort that appre- 
 hended Jesus (John xviii. 3 and 1 2).
 
 188 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 its own authority, of such cases as did not involve sentence of 
 death (Acts iv. 5-23, v. 21-40). It was only in cases in 
 which such sentence of death was pronounced that the judg- 
 ment required to be ratified by the authority of the procurator. 
 Not only is this expressly affirmed with regard to the Jews in 
 the Gospel of John (xviii, 31 . rjfiiv ovk e^ecmv airoKTeivai 
 ovheva), but it follows as matter of certainty, from the 
 account of the condemnation of Jesus as given by the Synop- 
 tists. Besides, a reminiscence of this fact has survived in 
 the Jewish traditions.^'^ But it is at the same time a fact 
 worthy of note, that the procurator regulated his judgment in 
 accordance with Jeivish law ; only on this assumption could 
 Pilate have pronounced sentence of death in the case of Jesus. 
 It is true the procurator was not compelled to have any regard 
 to Jewish law in the matter at all, but still he was at liberty 
 to do so, and as a rule he actually did so. There was one special 
 offence in regard to which the Jews had heen accorded the singu- 
 lar privilege of proceeding even against Boman citizens according 
 to Jewish law. For if on any occasion one who was not a 
 Jew happened to pass the barrier at the temple in Jerusalem, 
 beyond which only Jews could go, and thus intrude into the 
 inner court, he was punished with death, and that even though 
 he were a Eoman.^'^ Of course, even in this latter case, it 
 was necessary that the sentence of the Jewish court should 
 be confirmed by the Eoman procurator. For we can hardly 
 
 5'5 Jer. Sanliedrin i. 1 (fol. 18^^) and vii. 2 (fol. 24b) : «The right of pro- 
 nouncing sentences of hfe or death was taken from Israel (""jn 1^t3''3 
 1'{<"1C'"'D mtJ'DJ) forty years before the destruction of the temple." The 
 date of the withdrawal here given is, of course, worthless, for it may be 
 assumed as certain that this did not merely occur for the first time when 
 Pilate was procurator, but that in fact no such right could be said to have 
 belonged to the Jews ever since Judaea came to be under procurators at all. 
 
 •''^ Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 4 : Titus puts to the besieged the following question : 
 Did we not grant you permission to put to death any one who went beyond 
 the barrier, even tlwugh he icere a Roman? (ov^ v/^ih ^s TOt^c vTrepßxvrx; Vjx7» 
 ec'juiptiu STreTpi-ipxccii/, x,xti 'Vu[^»iuu rig fi;). On this comp, also § 24, 
 below. The subjecting of Roman citizens to the laws of a foreign city is 
 an extraordinary concession, which, as a rule, was made only in the case 
 of those communities which were recognised as Uherae. See Khun, Die
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDEIM. 189 
 
 venture to infer, from the terms used by Joseplius in speaking 
 of this matter, that in this special instance, though in this 
 alone, the Jews had an absolute right to carry out the capital 
 sentence on their own authority. Nor would we be justified 
 in drawing any such inference from the stoning of Stephen 
 (Acts vii. 5 ff.). This latter is rather to be regarded either 
 as a case of excess of jurisdiction, or as an act of irregular 
 mob-justice. Still, on the other hand, it would be a mistake 
 to assume, as a statement in Josephus might seem to warrant 
 us in doing, that the Sanhedrim was not at liberty to meet at 
 all without the consent of the procurator.^^^ But all that is 
 meant by the statement in question is that the high priest 
 liad no right to hold a court of supreme jurisdiction in the 
 absence and without the consent of the procurator. As little 
 are we to assume that the Jewish authorities were required 
 to hand over every offender in the first instance to the pro- 
 curator. This they no doubt did if at any time it seemed to 
 them to be expedient to do so,*^* but that does not necessarily 
 imply that they were bound to do it. We see then that the 
 Sanhedrim had been left in the enjoyment of a toleiably 
 extensive jurisdiction, the most serious restriction to it being, 
 of course, the fact that the Koman authorities could at any 
 time take the initiative themselves, and proceed independently 
 of the Jewish court, as they actually did in not a few instances, 
 as, for example, when Paul was arrested. Further, it was in 
 the power, not only of the procurator, but even of the tribune 
 of the cohorts stationed in Jerusalem, to call the Sanhedrim 
 
 städtische und biin/ci-I. Vcrjassnn<j, ii. 24. Marquardt, Römische Staatsver- 
 waltung, i. 7.5 f., und especially the decree of the Roman senate with refer- 
 ence to Chios passed in the year 074 A.U.C. = 80 B.c. (Corp. Inscr. Grace. 
 n. 2222) : o'l n irap uvtoJ; ö'un; Vu{^oüot rolg 'S.iicov vTruKovuniv vöf^ot;. 
 Tliis concession then was accorded to the Jews, at least as far as the 
 particular case in question was concerned. 
 
 ■'■'^ Antt. XX. 9. 1 : ov>c e^ov iju ' Ai/oc'ju xuplg rvi; tKiivov '■/iic,iy.r,i y.tn^iaott 
 avvihp'.ov. 
 
 ^'^ In the time of Albinus, for example, the .Jewish aipx'^vri; delivered to 
 the procurator a certain lunatic, whose behaviour seemed to tliem to be of 
 a dangerous character {Dell. Jud. vii. 5. 3, ed. Bckker, p. 104, liu. 6 ff.).
 
 190 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 together for the purpose of submitting to it any matter 
 requiring to be investigated from the standpoint of Jewish 
 law (Acts XX. 30 ; comp, xxiii. 15, 20, 28). 
 
 4. The time and ^j/act; of meeting. The local courts 
 usually sat on the second and fifth days of the week (Monday 
 and Thursday).^^^ "Whether this was also the practice in the 
 case of the supreme Sanhedrim we have no means of knowing. 
 There were no courts held on festival days (ni^ DV), much less 
 on the Sabbath.^^** As in criminal cases a capital sentence 
 could not be pronounced till the day following the trial, it 
 was necessary to take care not to allow cases of this nature 
 to be concluded on the evening preceding the Sabbath or any 
 festival day."^ Of course all those regulations were, in the 
 first instance, of a purely theoretical character, and, as we 
 know from what took place in the case of Jesus, were by no 
 means strictly adhered to. The place in which the supreme 
 Sanhedrim was in the habit of meeting (the ßovkrj) was 
 situated, according to Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 4. 2, close to the 
 so-called Xystos, and that on the east side of it, in the direc- 
 tion of the temple mount. Now, seeing that, according to 
 Bell. Jiid. ii. 16. 3, there was nothing but a bridge between 
 the Xystos and this latter, it is probable that the ßovkt^ was 
 to be found upon the temple mount itself, on the w-estern 
 side of the enclosing wall. In any case, it must have stood 
 outside the upper part of the city, for, according to Bell. Jud. vi. 
 6. 3, we find that the Eomans had destroyed the ßovXevTtjpiov 
 (=ßov\'^) before they had as yet got possession of the upper part 
 of the city. The Mishna repeatedly mentions the nnan niirp 
 as the place where the supreme Sanhedrim held its sittiugs.^^^ 
 
 519 Kethuhoih i. 1. 
 
 520 Beza (or Jom tob), v. 2. Comp. Oehler in Herzoges Real-Eiicycl., 1st 
 ed. vol. xiii. 203 (art. " Sabbath'). Bleek's Beiträge zur Evangelien-Kritik 
 (18i6), p. 141 £f. ; Wieseler's Chronologische Synopse, p. 361 ff. Kirchner, 
 Die jüdische Passahfeier und Jesu letztes Mahl (Program, for the Gymnasium 
 at Duisburg, 1870), p. 57 ff. 
 
 °-^ Sanhedrin iv. l,fin. 
 
 5-2 Sanhedrin xi. 2 ; Middoth v. 4. Comp. Pea ii. 6 ; Edujoth vii. 4.
 
 § 23. COXSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 191 
 
 Kow, seeing that its statements cannot possibly refer to any 
 other period than that of Josephus, and considering, more- 
 over, that by the ßovXrj of this historian we are undoubtedly 
 to understand the meeting-place of the supreme Sanhedrim, 
 we must necessarily identify the n\f3''Ii nai^p with the ßovXyj of 
 Josephus. It may be presumed therefore that the designa- 
 tion nnjn nDB'3 was not meant to imply (as has been commonly 
 supposed) that the hall in question was built of hewn stones 
 (n^ra = hewn stones), — which could hardly be regarded as a 
 characteristic feature, — but that it stood beside the Xystos 
 (n'T3 = |i/crT09, as in the Sept. 1 Chrou. xxii. 2 ; Amos v. 1 1). 
 To distinguishi it from the other rii3*j6 on the temple esplanade 
 it was called, from its situation, " the hall beside the Xystos." 
 It is true that the Mishna represents it as having been within 
 the inner court.*^^ But, considering how untrustworthy and 
 sometimes inaccurate are its statements elsewhere resardiu" 
 the topography of the temple, the testimony of the Mishna 
 cannot be supposed to invalidate the result arrived at above, 
 especially as it happens to be corroborated by other circum- 
 stances besides."^* "We may regard as utterly useless here 
 the later Talmudic statement, to the effect that, forty years 
 
 "^^ See Middoth v. 4 in particular ; also Sanhcdrin xi. 2. In tlie Bab^'lonian 
 Gemara, Joma xx.», it is stated somewhat more circumstuutially tliat tlie 
 rffin Dy^'? stood one half within, and the other half without the court (see 
 the passage, for example, in Buxtorf's Lex. Chald. under n^rj). l^ca ii. 6 
 and Edujoth vii. 4 cannot be said to furnish any data for enabling us 
 to determine the site of the building ; as little have we any in Taviid 
 ü.ßn., iy. fin. For although, according to the two last-mentioned passages, 
 the priests were in the habit of betaking themselves to then'' Jjn DJ Ji'i? during 
 the intervals between the various parts of the service, for tlie purpose of 
 casting the lots and of repeating the schma, it does not neccs^5arily follow 
 from this that the building w'as situated within the court. 
 
 ^^* In the tractate Joma i. 1 mention is made of a jmms D^L"^ ('is we 
 ought to read witli Cod. de Rossi 138, in.stead of the |m,~i^2 n3w6 of tiie 
 printed editions), by which we are undoubtedly to understand the place in 
 which the supreme Sanhedrim met (jmmD = T^üpiopoi) ; and it is, to say 
 the least of it, most in harmony with the context (comp. i. 5) to regard it 
 as having been outside the court. But the truth is, it is in itself somewhat 
 unlikely that any portion of the inner court would be usi-d for purposes 
 other than those connected with the temple services.
 
 192 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 before the destruction of the temple, the Sanhedrim had either 
 removed or had been ejected (nn^j) from the lischkath hagasith, 
 and that after that it held its sittings in the chanujoth 
 (nvi:n) or in a chanuth (n"i:n), a merchant's shop.^^** This 
 view must be completely dismissed, for the simple reason that 
 no trace of it is as yet to be met with in the pages of the 
 Mishna, which, on the contrary, obviously presupposes that 
 the Sanhedrim still held its sittings in the lischkath hagasith 
 on the very eve of the destruction of the temple. As it so 
 happens that the forty years immediately preceding the 
 destruction of the temple are also regarded as the period 
 during which the Sanhedrim had ceased to have the right to 
 pronounce a capital sentence (see above, note 515), it is 
 probable that what the Talmudic statement in question means, 
 is that during the period just referred to the Sanhedrim was 
 no longer at liberty, or was no longer inclined, to hold its 
 sittings in the usual official court-house, but met in some 
 obscure place, i.e. in " the merchant's shops," or, as the reading 
 with the singular chanuth is perhaps to be preferred, in a 
 " merchant's shop." For rii3n is the ordinary word for a shop 
 with an arched roof, a merchant's shop.^^^ As in one instance 
 it is stated that the Sanhedrim subsequently removed from 
 the chanuth into Jerusalem^^^ probably we are to conceive of 
 that building as having been outside the city proper. But 
 all further conjectures on the part of scholars as to where it 
 stood are superfluous, for the thing itself is in the main 
 
 ^25 Shahhath xv.^ ; Rosh hashana xxxi.a ; Sanhedrin xii.a ; Ahoda sara 
 viii.^ In the edition of the Talmud now before me (Amsterdam 1644 ff.) 
 it is only in the first-mentioned passage {Shahhath xv.a) that the plural 
 chanujoth occurs, the singular chanuth being used in the other three instances. 
 See besides the passages in Selden's De synedriis, ii. 15. 7-8 ; "Wagenseil's 
 note on Sota ix. 11 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 297) ; Levy's Neuhehr. 
 Wörlerh. ii. 80 (see under nijn). 
 
 526 por example, see Baha kamma ii. 2, vi. 6 ; Baba mezia ii. 4, iv. 11 ; 
 Baha hathra ii. 3. For the plural niMjn, see Taanith i. 6 ; Baha mezia 
 viii. 6 ; Ahoda sara i. 4 ; Tohoroth vi. 3. The shopkeeper or dealer was 
 called ""Jian. 
 
 ^^^ Rosh hashana xxxi.*
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDKIM. 193 
 
 unhistorical.^"^ Although on the occasion on which Jesus 
 was condemned to death (Mark xiv. 5 3 ff. ; Matt. xxvi. 5 7 ff.) 
 the Sanhedrim happened to meet in the palace of the high 
 priest, we must regard this as an exception to the rule, ren- 
 dered necessary by the simple fact of its having met during the 
 night. For at night the gates of the temple mount were shut.*^^' 
 5. Judicial procedure. This, according to the account of it 
 given in the Mishna, was as follows.^^" The members of 
 the court sat in a semicircle (JY^'^V. T)}^ "'VD?, literally, like 
 the half of a circular threshing-floor), in order that they 
 might be able to see each other. In front of them stood the 
 two clerks of the court, one on the right hand and the other 
 on the left, whose duty it was to record the votes of those 
 who were in favour of acquittal on the one hand, and of 
 those who were in favour of a sentence of condemna- 
 tion on the other."^ There also sat in front of them 
 
 ^-8 The above explanation of the origin of the unhistorical statement in 
 question now appears to me to be the most probable of any. For another 
 see Stud. u. Krit. 1878, p. 625. Even so early as in the Tulmud we find 
 nothing but a fluctuating indecision as to the motives which led the Sanhe- 
 drim to remove from the usual place of meeting ; see Ahoda sara viii.*^, or 
 the German translation in Ferd. Christian Ewald, Ahoda Sarah, oder der 
 Götzendienst (2nd ed. 1868), pp. 62-64. 
 
 *29 Middoth i. 1. We have no evidence of any other meeting of the 
 Sanhedrim ever having been held in the high priest's palace. For in Luke 
 xxii. 54 ff. and John xviii. 13 ff., what we have to do with is simply a pre- 
 liminary investigation before the high priest. And as for the statement 
 with regard to the place of meeting in Matt. xxvi. 3, it is only to be regarded 
 as a subsequent addition on the part of the evangelist, comp. Mark xiv. 1 ; 
 Luke xxii. 2. For a fuller discussion of the question as to where the supreme 
 Sanhedrim held its sittings, see my article in the Stud. u. Krit. 1878, pp. 
 608-626. See also, at p. 608 of the same, the earlier literature of the sub- 
 ject, in which however no decisive results have been reached owing to the 
 uncritical way in which it has dealt with the sources. 
 
 ^^'' On the forms of judicial procedure in the Old Testament, see Winer's 
 Realwurtcrh., art. "Gericht;" Oehler's art. "Gericht und Gcrichtsverwaltung 
 bei den Hebräern," in Herzog's Rccd-Enc, 1st ed. vol. v. pp. 57-61. 
 Saalschütz, Das Mosaische Recht, ii. 593 ff. Keil, Handbuch der bihlischen 
 Archäologie (2nd ed. 1875), sec. 150. Köhler, Lehrbuch der biblischen 
 Geschichte, i. 359 ff. 
 
 ^''^ Sanhedrin iv. 3. There is also one instance in Josephus in which 
 ypocfcf/.otnvg rijs ßoVhij; is mentioned, Bell. Jud. v. 13. 1. 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. N
 
 194 § 23. CONSTITUTION. III. SANHEDRIM. 
 
 three rows of the disciples of the learned men, each of whom 
 had his own special seat assigned him.^^^ The prisoner at the 
 bar was always required to appear in a humble attitude and 
 dressed in mourning.*^^ In cases involving a capital sentence, 
 special forms were prescribed for conducting the trial and 
 pronouncing the sentence. On such occasions it was the 
 practice always to hear the reasons in favour of acquittal in 
 the first place, which being done, those in favour of a convic- 
 tion might next be stated.^^* When any one had once spoken 
 in favour of the accused he was not at liberty afterwards to 
 say anything unfavourable to him, though the converse was 
 permissible.®^' Those of the student disciples who happened to 
 be present were also allowed to speak, though only in favour 
 of and not against the prisoner, while on other occasions not 
 involving a capital sentence they could do either the one or 
 the other as they thought proper.®^" A sentence of acquittal 
 might be pronounced on the same day as that of the trial, 
 whereas a sentence of condemnation could not be pronounced till 
 the following day.®^'^ The voting, in the course of which each 
 individual stood up in his turn,®^* began " at the side," 12fn |p, 
 i.e. with the youngest member of the court, whereas on other 
 occasions it was the practice to commence with the most 
 distinguished member.*^^ Tor a sentence of acquittal a simple 
 majority was sufficient, while for one of condemnation again a 
 majority of two was required.®*" If therefore twelve of the 
 twenty-three judges necessary to form a quorum voted for 
 acquittal and eleven for a conviction, then the prisoner was 
 discharged ; but if, on the other hand, twelve were for a con- 
 viction and eleven for acquittal, then in that case the number 
 
 *'2 Sanhedrin iv. 4. 
 
 "^^ Joseph. Antt. xiv. 9. 4. Comp. Sacharja 3. 3. 
 
 ^3* Sanhedrin iv. 1. *^^ Sanhedrin iv. 1, v. 5. 
 
 ^^^ Sanhedrin iv. 1, v. 4. 
 
 ^^'^ Sanhedrin iv. 1, v. 5. On this ground many have sought to account 
 for the alleged twofold meeting of the Sanliedrini when Jesus was con- 
 demned to death. 
 
 ^^ä Sanhedrin v. 5. ^^* Sanhedrin iv. 2. 
 
 **" Sanhedrin iv. 1.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PKIESTS. 195 
 
 of the judges had to be increased by the addition of two to 
 their number, which was repeated if necessary untu either an 
 acquittal was secured or tlie majority requisite for a conviction 
 was obtained. But, of course, they had to restrict themselves 
 to the maximum number of seventy-one.**^ 
 
 IV. THE HIGH PRIESTS. 
 The Literature. 
 
 Seiden, De successione in pontificatum Ebraeorum, lib. i. cap. 11-12 
 (frequently printed along with Selden's other works ; for example, in 
 the edition of the Uxor Ebraica, Francof. ad Od. 1673 ; also in Ugolini's 
 Thesaurus, vol. xii.). 
 
 Lightfoot, Ministerium templi Hierosolymitani, c. iv. 3 {0pp. ed. Roterodam. 
 i. 684 ff.). 
 
 Relaud, Antiquitates sacrae, par. ii. c. 2 (ed. Lips. 1724, p. 146 f.). 
 
 Anger, De temporum in actis apostolorum raiione (1833), p. 93 f. 
 
 Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. vi. 3rd ed. 1868, p. 634. 
 
 Schürer, Die xpxi^pi'is i"i Neuen Testamente {Stud. u. Krit. 1872, pp. 
 593-657). 
 
 Grätz, Monatsschr.f'dr Geschichte und Wissensch. des Judenthums, Jahrg. 1877, 
 pp. 450-464, and Jahrg. 1881, pp. 49-64, 97-112. 
 
 The most distinctive feature of the Jewish constitution as it 
 existed during the period subsequent to the exile is this, that 
 the high priest was the ^political head of the nation as well. 
 That he was so at least from the commencement of the Greek 
 era down to the days of the Eomano-Herodian rule is 
 regarded as entirely beyond dispute. The high priests of 
 the pre-Maccabaean age as well as those of the Asmonaean 
 liae were not only priests, but also princes at one and the 
 same time. And although their authority was restricted on 
 the one hand by the Greek suzerains, and on the other by the 
 gerousia, still it was very greatly strengthened by the fact 
 that their high office was hereditary and tenable for life. The 
 combination of priesthood and royalty as seen in the case of 
 the later Asmonaeans represented the very acme of sacerdotal 
 power and authority. After the Romans came upon the 
 *** Sanhedrin v. 5.
 
 196 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 scene, and still more under the Herodian princes, they of 
 course lost much of their power. The Asmonaean dynasty 
 was overthrown, nay was extirpated altogether. The principle 
 of inheritance and life-tenure was done away with. High 
 priests were appointed and deposed at pleasure by Herod 
 and the Eomans alike. In addition to this, there was the 
 steady increase of the power of Pharisaism and the Eabbinical 
 school. But even in spite of the combined influence of all 
 the factors we have mentioned, the high-priesthood contrived 
 to retain a considerable share of its original power down to 
 the time of the destruction of the temple. And even after 
 that the high priests continued to act as presidents of the 
 Sanhedrim, and consequently to have the chief direction of the 
 civil affairs of the community as well. Even then there still 
 remained a few privileged families from which the high 
 priests continued to be almost always selected. And 
 accordingly, although under the supreme rule of the Romans 
 and the Herodian princes they no longer formed, it may be, 
 a monarchical dynasty, they yet continued to exist as an 
 influential aristocracy. As we are familiar, from political 
 history, with the series of high priests down to the overthrow 
 of the Asmonaeans, it will be sufficient at present merely to 
 subjoin a list of those belonging to the Romano-Herodian 
 period. Josephus tells us that they numbered twenty-eight in 
 all.^*^ Accordingly on collating his different notices with 
 regard to them, we get the following twenty-eight names : — ^^ 
 
 5*2 A7ltt. XX. 10. 
 
 s*3 A list of those high priests, based on the notices found in Josephus, 
 has already been framed by several Greek divines, viz. (1) by Josephus 
 the Christian in his Hypomnesticum s. liber memorialis, chap. ii. (first edited 
 by Fabricius, Codex pseudepigrapTius Vet. Test., vol. ii., and afterwards 
 given in Gallendi's Biblioth. Patrum, vol. xiv., and Migne's Patrol, graec, 
 vol. cvi.) ; (2) by Nicephorus Constantinop. in his Chronographia com- 
 pendiaria, or rather according to De Boor, by the author of the revised 
 version of this Chronography (critical edition by Credner in two programs 
 for the University of Giessen, 1832-1838, ii. 33 f., and especially by De 
 Boor, Nicephori Const, optiscida, Lips. 1880, pp. 110-112). Then Zonaras, 
 who inserts extracts from Josephus into the first six books of his Annals,
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH l'RIESTS. 197 
 
 (a) Appointed by Herod (37-4 B.c.): — 
 
 1. Ananel (37-36 b.c.), a native of Babylon, and 
 
 belonging to an obscure priestly family, Antt. 
 XV. 2, 4, 3. 1. The Eabbinical traditions repre- 
 sent him as having been an Egyptian.''" 
 
 2. Aristobulus, the last of the Asmonaeans (35 b.c.), 
 
 Antt XV. 3. 1, 3. 
 
 Ananel for the second time (34 ff. b.c.), Antt, 
 XV. 3. 3. 
 
 3. Jesus the son of Phabes, Antt. xv. 9. 3.^*^ 
 
 4. Simon the son of Boethos, or according to other 
 
 accounts, Boethos himself, in any case the father- 
 in-law of Herod, he having been the father of 
 Mariamne II. (some time between 24 and 25 
 b.c.), A7itt. XV. 9. 3, xvii. 4. 2. Comp, xviii. 5. 1, 
 xix. 6. 2. The family belonged originally to 
 Alexandria, Atitt. xv. 9, 3. 
 
 has also arlopted the passages about the high priests almost entirely 
 (Annal. v. 12-vi. 17). The part referring to the high priests in the time 
 of Jesus (Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2. 2) is also quoted by Eusebius, Hist. cccl. 
 i. 10. 5-6, and Dcmonstr. evang. viii. 2. 100 ; in like manner in the 
 Chr on. pa schale, ed. Dindorf, i. 417. Of the modern lists the most correct 
 is that of Anger, with which our own entirely agrees. For a fuller treat- 
 ment of the matter, see my article in the Stud. u. Krit. 1872, pp. 597-607. 
 
 *** In the Mishna, Para iii. 5, those high priests are enumerated under 
 whom a red heifer had been burnt (in compliance with the enactment of 
 Num. xix.). In the post-Asraonaean age this took place under the three 
 following: — (1) Elioenai ben ha-Kajaph, (2) Chananiel the Egyptian, (3) 
 Ismael ben Pi-abi ('>ns '•Q p i^xyo'^:"! nvOH ^X03ni ^''^pr^ p "i'-yv^X, the 
 orthography of the names according to Cod. de Rosd 138). Chanamel the 
 Egyptian can have been no other than our Ananel. There can hardly be a 
 doubt that the form of the name is just as inaccurate as is tlie statement 
 to the effect that he was an Egj'ptian. Moreover, the chronological order 
 is incorrect, for by the Elioenai, who is mentioned first, no other can have 
 been intended than Elionaios the son of Kantheras, whose name occurs 
 much farther down the list (No, 19). As for the rest, the term 
 " Egyptian" is simply equivalent to Alexandrian, which other high priests 
 of the time of Herod actually were, as for example the sons of Boethos 
 {Antt. XV. 9. 3). 
 
 '*'' In Joseph. Hiipomnest. 'l/iaoi/c 6 toD 't>xvßyi, Zonaras. Annal. v. 16 
 (Bouuens. i. 433), ^ȧriros, as in Josephus the Jew.
 
 198 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 5. Matthias the son of Theophilos (5-4 B.c.), Antt. 
 
 xvii. 4. 2, 6. 4. 
 
 6. Joseph the son of EUem, Antt. xvii. 6. 4.^*® 
 
 7. Joasar the son of Boethos (4 b.c.), Antt. xvii. 6. 4. 
 (&) Appointed by Archelaus (4 b.c.- 6 a.b.) : — 
 
 8. Eleasar the son of Boethos (4 &.), Antt. xvii. 13. 1. 
 
 9. Jesus the son of Hee, Antt. xvii. 13. 1.^" 
 Joasar for the second time, Antt. xviii. 1. 1, 2. 1. 
 
 (c) Appointed by Quirinus (a.d. 6) : — 
 
 10. Ananos or Hannas the son of Seth (6-15 A.D.), 
 
 Antt. xviii. 2. 1, 2. Comp. xx. 9. 1 ; Bell. Jiid. 
 V. 12. 2. This is the high priest so well known 
 in the New Testament, Luke iii. 2 ; John xviii. 
 13-24; Acts iv. 6. 
 (c?) Appointed by Valerius Gratus (a.D. 15-26) : — 
 
 11. Ismael the son of Phabi (some time between 15 
 
 and 16 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 2.'** 
 
 12. Eleasar the son of Ananos (some time between 16 
 
 and 17 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 2. 
 
 546 "Whether this Joseph should be included in the list is open to question, 
 for he officiated only once, and that on the great day of atonement, merely 
 as a substitute for Matthias, who had been prevented from doing duty him- 
 self in consequence of some Levitical defilement. But be this as it may, 
 he was stül, on this account, the actual high priest for at least a period of 
 one day, while he is certainly included by Josephus, as otherwise the 
 number would not have amounted to twenty-eight. His name likewise 
 occurs in the list of Josephus the Christian (Hypomnest. chap. ii.). The 
 singular incident just referred to is also frequently mentioned in the 
 Eabbinical sources (see Seiden, De successione in pontißcatum Ehr. i. 11, ed. 
 Francof. p. 160. Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine., p. 160, note. 
 Grätz, Monatsschrift, 1881, p. 51 ff.). The high priest now in question is 
 there known as D^''5< p ?1DV. 
 
 5*'' In Joseph. Antt. xvii. 13. 1, he is called ^lr,arjig 6 2<5 or 2« (the 
 manuscripts reading sometimes the one and sometimes the other) ; Joseph. 
 Hypomnest. ^Iriaoi? 6 rou 'lit; in Nicephorus, 'Imov; 'flc/js ; in Zonaras, 
 Annal. vi. 2 (ed. Bonnens. i. 472), T^ocr, 2se. 
 
 ^*ä The name of the father as given in Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2, 2 ; Euseb. 
 Hist. eccl. i. 10. 5, ed. Heinichen ; and Zonams, Annal. vi. 3 (ed. Bonnens. 
 i. 477), is *«/3/; while in Euseb. Demonstr. cr. viii. 2. 100, it is *-/j/3«; in 
 Joseph. Hypomnest. B<«/3^ ; and in Chron. pasch.^ ed. Dindorf, I 417, 
 B«^w'.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 199 
 
 13. Simon the son of Kamithos (somewliere about 
 
 17-18 A.D.), Antt. xviii. 2. 2.'*' 
 
 1 4. Joseph called Caiaphas (somewhere between 1 8 and 
 
 36 A.D.), A71U. xviii. 2. 2, 4. 3. Comp. Matt. xxvi. 
 3, 57; Luke iii. 2; John xi. 49, xviii. 13, 14, 
 24, 28 ; Acts iv. 6. According to John xviii. 13, 
 he was the father-in-law of Hannas = Ananos.^" 
 (e) Appointed by Vitellius (35-39 A.D.): — 
 
 15. Jonathan the son of Ananos (36-37 A.D.), Antt. 
 
 xviii. 4. 3, 5. 3. Comp. xix. 6. 4. He was 
 found still playing a prominent part in public 
 life in the time of Cumanus, 50-52 A.D. {Bell. 
 Jud. ii. 12. 5-6), and was ultimately assassinated 
 at the instigation of Felix the procurator (Bell. 
 Jud. ii. 13. 3 ; Aoitt. xx. 8. 5). 
 
 16. Theophilos the son of Ananos (37 ff. A.D.), Antt. 
 
 xviii. 5. 3. 
 (/) Appointed by Agrippa I. (41-44 A.D.): — 
 
 17. Simon Kantheras the son of Boethos (41 ff. A.D.), 
 
 Antt. xix. 6. 2.'^' 
 
 18. Matthias the son of Ananos, Antt. xix. 6. 4. 
 
 19. Elionaios the son of Kantheros, Aiitt. xix. 8. 1.^'^ 
 
 "9 This high priest is also frequently mentioned iu the Rabbinical 
 sources (Seiden, De succcssione in pontifical, pp. 161, 177, ed. Francof. 
 Derenbourg, Hiatoirc, p. 197. Griitz, Monatsschrift 1881, p. .53 ff.). He ia 
 there known by the name of DTIöp p PV^-'- ^^ Joseph. AtUt., Euseb. 
 Hbt. cccL, and in Zoiiaras, Annal. vi. 3 (i. 477), the father's name is K«,£/w^oj, 
 while in Euseb. Dcmonstr. it is Kxdi,uo;, in Joseph. Hypomncst. Ku^/ifiosy 
 and in Chron. pascli., ed. Dindorf, i. 408 and 417, Y^a.y.a,6ii. 
 
 S50 The surname Caiaphas is not = KD^D, but = NQ^'ip or f\'<'<p ; see note 
 544 above. Derenbourg, p. 215, note 2. 
 
 8*^ See the wild combinations of every sort that have been indulged in 
 with regard to this personage in Grätz, Monatsschrift 1881, pp. 97-112. 
 
 ^^2 According to Ajitt. xx. 1. 3, he also appears to have the surname 
 Kantheras as well as his father. In the Mishna, Para iii. 5, he is known 
 as ^'^''pT] p "J^y'>"'!'X (see note 544, above). The Rabbinical tradition 
 regards him as a son of Caiaphas. The name ''J"'yirT'!5N (»ly t'y^'s are 
 
 directed to Jehovah) or "•j'i/i^^x is also to be met with in the Old Testament 
 
 (Ezra viii. 4, x. 22, 27 ; 1 Chrou. iii. 23, iv. 36, vii. 8, xxvi. o).
 
 20Ü § 23. COXSTITÜTIOX. IV. UIGII PEIESTS. 
 
 {g) Appointed by Herod of Chalkis (44-48 a.d.).^ 
 
 20. Joseph the son of Kami or Kamedes ( = Kamithos), 
 
 Antt. XX. 1. 3, 5. 2."* 
 
 21. Ananias the son of Nedebaios (somewhere between 
 
 47 and 59 A.D.), Antt. xx. 5. 2 ; comp. xx. 6. 2 ; 
 Bell. Jucl. ii. 12. 6 ; Acts xxiii. 2, xxiv. 1. In 
 consequence of his wealth he continued to be a 
 man of great influence even after his deposition, 
 although, at the same time, notorious for his 
 avarice {Antt. xx. 9. 2-4). He was put to death 
 by the insurgents at the commencement of the 
 Jewish war {Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 6, 9)."^ 
 (7i) Appointed by Agrippa II. (50-100 A.D.) : — 
 
 22. Ismael the son of Phabi (about 59-61 A.D.), Antt. 
 
 XX. 8. 8, 11. He is probably identical with the 
 person of the same name whose execution at 
 Cyrene is incidentally mentioned, Bell. Jucl. vi. 
 2. 2.''* 
 
 ^*3 It would also be somewhere about this time (about 44 a.d.) that the 
 high priest Ismael comes in, who according to Antt. iii. 15. 3, was in oflice 
 during the great famine in the reign of the Emperor Claudius. But as 
 Josephus says nothing about him in the course of the narrative itself, we 
 are probably to look upon this casual mention of Lim as a fault of memory 
 on the part of the historian. Ewald {Geschichte., vi. 634) inserts him after 
 Elionaios, while Wieseler {Chronologic des apostol. Zeitalters, p. 159) identifies 
 him with this latter. 
 
 ^^* The name of the father, which at one time appears as Kot/^iei {Antt. xx. 
 1. ^^Zonaxas, Annal. vi. 12,fin.')ov Kä,y./i (Joseph. Hypomnest.), at snoihev 
 as KiiA.ih^g {Antt. xx. 5. 2, according to the readiug of Dindorf and Bekker 
 = Zouaras, Annal. vi. 14), is in any case identical with Kamithos. 
 
 555 Yov his avarice, comp, besides the Talmudic tradition in Deren- 
 bourg's Histoirc, p. 233 f. 
 
 *^^ It is probably this younger Ismael, son of Phabi (not the high priest 
 of the same name who stands eleventh in the list), that is also referred to in 
 the Rabbinical traditions regarding ''2S''D p pSyCC" (Mishna, Para iii. 5 ; 
 Sota ix. 15 ; in the latter passage it is also the high priest of this name that 
 is meant, for the predicate Rabbi should, with Cod. de Rossi, be expunged. 
 Tosefta. ed. Zuckeimandel, pp. 182. 26, 533. 35 f., 632. 6. See in general, 
 Derenbourg"s Histoire, pp. 232-235). In the printed texts the father's 
 name is frequently corrupted. The correct form is ""QS^S, or divided thus 
 '3N ''2 (as in Cod. de Jiossi 138, in the one passage in Mhich it occurs in
 
 § 23. CO>:STITUTION. IV. HIGH PIUESTS. 201 
 
 23. Joseph Kabi,^" son of Simon the high priest 
 
 (61-62 A.D.), Antt. XX. 8. 11 ; comp. Bell. Jud. 
 vi. 2. 2. 
 
 24. Ananos the son of Ananos (62 A.D., for only three 
 
 months), Antt. xx. 9. 1. He was one of those 
 who played a leading part during the first period 
 of the Jewish war, but was subsequently put to 
 death by the populace, Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 3, 22. 
 1-2, iv. from 3. 7 to 5. 2 ; Vita, 38, 39, 44, 60."* 
 
 25. Jesus the son of Damnaios (about 62-63 A.D.), 
 
 Antt. xx. 9. 1. and 4; comp. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 2. 
 
 26. Jesus the son of Gamaliel (about 63-65 A.D.), 
 
 Antt. XX. 9. 4, 7. In the course of the Jewish 
 war he is frequently mentioned along with 
 Ananos, whose fate he also shared. Bell. Jud. iv. 
 3. 9, 4. 3, 5. 2 ; Vita, 38, 41. According to 
 Rabbinical tradition, his wife, Martha, was of the 
 house of Boethos."^ 
 
 27. Matthias the son of Theophilos (65 ff. A.D.), Antt. 
 
 XX. 9. 7 ; comp. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 2.'^ 
 
 the Mislina, viz. Para iii. 5). There is as near an approach to this as 
 possible in the Greeic form ^txßt, which is found in the manuscripts in one 
 instance at least, viz. Anil. xx. 8. 8. 
 
 *"^ In Joseph. Anlt. xx. 8. 11, the surname is written Küßt ; in Zonoras, 
 Annal. vi. 17, it is AeKctßi (i.e. oi Kxßl) ; and in Joseph. Hijpomnest. 
 Kei/a^;. The latter would correspond to Kamithos. 
 
 558 Pqj. coinliiuatioiis with respect to this high priest, see Gratz, Monalsschi: 
 1881, pp. 56-G2. 
 
 ^^^ Mishna, Jehamolh vi. 4 : "If one Imppens tobe betrothed to a widow, 
 and is subsequently ajipointed to tho ofhce of high priest, he is at liberty to 
 conduct iier home as his bride. Thus Josua, son nf Gamla, wasbetrothod to 
 Martha the daughter of Bocthas, and afterwards the king appointed him to 
 be high priest ; and on the back of this he conducted Martha home as his 
 bride." Our Josua, sou of Gamala, is probably identical again with the 
 Ben Gamala who, according to Joma iii. 9, ordered a golden urn to be 
 made from which to draw the lots relating to the two he-goats on the great 
 day of atonement. For further Kabbinical traditions regarding this per- 
 sonage, sec Derenbourg, p. 248 f. As to his services in the way of promoting 
 education, see below, § 27, note 29. 
 
 '''o On this high priest, see also Gratz, Monatsschr. 1881, pp. 02-64.
 
 202 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 (i) Appointed by the people during the war (67-68 A.D.) : — 
 
 28, Phannias or Phineesos the son of Samuel, and of 
 
 humble origin, Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 8 ; Antt. xx. 
 
 Owing to the frequency with which those high priests were 
 changed, the number of those who had ceased to hold office 
 was always something considerable. But, although they no 
 longer discharged the active functions of the office, they still 
 continued to occupy an important and influential position, as 
 can still be shown with regard to several of them at least."^^ 
 We know from the New Testament, for example, what an 
 amount of influence the elder Ananos or Hannas (IsTo. 1 0) had 
 even as a retired high priest. The same may be said of his 
 son Jonathan (No. 15), who, long after he had ceased to hold 
 office, conducted an embassy, in the year 52 a.D., to the 
 Syrian viceroy Umidius Quadratus. This latter then sent 
 him to Eome to answer for certain disturbances that had taken 
 place in Judaea ; and when he had got the matter settled in 
 favour of the Jews, he took the opportunity of his being in 
 Eome to request the emperor to send Felix as the new pro- 
 curator. Then when Felix was found to be causing universal 
 dissatisfaction in consequence of the way in which he was 
 discharging the functions of his office, Jonathan took the liberty 
 of reminding him of his duty, for doing which however he 
 had to answer with his life.^^^ Another high priest, Ananias 
 the son of Nedebaios (No. 21), ruled in Jerusalem almost like 
 a despot after he had retired from office. Then the younger 
 Ananos (No. 24) and Jesus the son of Gamaliel (No. 26), 
 although no longer exercising the functions of the high-priest- 
 hood, were found at the head of affairs in the earlier stage of 
 the Jewish war. From all this it is evident that, though not 
 actually in office, those men were by no means condemned to 
 
 5^^ This, the last of the high priests, is also known to the Rabbinical 
 traditions ; see Derenboui-jr, p. 2G9. His name in Hebrew was DPIi^S. 
 562 Pop -^vhat follows, comp. Stud. u. Krit. 1872, p. 619 ff. 
 ^'^■" The references to passages are to be found above, passim.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 203 
 
 political inactivity. On the contrary, the office was such that 
 it imparted to the holder of it a cliaracter indelihilis in virtue 
 of which he retained, even after demitting it, a large portion 
 of the rights and obligations of the officiating high priest,'" 
 and of course the title of äp')(Lepev<; as well, a title that, in 
 Josephus, is accorded to the whole of the ex-high priests. 
 Consequently wherever in the New Testament dp^tepeh appear 
 at the head of the Sanhedrim, we are to understand that 
 those referred to are first and foremost the ex-high priests 
 in question, inclusive at the same time of the one actually in 
 office.'^«' 
 
 But sometimes we read of certain other personages who are 
 described as dpp^tepet?, and yet their names do not appear in 
 the foregoing list. In the Acts (iv. 6) we have the following 
 enumeration : "Avvat; 6 dp^iepev^ koX Ka'iu(f)a<; koI ^Ia)ävvi]<i 
 Kai A\e^avhpo<; koI oaot rjaav eK yevovi ap^tepariKov. In a 
 subsequent passage (xix. 14) mention is made of a high priest 
 called Sceva with his seven sons. Josephus again mentions 
 a certain Jesus, son of Sapphias, as being tmv äp^i'^pecov ei/a,'""' 
 also one Simon e'f dpj^^iepewv, who was still young at the time 
 of the war, and consequently cannot be identical with Simon 
 
 5G4 l/orajoih iii. 1-4. See, in particular, iii. 4 : " Between a higii priest 
 in office and one who has demitted it there is no more difference than 
 I)etween the yonng oxen on the great day of atonement and the tenth of an 
 cphah. But both are equal to one another in respect of the service on the 
 jCfreat day of atonement, in respect of the law requiring them to marry a 
 maid ; both alike are forbidden to marry a widow, to deüle themselves by 
 contact with the dead bodies of blood relations, to let the hair grow long, 
 to rend theii- garments, while their death (in the event of their being 
 murdered) has the effect of bringing back the murderer." The same points 
 to some extent are also found in Mff/illa i. 9 and Makkoth ii. 6. 
 
 *"" This is corroborated above all by the following passages, Bell. Jud. ii. 
 12. G: Tot)j ccpxitpiii liivxl)r,v Kotl \\v»viccv \ Vita, ")8 : royj ipxii^ou;" \u*vov 
 Kxi Iricrovv t6i> toS Tu/icoc>öc; B<U. Jud. iv. 3. 7 : 6 yipxiTUTo; rüv dpy^iiptuv 
 A»etuo;. Bell. Jud. iv. 4. 3 : c far " Avotuov yipxiTXTo; ruiv dpxtipiuu ^lr,aov;. 
 Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 9 : o/ OoKifcurxrot zuv xfix^ipiav., Yxj^x'Kx f^iv via; Injirow;, 
 'Avecvov "hi" Auxvo;. In the last three passages the xpxnpu; must have been 
 high priests in the sense in which Ananos and Jesus were so, i.e. ex- high 
 priests in the strict sense of the word. 
 
 •^cc Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 4.
 
 204 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 Kantlieras (No. 17)/*^'^ and lastly, one Matthias, son of Boethos, 
 TOP ap-^iepea or e/c Tojv ap'^cepecovf^^ Not one of those just 
 mentioned is to be found in our list. Besides there is many a 
 high priest known to the Rabbinical traditions whose name 
 does not appear there.^^^ This fact may perhaps be sufficiently 
 accounted for by what we are now going to mention. 
 
 Apropos of the irregular appointment of Phannias to the 
 office of high priest, Josephus remarks/'^" that the zealots, by 
 acting as they did on this occasion, " had robbed of their im- 
 portance those families from which in their order it had been the 
 practice to select the high priests " {aKvpa ra yevr) TroirjaavTe'i 
 i^ 0)v Kara BiaSo^a^ oi ap'^iepel'i aireheiKwro). The liigli- 
 pritstliood ivould tlierefore seem to have leen vested m a few 
 jjrivileged families. The truth is, one only requires to glance 
 at the foregoing list in order to be convinced that the office 
 was confined to only a few families. To the family of Phabi, 
 for example, belong Nos. 3, 11, 22; to the family of 
 Boethos, Nos. 4, 7, 8, 17, 19, 26; to the family of 
 Ananos (or Hannas), Nos. 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 24, 27; 
 and to the family of Kamith, Nos. 13, 20, 23. Leaving 
 Ananel, a Babylonian of humble origin (No. 1), Aristobulus 
 the last of the Asmonaeans (No. 2), and Phannias, the high 
 priest of the revolution period (No. 28), out of account, there 
 remain only five (Nos. 5, 6, 9, 21, 25) who cannot be proved 
 to have belonged to one or other of those families, although it 
 is still possible that they did so. Now when one considers 
 how the high-priesthood was thus confined to a few families, 
 and in what high estimation the office was held, it is not 
 difficult to see that the mere fact of belonging to any one of 
 the privileged families in question must of itself have been 
 sufficient to confer special distinction upon a man. And 
 hence we can understand how it should be that Josephus, in 
 a certain passage in which he wishes to tell us particularly 
 who of the notabilities were among those who went over to 
 
 «67 Vita, 39. 56« Bell. Jud. iv. 9. 11, v. 13. 1, vi. 2. 2. 
 
 ««» See :^tud. u. Krlt. 1872, p. G39. ^'O Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 6.
 
 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PRIESTS. 205 
 
 the Iiomans, enumerates tlie viol rwv äp')(^iepeo)v along witli 
 the ap'^cepet'; themselves.^' ^ In the Mishna again, we find 
 that on one occasion the " sons of the high priests " (Q^^lI^ ''33 
 D7in3) are quoted as authorities on certain points of matri- 
 monial law, and that too without mentioning their names, 
 seeing that the simple fact of their being high priests' sons 
 stamped them as men of importance and authority.^" In 
 another instance, we are informed that letters with unusually- 
 large seals had come " to the sons of the high priests " (D''3nD '':2b 
 D'hTii) from distant lands,^'^ from which we may again infer 
 that these also enjoyed a certain reputation abroad. But they 
 did not rest satisfied with the mere dignity of rank ; so far 
 from that, the members of those high-priestly families also 
 played a prominent part in public affairs. According to Acts 
 iv. 6, among those who had seats and a right to speak and 
 vote in the Sanhedrim were 6<toi rjaav e'/c jivov<; ap'x^iepa- 
 TiKov, where, from all that has been already stated, it is 
 certain that the yevo^i dp^iepartKov can only refer to the 
 privileged families now in question. Now, if the members of 
 the high-priestly families occupied so distinguished a position, 
 it is quite conceivable that the designation ap'^^iepei^: would 
 come to be used in a more comprehensive sense so as to 
 include them as well. That this is what actually took place 
 may be seen, to say nothing of all that has been previously 
 advanced, from the passage in Josephus mentioned above, 
 where after recording the fact that two high priests and eight 
 high priests' sons were among those who went over to the 
 Itomans, he proceeds to include these two categories under the 
 common designation of dpxi^pel'i.^'* This will also serve to 
 account for the circumstance of high priests being sometimes 
 mentioned that are not to be found in our list. 
 
 «" Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 2. 572 Kethuhoth xiü. 1-2. '73 Ohnloth xvii. 5. 
 
 574 ßcll^ Jud. vi. 2. 2: 'Hi/ r.<jot.u ocpxupi'i f^iv ' lüi7r,7rö; ri kccI ' Inaov;, viol 
 d ctpxiipi6)v rpil; f^iv ^Icfccc-zirov rov Kxpxrof/,/,diiiro; ev Kvptivtj, k»\ tow 
 MaT^/oy Ticrainpi;, y.xl il; irepov "SlXTOiov ■ttoci;, OiuOpoi; fiSTCc rr,v rov ttxtoo; 
 
 OCTTUlMlX!/, 01/ 6 ToD YlÜpX 'Zifjf.OlU ÜTTiKTflUS (JV'J Tpniv t//o(J, Ü; -TTpOiipnTXI. 
 IIoXTlOt Oi KXl Tl»V xKhi)» ii/'/iVOIV TO/J XOy^tiOiVflt Uf .«,M£T£/3ä>.0>70.
 
 206 § 23. CONSTITUTION. IV. HIGH PKIESTS. 
 
 Consequently the high priests that, in the New Testament 
 as well as in Josephus "* appear as leading personages would 
 consist, in the first instance, of the high priests properly so 
 called, i.e. the one actually in office and those who had 
 previously been so, and then, of the members of those 
 privileged families from which the high priests were taken. 
 In the days of Eoman rule they were at the head of the 
 Sanhedrim and of the native government generally, and 
 although the majority of them were unquestionably men of 
 Sadducaean tendencies, yet in the actual conduct of affairs 
 they bowed, however reluctantly, to the wishes of the Pharisees 
 (see above, p. 154). 
 
 "^fi Especially in the section, Bell. Jud. ii. 14-17
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP 
 
 The LlTEKATURE. 
 
 Lightfoot, Ministerium tempU quale erat tempore nostri scrvatoris {0pp. ed. 
 
 Rotterdam, i. pp. 671-758). 
 Liindius, Die altev jüdischen Heiligthümer, Gottesdienste und Gewohnheiten, 
 
 für Augen gestellet in einer ausführlichen Beschreibimg des gantzen 
 
 levitischen Priesterthums, etc., itzo von neuem übersehen und in beygefügten 
 
 Anmerckungen hin und wieder thcils vei-bessert, theils vermehret durch 
 
 Johan. Christophorum Wolßum, Hamburg 1738. 
 Carpzov (Joh. Gottlob), Apparatus historico criticus antiquitalum sacri 
 
 codicis (1748), pp. 64-113, 611 ff., 699 ff. 
 ügolini, Sacerdotium Hebraicum, iu his Thesaurus Antiquitatum sacrarum, 
 
 vol. xiii. Ibid., still other cognate monographs in vols. xii. and xiii. 
 Bahr, Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus, 2 vols. 1837-1839), vol. i. 2nd ed. 1874. 
 Winer, Realwörterb., arts. " Priester," " Leviten," "Abgaben," "Erstge- 
 burt," "Erstlinge," "Hebe," "Zehnt," "Opfer," etc. 
 Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. 387-424, iii. 106 ff., 162 ff. 
 Oehler, art. "Priesterthum," in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. vol. xii. 174- 
 
 187. Ibid. by the same, arts. "Levi," vol. viii. 347—358; "Nethiuim," 
 
 vol. X. 296 f. ; and " Opfercultus," vol. x. 614-652. The same articles 
 
 iu the second edition as revised by Orelli. 
 De Wette, Lehrbuch der hebräisch-jüdischen Archäol. (4th ed. 1864), p. 268 ff. 
 Ewald, Die Alterthümcr des Volkes Israel, Göttingen 1866. 
 Keil, Handbuch der biblischem Archäologie (2nd ed. 1875), pp. 166 ff., 
 
 200 ff., 357 ff., 373 ff. 
 Haueberg, Die religiösen Alterthümcr der Bibel (2nd ed. 1869), pp. 356 ff., 
 
 508 ff., 599 ff. 
 Schenkel's Bibellexicon, the same articles as in Winer. 
 Riehm, Handwörterbuch des biblischen Alterthums, the articles relating to 
 
 our subject. 
 Graf, Zur Geschichte des Stamnws Levi (Merx' Archie für tvissenschaftl 
 
 Erforschung des A. T.\s, vol. i. 1869, pp. 68-106, 208-236). 
 Köhler, Lehrbuch der biblischen Geschichte, vol. i. 1875, pp. 363-454. 
 Wellhausen, Geschichte Jsraels, vol. i. 1878, pp. 15-174 (2nd ed., under 
 
 the title : Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, 1883). 
 Dillraann, Exegetisches Handbuch zu Exodus und Leviticus (1880), pp. 455- 
 
 461 and elsewhere. 
 Reuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Alten Testantenis (1881), sec. ccxciv. 
 
 I. THi; I'j;iEöTIIUOI) AS A DISTINCT ORDER. 
 
 The internal development of Israel subsequent to the exile
 
 208 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AXD THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 was essentially determined by the direction given to it by 
 two equally influential classes, viz. the priests on the one 
 hand and the scribes on the other. During the centuries 
 immediately following the exile and till far on into the Greek 
 era, it was, in the first instance, the influence of the 'priests 
 that was predominant. It was they who had been instru- 
 mental in organizing the new community ; it was from them 
 that the law had emanated ; and to their hands had been 
 entrusted the direction, not only of the material, but also of 
 the spiritual affairs of the whole body of the people. But 
 although originally it was they who were specially versed in 
 the law and were looked upon as its authoritative interpreters, 
 yet by and by there gradually grew up alongside of them an 
 independent order of doctors or men learned in the law. 
 And the importance and influence of these latter would 
 necessarily go on increasing in proportion as the priests grew 
 less and less zealous for the law of their fathers on the one 
 hand, and as the law itself came to acquire a greater value 
 and significance in the estimation of the people on the other. 
 This was the case more particularly after the Maccabaean 
 wars of independence. Ever since then the scribes got the 
 spiritual superintendence of the people more and more into 
 their own hands. And so the age of the priests was succeeded 
 by that of the scribes (comp. Eeuss, Geschichte der heiligen 
 Schriften A. T.'s). This however is not to be understood as 
 implying that the priests had now lost all their influence. 
 Politically and socially they still occupied the foremost place 
 quite as much as ever they did. It is true the scribes had 
 now come to be recognised as the teachers of the people. 
 But, in virtue of their political standing, in virtue of the 
 powerful resources at their command, and, lastly and above 
 all, in virtue of their sacred prerogatives — for, inasmuch as 
 they enjoyed the exclusive right of offering Israel's sacrifices 
 to God, their intervention was necessary to the fulfilment of 
 his religious duties in the case of every member of the com- 
 munity, — in virtue of all this, we say, the priests still
 
 § 21. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 209 
 
 continued to have an extraordinary significance for the life of 
 ^he nation. 
 
 Now this significance of theirs was due mainly to the 
 simple fact that they constituted a distinct order, possessing 
 the exclusive right to offer the people's sacrifices to God. 
 According to the legislation of the Pentateuch, which had 
 been regarded as absolutely binding ever since the time of 
 Ezra and Nehemiah, " the sans of Aaron " were alone entitled 
 to take part in the sacrificial worship} The priesthood was 
 therefore a fraternity fenced round with irremovable barriers, 
 for they had been fixed for ever by natural descent. No one 
 could possibly be admitted to this order who did not belong 
 to it by birth ; nor could any one be excluded from it whose 
 legitimate birth entitled him to admission. Now this order, 
 so rigidly exclusive in its character, was in possession of the 
 highest privilege that can well be conceived of, the privilege 
 namely of offering to God all the sacrifices of the nation at 
 large, and of every individual member of the community. 
 This circumstance alone could not but be calculated to invest 
 the priesthood with a vast amount of influence and authority, 
 all the more that civil life was intertwined, in such an end- 
 less variety of ways, with the religious observances.^ But, in 
 addition to this, there was the fact, that ever since the 
 Deuteronomic legislation came into force in the time of Josiah 
 
 ^ See in particular, Ex. xxviii.-xxix. ; Lev. viii.-x. ; Num. xvi.-xviii. I 
 should observe here that the following view is based on the assumption 
 that the so-called priestly code, i.e. the bulk of the laws in Exodus, 
 Leviticus and Numbers, belongs to a later date than Deuteronomy and 
 Ezekiel. This, as it appears to me. has been clearly demonstrated by the 
 more recent criticism of the Pentateuch. The legislation of the priestly 
 code evidently represents, in all its leading features, a later stage of develop- 
 ment than Deuteronomy and Ezekiel. The two latter books would be 
 simply vmintelligible were we to suppose that their authors wrote them 
 with the priestly code already lying before them. 
 
 ^ There were, for example, numerous points in matrimonial law and 
 medical jurisprudence that could only be settled by having recourse to the 
 priests ; see Num. v. ll-ol (the procedure in the case of the woman 
 suspected of adultery) ; Lev. xiii., xiv. ; Dcut. xxiv. 8, 9 (procedure in the 
 case of leprosy). 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. O
 
 210 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 (about 630 B.c.), it was declared to be unlawful to offer 
 sacrifices anywhere but in Jerusalem, the vjJiole worship being 
 concentrated in its sole and only legitimate sanctuary. Conse- 
 quently all the various offerings from every quarter of the 
 land flowed into Jerusalem and met at this one common 
 centre of worship, the result being that the priests that 
 officiated within it came to acquire great power and wealth. 
 Moreover, this centralization of the worship had the additional 
 effect of uniting all the members of the priesthood into one 
 firmly compacted body. 
 
 From what has just been said it follows, as matter of course, 
 that the primary requisite in a priest was evidence of his pedi- 
 gree. On this the greatest possible stress was laid. The 
 person who failed to produce it could claim no title what- 
 ever to the rights and privileges of the priesthood. Even so 
 far back as the time when the first of the exiles returned 
 under Zerubbabel, certain priestly families were debarred 
 from the sacred office because they could not produce their 
 genealogical registers.^^ On the other hand, Josephus assures 
 us, with regard to his own case, that he found his pedigree 
 recorded " in the public archives." ^^ Consequently the 
 family registers would appear to have had the character of 
 public records on account of their importance for the com- 
 munity at large. 
 
 With the view of keeping the blood of the priestly stock as 
 pure as possible, there were also certain regulations prescribed 
 with regard to iimri'iage. According to the law given in Lev. 
 xxi. 7, 8, a priest was forbidden to marry a prostitute, or a 
 deflowered maid, or a woman put away from her husband ; 
 consequently he could only choose an undefiled virgin or 
 widow, and of course even then only such as were of Israelitish 
 
 3a Ezra ii. 61-63 = Neh. vii. 63-65. 
 
 3^ Joseph. Vita, 1 : tjjj/ f^h ovv rov yivov; '/iu,u!i ^tx'Sox'^i', ü; h rotis 
 Yifioaixtg OiTi-roig ocvw/S'/poe.iU.fihn'j ivpov, ovru TrxpUTidifioti. 
 
 * Joseph, contra Apion. i. 7: lu yxp rov fUTiy^ovT» rij; iipauvun; s| 
 ifiosdvoii; yvvcttao; 'TrctiOO'zoisladcci.
 
 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 211 
 
 forbidding them to marry any but the daughters of priests, 
 Nor were these regulations in any way relaxed in later times, 
 for so far from that they came to be but the more sharply 
 defined.^ "We find, for example, that a chaluza, i.e. a widow 
 whom her brother-in-law declined to marry (according to the 
 law regarding levirate marriage), was also to be treated as one 
 "who had been put away from her husband."® Again a 
 priest was forbidden to marry a woman who had been taken 
 captive in war as being a person that might well be suspected 
 of having been violated.' Then, if a priest was already 
 without children, he was forbidden, in marrying again, to 
 marry a woman who was " incapable ; " * but, in any case, he 
 was never to choose a female proselyte or emancipated slave ; 
 nor the daughter of a man who had been formerly a slave, 
 except in those cases in which the mother happened to be 
 of Israelitish extraction.^ The regulations were still more 
 stringent in the case of the hiffh iniest. He was not allowed 
 to marry even a widow, but only an undefiled virgin (Lev. 
 xxi. 13—15). This, like the former regulations, was also 
 enforced and rendered yet more precise in later times.'" In 
 
 * See in general, Philo, De monarchia, lib. ii. sec. viii.-xi. (cd. Mang. 
 ii. 228 f.). Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2. The Rabbinical prescriptions as given 
 in Seiden, De successione in puntificatum, ii. 2, 3 ; Ibid. Uxor Ebraica, i. 7. 
 Wagenseil's note to Sota iv. 1 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 230 ff.). 
 Ugolini, TJtcsanrus, vol. xiii. col. 911 ff. 
 
 8 Sota iv. 1, viii. 3; Makkoth iii. 1. Targum of Jonathan, Sifra and 
 Pesikta to Lev. xxi. 7, as given in Ugolini, ut supra. 
 
 ' Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2 ; contra Apion. i. 7 ; Antt. xiii. 10. 5, ßn. 
 (account of John Hyrcanus). According to Kethuhoth ii. 9, even priests' 
 wives that had been found in a town captured by the enemy were debarred 
 from any further conjugal intercourse with their husbands, unless it could 
 be shown by satisfactory evidence that they had not been violated. 
 
 ' Jehamoth vi. 5. 
 
 ' Never a female proselyte or emancipated slave, Jehamoth vi. 5. With 
 regard to the daughters, see Bikkurim i. 5. Rabbi Elieser ben Jakob says : 
 "A priest is never to marry the daughter of a proselyte except when her 
 mother happens to be of Israel." This is no less applicable to the daughters 
 of emancipated slaves. Even in the tenth generation it is lawful only 
 where the mother is of Israelitish origin. 
 
 1" Philo, De monarchia, ii. 9. Josopli. Antt. iii. 12. 2. Jehamoth vi. ■! : "A 
 high priest must not marry a widow, whether she has become such subse-
 
 212 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 affirming, as he does, that the high priest could only marry a 
 virgin belonging to a priestly family," Philo states what is 
 at variance at once with the text of Leviticus and the later 
 standpoint of the law, from both of which it is evident that 
 it was permissible for the high priest to marry any Israelitish 
 virgin, no matter to what family she might belong. Possibly 
 Philo's view may have been suggested to him by the terms of 
 the passage in Leviticus as it stands in the Septuagint,^^ per- 
 haps also by actual practice, or, it may be, by both combined. 
 The regulation in Ezekiel (xliv. 22), to the effect that a priest 
 was only to marry a virgin, or the widow of a priest, found 
 no place in the law as subsequently developed. Considering 
 the great importance that was attached to the strict observ- 
 ance of those regulations, a priest on the occasion of his 
 marriage was, of course, required to furnish precise evidence 
 of his wife's pedigree. Josephus has described at length the 
 very careful way in which this was gone about,^* while in the 
 
 quent to her betrothal or subsequent to her actual marriage. Nor is he at 
 liberty to choose as a wife a woman already perfectly marriageable. Rabbi 
 Elieser and Rabbi Simon regard a marriageable woman as allowable. Nor 
 is he to marry one that has been injured by an accident." According to 
 Philo, De. monarchia, ii. 9,ßn., the high priest was on no account to marry 
 one that had been previously betrothed. Comp. Ritter's Philo und die 
 Halacha (1879), p. 72. Lundius, Die alten jüdischen Heiligthümer, book 
 iii. chap. xix. 
 
 ^^ Philo, De nionarchia, ii. 11 : ■n-podrä.^etg tu f/,ii/ dpx'ip^^ fivä,a6ce.i fcii i^övov 
 fiovov yvi/ctiKot. TCctpStvou, oiKhä, xoil lipsietu s| 'upsuv. 
 
 1- In the Septuagint, Lev. xxi. IS runs thus : wtos yuvoux.» ■nrctpöiuov ix, 
 Tov yiuovg otiirov T^'/ixpsrxi, there being nothing in the Hebrew text 
 corresponding to the words kx, tov yivovg uvtov. Comp. Ritter's Philo und 
 die Halacha, p. 72 f. 
 
 ^3 Apio7i. i. 7. From what is there said one must necessarily assume 
 that surely there were a great many families that were in possession of 
 genealogical registers. Comp, in addition, the copious lists in the Books of 
 Ezra and Nehemiah ; and further, the indications of the existence of such 
 registers to be met with in the New Testament, Matt. i. If.; Luke ii. 36, 
 iii. 23 ff. ; Acts xiii. 21 ; Rom, xi. 1 ; Phil. iii. 5. Also Mishna, Jebo' 
 moth iv. 13 ; J'aanith iv. 5. Euseb. Hist. eccl. i. 7 = Jul. African. Epist. ad 
 Aristidem (in Routh's Reliquiae sacrae, ii. 228 ff., and Spitta, Der Brief des 
 Julius Africanus an Aristides, 1877). Winer's Jlealwörterh. ii. 516-518 ; 
 Herzfeld's Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. 378-387 AVieseler's Beitrage zur 
 richtigen Würdigung der Evangelien (1869), p. 133 ff. Holtzmana in
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. 213 
 
 Mishna it is prescribed liow far back the evidence is to 
 extend," and in what cases it may be dispensed with.^^ 
 
 Those regulations with regard to marriage are undoubtedly 
 based upon the idea that the priesthood is a sacred order. 
 The same idea has been further embodied in yet other 
 prescriptions. According to the law (Num. xix.), every one 
 was defiled who came in contact with a dead body, nay who 
 even entered a house in which such body happened to be 
 lying ; but as for the priests, they were forbidden to approach 
 a corpse or to take part in the funeral obsequies, the 
 prohibition being absolute in the case of the high priest, 
 while in the case of the ordinary priests, the only exception 
 was in favour of very near blood relations : parents, children, 
 and brothers or sisters (Lev. xxi. 1—4, 11-12; Ezek. xliv. 
 25-27). It would seem that the priest was not even at 
 liberty to mourn for his own wife. Or are we to understand, 
 although it is not expressly stated, that she is intended, as 
 matter of course, to be included among the exceptions ?^^ In 
 
 Schenkel's Bihelkx. ii. 425-430. Hamburger's Real-Enc, 2ud part, art. 
 "Genealogie." 
 
 ^* Kiddushin iv. 4 : " When a priest wants to marry the daughter of a 
 priest, he must go back and find evidence with regard to four generations of 
 mothers, and therefore, strictly speaking, with regard to eight mothers. 
 These are, her own mother and her mother's mother ; the mother of her 
 maternal grandfather and her mother again ; the mother of her father and 
 her mother ; the mother of her paternal grandfather and her mother again. 
 If, on the other hand, the woman he wants to marry be simply a daughter 
 of Levi or of Israel, he must go back a step farther." 
 
 ^* Kiddushin iv. 5 : "It is unnecessary to search back in the case of a 
 priest who has ministered at the altar, or of a Levite who has sung in the 
 choir, or of a member of the Sanhedrim. As a rule, all those whose 
 ancestors are well known to have been public officials or almoners, are 
 at liberty to marry one belonging to a priestly family without further 
 inquiry." 
 
 ^*' According to the usual interpretation of the text of Lev. xxi. 4 as we 
 now have it, the mourning of the priest for his wife would seem to be even 
 expressly forbidden. Although, in this instance, buth exposition and text 
 are exceedingly doubtful (see Dillmann's note on the passage), still the fact 
 remains that the wife is not mentioned as one of the exceptions. Nor ia 
 ehe mentioned as such either by Philo, De monarchia, ii. 12, or by Josephus, 
 Anlt. iii. 12. 2. The Rabbinical writers, on the other hand, regard the
 
 214 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 no case whatever was a priest to indulge in any token of 
 grief calculated to disfigure the person, such as shaving the 
 head or lacerating the body (Lev. xxi. 5, 6 ; comp. Ezek. 
 xliv, 20), nor was the high priest to uncover his head and 
 rend his garments (Lev. xxi. 10 ; comp. x. 6, 7).^^^ 
 
 Then again it was essential to the sacred character attaching 
 to a priest, that he should be totally free from every sort of 
 'physical defect. If any one had a bodily defect of any kind 
 about him, no matter though he belonged to the " sons of 
 Aaron," he was thereby disqualified from officiating as a priest. 
 The various kinds of defects are already enumerated with 
 pretty considerable detail in the law as found in Leviticus 
 (xxi. 16-23). And, as was to be expected, this too is 
 one of those points on which a later age has exercised its 
 ingenuity in the way of being minutely and painfully specific. 
 It has been calculated that the number of bodily defects that 
 disqualified a man for the office of the priesthood amount in 
 all to 142.^^ At the same time however the priests who, for 
 the reason now in question, were debarred from exercising 
 any of the functions of the priesthood, were entitled to a 
 share of the emoluments as well as the others, for they too 
 belonged to the ordo}^ 
 
 There is nothing prescribed in the law as to the age at 
 which a priest was to be allowed to enter upon the duties of 
 his office. Perhaps we may venture to assume that it must 
 
 ilSB' of Lev. xxi. 2 as referring to her, wliile they understand xxi. 4 of the 
 act of mourning for an illegitimate wife. See the passages from the Targum 
 of Jonathan and Sifra in Ugolini, xiii. 929 if. For the subject generally, 
 consult besides, Oehler, xii. 176 f. 
 
 1"^ Comp, besides, Lundius, Die alten jüdischen Heiligthümer, book üL 
 chap. 20. 
 
 ^'^ Haneberg, Die religiösen Alterthiimer der Bibel, p. 532. See in general, 
 Philo, De mo7iarchia, ii. 5. Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2. Mishna, Bechoroth vii. 
 Seiden, De successione in pontificatum Ehr. ii. 5. Carpzov, Apparatus 
 historico-critiais, pp. 89-94. Ugolini, xiii. 897 fF. Haneberg, p. 531 f. 
 Oehler, xii. 176. For parallels from heathen antiquity, see the Knobel- 
 Dillmann Exeget. Handh. zu Exodus und Leviticus, p. 568. 
 
 ^^ Lev. xxi. 22. Philo, De monarchia, ii. 13. Joseph. Antt. iii. 12. 2 ; 
 Bell. Jud. V. 5. 7. Mishna, Sebachim xii. 1 ; Menachoth xiii. 10, fin.
 
 § 2i. THE PUIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 215 
 
 have been the same as that at which the Levites entered upon 
 theirs. Yet even this latter is given differently in different 
 parts of the Old Testament.^^ The Eabbinical tradition states 
 that a priest was duly qualified for his duties as soon as the 
 first signs of manhood made their appearance, but that he 
 was not actually installed till he was twenty years of age."" 
 
 And now when all the requirements to which we have 
 referred were found to be satisfied, and when his fitness had 
 been duly established to the satisfaction of the Sanhedrim,^^ 
 the priest was set apart to his office by a special act of 
 consecration. According to the leading passage in the law 
 bearing on this matter, viz. Ex. xxix. = Lev. viii., this solemn 
 act consisted of three parts : (1) the washing of the body with 
 water, (2) the putting on of the sacred vestments, and (3) a 
 series of sacrifices the offering of which was accompanied with 
 further ceremonies of a partly special kind, viz. the anointing 
 of various parts of the body with blood, the sprinkling of the 
 person and the garments with oil and blood, the " filling of 
 the hands," i.e. the taking of certain portions of the victims and 
 laying them upon the hands of the priest with the view of 
 indicating thereby his future duties and rights. In several 
 other passages (Ex. xxvili. 41, xxx, 30, xl. 12-15 ; Lev. vii, 36, 
 X. 7 ; Num. iii. 3) there is superadded to these the pouring 
 of ointment upon the head, an act which, according to the 
 leading passage on the subject, was observed, and that as a 
 mark of distinction, solely in the case of the high priest.'^^ 
 The whole ceremony extended over seven days (Ex. xxix. 
 35 ff.; Lev. viii. 33 ff.). How it fared with this ceremony at 
 a later period has been, so far as several of its details are 
 
 »9 In Num. iv. 3, 23, 30, 85, 39, 43, 47, 1 Chron. xxiii. 3, it is stated to be 
 the thirtieth, in Num. viii. 23-26 the twenty-fifth, and in Ezra iii. 8, 1 Chron. 
 xxiii. 24, 27, 2 Chron. xxxi. 17, the twentieth year. 
 
 -<* See the passage from Sifra { = Bah. Chullin 24b) in Seiden, De succes- 
 sioiie, ii. 4, and Ugolini, Thcs. xiii. 927. 
 
 -* Middoth y.fin. 
 
 -2 On this point, see "Wellhausen, Jahrh. f. deutsche Theol. 1877, p. 412 f. 
 Dillmann's Exeget. Handbuch, note on Lev. viii. 12.
 
 216 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 concerned, a matter of some dispute.^^ It is probable that the 
 pouring of oil upon the head continued to be retained as a 
 mark of distinction in the case of the high priest.^* 
 
 As the priests were so numerous it was simply impossible 
 that they could all officiate at the same time. It was there- 
 fore necessary to have an arrangement according to which 
 they could do so in regular rotation. With a view to this 
 the whole body of the priests was divided into twenty-four 
 families or courses of servicer^ The account of the origin and 
 organization of those twenty-four courses of service as given 
 by the Eabbinical tradition is as follows : ^® " Four courses of 
 service (DhDK^) came back from the exile, viz. : Jedaiah, 
 
 ^^ See in general, Seiden, De successione, iL 8, 9. Ugolioi, Thesaurus, xiii. 
 pp. 434: ff., 476-548. Bahr, Symbolik des mosaischen Cultus, ii. 165 flr. 
 Winer's Realwörterb., art. " Priesterweihe." Oehler in Herzog's Real- 
 Encycl., vol. xiii. pp. 178-180. Haneberg, pp. 526-531. According to 
 some, the newly admitted priest was only required to offer the meat-offering 
 prescribed in Lev. vi. 12 ff. But this is utterly incredible, and is based 
 upon a pure misapprehension of the Rabbinical passages, which undoubtedly 
 require that the newly admitted (therefore newly consecrated) priest should, 
 in the first instance, offer this sacrifice for himself before offering any 
 other. See the passages in Ugolini, xiii. 546 f., and comp., in addition, 
 Frankel, lieber den Einfluss der palästinischen Exegese, etc. (1851) p. 143. 
 No further light is thrown upon the matter by Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 16-18, 
 and Joseph. Antt. iii. 8. 6, as they simply reproduce Ex. xxix. = Lev. 
 via. 
 
 2^ Comp. Wellhausen, Jahrb. f. deutsche Theol. 1877, p. 412. But it 
 would appear that, in the latter days of the temple, the high priest himself 
 was no longer (or not always?) anointed, for the Mishna knows of other 
 high priests, who in contradistinction to the anointed ones had been 
 introduced to their office through the ceremony of investing with the 
 sacred garments. See in particidar, Horajoth iii. 4. But be this as it 
 may, there is at all events no truth in the view of Maimonides, that the 
 anointing had been discontinued ever since the exile. 
 
 25 On this see Lightfoot, Ministerium templi, chap. vi. (0pp. i. pp. 691- 
 694). Idem, Harmonia evangelistarum, note on Luke i. 5 (0pp. i. 258 ff.). 
 Idem, Horae hebraicae, note on Luke i. 5 (0pp. ii. 486 ff.). Carpzov, 
 Apparatus historico-criticus, pp. 100-102. Ugolini, Thesaurus, vol. xiii. 
 col. 872 ff. Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. p. 387 ff. Bertheau, 
 Exegetisches Handbuch zu Ezra, Nehemia und Ester (1862), pp. 228-230. 
 Oehler in Herzog's Real-Encycl., 1st ed. vol. xii. pp. 182-186. Haneberg, 
 Die religiösen Alterthümer der Bibel, p. 555 ff. Graf in Merx' Archiv, i. p, 
 225 f. 
 
 ^'' Jer. Taanith iv. fol. 68, and as being substantially to the same effect.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 2l7 
 
 Harim, Pashur, and Immer Then the prophets that 
 
 were among them arose and made twenty-four lots and put 
 them into an urn. And Jedaiah came and drew five lots, 
 which, including himself, would therefore make six. And 
 Harim came and drew five lots, which, including himself, 
 would therefore make six. And Pashur came and drew five 
 lots, which, including himself, would therefore make six. 
 And Immer came and drew five lots, which, including him- 
 self, would therefore make six And heads of the 
 
 courses of service (nnoK'O ''K'N'i) were appointed. And the 
 courses were divided into houses (ni3N ""rin). And there were 
 courses consisting of five, six, seven, eight, or nine houses. In 
 a course consisting of five houses, three of them had to serve 
 one day each, while the remaining two had to serve two days 
 each ; in a course consisting of six houses, five of them had 
 to serve one day each, while one had to serve two days ; 
 where it consisted of seven, each served one day ; of eight, six 
 served one day each and two served simultaneously the 
 remaining day ; of nine, five served one day each and four 
 served simultaneously during two days." It is true that 
 what is here stated regarding the origin (or, according to the 
 Talmud, the restoration) of the twenty-four courses of service 
 cannot be said to possess the value of an independent tradition, 
 that, on the contrary, it is based merely upon inferences from 
 certain facts that are mentioned elsewhere. Yet it has so far 
 hit the mark as substantially to represent the actual state of 
 the case. For there returned from the exile, along with 
 Zerubbabel and Joshua, four families of priests, viz. : the 
 children of Jedaiah, Immer, Paslmr, and Harim, niimbering in 
 all 4289 (Ezra ii. 36-39 =Neh. vii. 39-42)."«* Further, that 
 
 Toscfta, Taanith ii. (both passages in Hebrew and Latin being given 
 in Ugolini, vol. xiii. p. 87G fF.) ; partly also Bab. Arachin 12b, comp. 
 Herzfeld, i. 303. In the above quotation I follow tlie text of Jcr. Taanith^ 
 only with a few abridgments here and there. 
 
 -"■* The accuracy of the alleged numbers, so far as the time of Zerubbabel 
 is concerned, has been questioned by Stade {TlicoL Litcraturzcititng, 1884, 
 218, in the notice by Smend, Die Listen der Bücher Esra und Nehemia,
 
 218 § 2i. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 these four families comprised the whole body of the priesthood at 
 the time of Ezra's arrival, and therefore some eighty years after- 
 wards as well, is evident from Ezra x. 18-22. But, along with 
 these mention is also made, as early as the time of Zerubbabel 
 and Joshua (Neh. xii. 1-7), of twenty-two classes of priests, 
 with a corresponding number of " heads " (n''3nDn "•tJ'sn). And 
 those same classes or divisions are also further met with in 
 the time of Joshua's successor, Joiakim the high priest 
 (Neh. xii. 12-21)." It is evident therefore that the four 
 families were subdivided into twenty-two classes. Then it is 
 substantially the same arrangement that is still to be met with 
 in the time of Ezra. When this latter arrived with a fresh 
 band of exiles, he brought along with him two more priestly 
 families (Ezra viii. 2) ^^ and added them to the four that were 
 already in the country (Ezra x. 18-22). But we find that 
 shortly after, the number of classes was once more almost the 
 same as it had been in Zerubbabel's time, namely twenty-one, 
 as may be seen from the list given in Neh. x. 3—9. However, 
 only fourteen of the names mentioned in this latter passage 
 are to be found in the two earlier lists (Neh. xii. 1-7, 
 12-21), all the rest being different. Consequently the 
 organization of the divisions must, in the meanwhile, have 
 undergone certain alterations of one kind or another, as would 
 no doubt be deemed necessary on account of a fresh accession 
 
 1881). Besides the objections advanced by this writer, there is the further 
 fact that, according to pseudo-Hecataeus, who belongs to the commence- 
 ment of the Hellenistic period, the number of Jewish priests amounted in 
 all to only 1500 (Joseph, contra Apiov. i. 22, ed. Bekker, p. 202: ituiroi 
 oi ttÜvts; itpilg tui/ ^lovhoiiuv, at r'/iv Zikxt/iu ruu '•/tvofisvuv 7^ot,iA.ßix,voinig y.cti 
 rot KoiuctttoiKOVUTB;, Tsspl ^i'Aiovg fidt'htaTU. xeii TrevrxKoatovs iiaiu^. May it 
 not be that the women and children are to be understood as included in the 
 above 4289 ? So far as our purpose is concerned this question may here 
 be left an open one. 
 
 ^J' In the second list only one of the names belonging to the first 
 (Chattusch) is wanting. The remaining twenty-one names are all identi- 
 cally the same in both, as is clearly evident not-nathstanding the numerous 
 inaccuracies of the text. Comp. Bertheau's note on Neh. xii. 12. 
 
 ^* For the names Geishom and Daniel mentioned in this passage are the 
 names of priestly families ; see Bertheau's note on it.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP, 219 
 
 of priestly families having been brought by Ezra, and for other 
 reasons besides. However, under the new order of things the 
 number of divisions remained the same as before and so 
 continued, substantially at least, on through succeeding ages. 
 In the time of the author of Chronicles, who traces back the 
 arrangement that existed in his day to the time of David, the 
 number of the divisions amounted to twenty-four (1 Chron. 
 xxiv. 7-18). It is true that, in the catalogue of names 
 furnished by this writer, scarcely more than a third of those 
 in the earlier lists are to be found. That being so, we are 
 bound to assimie that, in the meanwhile, important changes 
 must have taken place, always supposing that our author has 
 not drawn somewhat upon his own imagination for a number 
 of the names attributed to the time of David. Be that as it 
 may, it is certain that, from that 'point onwards, the division 
 into twenty-four classes continued to subsist loithout any altera- 
 tion lühatcvcr. For we learn on the express testimony of 
 Josephus, that it was still maintained in his own day,^^ td 
 say nothing of the fact that some of the names of the division 
 continued to be occasionally mentioned (Joiarib, 1 Mace. ii. 1 ; 
 Abia, Luke i. 5).^° It is somewhat strange that, in a passage 
 in his contra Apionem, — a passage, however, that has come 
 down to us only in a Latin version, — Josephus should be 
 found speaking of foiir families or divisions (tribits) of the 
 priests.^^ One might perhaps be disposed to think that here 
 
 -® Antt. vii. 14. 7 : oiifmviv o'lrro; 6 ftspiafiog »XP' '^'^= arifusou ijicipa;. 
 Vita, 1 : ifiol S' ov f^ö'jO'j fl iipioiv iijrl to '/ivo;, li'K'hoi, y,xl tx. tyi; TrpUT'/i; 
 ((f)rifiipihos ruu iltcoa manoipuv (ttoXAjj oe kocv rovru 6ioc<Pop»), kui zuv iu 
 ruvTVj Ov'huv ix, rvii dpiarn:. Coiiip. besides, Taauith iv. 2 ; Svkka v. 6-8, 
 and the commentaries thereon. 
 
 ^° Joiarib and Jcdaiah are also mentioned, Baha kamma ix. 12. The 
 division Joiarib is the one that is sjiid to have been oflBciating when the 
 temple was destroyed, Bah. Taauith 29», in Derenbourg's JJiatoire de la 
 Palestine, p. 291. The division or course of Bilga is mentioned in Sukka 
 V. 8. 
 
 31 Contra Apion. ii. 8 (ed. Bekker, pp. 239, 20 ff.): Licet enim sint tribtts 
 quattuor sacerdotum, et harum tribuum siugulae habeant hominum plus quam 
 quinque miHa, fit tarnen observatio particulariter per dies certos ; ct hiß 
 transactis alii succedentes ad sacrificia veniunt, etc.
 
 220 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 the historian had in view thQ four families that returned with 
 Zerubbabel. But as the context shows that he is clearly 
 referring to the courses of service, there is nothing for it but 
 to assume that the text has been corrupted, and that for four 
 we ought to substitute twenty-four. Nor can it be said that 
 this view is at once disposed of by the circumstance that 
 Josephus alleges that the number in each division amounted 
 to over 5000 souls. For it is probable that this number 
 included the Levites (who were also divided into twenty-four 
 divisions, every division of the priests having its corresponding 
 division of Levites), and perhaps women and children as well ; 
 besides, we know only too well that one cannot depend a great 
 deal on Josephus in the matter of numbers. 
 
 Each of the twenty-four main divisions was in turn broken 
 up into a number of sub-divisions. If we may trust the 
 Talmudic tradition quoted above (p. 182), the number of 
 those sub-divisions ranged from five to nine for each main 
 division. The main divisions were known either under the 
 general designation of nippno (divisions, so 1 Chron. xxviii. 
 13, 21 ; 2 Chron. viii. 14, xxiii. 8, xxxi. 2, 15, 16), or, in so 
 far as they were made up of the members of one family, they 
 were called riiax IT'n (houses of their fathers, so 1 Chron. xxiv. 
 4, 6), or, in so far as they had the services of the temple to 
 attend to, they were described as ni"io:i'D (watches, so Neh. xiii. 
 30 ; 2 Chron. xxxi. 16). As regards the sub-divisions, for our 
 knowledge of which we are indebted solely to the testimony 
 of post-Biblical literature, they are known by the designation 
 of nux "»rizi. And so now it had become the regular practice 
 to distinguish the two by calling the main division a i^VP and 
 the sub-division a 3X T\''Z^^ At the same time this distinction 
 is not necessarily involved in the signification of the words 
 
 32 This distinction is specially noticeable in Taanith ü. 6, 7. Comp, 
 further the passage quoted above, p. 182 ; also Jer. Horajoth iii. fol. 48^ ; 
 and Tosefta, Horajoth, fin., where it is stated that a ICC'D t^N"l is higher in 
 point of rank than a 2X ri^3 tJ'i*")- Again, "iDtJ'D is also met with in Sid-fca 
 V. 6-8, Taanith iv. 2, and Tamid v. 1, undoubtedly in the sense of " main 
 division," or " division for a week's service." But it is also to be similarly
 
 § 24 THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 221 
 
 themselves. For as lo:;'» may mean any division for service, 
 so 2S JT'S, on the other hand, may mean any body composed of 
 the members of the same family, no matter whether they 
 consist of few persons or of many.^* Accordingly, as we have 
 just remarked, the author of the Book of Chronicles is still 
 found to be making use of ninx n"'3 (in Neh. xii. 12 shortened 
 into nnx) as one of his expressions for denoting the main 
 divisions or courses. But it would appear that somewhat later 
 the distinction referred to above came to be rigidly observed. 
 In Greek the term for one of the main divisions is Trarpid or 
 i^TjfiepM or i(f)r]/jLepL^, and for one of the sub-divisions (pvXi].^ 
 Then each of the divisions, the principal and subordinate 
 ones alike, was presided over by a head. In the Old Testa- 
 ment the heads of the main divisions are designated cnb* 
 (princes) ^^ or D^^N") (heads).^® At a subsequent period this 
 latter ("lOtJ^n B'Ki) seems to have become the current designa- 
 tion, just as nx n'^2 :^•X"l ^^ came to be the one regularly employed 
 to denote the head of a sub-division. Then, besides these, 
 we sometimes come across the term "elders" in this connection, 
 the n:in3 "-ipr and the 3k IT'S ""jpT.^^ 
 
 understood in Bikkurim iii. 12 ; Jcbamoth xi. 7, ßn. ; Baha kamma ix. 12 ; 
 Tcmnra iii. 4, and Para iii. ßn. 2S n"'3, on the other hand, occurs in the 
 sense of a sub-division or a division for one day's service, in Joma iii. 9, 
 iv. 1 ; Tamid i. 1 ; Middoth i. 8. 
 
 ^* See Knobel-Dillmaun, Exegetisches Handbuch, note on Ex. vi. 14 (p. 58). 
 
 "* TUTptd., Joseph. Antt. vii. 14. 7 ; lfr,fiipix, Luke i. 5, 8 ; i(f:nf/.ipi; and 
 ((iVh'/i, Joseph. 17/«, 1 (see the quotation given above, note 29). We find 
 mention made of a (fv'hTi ^Eviuxiif^ in Joseph. Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 8. 
 
 '* D''3n3n ''"itj', Ezra viii. 24, 29, x. 5 ; 2 Chrou. xxxvi. 14. tHp '*"lt;'> 
 
 1 Chron. xxiv. 5. That those D^'i'tJ' are identical witli the DUX ^L"N1 naay 
 
 be seen, above all, from 1 Chron. xv. 4-12, where both expressions are 
 employed, as being perfectly synonymous, to denote the heads of the 
 Levitical divisions. 
 
 ^^' n"l3S-n''3^ D''K'X1, 1 Chron. xxiv. 4. ni3Kn "•U'«"!, Neh. xii. 12; 
 1 Chron. xxiv. 6. Comp, also Neh. xi. 13, xii. 7. 
 
 ^^ notion t'XI and 3X n'3 CX"li Tosefta, I{orajoth,ßn., ed. Zuckcmiandol, 
 p. 476 ; and Jcr. HorajotU iii. fol. 48'^ (the latter passage being given in 
 Ugolini, Thesaurus, xiii. 870). "iDt^'on :^'X^ also in the passage quoted 
 above, p. 182. 3X n^3 t^'X"^, Joma iii. 9, iv. 1. 
 
 ^* njina ^ipT, Joma L 5. 3N n^3 ^JpT, Tamid i. 1 ; Middoth I 8.
 
 222 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 The importance and influence of the various divisions was by 
 no means alike. Notwithstanding their formal equality, in so 
 far as they all took part in the services of the sanctuary in 
 regular rotation, still those divisions, from the members of 
 which high priests or other influential functionaries were 
 selected, could not fail to acquire, in consequence, a greater 
 amount of influence and importance. Hence we can quite 
 believe that, as Josephus assures us, it was regarded as a great 
 advantage to belong to the first of the twenty-four classes,^^ i.e. 
 to the class Joiarib, which had the honour of contributing the 
 Asmonaean princes and high priests.*" Then we find that 
 within the individual classes again influential coteries were 
 formed. The families living in Jerusalem would no doubt 
 understand how to secure for members of their own circle the 
 most important offices about the temple, knowing as they did 
 how much influence they conferred upon those who filled them. 
 But it was in the Eoman period above all that the privileged 
 families from which the high priests were drawn (see p. 173, 
 above) were found to constitute a proud aristocracy, claiming 
 to occupy a rank much superior to that of the ordinary 
 priests. The social difference between the one circle and the 
 other was so marked that, toward the close of the period just 
 preceding the destruction of the temple, the high priests could 
 even go the length of wresting the tithes from the other priests 
 by violence, these latter being left to starve.*^ As a conse- 
 quence of this disparity of rank, their political sympathies 
 were also so widely different that, at the outbreak of the revolu- 
 tion, the ordinary priests favoured this movement, whereas the 
 high priests did everything in their power to allay the storm. 
 
 23 Vita., 1 : 'TTo'h'Kvi U xxv roinu hccipop» = " there is a great advantage 
 also in this." 
 
 *o One feels tempted to assume that the lists in Chronicles (1 Chron. 
 xxiv. 7-18) were not framed till the Asmonaean period. For it is surely 
 very strange that it is precisely the class Joiarib, from which the Asmo- 
 naeans were sprung, that is here put prominently at the top, while in 
 the lists given in Nehemiah (xii. 1-7, 12-21) it occupies a somewhat 
 subordinate place. 
 
 " Joseph. Anit. xx. 8. 8, 9. 2. *^ Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 2-4.
 
 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 223 
 
 We must be careful to distinguish between the priests properly 
 so called and the Levitcs, a subordinate class of sacred officials." 
 It is true, no doubt, that this distinction is as yet unknown to 
 the Book of Deuteronomy. There the Levites are all regarded 
 as being as much entitled to share in the priestly functions as 
 the rest, and " priests " and " Levites " are made use of simply 
 as convertible terras (see especially, Deut. xviii. 5, xxi. 5 ; and 
 generally, xvii. 9, 18, xviii. 1, xxiv. 8, xxvii. 9). The practice 
 of distinguishing between the two orders is met with for the 
 first time in Ezekiel ; and there can scarcely be a doubt that 
 it was precisely this prophet who was the first to introduce it. 
 According to the legislation of Deuteronomy, all places of 
 worship outside Jerusalem were to be suppressed. At the 
 same time the " Levites " who officiated in them, i.e. the 
 priests, were not deprived of their rights as such ; all that was 
 asked of them was that they should exercise their priestly 
 functions exclusively in Jerusalem. This state of things 
 however could hardly be expected to last long, In the first 
 place it was too much to expect that the Jerusalem priests 
 would long relish the idea of those colleagues from the pro- 
 vinces having the same right to officiate as themselves ; but 
 apart from this, there was the fact that they had been guilty, 
 to a larger extent than the priests of Jerusalem, of blending 
 the service of strange gods with the worship of Jehovah. 
 Consequently Ezekiel now proceeded to push the state of 
 things brought about by the Deuteronomist to what seemed 
 to be its legitimate result : he prohibited the Levites from 
 beyond Jerusalem from celebrating worship altogether. This 
 was now to be the exclusive privilege of the Levites of the 
 house of Zadok, i.e. of the Jerusalem priests. Hereafter none 
 but the sons of Zadok were " to offijr the fat and the blood 
 
 ^3 See in general, Winer's Reahcörlerh. ii. 20 ff. Oehler's art. " Levi," in 
 lierzog's lical-Encycl, 1st ed. vol. viii. 347-358 (in the 2nd ed. it is revised 
 by Orelli). Graf, Zur Geschichte </« Stammes Lcvi^ in Merx' Archiv, vol. i. 
 Idem, art. "Levi," in Sclicnkel's Bihelkxicon, iv. 29-32. 'Wcllhausen, 
 Geschichte, i. 123-156. Smend, E.a;/ft. Ilandlnich zu Ezekiel, pp. 3G0-362. 
 Dillmann, Exeget. Handbuch zu Exodus und Leviticus, pp. 155-401.
 
 224 § 2i. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 before God," that is to say, none but these were to minister at 
 the altar or cross the threshold of the inner sanctuary (the 
 temple proper). To the other Levites the more subordinate 
 class of duties was assigned, viz. the keeping watch over the 
 temple, the slaughtering of the victims, and such like. An 
 arrangement such as this had, at the same time, this further 
 advantage, that it was now possible entirely to dispense with 
 those Gentiles whom it had been necessary to employ for the 
 purpose of performing the more menial services connected 
 with the temple (see in general, Ezek. xliv. 6-16). The order 
 of things thus introduced by Ezekiel was the one that in all 
 essential respects came to be permanently adopted. The 
 distinction which he had established between priests and the 
 other Levites is treated in the code of the priests as one that 
 had already come to be regularly recognised. In this code 
 the distinction between " the sons of Aaron," i.e. the priests, 
 and the rest of the Levites, is rigidly observed. According to 
 its enactments it is only the former who are to enjoy the 
 right of ministering at the altar and within the sanctuary 
 itself (Num. xviii. 7). The Levites, on the other hand, are 
 merely to act as assistants to the sons of Aaron " in all the 
 service of the tabernacle" (Num. xviii. 4). Accordingly, 
 what they are allowed and are called upon to do is to help the 
 priests by performing a great many duties and services of the 
 most varied character in connection with the temple, such as 
 taking charge of the revenues and the sacred property, the 
 bringing forward and preparing of all the different materials 
 required for the celebration of worship, and others of a like 
 nature (for more on this matter, see Part III.). We also find 
 that the duty of slaughtering and further preparing the victims 
 was still assigned to them in later times precisely as it had 
 been in that of Ezekiel." Only they were debarred from 
 
 4* 2 Chron. xxix. 34, xxxv. 11. Certainly from those passages one might 
 infer that the Levites were called upon to assist in the slaughtering of the 
 victims only in those instances in which a great many of them had to be 
 dealt with. As a rule the priests performed the act of slaughtering the
 
 § 24. THE PPJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 225 
 
 taking part in the ministrations at the altar and witliin the 
 walls of the sanctuary (Num. xviii. 3 ; see in general, Num. 
 iii. 5-13 and xviii. 1-7). 
 
 Then, like the priests, the Zevites came to form a strictly 
 exclusive order, the privilege of belonging to which was based 
 upon natural descent. Their origin was now ascribed to Levi, 
 one of the twelve patriarchs of Israel (Ex, vi. 17-25; 
 Num, iii. 14-39, iv, 34-49, xxvi, 57-62 ; 1 Chron. v. 27- 
 VL 66, and xxiii.). Consequently in their case too as well 
 as that of the priests it was birth that decided the claim to 
 participation in the rights and functions of their order. The 
 " priests " stood to them very much in tlie relation in which 
 a privileged family stands to the whole stock to which it 
 belongs. For the origin of the priestly order now came to be 
 ascribed to Aaron, a great-grandson of Levi (Ex. vi. 17 it).*^ 
 
 But there is nothing that shows so plainly as just the 
 history of the Levites itself how elastic and unsubstantial 
 those genealogical theories were. In the post-exilic period, 
 for example, we find that the " Levites," in the sense in which 
 the term has been hitherto understood, were still strictly 
 distinguished from the musicians, doorkeepers and temj^lc 
 servants (Xethinim, originally, at all events, slaves) ; this 
 continues to be the case therefore not merely in the time of 
 
 victims themselvei'. However, the law even went so far as to allow laymen 
 to undertake this duty. See Frankel, Uebcr den Einßiiss der pedästinischen 
 Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik (1851), p. 134, Hitter's Philo 
 und die Halacha, p. 110 fF. 
 
 ■'^ The genealogical derivation of the priests from Aaron is, in the first 
 instance, merely a dogmatic postulate from which nothing whatever can 
 be inferred with regard to the actual state of matters during the post-exilic 
 period. Still it is undoulitedly a probable enough thing that, besides the 
 '•sons of Zadok," i.e. the old priestly families of Jerusalem, there were 
 also a number of others who were not originally Jerusalem jiriests, who 
 contrived to get their sacerdotal rights duly recognised. For the author 
 of Chronicles, who traces the family of Zadok to Eleazar, Aaron's eldest 
 son (1 Chron. vi. 4-12), derives a portion of the priests from Ithamar, 
 another of Aaron's sons (1 Chron. xxiv. ; comp. Ezra viii. 2). These latter 
 therefore were not Zadokites, Consequently we must assunie that, allhoiii/h 
 Ezekiel's scheme was carried out tn the main, .'<tiU it icas not so in every 
 particular. Comp. Wellhausen, Die Pharisäer und die Sadducäer, p, 48, 
 DIV, II. VOL. I. P
 
 226 § -24. THE PPJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 
 
 Zerubbabel, but also between eighty and a hundred years 
 later, viz. in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (see especially 
 Ezra ii. 40-58 ^N'eh. vii. 43-60; further Ezra ii. 70, vii. 7, 
 24, X. 23, 24; Neh. vii. 1, 73, x. 29, 40, xii. 44-47, xiii. 
 0, 10). But gradually the musicians and the doorkeeijers 
 came to be included among the " Levites " also. For example, 
 the circumstance of the musicians being now merged in the 
 Levites is presupposed in several remodelled portions of the 
 Book of Nehemiah.*^ Later on, a similar distinction seems 
 to have been accorded to the doorkeepers as well, for we 
 find the author of Chronicles taking special pains to let it 
 appear that both of the classes here in question belonged to 
 the order of the Levites, and also to show that they too were 
 descended from Levi.*' The musicians again were afterwards 
 advanced a step higher still, in so far as, shortly before the 
 destruction of the temple, King Agrippa IL, with the con- 
 currence of the Sanhedrim, conferred upon them the privilege 
 of wearing linen robes similar to those worn by the priests.** 
 
 The Levites, like the priests, were also divided into courses 
 of service. But their history is involved in still greater obscurity 
 than that of the courses of the priests. Among those who 
 returned from exile with Zerubbabel and Joshua there were 
 but very few " Levites " in the stricter sense of the word, only 
 
 ^^ Neh. xi. 15-19, 22, 23, xii. 8, 9, 24, 25, 27-29. Here the musicians 
 are uniformly regarded as belonging to the order of the Levites, while the 
 doorkeepers, on the other hand, are expressly excluded from it. Conse- 
 quently the portions in question (Neh. xi., xii.) must have come down to 
 us in a revised form, representing a point of view intermediate between 
 the standpoint of the oldest sources of the Book of Nehemiah on the one 
 side, and that of the author of Chronicles on the other. 
 
 *'' On the inclusion of the musicians among the Levites, see 1 Chron. 
 XV. 16 ff., xxiii. 3-5 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 25, and elsewhere. For the door- 
 keepers again, see 1 Chron. ix. 26, xv. 18, 23, 24, xxiii. 3-5. Further, for 
 the tracing of their descent from Levi, particularly in the case of the three 
 families of musicians, Heman, Asaph and Ethan, see 1 Chi'on. vi. 16-32 ; 
 but for the same in the case of the doorkeepers as well, at least to 
 a certain extent, viz. through Obed Edora, see Graf in Merx' Archiv, i. 
 230-232. However, it is still the practice in the Chronicles as well to 
 distinguish between the Nethinim and the Levites, 1 Chron. ix. 2. 
 
 ■*® Joseph. Antt xx. 9. 6.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 227 
 
 seventy-four in all; while in addition to these there were 128 
 singers and 139 doorkeepers (Ezra ii. 40-42, the niimhers in 
 the corresponding passage, Neh. vii. 43—45, diverging some- 
 what from those just given). Then at length when Ezra came 
 he managed to bring with him only thirty-eight " Levites," and 
 even these could he persuaded to accompany liim only after 
 serious expostulation (Ezra viii. 15-20). The disinclination 
 to return thus shown by tlie Levites was owing to the sub- 
 ordinate place that had now been assigned them. It may be 
 safely assumed however that those who did return would ere 
 long receive considerable accessions to their ranks from those 
 of their order that had never left their native country. For 
 there cannot be a doubt that, as the " Levites lived scattered 
 all over the land, far fewer of them, comparatively speaking, 
 were carried into captivity than of the " })riests," by whom 
 at that time only the priests of Jerusalem were meant. And 
 hence we are enabled to account for the fact that, in the 
 catalogue of Levites and singers in the time of Zerubbabel 
 and Joshua as given in Neh. xii. 8, we find a few more 
 families than are to be met with in the catalogue of those 
 who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezraii. 40 f.; Neh. vii. 43 f.).*" 
 In a list belonging to the time of Ezra and Nehemiah seven- 
 teen families of Levites in the stricter sense of the word are 
 already enumerated (Neh. x. 10-14 and Bertheau's note). 
 In another, probably referring, like the former, to the 
 time of Nehemiah as well,*" it is only the number of the 
 Levites dwelling in Jerusalem that is given, inclusive of 
 course of the singers, and it estimates that there were 284 
 of them (Neh. xi. 15-18). It is to be presumed that the 
 number of those who lived beyond the city, in the towns 
 and villages of Judaea, would be considerably larger (Neh. 
 xi. 20, 36).'^ It would appear that, in the time of the author 
 
 *' See Bertheau's uote, p. 1^51, of liis Excfjct. Handbuch to Nehemiab. 
 *" On the period to which this list refers, see Bertheau's Exeget. Hand- 
 buck to Chronicles, p. 99 ; to Nehemiah. p. 248. 
 *^ The number of prksts living in Jerusalem is stated in this same list
 
 228 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 of Chronicles, the division into twenty-four classes was not 
 confined to the priests, but had been adopted in the case of 
 the Levites as well. This writer, although including the 
 musicians and doorkeepers among the Levites, nevertheless 
 distinguishes between three leading groups : the Levites who 
 did service about the temple generally, then the musicians, 
 and lastly the doorkeepers (1 Chron. xxiii. 3-5). He then 
 proceeds in 1 Chron. xxiii. 6-24 to give, in the case of the 
 Levites or first group, a list of the houses of their fathers 
 (dux JT'n), which, after one or two corrections have been made, 
 probably amount to twenty-four.^^ As for the musicians 
 again, he expressly divides them into twenty-four classes or 
 courses (1 Chron. xxv.). With regard to the post- Biblical 
 period we have testimony to the effect that at that time the 
 division now in question had been regularly established in 
 the case of the Levites generally, so that, in fact, each 
 class of priests had now its corresponding class or course of 
 Levites.^' As in the case of the priests, so also in that of 
 
 to have been 1192 (Neh. xi. 10-14), while the aggregate number then 
 living throughout the whole land is estimated at 6000 (according to Ezra 
 ii. 36-39 and viii. 2 ; comp. p. 217, above). With regard to the Levites, on 
 the other hand, we may venture to assume that formerly the proportion of 
 those living beyond Jerusalem to those living within it was much greater 
 still. In any case the number of the Levites in the stricter sense of the 
 word must have exceeded that of the singers and doorkeepers. For when 
 the author of Chronicles tells us that in David's time there were 24,000 
 Levites properly so called, and 4000 singers, and 4000 doorkeepers (1 Chron. 
 xxiii. 4, 5), we may assume that the relative proportions of those numbers 
 must have pretty nearly corresponded with what actually existed in the 
 writer's own day, however much the absolute numbers themselves may 
 have been exaggerated. 
 
 ^2 See Bertheau's note on the passage. To the family of Gerson are 
 assigned nine houses of their fathers, to that of Kahat nine also, and to 
 that of Merari probably six, if, that is to say, we supply from xxiv. 26, 27 
 the three missing houses of Schoham, Sakkur and Ibri, and erase from 
 xxiii. 23 the name Älahli which occurs twice in the list. 
 
 ^^ Joseph. Antt. vii. 14. 7 : i'Troims of y,a.l -rii; AiviriZd; Cpv'hvii UKoat yJpyi 
 Kctl rsaaxp», aetl xywipuax/nivcdv y.XTSi to» oivtov oivißri(jXi/ rpÖTrou roug ruu 
 hpiuu i(pnfAipiaiv iTTt i],uip»i öktü. Taanith iv. 2: " The earliest prophets 
 established twenty-four courses of service (mifDi^'O)- To each belonged a 
 staff (id>'D) in Jerusalem, composed of priests, Levites and Israelites. As
 
 § 24. THE rJMESTIIOOD AM) THE TEMPLE "WORSIIir. 220 
 
 the Levites, each of il\e various divisions or courses was 
 presided over by a head (n'^f^ or D'-tr«-))/* 
 
 The question as to wliere the priests and Levites resided is 
 one with regard to which we have very little information of 
 a reliable kind ; for we must here entirely dismiss from view 
 the legislation with reference to the forty-eight Levitical cities, 
 which never was more tlian a mere theory (Num. xxxv. ; 
 Josh. xxi.). One thing however is certain, and that is, that 
 under the new order of things that obtained subsequent to 
 the exile, only a fraction of the priests and Levites lived in 
 Jerusalem itself, while the rest were scattered over the towns 
 and villages of Judaea, the majority of them being probably 
 within a short distance of the capital and the centre of 
 worship. In the list in Neh. xi. 10-19, to whicli reference 
 has been already made, the number of priests who lived in 
 Jerusalem is stated to have been 1192,*^ that of the Levites 
 and musicians 284, and that of the doorkeepers 172. But 
 the sum-total of the whole priests of the land amounted to 
 something like five times tliat number, if not more (see 
 note 51), while in the case of the other categories the pro- 
 portion of those living beyond the city to those within it 
 may have been greater still. In any case, the general fact 
 that priests as well as Levites had their residences in the 
 towns and villages of Judaea is confirmed by repeated and 
 unquestionable testimony.'^ But we are left with little or no 
 information with respect to details.^' 
 
 soon as its turn to serve came round to a course, the priests and Levites belong- 
 ing to it proceeded to Jerusalem, but the Israelites assembled in the syna- 
 gogues of their different towns and there read the account of the creation." 
 
 ** D^'J'. 1 Chron. xv. 4-12 ; 2 Chrou. xxxv. 9. D'CS"1. N^eh. xii. 22, 23 ; 
 1 Ciiron. ix. 33, 34, xv. 12, xxiii. 24, xxiv. 6, 31. The divisions whose 
 heads are here in question are, of course, separate and disiinet from each 
 other. 
 
 ^* The parallel passage, 1 Chron. ix. 10-13, puts it at a somewhat higher 
 figure. 
 
 ^8 Ezra ii. 70; Neh. vii. 73, xi. 3, 20, 3G ; 2 Chron. xxxi. 15, 19. 
 
 ^^ A number of places where musicians had settled are mentioned in 
 Neh. xii, 27-29. The Maccabees came from Modein (1 Mace. ii. 1), 
 Zacharias the priest lived in the hill country of Judah (Luke i. 39).
 
 230 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 II. THE EMOLUMENTS. 
 
 The emoluments which the priests received from the people 
 for their subsistence were, down to the time of the exile, of 
 a very modest and rather precarious kind. But subsequent 
 to this latter period they were augmented almost beyond 
 measure. This fact enables us to see, in a peculiarly striking 
 manner, what a vast increase of power and influence the 
 priesthood had acquired through the new order of things that 
 was introduced subsequent to the exile.^* And this increase 
 ■of power was, no doubt, the cause of the loftier pretensions 
 of the order, just as, on the other hand, it was in turn also 
 the effect of the augmenting of tlie temporalities. Nor was 
 it ever in the power of the scribes, who came after and who 
 in themselves were not always favourably disposed toward 
 the priests, to do anything in the way of altering this state 
 of matters, now that tlie priestly law had been for so long 
 the acknowledged law of God. Nay, it was for this very 
 reason that the scribes only found themselves in the position 
 of contributing towards the yet further increase of the priests' 
 emoluments. For proceeding as they did on the view that a 
 man always secured for himself the divine approval in pro- 
 portion to the punctuality and readiness with which he con- 
 formed to the requirements of the law, they almost invariably 
 interpreted its prescriptions in a sense favourable to the 
 priests. And so we have the singular spectacle of an age 
 that had already begun to regard the priests with distrust, 
 helping nevertheless to confirm and increase their power. 
 
 In the times previous to the exile there were as yet almost 
 no imposts in the strict sense of the word at all, that is to 
 say, none which were not connected with sacrifice, none whicli 
 
 According to Origen, Bethphage was a village where priests lived, Comment, 
 in Matt. vol. xvi. cap. xvii. (Lommatzscli, iv. 52) : tpiA.nvi\Jiadoi,i 3s <pu(^iv r^v 
 Täri6((:ci'/yi (Aiv oix.0» atuyovuv, 'i)Tig ruu ispiuv ^u x'^P^^"- 
 
 ^^ For a correct appreciation of these matters we are indebted first and 
 foremost to the modern criticism of the Pentateuch. See especially, Well- 
 hauseu's Gcschiclite Israels, i. 156-164.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 231 
 
 had the character of a pure tax. Allowances to the priests were 
 
 only exacted on the occasion of sacrifices being offered, and 
 
 only in connection with these. The person who came to 
 
 sacrifice brought the choicest portions of the produce of his 
 
 fields and the first-born of his cattle to offer to Jehovah. 
 
 Of this one part was consumed upon the altar, another fell to 
 
 the officiating priest, but the most of it was made use of by the 
 
 offerer himself, who was required to hold a sacrificial feast with 
 
 it in the presence of Jehovah. It is in this sense that we are 
 
 to understand the requirement already met with in tlte earliest 
 
 (Jehovistic) legislation, to the effect that the best of the produce 
 
 of the field and the first-born of the cattle were to be brought 
 
 before Jehovah (firstlings of the field, Ex. xxii. 28, xxiii. 19, 
 
 xxxiv, 26; the first-born of the cattle, Ex. xiii. 11-16, xxii. 29, 
 
 xxxiv. 19, 20).^*^^ The prescriptions in Deuteronomy bearing 
 
 on this matter are perfectly plain and unequivocal. This book 
 
 knows nothing whatever either of the exacting of the tithe, or 
 
 of the first-born on the part of the priests. It was required no 
 
 doubt that the tithe of the fruits of the field was to be separated 
 
 and conveyed to Jerusalem to the sanctuary. But there it 
 
 was not given to the priest, but consumed by the owner of it 
 
 himself ; and it was only every third year that it fell to the 
 
 Levites, i.e. the priests, and to the poor (Deut. xiv. 22-29, 
 
 xxvi. 12-15 ; comp, also xii. 6, 11, 17-19). It was precisely 
 
 the same in the case of the firstlings of the sheep and oxen. 
 
 These too, and that such of them as were males, were required 
 
 to be brought to the sanctuary at Jerusalem, but they were 
 
 consumed there by the owner himself in sacrificial feasts (Deut. 
 
 XV. 19-23 ; comp, also xii. 6, 17-19, xiv. 23). Of all the 
 
 things here mentioned the priests received only certain portions, 
 
 that is to say, of the fruits of the field that were presented they 
 
 got only the ^T^"?., i-^- the best (Deut. xviii. 4, xxvi. 1—11), 
 
 ^^^ The more subtle point as to whether Ex. xiii. 11-lG and xxxiv. 
 19, 20 belong to the Jehovist himself or were inserted by a kindred spirit, 
 may here be left an open question. For the latter view, see Wellliausen, 
 Jahrhiiclier fur deutsche Thcol. 187(j, pp. 5'12 ff., .553 ff . ; for the former, 
 see Dillmanu, Exeyct. Handhuch to Ex. and Lev. pp. 99, 334.
 
 232 § 24. THE PllIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 while of the animals offered, they got merely the shoulder, the 
 two cheeks and the stomach of each (Deut. xviii. 3). Beyond 
 this there is no mention of anything else that was required to 
 be given to the priest except a part of the fleece at the sheep- 
 shearing (Deut. xviii. 4). As corroborative of what we have 
 been saying we would point to the prescriptions of Ezekiel 
 (xliv. 28-30). Although a priest himself and showing an 
 undoubted disposition to favour rather than to discourage the 
 pretensions of his order, still he says quite as little about 
 a tithe and the first-born being required to be given to 
 the priests. The claims he makes on behalf of these latter 
 are no doubt somewhat higher than those of Deuteronomy, 
 still, on the whole, they move on the same lines. While 
 Deuteronomy assigns to the priests only two portions of the 
 victims, Ezekiel requires the whole of the sin-offerings and 
 trespass-offerings (which as yet are quite unknown to 
 Deuteronomy) to be given to them, and similarly with 
 regard to the meat-offerings as well (Ezek. xliv. 29); also 
 every "dedicated thing" (xliv. 29); and lastly, the reshith, 
 i.e. the best of the first-fruits, the choicest portions of offerings 
 of every description, and of the dough in baking (xliv. 30). 
 
 But we find a considerable advance upon all the exactions 
 we have just been referring to when we come to those contained 
 in the priest-code, which, in its enumeration of the various 
 emoluments of the priests as given in Num. xviii. 8-32, 
 coincides in many respects with Ezekiel, only it introduces in 
 addition what constitutes a most important innovation, the 
 tithe and the first-born. Like Ezekiel, the priest-code also 
 assigns the sin-offerings, the trespass-offerings and the meat- 
 offerings, at least the greater portion of the latter, to the 
 priests (Num. xviii. 9, 10 ; for fuller details, see Lev. i.-vii.). 
 Of those sacrifices which their owners themselves were at 
 liberty to make use of in furnishing the sacrificial feast (the 
 so-called Q'P/?^ ""^TP), the priests were to get the breast and the 
 right shoulder (Lev. vii. 30-34), thus obtaining considerably 
 choicer portions than those assigned to them in Deuteronomy.
 
 § 21. THE rPJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE -WORSIIir. 233 
 
 Again, as in Ezekiel so also in the priest-code, the priests 
 are to get everything "dedicated" (Num. xviii. 14), and the 
 choicest portions (the reshith) of the produce of the soil : tlie 
 oil, the wine and the wheat (Xum. xviii. 12). But to the 
 reshith, the first-fruits, D'l^^s, are further added (Num. 
 xviii. 13) as an impost of a different sort; then, in the last 
 place, comes the most important item of all, one that con- 
 siderably exceeded in value all the former ones, viz. the tithe 
 (Num. xviii. 20-32) and the first-born (Num. xviii. 15-18). 
 The tithe however belonged, in the first instance, to the 
 " Levites," who in turn were required to pay a tenth part of 
 it to the priests. With regard to the portion of the dough 
 that was to be given to the priests, though omitted in the 
 leading enumeration of the emoluments, it too is mentioned 
 in the priest-code, but in a different place (Num. xv. 17-21). 
 We find that in Nehemiah's day those enactments were ah'eady 
 in full force. According to Neh. x, 3G-40, it was already the 
 practice at that time for the priests to receive the first-fruits 
 or bikkurim (x. 36), the choicest portions of the fruits of the 
 soil, which here, precisely as in the priest- code, are clearly 
 distinguished alike from the first-fruits and the tithe (x. 38), 
 then the tithe after the manner described in the priest-code 
 (x. 38-40), then the first-born (x. 37), and lastly, the portion 
 of the dough (x. 38). By the titlie here we are always to 
 understand the tithe of the fruits of the ground and of the 
 trees. But there is one passage in the priest-code where, in 
 addition to the tithe just mentioned, that of the cattle is also 
 exacted (Lev. xxvii. 32, 33). But it may well be presumed 
 that this requirement, standing there as it does in so entirely 
 isolated a fashion, did not originally form part of the code.'* 
 It would seem that the tithe of the cattle was actually exacted 
 and paid in the time of the author of Chronicles ; or possibly 
 we have only to regard it as forming part of this writer's 
 conceptions of what ought to be (2 Chron. xx.xi. 6). In post- 
 al See Wellhau.sen, Jahrh. für deutsche Theol. 1877, p. 444 ; aleo hia 
 Geschichte Israels, i. 162.
 
 234 § -24. THE FKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 Biblical times the whole passage, Lev. xxvii. 30-33, has been 
 understood as referring to a tithe in the sense of the one 
 demanded by Deuteronomy. 
 
 The legal prescriptions of Deuteronomy and of the priests' 
 code have not only been blended together so as to form one 
 whole in a literary sense, but they would also appear to have 
 been combined with each other in actual practice. Con- 
 sequently we find that the law m its later developments has 
 considerably augmented the already heavy imposts of the 
 priest-code. With the Levites' tithe of this code there was 
 now conjoined, and simply as " a second tithe,'' the one pre- 
 scribed in Deuteronomy, and which was to be consumed by 
 the owner himself before Jehovah. The discrepancy between 
 the prescriptions of the code and those of Deuteronomy, with 
 respect to the portions of the victims that were to be given to 
 the priests, was now got rid of by regarding the former as 
 referring exclusively to the victims offered in sacrifice, and the 
 latter to such animals as were slaughtered for ordinary use. 
 Of the former of these the priests, according to Lev. vii. 30-34, 
 were to receive the breast and the right shoulder, while of the 
 latter they were to get, according to Deut. xviii. 3, a fore-leg, 
 the cheeks, and the stomach. Lastly, to all the imposts of 
 the priest-code there was further added the portion of the 
 fleece at the sheep-shearing as prescribed in Deuteronomy 
 (xviii. 4). From this process of amalgamation there resulted 
 the following list of the priests' emoluments, which we may 
 venture to regard as the one that was in force in the time 
 of Christ.'" 
 
 "" Philo already gives us a synopsis in his treatise, entitled De praemiis 
 sacerdotum et honorihus {0pp. ed. Mangey, ii. 232-237) ; comp, besides, 
 Ritter's Philo und die Halacha, 1879, pp. 114-126. Further, Josephus in 
 the leading passage on the subject, Anit. iv. 4. 4, with which iii. 9. 1-4 
 (sacrificial offerings) and iv 8. 22 (firstlings) may be compared. The 
 Rabbinical Avriters, according to an artificial system of reckoning, repre- 
 sent the various sources of the priests' emoluments as having amounted to 
 twenty-four in all ; see Tosefta, Challa ii. 7-9 (ed. Zuckermandel) ; Jcr. 
 CJialla iv. _fin. fol. 60b ; Bab. Bala kamma 110b , CIndlin 133b ; Pesikta in 
 Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. pp. 1122-1128. Several of the twenty-four in
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 235 
 
 (I.) Of the victims the following portions fell to the priests: 
 — (1) The sin-offerings in their entirety, at least as a rule, 
 for only two, and that of a particular sort, were required to 
 be burnt without the camp."^ (2) The trespass-offerings in 
 their entirety also.^^ In both instances it was only the fat 
 that was burnt upon the altar, the flesh belonged to the 
 priests. (3) Of the meat-offerings again they got by far the 
 larger portion, for as a rule only a small part of it was 
 reserved to burn upon the altar, while the rest fell to the 
 priests."* All the sacrifices we have just mentioned were of 
 very frequent occurrence, particularly the meat-offerings, which 
 miglit not only be offered independently by themselves, but 
 which also formed a necessary accompaniment to the majority 
 of the animal sacrifices.'""* To the same category we Imve 
 i'urther to refer (4) the twelve cakes of shev)brcad, a fresh 
 supply of which was placed in the temple every week, while 
 
 question are already enumerated in Mislina, Challa iv. 9. For the Talmudic 
 passages, see also Reland's Antiquilates sacrae, ii. 4. 11, in Bernard's edition 
 of Josephus, note on Antt. iv. 4. 4, and in Havercamp's edition, note on the 
 same passage ; and for a German rendering of them, Saalschütz, Das mosaisclie 
 liecht, i. 351. Among, modern writers the most complete and most correct 
 lists comparatively speaking arc given by Saalschütz, Dax mosaische Recht, 
 i. o4o-353, and Haneberg, Die religiösen AUerthümcr der Bibel, pp. 565-582. 
 Authentic material also in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. 1055—1129. 
 
 «1 Lev. V. 13, vi. 19, 22 f. ; Num. xviii. 9, 10 ; Ezek. xliv. 29. Joseph. 
 Antt. iii, 9. 3. Sifra to Lev. vi. 19 ff., in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. p. 
 1071 ff. For the sin- and trespass-offerings generally, see Lev. iv.-vii. 
 Winer's Realwörterh. ii. pp. 429-435. 
 
 ^- Lev. vii. 6, 7 ; Num. xviii. 9, 10 ; Ezck. xliv. 29. Joseph. Antt. 
 iii. 9. 3 ; Sifra to Lev. vii. 6, 7, in Ugolini's Thesaurus, xiii. 1078. 
 
 «" Lev. ii. 3, 10, vi. 9-11, vii. 9, 10, 14, x. 12, 13 ; Num. xviii. 9, 10; 
 Ezek. xliv. 29. Joseph. Antt. iii. 9. 4 : rvjv oi Xfji-rrrtv o/ iipü; -Trpo; rpo^Yiv 
 'Act/aßüvovaiy, »j i\py,äii(!ccv (tT^xio) ycip tJVf<.Tri(fiipx7U() j; yivof^ivui/ oipruv. On 
 the nieat-offeriugs generally, see Lev. ii. the whole cliapter, and vi. 7--11, 
 also Winer's Realwörterh. under the word. 
 
 ^^* If we want to form some idea of the frequency of many of those 
 sacrifices, we have only to read the laws relating toLcvitical defilement and 
 the mode of treating it with a view to its removal (Lev. xi.-xv. ; Num. xix.). 
 For example, every woman after childbirth had to offer a lamb as a burnt- 
 offering and a pigeon as a sin-offering, or in the event of her being too 
 poor for this, one pigeon as a burnt-offering and another as a sin-offering, 
 Lev. xii. 1-8 ; Luke ii. 24.
 
 236 § L>4. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 that whicli was taken away became the property of the 
 priests.^'* All the four classes of offerings now mentioned 
 were " most holy," and as such could only be consumed in a 
 holy place, i.e. within the inner court of the temple, and 
 exclusively by the priests themselves (and not by their 
 relations as well).*"^ 
 
 The regulations were not so stringent with regard to the 
 two following ofiferings, viz. (5) the thank- offerings and (6) 
 the burnt-offerings. Of the former, the Q^Pfy' ''^?], i.e. those 
 offerings which were consumed by the offerers themselves, and 
 by Luther rendered " Dankopfer," or as it should rather be 
 " Mahlopfer," the priests received two parts of each, viz. the 
 breast and the right shoulder. These might be eaten in any 
 " clean place," and therefore not within the sanctuary as in 
 the previous instances, and that not by the priest alone, but 
 by all who were connected with the priestly order as well, 
 even by their wives and daughters.*''' Lastly, of the burnt- 
 offerings (6), the priests received comparatively speaking least 
 of all, for they were entirely consumed upon the altar. Eut 
 even of these they got the skins at least, and, considering how 
 frequently sacrifices of this sort were offered, it was certainly 
 not without good reason that Philo estimated the amount of 
 revenue from this source also as something very considerable.^'^ 
 
 ^* Lev. xxiv. 5-9 ; for the Sifra to this as also the other Rabbinical passages, 
 see Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. p. 1084 ff. ; see also Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7; 
 Matt. xii. 4 ; Mark ii. 26 ; Luke vi. 4. For the principle on wliich they 
 Avere divided, see Sukka v. 7, 8 (the retiring course of service got the one 
 half and the incoming one the other half). 
 
 ^5 Num. xviii. 10 and the passages cited in the preceding notes ; also 
 Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. i, fin. 
 
 ^^ Lev. vii. 30-34, x. 14, 15. Sifra to Lev. vii. 30-34, in Ugolini's Thcs. 
 vol. xiii. p. 1091 ff. Philo, De pracmli.i sacerdotum, sec. iii. (ed. Mang. ii. 
 234) ; 'TTccvTc; yacp ispttov 'T^pooTizux.-cc.t ovo roi; Upivaiv oiizi ^vcTiv tidaadxi 
 
 Joseph. Antt. iii. 9. 2 : to "hs trrijdo; xeti -r'/jv KU'/j,uy}i> tsjv h^iaiv roi; ispivai 
 ■:toLpaiü-j(/jVTi;. On the peace-offerings generally, see Lev. iii. the whole 
 chapter, vii. 11-21, 28-34. AViner's licahcörterb., art. '• Dankopfer." 
 
 ''''Lev. vii. 8; the Sifra thereto in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xiii. p. 1079. 
 Mishna, Stbachim xii. 2-4. Tosefta, Sehachim (or Korbanoth) xi. 7 if . in 
 L^golini's r/feÄ- xiii lUSOff. Thilo, De pracmiis sacerdotum, sec. iv. {y[a.ug.
 
 § 24. thj: priestiiood and the temple worship. 237 
 
 II. But considerable as the amount deiivcd from those 
 offerings no doubt was, still it formed but the smaller portion 
 of the sacerdotal revenues, while for the most part it was 
 only available for the officiating priests. The real bulk of the 
 priests' emoluments, on the other hand, consisted strictly 
 speaking of what was derived from tlwse dues that were paid 
 independently of the sacrifices altogether, and which conse- 
 quently possessed the character of a genuine tax for the 
 maintenance of the priesthood. These dues were levied partly 
 upon the produce of the soil and partly upon the offspring of 
 the cattle, and they had to be paid partly in kind, although 
 in some instances they might also be ransomed for their 
 equivalent in money. The dues derived from the produce of 
 the soil were of a varied character, and had to be separated 
 (with a view to payment) in the following order : ^® (1) The 
 prstfruits, oniaa. These offerings were taken from the so- 
 called " seven kinds," i.e. from the principal products of the 
 soil of Palestine as enumerated in Deuteronomy (viii, 8), viz. 
 wheat, barley, vines, fig-trees, pomegranates, olives and honey. 
 Those who lived in the vicinity of Jerusalem offered fresh 
 fruits, while those living farther away brought them in a 
 dried form. In going up to present their offerings the people 
 went in common procession, and according to Philo and the 
 Mishna it was made an occasion of merry-making. It was 
 the practice for those living in flie country to assemble in the 
 principal towns of the districts to which they belonged and 
 thence to go up to Zion in one merry company, marching to 
 the music of the pipes. At the head of the procession was 
 led the ox that was to form the festive offering, with its horns 
 gilded and a garland of olive branches placed upon them. In 
 Jerusalem the most eminent members of the priesthood came 
 
 ii. 235): 'E^' »voioi (/.iuzot kuI Tci.;Tuv ö'aokuvtuuÜto):/, duvdr-ct oi rxvT 
 fOTi, Oopoc; "TrpoiTUrrei tov; VTT/ifiSrov'jr*: rxi; dvoixt; ispit; A.uf^ßxvitv, oü 
 fipotyjluu oi>^>.^ iv roi; //.»/.{irrot Tro/.vxpyi/^cifov Oupixv. Josephus, Antt. iii. 9. 1. 
 Ritter's Philo und die IMacha, p. 120. On the burnt-offeriiif,'s generally, 
 see Lev. i. 3-17. Winer's Ilcalwvrlerh. under the word " Brandopfer." 
 '*'♦ On the order to be observed, see Ternnioth iii. 6, 7.
 
 238 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 to meet tlie procession as it approached the sanctuary. The 
 owners of the offerings then put wreaths round the baskets 
 containing the first-fruits and carried them on their shoulders 
 up the temple mount as far as tlie court. This was done 
 even by the most distinguished personages ; it had been done 
 even by King Agrippa himself. As soon as the procession 
 entered the court the Levites welcomed it with the singincj of 
 the thirtieth Psalm. And now each person proceeded to 
 hand his basket to the priest, and as he did so, repeated the 
 confession of Deut. xxvi. 5-10, whereupon the priest took it 
 and put it down beside the altar.*'^ (2) Then came the so-called 
 terumah (nonn). This was distinct from the first-fruits, and 
 in so far as tlie offering of these latter had always rather more 
 of a symbolico-religious significance, it hardly could be said to 
 have belonged to quite the same category with them. The 
 terumah possessed the character of a pure payment in kind 
 toward the maintenance of the priests, for Rabbinical Judaism 
 understands it in the more restricted sense of the term (terumah 
 in the more comprehensive sense of the word meaning every 
 " heave " whatsoever, i.e. everything paid to the sanctuary) as 
 denoting the giving of the choicest of the fruits of the ground 
 cmd of the trees to the priests. This impost was levied not 
 only upon the " seven kinds," but upon every species of fruit, 
 and that whether the fruits of the ground or the fruit of trees. 
 Here as before the most important of them were wheat, wine 
 and oil. The amount to be given was not regulated by anj 
 
 '•^ See in general, Num. xviii. 13 ; Neh. x. ."6 ; also Ex. xxiii. 19, 
 xxxiv. 26. To this matter Deut. xxvi. 1-11 was referred. Joseph. Antt. 
 iv. 8. 22. In the ^[ishna the entire tractate Bikkurim is devoted to the 
 subject of firet-fruits. Comp, especially, Bikkurim i. 3 (regarding the 
 " seven kinds" to be offered), and iii. 1-9 (account of the festive proces- 
 sion). Philo treats of this matter in his small work, De fcsto copJiini, first 
 edited by Cardinal Mai, and given in Richter's edition of Philo's works, 
 V. 48-50 ; also in Tischendorf's Philonm (1868), pp. 69-71. Of the works 
 given under the literature we would specially mention, Lundius, Die alten 
 jiuJischen Heiligthiirner, book iii. chap. liv. Ugolini's Thes. vol. iii. p. 1100 ff. 
 Winer's Reahvarterb., art. " Erstlinge." Saalschütz, i. 344 f. Haneberg, pp. 
 .^65-568. Grätz, Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissensch. des Judenth. 
 1877, p. 433 ff.
 
 § 2-1. THE PWESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOIISIIIP. 239 
 
 fixed measure, weight, or number,^" but was to be, on an 
 average, one-fiftieth of the whole yield, the person who gave 
 one-fortieth being regarded as giving liberally, while he who 
 gave only one-sixtieth was considered to have given somewhat 
 stingily/^ Whatever had once been set apart as a terumali 
 could be lawfully made use of only by the priests/^ (3) After 
 tlie materials of the two classes of offerings we have just 
 mentioned had been duly separated, the largest and most 
 important item of all now fell to be deducted, viz. the tithe. 
 We know, from what the Gospels tell us, with what painful 
 scrupulosity the prescriptions of the law in regard to this 
 matter were observed, and how common it was to pay tithe 
 even of the most insignificant and worthless objects, such as 
 mint, anise, and cummin (Matt, xxiii. ; Luke xi. 42). The 
 principle laid down in tlie Mishna with respect to this is as 
 follows : " Everything which may be used as food and is 
 cultivated and grows out of the earth is lialtle to tithe." ''^ Tlie 
 
 '" Terumoth i. 7. 
 
 '1 Terumoth iv. 3. Comp. Jerome's com. on Ezek. xliv. 13, 14 (Opp. ed. 
 Vallarsi, v. 5G5) : At vero primitiva quae de frugibus offerebant, uon erant 
 Bpeciali numcro definita, sed oiferentium arbitrio derelicta. Trarlitionein- 
 que accepimus Hebraeorum iiou lege praeceptam, sed magistroium arbitrio 
 iiiolitam : qui plurimum, quailnu/esiniam partem dabat sactrdotibus, qui 
 minimum, sexagesimam: inter quadra gesimam et sexagesimam licebat 
 offerre quodcumque voluissent. 
 
 '-See in general, Num. xviii. 12; Xeli. x. 38. The Kabbinical regu- 
 lations in the tractate Terumoth. Philo, De pi-aemiis sacerdotum, sec. i. 
 (Mang. ii. p. Ü33) : ■Trpo'jrü.Tnt x,x\ octo rij; oi'Kh.yig Krviasu; ocTTxp)ci''^m, »cst^' 
 'iKO(.aTr,'j yA'j X'^pov oii/o», y~*6 ty-etiTfj Oi ci'hcauu airou y.eti y.pi^oii. 0,uciiu; oe 
 i^ i'Kotiuy i'hui'jv Kul ccttÖ röiv öcKKo»! dy.pdopvuv ijfiipovs kcco-^tov; (that it is the 
 tcrumah that Philo has in view here has also been correctly assumed by 
 Richter in his Philo und die Halncha). Joseph. Aiitt. iv. 4. 4 : ht Zi 
 
 dvol.pxoi'; ~ÖU >.«&V OtKUlOU TU 6iU ■:7U.UTUV ZUV iX, T^f y^j <^voiiivus> KXp'^U» 
 
 i'7n(pipity. Comp, also Lu7)dius, Die alten jüdischen Ilei/igthümer, book iv. 
 chap. xxxi. Winers Ileal 'rorterh., art. " Ersthnge." Saal.'^chütz, i. 346. 
 Haneberg, p. 568 f. 
 
 "2 Maaseroth i. 1. For details, comp, for example Maaxeroth iv 5, 6, 
 V. 8. Lightfoot, Horae hebr., note on Matt, xxiii. 23 (0pp. ii. 359). 
 Wetzstein, jVou. Test., note on the same passage. On the tithing of anise 
 {ä,<jr,dov, nscO? see Maaseroth iv. 5 ; on that of cummin (Kv/xtuoy, pi33), 
 Dcmai ii. 1.
 
 240 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 revenue derived from the source now in question must have been 
 very large indeed. Yet the greater proportion of it was intended 
 not so much for the priests as for the more subordinate class 
 of sacred officials, viz. the Levitcs. It was to these latter, in 
 the first instance, that the tithe had to be paid, while thej^ 
 had in turn to hand over a tithe of that again to the priests.'^* 
 After separating this Levites' tithe from his produce, the owner 
 had to deduct another one still, the so-called second tithe. But 
 this, in common with several other imposts of a similar kind, 
 was made use of by the owner himself in the way of furnish- 
 ing a sacrificial feast at Jerusalem ; consequently they were 
 not for the benefit of the priests, and so do not fall to be 
 considered here.^* (4) Then the last of the offerings taken 
 
 " See in general, Num. xviii. 20-32 ; Neh. x. 38-40. Philo, De 
 caritate, sec. x. (ed. Mang. ii. 391) ; De praemiis sacerdot. sec. vi. ; pro- 
 bably it is also the tithe that is in view in sec. ii. init. of the same treatise. 
 Joseph. Aiitt. iv. 4. 3, 4. The Rabbinical prescriptions in Maaseroth. 
 Hottinger, De decimis Judaeorum, Lugd. Bat. 1713. Lundius, Die alieii 
 jiid. HeiligtJiiimer, book iv. chap, xxxii. Winer's Recdwörterh., art. " Zehnt." 
 Saalschütz, i. 346 f. Haneberg, pp. 573-576. Leyrer in Herzog's Recd- 
 Eiic, 1st ed. vol. xviii. 414-421. Eitter, PhUo und die Halacha, pp. 122- 
 124. Knobel-Dillmann, Execjet. Handbuch, note on Lev. xxvii. 30-33 
 (also at the same place for the instances of a similar practice among the 
 heathen). 
 
 ''^ To the category of imposts that were consumed by the owner himself 
 at Jerusalem belong — 
 
 (1) The " second tithe,'''' according to Deut. xiv. 22-26. Lev. xxvii. 30, 31 
 was likewise understood in this sense. Comp. Tob. i. 7 ; Joseph. Antt. 
 iv. 8. 8. In the Mishna see the Avhole tractate Maaser sheni. Hottiuger, 
 De decimis Judaeorum, pp. 146-182 (^Exercit. vii.). Lundius, Die alten jiid. 
 Heiligthümer, iv. 33. Winer's Reahrörterh., art. " Zehnt." Saalschutz, i. 
 pp. 169, 354-358. Leyrer in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. vol. xviii. p. 417 f. 
 Those living at a distance from Jerusalem were allowed to convert the 
 second tithe into money on the understanding that one-fifth of its money 
 value was to be superadded to it (Lev. xxvii. 31 ; Maaser sheni iv. 3). 
 But this money had to be spent exclusively in the purchase of such viands, 
 beverages, and ointment as were necessary for the sacrificial feast at 
 Jerusalem (Deut. xiv. 26 ; Maaser sheni ii. 1). 
 
 (2) The tithe of the cattle. The only passage in the Pentateuch which 
 requires the cattle to be tithed, viz. Lev. xxvii. 32, 33, was expressly 
 understood by the later legislation in the sense of the "second tithe," and 
 that being the case, it follows that the cattle tithe would also be devoted 
 to the furnishing of the feasts in Jerusalem. See Sehachim v. 8. Bartenora
 
 § 24. THE PrJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 241 
 
 from the products of the soil was the so-called challah ('""^O), 
 i.e. the offering from the kneaded dough (aTrap-xr} rov 
 
 and Maimonides on Bechoroth ix. 1 (in Surenhusius' edition of the Mishna, 
 V. 187). At the same time, Philo would seem to include the cattle tithe 
 also among the priests' emoluments, De caritate, sec. x. (Mang. ii. 391) ; 
 De pracmiis sacerdotum, sec. ii. ixit. (where the tithe is probably meant). 
 Comp. Eitter's Philo und die Halacha, p. 122 f. For a fuller account of 
 the matter, see Mishna, Bechoroth ix. 1-8 ; also Maaser sheni i. 2 ; She- 
 kalim i. 7, iii. 1, viii. 8 ; Rash hashana i. 1 ; Chagiga i. 4 ; Sebachim v. 8, 
 X. 3 ; Manachoth ix. 6 ; Chullin i. 7. Hottinger, De decimis Judaeoriim, 
 pp. 228-253 (Exercit. x.). Lundius, Die alt. jiid. HeiVgth. book iv. chap, 
 xxxviii. 
 
 (3) The produce of trees and vines in the fourth year of their growth. 
 According to Lev. xix. 23-25, the fruit of newly-planted trees (and vines) 
 was not to be gathered at all during the first three years, while in the 
 fourth it was to be consecrated to God, as it was not to be at the free 
 disposal of the owner of it till the fifth year. In later times this was taken 
 to mean that the produce of the fourth year was, like the second tithe, to 
 be consumed by the owner himself in Jerusalem. See especially, Joseph. 
 Antt. iv. 8. 19 : ru de Tirocpru TpvyotTU vAu to yivof^ivou (t6t£ yocp upiov 
 ilvxi) Kul avuBC/cfyau ii; rvj ispaiv 'xl'ki'j KOfii^tTU, kciI aiiv tJj OiKXT/j rou 
 »K'Kou xxpTTOV (/.sti TU'j (pl'Kuv ivci}x,rjVfiiuo; dua'KiffKiru y.ctl far 
 6p(px-jZu KOI.) xfipivovau'v yvjcciKUv. Comp, also Philo, De caritate, sec. xxi. 
 (Mang. ii. 402). Mishua, Pia vii. G ; Maascr sheni v. 1-5 ; Orla through- 
 out; Edujoth iv. 5. Guisius on Pta vii. 6 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, i. 68). 
 Ilottlager, De jure plantae quarti anni juxta praeceptum Lev. xix. 24, 
 Marburg 1704. Saalschütz, i. 168 f. 
 
 (4) Then, in the last place, among the offerings that did not fall to the 
 priests were those intended for the benefit of the poor, viz. : (a) the gleanings 
 of the fields and what grew upon the edges of them when the corn was 
 reaped. Lev. xix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22 ; Deut. xxiv. 19-22. Joseph. Antt. iv. 
 8. 21. Philo, De caritate, sec. ix. (Mang. ii. 390). Mishna, Pea. (V) The 
 so-called third tithe, or the tithe for the poor. According to the terms of the 
 prescription (Deut. xiv. 28, 20, xxvi. 12) on which this tithe is based one 
 should expect that, strictly .speaking, the tithe for the poor would alternate 
 with the second tithe. For Deuteronomy prescribes tliat the tithe that in 
 the other two years was consumed by tlic owner himself before Jehovah, 
 was in tlie third year to be assigned to tlie Levites and the poor. So too 
 according to the Sept. version of Deut. xxvi. 12 : {Iv tw hit ru rphcS) to 
 OiVTipo'j ivtiiKXTOv }>uaitg TW Aivhyj kuI tu Trpoavihura kxI tu opZxvu y.xl 
 TYJ x'^pcc. But it became the practice in later times to superadd the tithe 
 for tiie poor to the second tithe every third year. See Tob. i. 7, 8. 
 Joseph. Antt. iv. 8. 22. Pea viii. 2-9. Dcmai iv. 3, 4. Maaacr sheni 
 V. 6. Jadajim iv. 3. Targuni of Jonathan on Deut. xxvi. 12. Jerome's 
 commentary on Ezckiel xlv. 13, 14 (ed. Vallarsi, v. 565). Guisius's note 
 on Pea viii. 2 (in Surenhusius' Mishna i. 70). Bernard and Ilavercamp's 
 editions of Josephus, notes on Antt. iv. 8. 22. Hottinger, De decimis 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. Q
 
 242 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP, 
 
 (pvpdixaTo<;, Eom. xi. 16). According to the Mishna, offerings 
 of this sort required to be given in the case of dough that 
 happened to be made from any one of the five following kinds 
 of grain : wheat, barley, spelt, oats, and rye (1)J^ The offer- 
 ing was not to be presented in the form of flour or meal, but 
 required to be taken from the dough, i.e. as prepared for 
 making bread.^^ The quantity to be given was, in the case 
 of private individuals, one twenty-fourth part, and, in the case 
 of public bakers, one forty-eighth part of the whole piece.^* 
 
 Then there was a second leading class of regular offerings, 
 viz. those derived from the rearing of cattle. These w^ere of 
 three different kinds : (1) The most important of them was 
 that consisting of the male first-lorn of the cattle (that is to 
 say therefore, the first-born w^henever it happened to be a 
 male). As far back as the earlier Jehovistic and Deuterono- 
 mist legislation we find that the male first-born of the cattle 
 was required to be dedicated to God, i.e. was to be used in 
 sacrifice and for sacrificial feasts (Ex. xiii. 11-16, xxii. 
 28, 29, xxxiv. 19, 20 ; Deut. xv. 19-23). This the priestly 
 legislation has converted into an allowance to be given to the 
 priests (Ex. xiii. 1, 2; Lev. xxvii. 26, 27; Num. xviii. 
 15-18 ; Neh. x. 37). Both legislations add to this the^rs^- 
 lorn among men as well, for these two were regarded as, 
 
 Judaeorum, pp. 182-203. Lundius, Die alt. jüd. Heiligth., book iv. chap, 
 xxxiv. Winer's Realwörteri., art. " Zehnt." Leyrer in Herzog's Real- 
 Encjicl., 1st ed. vol. xviii. p. 418 f. 
 
 ''^ Challa i. 1. There is some doubt as to the meaning of the two words 
 usually rendered "oats" and "rye" (^yi:^ D^UC and pa"'5J') ; especially 
 with regard to pD'>EJ' = ff/(piyi/, at(pöiuiou^ it would certainly be more correct to 
 understand the word as meaning a species of oats. 
 
 "•'' Clialla ii. 5. 
 
 ''ä Challa iL 7. See in general, Num. xv, 17-21 ; Neh. x. 38 ; Ezek. 
 xliv. 30. Philo, De praemiis sacerdoium, sec. i. (Mang. ii. 233) : Kthsvn ydp 
 roil; airoTouovuretg oi'Ko 'Trxvrog arixröi t£ xxt cpvpcificcro; »prou oi<poc.ipilv 
 »■77ctp)(,yjv ii; hpiuv ■)cp'i;otv. Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. 4 : rovg ts "TriTTouTctc rw 
 a~iTCiy Kdi »jno-zoiovf^ivovg roiv 7rsf<.f<,a.rav xvTol; tivu, ■)(,oprtyuv. Mishna 
 tractate, Challa. Sifra to Num. xv. 17 ff. in Ugolini's 1hcsa2irus, vol. xiii. 
 p. 1108 ff. Lundius, Die alt. jüd. Heiligth. book iv. chap, xxxix. Saal- 
 schütz, i. 347. Haneberg, pp. 571-573. Ritter 's Pldlo und die Halacha, 
 
 p. lis.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 243 
 
 properly speaking, belonging to God, and consequently they 
 required to be ransomed. Further, as a distinction had to be 
 made between clean and unclean cattle, we accordingly have 
 the following more specific regulations with respect to the 
 first-born : '" (ci) the first-born of the cattle that were clcaji and 
 suitable for sacrificial purposes, i.e. oxen, sheep and goats, 
 were to be given in natura. If they were free from blemish 
 they were to be treated as sacrifices, i.e. the blood was to be 
 sprinkled upon tlie altar and the fat consumed in the altar 
 fires.^" The flesh could be eaten by all who were connected 
 with the order of the priests, even by their wives, and that in 
 any part of Jerusalem (Num. xviii. 17, 18; Neh. x. 37; 
 Ex. xxii. 29, xxxiv. 19; Dent. xv. 19, 20).'' But if, on 
 the other hand, the animals had any blemish about them, 
 they belonged no less to the priests, only they were to be 
 treated as unconsecrated food (Deut. xv. 21-23).'^ (h) The 
 first-born of unclean animals above all, according to Philo, those 
 of the horse, the ass, and the camel — and here too as in every 
 other instance only the male ones — were to be ransomed by 
 the payment of a certain sum of money fixed by the priest 
 with a fifth part added (Num. xviii. 15; Neh. x. 37; Lev. 
 xxvii. 27). An ass was to be exchanged for a sheep (Ex. 
 xiii. 13, xxxiv. 20). According to Josephus, the ransom 
 would appear to have been effected by the payment of a 
 fixed sum of one shekel and a half for each beast, (c) Tiie 
 first-horn of man, i.e. the first child that happened to be a male, 
 
 '^ Subsequent practice amalgamated the Jehovistic aud Deuterouoraic 
 enactments with those of the priest-code, and made tlie latter the standard 
 by which to interpret them. 
 
 *" Consequently the Mishna characterizes the first-born also as " holy," 
 but only in the second degree, Dvp D''u'"1p, like passa and the cattle tithe, 
 Sebachim v. 8. 
 
 81 In the passage in Deuteronomy the " thou" of xv. 20 has been under- 
 stood as though it were addressed to the priests and not (as was the original 
 intention of the passage) to the Isi-aelites. 
 
 ^2 Accordingly, in cases of this sort the flesh might be sold by the priests 
 even to persons who did not belong to tlieir own order and eaten by them ; 
 see Bartenora's note on Bcchoroth v. 1 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, v. 1C9).
 
 244 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 required to be " ransomed " as soon as it was a month old by 
 the payment of five shekels (Xum. xviii. 15, 16 ; comp. Num. 
 iii. 44 ff.; Neh. x. 37; Ex. xiii. 13, xxii. 28, xxxiv. 20). 
 It was not necessary that the boy should be presented at the 
 temple on the occasion of his being ransomed, as has been 
 supposed, for the most part on the strength of Luke ii. 22.®' 
 As is expressly stated in the passages just referred to, the 
 shekels in question were to be those of the Tyrian standard.** 
 This tax was imposed upon poor and rich alike.^^ 
 
 (2.) Of all the flesh that was slaughtered generally the priests 
 were to receive three portions, viz. the shoulder, the two 
 
 ^* See, on the other hand, Low, Die Lebensalter in der jüdischen Literatur 
 (1875), p. 110 S. 
 
 ^* Bechoroth viii. 7. A shekel of the Phoenician (=the early Hebrew) 
 standard amounted to somewhere about 2 marks 62 pfennige of German 
 money (Hultsch, Griechische und römische Metrologie, 2nd ed. p. 420), 
 and consequently five shekels would be equivalent to about 13 marks. 
 There can be no question that, by the " ransoming," the older legislation 
 (Ex. xiiL 13, xxxiv. 20) does not mean a buying back for money, but 
 an exchanging for an animal that could be used as a sacrifice. 
 
 ^5 See in general, Philo, De praemiis sacerdotum, sec. i. (Mang, ii. 233) . 
 Tpi'rov larl yipcc; tcc -TTpuTCiroKoc ecppsuix,» »cii i^ökvra, tuv yjipao!,iuv 'oax Trpog 
 VTrripsoia; kccI y^pv^ijiv a,'j9pu7ruv. TavTot yxp y.i'KiVii oiccotooadxi toI; hpuf^ii/oi; 
 dudpuTTOig. 'Bouu fiiv kcci T^poßxrav x.a,\ cciyuv xi/rcc rcc iKyoux, /aoa-^ov; 
 K.xl x.piov; »xi x^f/.xppov;, iTnio'}] -/.x&xpx x.x\ 'T^pog iouo'/ju kxI 'Trpoi 6va'tx; 
 
 i(TTl T£ axi VSVOfildTXl' "KVTpX OS X.»TXTldivXl TUU xKhlilV "nr-KUV KXI OI/UU 
 
 xxl xxfcviT^av Kxl ruu 'Trxpxnv'h-fiaiuu f^v^ f^nouvTXi ttj'j x^ixv. "Eari Ze 
 
 Kxl TXVT» '7ZXy.'7T'h-/i&Vl "Y'/^V ti TUV "K pUT OT 6 X.U U vioi'J KxdtipUdlV, 
 
 üg VTrep Tou fi'/irs yovsl; tskvcju fivirs tskvx yoviuu dix^ivyuvadxt, rifiXTXi 
 T'/iu u.'KXpx'^v xpyvpi'^ P'^^V^ Ti-poaru^x; i'sov sl'j(fipirj kx\ 'Triu'/iTX xxt 7:'ho\j- 
 atov. Comp, also De caritate, sec. x. (ed. Mang. ii. 391). Joseph. Antt. 
 iv. 4. 4 : Tuu nrpxTToouv os ruu tig rx; dvaixg vivopctayAuuv to yiwvidsu irpa- 
 Tov, »u xpaiv fi, xxrxdvcxt ■Kxpxu-^ilv zol; hpiiKjiv, uazs xvrov; 'ttxvoikI 
 amiadxi sv t>j iepx —ot^n' tu'j o' oil vivof/AayAuwj iadUiv -Ttxp xiiroig xxrx 
 Tov; 'TTxrpiov; i/6inov; rot/; "hiaTroTx; tuv ■rix.royA'ju'j atKKoy x,x\ iifAiav xi/roig 
 dyxfspetv, xvopu-T^ov oi 7rp6jTcr6x.ov ■Trkurs aU'hovg. Misbna tractate Bechoroth. 
 Lundius, Die alt. jiid. Heiligthilmer, hook iii. chap. xliv. "Winer's Real- 
 wörterb., art. "Erstgeburt." Saalschütz, i. 348 f. Haneberg, pp. 569-571. 
 Frankel, Ueber den Einflass der palästinischen Exegese, etc., 1851, p. 98 f. 
 (on the Sept. rendering of Ex. xiii. 13 and xxxiv. 20). Eitter, Philo, 
 pp. 118-122 (the most exhaustive and accurate of any). Knobel-Dilhnann, 
 Exeget. Handbuch, note on Ex. xiii. 1, 2. Low, Die Lebensalter in der jiid. 
 Literatur, 1875, pp. 110-118, 390-392 (specially treating of the first-born 
 in the case of man).
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 245 
 
 cheeks, and tlie stomach. This is the sense in which Deut. 
 xviii. 3 was understood, and was therefore taken as referring, 
 not to animals offered in sacrifice, but to those slaughtered for 
 ordinary use. According to the later interpretation of it, this 
 prescription was also regarded as applying exclusively to such 
 animals as were suitable for sacrifices, viz. oxen, sheep and 
 goats.^" 
 
 (3.) Again, a portion of the j^^'occeds of the sheep-shearing 
 had to be given to the priests, only in those cases however 
 in which a person owned more than one sheep — according to 
 the school of Shammai, when he owned two, according to 
 Hiilel's school, on the other hand, not unless he owned five. 
 This offering was said to amount to five Jewish ( = ten 
 Galilaean) sela.*^ 
 
 III. Besides the regular offerings, there also fell to the 
 priests a considerable number of an irregidar and cxtra^ 
 ordinary character. To this category belonged, fundamentally 
 at least, a large number of sacrifices offered on an almost 
 endless variety of occasions (see p. 195 f. above) ; but besides 
 
 ^^ See in general, besides Deut. xviii. 3, Philo, De pracmiis sacerdotttm, 
 sec. iii. (Mang. ii. 235): Axö de jav 'i^a toD ßa/nov dvofiiuuv 'ii/excc Kptu^xyta; 
 Tpict 'TTpoariToi.KTXi TU itpii oIooGÖcti, ß p ot,)(,io V ot, Kul atetyova, x.otl to koc'Kov- 
 (ji-ivd-j Tjvvarpov. Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. 4 : uvat os x.ctl roig kut^ oIkov dvovoiv, 
 ivu'/,ia; tuiKoe, rii; oivruv, ciXh» //.V) öpvi'jy.iix;, oivä.'yKYit' xoftti^iiu Toiq iiptvaiv 
 TjvvaToöv T£ x.xl y^i'hvvK))) Kdl Tov os|/()j/ ßpoc.-/,ioua. ToD dv(/^ot.To;. On 
 the meaning of xihvviov (not tlie breast, but the cheek), see notes on this 
 passage in Bernard and Ilavercamp's editions of Josephus. Mishna 
 tractate Chullin x. and the corresponding Gemara, fol. 130 ff. Si/ra to 
 Deut. xviii. 3 in Ugolini, vol. xiii. 1113-1115 (here too, as in Josephus, the 
 right foreleg or shoulder). Jerome, Epist. Ixiv. ad Fahiolam, chap. ii. 
 (Vallarsi, i. 355) : Caeterum et alia tria, exceptis primitiis hostiarum et de 
 privato et de macello publico, ubi non religio sed victus necessitas est, saccr- 
 dotibus membra tribuuntur, brachium, maxilla et venter. Bernard and 
 Ilavercamp's editions of Josephus, notes on Antt. iv. 4. 4. Saalschütz, L 
 p. 350. Haneberg, p. 576 f. Oehler in Ilerzog's Rcal-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. xii. 
 p. 181 f. Knobel's note on Deut. xviii. 3. Hitter's Philo, p. 124 f. Well- 
 Lausen, i. p. 158. 
 
 ^" See in general, Deut. xviii. 4. Joseph. Atitt. iv. 4. 4 : iJvxi oi d-otp- 
 X^i; uiiTolg Kui rr,; ruv -Trpofiira» KovpA;. Mishna, Chidlin xi. 1, 2. 
 Sijra to Deut. xviii. 4, in Ugolini, vol. xiii. p. 1113. Philo, De caritate, sec. 
 X. (Mangey, ii. 391), erroneously incluiles this offering among the tithes.
 
 246 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 these they also received the following offerings : (1) The 
 consecration voids, or votive offerings. These might be of a 
 very varied character. One could dedicate oneself or some 
 other person to the sanctuary (to the Lord). In such cases it 
 was usual to pay a certain sum of money by way of ransom, 
 viz. fifty shekels for a man and thirty for a woman. But one 
 could also dedicate animals, houses, or lands to the sanctuary. 
 If the animals happened to be such as could be offered in 
 sacrifice, then they had to be given in natura. But in the 
 case of unclean animals and in that of houses and lands, a 
 money ransom could be paid as before, though on certain 
 conditions specified in the law.^* (2) A special form of con- 
 secration vow called the Ian, i.e. something irredeemably 
 devoted to the sanctuary. Whenever anything was devoted 
 to the sanctuary in this form (as something banned, ö"in) it 
 fell to it, i.e. to the priests in natura, whether it were in the 
 shape of a person, cattle, or lands.®'^ (3) Lastly, in those 
 cases in which any one had appropriated or otherwise unlaw- 
 fully got possession of anything, and in which it was no 
 longer possible to restore the property to its rightful owner, a 
 certain indemnity had to be paid, and this also fell to the 
 priests.''** With regard to the two things last mentioned, the 
 
 88 See in general, Lev. xxvii. ; Deut. xxiii. 22-24. Joseph. Antt. iv. 4. 4 ; 
 Matt. XV. 5 ; Mark vii. 11. Luudius, Die alt. jüd. Hciligthiimer, book iii. 
 chap. xlv. Saalschütz, Das mosaische Recht, i. 150-153, 358-367. Winer's 
 Real-wörterh. art. "Gelübde." Oehler in Herzog's Real-Encycl., 1st ed. vol. 
 iv. pp. 788-790 (art. "Gelübde beiden Hebräern"). Knobel-Dillmann, 
 Exeget. Handbuch, notes on Lev. xxvii. Haneberg, Die religiösen Alter- 
 thümer der Bibel, pp. 370-376. Lightfoot, Horae hcbr., note on ^fatt. xv. 5 
 {Opp. ed. Roterodamens. ii. p. 332 f.). Edzard, Tractatus Talmiidicus, 
 Aboda sara 1710, p. 294 ff. Schoettgen, Ilorae hehr., Wolfs Curae phil. 
 in Nov. Test., and Wetzstein's Nov. Test., the notes of the three last- 
 mentioned writers on Matt. xv. 5 ; see in general the expositors on Matt. 
 XV. 5 and Mark vii. 11 ; also " Saat auf Hoffnung," edited by Delitzsch for 
 year 1875, pp. 37-40. On the validity of vows in the case of women, see 
 Num. XXX. ; !Mishna tractate Nedarim. 
 
 ®® See Lev. xxvii. 28 ; Num. xviii. 14 ; Ezek. xliv. 29. Saalschütz, i. 
 368-373. Winer's Bealworterb., art. "Bann." Lev. xxvii. 29 is not appli- 
 cable here. See Knobel-Dillmann 's note on this latter passage. 
 
 90 Num. V. 5-8.
 
 § 21. TUE PrJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESIIIP. 2-47 
 
 law distinctly states that they were to belong to the pj'iV.s^s 
 personally, whereas the votive offering, on the other hand, 
 would appear to have been devoted as a rule to purposes 
 connected with the services of the sanctuary generally .^^ At 
 the same time Josephus distinctly affirms that the ransom of 
 fifty or of thirty shekels to be paid in those cases in which 
 any one had devoted him or herself to God formed part of 
 the friesW emoluments.^* Further, the Eabbinical theologians 
 hold that, besides the cherem and the indemnity offering, 
 "the inherited field," consecrated as a votive offering (Lev. 
 xxvii. 16-21), was also to be included among the twenty- 
 four different kinds of offerings that fell to the priests.'* 
 
 To what extent all the offerings to which we have referred 
 were contributed by the Jews of the disjpersion as well it is no 
 longer possible to say with any degree of certainty in regard 
 to any one of them in particular.^* In any case a large 
 
 "^ Shekalim iv. 6-8 : " When any one consecrates his possessions 
 (VD^J) . . • and there happen to be cattle amongst them suitable for 
 sacrifice, whether males or females, then, according to liabbi Eliesar, they 
 are to be sold, the males for burnt -offerings and the females for festive 
 offerings, to those who may be requiring them for such purposes, while the 
 money with the rest of the properly was to be given to the treasury for the 
 support of the temple (1^2^ P12h)- Rabbi Josua says: The males are 
 sacrificed as burnt-offerings, and the females are sold to such as happen to 
 be requiring festive offeriugs, while, with the money realized from the sale, 
 burnt-offerings are purchased and offered ; the residue of the property goes 
 to the treasury for the maintenance of the sanctuary. ... If any one 
 consecrates his possessions, and there happen to be things amongst them 
 suitable for the altar, such as wine, oil, birds, then, according to Rabbi 
 Eliesar, these are to be sold to those who are requiring offerings of this 
 sort, while the money thus realized is to be sj^ent in procuring burnt- 
 <;fTering3 ; the residue of the property goes to the treasury for the support 
 of the temple." 
 
 '" Joseph. Atitt. iv. 4. 4. 
 
 ^^ Comp, the Rabbinical passages quoted in note 60, above. 
 
 ^* For material bearing upon this, see C'halla iv. 7, 11 ; Jadajim iv. 3 ; 
 Oiiillin X. 1 (the three portions allotted to the priests at the slaughtering of 
 an animal to be given beyond Palestine as well). Philo, De mnnarcliia, ii. ;] 
 (Mang. ii. 224). Lajat. nd Cojnm, sec. xxiii. 40 (Mang. ii. pp. 568 f., 5ü2). 
 Joseph. Autt. xvi. 6. 2-7, xviii. 9. 1. The passages from Philo and 
 Josephus refer mainly, of course, to the (Udrachmi tax, but not to that 
 alone; see Anlt. xviii. 9. 1: to' ts oiopccxfiov . . . y.xl ottoox «/a«
 
 248 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 number of them was paid by those of the dispersion as well, 
 while the amount derived from all those sources was of so 
 handsome a character that the priests always had a comfort- 
 able provision. As little are we any longer in a position 
 always to form anything like a distinct conception of the 
 mode in which those offerings were jJciid. Many of them, such 
 as the challa and the three portions to be given on the 
 occasion of slaughtering an animal, were of such a nature that 
 they did not admit of being kept long. Consequently to 
 carry these and such as these to Jerusalem for the purpose of 
 presenting them there would be simply impossible. At any 
 rate, in all those places in which there happened to be priests, 
 they were given to them directly.®'' But so far as it was 
 at all practicable, the administration of the offerings was 
 centralized in Jerusalem. Thither they were conveyed and 
 handed over to those appointed to receive them, and from 
 thence again they were distributed among the priests.^^ 
 
 This central administration on the part of the priests 
 extended to the tithe as well, which in point of fact was 
 delivered, not to the Levites, but to the priests, in whose hands 
 the further disposal of it was then left.®'' 
 
 eiva.67ifA.et.T0t.. Hottinger, De decimis Judaeorum, p. 100 ff. (JExercit. v.). 
 Frankel, Ueher den Eivßuss der palästinischen Exegese auf die alexandriniscJie 
 Hermeneutik (1851), p. 98 f. 
 
 '-'^ It is said in Terumoth ii. 4 with reference to the terumah : " Wherever 
 there happens to be a priest, there the terumah of the choicest portions is paid 
 to him ; but where there is no priest a terumali is to be paid of something 
 that will keep." According to Challa iv. 8, 9, the Challa, things banned, 
 the first-born, the ransom for first-born sons, the ransom for the first-born 
 of the ass, the shoulder, the cheeks and the stomach (on the occasion of 
 killing an animal for ordinary use), the portion of the fleece at the sheep- 
 shearing, and others, could be given to any priest no matter where. Hence 
 it was that the terumah, for example, and the tithe, and the first-born 
 continued to be exacted even after the destruction of the temple, Bikkurim 
 ii. 3 ; Shekalim viii. 8. 
 
 96 See especially, 2 Chron. xxxi. 11-19 ; Neh. xii. 44, xiii. 5 ; Malachi 
 iii. 10. Philo, De praemiis, sec. iv. (Mang. ii. 285 f.) : 'Tttsjo Ss roii iA.r^ivcc 
 rZu '^ihö'jTuv 6viihi'(^iiu rol; Ast^/Säi/sy«, x.i'ksi'si rx; dvccpx»; d; to iipov 
 tcof^tl^sadxt, vporspov, ur hdii/'^s rou; tspsi; 'ha.f/.ßce.unv. 
 
 9" Comp. Joseph. Vita, xii. 15 ; Antt. xx. 8. 8, 9. 2. Herzfeld, Gesch. des
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 249 
 
 Nor were tliose priestly gifts made use of merely by the 
 priests themselves, but the ^^/'z^zY^z/c of participating in the 
 enjoyment of them tvas extended to those connected ivith them as 
 well. The only things that had to be partaken of exclusively 
 by priests were those known as "most holy" (see p. 236, 
 above). All the others might be enjoyed by the whole of the 
 members of a priest's household — his wife, his daughters and 
 his slaves, with the exception however of hired workmen and 
 daughters married to other than priests. But, in every 
 instance, only those were at liberty to participate who were in 
 a condition of Levitical purity.^' With regard to the priests 
 no distinction was made, on this occasion, between those duly 
 qualified to officiate and those debarred from doing so in 
 consequence of some physical defect or infirmity. These 
 latter might be allowed, when the division to which they 
 belonged happened to be serving, to go even the length of 
 participating in the " most holy " things themselves.®^ 
 
 All the offerings to which we have hitherto been referring 
 only went to form the personal emoluments of the priests. 
 From these are now furtlier to be distinguished tliose imposts 
 which were directly intended to defray the expenses connected 
 with public worship. The most important of them was the 
 
 Volkes Jisrael, ii. 138 ff. Delitzsch, Zeitschr. f. luth. Theol. 1877, p. 448 f. 
 Wellhansen, i. 171 f. Ritters Philo und die HalacJia, p. 123 f. In the 
 time of Nehemiah the tithe was paid to the Levitcs precisely in accordance 
 with what is prescribed in the priest-code, while these in turn handed 
 over only a tenth of the tithe to the temple treasury ; at the same time the 
 two things were done under the super cision of the priests (^eh. x. 38, 39). 
 The Mishna would appear to proceed on the assumption that the correct 
 thing was for the priests and the Levites to receive their respective shares 
 directly from the hands of the person paying the tithe (Maaser shciii 
 V. 6). 
 
 ^^ Lev. xxii. 1-16. Philo, De monarchia, lib. ii. sees, xiii.-xv. (ed. 
 Mangey, ii. pp. 230-233). Josi-ph. Antf. iv. 4. 4 : -TrotuTuv Zirui/ loi; 'npivat 
 tO^0V(/,ivuv y.0i'juvu!i OiiTcc^s Kotl rov; oix,iroc; k»i dvy»Tzpx; kxI yvi/xix.»;, i^u 
 tL'j vvip a,y.!t.pTt\y.ä,ruv iiTi<p'-p',f^i<jav Svaiuv' rxl/zu.; '/«.p iv tu iepui ftiuoi 
 ZxTTxvojinv oi öipp-vi; roiv Upiuv »i/6/i,uip6i/. Tcrumoth vi. 2, vii. 2. Sifra to 
 Lev. xxii. 10 ff., in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xiii. p. 1102 ff. 
 
 8" Lev. xxi. 22. Philo, De monarchia, ii. 13. Joseph, yln^i. iii. 12. 2; 
 Bell. Jud. V. 7. Sehachim xii. 1 ; Menachoth xiii. 10, fn.
 
 250 § 21. THE PEIESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 half- shekel or cliclrachma-tax}^ There was no tax of this 
 description anterior to the exile, for down to that period it 
 had been the practice for the kings to provide the public 
 sacrifices at their own expense (Ezek. xlv. 17 ff., xlvi. 13-15, 
 according to the Septuagint). It was in existence however 
 as early as the days of Nehemiah, although at that time it 
 amounted only to a third of a shekel (Neh. x. 33, 34). 
 The raising of it to half a shekel cannot have taken place till 
 subseq^uent to Nehemiah's time. Consequently, the passage 
 in the Pentateuch (Ex. xxx. 11-16), in which the half- 
 shekel tax is prescribed, must be regarded as a later modifi- 
 cation of the terms of the priest- code, which moreover is 
 probable for yet other reasons.^"^ The actual payment of this 
 tax in the time of Christ is placed beyond a doubt by the 
 unquestionable testimony of various authorities.^"^ Then 
 again it was one that had to be paid by every male Israelite 
 of twenty years of age or upwards, no matter whether he were 
 rich or poor,^"^ and that, in common with all sacred tribute, in 
 money of the early Hebrew or Tyrian (Phoenician) standard.^^ 
 
 100 Comp. Winer's Realwörterb., art. " Abgaben." Saalschutz, i. pp. :291- 
 293. Wieseler's Chronologische Synopse, p. 264 ff. Id., Beiträge zur 
 richtigen Würdigung der Evangelien, p. 108 ff. Huschke, Ueher den Census 
 und die Steiier-verfassung der früheren römischen Kaiserzeit (1847), pp. 202- 
 208. Keim, Geschichte Jesu, ii. 599 ff. Notes of Meyer and other expositors 
 on Matt. xvii. 24. 
 
 101 See Wellhausen, Jahrl.f. deutsche Theol. 1877, p. 412. The passage 
 in Exodus itself speaks only of one special instance in which the tax was 
 paid, viz. on the occasion of the numbering of the people in the time of 
 Moses (Num. i.). But there cannot be a doubt that this was indirectly 
 intended to furnish a legal basis on which to found the exaction of the 
 regular half -shekel tax. It is also in this sense that the passage has been 
 understood so early as by the author of the Chronicles (2 Chron. xxiv. 
 4-10). 
 
 10^ Matt. xvii. 24 ; Joseph. Antl. xviii. 9. 1 ; Bell. Jud. vii. 6. 6. Mishna 
 tractate Shekalim. 
 
 103 Ex. XXX. 14, 15. Philo, De monarchia, ii. 3 (Mang. ii. 224) : Upoari- 
 recKTeti yxp Audi 'kS.v sro; ei'7retpx,'K!' ih0ep£iv «to iiKoacarovg »p€,u,^'iV(iVi. 
 
 lo-' Tosefta, Kethuloth xn.ßn. : "Wherever money is mentioned in the 
 law, it is Syrian money (n"iV P1D3) that is meant. The specimens of Hebrew 
 shekels that have been preserved are found really to correspond with money 
 of the Phoenician standard. A half-shekel therefore is equal to two
 
 § 24. THE PKIESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 251 
 
 The time for payment was the month Adar (somewhere 
 about the month of March) ; ^^^ while the mode of procedure 
 on that occasion was to have the whole of the contributions 
 payable by one community gathered together and then sent 
 on to Jerusalem, there to be duly paid over in name of that 
 community/"^ This tax was spent mainly in defraying the 
 expense of the daily burnt-offering, and of all the sacrifices 
 generally that had to be offered in the name of the people, as 
 well as for other objects of a public character.^"^' After the 
 destruction of Jerusalem the didrachma had for a long time 
 to be paid toward tlie support of the temple of Jupiter Capi- 
 tolinus in Eome/**^ It is true that in the reign of Nerva the 
 calumnia fisci Judaicl was put an end to, but the tax itself 
 was not repealed.^*'^ 
 
 Over and above the lialf-shekel tax, and as forming a 
 matter of regular tribute for the temple, there was, above all, 
 the furnisldng of so much wood every year as fuel for the altar 
 
 Tyrian drachmae, or to somethiug like 1 mark 31 pfenuige of German 
 money. Comp. p. 244, above. In the time of Christ it was only the 
 Koman standard that was in force in Palestine (1 denarius = 1 Attic 
 drachma, both of these being somewhat heavier than the Tyrian drachma). 
 Consequently, in paying the sacred tribute it was very often necessary to 
 have recourse to the exchangers. 
 
 105 Shekalim i. 1, 3. 
 
 1"^ Shekalim ii. 1. Comp. Matt. xvii. 24. 
 
 10' Neh. X. 33, 34. Shekalim iv. 1-3. 
 
 108 Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 6. G. Dio Cass. Ixvi. 7. Comp. Sueton. Domi- 
 tiati, 12 : Judaicus fiscus acerbissime actus est. 
 
 109 We h&ve evidence of the first-mentioned fact in the shape of a coin 
 belonging to the reign of Nerva with the words "fisci Judaici calumnia 
 sublata" inscribed upon it (Madden's History of Jewish Coinage, p. 199). 
 This cannot be taken as alluding to the repeal of the tax itself, but merely 
 to the fact that it was no longer to be imposed in a form so offensive to 
 the Jews, and therefore, of course, tliat it was no longer to go towards the 
 support of heathen worship. We find that the tax itself was still being 
 paid subsequent to the period here in question ; comp. Appian. Syr. I., and 
 especiall}' Origen's Epist. ad African, sec. xiv. (ed. Lommatzscli, xvii. 44) : 
 y.otl uuv yoiJu Vuy.a.iwj ßuai^'.ivövruii, y.ui ' lovouiuv to othpxxuov »üroie 
 TihwvTuv. Tiie Rabbinical writers again have decided that the payment of 
 the half-shekel tax ceases to be binding when the temple ceases to exist 
 (^Shekalim viii. 8).
 
 252 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP, 
 
 of burnt-offering."^ As early as tlie time of Nehemiali it was 
 ordained that the priests, the Levites and the people were at 
 certain periods of the year to furnish the necessary supply of 
 wood for the altar, all of them according to the houses of their 
 fathers, their turn being decided by lot (Neh. x. 34, xiii. 31). 
 At a later period the " wood offering " took place, for the most 
 part, on the 15th of the month Ab, a day which, for this very 
 reason, came to acquire a certain festive character. How- 
 ever, at this same period wood was also furnished by certain 
 families on other days besides the one just mentioned.^^* 
 
 1'" On this see Herzfeld's Gescliichte des Voltes Jisrael, ii. 144 f. Grätz, 
 Geschichic der Juden, 3rd ed. iii. pp. 612 (note 1) and 668 (note 14). Deren- 
 bourg's Histoire de la Palestine, p. 109, note 2. Hamburger, lleal-Encycl. 
 für Bibel und Talmud, part ii. p. 881 f., art. " Opferholzspende." 
 
 ^^^ MegiUath Taanith, sec. xi. (in Derenbourg, pp. 443, 445). Joseph. 
 Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 6 : t^? tuu ^v'kdCOopiuu kopryu ovarii, tv ri -^rctaiv 'idog vXn» ru 
 ßafioj 'TrpoaCpepuv. Seeing that in Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 7, Josephus designates 
 the (]tij following the delivery of the wood as the fifteenth of lot-casting 
 ( = Ab), it would follow from this that the delivery took place on the four- 
 teenth of Ab. But, according to the Eabbinical sources, there can be no 
 doubt whatever that the fifteenth of Ab was the principal day ; see MegiUath 
 Taanith, sec. xi. ; ^Mishna, Taanith iv. 5, iv. 8 ; in general also, Taanith iv. 4 ; 
 Megilla i. 3 ; Jer. Taanith 68^, 69^; Megilla 70e ; Bah. Taanith 28a-31a, 
 
 ^^2 Mishna, Taanith iv. 5 : " The dates fixed for the furnishing of the 
 wood on the part of the priests and the people were the following nine 
 days : — 
 
 1. On the first of Nisan it was furnished by the family of Arach of the 
 
 tribe of Judah (comp. Ezra ii. 5 ; Neh. vii. 10). 
 
 2. On the twentieth of Tammus by the family of David of the tribe of 
 
 Judah (comp. Ezra viii. 2). 
 
 3. On the fifth of Ab by the family of Pareosh of the tribe of Judah 
 
 (comp. Ezra ii. 3, viii. 3, x. 25 ; Neh. iii. 25, vii. 8, x. 15). 
 
 4. On the seventh of Ab by the family of Jonadab the Recliabite (comp. 
 
 2 Kings X. 15, 23 ; Jer. xxxv. 8 ; 1 Chron. ii. 55). 
 
 5. On the tenth of Ab by the family of Senaa of the tribe of Benjamin 
 
 (comp. Ezra ii. 35 ; Neh. iii. 3, vii. 38). 
 
 6. On the fifteenth of Ab by the family of Sattu of the tribe of Judah 
 
 (comp. Ezra ii. 8, x. 27 ; Neh. vii. 13, x. 15). 
 On this same day by The priests. 
 The Levites. 
 
 Those of unknown descent. 
 The Bene Gonhe Eli and the Bene Koz'e Kezi'oth. 
 
 7. On the twentieth of Ab by the family of Pachath-JSIoah of the tribe of 
 
 Judah (comp. Ezra ii. 6, viii. 4, x. 30; Neh. iii. 11, vii. 11, x. 15).
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 253 
 
 Every species of wood was allowable except that of the olive 
 and the vine."^ 
 
 Then, in the last place, freev:ill offerings formed a copious 
 source of wealth for the temple. We have already stated that 
 probably the largest share of the vows did not fall to the priests 
 personally, but was used to defray the expenses incurred in 
 connection with the services of the sanctuary (see p. 247, 
 above). But however this might be, that was certainly the 
 case with regard to those vows that were formed for some 
 particular purpose, as well as those other voluntary gifts which 
 did not assume exactly the character of a vow."* Very often 
 objects were presented that could be turned to account either 
 in connection with the services of the temple or in the way 
 of ornamenting it.^^^ For example, to mention just a single 
 instance, one could present so much gold in the shape of a few 
 leaves, or grapes, or clusters of grapes, with a view to the enlarge- 
 ment of the golden vine that was placed over the entrance to 
 the temple ; "* the wealthy Alabarch Alexander of Alexandria 
 provided the gold and silver with which the gates of the 
 court were covered ; "' nor was it uncommon for distinguished 
 Gentiles to present gifts to the temple (on this see close of 
 present paragraph). As a rule, however, the gifts were 
 bestowed in the shape of money, and then even the poor 
 widow's mite was not unwelcome (Mark xii. 41-44 ; Luke 
 xxi. 1-4). In the treasury of the temple thirteen trumpet- 
 shaped boxes were erected, and into these the money was 
 dropped that was intended for the various purposes connected 
 with the religious services. No fewer than six of those boxes 
 
 8. On the twentieth of Elul by tlie family of Adin of the tribe of Jndah 
 
 (comp. Ezra ii. 15, viii. 6 ; Neh. vii. 20, x. 17). 
 
 9. On the first of Tebeth by the family of Pareosh for the second time." 
 ^12 Tamid ii, 3. Otherwise, according to the Book of Jubilees, chap. xxi. 
 
 (in Ewald's Jahrb. der. hihi. Wissensch. iii. 19). Tcstam. xii. Patriarch. 
 Levi, chap. ix. 
 
 ^^* That at least a formal distinction was made between I'oics (am;) and 
 freewill oJfcriv(/s (n"i313) may be seen from Mefjilla i. 6. 
 
 ^^^ See in general, Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 13. 6 ; Misbna, .Joma iii. 10. 
 
 "« Middoth iii. 8,/«. i" Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 3.
 
 254 § 24, THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 were for the reception of " voluntary gifts " pure and simple, 
 without the object for which they were intended being further 
 specified ; and the whole of these latter were expended, at 
 least so the Mishna affirms, in the purchase of burnt-offerings 
 (just because it was supposed that in these most benefit 
 would, so to speak, accrue to God)/^ 
 
 III. THE VARIOUS FUNCTIONS OF THE PRIESTHOOD. 
 
 As the priests were so numerous, their emoluments so 
 plentiful, and their functions so varied, it was necessary that 
 there should also be an extensive apportioning among them 
 of the different departments of the service. As we have 
 already pointed out in a previous section, the whole priest- 
 hood was divided into twenty-four families, each of which 
 formed a distinct body, with presidents and elders at its head. 
 But apart from this social organization of the entire order, 
 there was further, the organism of the si^ecial functions con- 
 nected with the multifarious services of the sanctuary. Of 
 those special offices there were two that (at least during the 
 last century of the temple's existence, to which period the 
 following account is to be understood as applying) were 
 conspicuous above all the others, and to these we will here 
 assign the foremost place. 
 
 1. The head of the whole priesthood was the supreme, or as 
 we usually designate him, the high luvtest, i)nJ pa, äp'xiepev'i}^^ 
 The characteristic feature about the position of this distin- 
 guished functionary was the combining in one and the same 
 person of both a civil and a sacred dignity. Not only was he 
 
 ^^® Shekalim vi. 5, 6. 
 
 119 Comp, on this functionary, Winer's iteaZ«'ö?-/er&. under word. Oehler's 
 art. " Hoherpriester," in Herzog's Real-Encycl. (1st ed. vol. vi. pp. 198-206, 
 2nd ed. vi. pp. 237-245, revised by Delitzsch), and the literature quoted in 
 both those works ; also Graf's art. " Priester," in Schenkel's Bihellex. Well- 
 hausen's Gesch. Israels, i. pp. 153-156. Riehm, Handwörterb. des hihi. Alter- 
 tums, under word.
 
 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESIIIP. 255 
 
 the supreme religious functionary, the one to wlioni alone 
 pertained the privilege of performing certain acts of worship 
 of the highest religious significance, such as, above all, the 
 offering of the sacrifice on the great day of atonement, but 
 he was also, at the same time, the supreme civil head of the 
 people, the supreme head of the State, in so far, that is, as the 
 State was not under the sway of foreign rulers. In the days 
 of national independence the hereditary Asmonaean high 
 priests were priests and kings at one and the same time ; 
 while, at a later period again, the high priests were, at least 
 the presidents of the Sanhedrim, and even in all political 
 matters, the supreme representatives of the people in their 
 relations with the Eomans (for details, see § 23. IV., 
 above). As was to be expected, considering the distinguished 
 social position which he held, the high priest did not 
 officiate except on festival occasions. He was, in fact, legally 
 bound to do so only on the great day of atonement, when he 
 was called upon to offer before the Lord the great sin-offering 
 of the people (Lev. xvi.) ; though, according to later usage, he 
 was further required to offer the daily sacrifice during the 
 week immediately preceding the great day of atonement.^'" 
 Otherwise he was left perfectly free to sacrifice only when 
 he felt disposed to do so.^'^ According to the testimony of 
 Josephus, he officiated, as a rule, every Sabbath day, and on 
 the occasion of the new moons or other festivals in the course 
 of the year.^" We must beware of confounding with the 
 sacrifices just mentioned, and which he offered as representing 
 the people and in their name, the daily meat-oflering which 
 he required to offer purely on his own account (Lev. vi. 12-lG). 
 But on those latter occasions it was not so much required that 
 he himself should officiate (which he seldom did) as that he 
 
 *-" Joma i. 2. ^^^ Joma i. 2 ; Tamld vii. 3. 
 
 '-2 Bell. Jud. V. 5. 7 : 6Zs oip-)(,tipiv; kuf,it fciv avu uvtci;, cch'/' oi/x. eiti, rett; 
 sßoofAXTt Kxl i/ovfiYjvtui; Kdl It Tt: ioprvi ■rröt.Tpt'i: vi r.otv/iyvpig CT«yO/5,ao? «yo- 
 yAvY, 6t h'jvg. It further appears tliat the higli-prie.stly functions had been 
 actually discharged by the Asuionaean princes. See Joseph. Antt. xiiL 
 10. 3 (John Hyrcanus), xiii. 13. f) (Akxander Jannacns).
 
 256 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. 
 
 should defray the cost of the offerings.^^^ The somewhat 
 unique character of the high priest's position found further 
 expression in the special purity and holiness that were 
 expected of him (see pp. 211, 214, above), as well as in the 
 gorgeous official attire which he wore when exercising his 
 sacred functions.^^* Only at that part of the service on the 
 great day of atonement at which he entered the holy of holies, 
 he wore a simple white dress, which however was made of 
 the most expensive Pelusian and Indian linen (or cotton V)}^^ 
 
 ^23 Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7. For a fuller treatment of the matter, see 
 chap. iv. below. 
 
 ^-* The Biblical and post-Biblical sources dwell with peculiar delight upon 
 the splendour of this attire. See Ex. xxviii. and xxix. ; Sirach xlv. 6-13, 
 1. 5 S. Aristeas, ed. Mor. Schmidt, in Merx' Archiv, i. 271. 21-272. 9 (in 
 Havercamp's Josephus, ii. 2. 113). Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 11-14 (ed. Mang. 
 ii. 151-155) ; De monarchia, ii. 5, 6 (ed. Mang. ii. 225-227). Joseph. Antt. 
 iii. 7. 4-7, and Bell. Jud. v. 5. 7. Mishna, Joma vii. 5. Jerome's Epist. ad 
 Fahiolam,ch?ip.x.-xvm. (ed.Vallarsi,i. 360-366). Among the literature given 
 at the head of this section we would specially refer the reader to Joh. Braun, 
 Vestitus sacerdotum Hebraeorum, Amst. 1680. Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heiligih. 
 book iii. chap, iv.-viii. Bened. Dav. Carpzov, De pontißcum Hehraeorum- 
 vestitu sacro (in Ugolini's Tlies. vol. xii., ibid, in vols. xii. and xiii., and other 
 monographs besides). Ugolini's Thes. vol. xiii. pp. 163-434. Bäiir's Sym- 
 bolik des mos. Cult. ii. 61-165. Leyrer's art. " Kleider, heilige bei den 
 Hebräern," in Herzog's Real-EncijcL, 1st ed. vol. vii. 714-722, and the litera- 
 ture quoted tliere. Haneberg, Die relig. Altcrthümer der Bibel, pp. 534-555, 
 De Saulcy, Bevue archeologiqiie, new series, vol. xx. 1869, pp. 91-115. 
 Likewise the literature of the subject of the high priest quoted in note 119. 
 In the library of the University of Giessen there is a very learned work in 
 manuscript by Martinus Mauritii, entitled Dc re vestiaria Hebraeorum, 1685 
 {Cod. Gissens. 593-595). During the Roman period a serious political dis- 
 pute arose about the custody of the high priest's dress, see Joseph. Antt. xv. 
 11. 4, xviii. 4. 3, xx. 1. 1, 2 ; further Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1872, pp. 627-630. 
 At the conquest of Jerusalem this splendid attire fell into the hands of the 
 Romans (Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 8. 3). 
 
 1-^ Lev. xvi. 4. Mishna, Joma iii. 7 (on the materials here referred to, 
 comp, note 215, below). Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 7 : zavzyiv ^h (Zv rviv 
 iudvircc \ov>c\ i(p6pii Tov äXhüv •/,pö'jov, 'htroripxii S' ecviT^xfißxuiv oVöVg [öä] 
 slaioi eis to öilvrou. The words within brackets are here to be deleted. 
 The high priest wore the linen dress (p^ ""nin) only when performing 
 those parts of the service that had special reference to the great day of 
 atonement. When performing the others however, he wore his more 
 gorgeous dress (nnT nj^) on the great day of" atonement as well as on any 
 other occasion. For further particulars on this point, see Joma iii. 4. 6, 
 vii. 1. 3, 4 ; comp, besides, Joseph. Antt. 4. 3 (when the Romans had the
 
 § 24. THE PrJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOPSIIIP. 257 
 
 2. Next to the high priest in point of rank came the ]iO 
 or p.p, Aramaic !^D, regarding whose functions the conceptions 
 of the Eabbinical authorities are anything but clear. They 
 seem to think that he was simply the representative of the 
 high priest, and that his chief function was to act as the 
 substitute of this latter, should he happen to be disqualified 
 for taking part in tlie worship in consequence of Levitical 
 defilement ; and this view has also continued to be the prevail- 
 ing one among Christian scholars down to the present day.''"" 
 But it is undoubtedly erroneous. Among all the passages in 
 the Mishna in which the po is mentioned there is not one 
 that throws any further light whatever upon his official 
 position. All they can be said to tell us is that he stood next 
 to the high priest in point of rank. When the high priest 
 drew the lot, in the case of the two he-goats, on the great day 
 of atonement, the po stood at his right hand, while the presi- 
 dent of the division or course that happened to be serving 
 (3S IVl Ji'S")) was at his left.^"' Again, when he had occasion 
 to read a portion from the Scriptures, the president of the 
 synagogue handed the roll to the pD, who in turn passed it to 
 the high priest.^"^ Also when he happened to offer the daily 
 sacrifice, the po was still found at his side.^''' From all this 
 however we are not at liberty to infer that the segan (I 
 
 dress iu their custody they allowed the Jews to have the use of it rpia'ty 
 eoprali iKÖtarov 'irovg ku.\ y,ot,rdi t'/ji/ v/ianixu, i.e. on the great day of 
 atonement). 
 
 ^^^ See in general, Buxtorf's Lex. Chakl. under word po. Seiden, De 
 successione in pontifical inn Ebraeoram, ii. 1. Lifjhtfoot, Miitislcrium (enipli, 
 V. 1 (^Oj>p. i. 687 f.). Sheringam on Joma iii. 9 (iu Surenhusius' Mi.tJtna, 
 ii. 223). Carpzov^ Apparatus historico-criticus, p. 98 f. Vitringa, Ohscr- 
 vationes sacrae (1723), lib. vi. cap. xxiii. pp. 517-531. Blossius, 1711, 
 Overkanipf, 1739 (both quoted by Mcusel, BibUothera historica, i. 2. 165). 
 Quandt, De pouti/icis maximi stijf'ragaiieo (in Ugoliiii's Thes. vol. xii. pp. 
 963-1028). Oehler's art. " Hoherpriester," in Herzog's Iical-EncycL, Isted. 
 vi. 204. Haneberg, Die relifj. Altcrth. der Bibel, p. 558 f. Levy, Chald. 
 Worth, under word po. Idem, Neuhehr. Wörterh. under same word. Oa 
 the W^^iO in the Old Testament, consult Gesenius' Tliesaiiru.'i, under word. 
 
 '^^'' .Joma iii. 9, iv. 1. ^'^* Joma vii. 1 ; Sola vii. 7-8. 
 
 ^■^ Tamid vii. 3. 
 DIV. 11. VOL. L B
 
 258 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 prefer this Aramaic form because we are unable to say for 
 certain what the Hebrew form of the singular was) was 
 intended to act as the high priest's substitute on those 
 occasions on which he was prevented from officiating himself. 
 Such an inference would be decidedly wrong. For what the 
 Mishna says with regard to this matter of the substitute is 
 rather to this efiect : " Seven days before the great day of 
 atonement it is customary to appoint some other priest (p3 
 "inx) to be ready to take the place of the high priest in the 
 event of any accident happening to the latter calculated to 
 interrupt the service." ^^^ This would surely have been 
 extremely superfluous if there had been a permanent official 
 whose duty it was to act as the liigh priest's representative or 
 substitute. It appears to me that we need have no difficulty 
 in arriving at a true and distinct conception as to what was 
 the real position of the segan, if we will only take due note 
 of the way in which the term d^jjd is rendered in the Septua- 
 gint. For we find that there it is almost invariably repre- 
 sented by (TTparrj^ol}^^ Consequently, the pD can have been 
 no other than the arpar7]yo<i rov lepov, the ccqitain of the temple, 
 whom we find frequently mentioned in the Greek sources, 
 both in Josephus and the New Testament.^^^ To this func- 
 tionary was entrusted the chief superintendence of the 
 arrangements for preserving order in and around the temple. 
 And so when we consider the very important nature of this 
 
 i^f* Joma i. 1. 
 
 131 So Jer. li. 23, 28, 57 ; Ezek. xxiii. 6, 12, 23 ; Ezra ix. 2 (Vulgate 
 omits it) ; Neh, ii. 16, iv. 8, xii. 40, xiii. 11 ; Dan. iii. 2, 27, vi. 8. In a 
 very few instances we have äpxouTig, Isa. xli. 25 ; Neh. iv. 13, v. 7, vii. 5 ; 
 and, on one solitary occasion, aetrpx'Trxi, Dan. ii. 48. 
 
 i'*^ Acts iv. 1 : arpctTYiyor ^^i /^^(jy. Similarly Acts v. 24, 26. Josephus, 
 Amt. XX. 6. 2: ' Kvctvictv rov dpxupi» y-ul rou aTpxrrr/ov " Kuxvou. Bell. 
 Jiid. vi. 5. 3 : ol rov hpov (puf^xKig vjy^/n'hxv ru urpxT/iyu. Antt. XX. 9. 3: 
 TO» ypctiz-i^ccTix Tov (jr pxT-fiyoZurog 'E7\ix^xpov. Bcll. Jucl. u. 17. 2: 
 ''ET^ex^xpo; viog ''Auxulbv roi> xpxnp^^;, vixvix; dpxavrxTo:, dTpxT-dyuv 
 TOTS. It is quite possible that, in several of the last-mentioned passages, 
 instead of its being the chief arpxrnyos that was meant, it was rather one of 
 the subordinate arpxTriyol who were also among the temple officials, as will 
 be pointed out immediately.
 
 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. 259 
 
 office, we can quite easily understand how the priest who had 
 the honour to liold it should have been regarded as second 
 only to the high priest himself. 
 
 Besides the segan or crTpaTr]'y6<i in the singular, we also 
 meet with the plural form D"'JJD or crrpaTrjyoL When the 
 festive processions of the country people went up to Jerusalem 
 with the first-fruits, it was usual for the foremost among the 
 priests to go out to meet them, namely the nina and DV?? and 
 nniiT3.^^^ The two first of those categories, the nina and 
 tjie Q''3Jp, correspond to the ol dp-x^iepei<; kol aTparrjyoi of Luke 
 xxii. 4, 52.^^* What we are to understand by the apxt^peh 
 has been already pointed out at p. 201 ff. above. But the 
 Q^iiD or (TTpaTrjyoL are in any case, so far as the nature of 
 their office is concerned, of the same order as the po or 
 (TTpaTfjyo'i, only holding a somewhat lower rank, and therefore 
 captains of the temple police as much as, though sul^ordinate 
 to, the chief aTpaTT]y6<i}^*^ 
 
 In the lists of the priests that are given in several passages 
 in the Talmud those who rank next to the hiyh priest and tlie 
 scgan are the presidents of the courses of service, those at the 
 head of the twenty-four leading divisions ("irjcion t'sn) being 
 mentioned first, and those at the head of the sub-divisions 
 (as IT'S CS"i) coming next."" The functions of those presidents 
 had however no immediate reference to the worship, but to 
 the priesthood as a corporate body, in which aspect we 
 
 ^^^ Bikkurim iii. 3. 
 
 ^3* The nins and D''JJD are also frequently conjoined in this way in tlie 
 Old Testament (Jer. li. 23, 28, 57 ; Ezek. xxiii. 6, 12, 23). In sucii ca-ses 
 the Septuagint rendering is, as a rule, iiyi/4,6vss (or iiyovtuevot) kxI arpunnyoi, 
 in one instance (Jer. li. 57) it is upxovTs: x.eii aTpatrrr/ol. Consequently in 
 the passage quoted from the Mishna, viz. Bikkurim iii. 3, as above, in 
 which it is priests that are in question, the nins can scarcely be other than 
 the ccD'^npii;, for tlie äpx,o:/Ti; among the priests arc simply the doxupii;- 
 This is corroborated by the form of expression made use of by Luke. 
 
 134a Possibly the D^^nsn po, R. Chananiah, so frequently mentioned in the 
 Mishna, was a po of this sort. On thi.s personage, see § 25. IV. 
 
 ^^5 See especially, Tosefta Horajdh, Jiv. (ed. Zuckerraaudel, p. 476); 
 Jer. Jlnrajoth 48'', in Ugolini's Thenonnis; vol. xiii. p. 870.
 
 260 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 have already had occasion to speak of them at p. 2 2 f. The 
 sacred functions, properly so called, which still fall to be 
 mentioned here besides those of the high priest and the segan, 
 are those that related partly to the cahninistration of the 
 possessions and stores helonging to the sanctuary, partly to the 
 superintendence of the tcmyle police, and partly to the religious 
 services themselves. All that we know with respect to those 
 three categories is substantially as follows.^^^ 
 
 I. A very important function was that of the administra- 
 tion of the vast amount of property belonging to the temple. 
 The store-chambers of the sanctuary were filled with posses- 
 sions of multifarious kinds piled in masses one upon another. 
 First there were the titensils employed in the sacrificial 
 worship, which of themselves represented a handsome sum, 
 and consisting of a whole host of gold and silver basins, cups, 
 pots and articles of a like kind used for such purposes as 
 catching up and sprinkling the blood, for offering the frank- 
 incense and the meat- and drink-offerings, etc.^^'^ Again there 
 were large quantities of curtains, and priests' garments, and of 
 the materials required for making them.^^* And there were, 
 in particular, vast collections of natural products, viz. : flour 
 and oil for the meat-offerings, wine for the drink-offerings, 
 fragrant substances with which to make the frankincense, and 
 in addition to these things, the offerings contributed for the 
 benefit of the priests.^^'^ But, above all, there were also the 
 
 13G Comp. Ligbtfoot, Ministerium ternpli, cap. v. and vii. Herzfeld's 
 Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, i. 387-424. Haneberg, Die relig. Alterth. p. 
 555 £f. Graf in Merx' Archiv, i. 226-232. Also in general the literature 
 of the subject of the Levites as quoted in note 43 above. 
 
 137 See in general, Ezra i. 9-11, viii. 26, 27 ; 1 Mace. i. 21-23 ; Joseph. 
 Antt. xiv, 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 6, v. 13. 6, vi. 5. 2, vi. 8. 3 ; Joma iii. 10, 
 iv. 4. According to Tamid iii. 4, ninety-three gold and silver utensils were 
 required for the daily service ; while, according to Chagiga iii. 8, three sets 
 of each were kept. For a few particulars, see Ex. xxv. 29, 38, xxvii. 3, 
 xxxvii. 16, 23, xxxviii. 3 ; Num. iv. 7, 9, 14. 
 
 138 Bell. Jud. vi. 5. 2, vi. 8. 3. 
 
 1-9 Neh. xii. 44, xiii. 5, 9, l:i ; 1 Chron. ix. 20 ; Bell. Jud. v. 13, 6, vL 
 8. 3 ; Antt. xiv. 4. 4 ; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 6.
 
 § 24. THE nilESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 2G1 
 
 large sums of money that were deposited in the store-houses of 
 the temple, and which were of such a colossal character that 
 they uot unfrequently tempted greedy foreign potentates to 
 plunder them, and yet it would appear that they were always 
 speedily replaced."*^ Then, in the last place, there fall to 
 be added to the heaps of money stored in tlie temple the 
 various sums deposited there by private individuals ; for it 
 was quite common to lodge such deposits in the temple from 
 a feeling that the sacredness of the place afforded the best 
 possible guarantee for their security."^ All the money and 
 the various articles of value were kept in separate reposi- 
 tories {<ya^o(f)v\dKta) in the inner court of the temple, and 
 not only did they require to be constantly watched, but in 
 consequence of the receiving on the one hand and giving out 
 on the other that were continually going on, it was necessary 
 that they should be under careful administration.^*^ 
 
 The treasurers, to whom the administration in question was 
 entrusted, were called ya^o^vXaKe^ in Greek "^ and D^I^Ta in 
 
 ^*^ Attempt to plunder by Hdiodnrns (2 Mace, iii.) ; by Antiochus 
 Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 21-23). Pompey leaves the treasury iutact {Antt. 
 xiv. 4. 4; Bell. Jud. i. 7. 6); Crassiis plunders it (Antt. xiv. 7. 1 ; Bill. 
 Jud. i. 8. 8, carrying off 2000 talents) ; so also Sahiniis, after the death of 
 Herod (.1»«. xvii. 10. 2, fin.; Bell. Jud. ii. 3. 3, fin.) ; Pilate (Antt. xviii. 
 3. 2 ; Bell. Jud. ii. 9. 4) ; Florus (Bell. Jud. ü. 14. 6). Comp, besides, on 
 the ispo; ÖYiTxvpö; in general, Matt, xxvii. 6 ; Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 1 ; 
 Antt. XX. 9. 7. 
 
 ^*^ 2 Mace. iii. 10-12, 15. Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 5. 2. This was often 
 done in the case of heathen temples as well. See in general, Winer's 
 Realwörterh., art. " Hinterlage." Grimm, Excyet. Handb. zu den Apokryphen, 
 note on 2 Mace. iii. 10. Marquardt, llönüsche Staatsccrwaltuny, vol. iii. 
 (1878) p. 210. Hermann and Blumner, Lehrh. der griechischen Privatcdter- 
 thümer (1882), p. 4.06 f. 
 
 ^*- On the -/u^r,(pv7iä.x,{x, see especially, Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 2, fin., vi. 5. 
 2 ; Antt. xix. 6. 1 ; Neh. xii. 44, xiii. 5, 9, 12, 13. By the y»^o(pv'hetKiov 
 mentioned in the New Testament we are not to understand u trea.'<ure 
 chamher but a treasury box (Mark xii. 41, 43 ; Luke xii. 1 ; probably also 
 John viii. 20). According to Shel-alim vi. 5, there were in the temple 
 thirteen money chests made in the form of trumpets. 
 
 ^•'' .1»^/. XV. 11. 4, xviii. 4. 3 (the yct^rjj:i''AixKs; had the custody of the 
 high priest's dress). Antt. xx. 8. 11 : 'lay.xr,Aov tÖv doxtipiot, xxl EhKiuu 
 TO* yu.^oipv'ii »KU (sent on an embassy to Rome). Bell. Jud. \u 8. 3:
 
 262 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 Hebrew.^" Isov were the functions of those officials confined 
 merely to the money in the temple, but extended to the 
 administration of all the possessions generally, that fell under 
 any of the categories just mentioned. They had the custody 
 of the sacred utensils,^*^ the veils, and the priests' garments;"^ 
 they took charge of the flour for the meat-offerings and of the 
 wine for the drink-offerings ; ^*' it was their duty to take 
 delivery of things consecrated (or things presented to the 
 temple), or to return them again on the ransom being duly 
 paid ; "^ and they also purchased wood ^^^ and gathered in the 
 half-shekel tax.^'^ Of course among the treasurers too there 
 were once more gradations of rank. According to the state- 
 ments of the Old Testament, it would seem as though the 
 whole of those offices had been in the hands of the Levites.^''^ 
 This -may have been actually the case so far as the more 
 subordinate duties were concerned, but there can be no doubt 
 whatever that the more important ones w^ere in the hands of 
 the priests. The fact is there is mention in Josephus of a 
 particular occasion on which the ^a^otpvXa^ (perhaps the chief 
 one of his class) is put immediately on a level with the high 
 priest, from his being regarded as one of the most distinguished 
 of the temple officials.^^^ We also find that elsewhere the 
 D''"i3T3 are reckoned among the liigher functionaries of the 
 
 6 yu^oCpv'Kxi, roil Upov (^ivex; (surrenders the priests' garments to the 
 Romans). Comp, also Antt. xiv. 7. 1 : 6 ruu 6/i7otvpci>v (pv'^xB, hpivg, 
 ''KXix^xpo; 6'vo/y^x . . . 7ri'77iariV[/.ivo; rv^'j rcju KXrci—iraaf^ciruv -zoi uxoii 
 (pv'Ac<.K-/iv (in the time of Crassus). 
 
 ^*^ Pea i. 6, /?«., ii. S,ßn., iv. 8 ; Challa iii. 3-4 ; Bikkurim iii. 3 ; Sliekalim 
 ii. 1, V. 2, 6 ; Menachoth viii. 2, 7 ; Meila iii. 8. The term occurs in the 
 Old Testament likewise, Ezra i. 8, vii. 21. Comp, further, Levy, Chald. 
 Wörtei-b. under word. Idem, Neuliehr. Wörter!), under word. 
 
 115 Shekalim v. 6 ; 1 Chron. ix. 28. 
 
 lie Joseph. Antt. xiv. 7. 1, xv. 11.4; xviii. 4. 3 ; liell. Jud. vi. 8. 3. 
 
 11" Menacliotli viii. 2, 7. 
 
 lis Pea i. 6,^n., ii. 8,/n., iv. 8 : Challa iii. 3-4. 
 
 119 Meila iii. 8. i^f* Shekalim ii. 1. 
 
 151 1 Chron. ix. 28, 29, xxvi. 20-28; 2 Chron. xxxi. 11-19. The predi- 
 lection of the author of Chronicles for the Levites is well known. Yet in 
 Neh. xiii. 13 it is a priest that is found at the head of the treasurers. 
 
 1*2 Antt. XX. 8. 11 ; see note 143, above.
 
 § -24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 2G3 
 
 teniple.^'^'' When the Mishna affirms that there must have been 
 at least three D''"'3T3 in the temple/'* it is certain that it can have 
 had in view only the head treasurers and not the entire staff of 
 officials that were required for the administration of the treasury. 
 It is probable that, under the category of treasury 
 officials, we should also include the amarkelin (p^aios), 
 who are mentioned once in the Mishna without any hint 
 whatever being given as to the nature of their functions,^'*^ 
 the consequence beiug that the Eabbinical writers indulge 
 merely in empty conjectures on the point, conjectures based, 
 to some extent, upon trivial etymological conceits/^^ The 
 term itself is of Persian origin, and means a " member of the 
 chamber of accounts, or an accountant." ^^^ Consequently in 
 the Targum of Jonathan we find that in 2 Kings xii. 1 and 
 xxii. 4, for example, the term n''^3"iDX is substituted for the 
 Hebrew expression ^IBH ""l^'^^ "keepers of the threshold," by 
 whom the priestly treasurers are meant. We have a term 
 in every way identical with the one now in question in the 
 Armenian expression hamaralcar, which in like manner 
 denotes an official having charge of the accounts (a chief 
 
 1^' Bikkurim iii. 3 (see p. 259, above) ; also in the lists of the various 
 rauks of the priests given iu Tosefta, Horajoth, ßn. (see note 135), the 
 D^"I2T3 take precedence of the ordinary priests, while these latter again rank 
 higher than the Levites. In a certain Rabbinical lamentation over the 
 degeneracy of the high priests, the D^"i3T3 are put immediately on a level 
 with them precisely as in Joscphus (" They are high priests and their sons 
 are pintj, and their sons-in-law pb^lOS-" 'i'o&eita, Menachotli.fin.; Bah. 
 Pesachini bl^. Dercnbourg, Hisloire, p. 232, note). 
 
 1" ShekaUm v. 2. • iss Shcknlim v. 2. 
 
 ^^^ In the Tosefta, Shckalhn ii, 15 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 177), it is 
 affirmed that they kept the seven keys of the seven gates of the court (see 
 also Grätz, Monatsschrift, 187G, p. 441). But this is a pure conjecture 
 founded upon a statement in the Mishna to the effect that there must have 
 been at least seven amarkelin. An attempt is made to exjjlain the term 
 etymological ly by supposing it to be derived either from p^ -iO (lord of all), 
 or 73 "IQX (he who speaks all, i.e. he who is entitled to order everything). 
 See in general. Levy's Chald. Worterb. .f.r. Idem, yiuliel)): Wörtcrb. s.v. 
 55D-IOS and 'p^lD- 
 
 ^5" Perles, Etymologisclc Stiidivn (1871), p. 106. Comp. Niildeke, 
 Göttinger yd. Anztujtn (1871), 149. Idem, Literar. Centralbl. 1875, p. 876.
 
 264 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOPSHIP. 
 
 treasurer).'^ It is true no doubt that our term also occurs 
 elsewhere in the Targums in the more comprehensive sense of 
 chiefs or heads generally.^^^ But seeing that, as a rule, the 
 priestly {"»^siöx are mentioned along with the pinTj/^'' we may 
 venture to regard it as certain that they also belonged to the 
 same category as the treasurers. It is possible that they were 
 among the subordinate officials of this department ; ^^^ but 
 perhaps the distinction between the gisbarim and the amar- 
 kelin was something like this, that while to the former was 
 assigned the duty of receiving and taking charge of the various 
 treasures, the latter, on the other hand, were entrusted with 
 the task of distributing among the priests the gifts and 
 offerings that were intended for them.^^ Besides the two 
 classes just mentioned, the Jerusalem Talmud mentions yet a 
 third, viz. the ;''p"'b'inp {icadoXiKoi), of whom however the ]\Iishna 
 knows nothing whatever.^^'^ 
 
 II. For the duties connected with the ijolice department, 
 
 158 Prud'homme (Journal Asiallqne, 16th series, vol. vii. 1866, p. 115) 
 renders ifc by comptable ou caissier chef. Comp, also Levy in Geiger's Jiid. 
 Zeitschrift, v. 1867, p. 214 f. Lagarde, Armenische Studien {Abhandlungen 
 der Gottinger Gesellsch. der Wisscnch. vol. xxii. 1877), No. 1216. 
 
 159 Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., and Levy, Chcdd. Wörterb. under word. 
 
 160 Besides Shekalim v. 2, so also in the list of the ranks of the priests, 
 Tosefta Horajoth, fin., and in the lamentation of Tosefta Menachuth, fin. 
 (see note 153, above). 
 
 161 It is true that, in the list of the grades of the priests Tosefta Horajoth, 
 fin., the p^3"liOX rank higher than the pl^TJ- But this can hardly be correct. 
 See, on the other hand, Skekalim v. 2 ; Tosefta Menachoth, fin. lu Bikknrim 
 iii. 3, the jniU ^^^ included among the prominent members of the priest- 
 hood, while the }''^31?:S again are not mentioned at all. 
 
 16- In Chronicles (2 Chron. xxxi. 11-19) those officials whose duty it 
 was to receioe the gitts for the priests are plainly distinguished from those 
 who were called upon to distribute them. And now we find it stated in the 
 Mishna, Shekalim v. 2, that "it is usual to appoint not fewer than three 
 gisbarim, and not fewer than seven amarkelim." If with this we compare 
 what is said about the gathering in and distributing of the money for the 
 poor (Pea viii. 7 : "Two take charge of the collecting and three of the 
 distributing of it"), it is not unnatural to suppose that the gisbarim and 
 the amarkelim would stand to each other precisely in the same relation as 
 that in which the collectors of the money for the poor stood to the distri- 
 butors of it. 
 
 "3 Jer. Shekalim v. fol. 49».
 
 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOUSHIP. 2G5 
 
 for which a very large staff of officials was required, it M-as 
 mostly Le\'ites that were employed. In early times indeed, 
 and down even to the days of Ezra and Nehemiah, the " gate- 
 keepers " (Q"'iyt^') did not belong as yet to the order of the 
 Levites, but were of a somewhat lower rank; it was the 
 author of the Chronicles who was the first to include these 
 officials also among the number of the Levites (see p. 224, 
 above). In the inner court the duty of keeping watch and 
 ward was discharged by the priests themselves. The author 
 of the Chronicles, and subsequently Philo and the JMishna, 
 have furnished us with several details regarding the organiza- 
 tion of the department now in question.^^* We learn from 
 the first-mentioned authority that there were twenty-four 
 wards in all, under four chiefs or captains, and that they were 
 posted on the east, west, north and south sides of the temple 
 (1 Chron. xxvi. 12-18, also ix. 17, 24-27). The statements 
 of this writer are Lo be understood as applying to the temple 
 of Zerubbabel. But the area of the temple esplanade, or the 
 so-called outer court, was afterwards very much enlarged, 
 especially by Herod, so that it now formed a large qnadrangle, 
 its longer side being that which extended from north to south. 
 Within this large square again there was an oblong quad- 
 rangular space enclosed by strong walls, the longer side, in 
 this instance, running from west to east ; this was the so- 
 called inner court, or " the court " in the strict sense of the 
 word. This court was approached by a flight of steps, and at 
 the foot of this stair was a railing within which no Gentile 
 was allowed to pass. Any Gentile who ventured to pass this 
 boundary and set foot within the inner court was punished 
 with death ; and the lioman authorities respected the scruples 
 of the Jews in regard to this matter to such an extent that 
 they sanctioned the execution of this sentence even in those 
 
 ^^* See in general, Opitii Commentnrius de cu.stodia lou/ili nocinrna 
 (Ugolini's Thcs. vol. ix. pp. 979-1076). Winer's Reahrörkrh. ii. ."JOO f. 
 Kneuckcr's art. " Tempelpolizei," in Scbenkel's Bihclkx. vol. v. p. 
 484 ff.
 
 2G6 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOllSHIP. 
 
 cases in wbicli Eoman citizens had been the offenders.^®^ To 
 this railing notices were attached at certain distances from 
 each other, with the prohibition and the penalty for infringing 
 it inscribed upon them in Greek and Latin.'^**® According to 
 Philo, there were keepers in his day not only at the entrances 
 to the inner court, but likewise at the gates of the outer one as 
 well, one of their principal duties being to see that the pro- 
 hibition in question was rigidly complied with. In addition 
 to these there were watchmen patrolling all round by night 
 and by day to make sure that nothing of an unseemly 
 character was going on anywhere.'^^^ According to the Mishna, 
 there were twenty-one points at which the Levites kept watch 
 (at night), and three at which the priests did so. The Leviti- 
 cal keepers were stationed partly at the gates and the corners 
 of the outer court (inside of it), and partly at the gates and 
 corners of the inner court (outside of it), while the priestly 
 guards again had charge of the inner court.^^^ It was usual 
 
 ^^5 See in geueral, Joseph. Antt. xv. 11. 5 ; Bell. Jiid. v. 5. 2, vi. 2. 4 ; 
 Apiov. ii. 8. Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, § 31 (ed. Äraiig. ii. 577). Mishna, 
 Middoth ii. 3 ; Keliin i. 8. It was in consequence of an alleged violation 
 of this prohibition on the part of the Apostle Piiul, by taking Trophimus 
 into the inner court, that the popular tumult arose that led to the apostle's 
 being arrested (Acts xxi. 28). For the judicial proceedings in such cases, 
 comp, further p. 188, above. 
 
 ^^6 One of those inscriptions was discovered and published in the year 
 1871 by Clermont-Ganneau. For an account of it, see Clermont-Ganneau, 
 Eevue archeolofjique, new series, vol. xxiii. 1872, pp. 214-231, 290-296, 
 pi. X. Derenhouvg, Journal astaiique, 6th series, vol. xx. 1872, pp. 178-195. 
 Piper, Jahrh.f. deutsche Theol. 1876, p. 51 f. The inscription runs thus: — 
 
 MH0ENA AAAOrENH EISHO 
 
 PETE20AI ENT02 TOT HE 
 
 PI TO IE PON TPT<I)AKTOX KAI 
 
 IIEPIBOAPT 02 A AN AH 
 
 <D©H EATTni A1TI02 E2 
 
 TAI AIA TO EHAKOAOT 
 
 ©EIN ©ANATON. 
 ^'"' Philo, De pracmiis saccrdotum, sec. vi. (ed. Mang. ii. 236) : Tovtuv o! yA» 
 STTi dvpoii; 'lOpvurxi Trctp oti/Txtc ra-7: itaöooi; 'Tzv'ho^poi' oi oi iluu x-ctTctiro Trpouctov 
 
 VTSp TO!/ /X»! TtV» OJtl oil 6ifCi; 'iX.6uTCt, 7) IZKOUTX iTTlßijVCil' Ol §£ iU X.VKhU'TVipiVO- 
 
 oTcvarj, iv /asost öiUK.'Kripaox.fiiuoi vuktcc kuI ij/icipau^ 7iy.ipo(^v'KxKSi »xi vvxto- 
 (pvXxKS;. 
 
 i«8 Middotli i. 1 ; Tamid i. 1.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 2G7 
 
 for a captain of the temple to go round at night to see tliat 
 the guards were not sleeping at their posts.^"" This captain 
 was known under the designation of ri^sn if ^"^- Besides 
 this official, there is also occasional mention of an HTnn c'^x,^'" 
 Now, seeing that the Mishna knows of no other designation 
 for the whole space around the temple — even in cases where 
 it is to be distinguished from the inner court — but the 
 expression iTjin nn/'^ we are accordingly to understand by the 
 n-nn in \i^a, a captain who had charge of the outer court, and 
 by the m"'3n im, on the other hand, the one who had the 
 surveillance of the temple itself. For the HTji cannot possil)ly 
 have been intended to refer to Fort Antonia, seeing that this 
 latter was under the charge of a Eoman (}}povpap^o^^'~ but only 
 to the temple itself.^'^ The two kinds of officials now men- 
 tioned would therefore be identical with the D"'::d or a-rpaTTjyoc 
 to whom we have already had occasion to refer. 
 
 It was also part of the watchmen's duty to open and close 
 the whole of the gates of the courts, all of which were shut 
 during the night ; and accordingly there was also an officer 
 appointed whose special duty it was to superintend " the 
 shutting of the gates." ^^* According to Josephus, the services 
 of two hundred men were required every time the gates 
 were shut,"^ and the heavy brazen gate in the east of the 
 court took twenty men itself.^'® Then as for the gate of the 
 temple, we are told that when it was opened, so loud was tlie 
 creaking, that it could be heard as far away as Jericho.^" The 
 keys of the gates of the court were kept by the elders of the 
 particular division of priests whose turn it was to be on watcli 
 duty v/ithin the court for the time being.''^ When the 
 
 "9 Middoth i, 2. i'" Orhi ii. 12. 
 
 ^^^ For example, Bikkurim iii. 4 ; Pcsachim v. 5-lU ; Sluhdiin vii. 2-o. 
 Sanhcdrin xi. 2. 
 
 ''- Joseph. Aiitt. XV. 11. 4, xviii. 4. 3. 
 
 ^'^ Su also 1 Chrou. xxix. 1, 19. Pcsachim iii. 8, \ni. 8 ; ScbacJiim xii. 5 ; 
 Tamidi. 1 ; Midduth i. 9 ; J'ara iii. 1. 
 
 ^•* ShckaUm v. 1. ''•'■ CotUra Ajiioji. ii. 9. 
 
 1'« Jkll. Jud. vi. 5. 3. 1' ' Tiuuid iii. 8. 
 
 »^8 Middoth i. 8-9 ; Taiuld i. 1.
 
 268 § 2L THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 divisions were clianged, the one that retired handed them over 
 to the one that came in to take its place/'^^ The morning 
 sacrifice, as we know, required to be offered at daybreak, and 
 that being the case the gates would of course have to be open 
 some little time before ; while at the Passover season they 
 were open even so early as midnight.^'^° 
 
 III. It is true the acts of ivorship 'pro'pzrly so called, i.e. the 
 offering of the sacrifices with all the accompanying ceremonial, 
 devolved as a whole upon the entire priesthood, who were 
 divided into twenty-four courses, each of which conducted the 
 worship by turns, and that for a week at a time (on this see 
 next paragraph). Yet even here special stated officials were also 
 necessary for certain particular functions. We get some idea 
 of the multifarious nature of those functions from a passage in 
 the Mishna in which are enumerated, though in a very con- 
 fused and unsystematic order, the names of those persons who 
 at a particular period (evidently in the closing years of the 
 temple's existence) happened to fill the most important 
 offices in connection with the worship of the sanctuary.'^^ 
 Trom that passage it will be seen that there was, for example, 
 
 ^'^ Contra Ap'wn. ii. 8. 
 
 180 Antt. xviii. 2. 2. Also, in the time of Pentecost, the priests who 
 were to officiate entered the court as early as during the night. Bell. Jud. 
 vi. 5. 8. Comp, further, Joma i. 8. 
 
 181 Shcl-alim v. 1 : " The following are the officials who held appoint- 
 ments in the sanctuary : (1) Jochaiian the son of Piiichas had charge of the 
 seals ; (2) Achiah of the drink-offerings ; (3) Matthiah the son of Samuel 
 of the lots ; (4) I'etachiah of the money for the purchase of birds for sacri- 
 fice ; (5) Ben Achiah of the healing of the priests suffering from abdominal 
 disorders; (G) Nechoniah was master of the wells ; (7) Gebini a herald; 
 (8) Ben Gabar a chief door-shutter ; (9) Ben Bebai had charge of tlie 
 scourging (? ]}^pQ, the meaning of whicii is uncertain) ; (10) Ben Arsa kept 
 the warning cymbal; (11) Hygros, son of Levi, was conductor of the 
 psalmody; (12) the family of Garmu had the charge of the prej'aring of 
 the shewbread ; (13) the family of Abtinas that of the preparation of the 
 frankincense ; (1-4) Eleasar had the renewing (or the custody ?) of the 
 veils; (15) Pinchas that of the garments." As elucidating the whole 
 passage, comp, the Rabbinical commentaries in Surenliusius' Mishna, ii. 
 p. 192 ; and especially, Herzfeld's Gesch. des Volkes J Israel., i. p. 405 ff. ; also 
 Jost, Gesch. des Judenthums, i. p. 151 f.
 
 § 24. Tili: PKIESTIIOOD AND TUE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 2G9 
 
 a special oflicial " over the lots " (No. 3), on whom devolved 
 the duty of superintending the daily casting of the lots for 
 determining the particular parts of the service that were to 
 be apportioned to the various officiating priests/^ Then there 
 M-as another functionary who was " over the seals " (No. 1), 
 and another again " over the drink-offerings " (No. 2). For, 
 with a view to simplifjdng matters, an arrangement had been 
 adopted according to which " seals " or tokens were issued 
 corresponding to the various kinds of drink-offerings, on 
 presenting which people could get the particular drink-offering 
 indicated upon them. The mode of proceeding was first of 
 all to purchase a token from the official who was "over the 
 seals," then to hand this to the one who was " over the drink- 
 offerings," who in return would give to the person tendering 
 it the amount of drink-offering requisite for the particular 
 occasion for which it was wanted.^^^ There was a similar 
 arrangement for the convenience of those who wished to be 
 promptly supplied with birds for sacrificial purposes. All 
 that was necessary was to drop the money into a box, where- 
 upon it became the duty of the official who was "over the 
 winged sacrifices " (No. 4) duly to purchase with it, as speedily 
 as possible, the requisite oflerings.'** ]\Iany of the offerings 
 were of such a nature that they required a certain amount of 
 skill to prepare them properly, a skill which belonged by 
 inheritance to particular families. Accordingly the family of 
 Garmii (No. 12) had charge of the preparing of the shew- 
 bread, that of Abtinas (No. 13) had the preparing of the 
 frankincense.^^ Then again the chief chai-ge of the psalmody 
 
 ^82 On the casting of the lots here in question, see Joma ii. 2-4 ; Tuitikl 
 i. 2, iii. 1, V. 2. The Matthiah, a son of Samuel, who is mentioned as having 
 had charge of the lots, is also mentioned in Joma iii. 1, Tumid iii. 2, where 
 lie is introduced as vouching for the existence of certain practices in the 
 temple. 
 
 ^''^ ShckuUm v. 3-5. 
 
 '''* The money was dropped into one of the thirteen trumpet-shaped 
 boxes that stood in the temple ; see note 142, above. 
 
 ^^^ In. /«/»a iii. 11, both families are censured for having allowed strangers 
 to meddle with their art. There was a chamber in the iuuer court that was
 
 270 § 24. THE PPJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 was entrusted to an official specially appointed for the pur- 
 pose (No. 11).'-^ There was another whose duty it was to 
 sound a cymbal (^v^v) by way of letting the Levites know 
 when to commence the music (No. 10).^^ There were besides 
 a temple physician (No. 5), a master of the wells (No. 6), a 
 herald (No. 7), whose voice was so powerful that it could be 
 heard as far away as Jericho.^^^ Tlien further, as the veils in 
 the temple required to be frequently renewed/*^ there was an 
 official appointed to see to the' making of them, and to take 
 charge of the store in which they were kept (No. 14). And 
 lastly, there was an official whose special duty it was to take 
 charge of the priests' garments (No. 15).^^" 
 
 A very numerous class of functionaries connected with 
 the worship of the sanctuary was that of the sacred musicians, 
 whose duty it was to accompany the offering of the " daily 
 burnt-offering " and the other solemn services with sincrin^ and 
 playing upon stringed instruments/'^^ and who were called in 
 Hebrew D''"!'!b'0 (frequently so in Ezra and Nehemiah), and 
 in Greek, -^aXroi^ol, lepoy^aXrai, vfivaBol, Kidapiarat re koX 
 
 named D3''Ü3X T\'^2 after the family of Abtinas (Jomn i. 5 ; Tamid i. 1 ; 
 Middoth i. 1). In addition, comp, in general, 1 Chron. ix. 30-32, xxiii. 29. 
 
 ^^^ On this official, comp, further, Joma iii. 11. 
 
 ^^'' Com}). Tamid vii. 3. ^^^ Tamid iii. 8. ^^^ Shelcalim viii. 5. 
 
 190 Yov the priests' official garments were kept in the court (Ezek. xlii. 14). 
 Themaster of the wardrobe, Pinchas, is likewise mentioned in Middoth i. 4 ; 
 Joseph. Bell. Jitd. vi. 8. 3. Whether his duty was simply to take charge of 
 the garments, or whether he had also, wlien necessary, to provide new ones, 
 is not quite clear. 
 
 ^9^^ On these officials and the temple music generally, compare, in addition 
 to the literature quoted in notes 43 and 136, Gesenius, Thesaurus, pp. 698, 
 844, 1167. Winer's Rcahcörterh., art. " Musik " and " Musikalische Instru- 
 mente." Leyrer's art. " Musik bei den Hebräern," in Herzog's Rtal-Encijd. 
 (1st ed. vol. X. pp. 123-135 ; 2nd ed. vol. x. pp. 887-398). Wetzstein 
 in Delitzsch's Commentar zu Jcsaja, 2nd ed. pp. 702-704. Eiehm's Haml- 
 wörteri. des hihi. Altertums, pp. 1028-1045 (with numerous illustrations). 
 Grätz, Die Tempelpsalmen {2Ionatsschr. 1878, pp. 217-222). Idem, Die 
 inxyikalischen Instrumente im Jerusalemischen Tempel und der musikalische 
 Chor der Leviten (Monatsschr. 1881, pp. 241-259). Lagarde, Erlclürnmi 
 hehräischer Wörter {Ahhandlungen der Göttinger Oescllsch. der Wissensch. vol. 
 xxvi. 1880), pp. 13-27. Stainer, The Music of the Bible, London (without 
 a date, 1879 ?) ; with 100 illustrations.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 271 
 
 vfjbvwSol}^'" Tliey formed a separate and exclusive order, to 
 wbicli none were admitted but those descended from a par- 
 ticular family, and down even to the time of Ezra and 
 Nehemiuh they were distinguished from the Levites, although 
 at a subsequent period they were included amongst them 
 (see above, p. 225 f).^"^ I'hey were divided into three 
 families, those of Hcman, Asaph and Ethan or Jedv.thuii 
 (1 Chron. vi. 16-32, xv. 16-19, xxv. the entire chapter; 
 2 Chron. v. 12),^*** and the whole were sub-divided again into 
 twenty-four courses of service (1 Chron. xxv.). The principal 
 part of their duty was to sing, playing on an instrument 
 being regarded merely in the light of an accompaniment to 
 the singing. The musical instruments made use of for this 
 purpose were chiefly the three following :^^"' — (1) The hjnibal 
 (DWy», KVfißdka), an instrument played by striking tlie one 
 plate upon the other, and resembling the warning cymbal 
 (^^6v), with which the signal was given for commencing the 
 singing.^^** As the dual form already serves to indicate, this 
 
 192 ■^x'Atuooi or, according to another reading, ^//aX.ttwSo/, Sir. xlvii. 9, 
 1. 18. Upo-spM^Toii, Joseph. Antt. xii. 3. 3, Jin. ; Cfivuloi, Antt. xx, 9. 6 ; 
 Kidccpiarcci n x.»l Cf/^vojooi, Bell. Jud. ii. 1.5. 4. From this latter passage we 
 must beware of inferring that tlie players on the instruments and the 
 singers represent separate categories. For the truth is, both alike 
 come fAsrec, ruv opyocyuv. "Those who play on the stringed instrument 
 and sing," are consequently the same persons. Comp. 1 Chron. xv. 16, 
 "V^ 'h'2'2 D''"n:j'Cn, also 1 Chron. xxiii. 5. 
 
 ^^^ In the Mishna too, the musicians are uniformly described as " Levites " 
 (D^v), Bihkurbn iii. 4 ; Siikka v. 4 ; Rosh hashoua iv. 4 ; Arachin ii. 6 ; 
 7\imiJ vii. 3-4. 
 
 13* On the ingenious way in which those families of the musicians are 
 traced back to Levi, see daf in Merx' Archii-, i. p. 231 f. Only one of 
 those families is mentioned among the exiles that returned with Zeriib- 
 babel, viz. that of Asapli, Ezra ii. 41 ; Neh. vii. 44. 
 
 195 See Neh. xii. 27 ; 1 Chron. xiii. 8, xv. lG-22, xv. 28, xvi. 5 ; 
 2 Chron. v. 12, xxix. 25 ; 1 Mace. iv. 04, xiii. 51. Joseph. Antt. vii. 12. 3. 
 Siikka v. 4 ; Arachin ii. 3-6 ; Miüdoth ii. 6. 
 
 19" Comp. p. 221, above. In the leading passage on the nuisicul instru- 
 ments, viz. Arachin ii. 3-6, Q^ni'V'D nrc not mentioned at all, but merely 
 the yiyi. Consequently one is tempted to assume that botli are identically 
 the same. But still the different terms undoubtedly denote different 
 instruments.
 
 272 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AXD THE TEMPLE WOESHTP. 
 
 instrument consisted of t^^■o large shallow plates made of 
 brass/"' which, when struck the one upon the other, emitted 
 a loud sound. Of a somewhat more musical and harmonious 
 character were (2) the 'P^p, vdßka, Luther : " psalter," and (3) 
 the "1133, Kivvpa, Luther : " Harfe." Both were stringed instru- 
 ments, the vdßXa, according to Josephus, having twelve and 
 the Kivvpa ten strings.^^^ The vdßXa was played with the 
 hand, whereas, according to the same authority just referred 
 to, the KLvvpa was played with the plectrum (in the earlier 
 Biblical times the "ii33 was also played with the hand).^^^ A 
 good deal has no doubt been written in which the nature of 
 those instruments is fully discussed, but still no certain result 
 has been arrived at. According to the Mishna, the number 
 of D733 emjjloyed in the temple choir w^as never fewer than 
 tv:o and never more than six, whereas with regard to the 
 nhi23, there required to be nine of them at the very least, and 
 their number might be multiplied ad libitum^^^ Erom all 
 this one might venture to infer that the "ii33 was the chief, 
 the leading instrument, while the ^33 was rather intended to 
 serve as an accompaniment to it. Besides the three instru- 
 ments just referred to, reed pipes, ^yyü., were also introduced 
 into the choir on the occasion of the high festivals that 
 occurred in the course of the year (Passover, Pentecost and 
 the feast of Tabernacles).-*^^ 
 
 But in addition to this, trumpets (nn>'ii'n) were in regular 
 use, and while the playing upon the instruments hitherto 
 mentioned was left entirely to the Levites (the traditions 
 hesitating somewhat only with regard to the reed-]3ipes), the 
 blowing with trumpets, on the other hand, was performed by 
 priests. This latter was also an accompaniment above all of 
 the offering of the daily burnt-offering, and of other parts of 
 
 ^'^'^ 1 Chron. XV. 19. Joseph. Antt. vii. 12. 3. 
 
 I9S Antt. vii. 12. 3. ^^^ 1 Sam. xvi. 23, xviii. 10, xix. 9. 
 
 ^ö" Arachin ii. 0. 5. 
 
 ^^^ On the TTse of those last-mentioned instruments, see in particular, 
 Arachin ii. 3-4.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AXD THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 273 
 
 the service as well.""^ Tlie dawn of tlie Sabbath was likewise 
 announced by some of the priests blowing trumpets from the 
 roof of the temple.'"^ 
 
 The services of a more menicd hind were performed, in the 
 time of Zerubbabel, Ezra and Xehemiah, by temple slaves 
 (D^yn:).^''* It is true that D'J'n^ still continue to be mentioned 
 in the literature of a later period/"^ but it is no longer possible 
 to make out with certainty what the nature of their duties 
 now was. Instead of them we now meet with what are 
 called " servants " (P'i^jT) ; '^^ nay we find that, in Philo, the 
 cleaning and sweeping of the temple are mentioned along 
 with the duty of watching as being all of them performed 
 by the vecoKopoi, i.e. the Levites.^"'^ There were also a good 
 many functions that were left to be performed by boys 
 belonging to the families of the priests (i^^na '•nna).^"'^ 
 
 IV. THE DAILY SERVICE. 
 
 The daily worship of the sanctuary was conducted by the 
 twenty-four divisions of the priests (see p. 2 1 6 ff. above), each 
 division taking its turn and officiating for a week at a time. 
 The divisions were changed every Sabbath day, the arrange- 
 
 -°- See in general, Num. x. 1-10 ; Ezra iii. 10 ; Noh. xii. 35 ; 1 Chron. 
 XV. 24, xvi. 6 ; 2 Chron. v. 12, vii. 6, xxix. 26-28 ; Sir. L 16. Joseph. 
 Antt. iii. 12. 6. Sukka v. 4-5; Rosh liashana iii. 3-4; Tamid vii. 3. 
 Lundius, Die alt. jüd. IlclUfjth. book iii. chap, xlvii. 
 
 203 Joseph. Bell. Jud. iv. 9. 12. Sukka v. 5. 
 
 20* Ezra ii. 43, 58, 70, vii. 7, via. 17, 20 ; Neh. iii. 26, 31, vii. 46, 60, 73, 
 X. 29, xi. 3, 21 ; 1 Chron. ix. 2. Comp. Pfeffinger, De Nethinacis (in Ugo- 
 lini's r/ifs. vol. xiii.). Wm^r'a Realwörterh., avt. "Nethinim." Oehler, art. 
 "Nethinim," in Herzog's Rcal-Eiicijcl, 1st ed. vol. x. 296 f. 
 
 205 For example, Jelamoth ii. 4 ; Kiddushin iv. 1 ; Mokkolh iii. 1 ; Horajoth 
 m. 8. 
 
 206 Sukka iv. 4 ; Tamid v. 3. Comp, further. Sola vii. 7-8 ; Joma vii. 1. 
 
 207 Philo, De praemiis saccrdotuvi, sec. vi. (ed. Mangey, ii. p. 236): "Ertpot 
 OS rcc; arocc; y,xl tx iv ü—xiäpu Kopouvn; rov (popvTci/ iKy.oui^ouaiu, STrifu'/.öfni/oi 
 KudxporriTo;. 
 
 208 Joma i. 7 ; Sukka v. 2 ; Saulicdrin ix. 6 ; Tumid i. 1 ; Middotli 
 i. 8, iü. 8. 
 
 DIV. n. VOL. I. S
 
 274 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 nieut being that the retiring one should offer the morning 
 sacrifice and the extra Sabbath offerings (according to Num. 
 xxviii. 9, 10) before leaving, while the one that came in to 
 take its place was to offer the evening sacrifice and put the 
 fresh shewbread upon the table.""" On tlie occasion of the 
 three leading festivals of the year (Passover, Pentecost, and 
 the feast of Tabernacles) the whole twenty-four courses 
 officiated simultaneously."^" The attempts made by Christian 
 scholars to make out on chronological grounds the week 
 during which the course of Abia happened to serve in the 
 year of our Lord's birth (Luke i. 5) have no tenable historical 
 basis on which to rest.^^^ Every weekly division again was 
 broken up into somewhere between five and nine sub-divisions, 
 each of which officiated on an average for a single day the 
 one after the other. If the sub-divisions happened to be 
 fewer than seven, then some of them required to take their 
 turn twice ; but if, on the other hand, there happened to be 
 more than seven, then on some of the days two of them 
 
 20^ See, in particular, Tosefta, Sukka iv. 24-25 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 
 200) ; also Mishna, Sukka v. 7-8 ; Tamid v. 1. 2 Chron. xxiii. 4, 8 (where 
 the priestly courses of services are evidently in question ; it is otherwise in the 
 corresponding passage 2 Kings xi. 5, 9). Joseph. Anti. vii. 14. 7 : oiirec^s 
 TS (/.iav "TTurptoiv Otxx.ouiiadoii rifi ds^ Ixi '^f/Ap»g oktco, oi%6 aotßßoirov iTrl 
 ca,ßß(x.Tou. It is probable that we ought also to understand as referring 
 to the changing of the weekly (and not the daily) divisions, the passage 
 contra Apion. ii. 8 : alii succedentes ad sacrificia veniuut, et congregati in 
 templum mediante die a praecedentibus claves templi et ad numerum vasa 
 omnia percipiunt. 
 
 210 See Sukka v. 6-8, and Bartenora on Sukka v. 6, in Surenhusius' 
 edition of the Mishna, ii. p. 279. 
 
 211 See for such attempts, Scaliger, De emendatione temporum (Coloniae 
 AUobrog. 1629), Appendix, pp. 54-59. lA^tioot, Harmonia evangelistarum, 
 note on Luke i. 5 (Opp. i. pp. 258-264). Bengel, Ordo temporum (1741), 
 pp. 230-232. Wieseler, Chronologische Synapse, pp. 140-145. Seyffarth, 
 Chronologia sacra (1846), pp. 97-103. Stawars, Die Ordnung Abia in 
 Beziehung auf die Bestimmung des wahren Geburtsdatums Jesu (Tub. Theol. 
 Quartalschr. 1866, pp. 201-225). The calculations here in question are 
 based partly upon purely gratuitous assumptions and partly upon a very 
 late and somewhat untrustworthy notice in the Talmud, to the effect that 
 the course of Joiarib was the one that happened to be officiating on the 
 day ou which the temple was destroyed (Dab. Taanith 29").
 
 § -24. THE PrJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 275 
 
 officiated at the same time (see p. 216, above). But furtlier, 
 as never more than a fraction of tlie priests belonging to a 
 sub-division were required to ofüciate at the regular daily 
 offering of tlie public sacrifices, it was necessary to determine 
 by lot those on whom the active duties of the day were to 
 devolve. Like the priests, the Levites were also divided into 
 twenty-four courses of service (see p. 227 f., above), which in 
 like manner relieved each other every week.^^' But lastly, in 
 addition to this there was an analogous division oj the people 
 themselves into twenty-four courses of service (DiiDüTp), each of 
 which had to take its turn in coming before God, every day 
 for a whole week, by way of representing the whole body of 
 the people while the daily sacrifice was being offered to 
 Jehovah.^^^ The division actually engaged in the perform- 
 ance of this duty was known under the designation of ""pyo, 
 "a station." At the same time the case of the ordinary 
 Israelites differed from that of the priests and Levites in 
 this respect, that unlike these, the entire division did not 
 require to go up to Jerusalem when its turn came. Instead 
 of this the persons belonging to it met together in the 
 synagogues in the towns in or near which they resided 
 and there engaged in prayer and the reading of Scripture; 
 probably in every instance it was merely a deputation of 
 them that actually went up to Jerusalem to be present at the 
 offering of the sacrifice. In that case it was this deputation 
 that, in the strict sense of the word, constituted the ""^I^o, 
 which " stood by " while the sacrifice was being offered."* 
 
 212 1 Chron. ix. 25; 2 Chron. xxiii. 4, 8. Joseph. And. vii. U. 7. 
 Taanith iv. 2. 
 
 213 On the whole arrangement, comp. Buxtorfs Lex. Chahl. col. 1622 f. 
 (see under loy). Lightfoot, Ministerium temjili, cap. vii. 3 (Opp. i. p. 
 700 f.). Carpzov, Apparatus historico-crilicns, p. 109 f. Hottingcr, De 
 viris statioiiariis, Marburg 1707 (a mo.st exhaustive treatment of the 
 matter). Hcrzfckl, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, vol. iii. pp. 188-200, 20-1-209. 
 Oeliler in Herzog's Real-Encycl, 1st ed. vol. xii. 187 (2nd ed. vol. xii. 227). 
 Hamburger, Real- Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, vol. ii. pp. 877-880 (art 
 " Opferbeistände"). 
 
 21* See especially, Taanith iv. 1— i. The principal passage, Taanith iv. 2,
 
 276 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE "WORSHIP. 
 
 The officiating priests wore, during the service, a special 
 official dress, which consisted of the four following articles : — 
 (1) D''p:3ö, i.e. short breeches covering merely the hips and 
 thighs, and made of byssus (probably not cotton, but fine 
 white linen). Then over these (2) the rii^na, a long, somewhat 
 close-fitting coat, reaching down to the feet, with narrow 
 sleeves, and also made of byssus. This coat was fastened 
 together somewhere about the breast with (3) a girdle (^3.^?^?), 
 which mostly consisted of byssus also, only it had ornaments 
 of purple, scarlet and blue embroidered upon it. It was 
 therefore the only part of the attire that had any colour about 
 it, all the rest being pure white. Then the covering for the 
 head was (4) the ■"'V^-'P, ^ kind of cap or turban.^^^ Shoes 
 
 runs thus: "The early prophets institated twenty-four courses of service 
 (ni"iDt^*D)- There was a station (noya) in Jerusalem, consittiug of priests, 
 Levites and Israelites, to represent each course. When the time for service 
 came round the priests and Levites of the course went up to Jerusalem, 
 ■while the Israelites belonging to that course met in the synagogues of their 
 towns and read the account of the creation." The terms of the passage 
 are contradictory iu so far as they seem to allege that the whole '^'0V^ was 
 in Jerusalem, while telling us, at the same time, that the Israelites merely 
 assembled in the synagogues of their towns. It is probable that the 
 correct view of the matter is given in the corresponding passage in the 
 Tosefta (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 219), where to "the Israelites belonging to that 
 course" are added the words "who were unable to go up to Jerusalem." 
 What is meant therefore is this, that the wliole of the priests and Levites 
 belonging to the same course, and who were capable of service, were hound to 
 go up ; while the Israelites, on the other hand, might stay at home if it did 
 not happen to be convenient for them to go, though at the same time it is 
 presupposed that some of them were expected to be actually present in 
 Jerusalem. Accordingly, in Tamid v. 6 it is assumed without more ado 
 that the "head of the station" (^'OV^T\ C^Sl) wjis regularly present in the 
 capital. A similar view of the matter is taken by Herzfeld, for example, 
 iii. p. 193, and Hamburger, ü. p. 878. Bikkurim 'in. 2 proceeds on the 
 assumption that there were station-districts or circles marked off by definite 
 boundaries and having some leading town as the centre of each. Comp, 
 besides, Taanilli ii. 7. 
 
 215 For the priests' attire, see Ezek. xliv. 17-19 ; Ex. xxviii. 40-4,3, 
 xxxix. 27-29, and above all the minute description of it in Joseph. Antt. 
 iii. 7. 1-3. Philo's brief notice in Vita Mosis, iii. 13 (Mang. ii. 157) : pc/Tav«; 
 "Kiuov;, ^iiuotg Ti Kdl ■^spiax.iT^vi ; De monarchia, ii. 5 (Mang. ii. 225) : ij oe 
 iadvig idTi x''^^''-' ^^ivovg kocI Trepi^u/aa. Joseph. Antt. xx. 9. 6: 7\iv7i» aro'Ä-Jiv. 
 Aristeas, ed. M. Schnaidt in Merx' Archiv, i. 270. 1-2: tZ'j ispiuv Ksnothvu-
 
 § 24. THE PIIIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 277 
 
 are nowhere mentioned, and it may be regarded as certain that 
 the priests always officiated without having anything on the 
 feet.-^'^ 
 
 As the white attire was a symbol of purity, so the 
 
 (Aiuu'j yAxpi T^c^'J efupui'j ßvaui'joi; ^^irajtv. The literature of our subject is 
 the same as that ah-eady referred to in connection M'ith the high priest's 
 dress ; see note 124, above. On the question as to whether byssus is to be 
 identified with cotton or with linen, see among others, Wmer a Realwörterb., 
 art. "Baumwolle;" Dillmann's note on Ex. xxv. 4; Haneberg, Die 
 religiösen AUerthümcr, pp. 536-538 (who is of opinion that Rosellini has 
 decided the question, and that in favour of cotton) ; and, on the other side, 
 Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer, vol. ii. (1S82) p. 464 f., and the 
 leading work on the subject quoted there, viz. Yatts' Textrinum antiqaorum. 
 An Account of the Art of Weaving among the Ancients, part i. London 
 1843 ; also Hehn, Cultnrpßanzen und Hausthiere, 3rd ed. p. 145. As the 
 ancients did not always carefully distinguish between linen and cotton, it 
 is quite possible that tliere were some instances in which cotton was also 
 made use of for making the priests' attire (as witness, for example, the 
 fine Indian fabric from which the garments were made which the high 
 priest was in the habit of wearing on the afternoon of the great day of 
 atonement, and which consisted of that material). On the other hand, it 
 may be taken as certain that, as a rule, it was linen tliat was used. 
 According to Mishna, Kilajim ix. 1, only flax (DTlt^'S) and slieup's wool 
 ("IDV) were employed for the purpose in question, the latter being for the 
 parti -coloured ornamentation on the girdle ; see the commentaries in 
 Surenhusius' Mishna, vol. i. p. 149, and Braun's Vestitns sacerdolum 
 Hehraeorum, i. 6. 2, ii. 3. 4. It is with reference to this matter that it is 
 said in Josephus, Antt. iv. 8. 11 : f^in^ui V tl vf^uv K'Kuariiv l| iplov x.xl T^iuov 
 ffToXs^j/ (popshw T0<; yap itpivai /icövot; ruvr-^v ec^oOi^ii-^Sxt. Consequently 
 the priests' attire was expressly exempted from the prohibition of Lev. 
 xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 11. 
 
 21C See Bartenora on Shekalim v, 1 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 192). 
 Braun's Vestitus sacerd. Heb. i. 3. 3 (pp. 4.)-47). Carpzov, Discalceatio 
 religiosa in loco sacro ad Ex. iii. 5 (in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxix.). 
 Ugulini's Thesaurus, vol. xiii. 405 ff. Winer's Reahcörterh.ü. 271. Leyrer 
 in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. vii. p. 718. The following passage 
 occurs in Megilla iv. ö with reference to the worship of the synagogue : 
 " He who says, I will not lead the prayers in coloured clothes, as little is 
 be to do so in white attire. He who is unwilling to do so with sandals on, as 
 little is he to do it barefooted." The meaning of which is simply this, that 
 in the service of the synagogue no one is to presume to wear the dress of a 
 priest. With regard to the priests' benediction, on tiie other hand, Jochanan 
 ben Sakkai is said to have ordained, that even after the destruction of the 
 temple it was still to be pronounced by them only with the feet bare 
 (/lo.s/i hashana 31^ ; Sota 490. Dereubourg, llistoire de la Palestine, p. 3U5, 
 note 3).
 
 278 §24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 officiating priests required to be men characterized by 
 Umfcrance and Lcvitical 'purity. During the period of their 
 service they were prohibited from drinking wine or any 
 other intoxicating beverage.^^'^ ISTor were they allowed to 
 enter the conrt for the purpose of officiating unless they 
 were Levitically clean. Nay more, even those who were so 
 were, in every instance, required to take a formal bath 
 previous to their entering upon the services of the day." 
 But besides this, they had tlien to go and vxisli the liandi 
 and feet in the brazen laver (li'?) that stood in the open 
 air between the temple and the altar of burnt- offering. 
 
 As regards the sacrifices that were offered every day,^^" 
 they are to be distinguished into two classes, the j^uhlic and 
 
 -1' Lev. X. 8-11 ; Ezek. xliv. 21. Pseudo-Hecataeus in Josephuf:, 
 contra Apion. i. 22 (ed. Bekker, p. 204, 26 ff.) : to -T^rxpdTroiii oTvov ov 
 Tctunvreg lu tu ispa. Philo, De monarchia, ii. 7. Joseph. Aittt. iii. 12. 2; 
 Bell. Jud. V. 5. 7. Mishna, Taanith ii. 7. Ugolini's Thesaurn.<i, xiii. 885 fF. 
 (where are given in extenso in Hebrew and Latin the passages from the 
 Jer. Taanith 65d; Tosefta, Taanith ii., Sifra and Pesikta to Lev. x. 9). 
 
 218 Joma iii. 3 : "No priest is to be allowed to enter the court for the 
 pm-pose of officiating, even though he he already clean, without having 
 taken a bath ; " comp. Tamid i. 2. A bath had also to be taken above 
 all after every occasion of doing their needs, Joma iii. 2. On the place 
 where the bath was to be taken, see Tamid i. 1 ; Middoth i. 9, fin. 
 
 219 Ex. XXX. 17-21, xl. 30-32. Tamid i. 4, ii. 1. Philo, Vita Mosis, 
 iii. 15 : cto^äj f^de.'KtaTct y,m -/^slpxg ccTroviTTTOfiivoi. On the ~li>3 itself, see 
 
 also Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; Sir. 1. 3 ; Middoth iii. 6 ; Joma iii. 10 ; Tamid iii. 8. 
 Lightfoot, Desert ptio temjtli, cap. xxxvii. 1 {0pp. i. 643 sq.). Clemens, De 
 lahro aeueo, Traject. ad Rh. 1725 (also in Ugolini's Thex. vol. xix.). The 
 commentaries in Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 223, v. 360. Iken, Tractatus 
 talmudicus de cultu qnotidiano, 1736, pp. 32-34 (full of matter). AYiner's 
 lieahcörterb., art. " Handfass." Bähr's Symbolik, 2nd ed. i. pp. 583-586. 
 Köhlers Lchrb. der Bibl. Geschichte, i. p. 373 f. 
 
 2-" On the sacrificial worship generally, see Lundius, Die alt. jud. 
 Heiligth. book iii. chap, xxxiii.-xlvi. Bähr's Symbolik, ii. 187-522. 
 Winer's Realwörtcrb., art. "Opfer;" and in addition, the various articles on 
 Braiidopfer, Schuld- und Sündopfer, Dankopfer, Speisopfer, Trankopfer, 
 Räuchern, etc. Oehler's art. " Opfercultus des alten Testaments," in 
 Herzog's Real-Encycl. (1st ed. x. 614-652, 2nd ed. xi. 29-61). Thalhofer, 
 Die unblutigen Opfer des mosaisch. Cult. 1848. Kurtz, Der alttestamcntUche 
 Opftrcult. nach seiner Begründung und Anweyidwig dargestellt und erläutert, 
 1862. Kohler's Lehrb. der Bibl. Geschichte, i. p. 387. Wellhausen, 
 Geschichte Israels, i. 53-84. Dillmann's Exeget. Handb. zu Exod. u. LeviL
 
 § 2J. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 279 
 
 the 2>ncatc saerifices.^^^ The former were offered in name of 
 the people, and were purchased witli a portion of the people's 
 own offerings, especially the half - shekel tax ; while the 
 latter again were those in which only private individuals 
 were concerned, and which might be offered on a vast variety 
 of occasions, some of them being voluntary and others of them 
 being, for some particular reason or other, compulsory. Both 
 those categories again were sub-divided into different sorts, 
 varying according to the particular objects for which they 
 were offered, though they all admit of being classified under 
 the three following heads : — (1) the hurnt-offerings, the 
 essential characteristic of which lay in the fact that the whole 
 victim was consumed upon the altar; (2) the sin- and the 
 ^?'cs2?«ss-üfferings, in the case of which only the fat was burnt 
 upon the altar, while the flesli fell to the priests ; (3) the 
 peace-offerings (Q''P/*^ ''f???)» according to Luther, " thank- 
 offerings," in the case of which again it was only the fat that 
 was burnt upon the altar, while the flesli Nvas used by the 
 owner of the sacrifice himself as material for a jocund 
 sacrificial feast."^ As was only natural, it was the numerous 
 
 pp, 373-387. The dictionaries of Schenkel and Riehm. and the archaeo- 
 logical works of De AVette, Ewald, Keil, Haneberg and others. 
 
 --^ Philo, De vtctimix, sec. iii. (ed. Mang., ii. 238 f.) : 'Ettei Oi ruv dvatuu, 
 eti fAtv ilai'j UTTip ccir a-'jio^ rov 'iduovg, d Si "hu ro ii,7^r,dii il~uv UTrip 
 »ToiUTOS ecudpii-au yiyov;, eci os i/'rrs p eKOLarov tuv iipovpystu oi^iovvTUv 
 y^iKTiou vpoTipov TTtpl Tuv xcit!>uu. Joseph. Anlt. lü. 9. 1 : 8i/o ftiii yxp iillU 
 tspovpyt eti TOVTUu o vj y.i'j vtto rov loturav, irspx o 'jtto tok oy;ciov uvvTt- 
 
 -22 In the leading passage on the classification of the .sacrifices, viz. 
 Lev. i.-vii., there are, strictly speaking, /('re kadiny hinds of them niciitioned : 
 (1) the burnt-offering, (2) the meat-offering, (3) the peace-offering, (4) tlio 
 sin-offering, and (5) the trespass-offering. But the meat-offering is 
 oertaiidy not to be regarded as being on a level with tiie animal sacrifices 
 seeing that, like the drink-offering, it occurs for the most part s>impiyas au 
 accompaniment of such sacrifices. With regard to the sin- and trespass- 
 offerings, they are no doubt distinct, yet they are so much akin to eicli 
 other that they may well be regarded as one species. Consequently in tlie 
 case of the animal siicrifices, and these are by far the most important of all, 
 we ought to distinguish them into three leading kinds, as Philo and 
 Josephus have already done (the former De cictimii-, § iv., and the latter
 
 280 § 2i. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 private offerings of so many different kinds that constituted 
 the bulk of the sacrifices. However, as it is with giving an 
 account of the regular daily worship of the sanctuary that we 
 are here concerned, it is only the public sacrifices that fall to 
 be considered by us, and especially the most important of 
 them all, the 'people's daily hurnt-offering. 
 
 In order that the reader may be in a better position for 
 understanding what is to follow, it will be well, before pro- 
 ceeding farther, to offer here one or two topographical 
 observations.^^^ The viuicr court, within which the whole 
 of the worship was celebrated, was divided by means of a 
 wall into two divisions, a western and an eastern. The latter 
 was called " the court of the women," oiot however because 
 none but women were admitted to it, but because women as 
 vxll as men were allowed to enter it,^^* The beautiful gate- 
 way in the east side of this court, with its elaborate two- 
 leaved gate made of brass {rj 6vpa r] \e<yoiMevr} oipaia, Acts 
 iii. 2), formed the principal entrance to it ; and hence it was 
 that beggars were in the habit of sitting here (Acts iii. 2). 
 The western division again was reserved exclusively for male 
 Israelites, and within it stood the temple proper. Compara- 
 tively speaking, this was not a large, but a handsome edifice. 
 The interior, which was probably almost quite dark, was 
 divided into two divisions, the larger one being to the front, 
 
 Antt. iii. 9. 1-3). The wliole three classes enter into puhlic and private 
 sacrifices alike, although ia the former the jKace-offering (DVOpJ^ nZlT) is, 
 of course, of but rare occurrence, the only time at which it is regularly 
 offered being Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 19) ; otherwise we meet with it only on 
 special occasions (see Winer's liealwörterb., art. " Dankopfer"). The flesh of 
 the public peace-offerings belouged to the priests (Lev. xxiii. 20). On 
 these in general, see Pesachini vii. 4 ; Sebachim v. 5 ; Menachoth v. 7 ; 
 Meila ii. 5. The hurnt-offcrincjs and the sin-offerimjs offered in the name of 
 the whole body of the people were of very frequent recurrence ; see the 
 catalogue of those for festival days in Num. xxviii.-xxix. 
 
 223 Pqj. ^ijg sources and literature connected with the temple of Herod, 
 see § 15, above. 
 
 --* See Joseph, contra Apion. ii. 8 : In secundam vero porticum (by 
 •which the women's court is meant) cuncti Judaei iugrediebantur eorumque 
 conjuges.
 
 § 24. THE PrJESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHII'. 281 
 
 and the other, which was only half as large, being at the back. 
 The latter formed the " holy of holies," which was trodden by 
 human foot only once in tlie year, and that by the high priest 
 on the great day of atonement. In the front (and therefore 
 eastern) division stood those three sacred articles, the punctual 
 ministering at which on the part of the ofliciating priests formed 
 one of the principal parts of the worship, viz. : (1) in the 
 middle the golden altar of incense (p^'^^J) '^^IP), known also as 
 the " inner altar " (^P^??'! 0?!^), upon which incense had to be 
 offered every morning and evening \^^ (2) to the south of the 
 latter the golden candlestich with seven branches ('"Tji^P)» 
 which had to be kept constantly burning ;'"'^ and (3) to the 
 
 --' On the daily offering of the incense, see Ex. xxx. 7, 8. On the pre- 
 paration of the incense itself, Ex. xxx. 34-38. On the altar of incense, 
 Ex. XXX. 1-10, xxxvii. 25-29 ; 1 Mace. i. 21, iv. 29. Philo, Vita Mosis^ 
 iii. 9. De victimis offtvintibus, sec. iv. Josephus, Antt. iii. C. 8 ; Bell. Jud. 
 V. 5. h. Lundius, Die alt. jud. Ihiligth. book i. chap, xxv.-xxvii. Mono- 
 graphs in Ugoliui's Thes. vol. xi. "Winer's L'ealwörterh., arts. "Rauclieraltar" 
 and " Käuchern." Tlialhofer, Die unhlut. Opfer des mos. Cidtcs, pp. 78-82 
 131-139. Bähr's Sijmholik, 2nd ed. i. pp. 499-505. Bleek, Der Brief an die 
 Hebräer, ii. 2. 479 ff., note on ix. 4. Leyrer's arts. " Iliiucherultar " and 
 "Räuchern," in Herzog's Jteul-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. xii. 502-513. The same 
 articles in the second edition re-written by Orelli, vol. xii. 483—189. 
 Delitzsch in Riehm's Wörterb. pp. 1255-1260. nn^n nSTO, Joma v. 5, 7; 
 Chaff iga iii. 8; Sehachim v. 2; Metiaclivth iii. 6, iv. 4. iC^Qn DBIO, Joma 
 ii. 3, V. 5 ; Sebachim iv. 2; Meila m. 4; Tamid iii. 6. 9, vi. 1. Well- 
 hausen's doubts as to the actual existence of the altar of incense (,/ahrb.f. 
 deutsche Thcol. 1877, p. 410 ff.) are disposed of by a unanimous testimony in 
 its favour from the time of the Maccabees down to Joseplius and the Mishna. 
 On the other hand, it certainly appears as though it had been introduced at 
 a somewhat latish period. It is worth noting that as yet Psendo- 
 Hecataeus (in Joseph, contra Apion. i. 22, ed. Bekker, p. 201, 19-21) 
 mentions nothing else as being in the interior of the temple but the 
 candlestick and a golden ßuciö:, which latter might as readily be supposed 
 to refer to the table for the shewbread as to the altar of incense. 
 
 ^-'' On the duties connected with the candlestick, see Ex. xxvii. 20, 21, 
 xxx. 7, 8; Lev. xxiv. 1-t ; Num. viii. 1-4; 2 Chron.xiii.il. From the 
 passages just quoted it would seem as though the lamps on the candlestick 
 were to be lighted only in the evening with a view to their burning during 
 the night. So also Philo, De victimis oj'erciitibus, sec. vii. init. But, according 
 to Joseph. Aiitt. iii. 8. 3,/(n., on the other hand, three of the lamps were 
 kept burning during the day and the whole seven during the night ; while 
 according to the Mishna only 07ie was lighted during the day and the whole
 
 282 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP, 
 
 north of the altar of incense the golden tcibU for the sluio- 
 hrcacl, on which twelve fresh loaves had to be placed every 
 Sabbath day.''^ The front of the temple looked toward the 
 east. Before it and in the open air stood the great altar of 
 Imrnt- offering, or " the altar " Kar e^o'^tjv, at which, with the 
 exception of the burning of the incense, every act of sacrifice 
 had to be performed. It was a high four-square erection of 
 large dimensions, being, according to the Mishna, thirty-two 
 cubits square at the base (while for the sake of comparison it 
 may be mentioned that the interior of the temple was only 
 twenty cubits wide). It diminished in size toward the top 
 in such a way as to form several stages or landings round it, 
 although on the top it still measured as much as twenty-four 
 
 seven at night {Tamid iii. 9, vi. 1, and the reference to those passages by 
 Krüger, T/ieol. Quartahclir. 1857, p. 248 f.). Comp, further, Pseudo- 
 Hecataeus in Joseph, contra Apion. i. 22 : iTtrt tovtuv (pug hrtv »vccTroafiiarou 
 y.ot.1 T54.C vvnTx; n»l ru: Tj^uspx;. Diodor. xxxiv. 1 (ed. Müller) : rou oi 
 xdxuxrou Xsyofisvou irct,^ oii/ro7; Xv)(,vov x,ou xotiofuvov döixKuTrrug su tu 
 vee.^'. On the candlestick itself, see Ex. xxv. 31-40, xxxvii. 17-24; 1 Mace, 
 i. 21, iv. 49. Philo, Vita 310ns, iii. 9. Joseph. Antt. iii. 6, 7; Bell. Jud. 
 V. 5. 5, vii. 5. 5. Mishna, Menachofh iii. 7, iv. 4, ix. 3,ßn.; Tamid iii. 6, 9, 
 vi. 1. Lundius, Die alt. jikl. Heiligth. book i. chap, xxiii. Winer's Real- 
 loörterh., art. "Leuchter." B'ähr, Symbolik, 2nd ed. i. 492-499.^ Krüger, 
 Der sicbcnarmige Leuchter (Tüh. Thcol. Quartalschr. 1857, pp. 238-261). 
 Riehm's Wörterb., art. " Leuchter" (with illustrations). On the position of 
 the candlestick to the south of the altar of incense, see Ex. xxvi. 35, 
 xl. 24. 
 
 22' On the duties connected with the table of shewbread, see Lev. 
 xxiv. 5-9. Philo, De victimis, sec. iii. (ed. Mang., ii. 239 f.). Josephus, 
 Antt. üi. 10. 7. On the table of shewbread itself, see Ex. xxv. 23-30, 
 xxxvii. 10-16 ; 1 Mace. i. 22, iv. 49. Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 10. Joseph. 
 Antt. iii. 6. 6 ; Bell. Jud. v. 5. 5, vii. 5. 5. Mishna, Menachoth xi. 5-7. 
 Comp, further the description of the table alleged to have been presented 
 to the temple by Ptolemy Philadelphus as given by Pseudo-Aristeas 
 (Havercamp's Joseph, ii. 2. 109-111. Merx' Archiv, i. 264-267. Joseph. 
 Antt. xii. 2. 7, 8). Lundius, Die alt. jiid. Heiligth. book i. chap. xxiv. 
 Winer's Realwörterb., arts. " Schaubrode " and " Schaubrodtisch." Bähr's 
 Symbolik, 2nd ed. i. pp. 488-492. Thalhofer, Die unblut. Opfer des mon. 
 Cultes, pp. 73-78, 156-168. Leyrer, arts. " Schaubrod " and " Schau- 
 brodtisch," in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. xiii. 467-472. Delitzsch in 
 Riehm's Wörterb. pp. 1388-1392 (with an illustration). Strack in Herzog's 
 Beal-Encycl., 2nd ed. vol. xiii. 455-458. On the position of the table to the 
 north of the altar of incense, see Ex. xxvi. 35, xl. 22.
 
 § 21. THE PF.IESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 283 
 
 cubits by twenty-four."'* The whole structure was built of 
 unhewn stones which no tool had ever touched.^^'' Then, on 
 the south side, there was a gradual ascent leading upward to 
 the top of the altar, and this was likewise formed of unhewn 
 stones. The fire upon this altar had to be kept continually 
 burning by night as well as by day.^^** Between the temple 
 and the altar of burnt-offering there stood, and likewise in 
 the open air, the hrtzen laver pi*?) already referred to, in 
 which the priests were required to wash their hands and feet 
 previous to their engaging in the worship of the sanctuary. 
 To the north of the altar, and still in the open air, was the 
 place for slaughtering the victims, where there were rings 
 fastened in the ground to which the animals were tied when 
 
 22S Comp, in particular, the descriptions of it in the Mislina, Middoth 
 iii. 1— ±, and in Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 5. 6 ; further, Pseudo-Hecataeus ia 
 Joseph, contra Apion. i. 22 (ed. Bekker, p. 264. 16 £f.) ; Aristeas, ed. M. 
 Schmidt in Merx' Archiv^ i. 269 f. (in Havercamp's Josephus, ii. 2. 112) ; 
 1 Mace. iv. 44—47. Philo, De victimis ojercndbus, sec. iv. Also measure- 
 ments given in Ezek. xliii. 13-17. Monographs in Ugolini's Thcs. vol. x. 
 Winer's Recdworterb., art, " Braudopferaltar." Bähr's Sytnbolik, 2nd ed. i. 
 pp. 579-582. 
 
 "^ Pseudo-Hecataeus in Josephus, contra Apion. i. 22 : oüx, Ix. rfiri'^v 
 «XX' I» avKKiKTuv upyZv Xi'd^y. 1 Macc. iv. 47. Philo, De victimis 
 offerentibns, sec. iv. : iy. "hiduu Myuh.-iv x.ctl drfi'/iruu. Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 6. 
 Mishna, Middoth iii. 4. The oldest and most primitive altars were un- 
 dovxbtcdly made merely of rough stones taken from the field, or even of 
 simple heaps of earth ; and the Jehovistic legislation proceeds on the 
 assumption that these -were the kind tliat were still in ordinary use (Ex. 
 XX. 24-2G ; comp. Deut, xxvii. 5, 6). But we find that as early as the days 
 of Solomon this monarch ordered a brazen altar to be erected in Jerusalem 
 (1 Kings viii. 64, ix. 25 ; 2 Kings xvi. 14, 15 ; 2 Chron. iv. 1). The priest- 
 code, inasmuch as it seeks to describe the whole sanctuary as bi-iug of a 
 portable character, accordingly represents the altar of burnt-offering as 
 having been made of wood and covered with brass (Ex. xxvii. 1-8, 
 xxxviii. 1-7 ; Num. xvii. 1-5). We can scarcely think that one of this 
 description ever existed. The practice of post-exilic times reverted rather 
 to a compliance with the older legal prescriptions contained in Ex. xx. 25 ; 
 Deut. xxvii. 5, 0. Comp, in general, Wellhausen's Geschichte, i. pp. 30, 
 38 f. 
 
 -^^ Lev. vi. 6. Philo, De victimis offcretitibus, sec. v. init. (cd. Mangey, 
 ii. 254). Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 6. Comp, further, 2 Macc. i. 18-36, and 
 Buxtorf, Ilistoria if/nis sacri ct cockstis sacrißcia consumcntis (in Ugolini's 
 T/ies. vol. X.). Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heiligth. book i. chap, xxxiv.
 
 284 § 2-1. THE ITJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 aljout to be slaughtered ; while there were pillars at hand on 
 which to hang the victims after they were killed, as well 
 as marble tables on wliich to skin them and wash the 
 entrails.'^"^ The temple, along with the altar of burnt- 
 offering and the place for slaughtering, was surrounded by 
 an enclosure within which, as a rule, none but priests were 
 allowed to enter, ordinary Israelites being permitted to do so 
 only " when it was necessary for the purpose of the laying on 
 of hands, or for slaughtering, or waving " (ns^:ri).-''^ 
 
 Now, as regards the regular worship of the sanctuary, the 
 most important part of it was the daily hurnt-offering offered 
 in the name of the people at large, the "i^pj^D ^V, or simply 
 Tiprin, " the standing one." ^^^ The practice of offering regular 
 daily sacrifice is, comparatively speaking, of very ancient date. 
 But it underwent certain modifications at different periods ; 
 not only in so far as, previous to the exile, the kings were in 
 the habit of defraying the cost of the sacrifices (Ezek. xlv. 17 
 and xlvi. 13-15, Sept. version), whereas they were subsequently 
 provided at the expense of the people, but also as regards the 
 character and number of the sacrifices themselves.^"* In the 
 
 231 Mkldoth iii. 5, v. 2 ; TamUl iii. 5 ; Shckaliin vi. 4. That the 
 elaughtering of the burnt-offerings had to take place to the north of the 
 altar is prescribed as early as Lev. i. 11. But it was further required that 
 the sin- and trespass-offerings should also be slaughtered at the very same 
 place (Lev. iv. 24, 29, 33, vi. 18, vii. 2, xiv. 13). This prescription is 
 omitted only in the case of the peace-offerings; see Knobel-Üillmann's 
 note on Lev. i. 11. For more precise information as to the places where 
 the victims were slaughtered, see Scbachhn v. 
 
 232 On this enclosure, see especially, Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 6 ; Antt. 
 xiii. 13. 5. But according to Kelim i. 8, ordinary Israelites were also 
 allowed to enter this " court of the priests " for the purposes stated in the 
 text. 
 
 233 ^>ij2nn n^y, for example, in Num. xxviii. 10, 15, 24, 31, xxix. IG, 19, 
 22, 25, 28, 31, 34, 38 ; Ezra iii. 5 ; Neh. x. 34. "l^Drin, for example, in 
 Dan. viii. 11-13, xi. 31. xii. 12 ; Mishua, Pemchhn v. 1 ; Jama vii. 8 ; 
 T'aan'ith iv. G ; Mcnachoth iv. 4. It is from this that the whole tractate 
 bearing the title of Tumid derives its name. 
 
 23* For what follows, comp. Kuenen, De godsdicnst van Israel, ii. 270- 
 272. Wellhausen's Geschichte Israels,!, pp. 81, 82. Eeuss, Lliistoire sainfe 
 et la hi {La Bible, Anciai Testament, part iii.), i. 202. Smend's Exeget.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 285 
 
 time of Aliaz the morning sacrifice consisted only of a burnt- 
 offering, and the evening one of simply a meat-offering 
 (2 Kings xvi. 15). This had become so much of an established 
 practice that various parts of the day took their names from 
 it. To speak for example of anything as happening at the 
 time " when the meat-offering was presented " was equivalent 
 to saying toward evening (1 Kings xviii. 29, 36). Not only 
 so, but this mode of denoting the hour of the day had become 
 so completely established that it continued in use even 
 long after the practice had been introduced of offering a 
 burnt-offering in the evening as well (Ezra ix. 4, 5 ; Dan. ix. 
 21).-^^ It would appear that this had not been introduced 
 as yet in Ezekiel's time. Yet in his day there must have 
 been already an advance upon tlie older practice, in so far as, 
 according to this prophet, both a burnt-offering and a meat- 
 offering would seem to have been offered in the mornimj 
 (Ezek. xlvi. 13-15). On the other hand, by tlie time the 
 priest-code came to be in force it was prescribed that hoth 
 a hurnt-offcring and a meat-offering should he offered every 
 morning and every evening as loell, and further, that on every 
 occasion they should also be accompanied with a drink- 
 offering (Ex. xxix. 38-42; Xum, xxviii. 3-8). And so 
 we find that, in the time of the author of the Chronicles, the 
 practice thus established of offering a burnt-offering twice 
 every day in the course of the daily service was looked upon 
 as one of long standing (1 Chron. xvi. 40 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 11, 
 xxxi. 3). This then formed the true heart and centre of 
 the whole sacrificial system of worship. In no circumstances 
 whatever could it be allowed to be dispensed with. We find, 
 for example, that in the year 70 Jerusalem had for a con- 
 
 Handbuch zu Ezekiel, p, 381 f. The objections advanced by Dillmann, 
 Exegct. Handbuch zu Exod. u. Levit. p. 313, can in no way affect what is a 
 simple and undoubted matter of fact. 
 
 -^^ In the Mishna even the expression "time of the miuchah'' (of the 
 meat-offering) continues to be used as equivalent to the afternoon ; for 
 example, Bcrachoth iv. 1 ; Pesachim x. 1 ; Rosh hashana, iv. i ; Mc(j'dla 
 iii. 6, iv. 1.
 
 286 § 24. THE PPJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 
 
 sicleraLle time been invested by the liomans, and that, in 
 consequence, the scarcity of food had reached a climax, but 
 for all that the daily sacrifices continued to be regularly 
 offered ; and it was felt by the Jews to be one of the heaviest 
 calamities that could have befallen them when, on the l7th 
 of Tammuz, they at last found themselves in the position of 
 having no more to offer.^^^ 
 
 The following are the more specific prescriptions contained 
 in the priest - code with regard to the Tamicl (Ex. xxxix. 
 38-42 ; iSTum. xxviii. 3-8).'^^ Every morning and evening 
 alike a male lamb of a year old and without blemish was to be 
 offered as a hurnt-offering , and in doing so all those regulations 
 were required to be observed that apply to burnt-offerings 
 generally, particularly those contained in Lev. i. 10—13 and 
 vi. 1-6. Not only so, but on every occasion a meat-offering 
 and a drinh-offering were to be offered along with the burnt- 
 offering, as it is prescribed by the priest-code that these w^ere 
 to accompany all burnt-offerings without exception (Num. xv. 
 1—16). In cases in which the victim happened to be a lamb, 
 the meat-offering was to consist of one-tenth of an ephah of 
 fine flour (n.^°), which was to be mixed Q^^'^, therefore not 
 baked) with a quarter of a bin of pure oil ; while the corre- 
 sponding drink-offering was to consist of a quarter of a hin of 
 wine. The time at which the morning sacrifice was to be 
 offered was early dawn ; that for the evening sacrifice again 
 was to be, in Biblical phraseology, D;'3"iyn p3^ ix. in the evening 
 twilight, though at a later period it had become the practice 
 to offer the evening sacrifice so early as the afternoon, or 
 
 236 Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 2. 1 ; Mislma, Taanith iv. 6. Similarly in the 
 days of the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes the suppression of the 
 Tamkl was regarded as one of the most serious calamities possible (Dan. 
 viii. 11-13, xi. 31, xii. 11). 
 
 -s-" Comp, further, Lightfoot's Ministerium templi, cap. ix. {0pp. i. 716- 
 722). Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heiligtli. book v. chap, i.-ii. Winer's Real- 
 wörterb., art. " Morgen- imd Abeudopfer." Keil, Haiulb. der hibl. Archaeol. 
 (2nd ed. 1875) p. 373 f. Haueberg, Die religiösen Alterthiimer, pp. 604- 
 609. For full details, consult the tractate Tamid, and comp, note 250, 
 below.
 
 § 21. THE PEIESTIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 287 
 
 according to our mode of reckouiug, somewhere about three 
 o'clock."-^^ 
 
 It was also the regular practice to offer the daily meat- 
 offering of the hiyh priest in couj unction with the daily burnt- 
 offering of the people. For, according to Lev. vi. 12—16, the 
 high priest was required to offer a meat-offering every day 
 (T'Dri),--^^ both morning and evening, and one too which differed 
 from that offered in the name of the people along with their 
 burnt-offering, not only in respect of quantity, but also as 
 regards the mode in which it was prepared. It consisted 
 altogether of only the tenth of an ephah of fine flour, of 
 which one half was offered in the morning and the other half 
 in the evening ; and not only was it mixed with oil, but after 
 being so it was hahed in a flat pan (n3no) ; the cakes thus 
 prepared were then broken into pieces, oil was poured over 
 them, and then they were duly offered (Lev. vi. 14; comp. Lev. 
 
 ^^"^ On the principal occasion on wliich tbey speak of the Tamid, Philo 
 and Josephus simply reproduce the scriptural statements with regard to 
 the times for offering it (Philo, De victimis, sec. iii. : Kxff sKxar^v fiiu ovv 
 i^uAootv O'jti »(/.'jov; »'juyitv oisip/irxi, toi/ fii'j oiy^a tyi su, tov ti oiiXri: io'üioa;. 
 Joscpb. Aiitt. iii. 10. 1 : iy^ot tov o/juoaiov dvxXuf/.aTo; uöy^o; ia~l'j xpuct Kits' 
 kKadTYiv ijfiipxv afcc^sadcn ruu cci/rosraiv cipx,o,uivYi; re ijyipx; x,»i ^/lyovuYi;}. 
 What the actual practice was in later times is clearly evident from Antt. xiv. 
 4. 3 : Sij TVji Tjiiipcc;, 'izpui ts x,oti ■Trspl ivocTYiv upccv, hpovp'/ov'JTUV iTTt rot) 
 ßcüf/.(jv. This entirely accords with the statement of the Mishna (Pesachim 
 V. 1), to the effect that the evening sacrifice was usually slaughtered about 
 half-past eight and offered about half-past nine o'clock (consequently, 
 according to our reckouiüg, about half-past two and half-past three o'clock 
 in the afternoon). Comp, further, Josephus, contra Apion. ii. 8 (cd. Bekker, 
 p. 239) : Mane ctiam aperto templo oportebat facientes traditas hostias 
 iutroire et mcridie rursus dum clauderetur templum. And hence it was 
 also the practice to go to tlie temple about the ninth hour for devotional 
 purposes (Acts iii. 1, x. 3, 30). See in general, Herzfeld's dxchichte des 
 Volkes Jisrael, iii. 184 f. 
 
 2"" With this it is impossible to reconcile the words " in the day when 
 he is anointed," Lev. vi. 20 ; one or other is a later interpolation. See 
 Dillmann's Exeget. Havdh. zu Exod. n. Levit. p. 442. Jewish and Christian 
 expositors have endeavoured in various ways to dispose of tbu discrepancy 
 contained in this passage. See Fraukel, Cchcr den Eivjittss der palästin' 
 ischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik (1851), p. 143 f. 
 Luiidius, Die alt. jiid. Ileiligth. book iii. chap. ix. Thalliufor, Die unbluL 
 Opfer des mos. Cultes (1848), pp. 139-1 Jl.
 
 288 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 
 
 ii. 5-6).^^° Owing to the circumstance of its being made ready 
 in a nano, it was known at a later period simply as the 
 ^"'0"'?n, " t^^^ haked (the cakes), which is the designation already 
 given to it, directly or indirectly, by the author of the 
 Chronicles,^*^ and subsequently by the Mislina in particular.^*^ 
 Now as the presenting of this offering was incumbent upon 
 the liigli priest, we are, of course, justified in speaking of him 
 as offering a daily sacrifice.^*^ At the same time it must be 
 borne in mind that here the high priest is to be regarded as 
 the offerer of the sacrifice only in the same sense in which 
 the people is so in the case of the daily burnt-offering, i.e. he 
 causes it to be offered in his name and at his own expense,^'^ 
 but it was by no means necessary that he himself should 
 officiate on the occasion. In fact the expression used in con- 
 nection with this matter in Lev. vi. 1 5 is not n''"ip^ but merely 
 
 -*" On the mode of preparation, comp, further, Philo, De victimis, sec. xv. 
 Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7 ; j\JenacJioth xi. 3. Both ntJ'v (kneading) and 
 n*DX (baking) formed part of the process. Lundius, Die alt. jiid. Ileiligth. 
 book iii. chap, xxxix. pp. 56-61. Thalhofer, Die unUut. Opfer, p. 151 if. 
 
 2*1 1 Chron. ix. 81. In this passage the Septuagint simply paraphrases the 
 words D^n^nn nb'J/'O as follows : t« 'ipyx tyi; dvatx; toD Trr/ä.vw tow 
 f/i.i'/a.'Kov ispicjg. So also Gesenius, Thesaurus, under DTlDn. But it is 
 probable that the author of the Chronicles may have had in view the baked 
 meat-offering generally, and not that of the high priest alone. 
 
 ^^^ Tamid i. 3, iii. 1, iy.fin.; Joma ii. 3, iii. 4 ; Menaclioth iv. 5, xi. 3 ; 
 Middotli i. -4. 
 
 2*3 Philo, De specialibus legibus, ii. sec. xxiii. (Mang. ii. 321) : siixi>t; Ii 
 Kul öuaiu; TihZiv x.a.S' iKÜ-arnv ij/^ipctv. The well-known passage in the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews (vii. 27) is also to be explained on this ground ; 
 only it must be understood that this daily meat-offering on the part of the 
 high priest was not a sin-offering, as the passage in question might lead one 
 to suppose. On several Talmudic passages in which, either apparently or 
 in reality, it is the daily offering of a sacrifice on the part of the high priest 
 that is in question, see Herzfeld's Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, ii. p. 140 f. 
 
 2*4 Joseph. Antt. iii. 10. 7 : 6vit V 6 /s/jsyj (=the high priest) ix. rZu loiau 
 ecux'hcofiii.rav, x,cti Ot; SKxaTr,; iif/,ipotg rovro "Troiii, »hivpov iXuia fn/axyfihov 
 Kui '^i'TTYiyo; ovT/iOit ßpctxiix' x,ul it; f^kv kariu »aaxpuy tov ci7\ivpoii, tovtov Si 
 TO fiii/ '/ifiifjv Tirpui TO V i-epou ost'>.-/i; iTn^pipn tw ■7:vpi. When a high priest 
 died, the meat-offering had to be furnished at the expense of the people 
 (according to Rabbi Juda, Shelcalim \ü. 6, at the expense of his heirs) until 
 his successor was installed.
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 289 
 
 DE'yv We learn from Josephus that the high priest officiated 
 as a rule on the Sabbath and on festival days (see p. 255, 
 above). But on ordinary occasions the meat-offering of the 
 high priest, in common with the sacrifices of the people, was 
 offered by the priests who happened to be officiating for the 
 time being ; and when the lots were drawn with the view of 
 deciding who were to take the various parts of the service for 
 tlie day, one was always drawn at the same time to determine 
 who was to be entrusted with the duty of presenting the T^'^^ü., 
 i.e. the meat-offering of the high priest.^'*' Nay more — 
 seeing that the law speaks of this offering as being an offering 
 of Aaron and his sons (Lev. vi. 13), — there is no reason 
 why it should not also be conceived of as a sacrifice which 
 the priests offered for themselves.^*^ 
 
 Besides the offering of the sacrifices just referred to, the 
 priests in the course of the daily service were also called 
 upon to perform certain functions inside the temple in con- 
 nection with the altar of incense and the candlestick. On the 
 former incense had to be offered every morning and every 
 evening alike (Ex. xxx. 7, 8), that offered in the morning 
 being 2Jfevious to the offering of the burnt-offering, and that in 
 
 2*5 Tamid iii. 1, iv. fin. ; Joma ii. 3. It is true, no doubt, that, strictlj' 
 speaking, what is in view in the passages here referred to is not the actual 
 offering of the sacrifice, but the bringing of the materials of it to the ascent 
 leading to the top of the altar. Still, according to Tamid v. 2, Jo7na iL 
 4-5, there was also appointed for the actual offering (the carrying of the 
 sacrifice up to the altar hearth) precisely tiie same number of priests again 
 as were employed in bringing it to the foot of the altar, viz. nine, corre- 
 sponding to the nine parts of which the sacrifice was composed, and among 
 which, even in the passages first referred to (Tamid iii. 1, iv.fin.; ,/oina 
 ii. 3), the pn"'3n are expressly mentioned. Consequently, there can be no 
 doubt whatever tliat the actual offering of the pn^3n also devolved, as a rule, 
 upon an ordinary priest. 
 
 2*" Philo, Quis rerum div. Jieres. sec. xxxvi. (Mang. i. 497) : 'Axx« x«< tx; 
 ivhikiXiii övaiug öpof.; tt: laa "ht'/jor^ivec;, «ji/ n VTrep otVTUv ocviyova tv o! 
 iipi^i Old T^j (7£^<o«X£«j, Kotl T7iv VTio ToD idubv; Tuv Zvolv ecuvuv, oC; 
 dux^ipitv OtiipYiTxt. De viciimis, sec. xv. (ed. Mang. ii. 250) : 2t,«<o«/./c yaio 
 ij iuOty^S'/C»!; uiiTuv dvaiei /nirpov iipov to OiKxrov xu$' ix.üaTriV ijuioxv, oy to 
 ftiv r,u,tav T^puixg, 76 OS ry.tov isi>.r,; TrpijaxyeTXi rxyr,yi<j6i!/ in 'o.xiu, fiY,0:i/6; 
 tig ßoiiat'J i'770>.n(pdivT0s. 
 
 1>1V. II. VOL. I. T
 
 290 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 the evening, on the other hand, coming nficr it, so that the 
 daily burnt-offering was, as it were, girt round with the offer- 
 ing of incense. ' Then further, with regard to the ca7idlesticJc, 
 it had to be attended to every morning and every evening. 
 In the morning the lamps were trimmed and replenished with 
 oil, when one or more of them (according to Josephus three) 
 were allowed to burn throughout the day. In the evening 
 again the rest of them were lighted, for it was prescribed 
 tliat during the night the whole seven were to be burning 
 (see especially Ex. xxx. 7, 8 ; 2 Chrou. xiii. 1 1 ; and in 
 general, j). 281, above). 
 
 Then lastly, with the view of imparting greater beauty to 
 the worship, it was also deemed proper to have vocal and 
 instmmental music. When the burnt-offering was being pre- 
 sented the Levites broke in with singing and playing upon 
 their instruments, while two priests blew silver trumpets 
 (2 Chron. xxix. 26-28 ; Num. x. 1, 2, 10). While this was 
 going on the people were also assembled in the temple for 
 prayer. At the pauses in the singing the priests sounded a 
 fanfare with their trumpets, and as often as they did so the 
 people fell down and worshipped.^*^ There was a special 
 
 2*'' Philo, De victimis, sec. iii. (Mangey, ii. 239) : Zlg os >c»d' sicccar^v 
 i]/ü£pxv iTridvfAiArxt r» xavrwy ivotöidTot-TX &i)^tot.(/t,ä,TUU iha tos/ kxtocttstxi- 
 /icxro;^ oiviax'iUTog i^hiov y,»l dvofcsvov "z-po rs -rii; kuÖiuij; dvaioct; y.xl y.iroe, 
 r'/jy id'Trsptvyiv. De victimis (iffereniibus, sec. iv. (Maug.ii. 254) : oi> yxp Itphrxt 
 T'^u 6a6x,xvtou 6v(jixv s^a 7rpo(7xyw/iii/, -Trplu ivtov Ti'ipl ßxdvi/ opdpov I'ttiSv- 
 l^txaxt. Still more precise is the statement of the Mishna (Joma iii. 5), to 
 the effect that " the offering of the morning incense took place between the 
 sprinkling of the blood and the offering of the various parts of the victim ; 
 while the corresponding evening one occurred between the offering of these 
 portions and the drink-offering." 
 
 2*8 On the assembling of the people in the temple for prayer, see Ijuke 
 i. 10 ; Acts iii. 1. For more precise information, as furnished by the 
 tractate Taniid, see below. It is quite a mistake to suppose, as has been 
 done through a misapprehension of Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, x. 3, 9, 30, that the 
 third, sixth, and ninth hours of the day (therefore, according to our reckon- 
 ing, nine, twelve, and three o'clock) were regular stated times for prayer 
 (so, for example, Schoettgen, Ilorae liehr. i. 418. Winer's Realwörtcrb. 
 i. 398. De Wette's note on Acts ii. 15 ; and Meyer's on Acts iii. 1). The 
 actual times for prayer were rather the three following : — (1) early in the
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 291 
 
 psalm for every day of the Aveek, tlie one for Siinday being 
 the 24th, for Monday the 48th, for Tuesday the 82iid, fur 
 Wednesday the 94th, for Thursday tlie 81st, for Friday the 
 9ord, and for the Sabbath the 92nd.-"'^ 
 
 The form of the daily service in the temple whicli we have 
 just been describing, is the same as that which had been 
 
 moniiiisr, at the time of the morninj? sacrifice ; (2) in tbe afternoon, about 
 the ninth hour (three o'clock), at the time of the evening sacrifice • and 
 (3) in the evening at sunset. See Beraclioih i. 1 ff., iv. 1. HerzfeM's 
 Gesch. des Vollen Jisrael, iii. p. 183 ff. Hamburger, L'eal-Enci/cl./ür Bibel 
 u. Talmud, 2nd part, arts. "Morgengebet," " Minchagebet," '-Abendgebet." 
 2-*o Tamid vii. fin. Further, Lundius, Die alt. jud. Heilif/th. book iv. 
 chap. V. no. 25. Herzfeld's Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, iii. 163 f. Grätz, Die 
 Tempel psalmen {Monatsschr. f. Gesch. n. Wissens, des Judenlh. 1878, pp. 
 217-222). Delitzsch's Commentar zu den P.^almen. In the case of five of 
 the psalms here in question the Sept. also inserts in the title of each a correct 
 statement of the particular day on which it was to be sung, thus : Ps. xxiv. 
 (xxiii.), T'^; y.ix; (TaSSctTov ; xlviii. (xlvii.), oiVTipx tjaßßuTov ; xciv. (xciii.), 
 TiTpxdi (jec-ßßxrov ; xciii. (xcii.), si; ryjii i)i/,ipoct/ rov 'TrpoiycißßciL-ov, ots kxtu- 
 KtoToci '4 yi] ; xcii. (xci.), il; t'/jv 7ju,-pxv rw (jctßßcizov. As regards the 
 psalm for the Sabbath, the statement to the effect that it was the one 
 appointed for that d;iy has forced its way even into the Masoretic text. It 
 has been alleged that the Jews were led to select those particulai- psalms 
 from an idea that they presented suitable parallels to the six creative days 
 (see llosh ha.shana xxxi.a ; So/tri)n xviii. 1 ; the commentaries of Bar- 
 tenora and Maimonides in Surenhusius' Mishna, vol. v. p. 310). But in the 
 majority of the psalms in question it is quite impossible to discover any 
 such parallelism. This view has obviously been suggested by the circum- 
 stance tliat when the "station" of Israelites assembled in the synagogue to 
 read a portion of the Scripture (as described at p. 275 f. above), it was so 
 arranged that in the course of the week the entire account of the creation 
 should be read through consecutively {Taanith iv. 3: On the finst day of 
 the week they read the account of the first and second days' work ; on the 
 second day of the week, that of the second and third days' work, and so 
 on). Besides the psalms for the different days of the week, many others, 
 of course, were used in the services of the temple on the most divers occa- 
 sions. Thus, on the high festival days, for example, the so-called llalhl Avaa 
 sung, i.e. according to the ordinary view, Ps. cxiii.-cxviii. ; at tlie .same 
 time the traditions would seem to be somewhat undecided as to Avliat we 
 are to understand by the llallcl ; see Buxtorf's Lex. Chald. col. G13-Ü16 
 (under y?T\)- Lightfoot's Home luhr., note on Luke xiii. 35 (0/>//. ii. 
 p. 538 f.). Lundius' note on Taaniih iii. 9 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iL 
 p. 377). Grätz, Monatsschr. 1879, pp. 202 ff., 241 ff. Levy's I^'euhcbr. 
 Wörterb. under ^^n. Hamburger, Real- Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, Sod 
 part, art. " Hallcl."
 
 292 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 already delineated with so much fondness by the son of Sirach 
 (Sir. 1. 11-21). A very circumstantial account o^ the moriiing 
 service, founded evidently on sound tradition, is given in the 
 Mislina in the tractate Tamid, the substance of which may 
 here be subjoined by way of supplement to what we have 
 already said.^^ 
 
 The officiating priests slept in a room in the inner court. 
 Early in the morning, even before daybreak, the official who 
 had charge of the lots for deciding how the different functions 
 for the day were to be apportioned came, and, in the first 
 place, caused a lot to be drawn to determine who was to per- 
 form the duty of removing the ashes from the altar of burnt- 
 offering. Those who were disposed to offer themselves for 
 this task were expected to have taken the bath prescribed by 
 the law previous to the arrival of the above-mentioned official. 
 The lots were then drawn, and one of those who thus presented 
 themselves was in this way told off to perform the duty in 
 question. This person then set to work at once while it was 
 still dark, and with no light but that of the altar fire. The 
 first tiling he did was to wash his hands and feet in the brazen 
 laver that stood between the temple and the altar, after which 
 he mounted the altar and carried away the ashes with a silver 
 pan. While this was being done, those whose duty it was to 
 prepare the baked meat-offering (of the high priest) were also 
 busy with their particular function.^^^ Meanwhile fresh wood 
 was laid upon the altar, and, while this was burning, the priests, 
 after they had all in like manner washed their hands and feet 
 in the brazen laver, went up to the lisclikath ha-gasith (on this see 
 
 *"" The tractate in question is to be found in Surenhusius' 3Iishia, vol. v. 
 pp. 284-310 ; and in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xix. col. 1467-1502. The principal 
 pas.?ages along with other material also in Ugolini's Thes. vol. xiii. 942-1055. 
 There is a good edition of the tractate by itself (and, as in the case of those 
 already mentioned, also furnished with a Latin translation and notes), 
 under the title, Tractatus Talmudicus de cultu quotidiano templi, quern versione 
 Latina donatum et notis ilhistratum . . . sub praesidio Dn. Conradi Ikenii 
 jiatrin sui , . , eruditorum examini subjicit auctor Conradus Iken, Braemae 
 1736. 
 
 "1 Tamkl i. 1-4. Comp. Joma i. 8, ii. 1-2.
 
 § 24. THE rEIP:STIIOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOESHIP. 203 
 
 p. 191, above), Avhere the further drawing of the lots took 
 place.'"^ 
 
 The official who had charge of this matter then caused lots 
 to be drawn in order to determine — (1) who was to slaughter 
 the victim ; (2) who was to sprinkle the blood upon the altar ; 
 
 (3) who was to remove the ashes from the altar of incense ; 
 
 (4) who was to trim the lamps on the candlestick ; further, 
 who were to carry the various portions of tlie victim to the 
 foot of the ascent to the altar, viz. who (5) was to carry the 
 head and one of the hind legs ; (6) who the two forelegs ; 
 (7) who the tail and the other hind leg ; (8) who the breast 
 and the neck; (9) who the two sides; (10) who the entrails; 
 (11) who the offering of fine flour; (12) who the baked meat- 
 offering (of the liigh priest); and (13) who the wine for the 
 drink-offering.^^^ The next step was to go out to see whether 
 there was as yet any symptom of daybreak. Then as soon as 
 the dawn appeared in the sky they proceeded to bring a lamb 
 from the lamb-house and the ninety-three sacred utensils from 
 the utensil-room. The lamb that was thus to form the victim 
 had now some water given to it from a golden bowl, where- 
 upon it was led away to the slaughtering place on the north 
 side of the altar, ^""^ ]\Ieanwhile the two whose duty it was to 
 clean the altar of incense and trim the lamps proceeded 
 to the temple, the former with a golden pail {"^p) and the 
 latter with a golden bottle (t^s). They opened the great 
 door of the temple, went in, and proceeded, the one to clean 
 the altar of incense, and the other to trim the lamps. In the 
 case of the latter however the arrangement was, that if the 
 two that were farthest east were found to be still burning they 
 were in the meantime to be left undisturbed, and only the 
 other five were to be trimmed. But should it so happen that 
 the two that were farthest east were out, then they were, in 
 the first place, to be trimmed and relighted before the trimming 
 of the others was proceeded with. And so having finished 
 
 '^^^ Tamid ii. l-ö. ^''^ Tainid iii. 1 ; Juma ii. 3. 
 
 2-'* Tamid iii. 2-5 ; comp. Joma iii. 1-2.
 
 204 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 their task, the two priests now retired, but they left behind 
 them in the temple the utensils which they had been using.-"'^ 
 
 While the two just referred to were thus occupied within 
 the temple, the lamb was being slaughtered at the slaughtering 
 place by the priest to whose lot this duty had fallen, another 
 at the same time catching up the blood and sprinkling it upon 
 the altar. The victim was then flayed and cut up into a 
 number of pieces. The entrails were washed upon marble 
 tables that were at hand for the purpose. There were whole 
 six priests appointed to carry the pieces to the altar, one piece 
 being borne by each priest. Then a seventh carried the 
 offering of fine flour, an eighth the baked meat-offering (of the 
 high priest), and a oiinth the wine for the drink-offering. All 
 the things here mentioned were in the first instance laid down 
 on the west side of the ascent to the altar and at the foot of 
 it, and then seasoned with salt, whereupon the priests betook 
 theiDselves once more to the lischJcath ha-gasith for the purpose 
 of repeating the schma.^'^® 
 
 After they had repeated the schma, the lots were again 
 drawn. In the first instance they were drawn among those 
 who as yet had not been called upon to offer up incense in 
 order to determine which one amongst tliem should now be 
 entrusted with this duty.^"'^ Then another was drawn to deter- 
 mine who were to lay the various parts of the victim upon the 
 altar (which, if we are to believe Eabbi Elieser ben Jacob, was 
 
 -5^ Tam'ul iii. 6-9. For an exposition of Tamid'in. G, comp, further, Giiitz, 
 Monatsschr. 1880, p. 2S'J if. 
 
 2.5C Tamid iv. 1-3. For the place where the pieces were laid down, see 
 also Shclallm viii. 8. According to Shekalim vi. 4, there was a marble 
 table for this purpose standing on the west side of the ascent to the altar. On 
 the salting of the pieces, see Lev. ii. 18 ; Ezek. xliii. 24 ; Joseph. Antt. iii. 9. 1. 
 
 2^" The offering of the incense was regarded as the most solemn stage in 
 the whole sacrificial act. See Philo, De victimis offerentihus, sec. i v. (Mangey, 
 ii. 254) : " Oau yup, oTf^oii, "hlduv yAv df^ilvuv y^pvrjo;, Toi ^i tv ocovtoi? tuu 
 iKTO; üyiurapet, toitovtu x,psirrc-iv Vj oioe. zuv I'tt lÖv (/.i 6)f/Avo)i/ £t/;(;o£^<ffT/Ä 
 Tsjj S<« Toou ivxi/nuv. Hence it was while they were offering the incense 
 above all that revelations were made to the j^riests, as for example in the 
 case of John Hyrcanus (Joseph. Aiitt. xiii. 10. 3) and that of Zacharias 
 (Luke i. 9-20).
 
 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 295 
 
 done by tlie same priests who had formerly carried tliem to 
 the foot of the altar). Those on whom no lot fell upon this 
 occasion were now free to go away, and accordingly they took 
 off their official attire."^* 
 
 The priest to whose lot the duty of offering the incense 
 had fallen now went and took a golden saucer (^3) covered 
 with a lid, and inside of which again there was a smaller 
 saucer (^T3) containing the incense.^"'' Another priest took a 
 silver pan (i^^no)^ and with it brought some live coal from the 
 altar of burnt- offering and then emptied it into a golden pan.^^ 
 This being done, both entered the temple together. The one 
 emptied the coals that were in his pan on to the altar of 
 incense, prostrated himself in an attitude of devotion, and then 
 withdrew. The other took the smaller saucer containing the 
 incense out of the larger one, then handing this latter to a 
 third priest, he emptied the incense out of the saucer on to 
 the coals upon the altar, whereupon it ascended in clouds of 
 smoke. This being done, he, like the other, fell down in an 
 attitude of devotion, and then left the temple. But, previous 
 to these latter having entered, the two who had charge of the 
 cleaning of the altar of incense and the trimming of the 
 lamps had also come back and entered for the second time, 
 the former merely to bring away his utensils (the VP), the 
 latter in like manner to bring away his (the ns), but also for 
 the additional purpose of trimming the more easterly of the 
 two lamps that had not yet been so ; the other being allowed 
 still to burn in order that with it the others might be lighted 
 in the evening. If it, too, happened to be out, then it was 
 trimmed like the others, and lighted with fire taken from the 
 altar of burnt-offering.*'^^ 
 
 -'^ Tamid v. 1-3. Comp. Joma ii. 4-5. 
 
 -'" That the lid belonged to the T\-^ and not to the "^Ta may be seen from 
 Tamid vii. 2 ; as also from its bcinj,' assumed that possibly some of the 
 incense might fall from the "]t3 when it was full into the :^3, Tamid vi. 8. 
 
 2"'' Tumid V. 4-5. On the gold and silver pan, as well as the incense 
 itself, comp, further Joma iv. 4. 
 
 2"' Tamid vi. l-o. According to this account from the Miohua, it
 
 296 § 2i. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSHIP. 
 
 The five priests who had been thus occupied inside the 
 sanctuary now proceeded with their five golden utensils in 
 their hands to the steps in front of the temple, and there 
 pronounced the priestly benediction over the people, in the 
 course of which the name of God was pronounced as it spells 
 (therefore n"in% not •'Jinx)-^^^ 
 
 And now, at this point, the offering of the burnt-offering 
 was proceeded with, the priests who had been appointed to 
 this duty taking up the portions of the victim that lay at the 
 foot of the ascent to the altar, and after placing their hands 
 upon them, throwing them on to the altar.^®^ In those cases 
 in which the high priest officiated, he caused the pieces to be 
 given to him by the ordinary priests, and then placing his 
 hands upon them he threw them on to the altar. And now, 
 in the last place, the two meat-offerings (that of the people 
 and that of the high priest) and the drink-offering were pre- 
 sented. When the priest was bending forward to pour out 
 the drink-offering a signal was given to the Levites to proceed 
 with the music. They accordingly broke in with the singing 
 of the psalm, and at every pause in the music two priests 
 blew with silver trumpets, and every time they blew the 
 people all fell down and prayed,^^'* 
 
 appears that only one, of the seven lamps of the candlestick was kept burning 
 during the day, and that the middle one of the three on the east side. 
 According, on the other hand, to what must be regarded as the more 
 important testimony of Josephus, it was usual to have three lamps burning 
 in the day-time; see p. 281, above. On the whole controversy as to which 
 and how many lauips burnt during the day, see also Iken, Tractatus Tal- 
 mudlciis de culiii quolidiano templi (1736), pp. 73-76, 107 f. 
 
 262 Tamid vii. 2. 
 
 2C3 The throwing required a special dexterity on the part of the priests, 
 a dexterity of which Pstudo-Aristeas already speaks in terms of admiration 
 (Havercamp's Josephus, ii. 2. 112 ; Merx' Arcliia, i. 271). 
 
 2''* Tumid vii. 3. Towards tiie close this tractate becomes somewhat less 
 detailed. It only describes the mode of oifering the sacrifice in those cases 
 in which the high priest himself officiated. Besides, the offering of the two 
 meat-offerings is not expressly mentioned. That we have inserted them in 
 their proper place it is impossible to doubt, if we may judge from the 
 order in which they are introduced elsewhere ( Tamid iii. 1, iw. fin.). Con- 
 eequently, the meat-offering of the high priest was not offered before that
 
 § 2J. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSIIIP. 297 
 
 The evening service was exactly similar to the morning one, 
 which has just been described. The only difference was that 
 in the former the incense was offered after the burnt-offering 
 instead of before it, while in the evening again the lamps 
 were not trimmed, but simply lighted (see p. 290 f. above). 
 
 Those two daily public sacrifices formed the substratum of 
 the entire worship of the temple. They were also offered, and 
 that in the manner we have described, on everij Sabbath and 
 every festival day. But with the view of distinguishing 
 them above ordinary occasions, it was the practice on those 
 days to add further public offerings to the ordinary tamid. 
 The addition on the Sabbath consisted of two male lambs 
 of a year old, which were offered as a burnt - offering 
 along with two-tenths of an ephah of fine flour as a meat- 
 offering, and a corresponding amount of wine as a drink- 
 offering. Consequently the sacrifices offered at a single 
 service on the Saljbath would be exactly equivalent to the 
 daily morning and evening sacrifices put together.^'^ On 
 festival days again the additional offerings were on a still 
 more extensive scale. On the occasion of the feast of tlie 
 Passover, for example, there were offered as a burnt-offering, 
 and that daily during the whole seven days over which the 
 festival extended, two young bullocks, a ram, and seven 
 lambs, along with the corresponding meat- and drink-offerings, 
 and in addition to all this, a he-goat as a sin-offering (Xum, 
 xxviii. 16-25) ; and on t\iQ feast of Weelcs a,g9A\\, which lasted 
 
 of the people, as Heb. vii. 27 miijht lead us to suppose, but after it. See 
 also Lundius, Die alt. jiid. Heilicjtii. book iii. chap, xxxix. no. 58. 
 
 265 Num. xxviii. 9, 10. Philo, De victhnis, sec. iii. (Mang. ii. 2;39) : T«/,- Is 
 ißhöfixi; OiTTÄai/ii^f/ tov tZv 'aptiuv ecpi6y,6v. Joscpli. .1?///. iii. 10. 1 . 
 KX.roi Oi ißoöfiYiu ijfiipctv, 7;ti; ncc-ißcCTX Kct'KÜTXt, Ovo aJ)»^ov>n, röv otinör 
 TBonvüv lepovpyovvTic. The pixsciiptions in Ezck. xlvi. 4, 5 are essentially 
 different from this. But the main difference between pre- and post- 
 exilic times, as regards both the festival sacrifices and the tamid alike, 
 lay in this, that j>revious to the exile the king was called upon to defray ihe 
 cost of them, whereas after the exile they were provided at the expense of 
 the people thcmselrei^. See in particular, Ezek. xlv. 17 ; and in general, 
 Ezek. xlv. 18, xlvi. 15. For an account of the form of worship observed on 
 the Sabbath, see Lundius, Dk alt. jiid. Ileiligth. book v. chap. v.
 
 298 § 24. THE PKIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP, 
 
 only one day, there were offered the same sacrifices as on 
 each of the seven days of the feast of the Passover (Num. 
 xxviii. 26-31). Then on the occasion of the feast of Taber- 
 nacles, which, as being the festival that took place when the 
 harvest was over, would naturally be celebrated with special 
 tokens of thankfulness, the number of sacrifices was much 
 greater still. On the first day of this feast there were offered, 
 as a burnt-offering, thirteen young bullocks, two rams, and 
 fourteen lambs, along with the corresponding meat- and drink- 
 offerings, and over and above all this a he-goat as a sin- 
 offering ; while on each of the six following festival days, all 
 those sacrifices were repeated, with this difference, that every 
 day there was one bullock fewer than on the preceding day 
 (Num. xxix. 12-34). Similar supplementary sacrifices and 
 offerings, at one time on a larger at another on a smaller 
 scale, were also prescribed for the other festivals (the new 
 moon, the new year, and the great day of atonement) that 
 occurred in the course of the year (see in general, Num. 
 xxviii.-xxix.). Then to those sacrifices which merely 
 served to indicate in a general way the festive character of 
 the occasions on which they were offered, there were further 
 added those special ones that had reference to the peculiar 
 significance of the feast (on this see Lev. xvi. and xxiii.). 
 
 But copious as those public sacrifices no doubt were, they 
 still seem but few when compared with the multitudes of 
 2orivate offerings and sacrifices that were offered. It was the 
 vast number of these latter — so vast in fact as to be well-nigh 
 inconceivable — that gave its peculiar stamp to the worship at 
 Jerusalem. Here day after day whole crowds of victims 
 were slaughtered and whole masses of flesh burnt ; and when 
 any of the high festivals came round, there was such a host 
 of sacrifices to dispose of that it was scarcely possible to attend 
 to them all notwithstanding the fact that there were thousands 
 of priests officiating on the occasion,'^'' But the people of 
 
 266 Aristeas (in Havercamp's Joseplius, ii. 2. 112. Merx' Archiv, i. 27G. 
 5, C) : TloAT.«« yocp fivpiocos; ktyjvuv -T^-poaa.yovru.i y.aroi roig ruv sopruu
 
 § 24. THE PPJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WOKSIIIP. 299 
 
 Israel saw in the punctilious observance of this worship the 
 principal means of securing for themselves the favour of their 
 God. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 PARTICIPATION OF GENTILES IX THE W'ORSHIP AT .lEnU.SALKM. 
 
 Considering the wall of rigid separation which, as regards 
 matters of religion, the Jews had erected between themselves 
 and the Gentiles, it would not readily occur to one that these 
 latter were also permitted to take part in the worship at 
 Jerusalem, And yet that such was the case is a fact as well 
 authenticated as any fact could be. Nor are we thinking here 
 of the large body of proselytes, i.e. of those Gentiles who, to some 
 extent, professed their adherence to the faith of Israel, and who 
 on this account testified their reverence for Israel's God by 
 sacrificing to Him. No, we have in view such as were real 
 Gentiles, and who, in sacrificing at Jerusalem, would by no 
 means care to acknowledge that in so doing they were pro- 
 fessing their belief in the sujjcrsfitio Jiulaica. There is how- 
 ever but one way of understanding this singular fact, and 
 that is by reflecting how formal and superficial the connection 
 often is, in [»ractical life, between faith and worship, — a con- 
 nection that originally was of so very intimate a character, — 
 and also how this was peculiarly the case at the period now 
 in question. The presenting of a sacrifice with a view to its 
 being offered in some famous sanctuary was very often mitliing 
 more than an expression, on the part of the offerer, of a 
 cosmopolitan piety, nay, in many instances a mere act of 
 
 r,u.ipx;. Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 19, /'///.; rtoXXii» os kxt* to ä.j»yx.ottr,» 
 di-jX'/of/Avuu 6v(riiii/ x.»6' SKoiarYi» ijuipx-j, kxI <)ixj:ipö'^zu; iv -zetvnyiipiai y.»l 
 koor*(; C-TTip ri ioi'cc SKccarov k*1 x.on'f, v-zio »—ccviuv O/as fAvpix; Kctl ov-^t rü; 
 eevTu.; »iriai k.t.X. Comp, the miinbers given in 1 Kings viii. G3 ; 
 1 Chron. xxix. 21 ; 2 Chron. xxix. o2 f., xxx. 2t. xxxv. 7-9.
 
 300 § 21. THE PrJESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 courtesy toward a particular people or a particular city, and 
 not in the least intended to be regarded as indicating the 
 man's religious creed. And if this was a thing that occurred 
 in the case of famous sanctuaries elsewhere, why should it not 
 take place at Jerusalem as well ? There was no reason why 
 the Jewish people and their priests should discountenance an 
 act intended to do honour to their God, even though it were 
 purely an act of politeness. As for the offering of the 
 sacrifice, that was really the priests' affair ; it was for them to 
 see that this was gone about in proper and due form. And if 
 the sacrifice were provided, there did not seem to be any 
 particular reason for caring at whose expense it was so. In 
 any case the Jew was not called upon, through any religious 
 scruple, to decline a gift of this nature even from one who did 
 not otherwise yield obedience to the law. And accordingly 
 we find the Old Testament itself proceeding on the assumption 
 that a sacrifice might be legitimately offered even by a Gentile 
 0^?. I?)-"^^ And so the Judaism of later times has also 
 carefnlly specified what kinds of sacrifices might be accepted 
 from a Gentile and what might not : for example, all were to 
 be accepted that were offered in consequence of a vow or as 
 freewill offerings (all ^''Ti^ and ri^^'^3) ; while, on the other 
 hand, those of an obligatory character, such as sin-offerings, 
 trespass-offerings, and those presented by those who had issues, 
 and by women after child-birth and such like, could not be 
 offered by Gentiles.^^® The offerings therefore which these 
 latter were permitted to present were burnt-offerings, meat- 
 offerings, and drink-offerings.^^^ Hence it is, that in enumerat- 
 ing the special legal prescriptions relating to offerings, there 
 
 26^ Lev. xxii. 25 and Dillmann's note. It is here stated that it would be 
 unlawful to take blemished animals for victims even from a Gentile, which 
 pre-npposes, of course, that, generally speaking, Gentiles might lawfully 
 present sacrifices. ^^^ Shckalim i. 5. 
 
 2^^ Thank- or peace-offerings they were debarred from presenting, for the 
 simple reason that they would not possess the Levitical purity required of 
 those who, in this instance, partook of the flesh of the victims at the 
 sacrificial feast (Lev. vii. 20, 21).
 
 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHU'. 301 
 
 is frequently a reference, at the same time, to tlie sacrifices of 
 the Gentiles as well.'"^'* 
 
 The general fact, that sacrifices were offered by and in the 
 name of Gentiles, is one that is vouched for in the most explicit 
 way possible Ijy Josephus, who informs us that on the occa- 
 sion of the breaking out of the revolution in the year G a.D., 
 precisely one of the first things done was to pass a resolution 
 declaring that it was no longer lawful to take sacrifices from 
 Gentiles.''^ By way of protesting against such a proceeding, 
 the opposite conservative party took care to point out that 
 " all their forefathers had been in the habit of receivinü sacri- 
 fices at the hands of Gentiles ; " and that if the Jews were 
 to be the only people among whom a foreigner was not to Ije 
 allowed to sacrifice, then Jerusalem would incur the reproach 
 of being an ungodly city,^'"' History records at least several 
 remarkable instances of the matter now in question. "When 
 we are told, for example, that Alexander the Great once 
 sacrificed at Jerusalem,"'^^ the truth of this fact no doubt 
 depends on how far it is historically true that this monarch 
 ever visited that city at all. But be this as it may, the 
 simple fact of such a thing being even recorded goes to prove 
 that Judaism looked upon such a proceeding as perfectly legiti- 
 mate and proper. Then Plolcmacus III. is likewise alleged to 
 have offered sacrifices at Jerusalem.'"^* Again, Antiochiis VII. 
 (Sidetes), while he was at open feud with the Jews and was in 
 the very act of besieging Jerusalem, went so far as, on the 
 occasion of the feast of Tabernacles, to send sacrifices into tlie 
 city, presumably with the view of disposing the God of the 
 enemy in his favour, while the Jews on their part cordially 
 
 ^''^ Shekalim vii. 6 ; Schachim iv. 5 ; Menachoth v. 3, h, 6, vi. 1, ix. 8. 
 Comp, further, Haml)urger'8 Rcal-Encycl. für Bibd u. Talmud, 2nd part, 
 art. " Opfer der Heiden." 
 
 271 Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 2-4. 
 
 2' 2 Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 4: ort von/ng o/ 'Trpöyoi/oi rxi «tto rciiv oi'K>.o'yivü» 
 6vat»g scvioixofro. Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 3 : x.aroiy^nZiax'jB*! rii; tzoK'.u; doiiltixv, 
 ii 77ap* fAÖvot; lovoxioi; uvn dvon ri; «AXorp/oj oun TrpooKVutian. 
 
 ^'^ Joseph. Antt. xi. 8. 5. ^r* Joseph, contra Apion. ii. 5, init.
 
 302 5 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 welcomed the sacrifices as a token of the king's sympathy 
 with their faith.'"'"^ Further, wlien Marcus Agrippa, the dis- 
 tinguished patron of Herod, came to Jerusalem in the year 
 15 B.c., he there sacrificed a hecatomb, consequently a burnt- 
 offering consisting of no fewer than a hundred oxen.^'" Once 
 more, Josephus tells us with regard to Vitellius, that he came 
 to Jerusalem at the Passover season in the year 37 A.D., for 
 the purpose of offering sacrifice to God."''^ How frequent 
 such acts of courtesy or cosmopolitan piety were may be 
 further seen from the circumstance that Augustus expressly 
 commended his grandson Caius Caesar, because on his way 
 from Egypt to Syria he did not stay to worship in Jeru- 
 salem. ^'^^ TertuUian is therefore perfectly justified in saying 
 that once upon a time the Romans had even honoured the 
 God of the Jews by offering Him sacrifice, and their temple 
 by bestowing presents upon it.^'^ Nor are we to suppose that 
 it is merely proselytes that are in view when Josephus 
 describes the altar at Jerusalem as " the altar venerated by 
 all Greeks and barbarians," '^^ and says of the place on which 
 the temple stood, that it " is adored by the whole world, and 
 for its renown is honoured among strangers at the ends of the 
 earth." -«1 
 
 In the class of sacrifices offered for and in the name of 
 Gentiles should also be included the sacrifice, for the Gentile 
 authorities. As previous to the exile the Israelitish kings 
 were in the habit of defraying the cost of the public sacrifices, 
 
 2's Ann. xiii. 8. 2. 
 
 2''6 Anit. xvi. 2. 1. Sacrifices on so large a scale as this were nothing 
 unusual in the temple at Jerusalem. See Ezra vi. 17. Philo, Legat, ad 
 Cajum, sec. xlv. (Mang. ii. 598). Orac. Sihijll. iii. 576, 626. 
 
 2'"'' Antt. xviii. 5. 3. 
 
 ^'■^ Sueton, AiKjust. cap. xeiii. : Gajum nepotem, quod Judaeam prae- 
 tervehens apnd Hierosolyma nou supplicasset, coiilaudavit. 
 
 -'•^ TertuUian, Apolof/ct. cap. xxvi. : Cujus (Judaeae) et deura victimis et 
 templum douis et gentem foederibus aliquamdiu Roraani honorastis. 
 
 -^•^ Bell. Jud. V. 1. 3: TOu"^'h'hmt i^äiai Kot,l ßxpß/ipot; asj3oia,u,iov ßojfiov. 
 
 2**^ Bell. Jud. iv. 4. 3 (ed. Bekker, v. 315. 2-4) : 6 ös :/x() tjjj- oUov^uivn;
 
 § 21. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 303 
 
 SO Cyrus iu like manner is said to have given orders that 
 whatever means and materials might he required for this 
 purpose should he furnished out of the royal excliequer, at 
 the same time however with the view of prayer heing offered 
 " for the life of the king and his sons " (Ezra vi. 1 0). The 
 fact of a sacrifice being specially offered in behalf of the 
 sovereign (oXo/cai^Tfoo-i? TrpoacjiepofMevr} virep rod /^acriXetw?) is 
 further confirmed by still more explicit testimony belonging 
 to the time of the Maccabaean movement (1 Mace. vii. 38). 
 Consequently we see that even then, at a time when a great 
 proportion of the people was waging war with the king of 
 Syria, the priests were still conscientiously offering the sacri- 
 fice that, as we may venture to suppose, had been founded by 
 the Syrian kings themselves. In the Roman period again 
 lliis sacrifice, offered on behalf of the C! entile authorities, was 
 precisely the only possible form under which Judaism could 
 i'urnish something like an equivalent for that worship of the 
 emperor and of Rome that went on througliout all the other 
 provinces. We learn indeed from the explicit testimony of 
 Philo, that Augustus himself ordained that, in ail time coming, 
 two lambs and a bullock were to be sacrificed every day at 
 the emperor'' s expense. '^^^ It was to this sacrifice offered "in 
 hehalf of the emperor aud the Human 2^coplc " that the Jews 
 expressly pointed in the time of Caligula, when their loyalty 
 happened to be called in (question in consequence of their 
 having opposed the erection of the emperor's statue in the 
 temple.^^^ And we are fuitlier informed that it continued to 
 
 •-'32 I'hilo, Lrcj. ad ('(ijinit.acv. xxni. (ctl. Mang. ii. 509) : ■rrcoa-a.^u.i y.xl oi 
 »luvo; oLvxyiadai Svaix; iuOiÄ:)c-i> o'^okociitov^ Kee6' 'sy,»(rrr,v i}f*ipecv tK ru» 
 loiuv 'JTpooöoCßiv, cc77utiy,y,y ru ii\^i<jru tfrti, u'i kocI i^i-/,oi rou vvv i'^TiTt'Aov-yTui kui 
 ii; »-»V eTTiTi'Aiaf/iaovru.i. lie also uscs terms almost identical M'ith these 
 in sec. xl., ed. M.ang. ii. 592, where however he adds the remark, that üputs 
 iiai ovo y,a,l Txupoi tcc i-oslx, oi; Kei77Uo l(pfihpvvs [1. i^riovvi^ tov ßuf^o'j. 
 
 -^"* Joseph. BcU. Jud. ii. 10. 4: 'lovcxiot vtpt f^iv Kxiaxpo; kxI rot> 
 07)/:iov ruu Vuy,xiay olg rii; ii,uiox; dvnu 'ijuaxu. From the conclusion 
 of this sentence we see that, like the public sacrifices, the daily sacrifice 
 for the emperor was also ofTeri'<l partly in the morniiuj and partly in the 
 tvcniiKj.
 
 304 § 24. THE PRIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 
 
 be regularly offered clown till the time when the revolution 
 broke out in the year 66 a.d.^^* Then we have it, on the 
 authority of Philo, that it was not merely a sacrifice for the 
 emperor, but one that had been also instituted &?/ l^ioi ; a step 
 which, in spite of his strong antipathy to Judaism, Augustus 
 would probably deem it prudent to take from political con- 
 siderations. It is true, no doubt, that Josephus af&rms that 
 the expenses connected with the sacrifice now in question were 
 defrayed by the Jewish people them sei ves.^^'* Possibly how- 
 ever this historian himself was not at the time aware that the 
 money to pay for the sacrifice came actually from the emperor. 
 At the same time it would appear that, on special occasions, 
 very large sacrifices were offered in behalf of the emperor at 
 the public expense ; as, for example, in the time of Caligula, 
 when a hecatomb was offered on each of three different 
 occasions, first on the occasion of that emperor's accession to 
 the throne, then on that of his recovery from a serious illness, 
 and lastly at the commencement of his campaign in 
 
 rf 286 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Besides offering sacrifices, it was also very common for 
 Gentiles to bestow gifts upon the temple at Jerusalem. 
 Pseudo-Aristeas, for example, gives a very minute account of 
 the splendid presents winch Ptolemaeus Philadelphus gave to 
 
 284 B^ii Jud. ii. 17. 2-4. 
 
 285 Joseph, contra Apion. ii. 6, ßn. : Faciinus autem pro eis (seil, 
 imperatoribus et populo Eomano) continua sacrlficia ; et non solum 
 quotidianis diebus ex impensa comniuni omnium Judaeorum talia cele- 
 bramus, verum quum nullas alias liostias ex communi neque pro filiis 
 peragamus, solis imperatoribus hunc honorem praecipuum pariter exhibemus, 
 quem hominum nuUi persolvimus. 
 
 286 Philo, Legat, ad Cajiim, sec. xlv. (ed. Mang. ii. 598). Sacrifice and 
 prayer in behalf of the Gentile authorities is recommended generally in 
 Jer. xxix. 7; Bar. i. 10, 11. Ahoth iii. 2: "Kabbi Chananiah, president 
 of the priests, said : Pray for the welfare of the higher authorities " (n"l3^D 
 meaning here the Gentile authorities). For the Christian practice, comp. 
 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. Clemens Romanus, Ixi. ; and in addition, the material collected 
 by Haruack (Patriim apostol. opp. i. 1, ed. 2, 1876, p. 103 f.). Mangold, De 
 ecclesia iirimaeva pro Caesarihus ac nuKjistratihus llomanis prcces fundente^ 
 188L
 
 § 24. THE PEIESTHOOD AND THE TEMPLE WORSHIP. 305 
 
 the temple on the occasion of his requesting the Jewish high 
 priest to send him a number of persons who would be 
 sufficiently competent to take part in a translation of the Old 
 Testament into Greek, the articles presented being twenty 
 golden and thirty silver cups, five goblets, and a golden table 
 of elaborate workmanship.^*^ Although this story may belong 
 to the realm of the legendary, still it may be regarded as 
 faithfully reflecting the practice of the time. For, apart from 
 this, we have it vouched for elsewhere over and over again 
 that the Ptolemies frequently gave presents to the temple of 
 Jerusalem.^** Nor was it different in the Eoman period. 
 When Sosius, in conjunction with Herod, had suceeded in 
 conquering Jerusalem, he presented a golden crown."*^ Marcus 
 Agrippa too, on the occasion of his visit to Jerusalem to 
 which we have already referred, presented gifts for the further 
 embellishment of the temple.'^ Among the vessels of the temple 
 which John of Gischala caused to be melted during the siege 
 were the wine goblets {dKpaTO(f)6poc) that had been presented 
 by Augustus and his consort."^^ Altogether it was not in the 
 least unusual for Eomans to dedicate gifts to the temple."^^ 
 And so, strange to say, in this way even the exclusive temple 
 of Jerusalem became in a certain sense cosmopolitan ; it too 
 received the homage of the whole world in common with the 
 more celebrated sanctuaries of heathendom. 
 
 287 Pseudo-Aristeas in Havercamp's edition of Josephus, ii. 2. 108-111 
 (also in Merx' Archiv^ i. 262-269) ; in the citation as given in Antt. xiii. 
 3. 4 ; contra Apion. ii. 5, init. 
 
 288 2 Mace. iii. 2, v. 16. Joseph. Anlt. xiii. 3. 4 ; contra Apion. ii. 5, 
 init. 
 
 280 Antt. xiv. 16. 4. 
 
 290 Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. xxxvii., ed. Mang. ii. 589. 
 
 291 Bell. Jud. V. 13. 6. Comp. Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. xxiii., ed. 
 Mang. ii. 569. 
 
 292 Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 10 (ßekker, v. 305. 20 f.). Comp. ü. 17. 3. 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. L
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 L CANONICAL DIGNITY OF HOLY SCRIPTURE.' 
 
 The fact most essentially conclusive for the religious life of 
 
 the Jewish people during the period under consideration is, 
 
 that the law, which regulated not only the i3riestly service 
 
 but the whole life of the people in their religious, moral and 
 
 social relations, was acknowledged as given by God Himself. 
 
 Its every requirement was a requirement of God from His 
 
 people, its most scrupulous observance was therefore a religious 
 
 duty, nay the supreme and in truth the sole religious duty. 
 
 The whole piety of the Israelite consisted in obeying with 
 
 fear and trembling, with all the zeal of an anxious conscience, 
 
 the law given him by God in all its particulars. Hence the 
 
 specific character of Israelitish piety during this period depends 
 
 on the acknowledgment of this dignity of the law. 
 
 The age of this acknowledgment may be determined 
 
 almost to the day and hour. It dates from that important 
 
 occurrence, whose epoch-making importance is duly brought 
 
 forward in the Book of Nehemiah, the reading of the law by 
 
 Ezra, and the solemn engagement of the people to observe it 
 
 (iSTeh. viii.-x.). The law, which was then read, was the 
 
 Pentateuch in essentially the same form as we now have it. 
 
 Isolated passages may have been subsequently interpolated, 
 
 but with respect to the main substance, these need not be 
 
 taken account of. Henceforward then the laiv given ly God 
 
 through Moses was acknoiüledged hy the peo^ple as the hinding ride 
 
 of life, i.e. as canonical. For it is in the very nature of the 
 
 * See the literature on the history of the Old Test, canon in Strack, art. 
 "Kanon des A. T.," in Herzog's Real-Encycl. vol. vii. 2nd ed. (1880) 
 p. 450 sq. ; and in Schmiedel, art. " Kanon," in Ersch and Gruber's .4ZZ(7C??i. 
 Encyclopädie, § 2, vol. xxxii. (1882) p. 335 sq.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 307 
 
 law that its acceptance eo ipso involves the acknowledgment 
 of its binding and normative dignity." Hence this acknow- 
 ledgment was from that time onwards a self-evident assump- 
 tion to every Israelite. It was the condition without which 
 no one was a member of the chosen people, or could have a 
 share in the promises given to tliem. " He who asserts that 
 the Thorah is not from heaven (d^dcti p min px), has no part in 
 the future world." ^^ It is however in the nature of the thing 
 that this notion should, as time went on, be held with increas- 
 ing strictness and severity. While its original meaning was 
 only that the commands of the law were in their entirety and 
 in their details the commands of God, the assumption of a 
 divine origin was gradually referred to the entire Pentateuch 
 according to its whole wording. " He who says that Moses 
 wrote even one verse of his own knowledge O^VV ''S^) is a 
 denier and despiser of the word of God." * The whole Penta- 
 teuch was thus now regarded as dictated by God, as prompted 
 by the Spirit of God.* Even the last eight verses of Deutero- 
 nomy, in wliich the death of Moses is related, were said to 
 have been written by Moses himself by means of divine 
 revelation.'' Nay at last, the view of a divine dictation was 
 no longer suthcient. The complete book of the law was 
 declared to have been handed to Moses by God, and it was 
 only disputed, whether God delivered the whole Thorah to 
 Moses at once or by volumes (p}i^ '^i^^)-^ 
 
 After the law and as an addition to it, certain other writings 
 of Israelite antiquity, tke writings of the prophets and worlcs on 
 the older (pre-e.Kilian) history of Israel, attained to similar 
 
 ^ Comp. Wollhausen, Geschichte hraels, i. 2 sq., 425 sq. 
 
 -a Sanhedrin x. 1. 
 
 " Bab. Sanhedrin 99». 
 
 •• See in general, Job. Delitzsch, De inspiratione scripturae sacrae quid 
 stutuerint patres apostolici et apolofjctac secundi sacculi (Lips. 1872), pp. 4-8, 
 11-17. 
 
 ' Baha bathra Ib^ (lat. in Marx, Traditio ralbinorum veterrima dellhronim 
 Vet. Test, ordine atqiie oriyine, Lips. 1884, p. 23). Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 
 39 (ed. Mang. ii. 179). Joseph. Anit. iv. 8. 48. 
 
 « Gittin 60».
 
 308 § 25. SCRIBISM, 
 
 authority. They were for a long time respected and used as 
 a valuable legacy of antiquity, before their canonization was 
 thought of. Gradually however they appeared beside the 
 law as a second class of " sacred Scriptures," and the longer 
 their combination with the law became customary, the more 
 was its specific, i.e. its legally binding dignity, and therefore 
 its canonical validity, transferred to them. They too were 
 regarded as documents in which the will of God was revealed 
 in a manner absolutely binding. Lastly, at a still later stage 
 there was added to this body of the " prophets " (n''S''a3) a third 
 collection of " writings " (ö''?^'^3), which gradually entered into 
 the same category of canonical Scriptures. The origin of these 
 two collections is quite veiled in obscurity. The most ancient 
 testimony to the collocation of loth collections with the Thorah 
 is the prologue to the Book of Wisdom (second century b.c.).'' 
 We cannot, however, determine from it that the third collec- 
 tion was then already concluded ; on the other hand, it is very 
 probable that in the time of Josephus the canon had already 
 assumed a lastins; form, and indeed the same which it has to 
 this day. Josephus expressly says, that there were among 
 the Jews only twenty-two books acknowledged divine {ßißXia 
 . . . Oela ireTTKnevfjieva) ; that all the others were not 
 esteemed of equal credit (Trla-Tecoi; ou^ o/iota? rj^Lcorat). He 
 does not, indeed, separately enumerate them, but it is very 
 probable that he means by them the collected writings of the 
 present canon, and these only. For the Fathers, especially 
 Origen and Jerome, expressly say, that the Jews were accus- 
 tomed so to count the books of the present canon as to make 
 their number twenty-two.^ It was only with respect to cer- 
 
 ^ Prologue to Wisdom : Iloy\.Xut> »xt fisyüT^av iif/.lv S<« rov vL^w kxI toiv 
 ^po(pyiTuv x,xi ruv ctKhuv rZ)v x,a,T cclrovg vikoXovO/ikotuv ZiZofisvuv^ VTrip üw 
 
 tioV iazlv iTTCttUilv TO» I(7^«0)X "TTOtttiixi Kxl GO'fixg X,.T.'h. 
 
 ^ Joseph, contra Apion. i. 8 : Ov yccp /^vpicchi ßtßi'hiuv ual mxp i],u.iv davft,- 
 (fuvuv Kctl (/.cf/^of^iviuVj ^vo 'hi fiö'jx irpog rolg i'iKoat ßißhtx, tow ttuuto; 
 'ixovTX xpi'jtiv TYiv ccvx'/pa.<p'/<v, rx Qikxiu; delx Trsztarsv/aiux. Kxl rovrau 
 viuri f^iu inn t« ^luvaiuc, a, rot/j re uö/novg 'Trtpiix-f ^*' 'Z'^" "^^S xudpuT^o'/o- 
 »tx; vxpüooGiv i^ixP' "^^^ xinoii n'hivryi;. Oino; 6 x^ouo; «xt/XsiVs/ rpux'^"^^
 
 § 25. SCPJBISM. 309 
 
 tain books, especially the Song of Solomon and the Look of 
 Ecclesiastes, that opinion was not yet quite decided in the first 
 century after Christ. Yet in respect of these also the pre- 
 vailing view was already that they " defile the hands," i.e. are 
 to be regarded as canonical books.^ It cannot be proved of 
 
 iXiyov STOiv. Atto öS TVi; 'Muvoia; tsXsmtsjj y^ixP' '^'^' Apra.^ic^'jv rov y^iTOC 
 SioB,riV Uspfuv ßccai'hius »px^S oi (Aiztx. IMwiia^i" 'TrpoCfvirxi tx kcct etvrci/; 
 TTocf/^divT» avviypcf^xv iv rpial xett OiKcc ßißyJotg. A< OS 7.onrxi rea^xps; 
 vjni/ov; it; rov 6i6v xxt to?? duSpuTroig V7rod'/i>cxg rot/ ßlov Trepii^ovaiv. 'Axo 
 oi ' ApTx^SD^ov f^ixpi Tov y-xd iif^x: xoovov '/iypxvrxi ptiv iKxarx, ■Trwrsa; 0£ 
 oi/x öfioix; ii^iUTXi rot; Trpti xvtuv dix to ptvi yiviodxi rriv toiv 'Trooip-firuu xy.pißij 
 lixlox^iv. Jerome in his Proloyus (jaleatus to the Books of Samuel (0pp. ed. 
 Vallarsi, ix. 455 sq. ; see the passage, e.g. in Gfrorer, Jahrh. des Heils, i. 
 237 sq., and in the introductions of De Wette, Bleek and others) gives the 
 following enumeration as that customari/ amonc] the Jews: (1-5) Pentateuch ; 
 (6) Joshua; (7) Judges and Ruth ; (8) Samuel; (9) Kings; (10) Isaiah; 
 (11) Jeremiah and Lamentations; (12) Ezekiel ; (13) twelve minor pro- 
 phets; (14) Job; (15) Psalms; (16) Proverbs; (17) Ecclesiastes; 
 (18) Song of Solomon; (19) Daniel; (20) Chronicles; (21) Ezra and 
 Nehemiah ; (22) Esther. The same enumeration, but in a somewhat dif- 
 ferent order (and witli the omission of the twelve minor prophets, which 
 must however be an oversight of the transcriber), is given by Origen in 
 Eusebius' Ilist.Eccl. vi. 25 (in which the designation ' A^y.io(piKuouy. for 
 the Book of Numbers, which is generally left unexplained, is nothing else 
 than D"'n^p3 t'Oin, Joma vii. 1 ; Sota vii. 7 ; Menachoth iv. 3). It can 
 consequently be hardly doubtful, that Josephus also takes this enumeration 
 for granted, and intends by his 5 + 13 + 4 = 22 books our present canon. 
 The four books containing " hymns of x^raise to God and rules of life for 
 men," are the Psalms and the three Books of Solomon. That 1 Chron. and 
 2 Chron. formed, as early as the time of Christ, the closing books of the 
 canon, may be inferred from Matt, xxiii. 35 = Luke xi. 51, where the slay- 
 ing of Zachariah is mentioned as the last murder of a prophet. Chronolo- 
 gically viewed tlie death of Urijah, Jer. xxvi. 20-23, was later, but according 
 to the order of the canon the assas-^sination related in 2 Chronicles is 
 certainly the last. 
 
 ^ Jadajim iii. 5 : " All holy Scriptures, even the Song of Solomon and 
 Ecclesiastes, defile the hands." R. Judah says : The Song of Solomon defiles 
 the hands, but Ecclesiastes is doubtful. R. Joses says : Ecclesiastes does not 
 defile the hands, and the Song of Solomon is doubtful. R. Simon says : 
 Ecclesiastes is among the points on which the school of Shammai decides 
 in a manner to lighten, the school of Hillel in a manner to aggravate diffi- 
 culty. R. Simon ben Asai said : I have received it as the tradition of the 
 seventy-two elders, that on the day that R. Eieazar ben Asariali was named 
 president, it was decided tliat the Song of Solomon and Ecclesiastes defile 
 the hands. R. Akiba said : No, no. Never has any one in Israel affirmed 
 that the Soug of Solomon did not defile the hands. For no day in the
 
 310 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 other books than those of our present canon, that they were 
 ever reckoned canonical by the Palestinian Jews, although 
 the Book of Wisdom was so highly esteemed tliat it was some- 
 times cited "in a manner only customary in the case of 
 passages of Scripture." ^° It was only the Hellenistic Jews 
 who combined a whole series of other books with those of the 
 Hebrew canon. But then they had no definite completion of 
 the canon at all. 
 
 Notwithstanding the combination of the Nebiim and Kethu- 
 
 history of the world was ever of so great importance as that on which the 
 Song of Solomon appeared in Israel. For all other scriptures are holy, but 
 the Song of Solomon the holiest of all. If there was any dispute, it was 
 respecting Ecclesiastes. R. Johanan, son of Joshua, the son of R. Akiba's 
 father-in-law, said : As ben Asai has declared, so was it disputed and so 
 decided. Edujoth v. 3 : R. Simon (according to R. Ismael) says : In 
 three cases the school of Shammai decided in a manner to lighten, the 
 school of Hillel to aggravate difficulties. According to the school of 
 Shammai, Ecclesiastes does not defile the hands ; the school of Hillel says : 
 It defiles the hands, etc. Hieronymus, Comment, in Ecclesiast. xii. 13 
 {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, iii. 496) : " Aiuut Hebraei quum inter caetera scripta 
 Salomonis quae antiquata sunt nee in memoria duraverunt et hie lihcr oUi- 
 terandus videretur eo quod vanas Dei assereret creaturas et totum putaret 
 esse pro nihilo et cibum et potum et delicias transeuntes praeferret omnibus, 
 ex hoc uno capitulo meruisse auctoritatem, ut in divinorum voluminum 
 numero poueretur." See in general, Bleek, Theol. Stud, und Kritik. 1853, 
 p. 321 sq. Delitzsch, Zeitsch. für luih. Theol. 1854, pp. 280-283. Strack, 
 ait. "Kanon des A. T.'s," in Herzog's Real-Encycl.., 2nd ed. vii. 429 sq. 
 Weber, System der altsynagorjalen paläst. Theologie, p. 81. 
 
 ^^ S. Zuiiz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden, p. 101 sq. Against 
 the canonical authority of the Book of Wisdom, see Strack in Herzog's lleal- 
 Encycl. vii. 430 sq. It is quite a mistake to think we have a right to infer 
 with Movers {Loci qiddam historiae canonis Vet. Test, illustrati, 1842, p. 14sq.), 
 and after him with Bleek {Stud. u. Krit. 1853, p. 323), from those passages 
 in Josephus {Antt. Preface, § 3, x. 10. 6, xxii. 11. 2; contra Apion. 
 i, 1. 10) in which he states generally that the Holy Scriptures {rx iip» y^ky.- 
 [Ad-rcc, Oil iipxt ßißXoi) were his authorities for his whole history, that he 
 also regarded such of his authorities as did not belong to the Hebrew canon 
 as " holy Scriptures." For these were chiefly heathen authorities. Geiger 
 too can scarcely be right when he insists on regarding as among such 
 " holy scriptures," which according to Shahhath xvi. 1 might not be read 
 on the Sabbath day, the apocryphal books (Zcitschr. 1867, pp. 98-102). 
 For by these are probably meant, as Jewish expositors also declare, the 
 KethubLin (of these only the five Megilloth were used in the public worship 
 of the synagogues, and these only on special occasions during the year). See 
 Kisch, Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1880, p. 543 sqq.
 
 § 25. SCPJBISir. 311 
 
 bi7n with the Thorah, they were never ]»laced quite on a level 
 with it. The Thorah always occu[»ie(l a higher position as 
 to its religious estimation. In it was deposited and fully 
 contained the original revelation of the Divine will. In tlie 
 prophets and the other sacred writings this will of God was 
 only further delivered. Hence these are designated as the 
 " tradition " (p^'^P., Aramaean NRCPtr'N), and cited as such.^ 
 On account of its higher value it was decided that a book 
 of the law might be purchased by the sale of the Holy 
 Scriptures, but not Holy Scriptures by the sale of a book of 
 the law.^*^ In general, however, the Nchiim and KctMibim 
 participate in the properties of the Thorah. They are all 
 " Holy Scriptures " {^y^} '?n3) ; ^^ with respect to them all it 
 is determined, that contact with them defiles the hands (so that 
 they may not be touched inconsiderately, but with reverent 
 awe).-^* They are all cited by essentially the same formulas. 
 For although special formulas are sometimes used for the 
 Thorah, yet the formula, which most frequently occurs, ""?.!!?2'^', 
 " for it is said," is applied without distinction to the Thorah 
 and the other Scriptures ;^^ as also in ilie sphere of Hellenism 
 (comp, the X. T.), the formula 'yiypairrat and the like.^" Xay 
 
 ^^ hi the Mishna, Taanitk ii. 1, a passage from Joel is cited with the 
 formula : " in the tradition he says" ("lOIS Nin n!?3p3)- Comp, in general, 
 Zunz, Die gnttcsdiemtlichen Vorträge der Juden, p. 44. Herzfeld, Gesch. den 
 Volkes Jisrael, iii. 18 sq. Joh. Delitzsch, De ivspiratiove scripturae sacrae, 
 p. 7 sq. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (Cambridge 1877), p. 120sq. 
 
 ^- Megilla iii. 1. 
 
 ^^ Shabhath xvi. 1 ; Eruhin x. 3 ; Bahn huthra i. 6,^"«. ; Sanhedrin \. (> ; 
 Para x. 3 ; Jadajim iii. 2, 5, iv. 5, 6. 
 
 ^* Edujoth V. o ; Kelini xv. G ; Jadajim iii. 2, 4, 5, iv. 5, 6. 
 
 '^ So e.g. to adduce citations from tiie Kethubim on)}': Lrrac/ioth vii. 3 
 (P.S. Ixviii. 27), Bcrachoth ix. 5 (Ruth ii. 4). Pea viii. 9 (Prov. xi. 27), Shah- 
 liath ix. 2 (Prov. xxx. 19), Shabhath ix. 4 (Ps. cix. 18), f!osh hashana i. 2 
 (Ps. xxxiii. 15). In those the quotation is always introduced by the foniuila 
 "1DS3B'- But this very formula is also by far the most frequent in quota- 
 tions from the Nebiim and the Thorah. Comp, the list of scriptural qiiota- 
 tations in Pinner, Udicrsttznng d(s Tractates Bcrachoth (1812), Introd. 
 fol. 21b. 
 
 *'■ See in general on the fonniilas of citation, Surenhusius, ßiß'/.og kxtu/.- 
 ?i«yqj (Amstelodauii 171.')), pp. 1-;!G. I>öi)\iQ,JIcnnencutik der ncute,stanient~
 
 312 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 the Nebiim and Kethubim are sometimes quoted as " the 
 law" (v6fxo<;)}^ And there is perhaps nothing more charac- 
 teristic of the full appreciation of their value on the part 
 of the Jews, than the fact that they too are not first of all to 
 Jewish conviction didactic or consolatory works, not books of 
 edification or history, but also " law," the substance of God's 
 claims upon His people. 
 
 II. THE SCRIBES AND THEIR LABOURS IX GEXERAL. 
 
 The Literature. 
 
 Uisiniis, Antiquilates Hchraicae scliolastico-academicae. Hafniae 1702 (ako 
 
 in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxi.). 
 Hartmann, Die enge VerMudung des Alten Testaments mit dem Neuen (1831), 
 
 pp. 384-413. 
 Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert des Heils, i. (1838) pp. 109-214. 
 Winer, RWB. ii. 425-428 (art. " Schriftgelehrte ")• 
 Jost, Das geschichtliche Verhültniss der Rahhincn zu ihren Gemeinden 
 
 (Zeitschr. für die historische theologie (1850), pp. 351-377). 
 Levysohn, Einiges über die hebräisclien und aramäischen Benennungen für 
 
 Schide, Schüler und Lehrer (Franke's Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wis- 
 
 sensch. des Judenth. (1858), pp, 384-389). 
 Leyrer, art. " Schriftgelehrt," in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 1st ed. vol. xiii. 
 
 (1860) pp. 731-741. 
 Klöpper, art. " Schriftgelehrte," in Schenkel's Bibellcxicon, vol. v. pp. 
 
 247-255. 
 Ginsburg, art. " Scribes," in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature. 
 Plumptre, art. " Scribes," in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. 
 Weber, System der altsynagogalen palästinischen Theologie (1880), pp. 
 
 121-143. 
 Hamburger, Real- Encycl. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. iL, arts. "Gelehrter," 
 
 "Lehrhaus," " Rabban," "Schüler," " Sopherim," "Talmudlehrer," 
 
 " Talmudschulen," " Unterhalt," " Unterricht." 
 Stiack, art. " Schriftgelehrte," in Herzog's Real-EncycL, 2nd ed. xiii. (1884) 
 
 pp. 696-698. 
 
 liehen Schriftsteller (1829), pp. 60-69. Pinner, Uebersetzung des Tractates 
 Berachoth, lutrod. fol. 21a, 22a. Joh. Delitzsch, De inspiratione scripturae 
 sacrae, p. 4 sq. Comp, also Strack, Prolegomena critica in Vet. Test. (1873), 
 p. 60 sqq. 
 
 ^" Rom. iii, 19 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 21 ; John x. 34, xii. 34, xv. 25.
 
 § -?.:,. scribisjVL 313 
 
 With the existence of a law is naturally involved tlie 
 necessity of its scientific study, and of a 'professional acquaintance 
 with it. Such necessity exists at least in proportion as this 
 law is comprehensive and complicated. An acquaintance with 
 its details, a certainty in the application of its several enact- 
 ments to everyday life, can then only be attained by its being 
 made a matter of professional occupation. In the time of 
 Ezra, and indeed long after, this was chiefly the concern of the 
 priests. Ezra himself was at the same time both priest and 
 scribe (löiD). The most important element of the Penta- 
 teuch was written in the interest of the priestly cultus. 
 Hence the priests were at first the teachers and guardians of 
 the law. Gradually however this was changed. The higher 
 the law rose in the estimation of the people, the more did its 
 study and exposition become an independent business. It 
 was the law of God, and every individual of the nation had 
 the same interest as the priests in knowing and obeying it. 
 Hence non-priestly Israelites more and more occupied tliem- 
 selves with its scientific study. An independent class of 
 " biblical scholars or scribes," i.e. of men who made acquaint- 
 ance with the law a profession, was formed beside the priests. 
 And when in the time of Hellenism the priests, at least those 
 of the higher strata, often applied themselves to heathen 
 culture, and more or less neglected the law of their fathers, 
 the scribes ever appeared in a relative contrast to the priests. 
 It was no longer tlie priests, but the scribes, who were the 
 zealous guardians of the law. Hence they were also from 
 that time onwards the real teachers of the people, over whose 
 spiritual life they bore complete sway. 
 
 In the time of the New Testament we find this process 
 fully completed ; the scribes then formed a firmly compacted 
 class in undisputed possession of a spiritual supremacy over 
 the people. They are usually called in the New Testament 
 ypafj-fiuTei';, i.e. "learned in Scripture," " the learned," corre- 
 sponding to the Hebrew D"'1siD, which in itself means nothing 
 more than homines literati (men professionally occupied with
 
 314 § 25. SCEIBISat. 
 
 the Scriptures).^^ That such occupation should concern itself 
 chiefly with the law was self-evident. Besides this general 
 designation, we also meet with the more special one vo/jllkoi, 
 i.e. "the learned in the law," "jurists" (Matt. xxii. 35 ; Luke 
 vii. 30, X. 25, xi. 45 sq., 52, xiv. 3);^^ and inasmuch as 
 they not only knew, hut taught the law, they were likewise 
 called vofiohiSda-KaXoi, " teachers of the law " (Luke v. 17; 
 Acts V. 34). Josephus calls them Trarpioiv e^rjyrjTal vo/ncov,^'* 
 or in Graecized fashion aoc^iarai'^^ also iepojpafifxarel<i.'^ 
 In the Mishna the expression D"'"}DiD is only used of the 
 scribes of former times, who in the times of the Mishna had 
 already become an authority.''' Contemporary scribes are 
 
 ^^ "l2iD is any one professionally employed about books, e.g. also a u-ritet 
 (Shabbath xii. 5 ; Nedarim vs.. 2 ; Giitin iii. 1, vii. 2, viii. 8, ix. 8 ; Baha 
 mezia v. 11 ; Sanhedrin iv. 3, v. 5) or a bookbinder {Pesachim iii. 1). On 
 its use in the Old Testament, see Gesenius' Thesaurus., p. 966. When it ia 
 said in the Talmud, that the scribes were called D''~iS"lD because they 
 counted the letters of the Thorah (Kiddushin 30a, in Wunsche, Neue 
 Beitrüge zur Erläuterung der Evangelien, 1878, p. 13. 179), this is of course 
 only a worthless etymological trifling. 
 
 ^'■' vüi^iKÖg is in later Greek the proper technical expression for a " jurist," 
 juris pcritus. Thus especially of Eoman jurists in Strabo, p. 589 : oi ■^»pd 
 'Vtai^ccioii vofitxoi, also in the Edictum Diocletiani, see Rudoiff, Römische 
 RcchtsgescMchte, ii. 54. It is not accidentally that the expression is so 
 frequently found in St. Luke, He purposes thereby to make clear to hia 
 Roman readers the character of the Jewi-sh scribes. 
 
 -^ And. xvii. 6, 2. Comp, xviii. 3. 5. 
 
 21 Bell. Jud. i. 33. 2, ii. 17. 8, 9. 
 
 -2 Bell. Jud. vi. 5. 3. 
 
 ^^ See Orla iii. 9 ; Jebamoth ii. 4, ix. 3 (Suta ix. 15) ; Sanhedrin xi. 3 ; 
 Kclim xiii. 7 ; Para xi. 4-6 ; Tohoroth iv. 7, 11 ; Tebul jom iv. 6 ; Jedajim 
 iii. 2. In all these passages, with the exception of that in Sota ix. 15, which 
 does not belong to the original text of the Mishna, " the ordinances of the 
 scribes (ü''~iS"iD ^^2^) " are spoken of as distinct from the prescriptions of 
 the Thorah, and in such wise that the former also are regarded as having 
 been for a long period authoritative. Apart from these passages the expres- 
 sion D''"i£'lD ouiy occurs in the Mishna in the sense stated above, note 18. 
 On the other hand, in Shemoneh Esreh, in the 13th Beracha, God is entreated 
 to let His mercy dispose of " the righteous, the pious, and the elders of 
 Israel and the rest of the scribes " (D^ICID nü"'i'Q), which latter are cou- 
 Bcquently assumed to be still existing. The Greek ypccfifixriv; is still 
 found in Jewish epitaphs in Rome of the date of the later emperors (2nd to 
 4th century after Christ) ; see Garrucci, Ciiaitero dcgli antichi Ehrei scoperto 
 recentcmente in Vigna Puuidanini (1802), pp. 42, 46, 47, 54, 55, 59, 01.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 315 
 
 always called cp^D. in the Mishna. The extraordinary respect 
 paid to these " scholars " on the part of the people was 
 expressed by the titles of honour bestowed upon them. The 
 most usual was the appellation ""SI, " my master ; " Greek, 
 paßßi (Matt. iii. 7 and elsewhere).^* From this respectful 
 address the title Kabbi was gradually formed, the suflix losing 
 its pronominal signification with the frequent use of the 
 address, and ^31 being also used as a title (Eabbi Joshua, 
 Kabbi Eliezer, Eabbi Akiba).^" This use cannot be proved 
 before the time of Christ. Hillel and Shammai were never 
 called Rabbis, nor is paßßi found in the New Testament 
 except as an actual address. The word does not seem to have 
 been used as a title till after the time of Christ. |31, or as 
 the word is also pronounced Ii3"i, is an enhanced form of 2"). 
 The first form seems to belong more to the Hebrew, the 
 second to the Aramaean usage.^^ Hence )3t is found in the 
 
 Garrucci, Dissertazioni archeologische, vol. ii. (1865), p. 165, no. 20, 21, p. 
 182, no. 21. 
 
 -* 31 means simply " master,"' in opposition, e.g., to slave (Sukka ii. 9 ; 
 Gittin iv. 4, 5 ; Editjoth i. 1,3 ; Aboih i. 3). The mode of address ">2"l, " my 
 master," is found in the Mishna, e.g. J^esachiin vi. 2 ; Rosh hashana ii. 0, 
 fill.; Xcilarim ix. 5; Baha kamma viii. 6. Also with the plural suffix 
 ^rai, "our master," Berachoth ii. 5, 7. This predicate having been bestowed 
 upon the scribes in their teaching capacity, 3"i gradually acquired the 
 meaning of " teacher." It seems to have been already thus used in a 
 saying attributed to Joshua ben Perachiah, Ahoth i. 6. In the time of the 
 Mishna this meaning was, at all event.s, quite common ; see Rash ha.skana 
 ii. 9,ßn.; Baha mezia ii. 11 ; Edujoth i. 3, viii. 7 ; Ahoth iv. 12 ; Kcrithoth 
 vi. 9, fin. ; Jadajim iv. 3, ßn. Comp. John i. 89. 
 
 25 Like Momieur. Comp, on the title of Rabbi generally, Seruppii 
 Dis.<^crt. de titulo Rahhi (in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxi.). Lightfoot and 
 Wetzstein on Matt, xxiii. 7. Buxtorf, Dc abhreviaturis hcbraici.<<, pp. 172-177. 
 Carpzov, Apparatus historico-cridcus, p. 137 sqq. Winer, RWB. ii. 290 sq. 
 Pressel in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. xii. 471 sq. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, 
 iv. 431 Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, v. 305. Steiner in Schenkel's 
 Bihcllex. v. 29 sq. Riehm's Würterh. s.v. Hamburger, Real-Enc, Üiv. ii. 
 art. "Rabban.'' The Lexica to the New Testament, s.v. pußßi. 
 
 ^c Both forms appear iu the Targums (see Buxtorf, Le.v. i'hald. s.v. 
 Levy, Chald. Würterh. s.v.), and on tlic other hand pi almost always in 
 the Hebrew. Of the form jni only one example is known to me in the 
 Mishna, viz. in Taanilh iii. 8, where it is used with reference to God. On
 
 316 § 25. SCPJBISM. 
 
 Mislma as tlie title of four prominent scribes of the period of 
 the Mishna (about A.D. 40-150),^" and in the New Testament, 
 on the other hand, paßßovvu (P^l or P^l) as a respectful 
 address to Christ (Mark x. 51 ; John xx. 16).^^ In the Greek 
 of the New Testament Eabbi is represented by Kvpie (Matt. 
 viii. 2, 6, 8, 21, 25 and frequently) or SiSdaKoXe (Matt. viii. 9 
 and frequently) ; in St. Luke also by iiriardTa (Luke v. 5, viii. 
 24, 45, ix. 33, 49, xvii. 13). Uanjp and Ka67]yr)T^<i (Matt, 
 xxiii. 9, 10) are also mentioned as other names of honour given 
 to scribes. The latter is probably equal to nniD, " teacher." ^ 
 The former answers to the Aramaic i^3*?, which also occurs 
 in the Llishna and Tosefta as the title of several Eabbis.^° 
 
 the meaning of pT Aruch says {s.v. "'"'3X, see the passage, eg. in Buxtorf, 
 De ahhreviatiiris, p. 176): pn "»niO !^n'1 ^2") 31D h^J, "greater than 
 Rab is Rabbi, and greater than Rabbi is Rabban." 
 
 2' These four are — (1) Rabban Gamaliel I., (2) Rabban Johanan ben 
 Sakkai, (3) Rabban Gamaliel II., (4) Rabban Simon ben Gamaliel II. To 
 all these the title p-| is as a rule ascribed in the best MSS. of the Mishna 
 (e.g. Cod. de Rossi 138). Rabban Gamaliel III., son of R. Judah ha-Nasi, 
 also occurs once in the Mishna {Aboth ii. 2). Of two others, to whom thia 
 title is usually applied (Simon the son of Hillel, and Simon the son of 
 Gamaliel I.), the former does not occur in the Mishna at all, the latter, at 
 least in the chief passage, Aboth i. 17, not under this title. He is however 
 probably intended by Rabban Simon ben Gamaliel, mentioned Kerithoth 
 i. 7. 
 
 2^ The opinion formerly expressed by Delitzsch, that the form jm is only 
 used with reference to God {Zeitschr .f. lutJi. Theol. 1876, pp. 409, 606), has 
 been since withdrawn by himself as erroneous from consideration of the 
 usual diction of the Targiun {Zeitschr. f. luth. Theol. 1878, p. 7). That 
 the form p2") is pronounced ribbon by modern Jews, as also 13*1, ribhi, is 
 quite irrelevant. The shortening of a into i is confessedly very frequent in 
 Hebrew, but in this case of very recent date. In the Middle Ages it was 
 probably still pronoimced p^i, as the Cod. de Rossi 138 prints the passage 
 Taanith iii 8. Comp, also Delitzsch, Zeitschr. f. luth. Theol. 1876, p. 606. 
 It is only for the Aramaean that the pronunciation ribbon is well evidenced. 
 See Berliner's Ausgabe des Onkelos, e.g. Gen. xix. 2, xlii. 30; Ex. xxi. 
 4-8, xxiii. 17. 
 
 2^ See Wünsche, Neue Beitrage zur Erläuterung der Evangelien (1878), 
 p. 279 sq. 
 
 ^^ Abba Saul is the most frequently mentioned among these, Pea viii. 5 ; 
 Kilajim ii. 3; Shabbath xxiii. 3 ; Shekalim iv. 2 ; Beza iii. 8; Aboth ii. 8; 
 Middoth ii. 5, v. 4 and elsewhere. Comp, also Abba Gurjan {Kiddushin iv. 
 14) ; Abba Joses ben Chanan {Middoth ii. 6. Tosefta, ed. Zuckermandel,
 
 § 25. SCKIBISM. 317 
 
 The Eabbis required from their pupils the most absolute 
 reverence, surpassing even the honour felt for parents. " Let 
 thine esteem for thy friend border upon thy respect for thy 
 teacher, and respect for thy teacher on reverence for God." ^^ 
 " Respect for a teacher should exceed respect for a father, for 
 both father and son owe respect to a teacher." ^^ " If a man's 
 father and teacher have lost anything, the teacher's loss has 
 the precedence (i.e. he must first be assisted in recovering it). 
 For his father only brought him into this world. His teacher, 
 who taught him wisdom, brings him into the life of the world 
 to come. But if his father is himself a teacher, then his 
 father's loss has precedence. If a man's father and his teacher 
 are carrying burdens, he must first help his teacher and after- 
 wards his father. If his father and his teacher are in captivity, 
 he must first ransom his teacher and afterwards his father. 
 But if his father be himself a scholar, the father has pre- 
 cedence." ^^ The Eabbis in general everywhere claimed the 
 first rank. " They loved the uppermost rooms at feasts, and 
 the chief seats in the synagogues and greetings in the markets, 
 and to be called of men Eabbi, Eabbi" (Matt, xxiii. 6, 7; 
 Mark xii. 38, 39 ; Luke xi. 43, xx. 46). 
 
 All the labours of the scribes, whether educational or 
 judicial, were to be gratuitous. R. Zadok said : Make the 
 knowledge of the law neither a crown wherewith to make a 
 show, nor a spade wherewith to dig. Hillel used to say: He 
 who uses the crown (of the law) for external aims fades 
 away.^* That the judge might not receive presents was 
 already prescribed in the Old Testament (Ex. xxiii. 8 ; Deut. 
 xvi. 9). Hence it is also said in the Mishna : " If any one 
 
 pp. 154. 18, 199. 22, 233. 22, 655. 31) ; Abba Joses ben Dosai (Tosefta 23. 
 4, 217. 19, 3G0. 16, etc.) ; Abba Judan (Tosrfta 259. 18, 616. .'51). Others 
 in Zuckermandel's Index to the Tosefta, p. xxxi. 
 
 31 Aboth iv. 12. 82 Kcrlthoth vi. 9,/n. 
 
 83 Baba viezia ii. 11. Comp, also Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert des Ileib, 
 i. 144 sq. Weber, System der altsijnafjogalcn paläst. Theologie, p. 121 sq. 
 
 8* Aboth iv. 5, i. 13. Comp, also Gfrörer, Das Jahrh. des Heib, i. 156- 
 160.
 
 318 § 25. SCEIBISM. 
 
 receives payment for a judicial decision, his sentence is not 
 valid." ^^ The Eabbis were therefore left to other sources 
 for obtaining a livelihood. Some were persons of property, 
 others practised some trade as well as the study of the law. 
 The combination of some secular business with the study of 
 the law is especially recommended by Eabban Gamaliel III., 
 son of R Judall ha-Nasi. " For exertion in both keeps from 
 sin. The study of the law without employment in business 
 must at last be interrupted, and brings transgression after 
 it." ^^ It is known that St, Paul, even when a preacher of 
 the gospel, practised a trade (Acts xviii. 3 ; 1 Thess. ii. 9 ; 
 2 Thess. iii. 8). And we are told the like of many Eabbis.®' 
 In such a case their occupation with the law was of course 
 esteemed the more important, and they were cautioned against 
 over-estimation of their secular business. The son of Sirach 
 already warns against a one-sided devotion to handicraft, and 
 extols the blessing of scriptural wisdom (Wisd. xxxviii. 24- 
 39, 11). E. Meir said: Give yourselves less to trade and 
 occupy yourselves more with the law ; '^ and Hillel : He who 
 devotes himself too much to trade will not grow wise.^^ 
 
 The principle of non-remuneration was strictly carried out 
 only in iheir judicial labours, but hardly in their employment 
 as teachers. Even in the Gospel, notwithstanding the express 
 admonition to the disciples, Scopeav iXdßere, hoapeav höre 
 (Matt. X. 8), it is also said that a labourer is worthy of his hire 
 (Matt. X. 10 ; Luke x. 7), to which saying St. Paul expressly 
 refers (1 Cor. ix. 15) when he claims as his right — although 
 he but exceptionally used it — a maintenance from those to 
 whom he preached the gospel (1 Cor. ix. 3-18 ; 2 Cor. xi. 
 
 35 BecJioroth iv. 6. 3" Aboth ii. 2. 
 
 3'' Comp. Hartmann, Die enge Verbindung des Alten Testaments mit dem 
 Neuen, p. 410 sq. Gfrörer, Das Jahrh. des Heils, i. 160-163. Delitzsch, 
 Handiccrkerleben zur Zeit Jesu (2nd ed. 1875), pp. 71-83 ; Lehrstand 
 und Handwerk in Verbindung. Hamburger, Real - Enc, Div. ii. p. 288 
 (art. "Gelehrter") and p. 1241 (art. " Uuterhalt"). Seligmann Meyer, 
 Arbeit und Handtcerk im Talmud (1878), pp. 23-36. 
 
 38 Aboth iv, 10, 39 jii^^iji ii. 5.
 
 § 25. SCFJBISM. 319 
 
 8, 9 ; Phil. iv. 10-18. Comp, also Gal. vi. G). If such \vas 
 the view of the times, it may be supposed that the Jewish 
 teachers of the law also did not always impart their instruction 
 gratuitously, nay the very exhortations quoted above, not to 
 practise instruction in the law for the sake of selfish interest, 
 lead ns to infer that absence of remuneration was not tlie 
 general rule. In Christ's censures of the scribes and Phari- 
 sees their covetousness is a special object of reproof (Mark 
 xii. 40 ; Luke xx. 47, xvi. 14). Hence, even if their 
 instruction was given gratuitously, they certainly knew how 
 to compensate themselves in some other way. The moral 
 testimony borne to them by Christ was by no means of the 
 best : " All their works they do to be seen of men : they 
 make broad their phylacteries and enlarge the borders of 
 their garments (Matt, xxiii. 5), and love to go in long 
 garments " (Mark xii. 38 ; Luke xx. 46). 
 
 The headquarters of the operations of the scribes was of 
 course Judaea until A.D. 70. But we should be mistaken if 
 we expected to find them there only. Wherever zeal for the 
 law of the fathers was active they were indispensable. Hence 
 we meet with them in Galilee also (Luke v. 17), nay in the 
 distant Dispersion ; for ypafifiarel^ are frequently mentioned 
 in Jewish epitaphs in Rome of the later imperial period (see 
 above, note 23), and the Babylonian scribes of the fifth and 
 sixth centuries were the authors of the Talmud, the chief work 
 of Eabbinic Judaism. 
 
 After the separation of the Pharisaic and Sadducaean 
 tendencies the scribes in general adhered to the former. For 
 this was nothing else but the party, that acknowledged as an 
 authoritative rule of life the maxims, which had in the 
 course of time been developed by the scribes, and souglit to 
 carry them strictly out. Inasmuch however as the " scribes " 
 were merely " men learned in the law," there must have been 
 also Sadducaean scribes. For it is not conceivable that the 
 Sadducees, who acknowledered the written law as bindiufr, 
 should have had among them none who made it their pro-
 
 320 § 25. SCrjBISM. 
 
 fession to frtudy it. In fact those passages of the New 
 Testament, which speak of scribes who werfe of the Pharisees 
 (Mark ii. 16 ; Luke v. 30 ; Acts xxiii. 9), point also to the 
 existence of Sadducaean scribes. 
 
 The professional employment of the scribes referred, if not 
 exclusively, yet first and chiefly, to the law, and therefore to 
 the administration of justice. They were in the first instance 
 Jurists, and their task was in this respect a threefold one : 
 
 (1) the more careful theoretical development of the law itself ; 
 
 (2) the teaching of it to their pupils ; (3) its ^practical 
 administration, that is, the pronunciation of legal decisions as 
 learned assessors in courts of justice.* 
 
 1. First the theoretic develo2Jment of the laio itself. This 
 indeed was immovably fixed as to its principles in the Thorah 
 itself. But no codex of law goes into such detail as to be in 
 no need of exposition, while some of the appointments of the 
 Mosaic law are expressed in very general terms. Here then was 
 a wide field for the labours of the scribes. They had always 
 to develop with careful casuistry the general precepts given 
 in the Thorah, that so a guarantee might exist, that the 
 tendency of the precepts of the law had been really appre- 
 hended according to their full extent and meaning. In those 
 points for which the written law made no direct provision a 
 compensation had to be created, either by the establishment of 
 a precedent, or by inference from other already valid legal 
 decisions. By the diligence with which this occupation was 
 carried on during the last centuries before the Christian era, 
 Jewish law became gradually an extensive and complicated 
 science ; and this law not being fixed in writing, but pro- 
 pagated by oral tradition, very assiduous study was required 
 to obtain even a general acquaintance with it. An acquaint- 
 ance however with what was binding was but the foundation 
 and prerequisite for the professional labours of the scribes. 
 Their special province was to develop what was already 
 
 ^0 This threefold "power of the wise " is also correctly distinguished by 
 Weber (System der altsijnagogalen palüstinischen Theologie, pp. 130-143).
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 321 
 
 binding by continuous methodical labours into more and more 
 subtle casuistic details. For all casuistry is by its very 
 nature endless.*^ 
 
 The object of all these labours being to settle a system of 
 law binding on all, the work could not be performed in an 
 isolated manner by individual scribes. It was necessary that 
 constant mutual communication should be going on among 
 them for the purpose of arriving, upon the ground of a common 
 understanding, at some generally acknowledged results. Hence 
 the \uliole process of systematizing the law was carried on in tlie 
 form of oral discussions of the scribes among each other. The 
 acknowledged authorities not merely gathered about them 
 pupils, whom they instructed in the law, but also debated 
 legal questions among themselves, nay discussed the entire 
 matter of the law in common disputations. Of this method 
 of giving structure to the law, the Mislina everywhere 
 testifies.'*^'* To make this possible, it was needful that the 
 heads at least of the body of scribes should dwell together 
 at certain central localities. ]\Iany indeed would be scattered 
 about the country for the purposes of giving instruction and 
 pronouncing judicial decisions. But the majority of those 
 authorities, who were mainly of creative genius, must have 
 been concentrated at some one central point — till A.D. 70 at 
 Jerusalem, and afterwards at other places (Jabne, Tiberias). 
 
 The law thus theoretically developed by scholars was 
 certainly, in the first place, only a theory. In many points 
 it also remained such, the actual historical and political 
 circumstances not allowing of its being carried into practice.*^^ 
 In general however the labours of the scribes stood in an 
 active relation to actual life ; and in proportion as their 
 
 ** Sec further details in No. 3 : Halachah and Haggadah. 
 
 *'a Compare e.g. Pea vi. 6 ; Kilajim iii. 7, vi. 4 ; Terumoth v. 4 ; Manser 
 sheiii ii. 2 ; Shalhaih viii. 7 ; Pesachvn vi. 2, 5 ; Kerilhoih iii. 10 ; Mach- 
 shirin vi. 8 ; Jadajim iv. 3. 
 
 •«lb For an instructive example of the kind, see Jadajim iv. 3-4. Comp, 
 also the purely theoretical dcfinitione as to the composition of the tribes, 
 Saiihedri)! i. .5 ; Hnrajoth i. .''). 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. 1. X
 
 322 § 25. SCPJBISM. 
 
 credit increased, did their theory oecome valid law. In the last 
 century before the destruction of Jerusalem the Pharisaic 
 scribes bore already such absolute spiritual sway, that the 
 great Sanhedrim, notwithstanding its mixed composition of 
 Pharisees and Sadducees, adhered in practice to the law 
 developed by the Pharisees (see above, p. 179). Many 
 matters were besides of such a nature as not to need any 
 formal legislation. For the godly would observe religious 
 institutions, not on account of formal legislation, but by 
 reason of a voluntary subjection to an authority which they 
 acknowledged as legitimate.*^ Hence the maxims developed 
 by the scribes were recognised as binding in practice also, 
 so soon as the schools were agreed about them. The serines 
 were in fact, though not upon the ground of formal appoint- 
 ment, legislators. This applies in a very special manner to 
 the time after the dcstructioii of the temple. There then no 
 longer existed a civil court of justice like the former Sanhedrim. 
 The Ptabbinical scribes, with their purely spiritual authority, 
 were now the only influential factors for laying down a rule. 
 They had formerly been the aetual establishers of law, they 
 now were more "and more acknowledged as deciding authorities. 
 Their judgment sufficed to determine ivhat was valid law. As 
 soon then as doubt arose concerning any point, or it was 
 questioned whether this or that course of action should be 
 embraced, it was customary to bring the matter " before the 
 learned," who then pronounced an authoritative decision.*^ 
 And so great was the authority of these teachers of the law, 
 that the judgment of even one respected teacher sufficed to 
 decide a question." New dogmas, i.e. new rules legally valid, 
 
 *- The priests too almost always followed the theory of the scribes. 
 They are but exceptional cases in which the Mishna has to report a differ- 
 ence between the practice of the priests aud the theory of the Rabbis ; see 
 Sheknllm i. 3-4 ; Joma vi. 3 ; Sehachim xii. 4. 
 
 ^3 " Hie matter came hforc the learned (D''D3n) and they decided thus and 
 thus,'' is a formula of frequent occurrence. See e.g. Kilajim iv. 9 ; Edujoth 
 vii. 3 ; Bechoroth v 3. 
 
 ^■* In this manner arc doubtful cases decided, e.g. , by Rabban Johanan
 
 § 25. SCEIBISM. 323 
 
 sometimes even differing from what had hitherto been 
 customary, were laid down, without even such special occasion.'*' 
 In such cases however it was always assumed that the decision 
 of the individual agreed with the decision of the majority of 
 all the teachers of the law, and was accepted by them 
 (see No. 3). Hence it might happen that the decision of 
 a single teacher would be subsequently corrected by the 
 majority,*^ or that even an eminent teacher would be 
 obliged to subordinate his own view to those of a " court " 
 of teachers.*' 
 
 The legislative power of the Eabbis was a thing so self- 
 evident in the time of the Mishna, that it is often without 
 further ceremony assumed also for the time before the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem. It is said quite naturally that Hillel 
 decreed this or that,** or that Gamaliel I. enacted this or 
 that.'*''' And yet not Hillel or Gamaliel I., but the great 
 Sanhedrim of Jerusalem, was then the ultimate resort for 
 decision. For thence proceeded, as is said in the Mishna 
 itself, " the law for all Israel." ^° The truth in this repre- 
 sentation is, that in any case the great teachers of the law 
 were already the deciding authorities. 
 
 2. The second chief task of the scribes was to teach the Icav. 
 The ideal of legal Judaism was properly, that every Israelite 
 should have a professional acquaintance with the law. If 
 this were unattainable, then the greatest possible number was 
 
 ben Sakkai (SJiahhath xvi. 7, xxii. 3), Rabban Gamaliel II. (KtUm v. -1), K. 
 Akiba (Kilajim vii. 5 ; Tertimuth iv. 13 ; Jehamoth xii. 5 ; Nidda viii. 3). 
 
 ■"' So e.(j. by Kabbau Johanan boii Sakkai {Sukka iii. 12; Rosh hashaua 
 iv. 1, 3, 4 ; Sota ix. 9 ; Menachoth x. 5) and by R. Akiba {Maascr aheni 
 V. 8 ; Nasir vi. 1 ; Sanliedrin iii. 4). 
 
 *6 Thus was a decision of Nalmra the Median subsequently corrected by 
 "the learned,-' Nasir v. 4. 
 
 '*'' E.g. R. Joshua had to agree to a docisiou of Rabban Gamaliel II. 
 and Jus court, Ro.^h hashann ii. 9. 
 
 ** Shehiilh x. 3 ; Gittiu iv. 3 ; Arachin ix. 4. Everywhere with the 
 formula ppnn, "he decreed." 
 
 ** Rosh hashana ii. 5 ; Gittiii iv. 2-3. Equally with the formula ppDH- 
 *° Sanhcdrin xi. 2.
 
 324 § 25. SCRIßlSM. 
 
 to be raised to this ideal elevation. " Bring up many scholars " 
 is said to have been already a motto of the men of the Great 
 Synagogue.^^ Hence the more famous Eabbis often assembled 
 about them in great numbers, youths desirous of instruction,^^ 
 for the purpose of making them thoroughly acquainted with 
 the much ramified and copious " oral law." The pupils were 
 called D'l'O^ri, or more fully D^^3n ^7;?D^ri.-'3 r^j^^ instruction 
 consisted of an indefatigable continuous exercise of the memory. 
 For the object being that the pupils should remember with 
 accuracy the entire matter with its thousands upon thousands 
 of minutiae, and the oral law being never committed to writing, 
 the instruction could not be confined to a single statement. 
 The teacher was obliged to repeat his matter again and again 
 with his pupils. Hence in Eabbinic diction " to repeat " 
 (njB' =r Bevrepovv) means exactly the same as " to teach " 
 (whence also niC'b — teaching).''^ This repetition was not 
 however performed by the teacher only delivering his matter. 
 The whole proceeding was, on the contrary, disputational. 
 The teacher brought before his pupils several legal questions 
 for their decision and let them answer them or answered them 
 liimself. The pupils were also allowed to propose questions 
 to the teacher.^"" This form of catechetical lecture has left 
 its mark upon the style of the Mishna, the question being 
 frequently started how this or that subject is to be under- 
 
 51 Ahoth i. 1. 5^ Joseph. Bell. Jud. xxxiii. 2. 
 
 53 Pcsachim iv. 5 ; Joma i. 6 ; Sukka ii. 1 ; ChcKjiga i. 8 ; Nedarim x. 4 ; 
 Sota i. 3 ; Sanhedrin iv. 4, xi. 2 ; Makkoih ii. 5 ; Abotk v. 12 ; Horajoth 
 iii. 8 ; Negahn xii. 5. Pupils e.g. of Rabban Jobanan ben Sakkai {Ahoth 
 ii. 8), of Rabbau Gamaliel II. {Beraclioth ii. 5-7), of R. Isuiael {Eruhin ii. 6), 
 R. Akiba (Nidda viii. 3), pupils of the school of Shammai {Orla ii. 5, 12), 
 are severally mentioned. The appellation nnn for one who has fiinshed 
 his study of the laAv, but has not yet obtained any publicly acknowledged 
 position, belongs to the later Middle Ages. In the Mislina the word has 
 quite another meaning. See § 26. 
 
 5* Comp. Hierouymus, Epist. 121 ad Algasiam, quaest. x. (Opp. ed. 
 Vallarsi, i. 884 sq.) : Doctores eorum aoipoi hoc est sapientes vocantur. Et 
 si quando certis diebus traditioues suas exponunt discipulis suis, golent 
 dicere : oi co(pol if.vrspüaiy, id est sapientes docent traditiones. 
 
 5^ See Lightfoot and Wetzstein on I,uke ii. 46.
 
 § 2.3. SCTJBISM. 325 
 
 stood for the purpose of giving a decision.^^ All knowledge 
 of the law being strictly traditional, a pupil had only two 
 duties. One was to keep everything faithfully in memory. 
 li. Dosthai said in the name of li. Meir : He who forgets a 
 tenet of his instruction in tlie law, to him the Scripture 
 imputes the wilful forfeiture of his life.^^ The second duty 
 was never to teach anything otherwise than it had been 
 delivered to him. Even in expression he was to confine him- 
 self to the words of his teacher : " Every one is bound to 
 teach with the expressions of his teacher," IVu'pn "iDi? D"ix I'n 
 is"}.^ It was the highest praise of a pupil to be " like a well 
 lined with lime, which loses not one drop." ^^ 
 
 For these theoretical studies of the law, whether the 
 disputations of the scribes with each other or instruction 
 properly so called, there were in the period of the ]\Iishna, 
 and probably also so early as the times of the New Test., 
 special localities, the so-called " houses of teaching " (Heb. 
 Knnan n^n, phu-. niDnnp 'ns).'"' They are often mentioned in 
 conjunction with the synagogues as places, which in legal 
 respects enjoyed certain privileges.*'^ In Jabne a locality 
 which was called " the vineyard " (pIP.) is mentioned as a 
 place of meeting of the learned, from which however we 
 cannot infer, that D").? was in general a poetic term for a 
 
 fi" E.[/. Bcrachoth i. 1-2 ; Pea iv. 10, vi. 8, vii. 3, 4, viii. 1 ; Kilajim ii. 2, 
 iv. 1, 2, 3, vi. 1, 5; Shehlith i. 1, 2, 5, ii. 1, iii. 1, 2, iv. 4. The question 
 is very frequently introduced by *iv^3 (=how?) : Berachoth vi. 1, vii. 3 ; 
 Demai v. 1 ; Terumoth iv. 9 ; Ufaaser sliciii iv. 4, v. 4 ; Challa ii. 8 ; Orla 
 ii. 2, iii. 8 ; Bil-km-im iii. 1, 2 ; Eruhin v. 1, viii. 1. 
 
 ^> Ahoth iii. 8. ■''- Ehiiolh i. 3. 
 
 69 Aboth ii. 8. Comp, also Gfrörer, Das JaJirh. fics IIcils, i. 168-173. 
 
 ^0 Berachoth iv. 2 ; Demai ii. 3, vii. 5 ; *Tcnnnoth xi. 10 ; Shabbath xvi. 1, 
 xviii. 1 ; *Pesachhn iv. 4 ; Beza iii. 5; Aboth v. 14: Mcitachoth x. 9 ; 
 Jadajim iv. 3, 4. In the passages marked * the plural form occurs. On 
 other designations of the house of teaching, see Vitringa, De si/nagoga 
 vetere, p. 133 sqq. 
 
 ''1 Terumoth xi. 10 ; Pcsachim iv. 4. It is evident from both passages, 
 that the houses of teaching were lUnlluct from the synafiofiiics. On the hiuh 
 estimation in which the^e houses of teaching were held, see also llambuigcr, 
 Real-Enctjd. ii. 075-677, art. '^ Lehrhaus."
 
 326 § 25. SCWBISM. 
 
 house of teacliing.^^ In Jerusalem indeed the catechetical 
 lectures were held " in the temple " (eV tm lepw, Luke ii. 46 ; 
 Matt. xxi. 23, xxvi. 55 ; Mark xiv. 49 ; Luke xx. 37; John 
 xviii. 20), i.e. in the colonnades or some other space of the 
 outer court. The pupils sat on the ground during the instruc- 
 tion (y\P,P^) of the teacher, who was on an elevated place 
 (hence Acts xxii. 3 : Trapa rov<i 7ro8a? Tafidkit]X ; comp, also 
 Luke ii. 46).«' 
 
 3. A third duty, which equally belonged to the calling of 
 the scribes, was passing sentence in the court of justice. 
 Their acquaintance with the law being a professional one, 
 their votes could, not but be of influential importance. 
 It is true that at least during the period under considera- 
 tion, a special and scholarly acquaintance with the law 
 was by no means essential to the office of a judge. Any 
 one might be a judge, who was appointed such through the 
 conlidence of his fellow-citizens. And it may be supposed, 
 that the small local courts were for the most part lay courts. 
 It was nevertheless in the nature of things, that confidence 
 should be placed in a judge in proportion as he was 
 distinguished for a thorough and accurate knowledge of the 
 
 ''^ Keihuhoth iv. 6 ; Ediijoth ii. 4. According to the connection of the 
 two passages, 013 was a place where the learned were accustomed to 
 assemble in Jabne (K. Eleasar and R. Ismael delivered this and that hefore 
 the learned in the vineyard at Jaime'). It is probable that an actual vine- 
 yard with a house or court, which served as a place of meeting, is intended. 
 The traditional explanation tries indeed to deduce the appellation from the 
 circumstance, that in the house of teaching the onv^i^ri sat in rows like 
 vine plants (so already Jer. Berachoth iv. fol. 7<l in Levy, Neuhehr. Wörtcrh. 
 ii. 408, and after this the commentators of the Misbua, see Surenhusius' 
 edition iii. 70, iv. 332). See, on the contrary, Dercnbourg, Hiatoire de la 
 Palestine, p. 380, note 3. 
 
 ''^ According to later Talmudic tradition, the sitting on the ground on 
 the part of scholars was not customary till after the death of Gamaliel I. ; 
 in earlier times they used to stand (Megilla 21a, in Lightfoot, Horae 
 hehraicae on Luke ii. 46). The whole tradition however is merely an 
 explanation of Sota ix. 15 : " Since Rabban Gamaliel the elder died, 
 reverence for the law has disappeared." See, on the other hand, beside 
 Luke ii. 46, Aboth i. 4, according to which Joses ben Joeser already said, 
 one ought to let oneself be covered with dust at the feet of the wise.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 327 
 
 law. So far then as men learned in the law were to be 
 found, it is self-evident that such would be called to the 
 office of judge. With respect to the great Sanhedrim at 
 Jerusalem, it is expressly testified in the New Testament, that 
 ^pa/xfiaret'? also were among those who were its members 
 (comp, above, p. 177 sq.). After the fall of the Jewish State, 
 A.D. 70, the authority of the Eabbis increased in independent 
 importance in this respect also. Being now recognised as 
 independent legislators, they were also regarded as independent 
 judfjcs. Their sentences were voluntarily acquiesced in, whether 
 they gave judgment collectively or individually. Thus it is 
 e.g. related, that IL Akiba once condemned a man to 400 sus 
 (denarii) as compensation for uncovering his head to a 
 u'oman in the street.** 
 
 This threefold activity of the scribes as men learned in 
 the law formed their chief and special calling. But the Holy 
 Scriptures are something besides law. Even in the Penta- 
 teuch narrative occupies a wide space, while the contents 
 of other books are almost exclusively either historical or 
 didactic. This fact always remained, customary as it was to 
 look upon the whole chiefly from the view-point of law. 
 These Scriptures then being also deeply studied, it was 
 impossible not to let history be spoken of as history and 
 religious edification as such. What however was common 
 in the treatment of these Scriptures and those of the law 
 was, that they too were dealt with as a sacred text, a 
 sacred standard, which was not only to be deeply studied, but 
 which had also to be subjected to a complete elaboration. As 
 the law was more and more developed, so also was the sacred 
 history and the religious instruction further developed, and 
 that always in connection with the text of Scripture, which 
 just in its quality of a sacred text silently invited to such 
 deep investigation. In such development the notions of sub- 
 sequent times had, of course, a very important influence in 
 modifying results. Histor}^ and dogma were not merely further 
 ''* Baha kamma viii. 8.
 
 328 § 2.J. SCKIBISM. 
 
 developed, but fashioned according to the views of after times. 
 This gave rise to what is usually called the Haggadah.*'" It is 
 true that it did not belong to the special province of teachers 
 of the law to occupy themselves therewith. But since the 
 manipulation of the law and that of the historical religious 
 and ethical contents of the sacred text arose from a kindred 
 exigency, it was a natural result, that both should be effected 
 by the same persons. As a rule the learned occupied them- 
 selves with both, though some distinguished themselves more 
 in the former and others more in the latter department. 
 
 In their double quality of men learned in the law and 
 learned in the " Haggadah," the scribes were also qualified 
 above others for delivering lectures and exhortations in the 
 synagogius. These were not indeed confined to appointed 
 persons. Any one capable of so doing might stand up to 
 teach in the synagogue at the invitation of the ruler (see 
 § 27). But as in courts of justice the learned doctors of the 
 law were preferred to the laity, so too in the synagogue their 
 natural superiority asserted itself. 
 
 To the juristic and haggadic elaboration of Holy Scripture, 
 was added a third kind of occupation therewith, viz. the care 
 of the text of Scripture as such. The higher the authority of 
 the sacred text, the more urgent was the necessity for its con- 
 scientious and unadulterated preservation. From this necessity 
 originated all those observations and critical notes subsequently 
 comprised under the name of the Massora (the computation 
 of verses, words and letters, orthographical notes, critical 
 remarks on the text, and such like). This work however was 
 mainly the labour of a later period. During that with which 
 we are occupied its first beginnings had at most been made.^^ 
 
 •'^ For further particulars, see No. 3. 
 
 ^^ Comp, on the Massora, Strack in Herzog's Real-Fncijcl., 2nd ed. ix. 
 388-394. Reuss, Gcsch. der heiligen Schriften A. T: s, § 581, and the litera- 
 ture cited by both ; also Hamburger, Real-Fnajd. ii. 1211-1220 (art. "Text 
 der Bibel "). Only isolated remarks, which perhaps belong to the subject, 
 are found in the Mishna, Pesachim ix. 2 (that a point stands over the n in 
 npm, Num. ix. 10) ; Sota v. 5 (that the n5 in Job xiii. 15 may mean
 
 § -25. sciUBis.v. 329 
 
 III. HALACHAII AND HAGGADAH. 
 
 The Literature. 
 
 Surenhusius, Bi'ßhoi >c«tT«>.A«y-^f in quo secundum veterum theolor/orum 
 
 Hehraeorum formiiUis cdkgdndi ct modos interpretandl conc'diantur loca 
 
 ex V. in N. T. alUcjata (Amstelodami 171o), especially pp. 57-88. 
 Wachner, Antiquitates Ehraeorum, vol. i. 1743, p. o53 sqq. 
 Döpke, Hermeneutik der ncutestamcntlichen Schriftsteller, part i. 1829. 
 Hartmaiin, Die enge Verbindung des Alten Testaments mit dem Neuen (1831), 
 
 pp. 384-731. 
 Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden, historisch entwickelt, Berlin 
 
 1832. 
 Hirschfeld, Der Geist der tahnudischen Auslegung der Bibel. Erster Thl. 
 
 Halachischc, Exegese 1840. The same, Der Geist der ersten Schrift- 
 auslegungen oder die hagadische Exegese, 1847. 
 Frankel, Vorstudien zu der Septuagiuta (lieipzig 1841), pp. 163-203, 
 
 especially pp, 179-191. The same, L'eher elen Einßuss der pcdiistinischcn 
 
 Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik, Leipzig 1851 (354, p. 8). 
 
 The same, Ueber pedüstinische und ulexandrinischen Schriftforsehung, 
 
 Breslau 1854 (42, p. 4). 
 Weite, Geist und Werth der altralbinischen Schriftauslegung (Tüb. Theol. 
 
 Quartaischriß, 1842, pp. 19-58). 
 Keuss, Gesch. der heil. Schriften Neuen Testaments, § 502-505 {iiber die 
 
 Auslegung des A. T. bei den Juden). 
 Diestel, Gesch. des Alten Testamentes in der christlichen Kirche (1869), pp. 
 
 6-14. 
 Herzfcld, Geschichte des ]'olkes Jisrael, iii. 137 ff., 226-263. 
 Jost, Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner, Secten i. 90 ff., 227-288. 
 Geiger, Urschrift und Uehersetzungen der Bibel in ihrer Abhängigkeit von 
 
 der inneren Entwickelung des Judenthums, Leipzig 1857. 
 Pressel, " Rabbinismus," iu Herzog's Real-Encycl, 1st ed. vol. xii. (1860), 
 
 pp. 470-487. 
 Hausrath, Neutestamentl. Zeitgeschichte, 2i)d ed. i. 80-113. 
 Freudcnthal, Hellenistische Studien (1875), pp. 66-77 (on the influence of 
 
 Hellenism upon the Palestinian Midiash, see also Geiger, Jiid. Zeitschr. 
 
 xi. 1875, p. 227 sqq.). 
 Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria (1875), p. 142 sqq. (on the mutual influence 
 
 of the Palestinian and Alexandrian theology and exegesis). 
 Bacher, Die Agada der babylonischen Amoräer, 1878. 
 
 Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten (Grätz' Monat.^schrift für Gesch. und 
 Wissensch. des Judenth. 1882-1884). Also separately under the title, 
 
 "him" or "not"). When R. Akiba says, Aboth iii. 13, that the nib^D is 
 " a fence about the Thorah," niDD means not the critico-textual, but the 
 Halachic tradition ; see Strack, p. 388.
 
 330 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 Die Agada der Tannaiten, vol. i. From Hillel to Akiba, Strasbourg 
 
 1884. 
 Weber, System der altsynae/ogalen palüstin. Theologie (1880), especially 
 
 pp. 88-121. 
 Reuss, Gesch. der heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments (1881), § 411-415, 
 
 582-584. 
 Hamburger, Beal-Enc.für Bibel und Tcdmud, Div. ii. (1883) art. " Agada" 
 
 (pp. 19-27), "Allegorie" (pp. 50-53), "Exegese" (pp. 181-212), 
 
 "Geheimlehre" (pp. 257-278), " Halacha" (pp. 338-353), "Kabbala" 
 
 (pp. 557-603), "Mystik" (pp. 816-819), " Rabbinismus " (pp. 944- 
 
 956), "Recht" (pp. 969-980). 
 
 1. IVic Halacliali. 
 
 The theoretical labours of the scribes were, as has been 
 already remarked in the preceding section, of a twofold kind, 
 — 1. the development and establishment of the law, and 2. 
 the manipulation of the historical and didactic portions of the 
 Holy Scriptures. The former developed a law of custom 
 beside the written Thorah, called in Eabbinical language the 
 Halachah ("^^pn, properly that which is current and customary). 
 The latter produced an abundant variety of historical and 
 didactic notions, usually comprised under the name of the 
 Haggadah or Agadah (^"^^J] or i^"]^^, properly narrative, legend). 
 The origin, nature and contents of both have now to be more 
 fully discussed. 
 
 Their common foundation is the investigation or exposition 
 of the Biblical text, Hebr. K^1'=i.^'' By investigation however 
 
 "'' ^-\'r\ is found iu the Mishna in the following constructions : — 1. To 
 investigate, to explain a passage or portion of Scripture, the accusative object 
 being either expressed or to be mentally supplied, ßerachoth i. 5 ; 
 Pesachim x. 4:,ßn.j Shekalim i. 4, v. 1 ; Joma i. 6 ; Megilla ii. 2 ; Sota v. 1, 
 2, 3, 4, 5, ix. 15; Sanhedrm xi. 2. 2. with 3 in the same sense "to give 
 explanations of a passage," Chagiga ii. 1. 3. "To find or discover a 
 doctrine by investigation," e.g. J)o tiHT if nSi "he discovered this from 
 such and such a passage " (Joma viii. 9), or without jo {Jehamoth x. 3 ; 
 Chullin V. 5), or in the combination Ci>"^'^ ^niD PIT^ "Such or such a one 
 gave this explanation" (>heJcalim vi. 6 ; Kethuhoth iv. 6). The substantive 
 formed from t^iT is K'no, investigation, explanation, elaboration {Shekalim 
 vi. 6 ; Kethuhoth iv. 6 ; Nedarim iv. 3 ; Ahoth i. 17) ; also in the combination 
 ti'llDn n"'3, see above, note 60, It is already found 2 Chron. xiii. 22, 24, 26.
 
 § 25. SCltlßlSM. 331 
 
 ^vas not meant historical exegesis in the modern sense, but 
 the search after new information upon the foundation of the 
 existing text. The inquiry was not merely what the text 
 in question according to the tenor of its words might say, but 
 also what knowledge might be obtained from it by logical 
 inference, by combination with other passages, by allegorical 
 exegesis and tlie like. The kind and method of investigation 
 was different in the treatment of the law and in that of the 
 historical and dogmatico-ethic portions, and comparatively 
 stricter in the former tlian in the latter. 
 
 The Halacliic Midrash (i.e. the exegetic development of 
 passages of the law) had first of all to regard only the extent 
 and range of the several commands. It had to ask : to what 
 cases in actual life the precept in question applied, wliat con- 
 sequences it in general entailed, and what was to be done, 
 that it might be strictly and accurately observed according to 
 its full extent. Hence the commandments were split and split 
 again into the subtlest casuistic details, and care was taken 
 by the most comprehensive precautionary measures, that no 
 kind of accidental circumstance should occur in observing 
 them, which might be regarded as an infringement of their 
 absolutely accurate fulfilment. The legal task was not, how- 
 ever, exhausted by this analysis of the existing text. There 
 w'ere also many difficulties to solve, some arising from internal 
 contradictions in the legal code itself, some from the incon- 
 gruity of certain legal requirements with the actual circum- 
 stances of life ; others, and these the most numerous, from the 
 incompleteness of the written law. To all such questions 
 scholars had to seek for an answer : it was their business to 
 obviate existing discrepancies by establishing an authoritative 
 explanation ; to point out how, when the observance of a 
 precept was eitlier impossible, difficult, or inconvenient, by 
 reason of the actual relations of life, a compromise might 
 nevertheless be made with the letter of its requirements ; and 
 lastlj', to find for all those cases of actual occurrence, which 
 were not directly regulated by the written law, some legal
 
 332 § 2.5. SCEIEIS-M. 
 
 direction when the need for such should arise. This last 
 department especially furnished an inexhaustible source of 
 labour for juristic discussion. Again and again did ques- 
 tions arise concerning which the written or hitherto 
 appointed law gave no direct answer, and to reply to 
 which became therefore a matter of juristic discussion. 
 For answering such questions two means were actually 
 at their disposal, viz. inference from already recognised 
 dogmas and the establishment of an already existing tradi- 
 tion. The latter, so far as it could be determined, was of 
 itself decisive. 
 
 Scientific exegesis (Midrash) was thus by no means the 
 only source for the formation of a legal code. A consider- 
 able portion of what subsequently became valid law had on the 
 whole no point of connection with the Thorah, but was at first 
 only manner and custom. This or that had been done thus or 
 thus, and so imperceptibly custom grew into a law of custom. 
 When anything in the legal sphere had been so long usual 
 that it could be said, it has always been thus, it was law by 
 custom. It was then by no means necessary that its deduc- 
 tion from the Thorah should be proved ; ancient tradition was 
 as such already binding. And the recognised teachers of the 
 law were enjoined and competent to confirm this law of 
 custom. 
 
 Prom these two sources there grew up in the course of 
 time a multitude of legal decisions by the side of, and of equal 
 authority with, the written Thorah. These were all comprised 
 under the common notion of the Halacliah, i.e. the law of custom. 
 For what was discovered by scientific investigation was, when 
 it obtained validity, also law by custom, '^i^ü/^ Hence valid 
 •58 This comprehensive notion of the ns^n appears from the following 
 passages: Pea ii. 6, iv. 1, 2; Orla iii. 9; Shahhath i. 4; Chagiga L 8; 
 Jebamoth viii. 3 ; Nedarim iv. 3 ; Edujotli i. 5, viii. 7 ; Ahoth iii. 11, 18, 
 V. 8 ; Kerithoth iii. 9 ; Jadajim iv. 3, fn. "Jewish custom," n'''Tin'' JTl 
 (Kethuhoth vii. G), is synonymous with |*"1X T]"n (KiddiLshin i. 10), and 
 as only designating the conventional, must not be confounded with the 
 Halachah.
 
 § 25. SCKIBISM. 333 
 
 law now included two main categories, the written Thorah 
 and the Halachah/^ which, till at least towards the close of the 
 period with which we are occupied, was propagated only orally. 
 Within the Halachah there are again different categories : 
 (1) single Halachoth (traditional enactments) decidedly traced 
 back to Moses ;^" (2) the great body or Halachah proper; 
 (3) certain enactments which are designated as the " cq'tpoint- 
 ments of the scribes" (ü"'"isiD ^i:?"n).'^ All three categories are of 
 legal obligation. But their authority nevertheless differs 
 in degree according to the above sequence, those of the first 
 class being highest, and those of the third relatively lowest. 
 For while the Halachah in general was regarded as having been 
 at all times valid, there was with regard to the Q'^'ioiD '•liTiT the 
 conviction, that they were first introduced by the successors 
 of Ezra, viz. by the D'''isiD.'- There was in general, in the 
 period of the Mishna, a perfect consciousness that many tradi- 
 tional ordinances had no kind of foundation in the Thorah, 
 and that others were connected with it by the slightest of 
 ties." Nevertheless the law of custom was quite as binding 
 
 '■^ min or \!ir\[>'0 (writing) and riDPn are distinguished, f. 7. in Orla\\\.^\ 
 Chagirja i. 8 ; Nedarim iv. 3. So too are Kip?D and T^'^^y^ (the teaching 
 of the law), Kiddushin i. 10. 
 
 '" Such ij^Di:) n^'u? niD?n are mentioned in the Mislina in three passages: 
 I'en ii. 6; Edujnth \\\\. 7; Jadajim iv. 3,^«. There are altogether from 
 fifty to sixty in the Rabbinical-Talmudic literature. 
 
 '•^ Orla iii. 9 ; Jchamoth ii. 4, ix. 3 ; Hanhcdrlti xi. o ; Para xi. 4-6 ; 
 Tohoroth iv. 7 ; Jadajim iii. 2. Comp, also Kelim xiii. 7 ; Tehuljom iv. 6. 
 
 '2 That the QnaiD ''Ml had relatively less authority than the Halachah 
 simply, is evident from Orla iii. 9 (where it is quite unjustifiable to Supple- 
 ment na^n by ^TDD HETD^). On the recent date of the D"'"iaiD """lai, comp, 
 especially Kelim xiii. 7 ; I^juI jom iv. 6 : D^lDlD VJ^n cnn "131. 
 
 ^^ Compare especially the remarkable passage, Chafjic/a i. 8 : " Release 
 from a vow is a dogma which hovers, as it were, in the air, for there is 
 nothing in Scripture on which it can be founded. The laws concerning 
 the Sabbath, the festival sacrifices, and the defrauding (of sacred things 
 by misuse), are like mountains hanging by a hair, for there are few pas- 
 sages of Scripture and many laws of custom (ni3S"l) concerning them. On 
 the other hand, the civil laws (pyi), the laws of ritual, the laws concerning 
 uncleanness and incest, are entirely founded on Scripture, and form the 
 essential contents of the (written) Thorah."
 
 So 4. § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 as the written Thorali ; ^* nay, it was even decided that oppo- 
 sition to the D''~)ii"iD "•"131 was a lieavier transgression than 
 opposition to the decrees of the Thorah ; ''^ because the former, 
 being the authentic exposition and completion of the latter, 
 were therefore in fact the ultimate authority. 
 
 It was in the nature of the Halachah that it never could be 
 a thing finished and concluded. The two sources, whence it 
 arose, were continually flowing onwards. Xew enactments were 
 always being evolved by successive scientific exegesis (Midrash), 
 and new customs might always arise as usage differed. Both, 
 when they had attained prescriptive right, became Halachah, the 
 extent of which might thus be enlarged ad infinitum. But at 
 each stage of development a distinction was always made 
 between what was already valid and what was only discovered 
 ly the scientific inferences of the Bahhis, between na^n and H 
 (to judge). Only the former was legally binding, the latter 
 in and of itself not as yet so.'* Not till the majority of the 
 learned had decided in their favour were such tenets binding 
 and henceforth admitted into the Halachah. For the majority 
 of those distinguished for learning was the decisive trihnnaV^ 
 Hence the Q"'p3n nni were also to be kept as binding.^* It is 
 self-evident however, that this principle applies only to such 
 cases as were not decided by an already valid Halachah. For 
 concerning any matter for which a Halachah is in existence 
 this must be unconditionally obeyed, though ninety-nine 
 should be against and only one for it.'^^ By the help of this 
 principle of the majority the great difiiculty which arose 
 through the separation of the schools of Hillel and Shammai 
 was overcome (see No. 4). So long as the differences between 
 the two were not reconciled, the conscientious Israelite must 
 
 '>^ Comp, especially, Aboth iii. 11, v. 8. 
 
 '5 Sanhedrin xi. 3 : min "'"l^nsn D"'12iD nnnn IDin. 
 
 ''" See especially, Jehamoth viii. 8 ; KeritJiotli iii. 9. The niD/TI and 
 Un*1D are therefore disriiiguished from each other as two kinds of subjects 
 of instruction. Nedarim iv. 3. 
 
 '■" Shabbath i. 4 sqq. ; Ednjoth i. 4-6, v. 7 ; JJickwaoth iv. 1 ; Jadajim 
 iv. 1, 3. ^8 Necjaim ix. 3, xi. 7. " Pea iv. 1-2.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 335 
 
 have been in great perplexity which to adhere to. The 
 majority here too gave the final decision, whether it was that 
 the schools themselves compared numbers, and that one was 
 outvoted by the other,**" or that subsequent scholars settled 
 differences by their final decision." 
 
 The strictness with which the uuchangeableness of the 
 Halachah was in general proclaimed might induce one to sup- 
 pose, that what was once valid must remain unaltered. But 
 there is no rule without exception, nor was this so. Nor 
 indeed are the cases few in which laws or customs were 
 afterwards altered, whether on purely theoretical grounds, or 
 on account of altered circumstances, or because the old custom 
 entailed inconvenience.'*'' 
 
 Widely as the Halachah differed from the written Thorah 
 the fiction was still kept up, that it was in reality nothing else 
 than an exposition and more precise statement of the Thorah 
 itself. The TJiorah vxis still formally esteemed as the supreme 
 rule from ivhich all legal axioms must he derived.^^ Certainly 
 the Halacha had its independent authority, and was binding, 
 even if no scriptural proof was adduced. Hence, though its 
 validity did not depend upon success in finding a scriptural 
 proof, it formed part of the business of the scribes to con- 
 firm the maxim of the Halachah by the Scriptures.** More 
 
 ^^ A few cases are mentioned in which the school of Hillel was outvoted 
 by the school of Shammai, Shalbalh i. 4 sqq. ; Mikwauth iv. 1. 
 
 8^ As a rule tlie Mishna, after mentioning the differences of the two 
 schools, states the decision of " scholars." 
 
 ^2 Such innovations were e.g. introduced hy Hillel {SheUith x. 3 ; Gittin 
 iv. 3 ; Aracliinij.. 4), Kabban Gamaliel {Ro.^h hashana n. b ; Gittin iv. 2-3), 
 Rabban Johanan ben Sakkai {Suklca iii. 12 ; Rosh hashaua iv. 1, 3, 4 ; 
 Snio ix. 9 ; Menachoth x. .5), II. Akiba (Maa.iei- sheni v. 8 ; Nasir vi. 1 ; 
 Challa iv. 7 ; Bikknrim iii. 7 ; Shckalini vii. 5 ; Joma ii. 2 ; Kethuhoth v. 3 ; 
 Ncdarim xi. 12 ; Gitlin v. ; /'Jihijoth vii, 2 ; Teh ii I join iv. 5). 
 
 "^ This holds good notwithstanding the admission mentioned in note 73. 
 See especially, Weber, p. 96 sqq. 
 
 "* Tliat this supplementary learned confirmation of the Halachah often 
 referred to passages of Scripture entirely different to those from which the 
 Halachic maxims really arose, is seen, e.g. in the classic passage SShuhhath 
 ix. 1-4.
 
 336 § 25. SCRIßISM. 
 
 absolute was the demand for satisfactory confirmation in the 
 case of newly advanced or disputed maxims. These could 
 only obtain recognition by methodical Midrash, i.e. by being 
 deduced in a convincing manner from passages of Scripture, 
 or from other already acknowledged propositions. The method 
 of demonstration which was in such cases applied, was one 
 which, though it indeed appears somewhat strange to us, has 
 its rules and laws. A distinction was made between the proof 
 proper (p\^y) and the mere reference p^T).^^ Hillcl is said to 
 have laid down for the proof proper seven rules, which may 
 \)Q, called a kind of Eabbinical logic.*'' These seven rules 
 are as follows : (1) ""^ini ?;?, '' light and heavy," i.e. the infer- 
 ence a minori ad maj'ics ; ^^ (2) nvi^ nira, " an equal decision," 
 i.e. an inference from the similar, ex analogia;^^ (3) 2X I^jn 
 ins 31030, " a main proposition from 07ie passage of Scripture," 
 i.e. a deduction of a main enactment of the law from a 
 single passage of Scripture ; (4) D''3iri3 ""irö 2X ]]:2, " a main 
 proposition from two passages of Scripture ; " (5) £3"iQ1 7?3, 
 b?p'^ ü'iSi, " general and particular," and " particular and 
 general," i.e. a more precise statement of the general by the 
 particular, and of the particular by the general;*' (6) i3 s>;i''3 
 
 **5 Shahhath viii. 7, ix. 4 ; Saiihcdrin viii. 2. Comp. Weber, p. 115 sqq. 
 
 ^^' They ai-e found in the Tosefta, Sanhedrin xii.ßn. (ed. Zuckermandel, 
 p. 427), in the Aboth de-Rahbi Nathan c. 87, and at the close of the intro- 
 duction to the Sifra (Ugolini, TJiesaurvs, vol. xiv. 595). The text of the 
 Sifra is, at least according to the edition of UgoUni, defective. The correct 
 reading is found from the almost verbally identical texts of the two other 
 authorities. Comp. Hillel and his seven rules of interpretation in the Monats- 
 schr.filr Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1851-52, pp. 156-162. 
 
 **'■ Examples in Berachoth ix. 5 ; Shehiith vii. 2 ; Beza v. 2 ; Jebamoth 
 viii. 3 ; Nasir vii. 4 ; Sota vi. 3 ; Baba bathra ix. 7 ; Sanhedrin vi. 5 ; 
 Edujoth vi. 2 ; Aboth i. 5 ; Sebachim xii. 3 ; Chidlin ii. 7, xii, 3 ; Becho- 
 roth i. 1 ; Kerithoth iii. 7, 8, 9, 10 ; Necjaim xii. 5 ; Machshirin vi. 8. 
 
 ^^ E.g. Beza i. 6 : " Challah and gifts are presents due to the priests, and 
 so is the Terumah. As then the latter may not be brought to the priest on 
 a holy day, so neither ma,y the former." Another example in Arachiniv.ßn. 
 In both passages the expression niC' n"lT3 is used. 
 
 **■• In the thirteen Middoth of R. Ismael this figure is specified in eight 
 different manners, e.g. by the formula p^3i 0"lD1 ?^3 — " general and parti- 
 cular and general" — i.e. a more precise «tatoment of two general cxpres-
 
 § 2ö. scRimsM. 337 
 
 "inx Dip03, " by tlie similar in another passage," i.e. a more 
 precise statement of a passage by the help of another; 
 (7) i^^^^yo "Tp^ri "i^^^, " a thing which is learned from its connec- 
 tion," a more precise statement from the context. These 
 seven rules were subsequently increased to thirteen, the fifth 
 being specified in eight different manners, and the sixth 
 omitted. The laying down of these thirteen Middoth is 
 ascribed to E. Ismael. Their value for the correct 
 interpretation of the law was so highly esteemed on 
 the part of Eabbinic Judaism, that every orthodox Israelite 
 recited them daily as an integral element of his morning 
 devotions.®** 
 
 The matter which formed the subject of juristic investiga- 
 tion on the part of the scribes was in effect furnished by the 
 Thorah itself. The precepts concerning the priestly sacrifices 
 and religious usages in general occupy the largest space 
 therein. For the peculiarity of the Jewish law is, that it 
 is pre-eminently a kno of ritual. It seeks in the first place to 
 establish by law in what manner God desires to be honoured, 
 what sacrifices are to be offered to Him, what festivals are to 
 be kept in His honour, how His priests are to be maintained, 
 and what religious rites in general are to be observed. All 
 other matters occupy but a small space in comparison with 
 this. The motive whence all the zealous labours of the 
 scribes arose corresponded with this content of the law : it 
 was the desire to make sure by an accurate expression of the 
 law, that none of the claims of God should be violated in even 
 the slightest particular, but that all should be most conscien- 
 tiously observed to their fullest extent. The endeavours of 
 
 sioDs by a particular one intervening, as e.g. Deut. xiv. 26, where the 
 general expression, "whatever thy soul dusireth," used at the beginning 
 and end, is limited by the words "oxen, sheep, wine, intoxicating drink, 
 wliicli stand between. 
 
 '.10 Hence they are found in every Jewish Siddur (Book of Prayers), as well 
 as in the introduction to tlie SiJ'ra. Comp. Wauhner, Antitpiitatcx Ehrnc- 
 oriim, i. 422-523. Pinner's translation of the treatise, JJcracholh, Introd. fol. 
 17b-20a. Prcssel in Herzog's Jl/al-Enci/cl., ed. 1, xv. 651 sq. Weber, 
 Sij.ilcm xicr altsi/narjof/aku paliist. Thad. pp. 106-115. 
 
 mV. TI. VOL. I. Y
 
 338 § 25. SCEIBISM. 
 
 the scribes were therefore directed chiefly to the development 
 of (1) the precepts concerning sacrifices, tlie various kinds of 
 sacrifice, the occasions on which it was to be offered, the 
 manner of offering, and all connected therewith,- i.e. of the 
 entire sacrificial ritual ; (2) the precepts concerning the 
 celebration of holy seasons, especially of the Sabbath and the 
 annual festivals — Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles, the Day of 
 Atonement, the New Year ; (3) the precepts concerning 
 tribute for the temple and priesthood — first-fruits, heave- 
 offerings, tithes, the first-born, the half-shekel tribute, vows 
 and freewill offerings and whatever related to them — their 
 redemption, valuation, embezzlement, etc. ; and lastly (4) the 
 various other religious appointments, among which the ^precepts 
 concerning clean and unclean occupy by far the largest space. 
 The appointments of the law in this last respect were an 
 inexhaustible source for the exercise of the most minute and 
 conscientious acuteness on the part of the scribes. The 
 statutes by which it was determined, under what circum- 
 stances uncleanness was incurred, and by what means it might 
 be obviated, were truly endless and incalculable. Such 
 religious decrees however by no means formed the exclusive 
 matter of the labours of the scribes. For the law of Moses 
 contains also the principles of a criminal and civil law ; and 
 the practical requirements of life offered occasion enough for 
 the further development of these materials also. Of course 
 the materials in question were not all equally elaborated. 
 The laws concerning marriage were the most completely 
 developed, partly because the marriage law gave more oppor- 
 tunity, and partly because this subject was the most closely 
 connected with religion. The other departments of civil life 
 are not treated with quite the same fulness in the Mishna (in 
 the treatises Bdba kamma, Baha mezia, and Baba hathra), and 
 still less is the criminal law worked out (in the treatises San- 
 hedrin and Mahkotli). The department of public law is as 
 good as completely ignored. It is true that the Thorah fur- 
 nished but extremely little opportunity for its development,
 
 § 25. SCMBISIVL 339 
 
 and that such labour as was expended on it would have been 
 utterly useless by reason of political circumstances.®^ 
 
 2. The Haggada. 
 
 The Haggadic Midrafih, i.e. the elaboration of the liistorical 
 and didactic portions of Holy Scripture, is of an entirely 
 different kind from the Halachic Midrash. While in the 
 latter the treatment is pre-eminently a development and 
 carrying on of what is actually given in the text, the Hag- 
 gadic treatment does not take for the most part its content 
 from the text, but interpolates it therein. It is an amplifica- 
 tion and remodelling of what was originally given, according 
 to the views and necessities of later times. It is true, that 
 here also the given text forms the point of departure, and that 
 a similar treatment to that employed in passages from the law 
 takes place in the first instance. The history is worked up 
 by combining the different statements in the text with each 
 other, completing one b}'^ another, settling the chronology, 
 etc. Or the religious and ethical parts are manipulated by 
 formulating dogmatic propositions from isolated prophetic 
 utterances, by bringing these into relation to each other, and 
 thus obtaining a kind of dogmatic system. But this stricter 
 kind of treatment is overgrown by the much freer kind, wliicli 
 deals in a perfectly unrestrained manner with the text, and 
 supplements it by additions of the most arbitrary and mani- 
 fold kind. In other words, the treatment is Midrash in its 
 stricter sense in only the smaller portion, and is on the contrary 
 and for the most part a free completion by means of ^^''J,^, 
 i.e. legends.''^ 
 
 •'^ The survey of the contcuts of the Mishna (see § 3) furnishes proof of 
 what is stated above. 
 
 "^•1 Just as the Hulachoh was developed from Miürash in tlie province of 
 law, 'was the Haergadah developed from Midrash in the other books of Scrip- 
 ture, only the relation was in the latter case a much looser one. Tiie ninjS 
 are mentioned as an independent subject of instruction beside t^miD and 
 niDt'i"' in Nedorim iv. 3.
 
 340 § 25. SCKIBISM, 
 
 A canonical book of the Old Testament, viz. the Book of 
 Chronicles, furnishes a very instructive example of the 
 historical Midrash. A comparison of its narrative with the 
 parallel portions of the older historical books (Kings and 
 Samuel) will strike even the cursory observer with the fact 
 that the chronicler has enlarged the history of the Jewish 
 kings by a whole class of narratives, of which the older 
 documents have as good as nothing, viz. by narratives of the 
 merit acquired, not only by David, but by many other pious 
 kings through their maintenance of, and more abundant provision 
 for, the priestly ritual. The chronicler is especially solicitous to 
 tell of the conscientious care of these kings for the institutions 
 of public worship. In the older documents scarcely anything 
 is found of these narratives which run through the whole of 
 Chronicles. It may be said that their absence in the books of 
 Kings and Samuel is no proof of their non-historical nature, 
 and that the chronicler obtained them from other sources. 
 But the peculiarity is, that the very institutions for the 
 maintenance of which these kings are said to have been 
 distinguished, belong in general to the post-exilian period, as 
 may, at least in the main points, be still proved (see § 24), 
 Evidently then the chronicler dealt with the older history 
 from a stated point of sight, which appeared to him very 
 essential ; and as public worship was the most important 
 matter in his own eyes, the theocratic kings could not but 
 have been distinguished by their interest in it. At the 
 same time he pursues the practical object of pointing out the 
 just claims and high value of these institutions by showing 
 the attention, which the most illustrious kings devoted to 
 them. The notion that this was any adulteration of the 
 history, was probably one which never occurred to him. 
 He thought he was improving it by treating it accord- 
 ing to the needs of his age. His work, or rather the 
 larger work from which our Books of Chronicles are 
 probably but an extract, is therefore, properly speaking, 
 an historical Midrash, as indeed it is expressly designated
 
 § 25. SCRIDISM. 341 
 
 (^fl^) by its editor and abbreviator (2 Cliron. xiii, 22, 
 xxiv. 27).^^ 
 
 The method of dealing with the sacred history here described 
 continued its exuberant growth to later ages and went on 
 striking out ever bolder paths. The higher the credit and 
 inoportance of the sacred history rose in the ideas of the people, 
 the more thorough was the labour bestowed upon it, and the 
 more urgent was the impulse to give more accuracy, more 
 copious elaboration of details, and to surround the whole with 
 a more complete and brighter halo. Especially were the 
 histories of the patriarchs and the great lawgiver more and 
 more adorned in this fashion. The Hellenistic Jews were 
 particularly active in this manner of working up history. 
 Nay, one might almost have supposed that it had originated 
 with them, but that the Books of Chronicles furnish proof to 
 the contrary, and that the whole method of this ]\lidrash so 
 entirely corresponds with the spirit of Eabbinical scholarship. 
 The literature, in which the remains of this Haggadic treatment 
 of history are still preserved is comparatively copious and 
 varied. We find such in the works of the Hellenists Demetrius, 
 Eupolemus, Artapanus (see concerning them, § 33) ; in Philo 
 and Josephus,^^ in the so-called Apocalypses, and generally in 
 the pseudepigraphic literature ;^ much also in the Targums 
 and Talmud, but most in the JNIidrashim proper, which are 
 ex nrofesso devoted to the treatment of the sacred text (see 
 above, § 3). Among these the oldest is the so-called Book 
 of Jubilees, which may rank as the specially classic model of 
 this Haggadic treatment of Scripture. The whole text of the 
 canonical Book of Genesis is here reproduced in such wise, 
 
 *- Comp. "Wellhauseu, Geschichte IsracLs, i. 23G sq. 
 
 Ö3 On Josephus, see Zunz, Die goitesdicnstlichcn Vorträge der Juden, 
 p. 120. On Philo's contact with the Palestinian Midrash, see Siegfried, 
 Philo von Alexandria, pp. 142-1.^9. 
 
 9* Comp, especially, Fabricius, Codex pacudrpigraphux Vctcris Tcstamcnti 
 (2 vols. 1713-1723), whose work is so arranged that the literary remains 
 relating to each Scripture character arc placed together, according to their 
 chronological order.
 
 342 § 25. SCßlBISM. 
 
 that not only are the particulars of the history chronologically 
 fixed, but also enlarged throughout in contents, and remodelled 
 according to the taste of after times. By way of iUustrating 
 this branch of labour on the part of the scribes, the following 
 few specimens are given.^^ 
 
 The history of the creation, e.g., is completed in the follow- 
 ing manner : " Ten things were created in the twilight on 
 the evening before the Sabbath — 1. the abyss of the earth 
 (for Korah and his company) ; 2. the opening of the well 
 (Miriam's) ; 3. the mouth of the ass (Balaam's) ; 4. the rain- 
 bow ; 5. the manna in the wilderness; 6. the rod of Moses; 
 7. the shamir, a worm which spits stones ; 8. alphabetic 
 writing; 9. the writing of the tables of the law; 10. the 
 stone tables. Some reckon with these : the evil spirits, the 
 grave of Moses, and our father Abraham's ram ; and others the 
 first tongs for the preparation of future tongs.^*' A copious 
 circle of legends, with which we are acquainted by means of 
 their deposits and continuations in later Jewish literature, 
 was formed concerning the life of Adam.^^ Enoch, who was 
 miraculously translated to heaven by God, seemed especially 
 adapted for revealing heavenly mysteries to men. Hence a 
 book of such revelations was ascribed to him towards the end 
 of the second century before Christ (see § 32). Later legends 
 praise his piety and describe his ascension to heaven.®*^ The 
 Hellenist Eupolenius (or whoever else may be the author of 
 the fragment in question) designates him as the inventor of 
 astrology .^^ It is self- evident that Abraham, the ancestor 
 of Israel, was a subject of special interest for this kind of 
 
 95 Compare in general, Hartmann, Die enge lerhindung, etc., pp. 
 464-514. Herzfeld, Gesch. d. Volkes Jisrael, iii. 490-502. Ewald, Gesch. 
 des Volkes Israel, i. 2!: 6 sqq. 
 
 9" Ainth V. 6. 
 
 9" Fabricius, Codex pseudepigr. i. 1-24, ü. 1-13. Hort, art. "Adam, 
 oooks of," in Smith's Dictionary of Christian Biography, vol. i. (1877), pp. 
 34-39. Dillmann in Herzog's Real-Enc, 2iid ed. xii. 366 sq. 
 
 »« Hamburger, Real-Enc. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. art. " He- 
 noclisage." 
 
 99 Euseb. Praep. evang. ix. 17.
 
 § 25. SCIÜBLSM. 3-13 
 
 historical treatment Hellenists and Palestinians took equal 
 pains with it. A Hellenistic Jew, probably as early as the third 
 century before Christ, wrote, under the name of Hecataeus 
 of Abdera, a book concerning Abraham.-^"'^ According to 
 Artabanus, Abraham instructed Pharethothes, king of Egypt, 
 in astrology."^^ He was in the eyes of Ptabbinic Judaism a 
 model of Pharisaic piety and a fulfiller of the whole law, even 
 before it was given.-^°'^ He victoriously withstood — it is com- 
 puted — ten temptations,^''^ In consequence of his righteous 
 behaviour, he received the reward of all the ten preceding 
 generations, which they had lost by their sin.^°^ Afoses the 
 great lawgiver and his age are surrounded with the brightest 
 halo. The Hellenists, in works designed for heathen readers, 
 represent him as the father of all science and culture. He 
 was, according to Eupolemus, the inventor of alphabetical 
 writing, which first came from him to the Phoenicians, and 
 from tbem to the Greeks. Artabanus tells us tliat the 
 Egyptians owed to him their whole civilisation.'** It is there- 
 fore something less, when it is only said in the Acts, that he 
 was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians (Acts vii. 
 22), though even this goes beyond the Old Testament. The 
 history of his life and v>'ork is dressed up in the most varied 
 manner in Hellenistic and Eabbinic legends, as may be seen 
 even from the representations of Philo and Josephus.^*^ The 
 names of the Egyptian sorcerers, who were conquered by 
 
 ^00 Joseph. Anlt. i, 7. 2. Clemens Alex. Strom, v. 14. 113. 
 ^"^ Euseb. Praep. evanr/. ix. 18. Comp, also on Abraham as an astro- 
 loger, Joseph. A)dt. i. 7. 1. Fabricius, Codex psendepigr. i. 350-378. 
 
 102 Kidduslun iv. \A,jin. Comp. Nedarim iii. 11, n.fin. 
 
 103 Aboth V. 3. Book of Jubilees in Ewald's Jahrh. iii. 15 ; Aboth de- 
 Rabbi Nathan, c. 33; Pirke de- Rabbi Elk ser, c. 26-31; Tar(/um Jer. on 
 Gen. xxii. 1. Fabricius, i. 398-400. Beer, Leben Abrahams, pp. 190-192. 
 The interpreter of Aboth v. 3 (Surenhusius' Mishna, iv. 465. Taylor, 
 Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, p. 94). 
 
 10* Aboth V. 2. Comp, generally, Beer, Leben Abraham'' s nach Auffassung 
 der jüdischen Sage, Leipzig 1859. 
 
 10^ Eupolemus, Euseb. Praep. eiang. ix. 26 = Clemens Alex. Strom, i, 
 23. 153. Artabanus, Euseb. Praep. evang. ix. 27. 
 
 10" Philo, Vita Mosis. Joseph. Antt. ii.-iv. Compare generally, Fabri-
 
 344 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 Moses and Aaron, are known (2 Tim. iii. 8). In the mariih 
 through the wilderness, the Israelites were not merely once 
 miraculously provided with water from a rock, but a rock 
 pouring forth water accompanied them during their whole 
 wandering in the wilderness (1 Cor. x. 4). The law was not 
 given to Moses by God Himself, but reached him by the 
 means of angels (Acts vii. 53 ; GaL iii. 19 ; Heb. ii. 2). It 
 was part of the perfection of his revelation to have been 
 written in seventy languages on stones set up upon Mount 
 Ebal (Deut. xxvii. 2 sqq.).^'^'^ The two unlucky days in the 
 history of Israel being Tammus 17 and Ab 9, the unfortunate 
 events of the Mosaic age must of course have taken place on 
 one of these two days ; on Tammus 1 7 the tables of the law 
 were broken, and on Ab 9 it was ordained that the generation 
 of Moses should not enter the land of Canaan.^"^ The strange 
 circumstances at the death of Moses also furnished abundant 
 material for the formation of legends (Deut. xxxiv.).^'^^ It is 
 known that Michael the Archangel contended with Satan for 
 his body (Jude 9). The history too of the post-Mosaic period 
 was manipulated by historical Midrash in the same manner as 
 the primitive history of Israel. To give only a few examples 
 from the New Testament. In 1 Chronicles and Euth there 
 occurs in the list of David's ancestors a certain Salma or 
 Salmon, the father of Boaz (1 Chron. ii. 11 ; Euth iv. 20 sq.). 
 The historical Midrash knows, that this Salmon had Eahab for 
 his wife (Matt. i. 5)."'' The drought and famine in the days 
 of Elijah lasted, according to the historic Midrash, three and a 
 
 cius, Codex pseudepigr. i. 825-868, ii. 111-130. Beer, Lehen Closes nach 
 Auffassung der jüdischen Sage, Leipzig 1863. 
 
 i"' Sota vii. 5, with reference to Deut, xxvii. 8. 3t:iM 1X3, "plaiuly 
 engraven (therefore intelligibly to all)." The seventy languages correspond 
 -with the seventy nations of Gen. x. ; see Targum Jonathan on Gen. xi. 7-8 ; 
 Deut. xxxii. 8 ; rirke de-Bahhi Elieser, c. 2i, in Wagenseil on Sota vii. 5, 
 in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 263. 
 
 los Taanith iv. 6, also the passages of the Gemara in Lundius, in Suren- 
 husius' Mislina, ii. 382. 
 
 '"9 Comp, already Joseph. Antt. iv. 8. 48. 
 
 ^i*" According to another Midrash, Rahab was the wife of Joshua,
 
 § 2Ö. SCRIBISM. 345 
 
 half years, i.e. half of a week of years (Luke iv. 25 ; Jas. v. 
 17)."^ The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews mentions 
 among the martyrs of the Old Testament those who were 
 sawn asunder (Hel), xi. 37). He means Isaiah, of whom 
 the Jewish legend says that this was the manner of his 
 death."' 
 
 As in the case of the sacred history, so also in that of the 
 religious and ethical matter of tlie Scriptures, the manipulation 
 was of two kinds. On the one hand there was a dealing by 
 combination, by inference and the like, with what was actually 
 given ; on the other there was also a free completion by the 
 varied formations of creative religious speculation. And the 
 two imperceptibly encroached one upon the other. Not a few 
 of the doctrinal notions and ideas of after times actually arose 
 from the circumstance, that the existing text of Scripture had 
 been made a subject of " investigation," and therefore from 
 reflection upon data, from learned inferences and combinations 
 founded thereupon. Imagination freely employing itself 
 was however a far more fertile source of new formations. 
 And what was obtained in the one way was constantly 
 blended with what was arrived at in the other. "With 
 the results of investigation were combined the voluntary 
 images of fancy, nay the former as a rule always followed, 
 either consciously or unconsciously, the same lines, the 
 same tendency and direction as the latter. And wlien the 
 free creations of speculation had gained a settled form, they 
 
 ^^^ So too Jalkut Sliimoni in Surenhusius, B//3Xof KX7ctf.hu.y7j;. p. 681 sq. 
 On the Elijah legends in general, comp. S. K., Der J'roithct Elia in der 
 Leqeude {Jfonatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jiidenth. 1863, pp. 241- 
 255, 281-29G). Hamburger, Rcal-Encfiir Bibel und Talmud, Div. i. 
 
 ^^2 Ascensio laajae (cd. Dillmann, 1877). c. v. 1 ; Jehamotk 49''. Justin, 
 Dial. c. Tryph. c. Vl(). Tertullian, de patieiUia, c. 14; scorpiace, c. 8. 
 Hippolyt. de Christo et Antichristo, c. 30. Origenes, epi.it. ad African, c. 9 ; 
 comment, ad Matt. xiii. 57 and xxiii. 37 {0pp. ed. Lommatzscli, iii. 49, iv. 
 238 sq.) ; Commodiav. carmen apolorjet. v. 509 sq. (ed. Ludwig) ; Hieronymus, 
 comment, ad haiam, c. bl,fin. {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, iv. 660). Other patristic 
 passages in Fabricius, Codex pscitdc/dijr. i. 1088 sq. Wetzstein and Bleek 
 on Heb. xi. 37, and in Otto's note on Justin. Tnjph. 120.
 
 346 § 25. scrjBisM. 
 
 were in their turn deduced from Scripture by scholastic 
 ]\[idrash. 
 
 These theological labours, which were always investigating 
 old, and incessantly creating new material, were extended over 
 the entire religious and ethical department. It ivas owing to 
 them that the whole circle of religious ideas in Israel had received 
 in the times of Christ on the one hand a fanciful, on the other a 
 scholastic character. For the religious development was no 
 longer determined and directed by the actual religious produc- 
 tivity of the prophets, but in part by the action of an un- 
 bridled imagination, not truly religious though dealing with 
 religious objects, and in part by the scholastic reflection of the 
 learned. Both these ruled and directed the development, in 
 proportion as really religious life lost in inward strength. 
 
 It was in entire consistency with this tendency of the 
 whole development, that special preference was shown for 
 dealing with such objects as lay more at the circumference than 
 in the centre of religious life, with the temporally and locally 
 transcendent, with the future and the heavenly world. For 
 the weaker the power of genuine religion, the more would 
 fancy and reflection move from the centre to the circumfer- 
 ence, and the more would such objects be detached from their 
 central point and acquire an independent value and interest. 
 The grace and glory of God were no longer seen in the 
 present earthly world, but only in the future and heavenly 
 world. Hence on the one side eschatology, on the other 
 mythological theosophy, were cultivated with the greatest zeal. 
 A copious abundance of notions concerning the realization of 
 the salvation of Israel in a future period of the world's history 
 was the growth of scientific investigation and unfettered 
 religious fancy. The conditions, the premisses and the accom- 
 panying circumstances, under which the means and forces by 
 which this salvation would be realized, were stated, and most 
 especially was it declared wherein it would consist and how 
 surpassing would be its glory; in a word. Messianic dogma 
 was more and more carefully cultivated and extensively de-
 
 § 25. scribisäl 347 
 
 veloped. So too was there much solicitous occupation with the 
 heavenly world : the nature and attributes of God, heaven as 
 his dwelling - place, the angels as His servants, the whole 
 fulness and glory of the heavenly world ; such were the 
 objects to which learned reflection and inventive fancy applied 
 themselves with special predilection. Philosophic problems 
 were also discussed : how the revelation of God in the world 
 was conceivable, how an influence of God upon the world was 
 possible without His being Himself drawn down into the 
 finite, how far there was room for evil in a world created and 
 governed by God, and the like. Two portions of Holy Scrip- 
 ture in particular gave much scope for the development of 
 theosophic speculation, these were the history of the creation 
 (n^^s^.a nb'vo) and the " chariot " of Ezekiel C^??'!'?). *>• the 
 introductory vision of Ezekiel, chap. i. In the explanation 
 of these two portions, profound mysteries which, according 
 to the view of scholars, ought to form an esoteric doctrine, 
 were dealt with. " The history of the creation might not 
 be explained before two, and the chariot not even before 
 one, unless he were a scholar and could judge of it from his 
 own knowledge." "^ In these thus carefully guarded exposi- 
 tions of the history of the creation and of the chariot, we have 
 the beginnings of those strange fancies concerning the creation 
 and the spiritual world, which reached their climax in the 
 so-called Kabbala of the Middle Ages. 
 
 The exposition and further development of the law was a 
 process under comparatively strict regulations, but an almost 
 unbridled caprice prevailed in the province of religious specu- 
 lation. Rules and method, except in a very figurative sense, 
 were here out of question. One thing especially, which made 
 the development of the law so continuous and consequent, 
 viz, the principle of a strict adherence to tradition, was here 
 absent. The manipulator of the religious and ethical matter 
 was not bound, like the interj)reter of the law, to a strict 
 
 ^^3 Chagiga ii. 1. Comp, also Mc/illa iv. 10. Further particulars in 
 Herzfeld, iii. 410-424.
 
 348 § 25. SCEIBISM. 
 
 adherence to tradition. He might give his imagination free 
 play, so long as its products would on the whole admit of 
 being inserted in the frame of Jewish views. A certain 
 tradition was indeed formed in this sphere also, but it was not 
 binding. Eeligious faith was comparatively free, while action 
 was all the more strictly shackled. With the absence more- 
 over of the principle of tradition in this department all rules 
 in general ceased. For there was really but one rule for the 
 " investigator," viz. the right of making anything of a passage, 
 which his wit and understanding enabled him. If neverthe- 
 less certain " rules " are laid down even for Haggadic interpre- 
 tation, it was only tliat caprice here became methodical. A 
 number of such rules for Haggadic exposition are met with 
 among the thirty-two Middoth (hermeneutical principles) of 
 E. Joses ha-Gelili, the age of whicli cannot indeed be more 
 particularly determined."* Later Judaism discovered thai 
 there is a fourfold meaning of Scripture, which is indicated in 
 the word Dl"iS (Paradise), viz. 1. t^C'S, the simple or literal 
 meaning ; 2. TO"! (suggestion), the meaning arbitrarily imported 
 into it ; 3. ti'^i"^. (investigation), the meaning deduced by 
 investigation ; and 4. nio (mystery), the theosophistic mean- 
 ing.-^ 
 
 It would be a superfluous task to give examples in illustra- 
 tion of this kind of exegetical method, since we are sufficiently 
 acquainted with it from the New Testament and the whole 
 body of ancient Christian literature. For together with Holy 
 
 ^^* See the 22 Middoth, e.g. in Waehner, Antiquitates Ehraeorum, i. 396- 
 421. Pinner, translation of the treatise Berachoth, Introd. fol 20^-21», 
 Pressel in Herzoges lleal-Enc, 1st ed. xv. 658 sq. On the historical litera- 
 ture, comp, also Zunz, Die gottesdiem^illchen Vorträge der Juden., p. 86. 
 Fürst, BihUotheca Jiidaica, ii. 108. 
 
 ^1^ The initials of these four words produce the word Dn""lQ. I am 
 unable to say how ancient this distinction of a fourfold meaning may be. 
 Compare on this subject, Waehner, Antiquitates Ehraeorum, i. 353-357. 
 Döpke, Hermeneutik der neutestamentlichen Schriftsteller, pp. 135 - 137. 
 Deutsch, Der Talmud (1869), p. 16 sq. The distinction between Tü"l and 
 i^rn is essentially the same as that between i^T and n'^in, see note 85, 
 above.
 
 § 25. scIlIBIS^r. 349 
 
 Scripture itself, its own mode of exegetical treatment was 
 transferred by Judaism to the Christian Church. In saying 
 this however it must also be remarked, that the exegetic 
 method practised in the New Testament, when compared with 
 the usual Jewish method, is distinguished from it by its great 
 enlightenment. The apostles and the Christian authors in 
 general were preserved from the extravagances of Jewish 
 exegesis by the regulative norm of the gospel. And yet 
 who would now justify such treatment of Old Testament 
 passages, as are found e.g. in Gal. iii. 16, iv. 22-25 ; Eoni. x. 
 6-8; Matt. xxii. 31-32? Jewish exegesis however, from 
 which such a regulator was absent, degenerated into the most 
 capricious puerilities.^^* From its standpoint, e.g. the trans- 
 position of words into numbers, or of numbers into words, 
 for the purpose of obtaining the most astonishing disclosures, 
 was by no means strange, and quite in accordance with its 
 spirit."' 
 
 With the comparatively great freedom allowed to develop- 
 ment in the sphere of religious notions, it is not to be wondered, 
 th.dX foreign influences also made themselves felt with more or 
 less power. Palestine had already been for a long time 
 open to the general intercourse of the world. So early as 
 the foundation of the great world-powers of the Assyrians, 
 
 'i" Comp, generally the literature mentioned p. 269, especially Dopke, 
 pp. 88-188. Hartinann, pp. 534-699. Gfrörer, Das Jahrlnnnhrt des Ilciüt, 
 i. 244 sqq. Hirscbfeld, 1847. "Weite in the Tübitu/er Quartalschrift, 1842. 
 Hausrath, i. 97 sqq. Hamburger's article in the Rcal-Encfur Bibel und 
 Talmud, Div. ii. On Pliilo's allegorical exposition of Scripture, see especially 
 Gfrörer, PJiilo, i. 68-113. Zeller, Die Philosophie dir Griechen, iii. (3rd ed.), 
 pp. ."46-352. Siegfried, Philo, p. 160 sqq. 
 
 ^^'' In an appendix to the Mislina, the statement, e.g., that God will give 
 to every righteous man 310 worlds as his inheritance, is proved by Prov. 
 viii. 21 : n;^ "inn ^Tljn^ ; because C^" stands for 310 (Ukzin iii. 12; the 
 passage is missing in the Cambridge MS. edited by Lowe). On the other 
 hand, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas, who herein entirely follows the 
 paths of Jewish exegesis, proves from the 318 servants of Abraham that 
 Abraham had already in spirit beheld the cross of Jesus, because the 
 number 18 = III means the name Jesus, and the number 300 = T means 
 the cross. Beirnah. c. 9.
 
 350 § 25. SCKIBISM. 
 
 Chaldaeans and Persians, iuflaences of the most varied kind 
 bad passed over the land. When it lay for two centuries 
 under Persian supremacy, it would indeed have been very 
 surprising if this fact had left behind it no kind of trace in 
 the sphere of Israelitish intellectual life. ISTor could it, with 
 all its struggles for intellectual isolation, have possibly with- 
 drawn itself entirely from the supremacy of the Greek spirit. 
 Hence it cannot be denied that on the one hand Babylonian, 
 on the other Greek influences are especially discernible in the 
 development of Israel's religious notions. The amount of this 
 influence may indeed be disputed. A careful investigation 
 of details, especially in respect of the influence of Parseeism, 
 has not as yet been made. This influence may perliaps 
 have to be reduced to a comparatively small proportion. 
 The fact however, that both Babylonian and Greek influences 
 asserted themselves, is undeniable.-^^^ At first sight indeed it 
 seems strange, nay enigmatical, considering the high wall of 
 partition which Judaism erected in respect of religion between 
 itself and heathenism. There is however no need of appealing, 
 in explanation to the circumstance, that such influences were 
 felt at a time when this wall of partition was as yet no 
 unscaleable one, for they continued to be exerted in later times 
 also ; ^^^ nor to the fact, that no wall of partition is strong 
 enough to resist the power of intellectual influences. The 
 deepest reason that can be offered in explanation is, on the 
 contrary, that legal Judaism itself laid the chief stress upon 
 correctness of action, and that comparatively free x)lay was 
 therefore permitted in the sphere of religious notions. 
 
 118 Compare with respect to Parseeism the certainly candid judgment of 
 Lücke, Einleitung in die Ofetibarung Johannes (2nd ed.), p. 55 sq. : " The 
 influence of the ancient Persian religion upon the development of Jewish 
 religious notions ... is an indisputable fact." On the influence of 
 Hellenism upon the Palestinian Midrash, see Freudenthal, Hellenistischen 
 Studien (1875), pp. 66-77. Siegfried, Philo, p. 283 sqq. 
 
 119 Angelology was far more strongly under the influence of Parseeism 
 at the period of the Babylonian Talmud than previously. Comp. Kohut, 
 Uebei- die jüdische Angelologie und Dämonologie, 1866. The influences of 
 Hellenism upon the Palestinian Midrash, pointed out by Freudenthal and
 
 § 25. SCEIBISM. 351 
 
 IV. THE MOST FAMOUS SCRIBES. 
 The Literature. 
 
 The older Hebrew works on the MLihna teachers in Wolf, BiUiotlu Ilehr. 
 
 ii. 805 sq. Fürst, Biblioth. Judaica, ii. 48 sq. 
 Ottho, Historia doctorum misnicorum qua opera etiam syitedi-ii macjni 
 
 Hierosolymitani praesides et vice-praesides recensentur. Oxonii 1672 
 
 (frequently reprinted, e.g. also in Wolf's Bihlioth. Hehr. vol. iv., and 
 
 in Ugolini's llicsauriis, vol. xxi.). 
 Job. Chrph. Wolf, Bihliothcca Ilcbraea, ii. 805-865 (gives an alphabetical 
 
 catalogue of the scholars mentioned in the Mishna). 
 Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael. iü. 226-263. The same, Chronolo- 
 gische Ansetzung der Schriftgelehrten von Antigonus von Socho bis auf 
 
 B. Akiba {Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jtidenth. 1854, 
 
 pp. 221-229, 273-277). 
 Kämpf, Genealogisches und Chronologisches bezuglich der Patriarchen aus 
 
 dem HilleVschen Hause bis auf li. Jehuda ha-Nasi, den Redacteur der 
 
 Mischnah (Monatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judcnth. 1853, pp. 
 
 201-207, 231-236; 1854, pp. 39-42, 98-107). 
 Jost, Geschichte des Judenthuvis und seiner Sccten, vols. i. ii. 
 Grätz, Geschichte der Juden, vols. iii. iv. 
 Derenbourg, Ussai sur l'histoire et la geographic de la Palestine d''apres les 
 
 Thalmuds et les autres sources rabbiniques. P. i. : Histoire de la 
 
 Palestine depuis Cyrus jusqu'd Adrien. Paris 18C7. 
 The works, written in Hebrew, of Frankel (1859), Brüll (1876) and 
 
 W^eiss (1871-1876). For further details concerning them, see the 
 
 literature on the Mishna, § 3. 
 Friedländer, Geschichtsbilder aus der Zeit der Tanaiten und Armoräer, 
 
 Brunn 1879 (a careless performance, see Theol. Litztg. 1880, p. 433). 
 Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii., the several 
 
 articles. 
 Bacher, Die Agada der T'anaiten (^^fonatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des 
 
 Judenth. 1882-1884). Also separately. Die Agada der Tanaiten, vol. i. 
 
 1884. 
 
 It is not till the period of the Mishna, i.e. about 70 a.])., 
 that we have any detailed information concerning individual 
 scribes. Of those who lived before this time, our knowledge 
 is extremely scanty. This too is almost the case in respect of 
 Hillel and Shammai, the famous heads of schools ; for, setting 
 aside what is puiely legendary, our information concerning 
 
 Siegfried, generally belong to a period wiien the religions seclusion liad 
 lon\; been a very strict one.
 
 352 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 tliem is comparatively small and unimportant. The names 
 and order of the most celebrated heads of schools since about 
 the second century after Christ have been handed down to 
 us chiefly by the 1st chapter of the treatise Äboth (or Pirke 
 Ahoth), in which is enumerated the unbroken succession of 
 individuals, who were from Moses till the time of the 
 destruction of Jerusalem the depositaries of the traditions of 
 the law. The whole chapter runs as follows : — ^^° 
 
 1. 3roses received the law upon Sinai, and delivered it to 
 Joshua ; he to the elders ; the elders to the prophets ; and 
 the prophets delivered it to the men of the Great Assembly. 
 These laid down three rules : Be careful in pronouncing judg- 
 ment ! bring up many pupils ! and make a fence about the 
 law ! 2. Simon the Just was one of the last of the Great 
 Assembly. He said : The world subsists by three things — 
 by the law, the worship of God, and benevolence. 3. Anti- 
 gonus of Socho received the tradition from Simon the Just. 
 He said : Be not like servants who serve their master for the 
 sake of reward, but be like those who do service without 
 respect to recompense ; and live always in the fear of God. 
 
 4. Joses hen Joeser of Zereda and Joses hen Jdhanan of 
 Jerusalem received the tradition from them, Joses ben Joeser 
 said : Let thy house be a place of meeting for the wise, dust 
 thyself with the dust of their feet, and drink eagerly of their 
 teaching. 5. Joses ben Johanan of Jerusalem said : Let thy 
 house be always open (to guests), and let the poor be thy 
 household. Avoid superfluous chatter with women. It is 
 unbecoming with one's own wife, much more with the wife of 
 another. Hence the wise also say : He who carries on use- 
 less conversation with a woman, brings misfortune upon 
 
 ^-0 The foUowiug translation is for the most part taken from the edition 
 of the Mishna which has lately appeared under the management of Jost ; 
 but partly corrected according to the careful explanation of Cahn (^Pirke 
 Ahoth, 1875). Comp, also for the exposition the editions of Surenhusius 
 {MisJma, vol. iv.), F. Ewald (Pirke Aboth, 1825), Taylor (Sayings of the 
 Jewish Fathers, Cambridge 1877), and Strack (Die Sprüche der Väter, 
 1882).
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 853 
 
 himself, is hindered from occupation with the law, and at last 
 inherits hell. 
 
 6. Joshua ben Perachiah and Niihai of Arhela received the 
 tradition from these. The former said : Procure a companion 
 (in study), and judge all men according to the favourable side. 
 7. Nithai of Arbela said : Depart from a bad neighbour ; 
 associate not with the ungodly ; and think not that punishment 
 will fail. 
 
 8. Jiidali hen Tahbai and Simon ben Shdach received the 
 tradition from these. The former said : Make not thyself 
 (as judge) an advocate. When both sides stand before thee, 
 look upon both as in the wrong. But when they are dismissed 
 and have received sentence, regard both as justified. 9. Simon 
 ben Shetach said : Test the witnesses well, but be cautious in 
 examination, lest they thereby learn to speak falsehood. 
 
 lO". /S'/ie?nam7i and -^5^aZzo7i received from them. Shemaiah 
 taught : Love work, hate authority, and do not press thyself 
 upon the great. 11. Abtalion said: Ye wise, be cautious 
 in your teaching, lest ye be guilty of error, and err 
 towards a place of bad water. For your scholars, who come 
 after you, will drink of it, die, and the name of God be thereby 
 dishonoured. 
 
 12. Uilld and Sliammai received from these. Hillel said: 
 Be a disciple of Aaron, a lover of peace, a maker of peace, 
 love men, and draw them to the law. 13. He was accus- 
 tomed also to say : He who will make himself a great name, 
 forfeits his own, lie who docs not increase his knowlei^ge 
 diminishes it, but he who seeks no instruction is guilty of 
 death. He who uses the crown (of the law) (for external 
 purposes) perishes. 1 4. The same said : Unless I (work) for 
 myself, who will do so for me ? And if I do so for myself 
 alone, what am I ? And if not now, when else ? 15. Sham- 
 mai said : Make the study of the law a decided occupation ; 
 promise little and do much ; and receive every one witli 
 kindness. 
 
 16. Eabban Gamaliel said: Appoint yourself a tenchcr, you 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. z
 
 354 § '25. SCMBISM. 
 
 thus avoid the doubtful ; and do not too often tithe according 
 to mere chance. 
 
 1 7. His son Simon said : " I have grown up from early 
 youth among wise men, and have found nothing more profit- 
 able for men than silence. Study is not the chief thing, but 
 practice. lie who speaks much only brings sin to pass," 
 
 18. Eabban Ä'mow len Gamaliel said: The world subsists 
 by three things — by the administration of justice, by truth, 
 and by unanimity. (Thus also it is said, Zech. viii. 16 : "Let 
 peace and truth judge in your gates.")^^^ 
 
 So far the Mishna. Among tlie authorities here specified, 
 those which chiefly interest us are " the men of the great assem- 
 bly," or of the great synagogue ('"ipnjn nD:3 ''^"?X). They appear 
 here as the depositaries of the tradition of the law between 
 the last prophets and the first scribes known by name. Later 
 Jewish tradition ascribes to them all kinds of legal enact- 
 ments.^'^ Very recent, indeed really modern, is, on the other 
 hand, the opinion, tliat they also composed the canon of the 
 Old Testament.^^'' As no authorities tell us who they really 
 were, there has been the more opportunity for the most vary- 
 ing hypotheses concerning them.^^* The correct one, that they 
 
 121 The bracketed words are wanting in the best manuscripts, e.g. Berolin. 
 !MSS. fol. 507 (see Cahn, Pirke Ahoih, p. 62), and Cambridge University 
 Additional, 470. 1 (see Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fatliers, p. 4). 
 
 1^2 See Kau, De synagoga magna, pp. G-24. llerzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes 
 Jisrael, iii. 244 sq. Kueuen, Ocer de mannen der groote synagoge, pp. 2-6. 
 Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, p. 124 sq. D. Hoffmann in the 
 ]\Iagazin für die Wissenschaft des Judenth. x. 1883, p. 45 sqq. 
 
 1-2 This opinion became current chiefly through Elias Levita (sixteentli 
 century), and was transferred from bim to Christian theology. See 
 Strack in Herzog's Rcul-Enc, 2nd ed. vii. 416 sq. (art. "Kanon des 
 Alten Testaments"). 
 
 12* See Hartmann, Die enge Verbindung des Alien Testaments mit dem 
 'Neuen, pp. 120-166. The Introductions to the Old Testament, e.g. De 
 Wette-Schrader, § 13. Heidenheim, Untersnchnngen über die Synagoga 
 magna (Studien und Kritik. 1853, pp. 286-300). Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes 
 Jisrael, ii. 22-24, 380 sqq., iii. 244 sq., 270 sq. Jost, Gesch. des Jndenth. 
 i. 41-43, 91, 95 sq. Giätz, Die grosse Versammlung (^Jilnatsschr. f. Gesch.. 
 vud Wissensch. des Judoithvins, 1857, pp. 31-37, 61-70). Leyrer in 
 Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. xv. 290 299. Derenbourg, Histoire de In
 
 § 25. scuiniSM. 355 
 
 never existed at all in the form wliicli Jewish tradition repre- 
 sents, was already advocated by older Protestant criticism/" 
 thoTijih it was reserved for the conclusive investigation of 
 Kuenen to fidly dissipate the obscurity resting upon this 
 subject. The only historical foundation for the idea is the 
 narrative in Neli. viii.-x., that in Ezra's time the law was 
 solemnly accepted by a great assembly of the people. This 
 " great assembly " was in fact of eminent importance to the 
 maintenance of the law. But alter the notion of a great 
 assembly had been once fixed as an essential court of appeal 
 for the maintenance of the law, an utterly non-historical 
 conception was gradually combined therewith in tradition. 
 Instead of an assembly of the people receiving the law, a 
 collesie of individuals transmitting the law was conceived of 
 and this notion served to fill up the gap between the latest 
 prophets and those scribes to whom the memoiy of subsequent 
 times still extended."® 
 
 Together with the notion of the great synagogue may be 
 dismissed also the statement, that Simon the Just was one of 
 its latest members. This Simon is, on the contrary, no other 
 than the high priest Simon 1, in the beginning of the third 
 century before Christ, who, according to Josephus, obtained 
 the surname o hUaio'i}^'' Undoubtedly this name was con- 
 
 Palestive, pp. 29-40. Giiusbiirg in Kitto's Cijclopaedia, iii. 909 sqq. Netoler, 
 "j'ub. Theul. Quartalschr. 1875, \)p. 41)0-499. Bloch, Studien zur Geschichte 
 (kr SammluiKj der althihrüischcn Literatur (187()), pp. 100-132. Ilaui- 
 bni-o:or, Ucal-Evc. für Bibel urtfl Talmud, Div. ii. pp. 318-ö2c5. Moutct, 
 /•-Ksai .iiir Ics orif/ines des partis saduccen et pharisieu (188;]), pp. 91-97. D. 
 Hoffmann, IJeher ''^ die Männer der f/mssen Versatnudnng '' (Muijdzin für 
 die Wissenschaft des Juduithunis, lOth year, l.'S8o, pp. 45-()l). Strack in 
 Uorzoir's lieal-J'Jnc, 2nd ed. xv. 95 sq. 
 
 ^-•' Joli. Eberh. Hau, Diatribe de sijnagofia magna, Traj. ad Rh. 1720. 
 Aniivillius, Dissertationes ad saci-as literaset pkikdogiam orientalcm pertinentt» 
 (cd. .Michaelis, 1790), pp. 139-lGO. 
 
 ^-•^ See Kueiion, Over de mannen der groote snuaqnge, Amsterdam 1876 
 (separate reprint, Verslagen en Medcdeclingen der kuninllijkt Ahadende van 
 Wetcnschapppn, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 2''« Keeks, Ueel vi.). Cuuip. TIteol. 
 Litztg. 1877, p. 100, 
 
 ^" Joseph. .1«//. xii. 2. 4.
 
 356 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 ferrcd on him by tlie Pharisaic party on account of his strict 
 legal tendencies, while most of the high priests of the Greek 
 period left mucli to be desired in this respect. It was ou 
 this very acco\mt also that he was stamped by Jewish tradi- 
 tion as a vehicle of the tradition of the law.^^* 
 
 The most ancient scribe of whom tradition has preserved 
 at least the name is Antiqonus of Soclio. Little more than 
 his name is however known of him.^'*® The information too 
 given in the Mishna of the subsequent scribes down to the 
 time of Christ is extremely scanty and uncertain, as is indeed 
 evident from the externally systematic grouping of them in 
 five pairs. For there could hardly be historical foundation 
 for such a fact as that in each generation only a pair of 
 scholars should have specially distinguished themselves. It 
 is likely that just ten names were known, and that these were 
 formed into five pairs of contemporaries, after the analogy 
 of the last and most famous pair, Hillel and Shammai.*'" In 
 such a state of affairs, of course, only the most general out- 
 lines of the chronology can be determined. The comparatively 
 most certain points are the following.^^^ Simon ben Shetach 
 was a contemporary of Alexander Jannaeus and Alexandra, and 
 therefore lived about 90-70 B.c."^ Hence the first pair must 
 
 ^-^ He is also mentioned in Para iii. 5 as one of the high priests under 
 whom a red heifer was burnt. Comp, in general, Wolf, Bihlloth. Ilehr. ii. 
 864. Fiirst's LiteraturU. des Orient.'^, 184.5, p. 33 sqq. Herzfeld, ii. 189 sqq., 
 877 (who in opposition to Josephus maintains that Simon II., the high 
 priest at the close of the third century, is Simon the Just), Grätz, Simon 
 der Gerechte und seine Z?it (Monatsschrijt^ 1857, pp. 45-56). Hamburger, 
 Real-Enc.y Div. ii. pp. 1115-1119. Montet, Essai sur Ics origines, etc. 
 pp. 135-139. 
 
 ^29 Comp, also Wolf, Bihlioth. Hehr. ii. 813 sqq. Fiirst's LiteraturU. des 
 Orients., 1845, p. 36 sq. Hamburger, Real-Enc. s.v. In the Ahoth de-Itabbi 
 Nathan, c. 5, two disciples, Zadok and Boethos, are ascribed to Autigonus, 
 and the Sadducees and Boethosees traced to them. 
 
 ISO Hence these ten are in Eabbinical literature sometimes simply called 
 '* the pairs" (nij^l), e.g. Pea ii. 6. 
 
 ^2^ Comp, on the chronology, Ziinz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der 
 Jndcn, p. 37, and Herzfeld in the Monatsschrift f. Gesch. und Wissenschaft 
 des .Judenth. 1854. 
 
 ^ä- With this agrees the statement in Taanilh iii. 8, that Simon ben Shetach
 
 § 25. scrjBissi. 307 
 
 he placed two geiiprations earlier, viz. about 150 h.C, Ilillel 
 
 io said, according to Talmudic tradition, to have lived 100 
 
 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, and thus to have 
 
 flourished about the time of Herod the Great.^^ His supposed 
 
 grandson, Gamaliel I., is mentioned in the Acts (v. 34, xxii. 3), 
 
 about 30-40 A.D."* It has been already stated (p. 180 sq.) 
 
 that subsequent tradition makes the whole five pairs presidents 
 
 and vice-presidents of the Sanhedrim, and the utter erroneous- 
 
 ness of this assertion is there pointed out. They were in fact 
 
 nothing more than heads of schools. 
 
 The first pair, Joses ben Joeser and Joses ben Johanan, is 
 
 only mentioned, besides the chief passage in the treatise Ahoth, 
 
 a few times more in the Mishna,"* and still less frequently do 
 
 we meet with the second pair, Joshua ben Perachiah and 
 
 Nithai of Arbela.^^^ Of the third pair only Simon ben Shetach 
 
 has a somewhat tangible form, though what is related of him 
 
 is for the most part of a legendary cliaracter.''^' There is no 
 
 was a contemporary of the Onias so famed for his power in prayer, and whose 
 deatli is related by Josephus, Antt. xiv. 2. 1, as taking place about G.t li.c. 
 
 ^^■'' Shahbath lö». llieronymus ad Jcsaj. 11 sqq. (O/ip. ed. Yalhiisi, iv. 
 12'^): Sammai et Uellel nou multo prius quam Dominus nasccivtur orti 
 hUnt Judaea. 
 
 13* Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 9 ; Vita, 38, 39, 44, 60. 
 
 135 Both besides Ahoth i. 4, 5 only in Chagiga ii. 2 ; Sota ix. 9. Joses 
 ben Joeser also in Chagifja ii. 7 ; Edujoth viii. 4. According to ChagUja 
 ii. 7, Joses ben Joeser was a priest, and indeed a pious one (I^DH) amongst 
 the priesthood. The information in Sota ix. 9, that since the death of Joses 
 ben Joeser and Joses ben Johanan, there had been no more mhD'J'X, i» 
 cibscure. Since the Mishna itself here refers to Micah vii. 1 , it is probable that 
 m^13CX is to be taken in its usual signification (grapes), as a figurative 
 • lesignation of men who could afford mental refreshment. Others desire to 
 take it like ct>joA«/. Comp. Herzfeld, iii. 240-249. Dcreubourg, pp. 65, 
 7.Ö, 456 sqq. 
 
 136 The two only in Ahoth i. 6, 7 and Chagiga ii. 2. Instead of Nithai 
 (^XnS or i">n3) there is good testimony in both passages {Cod. de A'o.sw/ 138, 
 Cambridge University Additional, 470. 1, also the Jerusalem Talmud, Cha- 
 giga ii. 2) for ""XnO or ■'^niD, i-C- Matthew, which is perhaps preferable. The 
 native place of Nithai (^3~in) is the present Irbid, north-west of Tibei'ias, 
 where ruins of an ancient synagogue, the building of which is of course 
 ascribed by tradition to Nithai, arc still found (see § 27, note 89a), Comj). 
 ilerzfeld, iii. 251 sq. Derenbourg, p. 93 sq. 
 
 1'*' On his relations with Alexander Jannacus and Alexandra, see above,
 
 358 § 25. SCUIBISM. 
 
 mention of any of tliera in Joseplius. On the other hand, he 
 seems to speak of the fourth pair, Shemaiah and Abtalion, 
 under the names SaiJLea<; and IlcoXiwv. He tells us that 
 when, in the year 47 B.c., the youthful Herod was accused 
 before the Sanhedrim on account of his acts in Galilee, and 
 all owners of property were silent through cowardly fear, that 
 a certain Samcas alone raised his voice, and prophesied to his 
 colleagues that they would yet all perish through Herod. His 
 prophecy was fulfilled ten years later, when Herod, after his 
 conquest of Jerusalem in the year 37, had all his former 
 accusers executed.^^^ Only the Pharisee PoUio and his dis- 
 ciple Sameas {TlwXiwv 6 ^apicraio<i koX ^aixia'f 6 rovrou 
 fxa6r)Ti']<i) were spared, nay highly honoured by him, because 
 during the siege by Herod they had given counsel, that the 
 king should be admitted into the town. The Sameas here 
 mentioned is expressly identified by Josephus with the 
 former."^^ Lastly, Pollio and Sameas are mentioned by 
 Josephus, and again in the same order, in a third passage. 
 Unfortunately however we obtain no entire certainty as to 
 time. For he informs us that the followers of Pollio and 
 Sameas {ol irepl IIco\icova rov ^apLaalov koX ^afxeav) refused 
 the oath of allegiance demanded of them by Herod, and were 
 not punished on this account, " obtaining indulgence for the 
 sake of Pollio " (ivrpo7ri]<i Blo. tov JJcükiwva rv^övre'i). 
 Josephus relates this among the events of the eighteenth year 
 of Herod ( = 20—19 B.c.). It cannot however be quite cer- 
 tainly determined from the context, whether this occurrence 
 really took place in that year. Now the two names ^afiea<i 
 and UcoXlodv so strikingly coincide with n^^V'r*^ and l^vP255, that 
 the view of their being identical is very obvious.^*^ The 
 
 § 10. Comp, beside Aboth i. 8-9, Chagiga ii. 2, also Taanith iii. 8, San- 
 hedrin vi. 4. Landau in the Monatsschr. f. Gcsch. und Wisscnscli. des Judenth. 
 1853, pp. 107-122, 177-180. Hcrzfeld, iii. 251 sq. Grätz, GescJi. der 
 Juden, vol. iii. 3rd ed. pp. 6C5-669 (note 14). Derenbourg, pp. 96-111. 
 
 138 A7itt. xiv. 9. 4. 139 ^„;,_ XV. 1. 1. "0 Antt. xv. 10. 4. 
 
 1^1 Tiie name n"'j;oe', which also frequently occurs in the Old Testament, 
 especially in Nehemiah and Chronicles, is rendered in the LXX. by 2xftet!u,
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 359 
 
 chronology too would about agree. The only thing that 
 causes hesitation is, that Sameas is called the disciple of Pollio, 
 while elsewhere Shemaiah stands before Abtalion. Hence 
 we might feel tempted to identify Sameas with Shammai/^^ 
 but that it would then be strange, that Josephus should men- 
 tion him twice in connection with Abtalion, and not with his 
 contemporary Hillel. If however by reason of this connec- 
 tion we take Hillel and Shammai to be meant by Pollio and 
 Sameas/" there is against this identification, first the differ- 
 ence of the names Pollio and Hillel, and then the designation 
 of Sameas as the disciple of Pollio, while Shammai was cer- 
 tainly no disciple of Hillel. All things considered, the con- 
 nection of Sameas and Pollio with Shemaiah and Abtalion 
 seems not only the more obvious, but the more probable."* 
 
 Hillel and Shammai are by far the most renowned among 
 the five pairs.^^^ An entire school of scribes, who separated, 
 if not in principle, yet in a multitude of legal decisions, in 
 
 2«,{4«/as-, 2ctfiiioi; and "^ifisi'tx,;. The name UaTiiav is not indeed identical 
 with Abtalion, but, on the contrary, like the Latin Pollio. It is well known 
 however, that besides their Hebrew, the Jews often bore like-sounding 
 Greek or Latin names (Jesus and Jason, Saul and Paulus, etc.). 
 
 1^2 'i^t^'y or '<''^\^ (probably only an abbreviation of rT'l'Dti', see Deren- 
 bourg, p. 95) may very well be rendered by "Exf^iag in Greek, as ^SJ'' l>y 
 'locvviu; in Anit. xiii. 12. 1. 
 
 ^■*^ So e.g. Arnold in Ilerzog's Real-Enc, 1st. ed. vi. 97. 
 
 ^^'^ Comp, on both, beside Abnth i. 10, 11 and Char/Uja ii. 2, also Edujtith 
 i. 3, V. 6. Landau in the Monatsiichrift für Gesch. und Wissensch. des 
 Judevth. 1858, pp. 317-329. Herzfeld, iii. 253 sqq. Grütz, Gesch. der Juden, 
 l'trd ed. iii. 671 sq. (note 17). Derenbourg, pp. llG-118, 149 sq., 4C3 sq. 
 Hamburger, Bcal-Enc, Div. ii. p. 1113 sq. (art. "Semaja"). 
 
 i^'' On both, especially on Hillel, see Bicsenthal in Fiirst's Literaturhl. 
 des Orients, 1848, Nos. 43-46. Kämpf in the same, 1819, Nos. 10-38. 
 Arnold in Herzog's lical-Enc, 1st ed. 96-98 (and the oMer literature 
 there cited). Ilerzfcld, iii. 257 sqq. Grätz, iii. 222 sqq. Jost, 1. 255-270. 
 Ewald, Jahrb. der bill. Wissenschaft, vol. x. pp. 5G-83. Gesch. des Völlers 
 Isr. vol. V. 12-48. Geiger, Das Judenthum und seine Gei^ch. i. 99-107. 
 Delitzsch, Jesu und Hillcl, 1866 (2nd ed. 1867). Keim, Gesch. Jesu, i. 
 268-272. Derenbourg, pp. 176-192. Strack in Herzog's Rcal-Enc, 
 2nd ed. vi. 113-115. Hamburger, Jieal-Iüw. ii. 401-412. Bacher, 
 Monatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1882, pp. 100-110. 
 (Joitcin, I\Iogazin für die Wissen.sch. des Judenth. llth year, 1884, pp. 1-16, 
 49-87.
 
 360 ^25. SCIIIBISM. 
 
 two different directions, adhered to each of them. This 
 circumstance certainly makes it evident, tliat both are of 
 eminent importance in the history of Jewish law. Both 
 indeed manifestly laboured with special zeal and iugenuity to 
 give a more subtle completeness to the law, but it must not 
 therefore be supposed, that their personal life and acts stand 
 out in the clear light of history. What we know of them with 
 certainty is comparatively very little. In the Mishna, the 
 only trustworthy authority, they are each mentioned barely 
 a dozen times.'*^ And what w^e know of them from later 
 sources bears almost always the impress of the legendary. 
 Hillel, called " the elder," ii?|i!','^^ to distinguish him from others, 
 is said to have sprung from the family of David,^^ and to 
 have immigrated from Babylon to Palestine. Being poor he 
 was obliged to hire himself as a day-labourer to earn a living 
 for himself and his family and to meet the expenses of 
 instruction. His zeal for study was so great that on one 
 occasion, not being able to pay the entrance- fee into the Beth- 
 ha-Midrash, he climbed up to the window to listen to the 
 instruction. As this happened in winter, he was frozen with 
 cold, and was found in this position by his astonished teachers 
 and colleagues.^*^ Tradition tells strange things of the learn- 
 ing he acquired by such zeal. He understood all tongues, and 
 even the language of the mountains, hills, valleys, trees, plants, 
 of wild and tame animals and of daemons.''^'' At all events 
 he was the most celebrated jurist of his age, but he was no 
 more president of the Sanhedrim than was any other learned 
 
 i'"'' Hillel is mentioned in tlie Mishna only in the following passages : 
 Shebiith x. 3 ; Chagiga ii. 2 ; Gittin iv. 3 ; Bdha mezia v. 9 ; Eduj'oth i. 1-4 ; 
 Aboth i. 12-1-1, ii. 4-7, iv. 5, v. 17 ; Arachin ix. 4 ; Nidda i. 1. Shammai 
 only in the following : Maaser sheni ii. 4, 9 ; Orla ii. 5 ; SuLka ii. 8 ; 
 Chagiga ii. 2 ; Edujoth i. 1-4, 10, 11 ; Ahoth i. 12, 15, v. 17 ; Kelim xxii. 4 ; 
 Nidda i. 1. 
 
 ^*'' Shebiith X. 3 ; Arachin ix. 4. 
 
 "8 Jer. Taanith iv. 2, fol. 68^ ; Bereslitli rahha c. 98, on Gen. xlix. 10 
 (see Bereshith rabha, translated by Wünsche, pp. 485, 557). 
 
 ^'^^ Delitzsch, Jesus und Hillel, pp. 9-11. 
 
 **" Delitzsch, Jesus und Ilillcl, p. 8.
 
 § 25. SCPJBISM. 361 
 
 scribe of the time. The leading features of liis character were 
 the gentleness and kindness of which singular proofs are 
 related.^^^ It is manifested in the first of the maxims given 
 above : " Be a disciple of Aaron, a lover and maker of peace, 
 love men and attract them to the law." Shammai, noted for 
 sternness, and also called " the elder," ]\>!f^, was the antipodes 
 of the gentle Ilillel.^" The following example of his rigorous 
 zeal for the literal observance of the law is given in the 
 Mishna. When his daughter-in-law brought forth a child on 
 the feast of Tabernacles, he had the ceiling broken through 
 and the roof over the bed covered with boughs, that the new- 
 born child also might keep the feast according to the precept 
 of the law."^ 
 
 The tendencies of their respective schools correspond with 
 the mildness of Ilillel and the strictness of Shammai. The 
 school of Ilillel decided legal questions in a mitigated, that 
 of Shammai in an aggravated sense.^^* As they are however 
 only minutiae on which the difi'erence turns, it will not be 
 worth while to follow the contrast into further details.^" 
 
 "I Sec Delitzsch, p. 31 sq. ^"2 q,.j^ ;; 5 . ^■„j^.^.a jj^ g, 
 
 "3 Sukka ii. 8. "^ Udujoth iv. 1-12, v. 1-5. 
 
 ^^* For the sake of those who may desire to go farther into the subject 
 I here give all those passages in the Mishna in which diffiiriiccs Icticccn the 
 two schools are mentioned. Berachoth i. 3, viii. 1-8; Pea iii. 1, vi. 1, 2, 5, 
 vii. 6; Denial i. 3, vi. 6; Kilajim ii. 6, iv. 1, 5, vi. 1; Shehiith i. 1, iv. 
 2, 4, 10, V. 4, 8, viii. 3 ; Tcrumoth i. 4, v. 4 ; Maaseroth iv. 2 ; Maascr 
 sheni ii. 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, iii. 6, 7, 9, 13, iv. 8, v. 3, 6, 7 ; Challa i. C; Orla ii. 
 4 ; Shahhath i. 4-9, iii. 1, xxL 3 ; Eruhin i. 2, vi. 4, C, viiL 6 ; Pcsachim 
 i. 1, iv. 5, viii. 8, x. 2, 6 ; Shckalini ii. 3, viii. 6 ; Snkka i. 1, 7, ii. 7, iii. 
 5, 9 ; Beza i. 1-9, ii. 1-5; liosh hashana i. 1 ; Chagif/a i. 1-3, il 3, 4 ; 
 Jthamoth i. 4, iii. 1, 5, iv. 3, vi. 6, xiii. 1, xv. 2, 3 ; Kclhdwth v. G, viii. 
 1, 6; Nedarini iii. 2, 4; Nasir ii. 1, 2, iii. 6, 7, v. 1, 2, 3, 5 ; Sota iv. 2; 
 Giitin iv. 5, viii. 4, 8, 9, ix. 10 ; Kiddushin i. 1 ; Baba mczia iii. 12 ; Dahn 
 balhra ix. 8, 9 ; Ednjolh i. 7-14, iv. 1-12, v. 1-5; Schachim iv. 1 ; Chullin 
 i. 2, viii. 1, xi. 2 ; Bcchoroth v. 2 ; Keriihoth i. G ; Kilim i.v. 2, xi. 3, xiv. 2, 
 xviii. 1, XX. 2, G, xxii. 4, xxvi. 6, xxviii. 4, xxix. 8 ; Ohalolh ii. 3, v. 1-4, 
 vii. 3, xi. 1, 3-6, 8, xiii. 1, 4, xv. 8, xviii. 1, 4, 8 ; Para xii. 10 ; Tohoroth 
 ix. 1, 5, 7, X. 4 ; Mikwaoth i. 5, iv. 1, v. 6, x. G ; Nidda ii. 4, 6, iv. 3, v. 9, 
 X. 1, 4, G-8 ; Machshirin i. 2-4, iv. 4, 5, v. 9 ; Saliitn i. 1-2 ; Tchul jom 
 i. 1 ; Jadajim iii. 5; Ukzin iii. G, 8, 11 ; ^S12C* n^3 only : Berachoth vi. 5 ; 
 Dcmai iii. 1 ; Kilajim viii. 5 ; Tcrximoth iv. 3 ; Orla ii. 5, 12 ; Beza ii. 6 ',
 
 ?G2 § 25. SCPJBISM. 
 
 Some examples may suffice. The command to prepare no 
 food on the Sabbath was extended to laying-hens, and hence 
 it was debated, whether and under what conditions an eg'^' 
 laid upon a holy day might or might not be eaten,^®® Or it 
 was discussed, whether fringes (Zizith) were needful or not to 
 a square linen night-dress ; ^^^ or whether on a holy day a 
 ladder might be carried from one pigeon-house to another, or 
 might only be slanted from one hole to another.^*^ Of ideas 
 of reformation, which Jewish self-love would so willingly 
 have us believe in, there is not, as w^e see, a single word. In 
 practice the milder school of Hillel gained in the course of 
 years the upper hand, though in many points it voluntarily 
 relinquished its own view and assented to those of the school 
 of Shammai,^^^ while in others neither the opinion of Hillel 
 nor that of Shammai was subsequently followed.^^ 
 
 An enactment, contrary indeed to the law, but authorized 
 by the state of things, and certainly of salutary results, is 
 connected with the name of Hillel. The legal appointment 
 of a release of all debts every seventh year (Deut. xv. 1-11) 
 entailed the evil consequence, " that people hesitated to lend 
 each other money," although the law itself warned against 
 backwardness in lending on account of this institution (Deut. 
 XV. 9). In order then to do away with this evil, the so-called 
 Prosbol (?i2Tn3 = irpoaßoX^), i.e. the delivery of a declaration, 
 
 EdujotTi iii. 10 ; Mihwaoth iv. 5. This list of passages shows that the 
 differences relate chiefly to the matters treated of in the first, secoud, third 
 and fifth parts of the ^lishna, i.e. (1) religious dues, (2) the Sabbaths and 
 holy days, (3) the marriage laws, and (4) the laws of purification, and 
 scarcely at all to those treated of in the fourth and fifth parts (civil and 
 criminal law and the laws of sacrifice). The latter, which do not affect the 
 religious acts of private individuals, but either purely civil or sacerdotal 
 transactions, were not discussed with equal zeal in the schools. The civil 
 and criminal law did not on the whole excite the same interest as religious 
 decrees. It is however probable that the sacrificial laws had already been 
 dealt with by the more ancient priestly scribes, and lay outside the direct 
 sphere of Rabbinical authority. 
 
 ^5« Beza i. 1 ; Edujoth iv. 1. Delitzsch, p. 21 sq. 
 
 15^ Edujoth iv. 10. 153 ßc~a i. 3. ^'^ Edujoth i. 12-1-4. 
 
 *' " E.(]. Edujoth i. 1-3. Comp, the passages cited in note 155.
 
 § 25. SCEIBIS.M. 363 
 
 or as we should say a registered declaration, was introduced 
 by Hillel's influence.^^^ It was, that is to say, allowed to a 
 creditor to make in court a declaration to the following effect : 
 ^^}i} 3in b^u '•ji^Q nipip3;i^ D''j»'nn "»jSbz^ iji^a C"k u^b ^^ ''Dio 
 nris-ii'' l^r b «3JivC' ^^, " I so and so deliver ^^^ to you the 
 judges of such and such a place (the declaration), that I may 
 at any time I choose demand the payment of all my outstand- 
 ing debts." Such a reservation made before a court secured 
 the creditor even during the Sabbath year, and he needed not 
 to be backward in lending money on its account. Tims credit 
 was again laid upon a more solid foundation.'"^ 
 
 A Simon, said also to be the father of Gamaliel I., is generally 
 named by both Jewish and Christian scholars as the son of 
 Hillel. The existence of this Simon, and with liim the whole 
 genealogical relation, is however very questionable.'®* We 
 do not reach a really historical personage till Gamaliel I., I3"i 
 I";^'] ''^\'^?, as he is called in the Mishna, in distinction from 
 
 ^''i According to others PHTIID = ■^rpoj ßovT^vj», which is however very- 
 improbable. 
 
 ^*'' "IDD, "to deliver" (whence also miOD, tradition), answers to the 
 Greek word ■zpofrßä.Xkitu. 
 
 ^''^ Comp, on the Prosbol especially, SJichiith x. 3-7 (the formula will bo 
 found Shehiith x. 4) ; tlie institution by Ilillel, Shehiith x. 3 ; Gittin iv. 3 ; 
 generally : Pea iii. 6 ; Moed katan iii. 3 ; Kethuboih ix. 9 ; Ukzin iii. lU. 
 Such Prosbol declarations are indeed to be understood by the av,uß6Xcii» 
 rüv 'hioxvitx.oTuv, which, according to Joseph. Bell. Jud., were deposited 
 among the archives at Jerusalem. Literature : Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. col. 
 1806 sq. Guisius in Surenhusius' Ilishna, i. 196. Jost, Gesch. de.'i Judenth. 
 i. 265 sq. Hamburger, Rcal-Enc. ii. 939 sq. (art. "Prosbol"). Levy, 
 NcuTiehr. Wvrtcrh. s.v. ^UT1"i3- 
 
 ^"^ He is not mentioned in the Mishna at all. His name first occurs in 
 the Babylonian Talmud, and there not as the son of Ilillel, but only aa 
 holder of the dignity of Nasi between Hillel and Gamaliel I. Tlic wholo 
 passage (Shahhaih 15*, below) is aa follows : pyjrni bii'b^2i p>'t3"'1 bbn 
 r^:^ nXO JT'DH '':sh jniX"''J'3 Ijnj. " Hillel and Simon, Gamaliel and 
 Simon held the dignity of Nasi, during tiie time of the existence of the 
 temple, for a hundred years," i.e. during the last hundred years before the 
 destruction of the temple. Considering the worthlessncss of tliis late 
 Talmudic information, 13. Lebrecht e.g. is quite justified in disputing the 
 existence of this Simon altogether (Geiger's Jüdische Zcitschr. für Wi^scnsih. 
 und Lebet}, xi. 1875, p. 278, note). For older views of him, see Wolf, 
 Biblioth. Ilcbr. ii. 8G1 sq.
 
 364 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 Gamaliel 11.^*" It was at his feet that the Apostle Paul sat 
 (Acts xxii. 3) ; and it was he who once gave counsel in the 
 Sanhedrim to release the accused apostles, since their work, if 
 it were of man, would come to nought, while if it were of God, 
 it was in vain to oppose it (Acts v. 34-39). Christian tradition 
 has in consequence of this represented him as being a Chris- 
 tian,^''^ while Jewish tradition glorifies him as one of the most 
 celebrated teachers. " Since Eabban Gamaliel the elder died 
 there has been no more reverence for the law (nninn HUS) ; 
 and purity and abstinence (nv^'nD'i rnriD) died out at the same 
 time."^®' That he was as little the president of the Sanhedrim 
 
 ^''^ Orla ii. 12 ; RosTi hashatia iL 5 ; Jehamoth xvi. 7 ; Sota ix. 1.5 ; Gittin 
 iv. 2-3. In all these passages he is expressly called "the elder" (jp^n). 
 Independently of Ahoih i. 16, this elder Gamaliel is probably meant also 
 in Pea ii. 6 and Shekalim vi. 1. In other passages this is doubtful. In 
 particular the famous jurist Slav Tabi (>DD) was not in the service of the 
 elder, but of the younger Gamaliel {Bcrachoili ii. 7 ; PesacTiim vii. 2 ; Sukka 
 ii. 1). Comp, in general, Graunii, Historia Gamaliclis, Viteb. 1C87. 
 A\^olf, BihUoth. Hebraea, ii. 821 sq. The same, Curae philol. in Nov. Test, 
 on Acts V. 3i. Palmer, Paulus und Gamaliel, Giessen 1806. Winer, 
 RWB. i. 389. Pressel in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. 656 sq. Grätz, 
 Gesch. der Juden, ord ed. iii. 373 sqq. Jost, Gesch. des Judenth. \. 281 sqq., 
 423. Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vi. p. 2.56 sq. Derenbourg. 
 Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 239-246. Schenkel in the Bibellex. ii. 328-33U. 
 Hamburger, Rcal-Enc, Div. ii. art. " Gamaliel I." 
 
 '"'' Clement. Rtcogn. i. 65 sqq. Comp, also the narrative of the presbytir 
 Lucianus of Jerusalem on the finding of the bones of the martyr Stephen 
 (in Latin in Surius, Vitae Sanctorum, iv. 502 sqq. (3 August) ; Baroniiis, 
 Annal. ad ann. 415, and in the Benedictine edition of Augustine, vol. vii. 
 Appendix), according to which tl;e bones of Nicodemus, Gamaliel and his 
 son Abiba, who all here figure as Christians, were found at the same time 
 as those of Stephen. This legend of Lucianus, which was already known 
 to Genuadius, Vitae, 46, 47 (see also Fabricius, BihUoth. graeca, ed. Harles, 
 x. 327), was drawn upon by the presbyter Eustratius of Constantinople, 
 Gth century, in his book on the state of the dead, cap. 23 (published in 
 Greek by Leo Allatius 1655 ; see Fabricius, Bihl. gr. x. 725, xi. 623). 
 Lastly, Photius gives extracts from Eustratius in his Bihliotheca cod. 171. 
 On a monument of the three saints, Gamaliel, Abibas and Nicodemus at 
 Pisa, see AVagenseil on Sota ix. 15 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 314 sq.). 
 Comp, also Thilo, Cod. apocr. p. 501 ; NiUes, Kalendarium Manuale (1879), 
 p. 232, and the literature there cited. 
 
 ^'"' Sota ix. 15. niinn tub means "reverence for the law;" see 
 Wagenseil in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 312, n. 13, 315, n. 20. Comp.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 365 
 
 as Hillel was, appears from Acts v. 34 sqq., where he figures 
 as a simple member of it. Much confusion concerning him 
 ha8 arisen, especially among Christian scholars, by attributing 
 to him matters which apply to Gamaliel II., e.g. labours at 
 Jahne and elsewhere. 
 
 His son Simon also enjoyed extraordinary fame as a 
 scribe.^^^ Josephus says of him : '^ 'O Be l!l/xcov ouro<; rju 
 TToXeo)? fXGV 'lepoaoXvficov, <yevov<; he acjioBpa XafXTrpov, t?}? Se 
 ^apiaaiwv alpiaeco^, ot irepX ra irdrpia vajxifia hoKovat rdv 
 oKXojv cLKpißela Bia(f)ipeip. ''Hv S' ovTo<i uvtjp 7rX-)]p7]<i 
 (Tvveae(ji}<i re Koi Xoytafiov, Buvd/u,ev6<; re TTpay/xaTU KaKci)<i 
 K6Lfji6Pa (f)pov7](rec t?] eaurov BiopdojaaaOai. lie lived at the 
 time of the Jewish war, and during its first period (a.D. 6G-G8) 
 took a prominent part in the conduct of affairs. Still neither 
 was he at any time president of the Sanhedrim. 
 
 Of profound importance to the further development of 
 Bcribism was the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of 
 the hitherto relative independence of the Jewish common- 
 wealth. The ancient Sanhedrin, at the head of which had 
 stood the Sadducean high priests, now for ever retired from 
 the stage. The Pharisaic teachers of the law, who during the 
 last century before the destruction of the temple had already 
 actually exercised very great influence, became the sole 
 leaders of the people. Hence the direct result of the political 
 fall was an increase of Eabbinical power and an exaltation of 
 Eabbinical studies. Henceforth our authorities became more 
 copious, — the first codification of Jewish law having been 
 undertaken by men directly connected with the generation 
 which survived the fall of the city. 
 
 Nedarim ix. 1: V2X lUD = " respect towards his father." So too Ahoth 
 iv. 12. The sense thus is, that no one any longer had such reverence for 
 the law as Kabban Gamaliel the elder. 
 
 1C8 Comp. Joseph. Bell. Jud. iv. 3. 9 ; Vitn, 38, 39, 44, fiO. Jost, i. 44 G 
 sqq. Derenbourg, pp. 270-272, 474 sq. Hamburger, Rcal-Enc. ii. 1121. 
 By the Rabban Simon ben Gamaliel, so frequently mentioned in tlie 
 Mi-shna, is generally intended the son of Gamaliel II. So especially in Abolh 
 i. 18: Kerithoth i. 7 alone, besides Aboth i. 17, refers perhaps to Simon the 
 sou of Gamaliel i. '<"• Vita, US.
 
 366 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 Jamnia or Jabne, which had since the Maccabaean period 
 been chiefly inhabited by Jews, became after the destruction 
 of the holy city a chief seat of these studies. The most 
 distinguished of tliose scholars, who survived the fall of Jeru- 
 salem, seem to have settled here/^" Lydda or Lud is besides 
 mentioned as an abode of eminent scribes."^ Later on, 
 perhaps subsequent to the middle of the second century after 
 Christ, Tiberias became a centre of scribisra. 
 
 The most important scribe in the decade after the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem was Eabban Johanan ben Sakkai/^^ The 
 period of his activity is evident from the circumstance, that 
 he altered several legal enactments or customs " after the 
 temple was destroyed." "^ His place of residence seems to 
 have been chiefly Jabne/" But Berur Chail {bf^n "ina) is also 
 mentioned as a scene of his labours. "** And he must like- 
 wise have temporarily sojourned in Arab (any), where various 
 legal questions were propounded for his decision.^^^ Among 
 
 ^'° See in general, Shelcalim i. 4 ; Rash Tiashana ii. 8-9, iv. 1-2 ; Kethuhoth 
 iv. 6 ; Sanhedrin xi. 4 ; Edujoth ii. 4 ; Ahoth iv. 4 ; Bechuroih iv. 5, vi. 8 , 
 Ktlim V. 4 ; Para vii. 6. 
 
 '^^ Rosh hashana i. 6 ; Taanith iii. 9 ; Baha niezia iv. 3 ; Jadajim iv, 3. 
 
 ^^2 gee concerning liim the Hebrew works of Frankel, Brüll and Weisa 
 (titles above, § 3), also Jost, Gesch. des Judenthums und seiner Sekten, ii. 
 13 sqq. Landau, Monutsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 
 1851-52, pp. 163-176. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 10 sqq. Derenbourg, 
 Jlisioire de la Pedcstine, pp. 266 sq., 276-288, 302-318. Hamburj;er, Real- 
 Enc, Div. ii. pp. 464-473. Bacher, Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. 
 des Judenth. 1882, pp. 145-165. Spitz, Ruhhan Johanan ben Sakkai, Rector 
 der Hochschule zu Jahneh, Dissertation, Leipzig 1883. He is mentioned 
 in the Mishna in the following passages: Shahhath xvi. 7, xxii. 3 ; Shekalim 
 i. 4 ; Sukka ii. 5, iii. 12 ; Rosh hashana iv. 1, 3 ; Kethuhoth xiii. 1-2 ; Sota 
 V. 2, 5, ix. 9, 15 ; Edajoth vüi. 3, 7 ; Ahoth ii. 8-9 ; Menachoth x. 5 ; Kelun 
 ii. 2, xvii. 16; Jadajim v. 3, 6. Only as ''xnT ''^j Sanhedrin v. 2. For the 
 passages in the Tosefta, see the index to Zuckermanders edition. 
 
 i'3 Sukka iii. 12 ; Rosh hashana iv. 1, 3, 4 ; Menachoth x. 5. 
 
 ^^■* Shekalim i. 4 ; /fo.s'A hashana iv. 1. 
 
 ^^^ Sanhedrin 32b; Tosefta, Maaseroth, 82. 13 (comp. Jer. Demai iii. 1, 
 fol. 23^ ; Jer. Manseroth ii. 3, fol. 49'^). Derenbourg, 307. Many, as e.f/. 
 B. Derenbourg, are of opinion that Johanan ben Sakkai was drivt-n from 
 Jabne by Gamaliel IL and retired to Berur Chad. 
 
 ^^"^ Shahhath xvi. 7, xxii. 3. Arab is a small town in Galilee not far from 
 Sepphoris, See Derenbourg, Ilistoire, p. 318, note 3.
 
 § 25. SCmiJiSM. oG7 
 
 his legal innovations perhaps the most prominent is his doing 
 away with the water of bitterness to be drunk by one accused 
 of adultery.^" How closely connected he still was with 
 matters as they were before the destruction of Jerusalem, is 
 seen by the fact of his disputing concerning legal questions 
 with Sadducees/'^* who soon after it disappear from history. 
 He is also tlie vehicle of ancient traditions which are referred 
 to Moses himself.^^" Legend tells us of him what Josephus 
 tells us of himself, viz. that he predicted to Vespasian his 
 future elevation to the imperial dignity."" R Elieser ben 
 Hyrkanos, R Joshua ben Chananiali, R Joses the priest, R 
 Simon ben Nathanael and E. Eleasar ben Arach are named 
 ill the Mishna as his five disciples,"* The best known and 
 most eminent are the two first named, R Elieser and R 
 Joshua. 
 
 R Zadok, or as his name would be more correctly pro- 
 nounced, R Zadduk,"^ was about contemporary with TJabban 
 Johanan ben Sakkai. He is said to have lived before the 
 destruction of the temple, and also to have held intercourse 
 Avith Gamaliel IL, Joshua and Elieser."^ He is in fact often 
 mentioned in conjunction with them in the Mishna."* In 
 
 ^'^^ Sota ix. 9. Nine decrees (niJpn) introduced by him are enumerated 
 in the Talmud, Rosh hashana ?A^ ; Sota \i)\ Deren bourg, p. 304 sq. 
 
 ''^ Jadojim iv. 6. 
 
 1^3 Editjoth viii. 7 ; Jailajim iv. 3,^/?. Comp, above, p. 272. 
 
 ^^'* Midrash rahha on L;un. 1, 5. Derenbourg, p. 282 sq. ; Wiinsclie, 
 Der Midrash Echa rahlnti (1881), p. Gß sqq. 
 
 ^8^ Aboth ii. 8- 9. The abbreviation li moans Rabbi, wliile the higher 
 title Rabbau is gonendly written in full. 
 
 **2 See concerning iiim, Derenbourg, pp. 342-341. Bacher, JJnnatssc/ir. 
 für (^each. vnd Wisscmch. des Judciith. 1882, pp. 208-211. In the Mishna, 
 Terumoth x. 9 ; J'esachim vii. 2 ; Sukka ii. 5 ; Ncdariin ix. 1 ; Edvjoth iii. 
 8, vii. 1-4 ; Ahoth iv. 5; Bechoroth i. 6 ; Kcllm xii. 4-5; Mikwaoth v. 5. 
 On Shahhath xx. 2, xxiv. 5, comp, note 185. For the passages in the 
 Tosefta, see the index to Zuckermanders edition. The pronunciation 
 Zadduk is pointed according to the Cod. de Rossi 138. Comp. "I^uooovk in 
 the LXX. in IJzekicl, K/.ra an.l Nelieniiaii, 
 
 1*^ Proofs of both in Derenbourg and Bachcr's abovo-namod \vnrk.s. 
 
 >*** With Gamaliel II., J'csarhim vii. 2; with Jushua. Elujotli viL i=» 
 liichoroth i. 6 ; with Kiiescr, Ncdarim ix. 1.
 
 368 § 25. SCRIBISM. 
 
 certain passages, according to whicli the date of his life would 
 have to be considerably postponed, a subsequent E. Zadok is 
 probably intended.^^ 
 
 To the first decades after the destruction of the temple 
 belongs also a distinguished priestly scribe, K. Chananiah, 
 " president of the priests " (□"•jnDn po)."^ He relates what 
 his father had done, and what he had himself seen in the 
 temple,^^' and appears in the Mishna almost entirely as a 
 narrator of the details of the priestly ritual/^^ It is charac- 
 teristic of him as an eminent priest, that he exhorts to prayer 
 for the welfare of the heathen authorities/^^ 
 
 E. Elieser ben Jacob ^^'^ also belongs to the first generation 
 after the destruction of the temple. For it is very probable 
 that a former scribe of the same name must be distinguished 
 from the considerably later E. Elieser ben Jacob so frequently 
 quoted in the Mishna. He flourished not long after the 
 destruction of the teraple,^^^ in which his uncle had 
 ministered as a Levite,^^^ and he is frequently quoted as an 
 authority in the treatise Middotli ; ^^^ nay, subsequent tradition 
 
 ^^^ So Shahhath xx. 2, xxiv. 5. Comp. Bacher, Monatssclir. 1882, p. 
 215. If we acknowledge the existence of this subsequent E. Zadok, the 
 question of course arises, whether other passages must not also be referred 
 to him. 
 
 ^''5*' See Derenbourg, pp. 368-370. Hamburger, Real-Enc. ii. 131, and 
 Bacher, Monatssclir. 1882, pp. 21G-219. His name according to the best 
 authorities is not Chauina but Chananiah (so Cod. de Rossi 138, and the 
 Cambridge MS. edited by Lowe). On the ofEce of a priestly pD, see 
 above, p. 259. 
 
 '^^' Sehachim ix. 3, xii. 4. 
 
 ^^^ See in general, Pesachim i. 6 ; Shekalim iv. 4, vi. 1 ; Ediijotli ii. 1-3 ; 
 Ahoth iii. 2; Sehacliim ix. 3, xii. 4; Menachoth x. 1 ; Negaimi. 4; Para 
 iii. 1. 
 
 189 Ahotl iii. 2. 
 
 i"" Dereubourg, p. 374 sq. Bacher, Monatssclir. 1882, pp. 228-233. 
 
 1^1 So also Derenbourg, 375, n. 2, and Bacher, 228. The younger Elieser 
 ben Jacob w\as a contemporary of R. Simon about A.D. 150 (Pai-a ix. 2), and 
 narrates in the name of Chananiah ben Chakinai, who again narrates in 
 that of R. Akiba (Kilajim iv. 8. Tosefta, Ncgaim 617. 38 ; Tohoroth 072. 
 16, ed. Zuckermandel). 
 
 -92 MidJoth i. 2. 
 
 "« Middoth i. 2, 9, ii. 5, 6, v. 4. Comp. Slickalim vi. 3.
 
 § 25. SCKIBISM. 369 
 
 even ascribes to him the composition of the whole treatise.^*' 
 It can no Ioniser be decided in particular cases which passages 
 are to be attributed to him and which to E. Elieser ben 
 Jacob the younger. Perhaps the statements on circumstances 
 of ritual may be referred to the elder/'" 
 
 Eabban Gamaliel II., son of Simon and grandson of Gama- 
 liel I., the most renowned scholar of the turn of the century 
 (about A.D. 90-110), lived only a few decades later than 
 Johanan ben Sakkai."*^ The tribunal at Jabne, of which he 
 was the head, was in his days generally acknowledged as the 
 chief authority in Israel.^^^ The most famous scholars were 
 here assembled about him, and in this respected circle Gama- 
 liel was reckoned the decisive authority.^®* Among the 
 scholars in close intercourse with him, E. Joshua, about his 
 equal in age, and E. Akiba, his junior, were the most 
 eminent."*^ On the other hand, Gamaliel does not seem to 
 have entered into close relations with his famous contem- 
 
 i'-* Joma 16a. Dereubourg, o74, u. 1. 
 
 1^^ E.g. the statements conceruiug the marriages of priests (Bikkurim i. 5 ; 
 Kiddushin iv. 7), the sacrificial rites (Menachoth v. 6, ix. 3 ; Tamid v. 2), 
 the first-born of cattle (Bcchoroth iii. 1), the sacred singers (Arachin ii. 6), 
 the offerings of proselytes (Kcrithoih ii. 1). 
 
 i^*' See concerning him the Hebrew works of Frankel, Brüll and Weiss, 
 also Jost, Gesch. des Judenlh. ii. 25 sqq. Landau, Mortatsxchr. für Gesch. 
 und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1851-52, pp. 283-295, 323-335. Grätz, 
 Geschichte der Juden, iv. 30 sqq., 423 sq. Derenbourg, pp. 30G-313, 319- 
 3-46. Hamburger, Rcal-Enc. ii. 237-250. Bacher, Monalsschr. 1882, pp. 
 245-2G7. The chronology results from the fact that his younger contem- 
 porary Akiba played a part in the Barkochba war. 
 
 i'-*^ Rosh hashana ii. 8-9 ; Kelim v. 4. Comp. Derenbourg, pp. 319-322. 
 He seems to have sojourned but temporarily at Kefar-Othnai, where we 
 only once (Giltin i. 5) meet with Gamaliel. 
 
 198 Hence when once during a protracted absence of Gamaliel it had to 
 be decided, whether tlie year was to be a leap year, this was only done with 
 the reservation that Gamaliel should agree to it (Eilnjolli vii. 7). Comii. 
 al.so for the authoritative po.sition of Gamaliel, the formula " Kabban Gama- 
 liel and the elders'' (Maaser shod v. 9 ; Shahhalh xvi. 8 ; Eriihin x. 10). 
 
 i"'-' Uli the mutual relations of Gamaliel, Joshua and Akiba, comp, especially. 
 iSIaascr sheni v. 9 ; Erubin iv. 1 ; Ji'osh hashana ii. 8-9 ; Maaxcr shciii ii. 7 ; 
 Siikku iii. 9 ; KirUhoih iii. 7-9 ; Ncfjaim vii. 1. Gamaliel and Joshua. 
 Jadajlin iv. 4. Gamaliel and Akiba, Ro.sh ha.ihana i. 6 ; Jchamolk xvi. 7. 
 DIV, II. VOL. I. 2 A
 
 370 § 25, SCRICISM. 
 
 porary E. Elicser ben Hyrcanus, At least there is no trace 
 of this in the Mislina, while subsequent tradition on the 
 contrary relates that Elieser was excommunicated by Gama- 
 liel (see below). Gamaliel once undertook in conjunction 
 with E. Joshua, E. Akiba and the equally renowned E. Eleasar 
 ben Asariah, a sea voyage to Eome, which obtained a certain 
 celebrity in Eabbinical literature.^"^ He is said to have been 
 on one occasion removed by the seventy -two elders from the 
 presidential dignity on account of his too autocratic dealings, 
 and E. Eleasar ben Asariah to have been appointed to replace 
 him. Gamaliel was however, on showing contrition, soon 
 reinstated in his office, which Eleasar voluntarily vacated.^^^ 
 The elevation of Eleasar by tlie seventy-two elders to the 
 headship of the school is at any rate evidenced by the 
 j\Iishna."'^" In his legal decisions Gamaliel followed the school 
 of Hillel ; it is mentioned as an exception, that in three things 
 he decided in an aggravated sense, according to the school of 
 Shammai."**'^ In general he is characterized as much by legal 
 strictness on the one liand,^"* as on the other by a certain 
 amount of worldly conformity, nay of candour of judgment.^^'^ 
 The two most celebrated contemporaries of Gamaliel were 
 E. Joshua ben Chananiah and E. Eliesev ben Hyrcanus, both 
 pupils of Johanan ben Sakkai.-"" We frequently find them 
 disputing with each other on legal questions, and Akiba the 
 
 -0» Ertihin iv. 1-2 ; Maaner sheui v. 9 ; Shalhalh xvi. 8. Grätz, 
 Monatssclir. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judentli. 1851-52, pp. 192-202. 
 Derenbourg, pp. 334-340. Renan, Les e'vangiles (1877), p. 307 sqq. 
 Bacher, Alonatsschr. 1882, p. 251 sqq. 
 
 -"^ Jci: Berachotli iv. 1, io\. T'^'^ ; Bub. Berachoth 27'' (in German in Pinner, 
 Talmud Bahll Tractat Beraclioth, 1842, in Latin in Surenhusius' Mlshna, ii. 
 337, iii. 247). Jost, Gesch. des Judenth. ii. 28 sqq. Grätz, Gesch. der 
 Jaden., iv. 35 sqq. Derenbourg, pp. 327-329. 
 
 -"- Sehachim i. 3 ; Jadajim iii. 5, iv. 2. 
 
 -"3 Beza ii. 6 ; Edujoth iii. 10. -»* Berachoth ii. 5-6. 
 
 -^'^ Comp, beside tlie journey to Ronie, Ins intercouise with the governor 
 (hegemon) of Syria {Ednjoth vii. 7) and his visit to the bath of Aphrodite 
 at Akko, although there was there a statue of the heathen goddess {Aboda 
 mra iii. 4). 
 
 ^°*'' Aboth ii. 8. Comp. Edujoth viii. 7 ; Jadajim iv. o,ßn.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 371 
 
 younger taking jiart in these discussionp.""' With Gamaliel 
 however Joshua only, and not Elieser, seems to have been in 
 familiar intercourse. According to later tradition this would 
 be explained by the fact that Elieser was excommunicated by 
 Gamaliel.'*'^ It. Joshua was descended from a Levitical 
 family.^"* He was of a gentle and yielding disposition, and 
 hence submitted to the unbending Gamaliel.^^" " Since the 
 death of li. Joshua, there is no longer any kind-heartedness 
 (naiü) in the world." ^^' His motto was, " En\7-, evil desire and 
 hatred bring a man out of the world.^'^ Pekiin or Bekiin 
 (yV'pVi TVP^), is named as the place of his labours.^*^ His 
 close relations with Gamaliel however lead to the conclusion 
 that he also resided partly at Jabne. Tradition relates of 
 him, among other things, that he had various conversations 
 with the Emperor Hadrian on religious subjects.^^* In con- 
 trast with the yielding Joshua, Elieser was of a firm, unbending 
 character, and a very strict adherent to tradition, over which, 
 by reason of his faithful memory and extensive scholarship, 
 he had more influence than any other.^^* His teacher 
 
 -"^ Oq the mutual relations of Joshua, Elieser aud Akiba, comp, 
 especially Pcsachim vi. 2 ; Jchamoih viii. 4 ; Nedarim x. 6 ; Nasir vii. 4 ; 
 Edujoth ii. 7. On Josluia aufl Elieser, Pcsachim vi. 5 ; Taanith i. 1 : 
 Sebachim vii. 4, viii. 10 ; Nasir vii. 4. On Joshua aud Akiba, Pisachim ix. G; 
 Sanhedriii vii. 11. On EÜL'ser and Akiba, Pea vii. 7; Kcrifhot/i iii. 1((; 
 Shebiith viii. 9-10. 
 
 208 Jer. Mocd Katan iii. 1, fol. 81'1 ; Bab. Baha luczia b9^ ; Jost, Gesch. 
 de.f Judenth. ii. 35. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 47. Dcrcnbourg, 324 sq. 
 
 -^^ This appears from Maaser shcni v. 9. Comp, on Jo.«hua, the 
 Hebrew works of Fraukel, Brüll and Weiss ; also Grätz, G(sch. der Juden, 
 iv. 50 sqq., 42G sq. Dcrcnbourg, pp. 019 sqq., 41() sqq. Hainburgcr, Rcal- 
 Eiic. ii. 510-520. Bacher, Mmmtsschr. 1882, pp. 040-359, 4.';3-4(i4, 481-496. 
 
 ^"' liosh hashonn ii. 8-9. Dcrcnbourg, 32,^-327. 
 
 -'^ Sota ix. 15. 
 
 212 Ahuih ii. 11: nvnnn nwn i;in -i^*''i y-in py. 
 
 213 py*pa, Savhedrin 32 ; Toscfta, Sota 307, 8. \'']}'>p2, Jtr. Chagiga 
 i. 1. Dcrcnbourg, 307. 
 
 21* Bacher, Afoitalsschr. 18s2, pp. 4(51 sqq., Isi .•^qq. 
 
 21^ See the Hebrew works of Franke), Brüll and Wci.-^s ; also Gratz, 
 Gesch. der Juden, iv. 4:5 .sq., 42.") sq. Dcrcnbourg, 319 sqq., 366 sqi[. 
 Hamburger, ii. ir)2-l<i8. BmcImt. M<niatssrhr. ISs^', pp. 2S9-315, 337-3.VJ, 
 433-445.
 
 372 § 25. SCEIBISM. 
 
 Jühanan ben Sakkni boasted of him, that he was like a well 
 coated with lime, which does not loose a single drop.^^° He 
 was not to be moved by any reasons or representations from 
 what he knew as tradition. Hence his strained relations with 
 Gamaliel, although he is said to have been his brother-in- 
 law.*^'^ His dwelling-place was Lydda.^^* The strange 
 opinion of a modern scholar, that he was inclined to Chris- 
 tianity, nay was secretly a Christian,^^® rests upon a legend 
 which really proves the contrary. Elieser is at one time 
 brought before a heathen tribunal, and looks upon this as a 
 just punishment of God for his having been pleased with the 
 ingenious solution of a legal question, which a Jewish 
 Christian had communicated to him as having been derived 
 from Jesus.^"*^ 
 
 E. Eleasar ben Asariah,"^' a rich and eminent priest, whose 
 genealogy is traced back to Ezra, also occupies an honourable 
 position together with those last mentioned.^^^ His wealth 
 was so great, that it was said that after his death there was no 
 longer any wealth among the learned.^^^ His relations with 
 Gamaliel, Joshua and Akiba, his journey with them to Eome, 
 his elevation by the seventy-two elders to the office of 
 president, and his voluntary relinquishment of this position 
 have been already spoktn of. It is evident even from 
 
 216 Aboth ii. 8. 217 ShaUath 116». Derenbourg, 823. 
 
 218 Jadajim iv. 3 ; SunJicdrin 82k Derenbourg, 307. 
 
 219 Toetterman, E. Eliezer ben Hyrcanos sive de vi qua doctrina Christiana 
 primis seculis illustrissimos quosdani Judaeorum attraxit, Lipsiae 1877. 
 Comp. Theol. Litztg. 1877, pp. 687-689. 
 
 220 There are two versions of this legend ; (1) Ahoda sara 16^ in Ger- 
 man in Ewald's Ahoda sarah oder der Götzendienst, 1868, pp. 120-122 : 
 (2) Midrash rabba on Eccles. i. 8 in German in Wünsche, Der Midrasch 
 Kolitleth, 1880, p. 14 sq. See in general, Jost, ii. 41 sq. Grätz, iv. 47 sq. 
 Derenbourg, 357-360. Bacher, Monatsschr. 1882, p. 801. 
 
 221 See concerning him, Derenbourg, 327 sqq. Hamburger, ii. 156-158. 
 Bacher, Monatsschr. 1883, pp. 6-27. According to the best authorities, 
 his name is not Elieser but Eleasar (in the Cod. de Rossi 138, and in the 
 Cambridge MS. generally, "iTy^). 
 
 222 Bacher, Monai^mrh: 1883, p. 7. Tiiat he was a priest is clear from 
 Maaser slieni v. 9 
 
 223 Sotaiyi. 15,
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 3*73 
 
 these personal circumstances that he must have laboured in 
 Jahne, a fact also testified elsewhere."'* He was also in 
 personal relation with E. Ishmael and R. Tarphon, the contem- 
 poraries of Akiba.^^® 
 
 E. Dosa ben Archinos (or Harkinos) was another con- 
 temporary of Gamaliel and Josliua.^^*' Of him it is especially 
 stated, that he induced Joshua to submit to Gamaliel.^^' 
 
 Among the later men of this generation is also Eleasar ben 
 Zadok, son of the already mentioned E. Zadok.^^^ The son 
 was, as well as the father, intimately acquainted with Gamaliel, 
 and hence gives information concerning his enactments and 
 the legal customs of his house.'"'' 
 
 E. Ishmael occupies an independent position among the 
 scribes of the time.^'"*' We find him indeed occasionally in 
 Jabne,'^^ He was also intimate with his renowned contem- 
 poraries E. Joshua, Eleasar ben Asariah, Tarphon, and 
 
 2-* Kethuhoth iv. 6. Some sentences of Eleasar ia Aboth iii. 17. 
 
 '-^ A disputation between him, Tarphon, Ishmael and Joshua is given 
 Jadajim iv. 3. Eleasar and Ishmael in Tosefta, Berachoih 1, lin. 15, ed. 
 Zuckermandel. Eleasar and Akiba, Tosefta, Beraclioth i. 12 ; Shabbath 
 113. 23. 
 
 2-^ See Derenbourg, 368 sq., 370 sq. Hamburger, ii. 155. His name is, 
 in Cod. de Rossi 138, DJ''3"1S, elsewhere generally DJ^JDTH, but is in any case 
 not like Hyrcanus, but Archinos. 
 
 --' Rash hashana ii. 8-9. Comp, also Eridnn iii. 9 ; Ktthuboth xiii. 1-2 ; 
 Edujoth iii. 1-6 ; Aboth iii. 10 ; Chullin xi. 2 ; Ohaloth iii. 1 ; Negaim L 4. 
 
 228 3ee concerning him, Derenbourg, pp. 342-314. Bacher, Monatsschr. 
 1082, pp. 211-215. As La the case of K. Zadok, so probably in that of 
 Eleasar ben Zailok, we must distinguish between two scribes of the same 
 name, an older and a younger (so Frankel, Darke hamishna, pp. 98, 178 ; 
 Bacher, Monatsschr. 1882, p. 215 ; otherwise Derenbourg, p. 262, n. 2, 
 344, n. 4). The younger relates in the name of R. !Meir (Kilajim vii. 2), 
 and therefore did not live till the middle of the second century. The name 
 of both is according to the best authority not Eiieser but Eleasar (Cod. di 
 Ro.^sl 138, and the Cambridge MS. have chiefly "ITJ?!?). 
 
 2-'9 Tosefta, Challa 99. 9; Shnbhath iii. 15; Join. tob. 202. 28, 204. 
 15-16 ; Kiddushin 336. 13 (ed. Zuckermandel). 
 
 -'30 See concerning him, Gnitz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 60 sqq., 427 sqq. 
 Derenbourg, pp. 386-395 ; Hamburger, ii. 526-529. Bacher, Monatsschr. 
 1883, pp. 63 sqq., 116 sqq., 209 sqq. On the school of Ishmael, D. HoflFmann, 
 Magazin für die Wissensch. des Judenth. xi. 1884, pp. 17-30. 
 
 281 Edujoth ii. 4.
 
 374 § 25. SCKIBISM, 
 
 Akiba.''^' His usual dwelling was however in tlie south of 
 Palestine on the borders of Edom, in the village of Kephar- 
 Asis {vtV "123), where Joshua once visited him/^^ He seems, 
 judging from his age, to have stood in nearer relation to Tarphon 
 and Akiba than to Joshua ; he questioned Joshua, and went 
 " behind him" (like a pupil), while he was on equal terms with 
 Tarphon and Akiba.^^* It would be of special interest, if his 
 father really did, as tradition asserts, also exercise the functions 
 of high priest. The matter is however more than questionable, 
 and only so far probable that he ' was of priestly descent.^^*'^ 
 In the history of the Halachah, Ishmael represents a special 
 tendency : in o})position to the artificial and arbitrary exegesis 
 of Akiba, he adhered more to the simple and literal meaning 
 of Scripture, but this must be understood in only a very 
 comparative sense.^^^ The laying down of tlie thirteen Middoth, 
 or exegetic rules for Halachic exegesis, is ascribed to him.^^^ 
 A large portion of the exegetic material contained in two of 
 tlie oldest Midrashim (Mechilta on Exodus, and Sißx on 
 Numbers and Deuteronomy) comes from him and his disciples, 
 even if these are not, as tradition asserts, the exclusive pro- 
 duction of his school.^^'' According to the legend, Ishmael, 
 
 232 Joshua and Ishmael, Kilajhn vi. 4 ; Aboda sara ii. 5 ; Tosefta, Para 
 G38. 35. Akiba and Ishmael, Edvjotli ii. 6 ; Mikicaoih vii. 1. On a disputa- 
 tion between Tarphon, Eleasar ben Asariah, Ishmael and Joshua, see Jada- 
 Jim iv. 3. But that Joshua and Ishmael e.g. did not live in the same place is 
 seen from Kilajim vi. 4 ; Tosefta, Bechorolh 536. 24. The same is evident 
 with respect to Akiba from Eriibin i. 2 ; Tosefta, Sahim 677. 6 (pupils of 
 Ishmael are reporting to Akiba the instruction of the former). 
 
 233 On the borders of Edom, Kethuhoth v. 8 ; in Kephar-Asis, Kilajim 
 vi. 4 ; on Kephar-Asis, comp. The Survey of Western Palestine^ Memoirs by- 
 Kitchener and Conder, iii. 315, 348-350. Miktoaoth vii. 1, according to 
 which people of Medaba, the well-known Moabite town, relate concerning 
 his teaching, points to labours in Peraea. 
 
 23* Compare the passages cited in note 232. With respect to Joshua, 
 Ahuda sara ii. 5 ; Tosefta, Para 638. 35. Bacher, JMonatssclir. 1883, p. 64. 
 
 L>34a Derenbourg, p. 387 sq. 
 
 235 Comp, briefly, Hamburger, p. 528. Bacher, Monatsschr. 1883, p. 73 sq. 
 
 -3''' See above, p. 336 ; and Derenbourg, pp. 389-391. 
 
 -3'' The tradition is reduced to its true proportion e.g. in Bacher, 
 Monatsschr. 1883, p. 66 sq. Comp, also on the two Midrashim, § 3, above-
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 375 
 
 like most of his contemporaries, is said to liave died as a martyr 
 in the Barkochba war.'^^ 
 
 Among those scribes who also had intercourse with 
 Gamaliel, Josliua and Elieser, but stood more or less in a 
 relation of discipleship to them, by far the most celebrated 
 was K. Akiba ben Josepli.'^^'' He flourished about A.D. 1 1 0-135. 
 II is relations with Gamaliel, Joshua and Elieser have already 
 been spoken of (notes 199, 200, 207). He surpassed them 
 all in influence and reputation. None gathered about him so 
 large a number of })upils ; ^*" none was so glorified by tradition. 
 It is scarcely possible however to pluck the historically true 
 from the garland of myths. Not even the place of his labours 
 is known with certainty ; from the Mishna it seems to have 
 been Lydda,^" while the Baljylonian Talmud names Bene- 
 Barak (pin ''JD).'^^ Such sentences of his as have been handed 
 down are not only characteristic of his rigidly legal stand- 
 point, but also show that he made dogmatic and philosophic 
 questions the subjects of study.^" Like the ancient Zealots, he 
 combined national patriotism with religious zeal. Hence he 
 hailed the political hero Barkochba as the Messiah,^" and is 
 said to have suffered martyrdom as one of the most eminent 
 sacrifices for the national cause.^^^ Of his exegetic method it 
 can only be said, that it is an exaggeration and degeneration 
 of tluit which prevailed among the Kabliis in general, "it is 
 
 -3^ Grätz, iv. 175. Deronbourg, p. 436. 
 
 -^* See concerning iiim the Hebrew works of Fraukel, Brlill and Weiss; 
 also Jost, Gcsch. des Judentli. ii. b9 sqq. himdsiu, Monatsschi: ßtr Gesch. 
 und WisseiiscJi. des Judenth. 1854, pp. 45-51, 81-93, 130-148. Grätz, Gesch. 
 der Juden, iv. 53 sqq. ; Ewald's Gesch. des Volles Israel, vii. 376 sqq. 
 Deronbourg, pp. 329-331, 395 sqq., 418 sqq. Hamburger, ii. 32-43. Bacher, 
 Monatsschr. 1883, pp. 254 sqq., 297 sqq., 347 s.iq., 419 sqq., 433 sqq. 
 Gastfreund, Bioijraphledes Tanaiten lluhl Akiha (in Hebrew), Lembergl871. 
 
 ^•'f* Derenbourg, p. 395 sq. -" Rush has/idiia i. 6. 
 
 2*2 Sanhedrin 32b ; Derenbourg, pp. 307, 395. 
 
 -'3 The sentences, Almth iii. 13-16. Among them. iii. 15, is the sjiying 
 njinj mt^'ini "lav ^an, "Everything is watched (by God), but freedom is 
 granted (to men).' 
 
 -•" Derenbourg, p. 425 scj. 
 
 '■'*^ Grätz, iv. 176, 177. Derenbuurg, p. 436. Bacher, 1883, p. 256.
 
 376 § 25. SCKIBISM. 
 
 the art of deducing heaps of Halachoth from every jot of the 
 law."^^'' To attain this, the principle was acted on, that no 
 word of the text was superfluous, that even the slightest, the 
 most apparently superfluous elements of the text contain the 
 most important truths.^" It is of much more value than these 
 exegetical tricks, and of real epoch-making importance in 
 the history of Jewish law, that in the time of Akiba, 
 and probably under his direction, the Halachah, which had 
 hitherto been only orally propagated, was for the first time 
 codified. The various materials were arranged according to 
 the point of view of their actual matter, and what was current 
 law was recorded in writing together with adductions of the 
 divergent views of all the more eminent scribes. This work 
 forms the foundation of the Mishna of E. Judah ha-Nasi, which 
 has been preserved to us.^*^ 
 
 E. Tarphon, a priestly scribe, who is said to have been very 
 much in earnest about his priestly duties and privileges, so 
 far as this was possible after the destruction of the temple, 
 was a contemporary of Akiba."''^ He lived at Lydda,^^" and 
 was chiefly in intercourse with Akiba,^''^ but took part in a 
 
 ^-iß Bacher, MonaUsclir. 1883, p. 254 sq. 
 
 -*" Thus e.(j. the particle ns is said to indicate, that besides the object 
 mentioned, something else is also intended together with it. In tlie account 
 (jf the creation QVO'J'n nx is used, because the sun, moon and stars are also 
 meant (Wünsche, BcresJdtli rahba, p. 6 sq.). ComiJ. Derenbourg, p. 397. 
 The proselyte Aquila tried to be faithful to this exegetical principle by 
 translating in his Greek version of the Bible cvu zov ovpxuou x-ai avv T'/iu 
 -/vi'j, at which Jerome vents his just scorn (^Epist. bl ad Pammachium, c. 11, 
 0pp. de Vallarsi, i. 316). Comp, also, on Aquila as a disciple of Akiba, 
 Hieronymus, Comment, in Jes. viii. 11 sqq. (Vallarsi, iv. 122): Akibas quern 
 magistrum Aquilae proselyti autumant. Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, iv. 437. 
 
 ^i*^ That an older work of the time of Akiba is the foundation of our 
 present Mishna, may be inferred almost with certainty from its contents. 
 That the work in question was edited by Akiba himself may also be accepted 
 as probable from the testimony of Epiphanius (heier. 33. 9). For further 
 particulars, see § 3. Comp, also Derenbourg, pp. 399-401. 
 
 -*9 See in general, Derenbourg, pp. 376-383. Hamburger, ii. 1196 sq. 
 Bacher, Monatssclir. 1883, pp. 497-507. 
 
 -^0 Taanilli iii. 9 ; Baha mcziei iv. 3. 
 
 -51 Tcrumoth iv. 5, ix. 2 ; Neisir vi. 6 ; BccliorolJi iv. 4 ; KcritJioth v. 2-3, 
 To.sefta, Mikivcwth, GÖ4. 4, 660. 33.
 
 § 25. SCRIBISM. 377 
 
 disputation with Eleasar ben Asariali, Ishmael and Joshua."^ 
 Subsequent tradition makes him, like all the scribes of his 
 time, a martyr in the Barkochba war."^^ As this is however 
 of just the same value as the Christian tradition, which makes 
 all the apostles martyrs, he may very well be identical with 
 that Trypho with whom Justin met, and who said of himself 
 that he had fled from Palestine on account of the war,^^* It 
 is peculiar that hard words against the Gospels and against 
 the Christian faith should have been reported exactly of 
 him.=^" 
 
 Beside E. Tarphon there remain to be mentioned as con- 
 temporaries of E. Akiba, E. Johanan ben Nuri, who lived 
 also in the time of Gamaliel II., Joshua and Elieser, but is 
 most frequently spoken of as in intercourse with Akiba ;^^ 
 E. Simon ben Asai, or merely Ben Asai, who is famed for 
 
 2^2 Jadajim iv. 3. ^^^ Grätz, iv. 179. Deronbourg, p. 436. 
 
 ^''■' Justin. Dial. c. TrypJione, c. 1 : siul os 'Eßpuioi ix, -Trepnof^.ij:, 
 (f!V'/uv rov uuv yevofisuov vo'hsf^.Q'j, Iv rn 'EA7i«3; x«i rr, Y^oolvda roc 
 vfJKhai, liayuv. The names pD")t3 aud Tpv<pav are identical, for it cannot 
 be proved that the former is a genuine Semitic name, although, according 
 to its form, this is possible. The time too exactly agrees. Hence the 
 identity of R. Tarphon with Justin's Trypho has been accepted by many 
 scholars. See Wolf, Bihliothcca Jlebraea, ii. 837. 
 
 255 He said that the Gospels ought to be burned although they contained the 
 name of God (Shabhath 116'i ; Derenbourg, p. 379 sq. ; Bacher, 1883, p. 506). 
 On account of the great interest of R. Tarphon to Christian theologians, 
 I here give all the passages of the Mishna in which he is named: Berachoth 
 i. 3, vi. 8 ; Pea iii. 6 ; Kilajim v. 8 ; Tervmoth iv. 5, ix. 2 ; Maaseroth iii. 9 ; 
 Maaser sheni ii. 4, 9 ; Shabhath ii. 2 ; Erithiii iv. 4 ; Pesachim x. 6 ; Sukka 
 iii. 4 ; Beza ÜL 5 ; Taanith iii. 9 ; Jebamoth xv. 6-7 ; Kethuboth v. 2, vii. 6, 
 ix. 2, 3 ; Nedarim vi. 6 ; Nasir v. 5, vi. 6 ; Kiddushin iii. 13 ; Baba kamma 
 iL 5; Baba mezia ii. 7, iv. 3; Makkoth i. 10; Edujoth i. 10; Aboth ii. 
 15-16 ; Sebachim x. 8, xi. 7 ; Menachoth xii. 5 ; Bechoroth ii. 6-9, iv. 4 ; 
 Kerithoth v. 2-3 ; Kelim xi. 4, 7, xxv. 7 ; Ohaloth xiii. 3, xvl 1 ; Para i. 3 ; 
 Mikioaoth x. 5 ; Machshirin v. 4 ; Jadajim iv. 3. For the passages iu the 
 Tosefta, see the index to Zuckermanders edition. 
 
 256 In the time of Gamaliel, Rosh hashana 148. In the time of Joshua, 
 Tosefta, Taanith 217. 14. In the time of Elieser, Tosefta, Orla 45. 1. 
 Kelim 575. 18, 20. In association with Akiba, Rosh hashaua iv. 5 ; 
 Bechoroth vi. 6 ; Temitrn i. 1 ; Ukziu iii. 5. Tosefta, Pesarhim 155. 27. 
 Comp, in general, Hamburger, ii. 490 sq. Bacher, Mouatsschr. 1883, 
 p. 537 sq. 
 
 DIV. II. VOL. I. 2 A 2
 
 378 § 25. SCEIBISM. 
 
 being specially indefatigable in study ; ^'^ K. Johanan ben 
 Beroka, who was an associate of Joshua and Johanan ben 
 Nuri ; ^^* K, Joses the Galilean, who is mentioned as the con- 
 temporary of Eleasar ben Asariah, Tarphon and Akiba ; ^"^ E. 
 Simon ben Nannos, or only Ben Nannos, also a contemporary 
 of Tarphon and Akiba.^^ 
 
 To the same period belongs also Abba Saul, who indeed 
 gives an account even of a saying of Johanan ben Sakkai, and 
 is repeatedly quoted as an authority concerning the arrange- 
 ments of the temple, but cannot have been of, earlier date than 
 Akiba, since he frequently reports his sayings also.^**^ Also 
 E. Judah ben Bethera. who is mentioned on the one hand as 
 
 '^^ Contemporaries of Akiba, Shekalim iv. 6 ; Joma ii. 3 ; Taanith iv. 4 ; 
 Baba hathra 'vs.. 10. It was said of him : " Since the death of Ben Asai 
 there are no longer any indefatigable students" (^Sota ix. 15: D''3'^pK', 
 properly, waking ones, i.e. untiringly studying ones). Some sentences of 
 his in Aboth iv. 2-3. Comp, in general, Hamburger, ii. 1119-1121. 
 Bacher, Monatsschr. 1884, pp. 173-187, 225 sq. 
 
 258 With Joshua, Tosefta, Sota 307. 7. With Johanan ben NurL 
 Tosefta Terumoih 38. 15. In the Mishna, Johanan ben Beroka is 
 mentioned, Eruhin viii. 2, x. 15 ; Pesachim vii. 9 ; Jebavioth vi. 6 ; 
 Kethuboth ii. 1 ; Baba kamnia x. 2 ; Baba baihra viii. 5 ; Shehuoth vii. 7 ; 
 Aboth iv. 4 ; Bechoroih viii. 10 ; Kelim xvii. 11. Comp, also Bacher, 
 Monatsschr. 1884, p. 208 sq. 
 
 259 With these three, Jer. Gittln ix. 1 (Derenboiu-g, p. 368). With Akiba 
 and Tarphon, Tosefta, Mikwaoth 660. 32. He relates also in the name of 
 Johanan ben Nuri, Tosefta, Orla 45. 1. See in general. Hamburger, ii. 
 499-502. Bacher, Monatsschr. 1883, pp. 507-513, 529-536. 
 
 260 See especially Tosefta, Mikwaoth 660. 33. We find him associated 
 with Ishmael, Baba bathra x. 8. He is mentioned by his full name Simon 
 ben Nannos (j/«:/»oj= dwarf), Bikkurim iii. 9; Shabbath xvL 5; Erubin 
 ix. 15 ; Baba bathra x. 8 ; Menachoth iv. 3. Only as Ben Nannos, Kethu- 
 both X. 5 ; Gitlin viii. 10 ; Baba bathra vii. 3, x. 8 ; Shabbath vii. 5. 
 
 261 On a saying of Johanan ben Sakkai, Aboth ii. 8. On the arrange- 
 ments of the temple, Middoth ii. 5 ; also Menachoth viii. 3, xi. 5. On 
 sayings of Akiba, Tosefta, Kilajim 79, 9 ; Sanhedrin 433. 27. Comp, 
 also Pea viii. 5 ; Kilajim ii. 3 ; Shabbath xxiii. 3 ; Shekalim iv. 2 ; Beza iii. 
 8 ; Kethuboth vii. 6 ; Nedarim vi. 5 ; Gittin v. 4 ; Kiddushin iv. 2 ; Baba 
 viezia iv. 12, vL 7 ; Baba bathra ii. 7, 13 ; Sanhedrin x. 1 ; Makkoth ii. 2. 
 Lewy, Ueber einige Fragmente des Mischna des Abba Saul, Berlin 1876 
 (comp. Magazin für die Wissensch. des Judenth. iv. 1877, pp. 114-120 ; 
 Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1878, pp. 187-192, 
 227-235).
 
 § 25. SCEIBISM. 379 
 
 a contemporary of Elieser, on the other as a contemporary of 
 li. Meir, and who must consequently have flourished in the 
 period between the two, i.e. in the time of Akiba,"^ 
 
 ß. Judah, E, Joses, R. Meir and R. Simon, men of the 
 next generation, are more frequently mentioned in the Mishna 
 than all those hitherto named. Their labours however, 
 having taken place in the middle of the second century, 
 fall outside the limits of the period here dealt with. 
 
 -*2 Contemporary of Elieser, Negaim ix. 3, xi. 7. Contemporary of 
 Meir, Tosefta, Nasir 290. 14. Comp, also on the chronology, Pea iii. 6 ; 
 Pesachim iii. 3 ; Edujoth viii. 3 ; Kclim ii. 4 ; Olialoth xi. 7. Tosefta, 
 Jebamoth 255. 28. See iu general, Bacher, Monalsschr. 1884, pp. 76-81. 
 
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