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QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 

QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
 MANDELL CREIGHTON, D.D. OxoN. and Cam. 
 
 LORD BISHOP OF LONDON 
 
 WITH PORTRAIT 
 
 NEW IMPRESSION 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO, 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1900 
 

 jifsy^y 
 
 First puUishtd by M$ssrs. Boussod, Valadon & Co. 
 
 in July, 1896, with numtrous ilhtstratioiu, 
 Rtprinttd March, 1899 ; Junt, 1899; January, 1900. 
 

 PREFACE TO NEW EDITION. 
 
 The object which I had before me in writing 
 the following pages was to sketch the life of 
 Elizabeth as plainly as possible. I have en- 
 deavoured to illustrate a character rather than 
 to write the history of a time. But Elizabeth's 
 life was so closely interwoven with the history 
 of England that it is impossible to separate her 
 actions from public affairs, and I have been 
 drawn into general history more often than I 
 wished. I can only say that I have endeav- 
 oured not to wander into any matters which 
 were not necessary for an explanation of Eliza- 
 beth's conduct, and that I have only enlarged 
 the stage to find room for the actor. 
 
 It was impossible within my limits to do 
 more than sketch a rough outline of a very 
 complex personality, which reflected only too 
 
 119847 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 faithfully the perplexities of a very difficult 
 time. Such an attempt was only possible 
 owing to the amount of detailed work which 
 has already been done by others. But it 
 seemed to me that the outline must be clearly 
 drawn before the amazing varieties of expres- 
 sion could be understood. Bewildering as they 
 were in any particular matter, they all had 
 reference to certain central conceptions. It 
 is these which I tried to discover and exhibit. 
 
 M. LONDON. 
 
 February y 1899. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Youth of Elizabeth i 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 Problems of the Reign „ 44 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Elizabeth and Mary Stuart 91 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Excommunication of Elizabeth „ ... 124 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The ALEN90N Marriage „ ... 164 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 The Crisis .. 204 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 The New England , 238 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Last Years of Elizabeth ►. .^ ... 281 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE YOUTH OF ELIZABE' 
 
 The Princess Elizabeth of England was born at 
 Greenwich, between three and four of the afternoon 
 of September 7, 1533. Her birth was a matter of 
 small rejoicing to her parents, who were sorely 
 disappointed that their first-born was not a boy. 
 Seldom had greater issues depended on the sex of a 
 child than were now at stake. Henry VHI. pined 
 for a male heir to succeed to the English throne. He 
 had wearied of his Spanish wife, Catherine ; he had 
 made the hand of his sole daughter, Mary, the bait 
 of many an alliance, which had come to nought. 
 He had wasted England's resources on foreign 
 wars, which had brought no return. He had found 
 Catherine, with her devotion to Spain and her nephew, 
 Charles V., an obstacle to his political plans, and had 
 wearied of her person. He had lost his heart to 
 Anne Boleyn, and determined to make her Queen at 
 
i QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 all costs. For this purpose he had waded deeply in 
 the mire, had broken through all the conventions of 
 propriety, had quarrelled with Pope and Emperor, 
 and had filled Europe with his clamorous assertions 
 of the right of a King of England to have his own 
 way in matters matrimonial. When he failed of 
 immediate success, he had set on foot a revolutionary 
 change in England itself, the end of which he could 
 not foresee. He had stubbornly declared his inten- 
 tion to be divorced from Catherine and to marry 
 Anne; he was bent on discovering some means_of^ * 
 effecting his object. 
 
 The death of Archbishop Warham in August, 
 1532, opened up a way. Warham had refused to con- 
 sider the question of granting a divorce in England ; 
 but Henry might secure a successor to Warham 
 who would be amenable to his wishes. So sure was 
 Henry of this result that on September i he created 
 Anne Marchioness of Pembroke, and presented her 
 with jewels taken from the Queen. This was re- 
 garded as an announcement that Anne had consented 
 to become the King's mistress, which was probably 
 the fact. Pope Clement VII. thought that such an 
 arrangement would end the question of the King's 
 divorce, and accepted the royal nomination of Thomas 
 Cranmer as Archbishop of Canterbury in Warham's 
 stead. But before the bulls for his confirmation had 
 arrived, Anne was with child, and it was necessary 
 
TtiE Youth op Elizabeth. 3 
 
 for her offspring to be born in lawful wedlock. She 
 was privately married to Henry sometime in January, 
 1 533- Cranmer was consecrated Archbishop on 
 March 30. On May 10, he opened his court to in- 
 quire into the validity of the King's marriage with 
 Catherine. Before the end of the month he pro- 
 nounced the marriage with Catherine to have been 
 null and void from the beginning, and the marriage 
 with Anne to be good and valid. On June i, Anne 
 was crowned in Westminster. 
 
 These were not creditable proceedings to submit 
 to the judgment of the English people. They were 
 not attached to Catherine, and they ardently wished 
 for a male successor to the throne. They had not 
 sympathised with the King's foreign policy, and they 
 longed to be free from its complications, and manage 
 their national concerns in peace. They had no love 
 for the Pope, and wished priests and monks to be 
 reduced to their due place in the new society which 
 was slowly coming into existence. They were 
 desirous of more common-sense and simplicity in 
 religious matters, and had little sympathy with the 
 old-fashioned pretentiousness of the Churchmen. 
 They were quite willing that the King should 
 manage his personal matters as he thought best, 
 provided he left them in peace. But still, when all 
 had been done and settled, they shook their heads, 
 and felt that there had been at work an amount of 
 
4 Q UEEN BUZ A BETH. 
 
 trickery and injustice which they could not approve. 
 They were not critics of the King's proceedings, and 
 they were ready to wait ; but their sympathy was 
 more with the degraded Queen than with her upstart 
 and brazen successor. The birth of a male heir to 
 the throne would have gone far to reconcile them 
 with what had been done. It would have satisfied 
 the general desire that there should be no difficulties 
 about the succession, that England should not have 
 to face domestic discord and foreign intrigue. But 
 another girl was a hindrance rather than a help to 
 future prospects. If the choice was to lie between 
 her and Mary, the claims of Mary would stand 
 higher. yp^ '^^'''' fP^ 
 
 So the birth of Elizabeth was a disappointment 
 to her parents, and was the beginning of a cooling of 
 Henry's affections towards the wife whom he had 
 braved so much to gain. There was not much 
 heartiness in the rejoicings which announced her 
 coming into the world, or in the magnificence which 
 attended her baptism on September lo, when her 
 godparents were Archbishop Cranmer, the Dowager- 
 Duchess of Norfolk, and the Dowager- Marchioness 
 of Dorset. Three months after this a separate 
 establishment was assigned to the child at Hatfield, 
 where she was joined by her unfortunate sister 
 Mary. The child saw little of her mother. Once 
 only do we find her mentioned at Court. It was on 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 5 
 
 January g, 1536, when the news of the death of 
 Queen Catherine had just arrived. Henry appeared 
 dressed all in yellow, save for a white plume in his 
 cap. After dinner he carried Elizabeth in his arms 
 round the room, and showed her with triumph to 
 the assembled courtiers. Anne joined in Henry's 
 triumph, but her joy was of short duration. Henry 
 was weary of Anne, and her failure to bear other 
 children made her useless. So' long as Catherine 
 lived he was bound to endure her vanity, her bad 
 temper, and her want of tact and personal dignity. 
 After Catherine's death he resolved to rid himself 
 of her ; and Cromwell thought it better to ruin her 
 entirely rather than divorce her on some technical 
 plea. Anne was accused of repeated acts of adultery 
 and incest, throughout all the period of her married 
 life. She was found guilty and was executed on 
 May 19, 1536. Two days before her death her 
 marriage was declared invalid from the beginning, and 
 Elizabeth was thus pronounced to be illegitimate. 
 
 This was a tragic beginning of the life of one of 
 the greatest of the rulers of England, and it is tempt- 
 ing to consider the influence of heredity on Elizabeth's 
 character. In her great qualities of caution and 
 prudence she reverted to her grandfather, Henry 
 Vn., while from her father she inherited the royal 
 imperiousness and personal charm which always 
 secured his popularity. To her mother she owed 
 
6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 her vanity, her unscrupulousness, her relentless and 
 overbearing temper. Anne Boleyn has been hardly 
 judged. Indeed her position was impossible from 
 the beginning; and none but a coarse, ambitious 
 and self-seeking woman would have struggled so 
 desperately as she did for a prize which was sure to 
 be fatal. Her hardness and coarseness passed to 
 her daughter, in whom they were modified by finer 
 qualities, and were curbed by a sense of duty. But 
 Elizabeth always remained more truly the daughter 
 of Anne Boleyn than of Henry VHI., though she 
 never took any steps to clear the character of her 
 mother, whom indeed she was anxious to forget. 
 
 The day after Anne's execution Henry married 
 Jane Seymour, and Elizabeth was banished from her 
 father's sight. She was committed to the care of 
 Lady Bryan, a relative of her mother, and was 
 assigned as a residence, Hunsdon House, in Hert- 
 fordshire, pleasantly situated on a hill overlooking 
 the Stort river. With her was her half-sister Mary, 
 now twenty years of age, devoted to the memory of 
 her mother, and vainly endeavouring to soften the 
 inhumanity of the King. 
 
 At first, Elizabeth was entirely neglected by her 
 father. Lady Bryan was driven to write to Cromwell 
 that the child was almost without clothes; she 
 begged that provision should be made for her needs. 
 Her remonstrance seems to have had some effect; 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 7 
 
 and she did her best to discharge her duty to the 
 child intrusted to her care. Elizabeth was well 
 brought up. She was taught to behave with de- 
 corum. She learnt to sew, and at the age of six 
 presented her brother Edward with a shirt of cambric 
 of her own working. Edward was also committed 
 to the charge of Lady Bryan, and for some time the 
 two children were educated together. They were 
 willing pupils, for the Tudors were fond of learning. 
 They rose early and devoted the first part of the day 
 to religious instruction. Then they studied "lan- 
 guages, or some of the liberal sciences, or moral 
 learning collected out of such authors as did best 
 conduce to the instruction of Princes". When 
 Edward went to exercise in the open air, Eliza- 
 beth, " in her private chamber, betook herself to 
 her lute or viol, and, wearied with that, to practise 
 her needle ". 
 
 Their teachers were carefully chosen from the best 
 scholars of the time. First came Richard Cox, who 
 had been trained in Wolsey's new College at Oxford, 
 and whom Elizabeth afterwards made Bishop of Ely, 
 in remembrance of her Latin lessons. After Cox 
 came the great Cambridge scholar. Sir John Cheke, 
 who carried on their education in the Classics. With 
 him was Roger Ascham, who did not disdain to teach 
 them writing, and formed that bold handwriting 
 which characterises them both, and was a product of 
 
8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 a time when writing was still considered as a fine art. 
 Besides them were learned masters in French and 
 Italian, Elizabeth showed such proficiency in these 
 languages that, at the age of eleven, she wrote an 
 Italian letter to Queen Catherine Parr, and also sent 
 a translation of a book of devotions, Le Miroir de 
 I' Ante pecheresse, written by Margaret of Valois, 
 sister of Francis I. 
 
 While she was thus carefully educated in mind 
 and body, Elizabeth had no education of her affec- 
 tions. Her father seldom saw her and took no 
 interest in her. She was separated from her brother 
 Edward, and was settled by herself at Enfield. As 
 soon as she could think for herself, she must have 
 felt that she was surrounded by an atmosphere of 
 suspicion, and was alone and friendless in the world. 
 The death of Henry, in 1547, ^^^ '^ot remove this 
 isolation. The young Edward was separated from 
 his sisters ; and they were carefully kept apart. In 
 fact, the accession of Edward VI. opened the way 
 for deep laid political intrigues. The boy was sickly, 
 and was not likely to come to years of discretion. 
 It is true that Henry VIII. had, by his will, made 
 tardy reparation to the daughters whom he had so 
 deeply wronged, and recognised their right of suc- 
 cession. But Henry's will was not of much value. 
 The Council which he had provided was set aside 
 by the influence of Edward's uncle, Edward Seymour, 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 9 
 
 who took the rank of Duke of Somerset and the 
 title of Lord Protector. Others, however, were not 
 likely to acquiesce in his supremacy ; and Mary and 
 Elizabeth might be instruments in their hands. 
 
 Elizabeth was committed to the care of the Queen- 
 Dowager, Catherine Parr; but she had a house of 
 her own and a retinue of a hundred and twenty 
 attendants. Her governess was a relative by her 
 mother's side, Catherine Ashley, a foolish and im- 
 prudent woman, little capable of guiding the pre- 
 cocious girl amid the dangers which beset her. 
 Elizabeth was soon to learn the lessons of life in a 
 way which indelibly impressed them upon her mind, 
 We may pity a girl exposed to such temptations ; 
 but we must admit that there was little intuitive 
 modesty in a character which could not resist their 
 grossness. 
 
 The matrimonial proceedings of Henry VHI. had 
 necessarily lowered the tone of morality amongst 
 his courtiers. The coarse gossip which was pre- 
 valent was degrading and removed all sense of 
 restraint. The great social revolution through which 
 England was passing gave scope to unlimited covet- 
 ousness. Men vv^ere low-minded, sensual, self-seek- 
 ing, hypocritical and unscrupulous. There was a 
 feeling that they were sharing in a general scramble, 
 and that he was cleverest who gained most. There 
 was little sense of honour, or gf family affection. 
 
lO QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 The fact that Somerset had won the first place was 
 resented by his brother Thomas, Lord Seymour of 
 Sudeley, who was made Lord High Admiral. His 
 first plan was to marry Elizabeth ; but this required 
 the consent of the King and Council, and he knew 
 that their consent would not be given. He then 
 approached the Queen-Dowager, whose lover he had 
 been before her marriage with Henry VHL, and 
 secretly married her within a few months after Henry's 
 death. The marriage was reluctantly sanctioned in 
 June, 1547. Lord Seymour was now brought nearer 
 to the young King, and had the guardianship of 
 Elizabeth. He was a tall, handsome man ; and 
 Catherine was devoted to him. At first, she thought 
 no harm of the familiarity with which he began to 
 treat the young girl who was now thrown in his way. 
 But it soon became evident, even to her, that Seymour 
 was making love to Elizabeth in a corrupting way, 
 and that Elizabeth showed no displeasure at his 
 revolting attentions. Catherine Ashley was an 
 accomplice, discussed with Elizabeth the attentions 
 of her admirer, and connived at water-parties by 
 night on the Thames. Thmgs went so far that, 
 at last, the Queen-Dowager could endure Elizabeth's 
 presence no longer, but dismissed her from her 
 house in May, 1548. This was done without any 
 open scandal ; the cause was kept a profound secret. 
 Elizabeth was ests^blished s^t Cheshunt, and friendly 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. II 
 
 correspondence continued between her and her 
 former friends. Everything was done to repair 
 past indiscretion and let it sink into oblivion. 
 
 Catherine, however, was deeply wounded and could 
 not forget. On August 30 she bore a daughter, 
 and died a week afterwards. On her deathbed, she 
 said sadly : " Those that be about me care not for 
 me, but stand laughing at my grief; and the more 
 good I will to them the less good they will to me". 
 Seymour answered : " Why, sweetheart, I could you 
 no hurt ". The dying woman said aloud: '* No, my 
 Lord, I think so;" then she added in a whisper, 
 *' but, my Lord, you have given me many shrewd 
 taunts ". 
 
 Seymour, however, felt no remorse for his 
 treatment of a wife who bequeathed him all that 
 she possessed. Scarcely was she buried before he 
 resumed his intrigues for gaining power by a new 
 combination. He had bought from her father the 
 wardship of the Lady Jane Grey, whom he kept in 
 his house and designed to marry to the young King, 
 while he himself married Elizabeth. He opened 
 communications through Catherine Ashley, who told 
 Elizabeth that Seymour, who would fain have married 
 her before he married the Queen, would soon come 
 to woo. Elizabeth was certainly pleased at the pro- 
 spect, and encouraged the proposal. But Seymour, 
 ambitious as he was, could not conceal his projects, 
 
la QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 and Somerset was resolved to rid himself of his 
 audacious brother. In January, 1549, Lord Seymour 
 was arrested on a charge of high treason. Eliza- 
 beth's governess, Catherine Ashley, and her steward, 
 Thomas Parry, were carried away and imprisoned in 
 the Tower. Elizabeth herself was confined to her 
 house at Hatfield, under the guardianship of Sir 
 Robert Tyrwhit, who was charged by the Council to 
 examine her and discover evidence against Seymour. 
 It was a terrible position for a young girl who 
 was not yet sixteen. Deprived of her only friends, 
 not knowing what they might reveal, left alone to 
 the mercy of an astute official, whose duty it was to 
 examine her from day to day, and make her admit 
 her guilt, she well might quail. Her honour, even 
 her life, was at stake. She was at the mercy of 
 her servants. She had not the unconsciousness of 
 absolute innocence ; and could only confide in the 
 fidelity of her imprisoned attendants and in her own 
 dexterity. At first, she burst into a flood of tears, 
 and Tyrwhit thought that his task would be easy. 
 He advised her to confess everything ; the evil and 
 shame would be ascribed to Catherine Ashley ; she 
 would be forgiven on the score of her youth. But 
 Elizabeth soon regained her self-command in the 
 face of danger. He could get nothing from her: 
 " and yet," he writes, " I can see from her face that 
 she is guilty, but she wUl abide more storms before 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. I3 
 
 she accuse Mrs. Ashley". The next day he suc- 
 ceeded no better, and could only repeat, ** I do assure 
 your Grace she hath a very good wit, and nothing is 
 gotten of her but by great policy ". Elizabeth would 
 not commit herself, and in a week's time felt suffi- 
 ciently secure of the reticence of her servants to 
 write in a dignified strain to the Protector, defending 
 her reputation and protesting her innocence. " My 
 conscience," she wrote, *' beareth me witness, which I 
 would not for all earthly things offend in anything, 
 for I know I have a soul to save, as well as other 
 folks have, wherefore I will above all things have 
 respect unto this same." 
 
 As nothing could be discovered from Elizabeth, 
 Tyrwhit turned his attention to her imprisoned 
 steward. Parry, and extracted from him an account 
 of the unseemly familiarities between his mistress 
 and Lord Seymour. Catherine Ashley could not 
 deny her knowledge of them, and furnished a few 
 more particulars. Then Tyrwhit returned to Eliza- 
 beth and put the two confessions into her hand. She 
 read them abashed and breathless. But when 
 Tyrwhit told her that Catherine Ashley would say 
 nothing till she was confronted with Parry, the 
 Tudor rage broke forth. '' False wretch," she cried, 
 *' he promised not to confess to death ; how could he 
 make such a promise and break it ? " Yet, downcast 
 as she was at reading the record of her indiscretion, 
 
t4 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 she soon recovered her presence of mind. She saw 
 that on the main points her servants had stood firm. 
 They sacrificed Elizabeth's private character to 
 maintain her poHtical innocence. She had been a 
 shameless flirt, but had never contemplated marry- 
 ing Seymour without the consent of the Council. 
 Elizabeth took her cue accordingly. Tyrwhit could 
 extract nothing from her except scraps of foolish 
 conversation about the possibility of such a marriage, 
 in answer to which suggestions she always reserved 
 the Council's assent. " They all sing the same 
 song," said Tyrwhit wearily, '* and so I think they 
 would not do unless they had got the note before." 
 After all his efforts, the girl of sixteen baffled the 
 experienced man of affairs. 
 
 The Council proceeded against Seymour on other 
 grounds, but administered a rebuke to Elizabeth in 
 a letter which informed her : *' Catherine Ashley, 
 who hithertofore hath had the special charge to see 
 to the good education and government of your person, 
 hath shown herself far unmeet to occupy any such 
 place longer about your Grace. Being informed 
 that she hath not shewed herself so much attendant 
 to her office in this past as we looked for at her 
 hands, we have thought good somewhat to say 
 roundly to her in that behalf." Elizabeth was 
 informed that Lady Tyrwhit had been appointed 
 in Catherine Ashley's stead, and was recommended 
 
 \, 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 15 
 
 to follow her good advice. At first, Elizabeth was 
 furious. She would have no mistress save Catherine 
 Ashley; she had not behaved so as to deserve the 
 change. She wept all night, and sulked all the 
 following day. Her mood was changed by a letter 
 from the Protector, which told her that Seymour's 
 household was broken up, and enabled her to see 
 that his ruin was imminent. Then Elizabeth's 
 spirit began to droop, though she vigorously de- 
 fended Seymour if anything was said against him. 
 She wrote to the Protector, remonstrating at the 
 removal of Catherine Ashley as likely to corroborate 
 the rumours which were current about her conduct. 
 She asked that these rumours might be contradicted 
 by a proclamation. This last request was gratified. 
 But one of the articles against Seymour was that he 
 had " attempted and gone about to marry the King's 
 Majesty's sister, the Lady Elizabeth, second inheritor 
 in remainder to the Crown ". On March 20, 1549, 
 Seymour's head fell on the scaffold. 
 
 This was a crushing experience for a girl of 
 sixteen. It was undoubtedly the great crisis of 
 Elizabeth's life, and did more than anything else to 
 form her chara.cter. She learned, and she never 
 forgot the lesson, that it was dangerous to follow her 
 inclinations and indulge her affections. She dearly 
 loved Seymour, with the ardour of a passionate girl. 
 She was on the brink of a secret marriage with 
 
 m' 1 . C o 
 
i6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 him, though she knew his coarse character and 
 had been witness of the unhappiness of his former 
 wife. She had a strong feeling of attachment for 
 Catherine Ashley, and had trusted to her discretion. 
 She learned the limitations of human trustworthi- 
 ness, the inevitableness of personal responsibility. 
 All this was an unwelcome revelation of life and its 
 issues to herself. She must trust in herself and 
 in herself only. Rigorous self-repression and self- 
 restraint could alone enable her to stand securely. 
 Love, trust, confidence were all beset with dangers. 
 In the quietness which followed this period of trial 
 she thought out the meaning of what she had endured. 
 She had loved, and her lover had perished. She 
 could ask herself what that love had meant to her. 
 Was it more than a temporary stirring of the senses ? 
 Was it worth the risk which she had run, the im- 
 prudence which she had committed ? What would 
 have been her future had she married Seymour? 
 Was he capable of loving her in return, or was 
 she merely a puppet in his hands, a piece in his 
 game of political self-seeking? She must have re- 
 called his treatment of the Queen- Dowager, whose 
 tears she had seen flow, whose dying words of dis- 
 appointment had been repeated to her. At the time, 
 secure in her own youthful charms, she had thought 
 disdainfully of the middle-aged queen. If she had 
 become Seymour's wife, would she have been any the 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 17 
 
 happier ? Would not she too have been abandoned 
 when her usefulness was past ? She had seen the 
 Lady Jane Grey, an inmate of Seymour's house, 
 another girl whose hand was of value for an intriguer 
 to dispose of. What place had love in such matters 
 as these ? It was possible for a village maiden : it 
 was an impossible luxury for one who had a shred 
 of claim to the throne of England. 
 ^ We know how thoroughly Elizabeth understood 
 these truths and acted upon them later. Her success 
 in so doing was due to the severe teaching of ex- 
 perience. When she recovered from the shock of 
 Seymour's death and could look around her, she 
 saw that it was necessary to recover her character 
 and restore her reputation. No one could be better 
 fitted to help her than Lady Tyrwhit, who was a 
 wise, sympathetic and pious woman. She had formed 
 one of the household of the Queen-Dowager, knew 
 what Elizabeth had gone through, and could talk to 
 her freely about the past. Under her care Elizabeth 
 once more lived a quiet and studious life, principally 
 at Hatfield. Ascham was summoned to be her tutor 
 and was astonished at the rapidity of her progress. 
 When she had just entered her seventeenth year 
 she could speak French and Italian as well as 
 English ; Latin with ease, Greek moderately. But 
 her taste for literature was genuine : she appreciated 
 nice distinctions in the use of words, and was a 
 
i8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 severe critic of style. She read with Ascham nearly 
 the whole of Cicero and Livy, Sophocles, and several 
 orations of Isocrates, besides the Greek Testament, 
 the writings of St. Cyprian and the Commonplaces of 
 Melanchthon. She was fond of music, but did not 
 devote much time to it, nor to dress, in which she 
 loved simplicity. 
 
 Her literary tastes were enduring; her love of 
 simplicity soon passed away. Indeed, it was never 
 real, and Ascham's mention of it shows that Eliza- 
 beth was acting a part. She had been detected as a 
 shameless coquette ; she adopted the attitude of a 
 modest and pious maiden. It was the wisest thing 
 which she could do ; for the times were stormy, and 
 their signs were hard to read. Before the end of 
 1550 the Protector's power had fallen before the 
 superior craft of John Dudley, Earl of Warwick. 
 Warwick's plans were deeper than those of Somerset, 
 and required greater preparation. As the first step 
 towards a distinctive policy, Warwick allied himself 
 with the more advanced reformers in religion, and 
 demanded strict uniformity of religious practice. 
 This entirely accorded with the views of the young 
 King. But there was one who could not be induced 
 to swerve from her former habit, the Princess Mary ; 
 and all efforts to subdue her obstinacy were in vain. 
 It was at this time that Elizabeth was summoned to 
 Court (March, 1551) to act as a foil to the recalcitrant 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 19 
 
 Mary. Elizabeth appeared with studious simpHcity 
 and Edward welcomed her as " his dear and sweet 
 sister, Temperance ". Elizabeth had achieved her 
 end. She had established her character. Her 
 ** maidenly apparel," we are told, " made the noble- 
 men's wives and daughters ashamed to be dressed 
 and painted like peacocks ". She was in a fair way 
 to become the idol of the reforming party. 
 
 She returned to Hatfield well satisfied with her 
 position, which she maintained with quiet splendour. 
 Her household accounts for the year from October, 
 1551, to October, 1552, have been preserved and 
 give us an insight into her daily life. Her income 
 was nearly ;f6ooo a year, equivalent to ^^30,000 of 
 our money. Her expenditure was mostly spent in 
 maintaining her establishment and dispensing hospit- 
 ality. Her kitchen account was ;f 500, besides ^^312 
 for poultry ; her bakehouse cost ;;f2i2 ; wax candles 
 and spices amounted to ;f 340 ; wages to £^26 ; and 
 wine and beer to ^^306. She spent little on her 
 dress, less on her books ; and her alms only reached 
 the moderate sum of £7 17s. She made some profit 
 by selling things to the royal household. The 
 accounts themselves were submitted to her and she 
 signed as auditor at the bottom of several pages. It 
 is clear that she was a prudent and thrifty manager, 
 and at the end of the year had a balance in her 
 favour of £^1500, She early developed that financial 
 
20 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 carefulness which was not the smallest element in 
 her subsequent success. 
 
 New perils, however, were gathering round her. 
 Edward VI. was visibly dying ; and the schemes of 
 Warwick, who had been created Duke of Northum- 
 berland, began to take shape. He worked, upon 
 the King's earnest desire, for the establishment of 
 Protestantism in England and for its future mainten- 
 ance. To this primary object all else must give way. 
 If Henry VIII. could dispose of the succession by 
 his will, so could his son. It was not fitting that 
 Henry's daughters should succeed their brother. 
 Mary was a favourer of the old religion. She could 
 be set aside on the ground of illegitimacy, and the 
 same plea must include Elizabeth also. The line of 
 Henry's elder sister, Margaret of Scotland, was to be 
 passed over for that of the younger sister Mary, and 
 the crown conferred on the Lady Jane Grey, who 
 was married to a son of Northumberland. To clear 
 the ground for this arrangement a marriage had 
 been proposed between Elizabeth and the King of 
 Denmark. The proposal came to nothing. When 
 Edward VI. died, July 6, 1553, all was ready for 
 the proclamation of the Lady Jane, and the im- 
 prisonment and death of Mary and Elizabeth. 
 
 Mary was the more important, and must be 
 secured at once. Northumberland hid the fact of 
 the King's death, and invited Mary to her brother's 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. ai 
 
 deathbed. But Mary was informed of the truth, 
 while on her way, and took refuge in Norfolk. It 
 was necessary for Northumberland to go in pursuit 
 of her, a comparatively easy matter. But Northum- 
 berland had not counted on Mary's resoluteness, 
 and on the objection of the English people to revolu- 
 tions. Mary summoned the people to her side as 
 their lawful Queen, and they answered her call. The 
 victory of Northumberland, they saw, would mean a 
 long period of disquiet, and insecurity of life an3 
 property. Town after town declared in Mary's 
 favour, and before Northumberland could reach her 
 she was guarded by an army of 40,000 men. The 
 scheme to dispossess her completely failed. 
 
 Elizabeth, meanwhile, remained quietly at Hat- 
 field, whence she wrote to congratulate Mary on her 
 accession. She came to London to greet the Queen 
 on her entrance, August 3, 1553. Mary received her 
 graciously and gave her the chief place after herself, 
 though she must have known that the graceful figure 
 and youthful vivacity of Elizabeth threw into the 
 shade her own careworn face, grown old before its 
 time. Doubtless, Mary wished to do her duty by her 
 sister ; but each must have felt that there was a gulf 
 of separation between the daughter of Catherine and 
 the daughter of Anne Boleyn. The one passionately 
 desired to wipe away all that happened since the 
 days when Catherine stood by the side of Henry, his 
 
JS2 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 undoubted wife. The other must have marvelled 
 sometimes at the thoughts of all that had occurred 
 to call her into being ; she must have felt that she 
 embodied in herself the principles of a mighty revolu- 
 tion. This difference between the two sisters was 
 inevitable. It showed itself at once, when Mary did 
 not attend the funeral of Edward, but was present at 
 a Requiem Mass in the chapel of the Tower. She 
 invited Elizabeth to accompany her, but Elizabeth 
 fleclined. Mary would not brook resistance to her 
 will. Either Elizabeth must conform to her religious 
 practices, or else must leave the Court. 
 
 Elizabeth's position was difficult. She had been 
 brought up in the religious ideas which prevailed in 
 directing the policy of Henry VIII., the acceptance 
 of the results of the New Learning, and the reform 
 of the Church in accordance with a fuller understand- 
 ing of the Scriptures and of Christian antiquity. She 
 had no sympathy with the more advanced views of 
 Continental Protestantism, which had been favoured 
 by Northumberland for the purpose of forming a 
 party in England which depended on himself. That 
 party had fallen, and Mary was bent upon using her 
 victory to restore the old Church. How far that was 
 possible remained to be seen. This, at all events, 
 was certain, that the Church could never again be 
 what it had been in the days of Wolsey. Its exact 
 form remained to be determined. Mary's personal 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. / . «? 
 
 opinions could not be impressed upon the English 
 people all at once. For this reason she was anxious 
 that they should be adopted by those immediately 
 around her ; and, first of all, by Elizabeth. Elizabeth 
 felt that, if she was entirely obstinate, she would seem 
 to identify herself with the Protestant party, which, 
 though fallen for a time, was sure to raise its head. 
 If she did so, she would expose herself to suspicion, 
 and would be regarded as a source of political danger i 
 to Mary. She knew that already the foreign ambaft- | 
 sadors advised Mary to remove from her path one / 
 who was her natural rival. Whatever else might / 
 happen, Elizabeth had no wish to appear as the / 
 champion of the party of Northumberland. Accord-/ 
 ingly she determined to maintain her own religious! 
 position as nearly as she could in the circumstances.! 
 To refuse obstinately to go to Mass would be to! 
 declare herself a Protestant in the political sense. 
 To go to Mass without a protest would be to declare 
 herself an adherent of the Pope. To go to Mass with 
 marked unwillingness, in obedience to the Queen's 
 wishes, was to declare herself of the same mind as 
 the great majority of the English people, resolute in 
 her adhesion to the principles of what had beenVdone 
 in reforming the English Church, but uncertain un3er 
 what forms this could best be maintained. She pro- 
 fessed herself ready to surrender her own prejudices 
 and went to Mass with the Queen on September 8, 
 
24 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 with a downcast- look, complaining of illness on the 
 way. After this concession on her part she was given 
 the first place after the Queen at the ceremony of 
 the Coronation on October i. Elizabeth knew the 
 value of this public recognition, and felt that for the 
 present she had done all that could be done. She 
 saw that, amid the intrigues which gathered round 
 Mary, her own position in the court was dangerous. 
 She had the wisdom to withdraw in time. After 
 several requests, she obtained permission to de- 
 part and set out for her house of Ashridge, on 
 December 6. No sooner had she arrived than she 
 wrote to Mary for ornaments for her chapel. She 
 knew Mary's weak side. She chose to represent 
 herself as one who was seeking her way back to 
 the true Church. 
 
 Few women have been more unhappy than Mary 
 Tudor. She came to the throne with a mind em- 
 bittered by the sense of past wrongs, with no friend 
 whom she could trust, and no counsellor strong 
 enough to advise her. She was strangely isolated 
 from the actual politics of England. How was she 
 to be attached to them ? Her advisers were agreed 
 that she must marry, and doubtless hoped to manage 
 the Queen through her husband. There was a 
 candidate ready at hand, Edward Courtenay, Earl 
 of Devon, who had been imprisoned in the Tower 
 or the last fourteen years through Henry VHI.'s 
 
THE YOUTH OP ELIZABETH. 25 
 
 jealousy of any pretender to the Cro^n. Courtenay's 
 grandmother was a daughter of Edward IV., and 
 he represented the White Rose. For this cause 
 his father had been beheaded ; his mother and him- 
 self, a boy of twelve, confined within the Tower, 
 whence Mary had released him. His birth, his sad 
 story, his handsome face, and his accomplishments 
 made him popular; and there was a general desire 
 that he should marry the Queen. Had Courtenay 
 been a wiser man, the course of affairs might have 
 been different. But, on his release, he plunged into 
 every kind of folly and excess. Mary had no liking 
 for such a husband. Her eyes were already turned 
 elsewhere. She was devoted to her cousin, the 
 Emperor Charles V., who had always appeared to 
 her as the chivalrous defender of her luckless mother. 
 In the long hours of her solitude she had nourished 
 a fantastic reverence for him. She longed to be 
 allied to her mother's house. On his side, Charles 
 V. cherished a dream of universal monarchy, towards 
 which a close hold on England would greatly help. 
 So Charles, through his ambassadors in England, 
 became the director of Mary's policy and cautiously 
 prepared the way for her marriage with his son 
 Philip. But no caution could overcome the repug- 
 nance of the English people to this invitation of a 
 foreigner to mix in English affairs. It was in vain 
 to represent to Mary the dangers which she ran. 
 
26 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 " Rather death," she said, " fhan marriage with any 
 one save the Prince of Spain." 
 
 English patriotism was severely shocked at this 
 prospect, and all who had any motive for disliking 
 Mary's policy combined against her. Behind the 
 English rebels stood France, which was alarmed at 
 the accession of power to its rival, Spain. Early in 
 1554, a rebellion against Mary broke out in various 
 parts of England. It was easily put down in Devon- 
 shire and in the Midlands, but in Kent Sir Thomas 
 Wyatt repulsed the Royal forces and advanced 
 against London. Mary was lost if she did not 
 assure the fidelity of the citizens. But Mary had 
 no doubt of the justice of her cause and showed no 
 fear. She summoned the citizens to the Guildhall 
 and there addressed them in her deep man's voice, 
 with dignified eloquence. The city was won for the 
 throne. Wyatt's attack failed, and he was made 
 prisoner on February 7. 
 
 It was obvious that this insurrection was in favour 
 of Elizabeth. Her name and Courtenay's had been 
 on the lips of the rebels. A copy of a letter from 
 her to the Queen was found in an intercepted dis- 
 patch of the French ambassador; Wyatt had sent 
 her a message to withdraw from Ashridge to Dun- 
 nington. Elizabeth's conduct was that of one who 
 waited to see the issue. Mary wrote to her on Janu- 
 ary 26, expressing fears for her safety and summoning 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 27 
 
 her to London. Elizabeth answered that she was 
 too ill to travel, and asked her to send one of her 
 own physicians. She kept her bed and fortified her 
 house at Ashridge against a surprise. 
 
 On receiving this answer, Mary was too busy in 
 defending herself to think much of her sister; but 
 when the danger was over, the imperial ambassador 
 pressed for vengeance. It was his interest to remove 
 every one who might be an obstacle in the way of the 
 Emperor's plan of attaching England to the Spanish 
 monarchy. So long as Elizabeth lived she was a 
 source of danger, and this was a good opportunity 
 for silencing her for ever. Mary, however, was 
 averse to bloodshed. The luckless Lady Jane Grey 
 paid the penalty of her unworthy father's treason ; 
 but Elizabeth could not safely be condemned unless 
 there was clear evidence against her. Mary showed 
 her intention to proceed with strict regard for justice 
 by sending an escort to bring Elizabeth to London, 
 and placing at its head her great uncle, Lord William 
 Howard. 
 
 Howard was aware of the importance of gaining 
 time, and due regard was paid to Elizabeth's illness. 
 Leaving Ashridge on February 12, she travelled 
 only six or seven miles a day, and did not reach 
 Highgate till the 15th. There she lay ill of the 
 dropsy, her limbs so swollen that she could go no 
 further. She did not enter London till the 22nd ; 
 
28 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 seated in an open litter, dressed in white, with pale 
 and haughty face, she was carried to Whitehall. apiid 
 the respectful silence of the crowd. 
 
 The rebel leaders confessed that their' plan had 
 been to place Elizabeth and Courtenay on the throne. 
 Courtenay knew of their intention ; it was not certain 
 that Elizabeth did. Strong as were the suspicions 
 against her, nothing could be definitely proved. 
 Moreover, the Council was divided in opinion. Ijjfany 
 members, chief amongst whom was Gardiner,^>yvere 
 still opposed to the Spanish marriage, and would 
 not do anything that could help it on. Still, Eliza- 
 beth's enemies so far prevailed that on March ig 
 she was committed to the Tower. When this order 
 was brought to Elizabeth she asked permission to 
 write to the Queen. This was given, and sitting 
 down, she wrote a letter of rugged eloquence and 
 force. She protested her innocence, and begged for 
 a personal interview before she was condemned to 
 imprisonment. " You shall never by report know," 
 she continued, ** unless by yourself you hear. I have 
 heard in my time of many cast away for want of 
 coming to the presence of the Prince. And in late 
 days, I heard my Lord of Somerset say, that if his 
 brother had been suffered to speak with him, he had 
 never suffered. But the persuasions were made to 
 him so great that he was brought to believe that he 
 could not live safely if the Admiral lived ; and that 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 29 
 
 made him consent to his death. Though these 
 persons are not to be compared to your Majesty, yet 
 I pray God that evil persuasions persuade not one 
 sister against the other; and all for that they have 
 heard false report and not hearken to the truth 
 knowing. Therefore once again, kneeling with 
 humbleness of heart, because I am not suffered to 
 bow the knees of my body, I humbly crave to speak 
 with your Highness : which I could not be so bold 
 to desire if I knew not myself most clear as I know 
 myself most true. And, as for the traitor Wyatt, he 
 might peradventure write me a letter; but, on my 
 faith, I never received any from him. And as for 
 the copy of my letter sent to the French King, I 
 pray God confound me eternally, if ever I sent him 
 word, message, token or letter by any means. And 
 to this truth, I will stand to the death." 
 
 No answer was sent to this letter, and Mary re- 
 buked her officers for not punctually doing their duty. 
 Next day, it was Palm Sunday, Elizabeth was taken 
 in a barge to the Tower. At first she refused to 
 alight at the Traitor's Gate, saying she was no 
 traitor. " There is no choice," said one of the 
 Lords, at the same time offering her his cloak as a 
 protection from the rain. She " put it back with a 
 good dash," and setting her foot upon the stair, said : 
 ** Here landeth as true a subject, being prisoner, as 
 ever landed at these stairs, and before Thee, O God, 
 
30 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 I Speak it, having none other friend but Thee alone ". 
 There was no doubt about Elizabeth's courage and 
 presence of mind. Her letter was written in her 
 usual handwriting, and shows no sign of haste. Its 
 characters are bold; no flourish is omitted in the 
 signature. Not only was Elizabeth brave, but she 
 was careful to show her bravery. 
 
 For two months she remained a close prisoner in 
 the Tower, while her fate was a matter of daily 
 debate. Wyatt was executed, without having said 
 anything which incriminated her. At last, through 
 weariness, it was agreed that her life should be 
 spared. But she was undoubtedly dangerous, as a 
 centre of intrigues ; and it was impossible to think 
 that she would not give them encouragement. It 
 would be unwise to release her to live in her own 
 house ; so the royal manor of Woodstock was chosen 
 as a place where she could be closely guarded. She 
 was committed to the charge of Sir Henry Beding- 
 field, whose father had been the guardian of Queen 
 Catherine during her imprisonment at Kimbolton. 
 She left London on May 19, and in five days reached 
 Woodstock, where she had scanty accommodation 
 assigned her in the gatehouse. Bedingfield was 
 provided with strict orders by the Council and was 
 over-weighted by the sense of his responsibility. After 
 her accession, Elizabeth said to him : " If we have 
 any prisoner whom we would have sharply and 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 31 
 
 straitly kept, we will send for you ". Yet she bore 
 him no ill-will, and recognised that he only obeyed 
 orders. Indeed she must have felt that she was 
 a troublesome captive and often tried him to the 
 utmost. 
 
 At first, she had neither books, nor pen and ink. 
 When one of her attendants sent her a copy of 
 Cicero's De Officiis and the Psalms in Latin, he was 
 reproved by Bedingfield, who felt it his duty to con- 
 sult the Council before permitting the use of books. 
 When leave was given, Elizabeth asked for an English 
 Bible, which seemed to savour heresy, as she could 
 read Latin equally well. This new question was 
 referred to the Council, and Elizabeth slipped in a 
 request that she might be permitted to write to the 
 Queen. This was granted, and Elizabeth wrote a 
 fervent protestation of her innocence. Mary an- 
 swered to Bedingfield that she had no confidence 
 in her protestations, and ended, " wherefore our 
 pleasure is not to be hereafter any more molested 
 with such disguise and colourable letters ". Mary, 
 at least, had made up her mind about Elizabeth's 
 character, and Bedingfield found some difficulty in 
 reducing his message to terms of decent courtesy. 
 Elizabeth was left to her solitary reflections, 
 ill-supplied with books or occupation, restricted in 
 her walks in Woodstock Park, and always under the 
 eye of Bedingfield, who reported to the Council her 
 
32 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 outbursts of temper as she chafed under this intoler- 
 able restraint. She envied the milk-maids, whose 
 song she heard ih the distance, and longed to 
 exchange her life for theirs. She wrote in charcoal 
 on a shutter the following lines expressing her 
 feelings of despair: — 
 
 1 Oh Fortune, how thy restless wavering state 
 
 Hath wrought with cares my troubled wit, 
 ,; ,,;,; , Witness this present prison, whither fate 
 
 jK^ 1 **^ J* ^ Could bear me, and the joys I quit. 
 
 Af A?^' *r^°" caus'dst the guilty to be loosed 
 
 T' >^b^ \i\S» From bands wherein are innocents enclosed, 
 
 r ^ V^ Causing the guiltless to be strait reserved 
 
 .sfliV And freeing those that death had well deserved 
 
 s; ^*^ But by her envy can be nothing wrought : 
 
 V So God send to my foes all they have wrought. 
 
 Y <^. Quoth Elizabeth, Prisoner. 
 
 Elizabeth owed her deliverance from captivity to 
 the influence of Philip. When Mary's marriage had 
 been accomplished, and the supremacy of the Pope 
 had been restored, above all, when Mary was supposed 
 to be with child, there was no longer the same need 
 for strict caution. Philip was anxious to win the 
 goodwill of the English people. He brought with 
 him ideas founded on a general view of European 
 ' politics, and could afford to wait for ultimate success. 
 He tried to moderate the excessive zeal of Mary for 
 the re-establishment of the old ecclesiastical system. 
 He did not wish that Elizabeth should seem to be a 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 33 
 
 victim to the Spanish alliance. His notion was to 
 dispose of her in marriage to some foreign prince, 
 and so remove her from England to some place where 
 she would be under careful supervision. The Duke 
 of Savoy seemed a suitable husband. He had come 
 to England in Philip's train and was dependent upon 
 imperial protection. But before this marriage could 
 be settled, the Duke was called to the defence of his 
 dominions. However, if Elizabeth was to be married, 
 she could not be kept a prisoner ; and at the end of 
 April, 1555, Bedingfield was ordered to bring her to 
 Hampton Court. On leaving Woodstock, Elizabeth 
 scratched with a diamond on a glass window the 
 following lines, which express exactly her position : — 
 
 Much suspected by me : 
 Nothing proved can be, 
 
 Quoth Elizabeth, prisoner. 
 
 She was perhaps more frank in writing them than 
 she intended to be. She does not deny the truth of 
 the suspicions : the emphasis falls on the absence of 
 proof; she rejoices in her dexterity. After all that 
 she had gone through there was nothing definite 
 against her. She had improved on her previous 
 experience and could leave her prison, with her head 
 erect. 
 
 This was not in accordance with Mary's views of 
 the justice of the case. She believed that her sister 
 had been disloyal ; she knew that she had been adroit. 
 
 3 
 
34 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 She found it necessary to restore her to some sem- 
 blance of favour, but she wished to do so as a matter 
 of grace after due submission. Accordingly Elizabeth 
 was left for a fortnight in solitude at Hampton Court, 
 that she might feel the necessity, of preferring some 
 petition. At the end of that time she had a visit 
 from the Chancellor, Gardiner, who requested her to 
 make submission to the Queen, who, he had no doubt, 
 would be good to her. Elizabeth stood to her position 
 that nothing could be proved against her. She 
 answered boldly that she would rather lie in prison 
 all the days of her life ; she craved no mercy, but 
 desired the law if she had offended. The next day 
 Gardiner returned with a message that the Queen 
 marvelled at her stubbornness : if she did not confess 
 that she had oifended, the Queen would seem to have 
 imprisoned her wrongfully. *' Nay," said Elizabeth, 
 " it may please her to punish me as she thinketh 
 good." " Well," answered Gardiner, " you must tell 
 another tale before you are set at liberty." Again 
 Elizabeth boldly declared that she would rather be 
 in prison, with honesty and truth, than to be free and 
 suspected by the Queen. Gardiner pointed out the 
 result of this attitude : *' Then your Grace hath the 
 vantage of me, and the other lords, for your wrong 
 and long imprisonment ". Elizabeth affected to mis- 
 understand the argument : " What vantage I have, 
 you know, taking God to record I seek no vantage 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 35 
 
 at your hands for your so dealing with me : but God 
 forgive me and you also". Gardiner retired com- 
 pletely baffled. Elizabeth was left in solitude for a 
 week to consider her position. Then she received a 
 message, at ten o'clock at night, to come before the 
 Queen. The suddenness of the summons and the 
 lateness of the hour foretold some new disaster, and 
 Elizabeth parted from her household, commending 
 herself to their prayers as one who would never see 
 them again. Sir Henry Bedingfield led her through 
 the garden by torchlight and she was ushered into 
 the Queen's bedroom, where Mary was seated in a 
 chair, with all the appearance of a judge. Elizabeth 
 knelt before her, and prayed God to preserve her, as 
 became a true subject ; she besought the Queen to 
 regard her as such, whatever reports she might have 
 heard against her. " You will not confess your 
 offence," said Mary, " but stand stoutly in your 
 truth ; I pray God it may so fall out." '' If it doth 
 not," was Elizabeth's bold answer, " I request neither 
 favour nor pardon at your Majesty's hands." " Well," 
 said the Queen, *'you stiffly still persevere in your 
 truth. Belike you will not confess but that you have 
 been wrongfully punished." " I must not say so, if 
 it please your Majesty, to you." " Why, then, belike 
 you will to others." "No," replied Elizabeth; "I 
 have borne the burden and must bear it. I humbly 
 beseech your Majesty to have a good opinion of me, 
 
36 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 and to think me to be your true subject, not only from 
 the beginning hitherto, but for ever as long as life 
 lasteth." Mary was softened. Indeed Elizabeth at 
 this time was recognised by her enemies as having 
 "a spirit full of incantation ". Mary felt the charm 
 of this bold, yet winsome, girl, and spoke comfortably 
 to her. " God knows," she said in Spanish, with a 
 sigh, as Elizabeth departed. 
 
 A few days afterwards, Bedingfield and his 
 soldiers were withdrawn. Elizabeth was no longer 
 in custody, but stayed quietly at Hampton Court. 
 
 It was just at this time that Maiy was passing 
 
 through the bitter experience of her self-deception 
 
 about her pregnancy. She had mistaken for the 
 
 promise of a child the signs of an incurable malady, 
 
 the dropsy. She continued to hope against hope, but 
 
 felt that those around her did not share her delusions. 
 
 • 
 
 \ Elizabeth was the next heir to the throne. If she 
 
 iwere set aside, the succession would be Mary of 
 
 / Scotland, whose French marriage made her more 
 
 dangerous to Philip th^n was Elizabeth. So Philip 
 
 V was kijidly towards her; and Mary only longed for 
 certainty about her religious convictions. She had ' 
 little confidence in Elizabeth's conversion to Ro- 
 manism and plied her with questions. It was in 
 answer to such a question about transubstantiation 
 that Elizabeth is said to havfiL-^Y?" the famous 
 answer : — 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 37 
 
 Christ was the word that spake it, 
 He took the bread and brake it ; 
 And what His words did make it 
 That I believe and take it. 
 
 It was a saying the theological truth of which 
 has become more apparent as controversy on the 
 point has progressed. 
 
 For a time Elizabeth continued to live at the 
 Court, but in October was allowed to return to her 
 house at Hatfield, where she gathered round her her 
 old friends, Catherine Ashley and Parry, and the 
 rest. But England was unquiet ; and there were 
 plots against Mary in which Elizabeth's household 
 were perpetually compromised. In the middle of 
 1556 Sir Thomas Pope was appointed chief officer 
 of her household, to keep a friendly watch over her 
 doings. Again there were proposals for her marriage, 
 first to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, then to 
 Eric, son of the King of Sweden. Elizabeth refused 
 them both, protesting that she loved the state in' 
 which she was so much that she knew no life to be 
 compared with it. She was learning a formula which_ 
 afterwards stood in her good stead. She was always 
 ready to contemplate matrimony as an ideal possi- 
 bility, but always found some reason against any 
 particular proposal. Marriage might be good, but 
 not if it diminished her personal importance. Indeed, 
 she was at this time most careful of her popularity, 
 
38 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 and tried to keep as large a household as she could. 
 She lost no opportunity of appearing in pubHc, and 
 steadily, but cautiously, asserted her position. 
 
 We have a picture of Elizabeth at this time, 
 drawn by the pen of a Venetian ambassador. It is 
 of interest as showing how she struck an experienced 
 observer, and already possessed all those qualities 
 which she afterwards displayed. ** She is at present," 
 wrote Giovanni Micheli, " of the age of twenty-three, 
 and is esteemed to be no less fair in mind than she 
 is in body. Albeit, in face she is pleasing rather 
 than beautiful ; but her figure is tall and well pro- 
 portioned. She has a good complexion, though of a 
 somewhat olive tint, beautiful eyes, and above all a 
 beautiful hand, which she likes to show. She is of 
 admirable talent and intelligence, of which she has 
 given proof by her behaviour in the dangers and sus- 
 picions to which she has been exposed. She has 
 great knowledge of languages, especially Italian, and 
 for display talks nothing else with Italians. She is 
 proud and haughty ; for in spite of her mother, she 
 holds herself as high as the Queen and equally legiti- 
 mate, alleging in her own behalf that her mother 
 would not cohabit with the King save as his wife, 
 and that with the authority of the Church, after 
 sentence given by the Primate of this realm ; so 
 that even if she were deceived having acted in good 
 faith, she contracted a valid marriage and bore her 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 39 
 
 child in lawful wedlock. Even supposing she be a 
 ^bastard, she bears herself proudly and boastfully 
 through her father, whom she is said to resemble 
 more than does the Queen. Moreover, in the late 
 King's will, she was placed on the same footing as 
 the Queen, and was named her successor, if she died 
 without issue. She lives on what her father be- 
 queathed her, and is always in debt ; she would be 
 more so but that she keeps down her household not 
 to awaken the Queen's jealousy. For there is no 
 lord, nor knight in the kingdom, who would not 
 enter her service, or send there his son or brother; 
 such is the affection and love which is felt towards 
 her. She is always pleading her poverty, in such a 
 dexterous way as to awaken silent compassion and 
 therefore greater affection. For every one thinks it 
 hard that a King's daughter should be so miserably 
 treated. Since Wyatt's rebellion she has never been 
 free ; for though she is allowed to live in her house, 
 some twelve miles distant from London, still she has 
 many guards and spies about her, who observe all 
 comers and goers ; and she never says or does any- 
 thing that is not at once reported to the Queen. 
 After the Queen's marriage she came to Court, and 
 contrived to win the favour of the Spaniards, and 
 especially of the King, with whom she is a great 
 favourite. He has steadily opposed the Queen's desires 
 to disinherit her by Act of Parliament, or declare her 
 
40 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 illegitimate, or send her out of the kingdom. If it were 
 not for his influence and for the fear of an insurrection, 
 the Queen would undoubtedly find some occasion for 
 punishing her, if not for past, at least for present, 
 offences; for there is no conspiracy in which, justly 
 or unjustly, her name is not mentioned and some of 
 her servants involved. But the Queen is obliged to 
 dissemble her dislike, and constrain herself to receive 
 her in public with kindness and honour." 
 
 Mary's days, however, were drawing to a close. 
 During the summer of 1558 she was ill, and in 
 November it was plain that she was dying. Philip 
 sent her a message advising her to recognise Eliza- 
 beth as her successor. She did so, and sent Elizabeth 
 her last request that she would pay her personal 
 debts, and maintain religion on the basis which she 
 had established. The Spanish envoy who brought 
 Philip's message, the Count de Feria, tried to 
 impress Elizabeth with proper gratitude towards his 
 master. She answered proudly that she owed her 
 safety to the people of England. Then they dis- 
 cussed the future, and the experienced diplomatist 
 saw that her preparations were already made. Her 
 secretary would be Sir William Cecil, a man full of 
 intelligence and capacity, but tainted with heresy. 
 He saw that she would not commit herself to any 
 one's protection, but would govern for herself. His 
 report to his master was justified by actual facts. 
 
THE YOUTH OF P:rrz.4^Xc j/- --^.^ igi^ 4t 
 
 " To great subtlety," he wrote, " she adds very great 
 vanity. She has heard great talk of her father's 
 mode of action, and means to follow it. I have great 
 fear that she thinks ill in the matter of religion, for 
 I see that she inclines to govern by men who are 
 suspected as heretics." 
 
 Elizabeth remained quietly at Hatfield, awaiting 
 the news of Mary's death. She saw, day by day, 
 new visitors arriving. Her plans were already made, 
 and Cecil was ready to take all necessary steps when 
 the moment came. On November 17 the news was 
 brought of Mary's death ; but Elizabeth was too 
 prudent to act in haste, and sent Sir Nicholas 
 Throgmorton to ascertain if the news was true. 
 Before his return, a deputation of the Lords of the 
 Council arrived at Hatfield and greeted their new 
 Queen. Elizabeth stood for a moment irresolute. 
 Then falling on her knees, she exclaimed : '* This is 
 the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes ". 
 
 Few rulers ever ascended a throne better pre- 
 pared for her task than did Elizabeth. The facts of 
 her personal experience had corresponded" with the 
 experience of the nation. Her own lifehad^eery 
 interwoven with the national life. She had been in 
 imminent danger, both under Edward and unde|* 
 Mary. She had suffered, and had learned as the nation 
 learned and suffered. She had lived amongst perilsL 
 and had been taught the need of prudence. Self^^ 
 
4a QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 mastery and self-restraint had been forced upon her. 
 Bitter experience had taught her how little she could 
 satisfy her own desires, how little she could confide 
 in the wisdom or discretion of others. She had 
 spent long hours in enforced solitude and reflection 
 as the drama of events passed before her. She had 
 seen the failures of other lives, their disappointments, 
 and their tragic end. And, in all this, she had been 
 no idle spectator, but one whose own fortunes were 
 deeply involved ; and at each new turn of events 
 men's minds had been more closely directed to her, 
 so that her personal importance had been emphasised. 
 She seemed to form part of all that the nation had 
 passed through. Now she was called upon to 
 amend the melancholy results of the ill-directed zeal 
 of others, to bring back England to peace and 
 security. For all men's hopes were set upon her as 
 " born mere English, here among us, and therefore 
 most natural to us ". Men looked back to the days 
 of Henry VIII., which loomed greater through the 
 clouds of the past twelve years of misgovernment, to 
 a time when at least there was an intelligible policy, 
 and welcomed Elizabeth as the true inheritor of her 
 father's spirit. Her training had been severe ; but 
 to that severity was due the character and the 
 qualities which enabled her to face the work which 
 lay before her. She would not have had it other- 
 wise, for it made her one with her people. 
 
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH, 43 
 
 It would seem that, in later days, she wished for 
 a romantic expression in art of the trials and anxieties 
 of her early days. A portrait of her, at Hampton 
 Court, tries to depict in allegory, which it is difficult 
 to unfold with exactness, Elizabeth before her 
 accession. Standing in a forest, under a tree laden 
 with fruit, a fair young girl looks out with eyes fixed 
 on an unknown future. On her head she bears a 
 high white cap of Persian form, whence falls a black 
 veil. Her right hand is placing a crown of flowers 
 upon the head of a stag, whose head is bowed, while 
 tears drop from its eyes. The tree's trunk is covered 
 with inscriptions which lament the injustice of 
 human lot. On a shield is inscribed a poem, which 
 gives us a clue to the meaning of the whole, and 
 celebrates the trials of Elizabeth's youth. 
 
 The restless swallow fits my restless mind 
 
 In still reviving, still renewing, wrongs ; 
 Her just complaints of cruelty unkind 
 
 Are all the music that my life prolongs, 
 With pensive thought my weeping stag I crown ; 
 
 Whose melancholy tears my cares express ; 
 His tears and silence, and my sighs unknown 
 
 Are all the physic that my harms redress. 
 My only hope was in this goodly tree, 
 
 Which I did plant in love, bring up in care ; 
 But all in vain, for now, too late, I see 
 
 The shales be mine, the kernels others are. 
 My music may be plaints, my physic tears 
 If this be all the fruit my love-tree bears. 
 
44 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 
 
 While Elizabeth was exceptionally fitted ta occupy 
 the post of ruler, few rulers ever had beforethein a 
 more difficult and dangerous inheritance. England 
 under Edward VI. had been the prey of self-seeking 
 and unscrupulous adventurers ; under Mary ^it h ad 
 been an appendage to the Spanish power. Its 
 finances were embarrassed ; it was suffering from 
 two bad harvests ; its navy was scarcely existent ; its 
 military forces were disorganised ; its defences were 
 crumbling ; it had no statesmen of mark ; its foreign 
 relations were precarious. A contemporary memor- 
 andum thus puts the melancholy condition of the 
 country: ''The Queen poor; the realm exhausted; 
 the nobles poor and decayed ; good captains and 
 soldiers wanting ; the people out of order ; justice not 
 executed; the justices unmeet for their offices; all 
 things dear ; division among ourselves ; war with 
 France and Scotland ; the French King bestriding 
 the realm, having one foot in Calais and the other 
 in Scotland ; steadfast enmity, but no steadfast friend- 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 45 
 
 ship abroad ". It was difficult to know where remedy 
 was to begin, and it was impossible to choose. The 
 only hope lay in usmg wisely the opportunities offered 
 by a new reign. 
 
 On one point of importance Elizabeth's mind was 
 already made up. ^he had already selected her chief 
 minister, and her wisdom was justified by the fidelity 
 with which he served her for forty years. William 
 Cecil was the son of a country gentleman who lived 
 at Burghley, near Stamford. His father was in the 
 service of Henry VH., and became more important 
 under Henry VHL, when he enriched himself with 
 the plunder of the monasteries. William was edu- 
 cated at Cambridge, where he married the sister of 
 his friend Cheke, whose mother was poor and kept 
 a small wine-shop. This imprudent marriage is the 
 only trace of romance in Cecil's life. He did not, 
 however, suffer for it, as his wife died in three years, 
 and he married again the most cultivated woman of 
 the time, Mildred Cooke, whose sister was the mother 
 of Francis Bacon. Cecil practised at the bar till 
 the Protector Somerset made him his secretary, and 
 he rapidly showed a capacity for affairs. But Cecil 
 learned prudence, and was content with scanty recog- 
 nition. Under Mary he and his wife conformed to 
 Romanism, and he was still employed in politics. 
 How Elizabeth learned his worth we do not know ; 
 but he was preparing himself for her service and was 
 
46 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 ready at once to act in her behalf. When he took 
 the oath as secretary, Elizabeth addressed him : 
 " This judgment I have of you, that you will not be 
 corrupted with any manner of gifts, and that you will 
 be faithful to the State ; and that without respect of 
 any private will, you will give me that counsel that 
 you think best ; and if you shall know anything neces- 
 sary to be declared unto me of secrecy, you shall show 
 it to myself only, and assure yourself I will not fail to 
 keep taciturnity therein ". It was a noble expression 
 of confidence which was well requited through a 
 long and laborious life. A little later, the great seal 
 was taken from the Archbishop of York and given to 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon, Cecil's brother-in-law. The 
 administration was to be in the hands of men 
 who would work together. 
 
 Elizabeth's first appearance in public showed that 
 she valued popularity above all things and spared no 
 pains to gain it. " If ever any person had either the 
 gift or the style to win the hearts of the people, it 
 was this Queen ; and if ever she did express the 
 same, it was at that present, in coupling mildness 
 with majesty, as she did, and in stately stooping to 
 the meanest sort. All her faculties were in motion, 
 and every motion seemed a well-guided action. Her 
 eye was set on one ; her ear listened to another ; her 
 judgment ran upon a third ; to a fourth she addressed 
 her speech ; her spirit seemed to be everywhere, and 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 47 
 
 yet SO entire in herself, as it seemed to be nowhere 
 else. Some she pitied ; some she commended ; some 
 she thanked ; at others she pleasantly and wittily 
 jested, contemning no person, neglecting no office; 
 and distributing her smiles, looks and graces so 
 artificially that thereupon the people redoubled the 
 testimony of their joys, and afterwards raising every- 
 thing to the highest strain, filled the ears of all men 
 with immoderate extolling their prince." In all the 
 pageantry which ushers in a new reign, Elizabeth 
 was busy in endearing herself to the hear^^f her 
 people, she used every opportunity of showing herself 
 in public, and she was affable to all. She laid from"^ 
 the beginning the foundations of that personal popu- 
 larity which she never lost, and which was her 
 strongest weapon amid all her perils. 
 
 Yet there were serious questions to be faced, 
 which needed settlement ; and foremost among 
 them was the question of religion. In nothing was 
 the legacy of the last two reigns more disastrous, 
 as they represented periods of reaction which had 
 checked the natural development of the reforming pro- 
 cess begun under Henry VIII. Henry had abolished 
 the Papal jurisdiction and had suppressed the monas- 
 teries, which no longer fulfilled any useful function. 
 The system and services of the Church vftre simplified 
 according to the requirements of th^ New Learning 
 and the increased intelligence of th^eoplb ; and the 
 
 / 
 
4 8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 process thus begun was to go on slowly adjusting the 
 old system to the national capacity. There were some 
 minds which were imbued with the principles of the 
 more thorough-going changes wrought on the Con- 
 tinent ; and, under Edward VI., these principles were 
 caught at by adventurers, chiefly to give them an 
 opportunity for further pillage of ecclesiastical pro- 
 perty. The result of their action was to alarm the 
 moderate men, who had been the chief supporters and 
 advisers of Henry VI I L They were driven back upon 
 the old system, and welcomed Mary, who was a de- 
 voted adherent to the Papacy. Under her, Gardiner 
 strove to undo what he had done before ; and the zeal 
 of those who with him tried to go back upon their 
 past was fierce and indiscreet. England unwillingly 
 accepted the Papal restoration and the Spanish alli- 
 ance. Its rulers laboured to force all men into rigid 
 uniformity and close the mouths of gainsayers. The 
 fires of Smithfield filled England with horror ; and 
 Mary's reign ended amid gloom and disaster. The 
 revival of Romanism was associated with all that 
 England felt to be most repressive of its energies. 
 Elizabeth, a» the daughter of Anne Boleyn, was heir 
 to the problems of the Reformation. Great as they 
 might be, they were not so great or so dangerous as 
 those connected with the maintenance of the old 
 system. 
 
 The object which Elizabeth had in view was, first 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 49 
 
 of all, to allay, as much as might be, the animosities 
 which had been engendered in the previous time. 
 Mary's bishops had been appointed from those who 
 had suffered under Edward VI., and as a body were 
 bound to maintain the Roman system. On the other 
 hand, those divines who had most strongly expressed 
 reforming opinions, fled before the Marian persecution, 
 and lived on the Continent. They now returned home 
 strong adherents of the system of Calvin and almost 
 fanatically opposed to anything which savoured of 
 Papacy. It was impossible to bring these two ex- 
 tremes into agreement ; it was inevitable that some 
 should be discontented. But the great bulk of the 
 English people wished for a national Church, in- 
 dependent of Rome, with simple services, not too 
 unlike those to which they had been accustomed. It 
 was important that the Pa^a^l jurisdiction should be 
 definitely ended, and that, at the same time, the 
 framework of the Church should be retained; pro- 
 vided that these two objects were secured there 
 should be large liberty for theological discussion. 
 What was needed was a system which would supply 
 an expression for the religious consciousness of the 
 nation, and would allow of freedom within the limits 
 of ecclesiastical order. After a time, it was hoped 
 that transient animosities would cease and reason 
 and moderation would prevail. 
 
 As a first step towards carrying out this policy, a 
 4 
 
50 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 proclamation was issued forbidding mutual recrimi- 
 nations, and ordering that no changes in public wor- 
 ^ip should be made without authority^ Soon 
 the Epistles and Gospels were allowed to be read 
 in English as well as the Litany. Public preaching 
 was prohibited lest men's minds should be inflamed 
 by strong language. These steps were so significant 
 that Archbishop Heath refused to crown a Queen 
 whose acts were so ambiguous ; and Elizabeth was 
 crowned by Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlisle, on 
 January 15, 1559. Ten days afterwards, Elizabeth 
 opened her first Parliament, and the policy of the 
 new reign was declared by Sir Nicholas Bacon. The 
 Queen's desire, he said, was ** to unite the people of 
 the realm in one uniform order": for this purpose 
 they were to " eschew contumelious and opprobrious 
 words as heretic, schismatic and Papist ". They were 
 to make such laws as might ''tend to the establish- 
 ment of God's Church and the tranquillity of the 
 realm," avoiding what might " breed idolatry and 
 superstition," yet " taking heed by no licentious or 
 ' loose handling to give occasion for contempt or 
 irreverence ". Laws were necessary also for reforming 
 th/civil order of the realm, and repairing the losses 
 and decays which the Crown had suffered. Calais 
 was lost ; trade was stopped ; the coasts were un- 
 protected. They must consider the need of self- 
 preservation. The Queen assured them that she was 
 
PROBLEMS OP THE REIGN. $1 
 
 not " wedded to her ow^Bfentasy, nor for any private 
 affection would quarrel with foreign princes," nothing 
 was so dear to her as the good will of her people. 
 
 When business began, the Acts necessary for 
 the severance of the English Church from Rome 
 were quickly introduced. First fruits were restored 
 to the CrowM^whe proposal to restore the royal 
 supremacy raised opposition from the Bishops. It 
 was, however, a remarkable fact that never had that 
 body been so numerically weak. The Metropolitan 
 See of Canterbury was vacant by the death of Pole, 
 who died at the same time as Mary. Nine other 
 Bishops had died within the previous year^ and their 
 sees had not been filled up« Of the remainder, some 
 were ill, so that not more than ten were present in 
 the House of Lords* Their opposition was unavail- 
 ing; but it was necessary to silence them before 
 proceeding to change of ritual. They were accord- 
 ingly bidden to argue against theologians of a different 
 opinion, in the presence of the Lords and Commons, 
 the subjects of (i) the use of prayer in an unknown 
 tongue ; (2) the right of national Churches to ordain 
 their own rites and ceremonies ; (3) the sacrifice of 
 the Mass. The controversy began on March 31, 
 on the understanding that the Bishops were to speak 
 first and their adversaries were to reply. This method 
 did not satisfy the Bishops and, after two days, they 
 refused to proceed. Indeed the disputation was 
 
52 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 merely an empty show ; \^l^ the refusal to continue 
 was regarded as contempt. Two of the Bishops 
 were committed to the Tower ; the rest were under 
 bail to appear when called for. 
 
 After this the " Act for Restoring to tHe~~Crown 
 the Ancient Jurisdiction over the State ecclesiastical 
 and spiritual," was passed. But «|^^eth refused 
 the title of " Supreme Head of the Church," and 
 substituted for it " Supreme Governor as well in 
 spiritual and ecclesiastical causes as temporal". She 
 had a conception of her own of the independence of 
 the Church ; and, desirous as she was of power, she 
 would not accept it where it was not rightly hers. 
 She explained the practical meaning of the title to 
 the Spanish ambassador : " she did not intend to be 
 called Head of the Church, but .she could not let her 
 subjects* money be carried out of the realm by the 
 \ J^ Pope any more ". Meanwhile a Commission had 
 been sitting for revising the Prayer Book of Edward 
 VI. When their work was done, the " Act for 
 Uniformity of Common Prayer " was passed, and the 
 ecclesiastical change was legally complete. England 
 was again independent. Its Church was again free 
 to work out its own problems. Its system has not 
 changed from that day to this. 
 
 Perhaps in nothing was Elizabeth's foresight 
 more conspicuous than in her ecclesiastical policy. 
 She had a clear conception of the nature of the 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 53 
 
 Church, and was careful never to interfere with 
 its independence. In this she was almost alone. 
 Her ministers might take a political view of the 
 matter; the Queen saw further than mere policy. 
 Her definition of the royal supremacy reserved the 
 freedom of the Church within the necessary sphere 
 of allegiance to the State. It avoided collisions, 
 but recognised spiritual authority. Elizabeth was 
 anxious that the Church should manage its own 
 affairs. On many occasions she declined to interfere 
 in difficulties and refused to allow Parliament to, 
 interfere. She maintained the authority of the 
 Bishops and rated it higher than they did them- 
 selves. She was willing to wait for the reformed 
 system to take root and was content to guard it in 
 its beginnings. 
 
 In England generally the religious settlement 
 was welcomed by the people and corresponded to 
 their wishes. The English were not greatly interested 
 in theological questions. They detested the Pope ; 
 they wished for services which they could understand, 
 and were weary of superstition. The number of 
 staunch Romanists or strong Protestants was very 
 small. The clergy were prepared to acquiesce in the 
 change. Out of 9400 clergy in England, only 192 
 refused the oath of supremacy. Amongst these were 
 all the Bishops, except Kitchin of Llandaff. Some 
 of them fled abroad ; others were committed to the 
 
54 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Tower and afterwards to private custody. There was 
 some difficulty in filling up the vacant sees, owing to 
 the unwillingness of Matthew Parker to accept the 
 Archbishopric of Canterbury. Parker was a man 
 admirably fitted for the post. He had been chaplain 
 to Anne Boleyn, Master of Corpus College, Cambridge, 
 and Dean of Lincoln. During Mary's reign he had 
 lived quietly in hiding. He was known to Cecil as a 
 man of great learning, of genuine piety and upright- 
 ness. He had never been a partisan, and was 
 untouched by the theology of Geneva or the theologi- 
 cal quarrels of the Marian exiles. He was the man 
 above all others to exercise a wise and moderating 
 influence. At last his objections were overcome, and 
 he was consecrated on December 17. In a short 
 time the other sees were filled, and the momentous 
 change was accomplished. 
 
 The change did not produce much disturbance in 
 England itself, but it seriously affected England's 
 position in Europe, where the dividing line in politics 
 was between Catholic and Protestant. If Elizabeth 
 began her measures cautiously, it was because her 
 eye was carefully fixed on Philip II., who was her 
 only ally, and whose pronounced hostility would 
 
 have been fatal. England was at war with France 
 
 • 
 and must make peace in company with Spain. Philip 
 
 wished to maintain his alliance with England;* but 
 
 b^ could not be the ally of an heretical Pow^r. So 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 55 
 
 anxious was he to check EHzabeth in her religious 
 changes that, in January, 1559, he made her an offer 
 of his hand. EHzabeth did not at once refuse, and 
 paused for a time ; but, after a month's reflection, 
 she decHned the offer saying that the Pope would 
 not allow her to marry her brother-in-law, and that 
 her people were strong enough to maintain their 
 
 liberties at home and abroad. Really, she had come , 
 
 to the conclusion that Philip would be compelled re- y 
 luctantly to stand by her, whatever she did, through \ 
 dread of increasing the power of France. Great as 
 might be his attachment to the Papacy, his ancestral 
 
 animosity to France was still greater. If Elizabeth [ y 
 
 were removed, her successor on the English throne , \y 
 would be Mary of Scotland, who was married to the 3^ 
 Dauphin. It was better that England should be 
 under an heretical Queen, who was under obligations 
 to Spain, than that it should be an appanage of the 
 French monarchy. Elizabeth felt that with a little 
 dexterity she could drag Philip in her train. In the 
 conference for peace France failed to sow distrust 
 between England and Spain. The peace was con- 
 cluded in April ; but England had to endure the 
 loss of Calais, though it obtained from France a 
 recognition of Elizabeth's right to the Crown. 
 
 Elizabeth's first Parliament did not end without 
 raising the question of the Queen's marriage. The 
 Commons waited upon her at Whitehall, and the 
 
56 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Speaker set forth their desire that the succession to 
 the Throne should be tirmly established. Elizabeth 
 answered in one of those speeches for which she 
 became famous — a gracious acceptance of the request 
 and an enunciation of great principles and admirable 
 intentions, without committing herself to anything — 
 a speech which pleased the ear and won the confi- 
 dence, without enlightening the understanding, of the 
 hearers. She would live for her people ; she would 
 trust in Providence ; she would decide for the best ; 
 provision should be made for a successor in God's 
 good time ; her children, if she had any, might turn 
 out ill. "As for me," she ended, "it shall be 
 sufficient that a marble stone shall declare that a 
 Queen, having lived and reigned so many years, died 
 a virgin." Thus, from the first, she adopted the line 
 of conduct which stood her in good stead. Marriage 
 was an open question ; any particular alliance must 
 be proved to be for the nation's good ; she had no 
 wishes of her own. Thus her hand was a bait which 
 might be dangled before the eyes of political aspirants; 
 but Elizabeth knew that, if it were once swallowed, 
 it was lost for ever. She loved power too much to 
 give up any part of what she possessed. She was 
 determined to make her position as a woman a help, 
 rather than a hindrance, to her politics as a ruler. 
 So, after refusing Philip, Elizabeth admitted the suit 
 of his pear relative, the Archduke Charles, son of the 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 57 
 
 Emperor Ferdinand. She received his portrait with 
 every sign of delight and hung it at the foot of her 
 bed. She sent a Hst of inquiries to be made about 
 him — his age, stature, height, fatness, strength, 
 complexion, studies, education, temper and the like — 
 asking even ** Whether he had been noted to have 
 loved any woman, and in what kind ? " At the same 
 time, Eric, son of Gustavus Vasa, King of Sweden, 
 sent his brother to England to plead his cause, and 
 wrote in terms ordevoted affection, asking for some 
 ** little writing" declaring her feelings towards him. 
 Meanwhile Elizabeth was relieving herself by carry- 
 ing on a flirtation with Lord Robert Dudley, which 
 sorely perturbed her ministers. We have a de- 
 scription of her, in her galley, with the imperial 
 ambassador, the Duke of Finland, and Lord Robert 
 Dudley below — all engaged in trying to win her 
 attention. No wonder Cecil sadly wrote : " Here is 
 a great resort of wooers and controversy among 
 lovers. Would to God the Queen had one, and the 
 rest honourably satisfied." 
 
 There was still another claimant for Elizabeth's 
 hand whom Cecil secretly favoured. In his eyes^ 
 the great danger to Elizabeth's throne came from 
 the union between France and Scotland. Despite 
 the stipulation of the peace of Cateau Cambresis, 
 the Dauphiness Mary assumed the arms of England. 
 The sudden death of Henry IL, in July, set her 
 
58 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 husband Francis II. on the French throne, and the 
 management of affairs fell into the hands of his wife's 
 kinsfolk, the Guises, whose plan was to sweep out 
 heresy and unite Scotland and England with France. 
 Scotland was ruled by the Queen-Regent, Mary of 
 Guise, with the help of the French troops. On the 
 Scottish side, England was always vulnerable, as 
 the chronic warfare which prevailed along the Borders 
 could at any moment become serious. The Warden 
 of the Marches wrote that the iren of Teviotdale 
 pillaged at will : " We be able nothing to withstand 
 the enemy's power, they being of so great force and 
 we so weak ". This was serious in view of French 
 hostility, and some steps were necessary to secure 
 the defences of the border. One method, which 
 might be pursued with caution, was to incite the 
 Scottish Protestants to rise against the Regent, and 
 Sir Ralph Sadler was sent to Berwick with instruc- 
 tions to " nourish faction between Scots and French ". 
 It was, however, a dangerous matter for the English 
 Queen to stir up rebellion in Scotland, especially if 
 the rebellion were unsuccessful. The Protestant 
 nobles tried to find some plausible reason for invoking 
 Elizabeth's intervention, and at last discovered a 
 substantial guarantee. James Hamilton, Duke of 
 Chatelherault, had been Regent till he was ousted 
 by the Queen : he would make over his claims to his 
 gon, the Earl of Arran ; the French were then to be 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 59 
 
 expelled, Mary's claims to the Crown disannulled, 
 and Arran married to Elizabeth. So, in August, 
 Arran came secretly to London and was hidden in 
 Cecil's house, where Elizabeth saw him, but soon 
 decided that he was no match for her, though, as 
 usual, she did not say so. 
 
 It was hard for Elizabeth to decide what course 
 to pursue towards Scottish affairs. It was dangerous 
 to risk a war with France, in which Philip warned 
 her he could not take part. Moreover, Elizabeth 
 was entirely opposed to the principles on which the 
 Scottish Lords were acting; she wished to be rid of 
 Mary's claims on England, but she did not wish to 
 help the Lords of the Congregation. The Calvinistic 
 doctrine of election led to the consequence that princes 
 who acted contrary to God's will ought to be deposed. 
 The Scots claimed, in fact, the right of judging the 
 title and character of their ruler — a claim to which 
 Elizabeth's doubtful legitimacy made her doubly 
 sensitive. How could she object to Spain or France 
 fomenting insurrection in England if she gave help 
 to the rebels in Scotland ? So Elizabeth long 
 hesitated, and was moved only by the persistence of 
 Cecil, who wrote " that as the proceeding for remov- 
 ing the French out of Scotland does not please Her 
 Majesty, he may, with her favour, be spared inter- 
 meddling therein. In any other service, whether in 
 kitchen or garden, he is ready from the bottom of hi§ 
 
6o QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 heart to serve her to his life's end." Elizabeth was 
 moved by Cecil's representations ; but she made her 
 own reflections. She knew that, though her ministers 
 might advise her, she had to bear the ultimate 
 responsibility for her actions, and that her reputation 
 was in her own keeping only. She also knew that 
 the foremost desire of those who served her was to 
 secure themselves against the possibility of Mary's 
 accession, which would inevitably mean the loss of 
 their heads. She concluded that some amount of 
 uncertainty on this point was not undesirable, as it 
 guaranteed their unswerving fidelity. She saw the 
 desirability of using the opportunity for causing the 
 chief men in England to commit themselves as 
 opponents of Mary's succession ; and she grasped 
 the need of caution. 
 
 So Elizabeth set to work to play a game which 
 bewildered every one. She adopted a more than 
 feminine irresoluteness, and carried it into diplomacy 
 with astonishing assurance. There was no truth nor 
 honesty in anything she said. At the end of the 
 year she sent Sir Nicholas Throgmorton to France 
 with instructions : " If they shall ask whether she 
 means to aid the Scots or no, he may assure them 
 that at his departure hence no such thing was meant". 
 She wrote to the Regent of Scotland that "all the 
 foundation of all her doings was laid upon honour 
 ^nd truth, which she esteems ?ibove all things ". 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 6t 
 
 At the same time, she sent ships to Berwick, with 
 orders to the admiral that " he might provoke a 
 quarrel, if he did not find one ". No wonder that 
 the Spanish ambassador wrote of her : " This woman 
 is possessed with a hundred thousand devils ; and yet 
 she pretends to me that she would like to be a nun, 
 and live in a cell, and tell her beads from morning 
 to night ". 
 
 When Elizabeth at last made up her mind to 
 help the Scots, she contrived, by much pressure, to 
 induce the Duke of Norfolk to take command of the 
 troops which she sent to the Borders. He was the 
 premier Duke in England, a young man of no great 
 ability as a commander; but it was worth while to 
 associate him directly with a course of action which 
 was in itself somewhat discreditable. When military 
 operations were begun, the Scots tried to throw all 
 the burden on their allies. The French reinforce- 
 ments were dispersed by a gale in the Channel, and 
 the English fleet blockaded Leith while it was 
 besieged by land. The military operations were 
 inglorious, and Leith surrendered only through 
 famine and in consequence of the death of the 
 Regent. In June both sides were ready to treat, 
 and Cecil was sent as the English Commissioner. 
 He had suffered much from the Queen's ill humour 
 as she watched the slow success of the English arms. 
 " I have had such a torment with the Queen's 
 
lC 
 
 62 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Majesty as an ague hath not in five fits so much 
 abated me," he sadly wrote in May. The war was 
 his doing, and he was held responsible for the result ; 
 he was sent to win all that he could. On July 6, 
 1560, the treaty was signed at Edinburgh. It pro- 
 vided for the withdrawal of the French troops from 
 Scotland and the appointment of a Council of twelve 
 nobles, appointed partly by the Scottish Queen and 
 partly by the Parliament. Further, it was agreed 
 that ** since the Kingdoms of England and Ireland 
 rightly belonged to the serene Elizabeth, therefore 
 the King and Queen Mary shall abstain from using 
 the title and insignia of these realms for all future 
 time ". 
 
 These were substantial advantages which Cecil 
 brought back. Elizabeth's right to the Crown was 
 admitted by France; her relations with the Scots 
 nobles were condoned, their claim to a share in the 
 Government was granted ; and the threat of a hostile 
 invasion from the Borders was removed. But Eliza- 
 beth clamoured for more, and expressed herself 
 dissatisfied. She counted the money which the war 
 had cost and demanded substantial returns in pay- 
 ment of an indemnity. The state of her finances at 
 her accession impressed upon her the need of strict 
 economy and careful management. She had sent to 
 Antwerp Sir Thomas Gresham, who consolidated 
 outstanding loans, reduced the interest, restored 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN, 63 
 
 England's credit, and bought cannon and ammuni- 
 tion, which he secretly shipped to England. At home, 
 the Queen diminished her household expenditure to 
 a third of what it had been under Mary. She revived 
 the military spirit of the Londoners and was present 
 at the drill of the train-bands in St. James's Park, 
 mounted on a Neapolitan courser. There were signs 
 of a new England coming into being; but it would 
 be helped on by strict frugality rather than by great 
 undertakings. Elizabeth grudged every penny that 
 she spent, and judged of military operations by their 
 cost So when Cecil came back he was told by his 
 friends that " no better service had ever been done 
 to England," and that "the Queen could not have 
 bought it too dearly ". But Elizabeth showed him 
 no gratitude, either for his wise counsel or for his 
 skilful diplomacy. She even left him to pay the 
 expenses of his journey, which sorely embarrassed 
 him. 
 
 Cecil was greatly downcast, for he saw the Queen 
 pursuing a course which he regarded as disastrous ; 
 he saw her abandoning the counsel of her experienced 
 advisers for that of Lord Robert Dudley, whom she 
 treated with a familiarity that set all men's tongues 
 wagging. Robert Dudley was the son of John, Duke 
 of Northumberland, who had perished on the scaffold 
 for his plot against Queen Mary. During the period 
 of his father's power, under Edward VL, Robert 
 
64 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 had been known to Elizabeth. He was of the same 
 age, and she admired him even as a boy "for his 
 goodly person". At the age of eighteen he married 
 Amy, daughter of Sir John Robsart, a Norfolk gentle- 
 man of good property. He was committed to the 
 Tower with his father, and was a captive at the same 
 time as Elizabeth. After his release he did good 
 service in the campaign against France, and fought 
 in the battle of St. Quentin. On Elizabeth's ac- 
 cession he was made Master of the Horse and a 
 member of the Council. He was conspicuous in 
 tournaments and other festivities of the Court, and 
 the Queen's personal affection for him was undis- 
 guised. The foreign ambassadors in England had 
 no real belief in the marriage projects which they 
 submitted to the Queen. As early as April, 1559, 
 Feria wrote: " They tell me that she is enamoured 
 of my Lord Robert Dudley and will never let him 
 leave her side. He is in such favour that people 
 say that she visits him in his chamber day and night. 
 Nay, it is even reported that his wife has a cancer 
 on the breast, and that the Queen waits only till she 
 die to marry him." We know nothing of Dudfey's 
 married life. There is no reason for thinking it un- 
 happy, save that his wife did not accompany him to 
 Court, but lived for the most part in the country, 
 moving from place to place, where no one seemed 
 to trouble themselves about her existence, as they 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 65 
 
 watched the growth of Dudley's greatness. In 
 January, 1560, De Quadra spoke of him as " the 
 King that is to be. There is not a man who does 
 not cry out on him and her with indignation. She 
 tells me that the Scots expect her to marry the Earl 
 of Arran as a condition of the union. She will as 
 little marry Arran as she will the Archduke; she 
 will marry none but the favoured Robert." Hence it 
 was that Cecil left the Court with a heavy heart, for 
 his departure left the field open for Dudley, whom 
 he knew to be empty-headed, self-seeking, and in- 
 capable of any lofty purpose. De Quadra wrote of 
 him with great outspokenness : " Lord Robert is 
 the worst young fellow I ever encountered. He is 
 heartless, spiritless, treacherous, and false." His 
 object was to follo»g[^is father's steps and make 
 himself ruler of ^^^^vby controllmg the Queen. 
 For this purpose^BIPs^ influence must be over- 
 thrown. Cecil was working for the union of Scotland 
 and England by a marriage of the Queen with Arran : 
 Dudley opposed a project which would have deprived 
 him of his power. So, when Cecil came back from 
 Scotland, he received neither gratitude for his services 
 nor payment for his expenses, while Dudley was all- 
 powerful and had just been granted a privilege, re- 
 munerative to himself, but dangerous to the public 
 finances, of exporting woollen goods free of duty. 
 Cecil was so downcast that he thought of resigning 
 
 5 
 
66 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 office, when an unexpected event made a new call 
 on his loyalty, and brought his enemy to his feet. 
 
 This event was the sudden death of Dudley's 
 wife. She was living at Cumnor Place, in Oxford- 
 shire, in a house rented by Antony Forster, her 
 husband's steward. On Sunday, September 8, she 
 gave her servants leave to go to the fair at Abingdon. 
 She dined alone with a lady living in the neighbour- 
 hood. When the servants returned home late in the 
 evening they found their mistress lying at the bottom 
 of a staircase with her neck broken. 
 
 When this news reached Windsor, where Dudley 
 was in attendance on the Queen, they both felt that 
 it exposed them to grave suspicions. Their famiH- 
 arity was a matter of common talk ; and Dudley's am- 
 bitious projects were scarcel^|^cealed. Dudley's 
 wife was obviously an obst^^^Hhis way. It had 
 been said that he woul^ di^(^ffer. Cecil, in his 
 bitter mortification, had told the Spanish ambassador 
 that Dudley would soon remove her by poison. A 
 few days after this gloomy prophecy came the news 
 of her death. What could be more clear than that 
 she had been made away with ? Dudley seems to 
 have thought that his wisest course was to court full 
 inquiry and to take no part in it himself. He did 
 not go to Cumnor, but sent his cousin to see that an 
 inquest was held and the truth fully discovered. 
 Two investigations were held, apparently with all 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 67 
 
 possible care ; but nothing could be discovered about 
 the cause of the mishap, and a verdict v^^as returned 
 of "accidental death". The most probable con- 
 clusion is that Lady Amy's forlorn condition preyed 
 upon her mind. " She had been heard many times 
 to pray God to deliver her from desperation." The 
 loneliness and darkness of the night, the empty 
 house, may have suggested to her a means of ending 
 a life which v^as a burden to herself and others. 
 In a sudden fit of despair she opened the door and 
 flung herself down the winding staircase. Dudley 
 was not guilty of scheming her murder — indeed, 
 the means adopted was too clumsy to have been 
 deliberate — but he must have felt that he was 
 guilty of gross neglect and utter disregard of one 
 whom he was boun^ to cherish. It is no wonder 
 that he did not venture to attend the funeral of 
 one who in a very'real sense had been his victim. 
 The result of this tragedy was the restoration of 
 Cecil's power. Dudley put himself at once in Cecil's 
 hands, as the only man who could advise him. " I 
 pray you," he wrote, '* let me hear from you what 
 you think best for me to do. If you doubt, I pray 
 you ask the question, for the sooner you can advise 
 me thither the more I shall thank you. I am sorry so 
 sudden a chance should breed me so great a change : 
 for methinks I am here all this while as it were in a 
 dream, and far — too far — from the place I am bound 
 
68 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 to be.'* It was tacitly understood that Cecil was^to 
 do his best to repair the scandal. Of course Eliza- 
 beth's enemies had no doubt of Dudley's guilt or of 
 Elizabeth's connivance. Mary Stuart, in France, 
 laughed and said : " The Queen of England is about 
 to marry her horsekeeper, who has killed his wife to. 
 make room for her". Throgmorton sent his secretary 
 from Paris to ask Elizabeth what he was to say. 
 She looked ill and harassed and could only refer him 
 to the verdict at the inquest "It fell out as should 
 touch neither his honesty nor her honour". Eliza- 
 beth, as she looked back upon the past, must have 
 seen that she was repeating a former experience. 
 She had endangered herself before by a coarse flirta- 
 tion with Seymour: now there was no one to call 
 her to account, but she was endangering her position 
 by an unseemly flirtation with Dudley. Doubtless 
 she saw her folly and regretted it ; but she was too 
 proud to avow her regret, or to reverse her conduct 
 suddenly. Still her eyes were open to the fact that 
 she was derided abroad and had sown discontent at 
 home. In the beginning of October she told Qecil 
 ** that she had made up her mind and did not intend 
 to marry Lord Robert " ; yet she did not break off 
 her intimacy with him Her treatment of him varied 
 with her moods. She proposed to make him a peer, 
 but when the patent was brought for her signature 
 she cut it in pieces with a knife, saying that ** the 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 69 
 
 Dudleys had been traitors through three descents ". 
 When Dudley remonstrated, she "clapped him on 
 the cheeks with ' No, no, the bear and the ragged 
 staff is not so soon overthrown ' ". Some of the old 
 nobles were of opinion that if the Queen would marry 
 any one and bear children, it would be " the readiest 
 way, with the help of God, to bring us a blessed 
 Prince which shall redeem us out of thraldom". 
 When, on this ground, they urged her to marry 
 Dudley, she would "pup with her lips and say she 
 could not marry a subject ". 
 
 Political dangers for a time checked Elizabeth in 
 her folly. France had not been able to interfere in 
 Scotland, because the Huguenots^ helped by Eliza- 
 beth's emissaries, had risen against the Guises. By 
 the end of the year they were overcome, and the 
 Guises were again triumphant. France refused to 
 ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh oil the ground that 
 " a treaty made by subjects without the consent of 
 their Sovereign was void ". The French Queen con- 
 tinued to bear the arms of England, and a renewal 
 of warfare seemed imminent, when on December 5 
 Francis II. died and Mary was left a widow. 
 
 France was no longer under the power of the 
 Guises, and for a moment Elizabeth dreamed of 
 using the opportunity to secure her personal happi- 
 ness at the expense of England's welfare. She 
 allowed Dudley to propose to De Quadra, the Spanish 
 
70 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 ambassador, that Philip should urge his marriage 
 with the Queen, on condition that England returned 
 to its old allegiance to the Pope. His own desires 
 were purely personal ; he wished to marry the Queen, 
 and was annoyed to find that the Anglican clergy 
 preached against the marriage. He would show 
 them that, if they opposed his plans, he could turn 
 elsewhere ; and Elizabeth allowed his project to pro- 
 ceed. She discussed it in February with De Quadra ; 
 she told him, what he already knew, that " she was 
 no angel " ; she had not made up her mind to marry 
 Dudley, though she saw in him many excellent 
 qualities ; but every day she felt the want of a 
 husband : she would do nothing without Philip's 
 sanction. 
 
 > Luckily Philip delayed in answering, and Cecil 
 contrived to get the negotiation into his hand. Just 
 at this time a practical question arose, the answer to 
 which affected the position of the English Church. 
 Pope Pius IV. was engaged in summoning a Council 
 to Trent, and a nuncio was on his way to invite 
 England to send representatives. By England's 
 answer to this request Philip could judge of Eliza- 
 beth's sincerity. The proposal was beset with diffi- 
 culties. On the one side, the English Church was 
 a part of the Catholic Church ; and, in Cecil's words, 
 ** could not refuse to allow the presidency of the Pope, 
 provided it was understood that the Pope was not 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 71 
 
 above the Council, but merely its head ; and its 
 decision should be accepted in England if they were 
 in harmony with Holy Scripture and the first four 
 Councils ". On the other side, could the Pope accept 
 this position ? Could he recognise the English 
 Bishops, who had abjured his supremacy, but, as 
 Cecil pointed out, " had been apostolically ordained, 
 and not merely elected by a congregation like 
 Lutheran or Calvinist heretics " ? It was impossible 
 to suppose that the Pope was prepared to recognise 
 the constitution of the English Church ; if he did 
 not, the coming of the nuncio would only stir up 
 discontent. So the answer was given that England 
 could not receive the nuncio ; it would send repre- 
 sentatives to a free and really General Council, not 
 to a Council where no man's voice would be heard 
 " but such as were already sworn to the maintenance 
 of the Pope's authority". When this answer was 
 given on May 5, 1561, Dudley's intrigue dis- 
 appeared ; though, a month later, De Quadra writes 
 that he was in a barge on the Thames, with the 
 Queen and Dudley, " when they began to talk non- 
 sense, and went so far that Lord Robert said, as I 
 was on the spot, there was no reason why they 
 should not be married, if the Queen pleased. She said 
 that perhaps I did not understand sufficient English." 
 Certainly, at this period, Elizabeth allowed gross folly 
 to lead her to the furthest point of wilfulness, and 
 
72 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 only in extremities fell back reluctantly on common 
 sense and public duty. 
 
 It was the question of her relation to Mary Stuart 
 which restored Elizabeth to prudence. Probably 
 opinions will always differ about the causes of the 
 life-long hostility between the Queens, and how far 
 it was inevitable. It is certain that Elizabeth re- 
 garded Mary from the first as her chief enemy. She 
 had warred in Scotland that she might secure from 
 Mary the recognition of her right to the English 
 Crown. Mary answered that she could not ratify 
 the terms of the Treaty of Edinburgh, because they 
 might be construed as a resignation of her right to 
 be Elizabeth's heir. Elizabeth refused all friend- 
 ship till the treaty was ratified, would not allow 
 Mary to pass through England on her way to Scot- 
 land in August, and even sent the English fleet to 
 intercept her. From the day that Mary landed in 
 Scotland till her death the two Queens stood in 
 constant rivalry and waged a never-ending war. At 
 first Elizabeth's unyielding attitude combined the 
 Scots in Mary's favour, and Elizabeth was pressed 
 to acknowledge her right of succession. 
 V Indeed, the question of the succession was press- 
 ing on many sides, and Elizabeth's objection to face 
 it was beset with many difficulties. In August, 1561, 
 great scandal was caused in the country by the 
 discovery that Lady Catharine Grey was with child. 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 73 
 
 Lady Catharine was the sister of Lady Jane Grey, 
 and, according to the will of Henry VI IL, was the 
 next heir to the throne. She declared that she had 
 been secretly married to the Earl of Hertford, eldest 
 son of the Protector Somerset. It was clear that 
 this clandestine marriage was the result of a political 
 combination and had been contracted at a time when 
 Elizabeth's flirtation with Dudley seemed likely to 
 end in a marriage. The strong Protestants and the 
 personal enemies of Dudley had combined to have 
 a leader in the revolution which was expected to 
 follow on the Queen's marriage with Dudley. Lady 
 Catharine and her husband were sent to the Tower, 
 and an attempt was made to discover who were 
 privy to the marriage, which was declared invalid, 
 as no witnesses were produced. It was soon found 
 that many important persons had knowledge of it, 
 and further inquiry was dropped. But Elizabeth 
 wreaked her wrath on Catharine and her husband, 
 who were kept rigorously in prison. By bribing their 
 keepers they occasionally managed to meet, and 
 Catharine bore another child. Elizabeth's anger 
 increased, and Hertford was fined ^^15,000 for his 
 offences. In vain Catharine pleaded forgiveness. 
 During an outbreak of plague sjie was allowed to 
 leave her prison for an uncle's house, but was again 
 committed and only left the Tower again to die in 
 1567. 
 
74 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 The discovery of this intrigue made Elizabeth 
 more anxious to come to terms with M^ry, and 
 arrangements were made for a meeting between the 
 two Queens. But Elizabeth was soon disturbed by 
 another discovery. The Earl of Lennox, who had 
 married the daughter of Margaret, sister of Henry 
 VIII., had long been resident in England, where his 
 wife held a high position. It appeared that Lady 
 Lennox was trying to make herself leader of the 
 Romanist party and was scheming to marry her son, 
 Lord Darnley, to the Scottish Queen, so that "he 
 should be King both of Scotland and England ". 
 Lady Lennox was committed to the Tower ; but her 
 plan was found to have a number of adherents and 
 betokened danger. 
 
 Whatever might have been Elizabeth's intentions 
 with regard to Mary, they were changed by the aspect 
 of affairs in France, where war had again broken out 
 and the Guises were again regaining power. Their 
 victory would be the signal for a rising in England, 
 and Elizabeth could not afford to take any steps 
 which would strengthen Mary's position as leader 
 of the English Romanists. To check the Guises, 
 ^ Elizabeth sent help to their opponents, but even 
 then she made it plain that her real desire was to 
 secure English interests by occupying Dieppe and 
 Havre as guarantees for the restoration of Calais. 
 But the Huguenots were defeated, and in the paci- 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 75 
 
 fication which followed England received nothing. 
 The Earl of Warwick vainly endeavoured to hold 
 Havre against the French forces. A plague broke 
 out among the English garrison ; and there were sad 
 complaints of mismanagement in sending out military 
 supplies. *' The cast-iron pieces were waste and 
 unserviceable ; there was want of stocks, axle-trees 
 and wheels ; they were short of ramrods by one half; 
 the carpenters sent out were utterly ignorant of their 
 art ; the shot was utterly destroyed ; there were no 
 bowstrings or arrows." Warwick was driven to 
 evacuate Havre in July, 1563, and the expedition 
 ended in complete disaster. 
 
 .Parliament, which met at the beginning of the 
 year, showed its temper by passing an *' Act for the 
 Assurance of the Queen's Power over all Estates," 
 which made all who upheld the Pope's authority or 
 jurisdiction liable to the penalties of praemunire, and 
 imposed the oath of Supremacy on all holders of 
 office, lay or spiritual, in the realm. It further 
 urged the Queen's marriage and the settlement of 
 the succession. As a sample of Elizabeth's oratory, 
 the speech with which she dismissed Parliament may 
 be quoted : — 
 
 " The two petitions that you presented me, in 
 many words expressed, contained these two things in 
 sum, as of your cares the greatest — my marriage and 
 my succession — of which two, the I^t, T think, is best 
 
76 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 to be touched ; and of the other, a silent thought 
 may serve ; for I had thought it had been so desired 
 as none other tree's blossoms should have been 
 minded ere hope of my fruit had been denied you. 
 But to the last, think not that you had needed this 
 desire, if I had seen a time so fit, and it so ripe to be 
 denounced. The greatness of the cause, therefore, 
 and need of your returns doth make me say that 
 which I think the wise may easily guess — that as a 
 short time for so long a continuance ought not to 
 pass by rote, as many telleth tales, even so as 
 cause by conference with the learned shall show me 
 matter worthy utterance for your behoof, so shall I 
 more gladly pursue your good, after my days, than 
 with my prayers be a means to linger my living 
 thread. ... I hope I shall die in quiet with a 
 Nunj Dimittis, which cannot be without I see some 
 glimpse of your following after my graved bones. 
 And, by the way, if any doubt that I am as it were 
 by vow or determination bent never to trade that 
 life, put out that heresy ; your belief is awry — for as 
 I think it best for a private woman, so do I strive 
 with myself to think it not most meet for a prince— 
 and if I can bend my will to your need, I will not 
 resist such a mind." 
 
 Surely perverse ingenuity could not go further in 
 the discovery of ambiguous utterance. The members 
 of Parliament must have retired in bewilderment. 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 77 
 
 However, Elizabeth, by this time, seems to have 
 made up her mind that marriage with Dudley was im- 
 possible, and that any marriage would really weaken 
 her__position. It is very probable that she believed 
 she would be childless ; and a marriage without issue 
 would necessitate a settlement of the succession. 
 With a husband on one side and a recognised suc- 
 cessor on the other, her own position would be much 
 weaker. Her strength lay in the uncertainty about 
 the future, which bound all her followers to a personal 
 loyalty of unswerving devotion. As it was, the interests 
 of all who were concerned in making the new England 
 were necessarily bound up with the maintenance of 
 Elizabeth's throne. Why should she, by any act of 
 hers, alter this ? Uncertainty about the future might 
 perplex her people; "tut was any certainty within reach 
 which would give them greater hope ? With an im- 
 perious fatalism the Queen resolved to keep what 
 she had and leave the future to care for itself. She 
 met each separate proposal for her marriage with 
 dexterity, and, without declaring any fixed intention, 
 allowed it to pass away. She was always willing to 
 entertain proposals, but always found some fatal flaw. 
 She wished to educate England to look to herself 
 Llone. Experience also had taught her that it was 
 safest to stand by herself. Doubtless she was at- 
 tracted to Dudley by his physical charms, and she 
 allowed herself to enjoy his companionship in her 
 
78 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 idle hours. Perhaps she thought that by marrying a 
 subject she would be more free than if she marned^^ 
 foreign prince. She was too acute not to see through 
 Dudley's ambition, and she was too greedy of power 
 not to see how much she would lose by sharing it 
 with any one. She keenly watched the growth of 
 Dudley's assumption of authority, when he felt secure 
 of her favour. She delighted in reminding him of 
 his dependence. When he presumed, she put him 
 to open shame. Thus, in the height of his power, he 
 resented that one of his followers was refused admis- 
 sion to the Privy Chamber by the usher, who had his 
 orders about the quality of those who were to enter. 
 Dudley turned upon him, angrily called him a knave, 
 and vsaid that he should not continue long in his 
 office. The usher stepped in before Dudley, and 
 kneeling before the Queen, told her what had occurred 
 and asked her pleasure. Elizabeth turned furiously 
 on Dudley: "God's death, my Lord, I have wished 
 you well, but my favour is not so locked up for you 
 that others shall not partake thereof ; for I have many 
 servants, unto whom I have, and will at my pleasure, 
 bequeath my favour and likewise reserve the same. 
 And, if you think to rule here, I will take a course 
 to see you forthcoming. I will have here but one 
 mistress, and no master." This rebuke, we are not 
 surprised to hear, so quelled Dudley ** that his feigned 
 humility was long after one of his best virtues ". In 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 79 
 
 fact, Elizabeth discovered the advantages to be gained 
 by combining the parts of the woman and the Queen. 
 As Queen, she could administer reproofs in public ; as 
 woman she could forgive in private. Her real grati- 
 fication lay in receiving homage ; and the homage 
 of an aspiring suitor was more certain than even that 
 of a dependent and submissive husband^/ 
 
 When Elizabeth had made up her mind, so far as 
 her mind was ever made up, as regards herself, she 
 could afford to interest herself in Mary's marriage 
 projects. Mary wished to marry Don Carlos or the 
 Archduke Charles of Austria, and so increase her 
 political influence. Elizabeth informed her that if she 
 married into the Royal House of Spain, France or 
 Austria, she would regard her as an enemy ; if she 
 chose a Protestant prince or a French noble she 
 would name her as her successor. A little later she 
 proposed that Mary should marry an English noble- 
 man, or some other great person of another realm, 
 " not of such greatness as suspicion might be gathered 
 that he might intend trouble to the realm ". At last, 
 with an air of one who makes a supreme sacrifice, 
 she suggested Lord Robert Dudley. How far Eliza- 
 beth was sincere in making this proposal cannot be 
 determined. It is just possible that she trusted in 
 Dudley's devotion to herself to avoid the dangers 
 which might beset her if Mary was recognised as 
 her successor. It is also possible that she made a 
 
8o QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 proposal, which she knew that Mary would bitterly 
 resent, in the hopes of goading her to take a step 
 which would make her recognition impossible. 
 Either result would be an immediate gain. Perhaps 
 she chose to invent a position which admitted of alter- 
 native issues. 
 
 While she awaited the results of this suggestion, 
 Elizabeth, in August, 1564, paid a visit to Cambridge, 
 that she might solace her mind in that ancient seat 
 of learning, and find some relief from her perplexities 
 by captivating the youthful enthusiasm of its students. 
 Cecil, as Chancellor, with his usual carefulness, super- 
 vised every detail of the ceremonial to be observed. 
 On August 5 the Queen entered Cambridge by 
 Newnham Mill, where she was received by the 
 Mayor and Corporation. Then she proceeded to 
 King's College, along a line of students and masters, 
 marshalled in order. At the west door of the chapel 
 she was welcomed by the inevitable orator, to whose 
 Latin speech she listened carefully, shaking her head 
 in deprecation of his praises, and sometimes expres- 
 sing her modesty in articulate Latin. When he 
 praised the unmarried life, she said : " God's blessing 
 of thine heart ; there continue **. When he had 
 finished, she said " that she would answer him again 
 in Latin, but for fear she should speak false Latin, 
 and then he would laugh at her". Then she passed 
 into the chapel, where a stately service was sung. 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 8l 
 
 The Queen lodged in King's College ; and, on the 
 next day, which was a Sunday, attended service at 
 the University Church, walking under a canopy 
 carried by the four senior doctors. After evensong 
 the "Aulularia" of Plautus was acted in King's 
 College Chapel, and the performance was not over 
 till midnight. On the following day the University 
 lectures and disputations were resumed, and the 
 Queen was present as an interested onlooker. In 
 the evening a play, on the somewhat inappropriate 
 subject of '' Dido," was provided for her amusement. 
 On the following day Elizabeth visited the various 
 Colleges, being greeted at each by a Latin speech, 
 and receiving a volume of Latin and Greek verses 
 composed in her honour by members of the College. 
 Returning to her lodging, *' as Her Grace rode 
 through the street, she talked much with divers 
 scholars in Latin". The last day of her stay-in 
 Cambridge wasTdevoted to an academic ceremonial. 
 The most learned doctors were chosen to dispute on 
 two significant conclusions : " That the authority of 
 Scripture is greater than that of the Church," and 
 that " The civil magistrate has authority in ecclesias- 
 tical matters ". When these had been satisfactorily 
 proved, the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Robert Dudley 
 knelt before the Queen and '' humbly desired her to 
 speak something to the University, and in Latin ". 
 
 At first she affected coyness and asked that she 
 
 6 
 
t2 QVEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 might speak in English. Cecil reminded her that 
 the University always used Latin as its official 
 language. Elizabeth asked Cecil to speak for her, 
 " because the Chancellor was the Queen's mouth ". 
 Cecil, with due gravity, replied that ''he was Chan- 
 cellor of the University, not hers ". The Bishop of 
 Ely pleaded that ** three words of her mouth were 
 enough ". After this little play had been performed, 
 the Queen pronounced a carefully prepared oration 
 which delighted the hearer by its aptness. She 
 assured them of her love for learning, her apprecia- 
 tion of their loyalty, her gratification of all she 
 had seen. One sorrow alone oppressed her; like 
 Alexander the Great, she mourned that she had 
 predecessors who had done so much. She solaced 
 herself by the reflection that Rome was not built in 
 a day, and that she was still young. " My age is 
 not so far advanced but that, before I pay my last 
 debt to nature, if cruel Atropos do not too soon cut 
 the thread of my life, I may erect some noble work." 
 When the applause was over she asked that " all 
 ■ who had heard her speak might drink of the waters 
 of Lethe". 
 ('^^ U is on such occasions as these that we see the 
 I secret of Elizabeth's charm — her dignity, her ready 
 \ sympathy, her dexterity, her sprightliness, her social 
 \ readiness, and her intellectual powers. But even in 
 Cambridge she promised what she did not perform. 
 
Problems of the reigM. 83 
 
 No noble wiaiLJwas ^ erected by her bounty, and 
 Elizabeth's successors had nothing to fear from her 
 rivalry wTth those who had gone before. The Duke 
 of Norfolk alone was moved to make a benefaction to 
 Magdalene College. 
 
 It was not long before Elizabeth held high state 
 and indulged her love for ceremonial in a matter 
 which seriously concerned her. On September 29 
 Lord Robert Dudley was created Earl of Leicester 
 so as to fit him for his proposed marriage to Mary of 
 Scotland. We have a description of this scene from 
 the pen of Sir John Melville, who came as Mary's 
 envoy to discuss her future. Melville, on his arrival, 
 found Elizabeth angry at a '* despiteful letter " which 
 she had received from Mary. " I was minded," she 
 said, '* to answer it with another as despiteful." She 
 took her answer from her pocket and read it ; Melville 
 persuaded her to forbear sending it. She asked for 
 Mary's answer to her proposal that she should marry 
 Dudley. Melville answered that it would be discussed 
 at a meeting of commissioners from both realms, in 
 which Mary expected that England would be repre- 
 sented by the Earl of Bedford and Lord Robert 
 Dudley. " You make small account of Lord Robert," 
 said Elizabeth, " seeing you name the Earl of Bedford 
 before him. But I will make him a greater Earl, 
 and you shall see it done before you go home." She 
 called Dudley "her brother and best friend, whom 
 
84 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 she would have married herself had she minded to 
 take a husband ". Being determined to die a virgin, 
 she wished Mary to marry him; this would "free 
 her mind of all fears and suspicions to be offended 
 by any usurpation before her death ; being assured 
 that he was so loving and trusty that he would never 
 suifer any such thing to be attempted in her time **. 
 So Dudley, with much pomp, was created Baron 
 Denbigh, and afterwards Earl of Leicester. Elizabeth 
 put the mantle on him and girt him with his sword, 
 as he knelt before her; **but she could not refrain 
 from putting her hand in his neck, smilingly tickling 
 him ". Then she turned and asked Melville how he 
 liked him. Melville diplomatically answered that the 
 Princess was happy who could reward such a worthy 
 servant. Swiftly Elizabeth pointed to Darnley, who 
 bore the sword of state, and whispered : ** Yet you 
 like better of yonder long lad ". 
 
 Melville gives an account of many interviews with 
 Elizabeth which contain curious details. One day 
 she took him into her bedroom, and opened a little 
 cabinet containing several pictures, each wrapped in 
 paper, with the name written upon it. She took up 
 one labelled ** My Lord's picture '*. Melville pressed 
 to see it, and she reluctantly gave him permission. 
 It was a portrait of Leicester. Melville asked to 
 carry it back for Mary. " No," said Elizabeth, "it 
 is the only one I have." " Your Majesty," answered 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 85 
 
 Melville, " hath the original," and he pointed to 
 Leicester, in the other end of the room. Elizabeth 
 turned to Mary's picture and kissed it with every 
 show of affection. She showed Melville her jewels, 
 and said that if Mary would only follow her counsel 
 she would, in time, have all her possessions. At 
 other times Elizabeth talked with Melville, who had 
 travelled far, about other countries, especially the 
 fashions of ladies' dress. Every day she wore a 
 different costume, and inquired of Melville, as a man 
 of taste, which became her best. '' I answered, in 
 my judgment, the Italian dress; which answer, I 
 found, pleased her well, for she delighted to show 
 her golden-coloured hair, wearing a caul and bonnet, 
 as they do in Italy. Her hair was rather reddish 
 than yellow, and curled naturally." She asked 
 Melville which was most beautiful, she or Mary. 
 It needed all his courtliness to escape at last with 
 the answer " that they were both the fairest ladies 
 in their countries ". She asked which was tallest. 
 Melville answered Mary. "Then," said she, "she 
 is too high, for I myself am neither too high nor too 
 low." She inquired if Mary played well. Melville, 
 driven to bay, said : " reasonably for a Queen ". 
 That evening, after dinner, Elizabeth contrived that 
 Melville should surprise her playing on the virginals, 
 which he admits that she did exceedingly well. On 
 discovering his presence, she rose, " and c^rae for- 
 
86 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 ward, seeming to strike him with her hand ; alleging 
 that she used not to play before men, but when she 
 was solitary to shun melancholy ". However, she 
 asked whether Mary or she played best, and Melville, 
 " in this was obliged to give her the praise ". When 
 Melville wished to depart he was stayed two days 
 that he might have an opportunity of seeing the 
 Queen dance. Then she inquired if she or Mary 
 danced best. He answered that Mary " danced not 
 so high nor so disposedly as she did ". Elizabeth 
 expressed her longing to see Mary quietly, and 
 Melville sardonically proposed that she should ac- 
 company him to Scotland, disguised as a page. 
 She answered with a sigh: "Alas, if I might do it 
 thus ! " 
 
 It is impossible to say what Elizabeth meant by 
 this conduct ; but her want of straightforwardness 
 was infectious. Leicester inquired of Melville what 
 the Queen of Scots thought of him, and was answered 
 coldly. He excused himself for his presumption in 
 seeking Mary's hand and said that the proposal came 
 from Cecil, his secret enemy, "for if I should have 
 appeared desirous of that marriage I should have 
 offended both the Queens and lost their favour". 
 Indeed, in making this confession, Leicester spoke 
 out the true feeling which lay at the bottom of many 
 minds. It was uncertain which Queen's favour 
 was most worth seeking, which of the two would 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 87 
 
 ultimately enjoy the English throne. Cecil was 
 one of the few who were resolutely committed to 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 Elizabeth's own wishes about Mary's marriage 
 are obscure. She knew that " the long lad," 
 Darnley, was a candidate ; she knew that Leicester 
 was in many ways objectionable. Yet she could 
 not allow her commissioners to name other English 
 nobles, such as Norfolk or Arundel. " She could see 
 none for her own contentation meeter for the purpose 
 than one who for his good gifts she esteemed fit to be 
 placed in the number of kings and princes." She 
 would not even promise to recognise Mary as her 
 successor till the marriage with Leicester had actually 
 been accomplished. But while thus seeming to press 
 Leicester to the exclusion of all others, she allowed 
 Darnley to join his father Lennox, in Scotland, 
 though she knew the projects formed about him. 
 It would almost seem that Elizabeth really wished 
 Mary to contract this marriage. Her alliance with 
 Spain or Austria would have led to a crusade against 
 England. To avert this possiblity, to gain time, and 
 to seem willing to do something, Elizabeth proposed 
 the marriage with Leicester. Knowing that this 
 proposal was offensive to Mary, and not wishing it 
 to succeed, she put Darnley in Mary's way, as the 
 least dangerous of possible candidates. At any rate, 
 if Mary married Darnley, her recognition as heir 
 
88 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 to the Crown would be deferred for a time ; and no 
 one could say what the future might bring forth. 
 
 While the matter still hung in the balance, there 
 was no diminution in Elizabeth's familiarity with 
 Leicester. One day he was playing tennis with the 
 Duke of Norfolk, while the Queen was looking on ; 
 Leicester took the Queen's handkerchief from her 
 hand to wipe his face, whereon Norfolk's anger against 
 the upstart favourite blazed forth and he threatened 
 to beat him with his racket. Hard words were 
 exchanged on both sides, and the Queen ** was sore 
 offended with the Duke ". It was obvious that the 
 record of such like scenes should reach Mary's ears 
 and strengthen her objection to marriage with the 
 Queen of England's minion. 
 
 When, however, the probability of Mary's 
 marriage with Darnley was discussed in England, 
 its dangers became suddenly apparent. It increased 
 Mary's title and made her seem less of an alien. 
 If it reduced the chances of an invasion of England, 
 it gave greater chance of raising up a faction 
 within the realm itself. Bluster and menace were 
 used to bend Mary's resolution ; Lennox and 
 Darnley were recalled to England, but refused to 
 obey. Elizabeth found that she had miscalculated 
 in supposing that the prospect of Mary's marriage 
 with Darnley would cause a disturbance in Scot- 
 land. There was no sij^n of a rising to prevent it. 
 
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 89 
 
 The general feeling of England was somewhat in 
 favour of it : if Elizabeth herself would not marry, 
 it was well that Mary should take a husband of 
 such lineage that her offspring would be nearer of 
 blood to the Tudor Hne and so more English. In 
 spite of all that Elizabeth could say or do, the 
 marriage was solemnised on July 29, 1565. 
 
 Hitherto the two Queens had been watching one 
 another with ill-disguised animosity and suspicion. 
 Now Mary had taken the first step in aggression. 
 Elizabeth would not marry because she could find no 
 match which would strengthen her position, while 
 Mary had secured a husband which brought her 
 nearer to the English Crown. Elizabeth could only 
 retort by reviving the old proposal of marriage with 
 the Austrian Archduke. At least that was something 
 which might be kept continually in reserve. To add 
 to her difficulties, just at this time, the third daughter 
 of the Duke of Suffolk, the only one who remained in 
 the line of succession laid down by Henry VUL, 
 Lady Mary Grey, was found to have contracted a 
 secret marriage. The object of her affections was 
 Thomas Keys, the Queen's serjeant porter. The 
 matter was ludicrous, as the Lady Mary was so small 
 that she was almost a dwarf, while Keys had been 
 chosen for his post owing to his huge proportions, 
 Moreover, the bridegroom was twice the age of the 
 bride and was a widower with several phildr^p. 
 
go QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Elizabeth committed Keys to the Fleet and Lady 
 Mary to confinement in the houses of friends. The 
 luckless pair were never allowed to meet again. But 
 the last chance of putting forth the successor through 
 the Greys had now disappeared. Mary Stuart stood 
 fronting Elizabeth, dreaded yet inevitable, as her only 
 possible successor, and therefore the necessary repre- 
 sentative of all who were discontented in England. 
 If Elizabeth distrusted Mary when she refused to 
 ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh, she now regarded her 
 with dread. In the duel between the two Queens, 
 Mary had made the first hit ; and Elizabeth could 
 only gird herself to greater watchfulness in the 
 future. Mary's success was chiefly due to her own 
 imprudence. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 
 
 The result of Mary's marriage was that, for a time, 
 Elizabeth was reduced to the position of a discredited 
 and somewhat fearful spectator of her doings. At 
 first she had some hopes from a rising of the Protes- 
 tant nobles under Murray ; but she was afraid to help 
 them openly ; they were promptly defeated and took 
 refuge in England. Never did Elizabeth sink to a 
 lower depth of duplicity than when Murray, contrary 
 to her wishes, made his way into her presence. She 
 rebuked him for rebellion; she declared that the 
 '* Queen of Scots had been her good sister, and such 
 she always expected to find her"; she disclaimed 
 any knowledge of his projects ; she dismissed him in 
 disgrace. Having performed this comedy for the 
 good of the ambassadors of France and Spain, she 
 wrote an account of it to Mary. Her only object 
 seemed to be to avoid giving Spain any ground for 
 interference. Absolute caution, however degrading, 
 was, in her opinion, necessary. When she pleaded 
 with Mary in Murray's behalf, her ambassador 
 
92 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Randolph was ordered to leave Scotland. Mary's 
 power was daily increasing, and Elizabeth felt herself 
 in serious danger. 
 
 From this she was released by the quarrel between 
 Mary and her husband, which led to the murder of 
 Rizzio, at Holyrood, on March 9, 1566. For a 
 time Mary's power seemed broken, but she recovered 
 herself by dauntless energy, and Elizabeth again 
 refused to identify herself with the Scottish rebels. 
 On June ig was born Mary's son, James, and the 
 news was a bitter blow to Elizabeth. Dropping into 
 a seat, she wailed : ** The Queen of Scots is mother 
 of a fair son, and I am but a barren stock ". England 
 rejoiced at the news, and Elizabeth felt that it was 
 hard for her to delay much longer the recognition of 
 Mary as her successor. She could not refuse to meet 
 her Parliament, which was sure to raise the question. 
 Her popularity was waning, her enemies were increas- 
 ing ; in many counties preparations were being made 
 for a rising in Mary's behalf. 
 
 To escape the despondency caused by these cares, 
 Elizabeth, in August, set forth to visit Oxford, as she 
 had visited Cambridge two years before. First she 
 went to Woodstock and revived the memories of her 
 imprisonment, when peril was as near as it was at 
 present. Leicester, as Chancellor of Oxford, had the 
 advantage of Cecil's experience in making arrange- 
 ments at Cambridge, and found his task ^n easy one. 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 93 
 
 There was the same ceremonious reception when she 
 entered the town ; but she looked askance at the 
 Vice-Chancellor, Lawrence Humphreys, a noted 
 Puritan, and said : " Mr. Doctor, that loose gown 
 becomes you mighty well ; I wonder your notions 
 should be so narrow ". She passed between the rows 
 of applauding students to Carfax, in the centre of the 
 town, where the Greek professor greeted her with a 
 Greek oration, to which she made a suitable reply in 
 the same tongue. Thence she went to Christ Church, 
 where she was to lodge. Five days were spent in 
 listening to disputations, visiting the Colleges, and 
 receiving a vast supply of complimentary poems, and 
 attending performances of Latin and English dramas 
 which were acted by the students. A play which told 
 the story of Palamon and Arcite was so lengthy that 
 it occupied two nights ; every one opined that its plot 
 was better than that of Damon and Pythias, which 
 was then fashionable. The exercises of dialecticians 
 were listened to with all the admiration and enthu- 
 siasm that now has been transferred to athletic sports, 
 and the prowess of disputants was valued as we now 
 value that of a cricketer. 
 
 When these contests were over Elizabeth ad- 
 dressed the University in Latin. The evening 
 shadows were falling, and she dexterously' began by 
 saying: "Those who do ill hate the light; and be- 
 cause I know that I will speak ill to you, I think this 
 
94 QUEEN EUZABETM. 
 
 time of gathering darkness is most suitable". She 
 divided what she had to say in two parts : praise and 
 blame. The praise was for the University, the blame 
 for herself. ** My parents took good care that I 
 should be well educated, and I had great practice in 
 many languages, of which I take to myself some 
 knowledge ; but, though I say this with truth, I say 
 it with modesty. I had many learned teachers, but 
 they laboured in a barren and unproductive field, 
 which brought forth fruit unworthy alike of their toil 
 and of your expectation. Therefore you have praised 
 me abundantly, I am conscious that I deserve not 
 your praise But I will end this speech, which is 
 full of barbarisms, with one earnest wish and prayer. 
 My prayer is this, that during my lifetime you may 
 be most flourishing, after my death most happy." 
 When she left Oxford the civic magistrates accom- 
 panied her to Magdalen Bridge, where their jurisdic- 
 tion ended ; the representatives of the University 
 went to Shotover Hill, where the bounds of the 
 University were reached. There was one last Latin 
 speech ; then Elizabeth waved her hand and said : 
 *' Farewell, famous University ; farewell, my faithful 
 subjects : farewell, dear scholars ; and may God bless 
 your studies. Farewell, farewell." Then she rode 
 onwards. 
 
 On her return to London Parliament met at the 
 end of September. The question of the succession 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 95 
 
 Was uppermost in every mind, and all other business 
 was of secondary importance. In vain Elizabeth 
 tried to avert its discussion by vague promises of 
 marriage and by personal remonstrance with the chief 
 peers. A joint address of the two Houses was 
 presented on November 5, and received an angry 
 answer ; what had she done that they shc^uld accuse 
 her of " careless care of this her dear realm " ? Cecil 
 conveyed the royal displeasure to the Houses and 
 ordered them to be silent on this subject. There was 
 a long discussion if such an order were not against 
 the privileges of the House, but Elizabeth sent for the 
 Speaker and repeated her command " that there 
 should be no further argument ". A member strayed 
 into the forbidden subject, and Elizabeth had him 
 put under arrest. The Commons began to consider 
 their privileges. Elizabeth saw that she had gone 
 too far. She released the imprisoned member, and 
 sending for the Speaker, informed him that " she did 
 revoke her two former commandments requiring the 
 House no further at this time to proceed in the 
 matter". But she nursed her wrath till the end of 
 the session, when she dismissed Parliament, saying 
 at the end of her speech : — 
 
 ** Do you think that either I am so unmindful of 
 your surety by succession, wherein is all my care, 
 considering I know myself to be but mortal ? No, I 
 warrant you. Or that I went about to break your 
 
^6 QUEUN nUZABEfH. 
 
 liberties ? No, it never was my meaning ; but td 
 stay you before you fell into the ditch. For all things 
 have their time ; and although perhaps you may have 
 after me a better, learneder, or wiser, yet I assure 
 you, none more careful over you. And therefore 
 henceforth, whether I live to see the like assembly or 
 no, or whoever it be, yet beware how you prove your 
 Prince's patience as you have now done mine. 
 
 ** And now to conclude all this. Notwithstanding, 
 not meaning to make a Lent of Christmas, the most 
 part of you may assure yourselves that you depart in 
 your Prince's grace." 
 
 Elizabeth had no doubt of her power to rule and 
 was determined that no one should doubt her capa- 
 city to do so. There were matters which she alone 
 could manage, and she demanded implicit trust in 
 her discretion where questions of national policy 
 were concerned. Her objections to the discussion of 
 her marriage and of the succession were not founded 
 on personal grounds. She claimed that she alone 
 could judge what was for the real interests of her 
 realm. 
 
 Events in Scotland came to her help and occupied 
 the minds of men. On February lo, 1567, Darnley 
 was murdered, and Elizabeth received the news with 
 every appearance of sorrow. It must, however, have 
 given her a sense of profound relief. She had felt 
 that Mary was gaining and that herself was losing. 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 97 
 
 Now was an opportunity of asserting her superiority. 
 Her own desire all along had been to maintain Mary 
 in Scotland, but to reduce her to a position of de- 
 pendence on herself. Hitherto she had been baffled : 
 now she might succeed. So she adopted the attitude 
 of Mary's candid friend and adviser. She wrote to 
 her expressing her horror at the news of the murder ; 
 and then continued : " Madam, I should ill fulfil the 
 part either of a faithful cousin or of an affectionate 
 friend, if I were to content myself with saying 
 pleasant things to you and made no effort to pre- 
 serve your honour. I cannot but tell you what all 
 the world is thinking. Men say that, instead of 
 seizing the murderers, you are looking through your 
 fingers while they escape. For myself, I beseech 
 you to believe that I would not harbour such a 
 thought for all the wealth of the world. I entreat 
 you to let no interest, no persuasion, keep you from 
 proving to every one that you are a noble Princess 
 and a loyal wife." With this letter was a proposal 
 for the ratification of the Treaty of Edinburgh, and 
 the establishment of a Church in Scotland on the 
 lines of the Church of England. With good advice 
 went a request for substantial advantages. 
 
 Whether or no Mary would have followed Eliza- 
 beth's advice is an open question. It is certain that 
 she did not ; and her marriage with Bothwell, on 
 May 15, was the signal for a rising against her. 
 
 7 
 
98 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 She was taken prisoner and was confined in Loch- 
 leven Castle on June 17. Elizabeth gave no help 
 to the confederate Lords and entirely disapproved of 
 their action. She was sensitive about the rights of 
 Princes. She felt that she owed much to the for- 
 bearance of foreign Powers, and was resolved to set 
 a good example. At the same time, she purposed to 
 use the position of self-appointed mediator in a lofty 
 manner. She sent her commands to the Scottish 
 nobles as one having authority. They were ordered 
 to release the Queen, to inquire into Bothwell's guilt 
 for Darnley's murder, to provide for a meeting of the 
 Scottish Parliament and a general pacification, and 
 to bring Prince James to England for safe keeping. 
 Elizabeth certainly asked enough and asserted un- 
 mistakably the claims of a feudal superiori^'. Her 
 ministers saw that her demandj>- were hopeless of 
 attainment ; but, in matters which concerned her 
 position as a Sovereign,. Elizabeth would brook no 
 "advice. She preferred the issues of bold diplomacy 
 to action. The duties of one Sovereign Prince to- 
 wards another were to be determined by the Sovereign 
 alone. 
 
 Perhaps Elizabeth was saving her personal credit 
 at small cost. She knew that her demands were 
 impossible. A full investigation of recent occurrences 
 in Scotland was not to be thought of, as every one of 
 position was involved either in the murder of Rizzio 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. gg 
 
 or of Darnley; and an inquiry once instituted 
 could not be limited. The Lords refused to listen 
 to Elizabeth's envoy, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton. 
 Elizabeth wrote to him : " We do detest the murder 
 of our cousin the King; but the head cannot be 
 subject to the foot, and we cannot recognise in them 
 any right to call their Sovereign to account. You 
 shall plainly tell them that, if they determine any- 
 thing to the deprivation of the Queen, their Sovereign, 
 we are well assured of our determination that we will 
 make ourselves a plain party against them to the 
 revenge of their Sovereign for all posterity." The 
 Lords extracted from Mary her signature to a 
 document in which she abdicated in favour of her 
 son. Throgmorton publicly protested, and privately 
 pleaded that, at least, Mary's life should be spared. 
 Elizabeth threatened war, and Cecil pointed out 
 that "the malice of the world would say that she 
 had used severity to the Lords to urge them to 
 rid away the Queen". Elizabeth had failed in her 
 plan of keeping Mary on the Scottish throne, weak, 
 discredited and dependent on herself, who had 
 established her position as arbiter of Scottish affairs, 
 and would organise the country on the model of 
 England. ^ 
 
 All this, however, added to the perplexity of those 
 who were anxious about England's future. Mary of 
 Scotland had been tacitly regarded as Elizabeth's 
 
loo QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 successor. Now all was plunged in uncertainty. 
 Troubles in the Netherlands had led Philip of Spain 
 to send a large army to subdue the rebels ; if it suc- 
 ceeded, England lay temptingly near. Elizabeth's 
 marriage could alone avert danger, and the claims of 
 the Archduke Charles of Austria were again pressed 
 upon her by the Council. Though a Romanist, he 
 had learned to tolerate Lutheranism, and so would 
 not be hostile to the English Church. By Elizabeth's 
 marriage with him England would be on friendly 
 terms with Spain and would be recognised as allied 
 with the Courts of Europe. 
 
 So the Earl of Sussex was sent to Vienna to see 
 if matters could be arranged. The chief point con- 
 cerned religion. Sussex was to point out that uni- 
 formity was a principle of English politics : " Many 
 inconveniences had happened in other countries from 
 maintaining contrariety in religion. England differed 
 from all other States that it could not suffer those 
 diversities of religion which others were seen to do. 
 The law touched no man's conscience, so as public 
 order was not violated by external act or teaching." 
 The Queen could not change her laws for a marriage. 
 Charles was invited to return with Sussex and see for 
 himself. Sussex reported that Charles was willing 
 to come to England and would accept all the Queen's 
 conditions, save on the matter of his religion. He 
 would accompany the Queen to public service ; he 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. loi 
 
 asked only for the use of a private chapel where he 
 could hear Mass, which no EngHshman should be 
 allowed to attend. These were reasonable requests, 
 which Elizabeth might have granted if she had been 
 in earnest. But Elizabeth was never in earnest 
 about her marriage, and she knew that if Charles 
 once came to England it would be difficult to find 
 an escape. If he had consented to abandon his 
 religious opinions, that would have been a sacrifice 
 which would have satisfied her vanity and would 
 have bound him to herself. As it was, she doubted 
 if. a Romanist Prince in England might not cause 
 trouble. "God^' she said, "had so far prospered 
 her by keeping England in peace, while France, 
 Scotland and Flanders were torn by war ; she minded 
 still to please Him by continuing her whole realm in 
 one manner of religion." Yet, if the Archduke would 
 come, all might be settled ; during his visit he 
 should have " such use of his religion as should be 
 found possible ". If he came in the hopes of pro- 
 curing toleration for the Romanists, *' his coming 
 would be both vain and dishonourable ". 
 
 After such an equivocal answer, nothing was to 
 be done. Charles refused to put himself in a false 
 position, and Elizabeth would give him rio positive 
 assurance. She was not entirely insincere in her 
 advances; but she was not satisfied that the ad- 
 vantages to be gained were equivalent to the risk 
 
I02 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 which would be incurred. Her ministers looked only 
 to the present ; Elizabeth looked to the future. She 
 had been accustomed all her life to live amid un- 
 certainties, and had none of the faith which makes 
 a bold venture. The return must be quite sure 
 before she would make a sacrifice. She would 
 pursue a project up to the final point and then reject 
 it. She wondered that others did not see difficulties 
 as clearly as herself; but she could not follow their 
 superior confidence. Sorely to the disappointment 
 of Cecil, the negotiation with Charles came to an 
 end and was not renewed. 
 
 On May 2, 1568, Mary of Scotland escaped 
 from Lochleven Castle and was again at the head of 
 a band of adherents. Elizabeth's position was again 
 very difficult. She had defended Mary when she was 
 a prisoner, what was she to do now she was at large ? 
 Elizabeth's real wish was to set Mary again on the 
 throne, but in such a way as to make her, and 
 through her Scotland, dependent on England. Hence 
 when Mary was in prison, Elizabeth was her friend ; 
 now that Mary was striving to win back her position 
 by herself, Elizabeth remembered her misdeeds. She 
 wrote Mary a letter in which she reminded her that in 
 the past she had " shown small respect for her state 
 and honour"; she was prepared to help her if she 
 would now follow her advice, which was to desist from 
 force and submit to Elizabeth's arbitration between 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 103 
 
 herself and her subjects. But before Elizabeth's mes- 
 sage reached her, Mary's troops were scattered at 
 Langside and she was a fugitive in Galloway. 
 
 There were three courses possible for Mary ; to 
 remain in hiding till her adherents had again rallied ; 
 to sail for France ; or to take refuge in England. In 
 the light of after events, it seems strange that she 
 chose the last of these possibilities. But it suited 
 her temperament to play an adventurous game, and 
 she thought that by a little pressure she could force 
 Elizabeth to intervene on her behalf. On May 16 
 she crossed the Solway, and was escorted to the Castle 
 of Carlisle. Such had been Mary's haste that she 
 had brought with her no change of dress ; and it is 
 odd to find that Carlisle could not supply her needs. 
 When Elizabeth heard of her condition she sent her 
 some clothing. When the parcel was opened, it 
 contained " two torn shifts, two pieces of black 
 velvet, two pair of shoes, and nothing else ". Sir 
 Francis Knowles, who brought this munificent gift, 
 was driven by shame to say ''that Her Highness's 
 maid had mistaken and sent such things necessary 
 for such a maid-servant as she was herself". Was 
 it insolence, or parsimony, or carelessness, which 
 led to such an extraordinary breach of courtesy? 
 Whichever it might be, it betokened ill for Eliza- 
 beth's hospitality. 
 
 Mary demanded that she should be received at 
 
I04 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 Court and should be allowed to explain her position 
 to Elizabeth. This demand raised great difficulties. 
 Mary claimed to be the second person in the realm, 
 and her reception at Court would have been a recog- 
 nition of her claim. She was informed that she must 
 prove her innocence of the charges laid against her 
 before she could be admitted to the Queen's presence. 
 She then demanded '* to be allowed to pass into 
 France to seek aid at other Princes' hands ". This 
 was hard to refuse on any personal ground ; but it 
 was too much to expect that Elizabeth would run the 
 risk of provoking French interference in Scotland. 
 The only answer she could give was that '* all 
 convenient means would be used for Mary's relief 
 and comfort". In fact, Elizabeth still clung to her 
 old policy. Mary, weak and discredited, was to be 
 restored to nominal rule in Scotland, while really 
 reduced to dependence on England. So Elizabeth 
 assured her that she would " have care both of her 
 life and honour". " Does it seem strange," she^went 
 on, *' that you are not allowed to see me ? I entreat 
 you to put yourself in my place. When you are 
 acquitted of this crime I will receive you with all 
 honour ; till that is done, I may not." Later, she 
 explained that she must not receive her, or else she. 
 would seem to be pinrtt?rt,^Titf^**Ihe other side would 
 not accept her arbitration, so that she would be unable 
 to help her ". Elizabeth gradually slipped into the 
 

 ELIZABETH AND MART'^:£JJART, .-" 105 
 
 position of judge, in spite of Mary's remonstrances; 
 but she was going to do the best she could for Mary. 
 Her intention was to have enough evidence produced 
 to slightly justify the Lords and slightly inculpate 
 Mary : then she would suggest a genial compromise, 
 which would require her constant intervention to 
 maintain. 
 
 It was a difficult game to play, because both 
 parties were to be deluded into putting themselves 
 into Elizabeth's hands, on the supposition that she 
 would favour them. As for a judicial inquiry into the 
 circumstances of Darnley's murder, that was impos- 
 sible in itself; and certainly no impartial tribunal 
 could be constructed to try the case. Elizabeth put 
 forward the inquiry as a necessary preliminary for 
 her action, but neither party would agree to the 
 inquiry till they knew what that action would be. 
 So Elizabeth led Mary to suppose that she intended 
 to restore her in Scotland, whatever happened, while 
 she informed Murray that she did not mean to restore 
 her if she were found guilty of the murder. She thus 
 rendered it tolerably certain that evidence of Mary's ^ 
 guilt would be produced. Then she nominated three 
 Commissioners who were to meet the representatives 
 of Mary and of the Scottish Lords at York. The 
 Commissioners were fairly chosen to represent dif- 
 ferent opinions in England. They were the Duke of 
 Norfolk, the leader of the old nobility; the Earl of 
 
io6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Sussex, a statesman of the old school ; and Sir Ralph 
 Sadler, a capable ofBcial of the new type which had 
 arisen under Henry VIII. When the Commissioners 
 met at York, in October, Murray showed them 
 privately some letters, purporting to have been dis- 
 covered in a casket belonging to Mary, which incrim- 
 inated her of devising with Bothwell the murder of 
 Darnley. What was intended to be a political com- 
 promise threatened to become a criminal trial, and 
 Elizabeth had to consider what she would do. She 
 dissolved the conference at York and summoned it to 
 Westminster. She laid the evidence against Mary 
 before a Council of the Peers. She added five, 
 amongst them Leicester, Cecil and Bacon, to the 
 number of the English Commissioners, who began a 
 kind of private inquiry into Mary's guilt. When 
 Mary protested against this jurisdiction, Murray was 
 set up as the criminal and was required to prove his 
 charge. The evidence was placed before a number 
 of the English peers, who were of opinion that until 
 some answer had been made, Elizabeth could not 
 admit Mary to her pVesence. It is clear that Eliza- 
 beth hoped by thus gradually tightening the coils of 
 the net round Mary to induce her to admit her guilt, 
 confirm her abdication, and allow James to be 
 educated in England as successor to the English 
 Crown. But Mary refused and Elizabeth was afraid 
 to push matters to extremities. She stopped short 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 107 
 
 and left everything to the chance of the future. 
 Murray was told that " nothing had been brought 
 against the Lords which impaired their honour and 
 allegiance " ; but also that nothing "had been suiB- 
 ciently produced against the Queen, their Sovereign, 
 whereby the Queen of England should take evil 
 opinion of the Queen, her good sister". With this 
 impotent conclusion the Conference ended. 
 
 Elizabeth had failed in arranging matters, as she 
 hoped, by an advantageous compromise on political 
 grounds. Anything of the nature of a trial was out 
 ~6i the question ; but, short of this, Mary's reputation 
 had been damaged as far as it could be. For the 
 present, she would remain in captivity in England, 
 till some opportunity offered for sagacious action to 
 which she might lend her name. Elizabeth had, by 
 this time, contracted the habit of putting off un- 
 pleasant business and leaving it undone. She had 
 put off her own marriage and the settlement of the 
 succession; the disposal of Mary of Scotland might 
 conveniently be added to the list, as being cognate 
 to them. Elizabeth was so accustomed to live from 
 hand to mouth that her policy consisted in delay. 
 She was willing to decide if the opportunity was 
 favourable ; but the opportunity rarely offered all 
 that she wanted. So she waited for a convenient 
 season. If she had not restored Mary, at least she 
 had not betrayed her. She had done enough to 
 
io8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 obtain general acquiescence to the important point 
 that Mary ought not to be received at Court. Doubt- 
 less, on this point, she recalled her own personal 
 experiences in her young da3^s. Perhaps she felt a 
 certain pleasure in facing the claim on her own 
 dexterity, and was of opinion that she could manage 
 Mary Stuart more skilfully than Mary Tudor had 
 managed herself. She felt a perverse satisfaction in 
 watching how things would turn out. 
 
 There were, however, other dangers threatening 
 Elizabeth. The Spanish troops of Alva were vic- 
 torious in the Netherlands ; and Elizabeth could not 
 flatter herself that Philip was her friend. She had 
 tried his patience in many ways, as she discovered 
 that he could not interfere in English affairs through 
 fear that Mary Stuart would be a firm ally of France. 
 Now that Mary's fortunes had waned, she would be 
 a puppet in the hands of any one who acted as her 
 deliverer. Philip had suffered much from England. 
 It was of primary importance to him to have safe 
 communication by sea between Spain and the Nether- 
 lands ; and England, though at peace with him, was 
 a constant source of annoyance at sea. 
 
 During the last few years there had been a wonder- 
 ful development of piracy, in which the energies of 
 Englishmen found an outlet. England was passing 
 through a social change in which agricultural pur- 
 suits were sinking in importance before industry and 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 109 
 
 commerce. There was a displacement of population 
 which opened out the way to adventure, and piracy 
 became a profitable trade. The government naturalty 
 wished for the growth of English seamanship and the 
 command of the narrow seas. It winked at piracy 
 as a temporary matter, till some better mode of > 
 training seamen could be found. England could not 
 afford a navy ; its fisheries were decaying, its carrying 
 trade was not large. Good management might 
 increase the occupation for Englishmen at sea ; 
 meanwhile they must find their own occupation 
 and they found it in piracy. Elizabeth was not sorry 
 if Spain was the sufferer; she only washed to keep 
 things within the limits of decency. This, however, 
 was difficult, and complaints were many. At last, in 
 1564, Philip determined to give Elizabeth a lesson. 
 Taking advantage of her war with France, he 
 arrested all the English fleets in Spanish harbours 
 and excluded English traders from the Flemish ports. 
 This drove Elizabeth to apologise and to promise to 
 do her utmost to suppress pirates. She ordered Sir 
 Peter Carew to clear the seas between Devonshire 
 and Ireland ; but he was to do it at his own expense and 
 pay himself out of the booty which he could capture. 
 This was not a profitable undertaking and little was 
 done. A Commission met at Bruges to settle differ- 
 ences between England and Spain ; but the English 
 commissioners had nothing to urge in their defence. 
 
no QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 "Our men," they wrote, ** in their offences are so 
 far out of all order, and the cases are so lamentable, 
 if" the accounts be true, that we scant tell how to 
 open our mouths for any reasonable satisfaction 
 therein." 
 
 Nor was it only in the Channel that Spain had 
 to complain of English depredation. In the Spanish 
 possessions in America it had been found that the 
 native Indians were unsuited for labour in the mines, 
 and negroes were brought from Africa to work in 
 their stead. This traffic, however, was carefully 
 regulated and was carried on under a licence from 
 the Spanish Government. John Hawkins, however, 
 discovered that a good business was to be done in 
 smuggling negroes into the Spanish colonies contrary 
 to the law. On his first voyage, half of his return 
 cargo was seized and confiscated at Cadiz, and 
 Elizabeth was admonished to prevent this illicit 
 trading. However, Hawkins had learned wisdom by 
 experience and was not discouraged. In his" second 
 venture, Leicester, Pembroke, and even the Queen 
 herself, are said to have taken shares. Hawkins 
 sailed with his negroes to several Spanish ports and 
 sold them in defiance of the Governor. He paid 
 those who had taken shares in his undertaking 60 
 per cent., and was openly received at Court. In 
 1567 Hawkins sailed again, but this time his good 
 fortune deserted him. As he lay in the harbour of 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. iii 
 
 San Juan de Ulloa a Spanish fleet arrived and 
 captured his ships, leaving him to escape with two 
 small tenders, which made their way with difficulty 
 to Plymouth Harbour in December, 1568. 
 
 Now it chanced that, just at this time, there lay 
 in the harbour ships laden with money for the Duke 
 of Alva. Philip had borrowed from Genoese bankers 
 and the dollars were divided, for greater safety, among 
 several vessels, which were trying to escape the 
 dangers of the Channel. Some of them had thought 
 it prudent to take refuge in English harbours, so as 
 to elude the pirates, and lay there in some anxiety, 
 waiting a favourable opportunity to slip out un- 
 perceived. Hawkins, smarting under his disaster, 
 thirsted for revenge. He told his story in his own 
 way: as Philip had robbed English subjects, the 
 Queen might seize Philip's ships till recompense was 
 made. The suggestion fitted in with political ex- 
 pediency. Elizabeth was not prepared to help the 
 Netherlanders in their revolt, but she was glad to 
 check Alva's progress. He was anxiously waiting for 
 money, and the loss of it would cripple him. So the 
 ships were seized and the money was brought to 
 London. Don Guerau d'Espes, the Spanish am- 
 bassador, sought an explanation from the Queen, but 
 it was a week before he could obtain an interview. 
 Then Elizabeth told him that as she had need of a 
 loan, she had found that the Genoese, to whom tne 
 
lia QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 money belonged, were willing to lend it to her instead 
 of Philip. In vain the ambassador protested. She 
 answered that the owners might lend where they 
 chose ; if they preferred her security to that of 
 Philip, no one could complain. 
 
 To this outrageous conduct Alva replied by 
 arresting all English residents in the Netherlands. 
 Elizabeth retaliated by arresting the Flemings and 
 Spaniards in England. It is true that England had 
 the advantage in these reprisals ; but the interruption 
 of trade caused discontent, and the prospect of war 
 with Spain was serious. Elizabeth had to quiet 
 matters by issuing a proclamation which tried to 
 throw the blame on Spain. The money, she said, 
 was the property of some merchants : its safe custody 
 had been forced upon her ; she was considering if 
 she might not borrow part of it, when Alva, without 
 asking an explanation, laid violent hands on English 
 ships and cargoes in the Netherlands, and had forced 
 her to retaliate. However, Elizabeth and herCouncil 
 were ashamed of their dishonest proceeding, and 
 winced before the jests of the Spanish ambassador. 
 He was confined to his house, and his correspondence 
 was read. In a letter to a friend, he wrote : ** Do 
 not be surprised to hear that I am arrested. In this 
 island there are all the enchantments of Amadis, and 
 I am a prisoner of Queen Oriana." Cecil's soul 
 burned with wrath. The letter still remains with 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUAkT. II3 
 
 his endorsement: "Against the Queen's Majesty 
 Oriana". Don Guerau was told that "such vain 
 fancies taken from Amadis of Gaul were unworthy of 
 a person holding his office. He would be treated as 
 a seditious, insolent person, unworthy to be admitted 
 into the presence of a Prince." Don Guerau had 
 the best of it, for he answered by expressing his 
 surprise that the Council should have opened letters 
 not addressed to them, and should have failed to 
 understand their contents. He politely offered to 
 send them a man "to whom the Spanish tongue is 
 natural" that he might interpret his harmless jests. 
 Cecil was placed at a disadvantage and nourished a 
 grudge. 
 
 It was, however, inevitable that this prospect of 
 a Spanish war, joined to the excitement caused by 
 the presence of Mary, should awaken great anxieties 
 and should bring to light hidden sources of discontent. 
 Elizabeth's attitude towards Spain was due to Cecil's 
 advice. The old nobles looked on Cecil as an upstart, 
 were jealous of his influence with the Queen and re- 
 garded his policy as hazardous. Hitherto Elizabeth 
 had tried a cautious compromise ; she had aimed 
 above all things at keeping the country together ; she 
 had been more anxious not to commit herself to any- 
 thing that could cause discontent than to assume 
 a definite position. It was natural for her advisers 
 
 to wish for certainty : it was equally natural for 
 
 8 
 
X 
 
 114 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Elizabeth to find her safety in cautious ambiguity, 
 which she concealed under occasional outbursts of 
 self-will in personal matters. But there must come 
 a time when compromise must be tested, and 
 iffering opinions surge against the barriers erected 
 to keep them dowh. 
 
 The result of the conference about Mary had 
 shown that Elizabeth would not recognise her suc- 
 cession. Yet there was no one else, and some 
 arrangement must be made. Already, during the 
 conference, a plan had been formed for Mary's 
 marriage with the Duke of Norfolk, and this plan 
 had the sympathy of a large party of the English 
 nobles. By the side of this was a plan for the over- 
 throw of Cecil, which was cordially supported by 
 Leicester. We have an account of an incident which 
 shows how things stood in the middle of February, 
 1569. The Queen was talking with Leicester and 
 Cecil, at one end of the room, when Norfolk and 
 several others were present. Elizabeth supported 
 Cecil's opinion against Leicester, who angrily ex- 
 claimed that her throne would never be safe till 
 Cecil's head was off his shoulders. She raised her 
 voice in passion and threatened to send Leicester to 
 the Tower. Norfolk remarked to those standing with 
 him that Leicester was in favour so long as he echoed 
 Cecil, but was in danger if he had an opinion of his 
 own. " But, by God," he added, *' this shall not be ; 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 115 
 
 Some remedy must be found for this." " Pray God, 
 it may be so," said Lord Northampton, " I have ever 
 wished it." Then Norfolk advanced to the Queen 
 and said that when her anger was past, and she could 
 reflect quietly on the state of the country, she would 
 see the need of wiser counsel ; he and his friends 
 would consider what ought to be done. Elizabeth 
 swept out of the room in mingled wrath and dismay. 
 To understand what followed, some account of 
 the Duke of Norfolk's position is necessary. Thomas 
 Howard was the son of the poet Earl of Surrey, who 
 was beheaded by Henry VIH., and sprang of a house 
 which had long claimed the chief place in England. 
 He had added to his importance by a series of rich 
 marriages. His first wife was the daughter of the 
 Earl of Arundel, and his son by that marriage was 
 heir to the Arundel domains. His second wife was 
 similarly heiress of Lord Audley of Walden. His 
 third wife was the widow of Lord Dacre of Gilsland, 
 next to the Percies the most powerful of the nobles 
 on the English Border. On her death, in 1567, Nor- 
 folk was again a widower, at the age of thirty-one. 
 It is no wonder that, after reaping such rich harvests 
 from matrimony, it seemed to him that a kingdom 
 was the only remaining dower which had not fallen 
 to his lot. The suggestion that he should marry 
 Mary came originally from the Scottish side, during 
 the conference at York. Later, he had an interview 
 
ii6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 with Murray, who encouraged him to hope that the 
 proposal would be laid before Elizabeth by an envoy 
 from the Scottish Parliament. The general un- 
 certainty in England and the desire to reverse 
 Cecil's policy towards Spain drove many of the 
 chief nobles to acquiesce in the plan as the wisest 
 and safest course to pursue. 
 
 ^ But there was one point in which Norfolk was 
 weak, and Cecil soon discovered it. Norfolk was in 
 debt, and could not afford to forego any personal ad- 
 vantage. After the death of his last wife he obtained 
 the wardship of her children by Lord Dacre. The 
 only boy died in May, 1569 ; and Norfolk determined 
 to marry the three daughters to his three sons, and 
 so secure for his family the Dacre estates. Their 
 title, however, was disputed by the last owner's 
 brother, Leonard Dacre, who claimed as heir male, 
 and was recognised as such in his neighbourhood. 
 When Cecil discovered the conspiracy against him- 
 self he offered Norfolk and Arundel full powers to go 
 to Spain and settle the dispute with Philip ; but, at 
 the same time, he offered ^rfolk his influence to 
 have the lawsuit about the ll^cre inheritance settled 
 in his favour. Norfolk accepted the offer, and a legal 
 decision was given against Leonard Dacre on July 
 ig. This had the effect of separating Norfolk from 
 the northern Lords, who all sided with their neighbour 
 Dacre. They were, moreover, strong adherents of the 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 117 
 
 Pope, and preferred a husband for Mary who would 
 be decidedly on the Papal side. Hence parties were 
 again divided. Norfolk fell back on Cecil and trusted 
 to gain Elizabeth's consent to his marriage with 
 Mary. The northern Lords plotted to carry off Mary 
 and allow her to marry whomsoever the King of Spain 
 suggested. Mary communicated with both parties, 
 and was ready to accept whichever was successful. 
 
 Norfolk's influence led the Council to vote, on 
 August 27, for the settlement of the succession by 
 the marriage of Mary to some English nobleman ; 
 but he had not the courage to plead his own cause 
 with Efizabeth. He proposed that the Council 
 should wait upon her in a body and state their wishes. 
 It is significant of the effect of Elizabeth's personality 
 that they all declined, and Norfolk was too terrified to 
 speak for himself. When he tried to do so " he fell 
 into an ague and was fain to get him to bed with- 
 out his dinner". Elizabeth was going on progress, 
 and Norfolk followed her, trying to screw up courage 
 to speak. On her side she endeavoured to lead him 
 to the point. One morning, in the garden at Rich- 
 mond, she called him and asked him what news. 
 Norfolk said he knew of none. " None ? " said the 
 Queen. " Yoi^\Come from London and can bring no 
 news of a marrfage ? " A lady came up with some 
 flowers, and Norfolk slunk away. Leicester pleaded 
 for him j but Norfolk could not speak for himself, 
 
ii8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 The Queen grew weary, and one day, at dinner, 
 "gave him a nip, bidding him to take care of his 
 pillow ". 
 
 In fact, she was anxiously waiting some assurance 
 of Norfolk's fidelity to herself, and was doubting if 
 she could trust him. She felt some alarm and told 
 Leicester that " if she consented, she would be in the 
 Tower before four months were over ". Norfolk was 
 doubting if he should ask the Queen's consent or 
 join the plan to rescue Mary by force. At last 
 he could bear the suspense no longer, and on 
 September 15 hastily left the Court. Elizabeth at 
 once returned to Windsor, and sent the Earl of Hunt- 
 ingdon, whom she could fully trust, to bring Mary 
 to the safe keeping of the strong castle of Tutbury. 
 It was now too late for a rising, and Norfolk could 
 only advise the northern Earls that Mary was too 
 securely guarded to be rescued. Then he wrote to 
 Elizabeth that " he never intended to deal otherwise 
 than he had her favour to do ". He withdrew to his 
 house at Kenninghall, and when summoned to London 
 pleaded illness. Leicester sent him a message, that 
 if he continued disobedient he would be proclaimed 
 a traitor. Having no settled policy and unable to 
 face this threat, Norfolk returned to London and was 
 confined to his house. Elizabeth wished to bring 
 him to trial for treason, but Cecil interceded. He 
 had taken th^ measure of Norfolk's character, and 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 119 
 
 wrote : ** Better marry him to somebody. Provide 
 him with a wife and his hopes of the Scottish Queen 
 will pass away." However, on October 8 Norfolk 
 was committed to the Tower, and Elizabeth at first 
 declared that she would have his head off by her own 
 authority if the law could not condemn him. 
 
 She was deeply moved by a sense of surrounding 
 danger which she could not clearly discover. Nor- 
 folk's conduct had impressed her with a sense of 
 his disloyalty, and he had been supported by many 
 whom she trusted, even by Leicester. Cecil was 
 afraid to prosecute his inquiries too far, for he was 
 anxiously watching the northern counties, where 
 devotion to the old religion and to Mary's cause was 
 strortgest. The Earls of Northumberland and West- 
 moreland were at the head of a body of gentlemen 
 who had been prepared to rise for Mary's rescue. 
 They were furious at Norfolk's cowardice, and were 
 waiting for another opportunity for action. They 
 were carefully watched by the Earl of Sussex, who 
 was President of the Council of the North ; and they 
 felt that the inquiries about Norfolk would reveal 
 their complicity. They received a summons to Lon- 
 don, but sent thinly-veiled excuses. At last, on 
 November 14, they threw off disguise, entered the 
 city of Durham, took possession of the Cathedral, 
 tore in pieces the English Bible and Prayer-Book, 
 9.nd celebrated Mass, Thence they marched south- 
 
I20 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 wards, intending to release Mary from Tutbury ; but 
 when they reached Tadcaster they found that Mary 
 had been transferred to Coventry. They paused 
 irresolutely, and as the country did not rise in their 
 favour, withdrew northwards. This gave time for 
 the Queen to gather forces ; and the rebel army, dis- 
 mayed at the indecision of its leaders, gradually 
 dispersed. At the end of November Northumberland 
 and Westmoreland fled across the Border, where they 
 found refuge in the trackless dales. 
 
 There remained another conspirator, more danger- 
 ous because he was more capable. Leonard Dacre 
 had not taken part in the rising, but professed to 
 hold the Castle of Naworth for the Queen. There 
 he gathered arms and provisions, and was at the 
 head of a formidable army of borderers amongst 
 whom his name was held in high repute. Elizabeth 
 ordered Sussex to send him to London j but Sussex ad- 
 mitted that he was powerless. Luckily the Governor 
 of Berwick, Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, was Eliza- 
 beth's cousin, being the son of Anne Boleyn's sister. 
 His assured fidelity gave him courage to undertake 
 a perilous enterprise. When Dacre knew himself to 
 be suspected he threw off the mask and summoned 
 the Scottish borderers to his aid. Unless prompt 
 action were taken the rising would break out again, 
 on a larger scale and under a more competent com- 
 mander. Hunsdon determined to attagk Naworth, 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. I2i 
 
 if possible ; if not, to reinforce the garrison of Carlisle. 
 Hastily collecting such forces as he could — they 
 only amounted to 1500 men — he set out from 
 Hexham by night on February 19, 1570. He 
 soon found that he was marching through a hostile 
 country. Beacons blazed on every hill, and every- 
 where were heard the shouts of horsemen gathering 
 for the fray. When he reached Naworth, at daybreak 
 he found it strongly fortified and impregnable from 
 its position. Dacre was expecting him with 3000 
 men. Not daring to give battle, he pursued his 
 road to Carlisle. In front of him ran the little 
 river Gelt, difficult to pass owing to its precipitous 
 banks. Dacre pursued him, expecting to catch him 
 in a trap, and charged as he stood hesitating by the 
 cliffs, which cut off his advance. But Hunsdon's 
 men stood firm, and fired with trained precision. 
 The furious charge of the border horsemen was 
 checked, and Hunsdon's cavalry fell upon them in 
 the flank. Dacre lost courage and fled to Liddesdale ; 
 his troops, deprived of a leader, rode for their homes. 
 The battle of the Gelt is little known in military 
 annals; but it deserves to rank high among the 
 battles fought on English soil. Hunsdon was out- 
 numbered two to one ; his position was dangerous ; 
 and his men were wearied by a long night's march. 
 His defeat would have been disastrous; the victory 
 was due to his courage and skill, Elizabeth thanked 
 
122 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 him with a warmth that was unusual. " I doubt not, 
 my Harry," she wrote with her own hand, "whether 
 that the victory given me more joyed me, or that you 
 were by God appointed the instrument of my glory. 
 And I assure you that for my country's sake the first 
 might suffice ; but, for my heart's contentation, the 
 second more pleased me. It likes me not a little 
 that, with a good testimony of your faith, there is 
 seen a stout courage of your mind, that trusted more 
 to the goodness of your quarrel than to the weakness 
 of your numbers." 
 
 Elizabeth had been thoroughly alarmed by this 
 revolt, and, when her fear was over, she clamoured 
 for vengeance. Not only was she incensed that any 
 one should rebel against such an excellent Sovereign, 
 but she sorely grudged the money which she had 
 'been compelled to spend in her own defence. Her 
 desire was to strike terror into all, but to combine 
 punishment with economy. Sussex was ordered to 
 seize all who had been concerned in the rebellion. 
 Those who had no land were to be dealt with by 
 martial law ; a certain number were to be hanged 
 at once on their village green, as a warning to their 
 neighbours. Those who were possessed of land 
 were to be tried, so that the Crown might have 
 the advantage of the forfeitures which could follow 
 on their conviction for treason. In accordance 
 with these instructions, some 600 or 700 peasants 
 
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 123 
 
 were hanged, whose only crime was that they had 
 followed those whom they regarded as their leaders. 
 The men with possessions were carefully tried ancj/ 
 sentenced in such a way that the greatest pecuniary 
 advantage might be obtained. Moreover, Elizabeth 
 was ceaseless in her efforts to secure the Earls of 
 Northumberland and Westmoreland that she might 
 make certain of their attainder. 
 
 Elizabeth was not naturally cruel and was gener- 
 ally averse to bloodshed. But, on this occasion, 
 she lost her self-control, and was heedless of the 
 remonstrances of her ministers. Yet never was an 
 occasion when magnanimity would better have be- 
 fitted a Sovereign. The complete failure of the 
 northern rising showed how firmly Elizabeth was 
 seated on her throne. The crisis, which had been 
 so long dreaded, came and passed harmlessly away. 
 Europe had long supposed that Elizabeth ruled over 
 England only on sufferance ; that the great majority 
 of her people were opposed to her actions ; that if 
 she was seriously challenged she would fall. The" 
 challenge came, and only proved that Elizabeth 
 possessed the affection and confidence of her people, i 
 It was hopeless to overthrow her by a rebellion.-^ 
 For that purpose, assassination or foreign invasion 
 alone could avail, 
 
X24 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 Notwithstanding the failure of the rising of the 
 north, it was an indication of the growing danger of 
 EHzabeth's position. There was in England itself a 
 party which was irreconcilably opposed to her rule, 
 and was only waiting for an opportunity to overthrow 
 it. The ground of its opposition was religious, and 
 it called in question the title of Elizabeth as the 
 legitimate holder of the Crown. If she was not the 
 rightful Queen, she had no claim on the loyalty of 
 her subjects ; it was their duty to depose her and set 
 Mary Stuart in Iier stead. These were the ideas 
 which lay behind the rising of the nOrth, It was 
 the conception which animated that revolt which 
 made it dangerous ; and the danger remained after 
 the revolt had been put down. 
 
 It was obvious from the beginning of Elizabeth's 
 reign that such a party must exist ; but the questions 
 to be decided were — how large that party would be, 
 how much vitality it would possess, and what outside 
 help it woulcj obtain, The decision depended on two 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 125 
 
 things — the success of the religious settlement in 
 England, and the fortunes of that other settlement 
 which must soon be made by the Roman Church 
 abroad. At Elizabeth's accession there was doubt on 
 both these points; ten years later the doubt had 
 been removed. Elizabeth was bound to confess 
 that England was not united in religion, while the 
 Church of Rome had removed some of its abuses, 
 had strengthened its organisation, and had gathered 
 round it a devoted body of adherents. 
 
 It was, indeed, a difficult thing for England to 
 settle down again into absolute unity in religion. 
 The mass of the people were satisfied with the 
 removal of those pressing and practical abuses which 
 had been connected with the Roman jurisdiction. 
 They welcomed the greater demand on their intelli- 
 gence, and on their co-operation in public worship, 
 which was made by the simplification of the old 
 services. But the rapid changes under Edward VI. 
 and Mary had necessarily lowered the efficiency of 
 the body of the clergy. Men who live through rapid 
 transitions either become violent partisans, or grow 
 timorous, cynical, or indifferent The leaders on 
 either side had been ejected in turns ; the clergy who 
 remained were not men of strong character or much 
 capacity. Moreover they were a diminishing body, 
 and it was not always easy to replace them. Young 
 men of promise might well hesitate, m the face of 
 
126 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 prevailing uncertainty, and turn to some other career 
 than that of the priesthood. If the old clergy were 
 indifferent, the younger clergy were often of little 
 learning and of lowly birth. The benefices were 
 mostly * poor, and the churches had suffered from 
 excessive zeal in removing monuments of superstition. 
 The services in parish churches were, as a rule, 
 lacking in dignity; and as they were intelligible, 
 their shortcomings were immediately perceptible. 
 
 These, however, were temporary difficulties, which 
 would soon have disappeared had the religious zeal 
 of England been united. But the great majority of 
 English theologians had been driven to leave England 
 before the Marian persecution. Partly the natural 
 resentment inspired by their wrongs led them to 
 dislike the religious system in whose interest those 
 wrongs were inflicted ; partly they took refuge for 
 greater safety in the regions where the most advanced 
 forms of Protestantism prevailed. The English exiles 
 absorbed much of the theology of Calvin, and when 
 they returned home were anxious to introduce it into 
 England. They had no sympathy with the concep- 
 tion which lay at the root of the changes made in 
 the forms of the English Church — the acceptance of 
 the results of the New Learning, the abolition of all 
 usages which had grown up only through unreasoning 
 sentiment and perverse ingenuity, and the mainten- 
 ance of all that had existed in primitive times. They 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 127 
 
 were men of a later generation, who had grown up 
 in times of strife and were interested in finding 
 weapons which could be wielded with effect, bulwarks 
 which were strong against assault. The first genera- 
 tion of reformers hopefully removed abuses, and 
 trusted to general intelligence to understand the 
 reasonableness of what was done. Their successors 
 felt more keenly the force of the old system, which 
 was interwoven with popular life and sentiment. 
 They wished to sweep it away altogether, and set up 
 in its stead a new theology, a new form of Church 
 government and of public worship. , They thought 
 that it must come to this in the long run, in England 
 also ; and they wished to precipitate the decision. 
 The number of the adherents of Calvin was not large, 
 but it consisted of resolute and earnest men, who 
 were intent on spreading their opinions. They had 
 all the power which comes from zeal. They were 
 strong in the Universities, where young men were 
 affected by what seemed to them the advanced 
 opinions which must rule the future. Some of the 
 Bishops had strong sympathies with them, at least 
 so far that they hesitated to silence men, whose 
 Christian zeal was beyond dispute, in a time when 
 zeal was not too common. Indeed the temper of 
 Englishmen was opposed to any undue exercise of 
 authority in matters of opinion. Men must be heard 
 before they were condemned. It might be that 
 
laS QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 after a period of discussion things would settle them- 
 selves. 
 
 But all this gave an appearance of uncertainty 
 to the system of the English Church. Many minds, 
 
 Y which would have been contented after a while with 
 T the Prayer-Book, paused to ask themselves what 
 
 iN security they had that it would be maintained. They 
 thought that they might soon be called upon to choose 
 
 V between Rome and Geneva, and the attractions of 
 / ^ the old system were more keenly felt at this prospect. 
 
 J r The conflict which was raging on the Continent was 
 
 y introduced into England. The English Church was 
 strong enough to save the nation as a whole from 
 "the horrors of religious warfare. It represented the 
 religious feeling of the great majority of the people, 
 and exercised a dominant influence over the future of 
 England. But it was not permitted to include the 
 entire people. There were formed two parties, one 
 of which looked to Rome, and trusted to recover its 
 ^ superiority by foreign help ; the other was determined 
 to capture the English Church, and mould it by per- 
 sistent energy into the forni which it preferred. 
 ^~y/^o^ on the one hand, there were Englishmen who 
 /went abroad, that they might move the Pope to ex- 
 / communicate Elizabeth and declare war against a 
 V^ heretical Queen. On the other hand, there were 
 Englishmen who stayed at home and consulted 
 Calvin how far they could conform to the English 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 129 
 
 Prayer- Book, and what steps they were to take in the 
 direction of further change. Both of these parties 
 were dangerous to the national welfare, which re- 
 quired, above all else, that England should be united 
 and should give no opportunity for intervention in its 
 affairs. But, for practical purposes, the danger lay 
 in the direction of Rome, and it was judged necessary 
 to take measures of defence. In the Parliament of 
 1562 an Act was passed for the ** Assurance of the 
 Queen's Power over all Estates," making all who 
 upheld the Pope's authority or jurisdiction liable to 
 the penalties of praemunire, and requiring the oath 
 of the royal supremacy to be taken by all who held 
 office, lay or spiritual, in the realm. It is true that 
 Archbishop Parker admonished his suffragans to 
 proceed gently in administering the oath, and to 
 overlook the older clergy, who, at least, were silent. 
 But the Puritan clergy soon began a protest against 
 ecclesiastical vestments. They would have neither 
 surplice, hood, nor square cap. Clothes worn by 
 Papists were like meat offered to idols : they were 
 bound to abstain from all appearance of evil. The 
 unfortunate legacy of fighting great principles over 
 outward trifles was bequeathed to the English Church. 
 Yet beneath all this unseemly discord was develop- 
 ing that conception of liberty which has made the 
 English character what it is. Obvious as are its 
 drawbacks for the purposes of orderly arrangement, 
 
 9 
 
I30 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 it fostered a spirit of sincerity and self-respect which 
 lie at the root of national character. The man who 
 insists on thinking for himself, learns to act for 
 himself, and gains a sense of duty and a regard for 
 justice, on which the welfare of a community must 
 ultimately depend. 
 
 While England was thus engaged in raising 
 questions which it has not yet succeeded in solving, 
 Rome was engaged in casting overboard what could 
 no longer be carried, and in forging its unwieldy 
 system into compact strength for the purpose of 
 aggression. The Council of Trent marks the divid- 
 ing line between the mediaeval Church and modern 
 Romanism. It collected scattered forces, revived 
 ancient claims, and prepared to reconquer the^ realms 
 that had been lost. In so doing, the Roman Church 
 largely assimilated the spirit of the Spanish monarchy, 
 and went forth with the one desire of putting down 
 heresy by the sword and the stake. Hitherto the 
 Papal attitude towards England had been uncertain. 
 Now there was no longer room for doubt. It was a 
 rebellious province which must be forcibly brought 
 back to its allegiance. An implacable warfare was 
 begun by Pope Pius V., which had the result of 
 convincing Englishmen that the Papacy was the 
 determined foe of all that England held most dear. 
 [ It was in the sphere of politics, rather than of religion, 
 \ that Protestantism was stamped into the English mind. 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 131 
 
 The rising of the North was the result of this 
 revival of Romanism. It seemed that Elizabeth's 
 throne was doomed to fall before the forces which 
 were gathering against it. The northern Earls, 
 who were Romanists by conviction, thought that they 
 could count upon Norfolk and his followers, who were 
 ready to become Romanists through policy. That 
 the movement failed so signally was due to Norfolk's 
 vacillation, which robbed it of a pretext. A rising in 
 favour of Norfolk's marriage with Mary might have 
 been a plausible cry. When this was removed, the 
 conspirators were at a loss for a definite statement 
 of their objects. Westmoreland asked what the 
 quarrel was to be, and was answered by a shout 
 *' For religion ! " But he hesitated at the thought of 
 undertaking the responsibility of introducing religious 
 warfare into England. " Those," he said, " that seem 
 to take that quarrel in other countries are counted as 
 rebels; and I will never blot my name." The ques- 
 tion then arose " whether by God's law they might 
 wage battle against an anointed Prince, until he or 
 she was lawfully excommunicated by the Head of 
 the Church ". Englishmen could not plead that they 
 rose against intolerable oppression ; and they were 
 chary of admitting far-reaching principles which 
 might recoil against themselves. 
 
 Doubtless the knowledge of this uncertainty 
 weighed in some degree with Pope Pius V., and 
 
I3a QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 induced him to proceed to the excommunication of 
 Elizabeth. It was a step which had long been urged 
 on the rapacy by English refugees, who wished to 
 proceed to extremities. Let the Church do its duty ; 
 then it would be seen who were on God's side. No 
 harm could come of it, for the laws of England were 
 merciful, and Parliament would not allow men to be 
 put to death for their religion. So argued some of 
 those who had presided over the fires of Smithfield. 
 They were willing to use, for their own protection, 
 the abhorrence of punishment for opinions which their 
 own action had created in the breasts of Englishmen. 
 But the Council of Trent did not feel strong enough 
 to proceed openly against Elizabeth. The voice of 
 politicians was against such a step when there were 
 no means ready to give effect to the sentence. These 
 motives of prudence did not weigh with the fiery and 
 impetuous Pope Pius V., Michele Ghislieri, in whom 
 the burning zeal of the sombre revival of Romanism 
 was incarnated. His only thought was the recovery 
 of the lost dominion of the Church, and its restoration 
 to universal power. He was ready to expend all the 
 treasures of the Church in a war against England. 
 He dreamed of putting himself at the head of an 
 expedition, and told some English refugees that he 
 "wished he could pour out his blood for them". 
 Without consulting the monarchs of his obedience, 
 to know what help they would render, he issued a 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 133 
 
 Bull declaring Elizabeth excommunicate, depriving 
 her of her kingdom, absolving her people from their 
 allegiance, and commanding them not to obey her 
 commands or law^s. At first, this Bull was kept 
 secret and was sent to the Cardinal of Lorraine in 
 France for publication. On May 15, 1570, it was 
 found nailed on the door of the Bishop of London's 
 palace. 
 
 Elizabeth had already answered this Bull by nlf^i^ 
 anticipation. After the suppression of the rebellion ^f.>^>^fL/^ 
 she had addressed her people in a remarkable mani- '**' 
 festo in which she appealed to them to judge between 
 her and the stirrers of sedition. Nothing is more 
 characteristic of Elizabeth than the frankness of this 
 appeal to her people's intelligence, her willingness 
 to explain to all the principles which she strove to 
 enforce. The rebellion, she wrote, has failed ; yet 
 it is natural to consider why it happened. Partly it 
 was due to the secret practices of malicious persons 
 who played upon the fears of the northern Earls ; 
 partly it was due to the groundless fear of severity 
 in respect to religious opinions ; partly it gathered a 
 vulgar herd who are always greedy of change. Yet 
 the mass of the people stood firm, and she thanked 
 them for their loyalty, in confirmation of which she 
 wished to explain her past action and indicate her 
 intentions about the future. *' We do all persons to 
 understand, that of our own natural disposition, we 
 
 ^*<a; 
 
 .0 .'. 
 
134 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 have always been desirous to have the obedience of 
 all our subjects of all sorts, both high and low, by 
 love and not by compulsion, by their own yielding 
 and not by our exacting." She had ruled with 
 / clemency, and had not " sought the life, the blood, 
 \ the goods, the houses, estates or lands of any person 
 in any state or degree " ; she had not acted for her 
 own " revenge, profit, or pleasure ". She had upheld 
 f'^ the law, but in such way that the ''judges criminal 
 of the realm have in no time given fewer bloody 
 judgments". She had engaged in no needless war, 
 and had been more careful of her subjects' money 
 than of her own ; yet the realm had lost neither 
 honour nor interest thereby. " We leave to all good 
 and wise persons to consider, by way of comparison, 
 what difference is to be found between the security, 
 the tranquillity, the wealth, and all other worldly 
 felicities, which our people do and may enjoy, and 
 the continual and universal bloodsheds, burnings, 
 spoilings, murders, exactions and such like, conjoined 
 with civil wars in other countries." 
 
 She went on to consider the question of religion. 
 *' Occasion is sought, specially from foreign parts, 
 to deprave this part of our Government, and con- 
 sequently, by secret troubling the weak consciences 
 of our people with untruths to withdraw them from 
 obedience to our laws." She claimed no authority 
 in matters ecclesiastical, save what had always 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH, 135 
 
 been exercised by the English Crown. She had 
 lio power to determine any articles of the Christian 
 faith, or to change any ceremony. But the Crown 
 had authority " to direct all estates to live in the 
 faith and obedience of the Christian religion, to 
 see that the laws of God be duly observed, that 
 offenders be duly punished, and consequently to 
 provide that the Church be governed and taught by 
 Archbishops, Bishops and Ministers, according to 
 the ancient ecclesiastical policy of the realm, whom 
 we do assist with our sovereign power. Yet, to 
 answer malicious untruths, we have no meaning 
 to allow that our subjects be molested either by 
 examination or inquisition in any matter of faith, so 
 long as they profess the Christian faith, not gainsay- 
 ing the authority of Holy Scripture and of the articles 
 of our faith contained in the Creeds, Apostolic and 
 Catholic ; or in any matter of ceremonies, so long as 
 they shall, in their outward conversation, show 
 themselves quiet and conformable, and not manifestly 
 repugnant and obstinate to the laws of our realm, 
 estabHshed for frequentation of Divine Service in the 
 ordinary churches. If any potentate in Christendom, 
 challenging any universal and sole superiority over 
 the whole Church of Christ, as it is pretended, shall 
 condemn this, our office by justice annexed to our 
 Crown because it is not derived from his authority," 
 Elizabeth was willing to submit the question to a 
 
136 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 free and general assembly. She was ready, '* as a 
 humble servant and handmaid of Christ, to reform 
 herself and her policy in any manner, as truth shall 
 guide and lead us. But truth is to be by us under- 
 stood, known and received, as Almighty God shall 
 please to reveal it, by His ordinary ways, and not to 
 be in a disguised manner obtruded and forced by 
 outward wars, or threatenings of bloodshed or such 
 like curses, fulminations, or other worldly violences 
 and practices ; things unfit to be used for establishing 
 or reforming of Christian religion, and to be rather 
 contemned by Sovereign Princes having their seats 
 and thrones established by Almighty God and not 
 subject to the wills of foreign and strange usurped 
 potentates." 
 
 "^ It is worth while to contrast with this the pre- 
 amble of Pius V.'s Bull. " He that reigneth on high, 
 to Whom is ascribed all power, both in heaven 
 and earth, hath committed the absolute government 
 of His One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church, 
 outside of which there is no salvation, to only one 
 upon earth, namely to Peter, the Chief of the Apostles, 
 and to Peter's successor, the Bishop of Rome. Him 
 alone has he made Prince, over all nations and king- 
 doms, to pluck up, destroy, scatter, consume, plant 
 and build ; that he may preserve the faithful, knit 
 together in one common bond of charity, in the unity 
 of the spirit, and present them safe and sound to their 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 137 
 
 Saviour." Englishmen had before them two possi- 
 biHties.for the future : to accept the Papal claims, and 
 make common cause with Spain and the Inquisition ; 
 or to uphold Elizabeth and maintain their national 
 independence, with such large room for freedom of 
 opinion as Elizabeth's government was prepared to 
 give. 
 
 The immediate results of the excommunication 
 were nothing. It was mere empty sound. The 
 Pope had asserted his right to depose a heretical 
 ruler; but the assertion did not affect Elizabeth's 
 relations with those Powers who supported the Pope. 
 No one was prepared to take any open action. Yet 
 Elizabeth felt herself menaced and exposed to secret 
 plots. The aspect of affairs grew sterner, and the 
 fortunes of England were more closely united with 
 the person of its Queen. The Romanists in England 
 were marked out for suspicion, through no fault of 
 their own. They were sacrificed wilfully to the pride 
 and obstinacy of the Pope, who placed them theo- 
 retically in a position of disloyalty, which they did 
 not wish to assume, but which they could not disavow. 
 The recognition of the Papal supremacy in things 
 spiritual involved a political duty to deny the legiti- 
 macy of their Queen and to disobey the law of their 
 country. 
 
 These consequences were only slowly apparent. 
 The immediate result was a series of bills brought 
 
138 QUEEN ELIZA BETH. 
 
 into Parliament, in 1571, for the protection of the 
 Queen and the suppression of Papists. The introduc- 
 tion of Papal Bulls into England, and the reconciling 
 of any Englishman to the Roman Church, were 
 declared subject to the penalties of high treason. 
 So also was the assertion that the Queen was " a 
 heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the 
 Crown," or the maintenance of the right of any other 
 person, or the discussion of the succession, except in 
 Parliament. A Bill was also passed requiring all 
 persons to attend Church on Sundays, and to receive 
 the Holy Communion at least twice a year. To this 
 Bill Elizabeth wisely refused her assent. Yet it was 
 obvious that the temper of England had been stirred 
 by the Pope's action, which gave a serious check to 
 the growing feeling in favour of freedom of opinion. 
 It was not the fault of England, but of the Papacy, 
 that religion was confused with civil obedience and 
 that the recognition of the Papal supremacy involved 
 treason to the Queen. Legislation was drifting back- 
 wards, against men's will and contrary to their better 
 knowledge, because the Pope was striving to bring 
 upon England civil war and social destruction. To 
 avert this a conception of legal uniformity in religion 
 grew in strength and gained a mischievous vitality. 
 
 It was not enough for Elizabeth to protect Jierself 
 by laws ; she must also seek to check the designs of 
 her enemies. She was menaced by a joint invasion 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 139 
 
 from France and Spain, which was what the Pope 
 longed to bring about. A pause in the reHgious wars 
 in France, in the middle of 1570, gave Charles IX. 
 an opportunity to interfere for the liberation of Mary 
 Queen of Scots. Hitherto France had been busy 
 with its own troubles ; the prospect of peace meant 
 a revival of jealousy of Spain. But France could 
 only be strong if it were united, and for that purpose 
 the Huguenots must be allowed a voice in affairs. 
 For a time there arose a project of a combination 
 against Spain, and a partition of the Netherlands 
 between France, England and Germany. In further- 
 ance of this plan, the Huguenot leaders suggested a 
 marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou, 
 Charles IX.'s younger brother. It is true that Anjou 
 was only twenty and Elizabeth was thirty-seven ; but 
 this did not prevent a long negotiation being carried 
 on in Paris by Francis Walsingham, a statesman 
 trained by Cecil, who now first appears in public 
 business. Neither Anjou nor Elizabeth desired the 
 marriage in itself; but each was influenced by the 
 possible advantages to be obtained. Anjou was re- 
 ported ''not averse to the religion" of England. 
 Walsingham gave the Papal nuncio in Paris a copy 
 of the English liturgy, " which form the Pope would 
 have by a Council confirmed as Catholic, if the Queen 
 would have acknowledged the same as received from 
 him". How far Elizabeth was prepared to go it is 
 
I40 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 impossible to say ; but the negotiation was useful as 
 preventing Anjou from being a candidate for the hand 
 of Mary, and kept France from making common 
 cause with Spain. But neither Anjou nor Eliza- 
 beth were prepared to enter on great undertakings. 
 Anjou, at last, determined that he had a better 
 career open to himself at home. With tears and 
 protestations of devotion he refused to entertain the 
 proposal in July, 1571, and his brother, the Duke of 
 Alen9on, was suggested in his stead. 
 
 This negotiation had the result of stirring the 
 zeal of the Romanist conspirators in England. The 
 Duke of Norfolk had been released from the Tower 
 after solemnly signing a declaration that he would 
 never again undertake any project for marrying Mary 
 of Scotland, and would hold no further communica- 
 tion with her. He was still the head of the old nobles, 
 who wished for certainty about the future, who had no 
 confidence in Elizabeth's success, and saw their best 
 hope in the marriage of Mary Stuart with Norfolk. 
 There was resident in London an Italian banker, 
 Ridolfi, ostensibly engaged in business, but really an 
 agent of Pope Pius V. He proceeded to weave 
 together again the broken threads of the conspiracy 
 which had failed. He used the possibility of Eliza- 
 beth's marriage with Anjou as a means to work upon 
 the unstable character of Norfolk. If he would 
 privately declare himself a Romanist in religion, and 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 141 
 
 would work with the Pope and Philip, they would help 
 him to marry Mary. After some hesitation Norfolk 
 accepted the proposal, and became a useful leader of 
 an English party which could be used for other 
 purposes than it was aware of. An English rising, 
 supported by Alva from the Netherlands, and favoured 
 by the English nobles, would indeed prove formidable. 
 Ridolfi went to Brussels to lay his plan before Alva, 
 and thence went to Spain to obtain Philip's sanction. 
 Both Alva and Philip were of opinion that the as- 
 sassination of Elizabeth was the first step to be taken ; 
 then would come tEe English rising and the Spanish 
 help. It is some credit to Englishmen to know that 
 at that time there was no one among them who could 
 be suggested as likely to attempt the Queen's life. An 
 Italian volunteered for the purpose. 
 
 The means by which this plot was discovered gives 
 a curious insight into the watchfulness of Cecil, and 
 the methods of an English minister in that agitated 
 time. The population of England was so small, 
 scarcely three millions, that it was possible for a 
 minister to have a personal knowledge of all men of 
 any importance. Cecil received from all officials, in 
 Church and State, reports about the religious and 
 political opinions and attitude of all who dwelt within 
 their districts. Suspicious actions were at once known 
 to him ; and he had organised a system of spies, whose 
 sagacity he might trust. It was necessary to check 
 
142 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 conspiracies in their beginning, and Cecil was ever 
 watchful for that purpose. The seaports were especi- 
 ally guarded, and letters from abroad were watched 
 for. Though Cecil had no suspicion of Ridolfi, he 
 suspected that some plot would probably be hatched, 
 and redoubled his measures of precaution. Ridolfi 
 sent from Brussels a messenger with letters to Mary's 
 ambassador, the Bishop of Ross, and also to the Duke 
 of Norfolk and Lord Lumley. The messenger's bag- 
 gage was searched, and the letters were discovered. 
 These were first taken to the Warden of the Cinque 
 Ports, who, desirous of screening the Duke of Norfolk, 
 allowed the Bishop of Ross to substitute for them 
 some other papers, less compromising to individuals, 
 before sending the packet to Cecil. Still Cecil's sus- 
 picions were awakened, and Ridolfi's messenger was 
 sent to the Tower, where he was thrown into the 
 company of a pretended prisoner, and apparently a 
 sympathiser, who was really a spy of Cecil's. From 
 his admissions, which were reported to Cecil, it was 
 clear that more was to be discovered, and the Bishop 
 of Ross was next examined and put under custody. 
 
 It happened that, about this time, Sir John Haw- 
 kins had devised a scheme of his own for hoodwinking 
 Philip. In his disastrous expedition to the Indies he 
 had lost several of his ships, and grieved over the 
 thought that many of his trusty comrades were lying 
 in Spanish dungeons as prisoners of war. He paid a 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 143 
 
 visit to the Spanish ambassador, Don Guerau d'Espes, 
 and professed himself sorely discontented with the 
 treatment which he had received from the Queen. 
 He hinted that, if his men were restored, he might 
 be willing to abandon the service of Elizabeth for that 
 of Philip, and carry with him the best of the English 
 seamen. Mary Queen of Scots was secretly asked to 
 join her prayers with those of Hawkins, who was 
 consequently able to win Philip's confidence and 
 penetrate to some degree into the plot which was on 
 foot. Thus, in the middle of 1571, Cecil knew that 
 a treasonable correspondence was passing between 
 the Bishop of Ross and the Netherlands, and that 
 Philip was projecting an invasion of England in 
 behalf of Mary Queen of Scots. Still this was all 
 concerned with foreign affairs. There was nothing 
 to inculpate any one in England, till an accident gave 
 Cecil a further clue. 
 
 In September a sum of money was entrusted to 
 the Duke of Norfolk to forward to Scotland for the 
 use of Mary's partisans. It was given to a merchant 
 to carry to Shrewsbury. Struck with the weight of 
 the bag, he opened it and found a letter in cipher, 
 which he sent to Lord Burghley (for Cecil had been 
 raised to the peerage), who imprisoned the Duke's 
 servants, threatened them with torture, and discovered 
 the key to the cipher. The Duke was imprisoned, 
 and was examined from time to time, as Burghley 
 
144 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 discovered more from his servants and unearthed his 
 correspondence. Little by little the whole plot was 
 cleared up. " This matter of the Duke of Norfolk 
 grows daily larger upon examination," wrote Burghley; 
 ** I am sorry to see so many touched therewith." 
 Indeed, both Elizabeth and her minister had cause 
 to feel alarmed at the extent of disaffection which 
 was revealed among the nobles. It was thought 
 better not to inquire too far, and only to make an 
 example of the chief offenders. The Bishop of Ross 
 was kept in the Tower till it was thought safe to 
 allow him to retire to France. The Spanish am- 
 bassador was requested to return to Spain. Norfolk 
 was brought to trial before a Court composed of 
 twenty-six peers. It was hard to find amongst the 
 English nobles a sufficient number of those who were 
 not, in some degree or other, accomplices of his pro- 
 jects. In January, 1572, Norfolk was condemned as 
 guilty of high treason by the president of the Court, 
 the Earl of Shrewsbury, who, with tears running 
 down his cheeks, pronounced sentence of death 
 against the chief member of his own order. 
 
 Yet, though Norfolk \vas condemned, Elizabeth 
 hesitated to sign the warrant for his execution. She 
 was averse from bloodshed, and valued the popularity 
 which goes with a reputation for clemency. Once, 
 when she was induced to sign the warrant, and the 
 day of Norfolk's execution was fixed, she sent for 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 145 
 
 Burghley, told him she could not bear the thought 
 of Norfolk's death, and commanded a respite. Her 
 friends were amazed at her carelessness for her 
 personal safety, as shown in her reluctance to punish 
 the man who had by his treason exposed her to as- 
 sassination. " The world knows her to be wise," 
 wrote Lord Hunsdon, " and surely there caftnot be 
 a greater point of wisdom than for any to be careful 
 of their own estate, and especially the preservation 
 of their own life. How much more needful is it for 
 Her Majesty to take heed, upon whose life depends 
 a whole commonwealth, the utter ruin of the whole 
 country, and the utter subversion of religion ? If by 
 her negligence or womanish pity these things happen, 
 what she hath to answer for to God, she herself 
 knows." Still Elizabeth refused to act till Parlia- 
 ment met, in May, and uttered its opinion with no 
 uncertain voice. It resolved in the first place to 
 attaint Mary Queen of Scots and so " touch her in 
 life as well as in title ". It was weary of Elizabeth's 
 endless negotiations about restoring Mary to Scot- 
 land, and recognising her right of succession. It^ 
 longed to make an end of the perpetual dangers to 
 which the country was exposed for herNsake. But 
 Elizabeth insisted that the attainder should be 
 dropped. She declared that " she could not put to 
 death the bird that had flown to her for succour from 
 
 the hawk". The Commons replied that there was 
 
 10 
 
146 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 no other course open; to pass a bill exlcuding hef 
 from the succession would admit her right and make 
 her friends more desperate. Elizabeth assented, but 
 asked them to let the matter stand over. Disap- 
 pointed of their chief desire, the Commons besought 
 the immediate execution of the Duke of Norfolk. 
 To this Elizabeth reluctantly consented, and the 
 Duke's head fell on Tower Hill on June 2. 
 
 With his death another period of Elizabeth's 
 reign was marked. She had successfully withstood 
 the first shock of the Romanist revival. The rising 
 of the North was an outburst of dissatisfaction at 
 home. The Ridolfi plot was a deep-laid scheme for 
 bringing to bear on England all the resources of the 
 old religion. It had failed, and even the attempt 
 had revealed an inherent weakness in the combina- 
 tion. There was no talk of help from France, which 
 had begun to draw nearer to England through hos- 
 tility to Spain. Its national interest was stronger 
 than its religious interest. There was even a hope 
 of a confederacy in which France and England 
 should take part to check the growth of Spanish 
 power by rescuing the Netherlands from its clutches. 
 This large scheme halted ; but, in April, 1572, a 
 treaty was made between England and France, in 
 which nothing was said about Mary Stuart, and the 
 two countries undertook to aid each other in case of 
 attack on any pretext whatever. 
 
THE EXCOMMVNtCATtON OP ELtZABEftl. 147 
 
 It was and must always remain a problem, what 
 would have been the results on European history if 
 Elizabeth had been capable of a bold policy ; and at 
 no time is the question more interesting than just at 
 this period of her reign. The Huguenot leaders in 
 France had gained great influence over the King and 
 were urging religious conciliation and war against 
 Spain. If Elizabeth had been willing to marry the 
 Duke of Anjou and so give England's support to this 
 project, a decisive effort would have been possible. 
 It is natural for the historian, wearied with the end- 
 less records of plans which came to nothing, to wish 
 for something which might aim at decision. It is 
 easy to arrange on paper what might have happened, 
 if all had gone well. But Elizabeth could count 
 what she had gained by waiting on events, and 
 shrunk from great schemes. France became con- 
 vinced that Elizabeth would not join in war against 
 Spain in the Netherlands, and hesitated to engage in 
 it alone. Yet things had gone so far that it was hard 
 to withdraw. " Your Lordship seeth," wrote Wal- 
 singham from Paris, " how the fruit of your fear there 
 hath bred fear here : whereof I fear there will follow 
 fearful effects, unless God put to His helping hand." 
 The "fearful effects," which Walsingham foresaw, 
 was the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, which 
 filled England with horror. 
 
 At first men thought that it was a signal for a 
 
148 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 general murder of all Protestants, and there was 
 universal alarm. When this subsided the rage 
 against France was extreme ; but Elizabeth was 
 loath to part with her new ally. She devised a 
 dignified plan for satisfying the popular indignation 
 in an impressive fashion. When the French ambas- 
 sador pressed for an interview, Elizabeth received 
 him at Woodstock, with her Council around her, all 
 dressed in deep mourning. The ambassador entered 
 amid solemn silence, and his excuses were coldly 
 listened to. Elizabeth said that she had purposed 
 sending an embassy to France : she could trust no 
 one in a country where life was unsafe. Burghley 
 followed, saying that it was the most horrible crime 
 committed since the Crucifixion. Yet, after making 
 this protest, Elizabeth consented to be godmother to 
 the daughter of Charles IX., and sent the Earl of 
 Worcester as her proxy. Some Englishmen were 
 so indignant at this that his boat was attacked by a 
 privateer in the Channel, and several of his men were 
 killed in the encounter. 
 
 Elizabeth was prospering by the misfortunes of 
 others. She could compare the results of her caution 
 with those of the great schemes of other rulers, and 
 could find consolation in the comparison. Spain, 
 with all its apparent strength, was harassed by the 
 revolt of the Netherlands; no sooner were the rebels 
 reduced on land than a new and more difficult war- 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH, 149 
 
 fare arose on sea, by the rise of the " Water Beggars," 
 with Brill and Flushing for their harbours. France, 
 divided between religious discord and fear of Philip, 
 had no clear policy to pursue. Spain and France 
 alike had need of England's friendship, and left to 
 the Pope the task of reducing that heretical country 
 to obedience. In Scotland the capture of the Castles 
 of Dumbarton and Edinburgh reduced Mary's party 
 to helplessness. At the end of 1572 Elizabeth could 
 look around her with greater confidence ; and the 
 country entered upon a period of peace, during which 
 its commerce and its naval power steadily increased. 
 Some token of the rising influence of commerce 
 in England is to be found in the project of Sir Thomas 
 Gresham for the improvement of the means by which 
 business was conducted. Gresham had been em- 
 ployed in the Low Countries to negotiate loans for 
 the State, and had made a princely fortune for him- 
 self while so doing. The death of his only son turned 
 his mind towards civic munificence, and he offered to 
 build for the city of London an Exchange, such as 
 he had often frequented at Antwerp. Hitherto in 
 England business was transacted in the street, or in 
 the nave of St. Paul's Cathedral. Gresham built a 
 quadrangle, with a portico for merchants' warehouses 
 beneath, and shops above. In January, 1571, he asked 
 the Queen to open it. She came in state, and after 
 fining with Gresham in his house in Bishopsgate 
 
I50 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Street, visited the new building, and bade the herald 
 proclaim its name as the Royal Exchange. It is 
 worth noticing that Gresham knew how to derive 
 advantage from the royal visit. His shops were 
 unlet ; and though the building was there it was 
 not immediately possible to overcome old habits and 
 ensure its success. So Gresham visited the chief 
 shopkeepers and asked them to expose some of 
 their goods in the empty windows, and kindle a few 
 candles in honour of the Queen's coming : they might 
 keep the shops rent free for a year. He rightly cal- 
 culated that, when once they were there, they 
 would not withdraw from a place which their 
 coming had made central ; and he was able to 
 obtain a good rental for his shops in the following 
 year. 
 
 Elizabeth herself was by no means entirely ab- 
 sorbed with State affairs, difficult as they were. She 
 was endowed with a strong and many-sided nature, 
 and was full of vitality. She threw off business and 
 frankly enjoyed herself according to her liking. 
 ** Her humours did not grow weak with age ; " she 
 became more and more imperious and exacting to 
 those around her. She was easy of access and ready 
 of speech, but no one was allowed to forget that 
 she was a Queen. In State affairs she mainly 
 trusted to Burghley ; but in private life she chose 
 her own companions, not for their merits but for 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 151 
 
 their social gifts. Leicester still retained his place in 
 her favour, but there were others beside him. A 
 young lawyer from Northamptonshire, Christopher 
 Hatton, attracted her attention by his graceful dan- 
 cing at a masque, and rapidly won his way to close 
 intimacy. She called him her " Mutton," her " Bell- 
 wether," her **pecora campi ". When he fell ill, in 
 1573, she visited him daily ; and when he was ordered 
 to Spa for his health she sent her own physician to 
 accompany him. His letters on the journey breathed 
 the most extravagant devotion. *' My spirit," he 
 wrote, " agreeth with my body and life that to serve 
 you is a heaven, but to lack you is more than hell's 
 torment with them. Would to God that I were with 
 you but for one hour. My wits are overwrought with 
 thoughts. I find myself amazed. Passion overcometh 
 me. I can write no more. Love me, for I love you." 
 He signs himself ** Your most unhappy bondsman, 
 Lyddes," another of the Queen's nicknames for him. 
 Another example of his style is the following : " This 
 is the twelfth day since I saw the brightness of that 
 sun that giveth light unto my sense and soul. I was 
 an amazed creature. Give me leave, madam, to 
 remove myself out of this irksome shadow so far as 
 my imagination with their good means may lead me 
 towards you : and let me thus salute you : Live for 
 ever, most excellent creature, and love some man to 
 show yourself thankful for Qod's high labour in you." 
 
152 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 And this was written to Elizabeth when she was of 
 the age of forty ! 
 
 We have an interesting picture of the Court life 
 at this time in a letter of Gilbert Talbot to his father, 
 the Earl of Shrewsbury, who was kept away from 
 London by his duties as gaoler of Mary Queen of Scots. 
 Few things are more characteristic of Elizabeth's 
 methods of government than her capacity of attaching 
 men to her service by compelling them to undertake 
 difficult and thankless duties. The great Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, because his estates lay in the safe region 
 of the Midlands, alike out of the reach of Scottish 
 raids and of a sudden dash for rescue from the east 
 coast, was bidden by the Queen to entertain Mary. 
 At first she was an honoured guest, soon to be 
 returned to her own land. But years went by and 
 Shrewsbury was still saddled with his unwelcome 
 charge. She was transferred from one to another of 
 his many residences according as need required. He 
 was turned from her host to her keeper ; and Eliza- 
 beth's demands upon his care grew more and more 
 exacting. Between two imperious women his life 
 was made a burden to him ; but there was no escape 
 from his task, in which his honour and his fortunes 
 were alike involved. He could only sigh for relief 
 and solace himself in his enforced retirement by re- 
 ceiving political news from Burgh ley and gossip from 
 his son. Talbot wrote to his father in May, 1573 • — 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 153 
 
 "My Lord Treasurer (Burghley), even after the 
 old manner dealeth with matters of State only, and 
 beareth himself very uprightly. My Lord Leicester 
 is very much with Her Majesty, and she shows the 
 same great affection to him that she was wont ; of 
 late he has endeavoured to please her more than 
 heretofore. There are two sisters now in the Court 
 that are very far in love with him, as they have 
 been long, my Lady Sheffield and Frances Howard 
 (daughters of Lord Howard of Effingham). They, of 
 like striving who shall love him better, are at great 
 wars together, and the Queen thinketh not well of 
 them, and not better of him : by this means there 
 are spies over him. My Lord of Sussex goes with 
 the tide and helps to back others ; but his own credit 
 is sober, considering his estate ; he is very diligent 
 in his office (Lord Chamberlain) and takes great 
 pains. My Lord of Oxford is lately grown into great 
 credit : for the Queen's Majesty delighteth more in 
 his personage, and his dancing, and valiantness, than 
 any other. I think Sussex doth back him all that he 
 can ; if it were not for his fickle head he would pass 
 any of them shortly. My Lady Burghley unwisely 
 has declared herself as it were jealous, which has 
 come to the Queen's ear; whereat she has been not a 
 little offended at her, but now she is reconciled again. 
 At all their love matters my Lord Treasurer winketh, 
 and will not meddle anyway." It is a curious 
 
154 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 picture which is here given of a capricious woman, 
 who deliberately bestowed her favours on purely 
 personal grounds, and chose for her associates those 
 who were not fitted to interfere in affairs of State. 
 She contrived to set them one against another, and 
 so prevented the growth of parties. Success was 
 possible to any one, but no one could establish a 
 claim. Elizabeth was glad to see her courtiers vicing 
 for her favour ; if some of them were treacherous it 
 was the more necessary to attach them to herself 
 They were allured to the Court, and were induced to 
 jcommit themselves to her side. Behind those who 
 fluttered round the Court were the political instru- 
 ments of her government, well trained by Burghley, 
 and the growing circle of those related to her on her 
 mother's side, such as Lord Hunsdon, on whom she 
 could depend for help at a crisis. Her real servants 
 were kept in the background. She would be Queen 
 over all her people, and was anxious that her Court 
 should be representative of all shades of opinion. 
 
 So, partly from liking, and partly from policy, she 
 indulged in outward splendour, and encouraged those 
 whose taste lay in that direction. In May, 1571, 
 jousts were held at Westminster, in which the 
 challengers were the Earl of Oxford, Sir Charles 
 Howard, Sir Henry Lee, and Sir Christopher Hatton. 
 Lee was the most accomplished knight in the tilt- 
 yard, and founded a society of Knights-Tilters, who 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 155 
 
 were to appear as challengers on each anniversary of 
 the Queen's accession. Edward de Vere, Earl of 
 Oxford, was one of the gayest, but was certainly the 
 most brutal of Elizabeth's courtiers. He married 
 Burghley's daughter Anne, and tried to use his 
 influence in politics to save his relative the Duke 
 of Norfolk. When he failed he avenged himself on 
 Burghley by ill-treating his wife ; but neither his 
 treasons nor his misconduct induced Elizabeth to 
 exclude him from her presence. 
 
 Nor did Elizabeth only care to attach the nobles 
 to her person. She was careful to maintain her 
 popularity among her people. Her progresses, or 
 summer journeys, answered both purposes. She 
 was entertained by the nobles, and her presence in 
 any district was an occasion for revels in which 
 the whole neighbourhood took part. Civic officials 
 welcomed the Queen and were delighted with her con- 
 descension. She listened to interminable harangues, 
 with inexhaustible patience, and always found a 
 happy compliment in reply. Thus, at Warwick, she 
 called the Recorder : " Come hither, little Recorder. 
 It was told me that you would be afraid to look on 
 me or to speak boldly ; but you were not so afraid 
 of me as I was of you, and I now thank you for 
 putting me in mind of my duty." The greatest 
 occasion of display was the Queen's visit to the Earl 
 of Leicester ^t Kenilworth Castle, in the summer of 
 
156 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 1575. The records of it suffice to show that Leicester 
 was a consummate courtier, and knew how to cap- 
 tivate imagination of all beholders. The pageantry, 
 which was devised with laborious care, shows us 
 the pedantry of the English Renaissance period, 
 modelled on that of Italy, but marked with sturdy 
 characteristics of its own. Bold and extravagant as 
 it seems to us, it was the foundation on which arose 
 the English drama. The rude and affected style of 
 its allegorical representations only needed to be 
 chastened and brought into connection with life and 
 character. We wonder if, amongst the lookers-on, 
 a young lad of the name of William Shakespeare had 
 been brought from Warwick by his parents and 
 feasted his eyes on the splendid scene. 
 
 Elizabeth was met by Leicester and entertained 
 at dinner seven miles away on the borders of his 
 domains. Thence the Royal party advanced slowly, 
 hunting by the way. It was eight o'clock on a 
 summer's evening when the battlements of Kenil- 
 worth Castle came in view. Before the first gate 
 ten sibyls, clad in white silk, welcomed the Queen 
 with a long poem in English. As she approached 
 the gate a huge porter rushed forward, brandishing 
 a gigantic club, denouncing in uncouth language the 
 bustle and stir which disturbed his wonted repose. 
 But when his eyes fell on the Queen his weapon 
 dropped from his hand ; he yielded up his keys and 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 157 
 
 kneeling, prayed for pardon of his impatience ; then 
 he bade the trumpeters on the wall to sound. Six 
 giants, eight feet high, all clad in silk, blew from 
 silver trumpets a blast of welcome as Elizabeth 
 passed through the tilt-ground to the pool which ran 
 in front of the castle. There, on a movable island 
 blazing 'with torches, sat the Lady of the Lake, 
 who rehearsed how she had kept the waters since 
 King Arthur's days, but now resigned her charge to 
 the Queen. After receiving this submission Eliza- 
 beth proceeded along a bridge thrown over the old 
 moat, seventy feet long, adorned with pillars on 
 which stood bowls containing the appropriate offer- 
 ings of the rural deities, the meaning of which was 
 explained by a poet, clad in sky-blue silk, with a 
 garland of laurel round his brow. After listening to 
 all this flow of poetry the Queen was allowed to 
 approach the door and dismount from her horse. 
 The rest of the evening was enlivened by a great 
 display of fireworks in the courtyard. 
 
 It were long to tell of all that happened of like sort 
 during the nineteen days of the Queen's sojourn. As 
 she hunted in the forest the Wild Man of the Woods 
 rushed out to inquire who she was, and his bellow- 
 ings were answered by an ingenious echo. There 
 was bear-baiting, and tumbling, and rustic sports. 
 There was a country wedding, and a play acted by 
 the men of Coventry ; there were songs and masques, 
 
tsS QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
 Mermaids and Tritons swam in the pool, and 
 expressed appropriate loyalty. Arion rode a dolphin 
 which contained within it an orchestra of six men 
 who accompanied his patriotic songs. At some 
 time or another all the Gods of the mythology 
 had an opportunity of saying their say and used 
 it to the full. Elizabeth must have departed with 
 the assurance that she was the special care of 
 Olympus. 
 
 Elizabeth herself was infected with the poetical 
 fury of the times, as the following sonnet shows. 
 It must have been written soon after Norfolk's 
 execution : — 
 
 The dread of future foes exiles my present joy, 
 
 And wit me warns to shun such snares as threaten mine annoy. 
 
 For falsehood now doth flow, and subject's faith doth ebb ; 
 
 Which would not be if Reason ruled, or Wisdom weaved the web. 
 
 But clouds of toys untried do cloak aspiring minds. 
 
 Which turn to rain of late repent by course of changed winds. 
 
 The top of hope supposed the root of ruth will be, 
 
 And fruitless all their graffed guiles, as shortly ye shall see. 
 
 Those dazzled eyes with pride, which great ambition blinds. 
 
 Shall be unsealed by worthy wights whose foresight falsehood finds. 
 
 The Daughter of Debate, that eke discord doth sow, 
 
 Shall reap no gain where former rule hath taught still peace to grow 
 
 No foreign banished wight shall anchor in this port ; 
 
 Our realm it brooks no stranger's force, let them elsewhere resort. 
 
 Our rusty sword with rest shall first his edge employ. 
 
 To poll their tops that seek such change and gape for joy. 
 
 But though the country was at peace, and growing 
 rapidly in prosperity, Elizabeth did not forget her 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OP ELIZABETH. 159 
 
 watchfulness amidst her amusements. The thought 
 of "the Daughter^ of Debate," Queen Mary, was 
 never absent from her mind, and she was never sure 
 that she could entirely trust any one. At the end of 
 1574 she was greatly disturbed by the news that 
 Lord Charles Stuart, Darnley's younger brother, had 
 secretly married Elizabeth Cavendish, daughter of 
 Lady Shrewsbury by a former marriage. As Shrews- 
 bury was the guardian of Queen Mary it betokened 
 that intrigues were going on to attach him, if 
 possible, to Mary's party, but Elizabeth did not 
 know to whom she could more safely entrust Mary, 
 and was silent. As it happened. Lord Charles and 
 his wife both died within a year, leaving a daughter, 
 the luckless Arabella Stuart. Even Burghley was at 
 times an object of the Queen's suspicion. He went 
 for two successive years to Buxton to take the 
 waters, and wrote afterwards to Shrewsbury : ** Her 
 Majesty did conceive that my being there was, by 
 means of your Lordship and my Lady, to enter into 
 intelligence with the Queen of Scots. And hereof, 
 on my return to Her Majesty's presence, I had 
 very sharp reproofs for my going to Buckstones, 
 with plain charging of me for favouring the Queen 
 of Scots ; and that in so earnest a sort as I 
 never looked for, knowing my integrity to Her 
 Majesty." 
 
 Two years later Leicester paid a visit to Buxton 
 
leo QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 and was entertained at Chatsworth by Lord and 
 Lady Shrewsbury. Elizabeth expressed her dis- 
 approval in a sarcastic letter, which is strangely 
 characteristic of her complicated "way of expressing 
 her wishes. She wrote : " Being given to under- 
 stand from our cousin, the Earl of Leicester, how 
 honourably he was lately received by you and our 
 cousin, the Countess, at Chatsworth, and how his 
 diet is by you both discharged at Buxton, we should 
 do him great wrong, holding him in that place in 
 our favour in which we do, in case we should not let 
 you understand in how thankful sort we accept the 
 same at your hands ; which we do not acknowledge 
 to be done unto him but to our own self; and there- 
 fore do mean to take upon us the debt and to 
 acknowledge you both as our creditors, so as you can 
 be content to accept us for debtor ; wherein is danger, 
 unless you cut off some part of the large allowance 
 of diet you give him, lest otherwise the debt thereby 
 may grow to be so great as we shall not be able to 
 discharge the same, and so become bankrupt. And 
 therefore, we think it, for the saving of our credit, 
 meet to prescribe unto you a proportion of diet which 
 we mean in no case you shall exceed ; and that is, to 
 allow him by the day for his meat two ounces of flesh, 
 referring the quality to yourselves, so as you exceed 
 not the quantity ; and for his drink the twentieth 
 part of a pint of wine to comfort his stomach, and as 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. i6i 
 
 much of St. Anne's sacred water as he listeth to drink. 
 On festival days, as is meet for a man of his quality, 
 we can be content you enlarge his diet by allowing 
 unto him for his dinner the shoulder of a wren, and 
 for his supper a leg of the same besides his ordinary 
 ounces." 
 
 Elizabeth's progress in Norfolk, in 1578, afforded 
 unmistakable signs of the growth of trade, and 
 consequent prosperity. The religious troubles had 
 driven many of the Flemings from their homes. 
 They settled chiefly in Norwich, and set up their 
 looms for weaving fine cloth. From these exiles 
 England learned the beginning of its manufacturing 
 industry. In Norwich, at all events, men under- 
 stood their debt to Elizabeth's careful government, 
 and their gratitude was genuine. The Mayor 
 presented the Queen with a large cup, containing a 
 hundred pounds. Elizabeth lifted the cover, and 
 said to the footmen to whose charge she committed 
 it : " Look to it : there is a hundred pounds ". She 
 was sure that in a commercial city her carefulness 
 would be duly appreciated. Amid the pageants with 
 which she was greeted, one at least was instinct 
 with reality. Upon a stage were eight girls spinning 
 yarn, and eight others knitting the yarn into hose : 
 between the two groups stood a boy attired to 
 represent the city, who addressed the Queen in 
 
 verses which spoke the literal truth : — 
 
 II 
 
i62 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Most gracious Prince, undoubted sovereign Queen, 
 Our only joy next God, and chief defence : 
 
 In this small show our whole estate in seen, 
 
 The wealth we have we find proceeds from thence 
 
 The idle hand here hath no place to feed. 
 
 The painful wight hath still to serve his need. 
 
 Again, our seat denies us traffic here, 
 
 The sea too near divides us from the rest ; 
 
 So weak we were within this dozen year 
 
 As care did quench the courage of the best. 
 
 But good advice hath taught these little hands 
 
 To rend in twain the force of pining bands. 
 
 From combed wool we draw this slender thread, 
 
 From thence the looms have dealing with the same, 
 
 And thence again, in order to proceed, 
 
 These several works which skilful art doth frame ; 
 
 And all to drive dame Need into her cave 
 
 Our hearts and hands together laboured have. 
 
 ^ We bought before the things which now we sell ; 
 
 •'V/^ These slender imps their works do pass the waves ; 
 ^\v God's peace and thine we hold, and prosper well ; 
 ■^^ ^ / . Of every mouth the hands the charges saves, 
 
 Thus through thy help, and aid of power divine, 
 Doth Norwich live, whose hearts and goods are thine. 
 
 These homely verses tell the tale of the change 
 which was passing over the industrial life of England. 
 A few years before, the finest wool was exported to 
 the Netherlands, there to be woven and dyed ; and 
 England's foreign trade mostly lay in raw material. 
 Now it was rapidly taking into its own hands the 
 
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 163 
 
 process of manufacture, and a new prospect opened 
 before it. The men of Norwich were justified in ex- 
 pressing a proud sense of the industrial growth of 
 England, selling the wares which once it bought, 
 exporting over the seas the workmanship of its 
 children ; they rejoiced that the labour of the hands 
 could supply the needs of life, and they recognised 
 that this was due to the Queen's wisdom and pru- 
 dence, which had secured for the country the blessings 
 of peace. Her visit to Norwich must have compen- 
 sated Elizabeth for many struggles, and apologised 
 for many insincerities. She saw there the practical 
 results of her difficult and complicated policy. 
 
Z64 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE ALEN5ON MARRIAGE. 
 
 The peace which England enjoyed depended on her 
 combination with France to keep Philip employed 
 in the Netherlands. The loose conception of inter- 
 national relations which then prevailed made it 
 possible for these two countries to throw many 
 hindrances in the way of the subjugation of the re- 
 volted provinces. English privateers preyed upon 
 the Spanish traders in the Channel, and rendered 
 communications between Spain and the Netherlands 
 unsafe by sea. France could supply volunteers by 
 land without any open declaration of war. But this 
 attitude of France depended on some hopes of future 
 gain, and was only possible so long as there was a 
 party which could give these hopes a definite expres- 
 sion. After the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day 
 the only man who seemed fitted to carry on the 
 Huguenot policy was the King's youngest brother, 
 the Duke of Alen9on. He was unhappy in the Court, 
 and was full of adventurous aspirations. When the 
 plan of Elizabeth's marriage with Anjou fell to the 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 165 
 
 ground, Alen9on was substituted in his brother's stead. 
 At first this was merely a polite way of covering 
 Anjou's withdrawal, but Alen9on's imagination was 
 captivated at the prospect. He saw in it the possi- 
 bilities of a career, and seriously set to work to 
 realise them. 
 
 At the end of 1572 he sent to England a Hugue- 
 not gentleman, Maisonfleur, who made fantastic pro- 
 posals, and communicated them in equally fantastic 
 language. In his correspondence Elizabeth was 
 Madame de Lisle, and Alen9on was Don Lucidor. 
 The marriage was, in his eyes, a romance of chivalry, 
 and he proposed that Alengon should flee from Paris 
 and come to England as a fugitive Prince in quest of 
 a peerless bride. As Elizabeth was now forty years 
 old, and Alen9on little more than twenty, this attempt 
 at sentiment was ridiculous. Moreover, Alen9on 
 was scarcely suited to the part of a fairy prince. 
 He was short in stature, with a face marked with 
 small-pox, and further disfigured with a swollen 
 nose. He was more prudent than his envoy, and 
 refused to leave France without some invitation 
 from Elizabeth, who refused to bestow her affections 
 on a man whom she had not seen, and whose reputa- 
 tion for beauty was doubtful. Maisonfleur rebukecf 
 her hesitation. " It were expedient, madam," he 
 wrote, *'that you thought less of mere corporal 
 beauty, provided that the work of God be done." 
 
i66 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Elizabeth professed to wish to be assured of Alen- 
 9on's good intentions. He was warring against the 
 Huguenots : let the King of France make peace and 
 abandon the siege of La Rochelle. Charles IX. 
 wished for nothing better than peace and the de- 
 parture of his troublesome brother. He accepted 
 Elizabeth's conditions ; but Alen9on did not flee to 
 England. The King was ill, and there was a 
 Huguenot plot to seize the opportunity for a rising. 
 It was discovered, and Alen9on was put in prison, 
 where he remained till Charles died in 1574. After 
 the accession of Henry III. he escaped and joined 
 the Huguenot army, but was driven to make peace 
 with his brother in 1576. 
 
 Meanwhile Elizabeth had lost all hope that the 
 Netherlands would make good their revolt from 
 Spain. She would not help them herself, and she 
 dreaded their possession by France as much as their 
 possession by Spain. She seems to have thought it 
 wisest to repress French interference, and allow the 
 rebellion to smoulder out, so that no definite crisis 
 might arise in connection with it. If she took any 
 decided part it might involve her in war with Spain. 
 So she fed the Prince of Orange with promises and 
 gave him encouragement to continue the struggle, 
 but refused any material help when help was sorely 
 needed. In the same way she seems to have re- 
 solved to play with Alen9on, who had before him 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 167 
 
 the alternatives of making himself a position in the 
 Netherlands or in England. Elizabeth was deter- 
 mined that he should do neither. When he thought 
 of Flanders she encouraged his hopes on England ; 
 when he listened to her encouragement she allured 
 him with expectations which she never meant to 
 satisfy. 
 
 It was a dangerous game, but one for which 
 Elizabeth was well fitted; and it had all the elements 
 of reckless adventure which, in personal matters, she 
 keenly enjoyed. So when, in 1578, Alen9on went to 
 help the Netherlands, she intimated to him that his 
 proposals would be favourably received in England. 
 Alen9on sent envoys who clearly stated that, as he 
 was ill-used at home, he must make his fortunes 
 elsewhere; he was resolved either to marry Eliza- 
 beth or win the crown of the Netherlands ; he hoped 
 to combine both. As a matter of fact, Alen9on 
 knew that he had not the means to maintain his 
 forces in the Netherlands. His negotiations with 
 Elizabeth might be useful to make him a more 
 influential personage and reconcile him with his 
 brother. He was a political adventurer, and was 
 playing a game with Elizabeth in the same way as 
 she was playing a game with him. So long as the 
 Alen9on marriage was under discussion she could 
 defer any decision about a policy towards the Nether- 
 lands. To avoid decisive action had now become a 
 
i68 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 habit to which she clung with tenacious pertinacity. 
 By confounding the personal question of her marriage 
 with the political question of helping the Netherlands 
 she was able to keep matters in her own hands with- 
 out giving a reason to the remonstrances of her 
 advisers. She seized the opportunity, and used it 
 to the full. She made a great show of activity 
 which ended in nothing. 
 
 First Elizabeth required that Alen9on should 
 leave the Netherlands, and suggested that he should 
 pay her a visit in England. Before committing 
 himself he sent a gentleman of his household, 
 Simier, to survey the ground. Simier arrived in 
 January, 1579, and was received with great marks 
 of favour. To the annoyance of Leicester he be- 
 came the Queen's pet and plaything; she called him 
 her ** petit singe". When a lady of the chamber 
 suggested that Leicester would make a better hus- 
 band than Alen9on, Elizabeth angrily asked: "Do 
 you think me so unmindful of my Royal dignity as 
 to prefer my servant, whom I myself have raised, 
 to the greatest Prince in Christendom ? " Matters 
 seemed to Simier to be advancing, and there was a 
 general belief that the Queen was in earnest. The 
 marriage was not popular, and a preacher in the 
 Chapel Royal boldly said that England could not 
 endure a second foreign marriage after its experience 
 of Queen Mary; whereupon Elizabeth angrily rose 
 
THE ALENQON MARktACk. 169 
 
 and left the chapel. Alen9on's proposals were sub- 
 mitted to the Council, who after a long deliberation 
 told Simier that his terms could not be accepted. 
 Simier carried his sorrow to the Queen, who swore 
 that the Council should not hinder her; she was 
 resolved to marry. But she used this opposition 
 of the Council to tell Alen9on that he must wait a 
 while ; let them be friends, and their friendship 
 might grow. 
 
 But Alen9on was tired of waiting and pressed for 
 an invitation to England. While Elizabeth hesitated 
 to send him a passport, Simier suddenly informed 
 her of Leicester's marriage to the widowed Countess 
 of Essex. It would seem that Leicester, despairing 
 of his marriage with the Queen, and notorious for his 
 love affairs with other ladies, was at last forced into 
 matrimony. His connection with Lady Essex was 
 of long standing; and, after her husband's death, 
 her father. Sir Francis Knollys, was resolved to pro- 
 tect the honour of his daughter. Leicester gave 
 way, and the marriage was secretly performed in 
 September, 1578. Simier penetrated the secret and 
 made use of it. Elizabeth, at first, was furious, 
 commanded Leicester to confine himself to his house 
 at Greenwich, and spoke of committing him to the 
 Tower. But wiser councils prevailed, and Leicester 
 was soon pardoned. Simier accused him of seeking 
 to revenge himself by an attempt on his life, and 
 
I70 QUEEN ELtZABETH. 
 
 special measures were taken for his protection. Soon 
 after, as Elizabeth was in her barge on the river, in 
 Simier's company, a shot was fired which struck 
 one of the rowers on the arm. The culprit was 
 discovered ; but it seemed a misadventure, and the 
 Queen would exact no punishment. She was never 
 deficient in personal courage, and refused to enter- 
 tain suspicions. She was wont to say that she 
 would believe nothing against her people which a 
 father would not believe against his children. 
 
 The end of all this was that Simier obtained per- 
 mission for Alen9on to pay England a visit in August, 
 1579. He came privately and only stayed a few days, 
 during which he scarcely went outside the palace. 
 Elizabeth expressed herself quite satisfied with her 
 suitor, in spite of his unprepossessing appearance. 
 She called him her " grenouille," and professed to 
 find hidden merits which promised well for the future. 
 Alen9on departed well pleased with his reception and 
 full of hope. 
 
 In fashionable circles the betting was three to 
 one that the marriage would not take place ; but it 
 was natural that the people, ignorant of political in- 
 trigues, should be disturbed at the notion of a French 
 marriage. A token of this was given by a pamphlet 
 written by a Puritan lawyer, John Stubbs, the title 
 of which sufficiently indicates its contents. It was 
 called " The Discovery of the Gaping Gulf, where- 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. fji 
 
 into England is likely to be swallowed by a French 
 marriage, if the Lord forbid not the banns, by letting 
 Her Majesty see the sin and punishment thereof". 
 It was written in the plain language of honest con- 
 viction, and spoke out home truths. Elizabeth was 
 too old to marry, as there was little hope of issue ; 
 nor was Alen9on a man of good character. England 
 had nothing to gain and everything to fear from 
 such a marriage. Elizabeth was furious at such 
 discussion of her private affairs. She had always 
 demanded that her subjects should leave her a free 
 hand, and she resented plain speaking. It was in 
 her eyes dangerous that the ignorant should meddle 
 in matters that they could not understand. She 
 issued a proclamation in defence of Alen9on, who 
 was slandered simply because he had shown his 
 affection for her. Her subjects had ever been per- 
 suading her to marry : as soon as she took a step 
 to meet their wishes she was treated with unworthy 
 reproaches. The author and printer of the pamphlet 
 were committed to the Tower, and Elizabeth deter- 
 mined to wreak condign vengeance. At first she 
 threatened to have them hanged ; but it was difficult 
 to frame an indictment. Ultimately proceedings 
 were taken under an Act passed in Mary's reign 
 for the protection of the Queen's husband. The 
 accused were condemned to suffer the loss of their 
 right hands, *' though some lawyers muttered that 
 
t72 QUEEN BLtZABBTH. 
 
 the sentence was erroneous and void," because the 
 Act was only passed for the protection of PhiHp, and 
 expired with Mary's death. One who so murmured 
 was committed to the Tower; and one of the judges, 
 who held his view, " was so sharply reprehended 
 that he resigned his place". The savage sentence 
 was carried out. Stubbs and his printer had their 
 right hands cut off on a scaffold at Westminster. A 
 butcher's knife was driven through their wrist with 
 a mallet. Stubbs, after his right hand had been 
 severed, waved his hat with his left, and cried " God 
 save the Queen ". We do not wonder that the 
 ** multitude standing about was deeply silent, either 
 out of horror at this new and unwonted punishment, 
 or else out of commiseration towards the man, as 
 being of honest repute, or else out of hatred of the 
 marriage, which most men presaged would be the 
 overthrow of religion ". Elizabeth's crooked schemes 
 were leading her to suppress public opinion by 
 savagery. She was averse to shed the blood of 
 conspicuous persons, but she had no such objection 
 to the punishment of those of meaner sort. While 
 she was careful to secure her popularity by affability, 
 she sternly repressed any expression of opinion which 
 ran counter to her plans. 
 
 But though Elizabeth might muzzle her people, 
 she could not silence her counsellors, amongst whom 
 only the Earl of Sussex was in favour of the marriage. 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 173 
 
 Burghley was willing to give way to the Queen's 
 wishes; perhaps he suspected their sincerity. The 
 other nobles were almost unanimous in their objec- 
 tions. Philip Sidney, a young man of twenty-four, 
 who had everything to gain from the Queen's favour, 
 expressed his opinion against the marriage as stead- 
 fastly as Stubbs had done, though within the limits 
 of good taste and fair argument. Alen9on would 
 undermine the English Church and introduce con- 
 fusion ; he would '' banish free spirits and faithful 
 patriots till the ideas of native freedom should be 
 utterly forgotten " ; he would disturb foreign relation- 
 ships by aggrandising France. Elizabeth could not 
 answer Sidney as she had answered Stubbs ; but her 
 favourite, the Earl of Oxford, thought that he would 
 please her by a display of insolence. He picked a 
 quarrel with Sidney in the tennis-court, and called 
 him a " puppy ". Sidney gave him the lie and waited 
 for a challenge. When none came, he sent to ask if 
 his French friends could not teach him the rules of 
 honour among gentlemen. But the Council forbade 
 fighting, and referred the matter to the Queen, who 
 patched up the quarrel. Sidney, however, felt him- 
 self bound to maintain his opinions and addressed a 
 dignified letter to Elizabeth, in which he set forward 
 all the objections which he entertained to the pro- 
 posed marriage. 
 
 Elizabeth seemed unmoved by argument, even 
 
174 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 when the Lords of the Council waited on her and 
 spoke in the same strain. She poured out her rage 
 on Walsingham ; then she burst into tears, and said 
 that she was only desirous of doing what was best 
 for the realm, "to marry and have a child and 
 continue the line of her father " ; she had expected 
 that every one would approve of her laudable purpose. 
 The Council again discussed the matter, and 
 returned to say that they would die at her feet 
 rather than offend her; if her mind was made up 
 they would do as she wished. Elizabeth received 
 their submission with sulky ill-humour, and repaid 
 their devotion with jibes and reproaches. She 
 seemed quite resolute. On November 24, 1579, 
 the marriage treaty was drawn up and signed by 
 Simier; it only needed the sanction of Parliament. 
 But here was a difficulty. The pamphlet of Stubbs 
 and his severe sentence had stirred men's minds, 
 and the temper of Parliament could not be trusted. 
 It was obvious that the matter must wait a while ; 
 so Simier agreed to a delay of two months in which 
 the Queen was to persuade her subjects. 
 
 Two months passed, and nothing was done. 
 Alen9on had been withdrawn from the Netherlands, 
 and a marriage between him and the daughter of 
 Philip II. had been put aside. Perhaps Elizabeth 
 thought that result worth all the trouble she had 
 taken ; and she pursued her tortuous course. 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 175 
 
 Burghley besought her to make up her mind. " If 
 you mean to marry," he said, " do so at once ; if 
 not, undeceive the Duke of Alen9on." "Others," 
 said EHzabeth, "advise me to entertain him with 
 half-promises." " Madam," answered Burghley, 
 " there is a proverb that those who fool princes fool 
 themselves." But Elizabeth had boundless confi- 
 dence in her capacity for fooling others without 
 paying the penalty, and Alengon was kept waiting, 
 uncertain whether to trust Elizabeth or to pursue 
 his projects on the Netherlands. In the end of the 
 year a decision had to be made, as Alen9on was 
 offered the sovereignty of the Netherlands, which he 
 accepted. Elizabeth professed to see that he could 
 not do otherwise ; she promised to help him with 
 money, and wrote a letter which revived his hopes. 
 "I will ask of God," she said, "this sole grace, that 
 He may crown all the work in such way that 
 Monsieur may have no reason on my part to repent 
 of his election. I firmly believe that my happiness 
 will be too great for an old woman, for whom 
 Paternosters are more fitting than marriage festivi- 
 ties. Nevertheless I shall be always ready to 
 receive commissioners when it shall please you to 
 send them." 
 
 So, in the beginning of 1581, the marriage was 
 again up in all seriousness on the side of France. 
 Alen9on sent his secretary to inquire if the commis- 
 
176 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 sioners to arrange the marriage treaty might safely 
 be sent. Elizabeth was all eagerness; and the 
 secretary returned charged with a letter and a ring 
 for the lucky lover. Elizabeth had no time for 
 business of State, but was apparently engrossed in 
 arranging for the reception of the French Commis- 
 sioners. Her talk was of tournaments and balls; 
 her one desire was that the fairest ladies in England 
 should grace her Court. The Lords were bidden to 
 bring their families to London, that there might be 
 the bustle of constant gaiety. A large banqueting 
 hall was erected in the palace of Westminster, at 
 which four hundred workmen laboured for a month. 
 New carriages were designed for the use of the Court. 
 The merchants were ordered to sell their silks, 
 velvets and cloth of gold at a reduction of a quarter 
 of the ordinary price, that more should be induced 
 to buy, and so enhance the general splendour. 
 
 There was no longer any popular discontent at 
 the idea of the marriage. If the Queen chose to 
 have it so, no more was to be said. Sidney, who 
 had so strongly protested the year before, now lent 
 his aid to entertain the ambassadors of France. He, 
 with the Earl of Arundel, Lord Windsor, and Fulke 
 Greville, devised a diversion after the fashion of the 
 day. Calling themselves the Four Children of 
 Desire, they purposed to capture the Fortress of 
 Perfect Beauty, the abode of Elizabeth, which for 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 177 
 
 this purpose was erected in the tilt-yard at Whitehall. 
 They notified their intent by a defiance, which was 
 delivered to the Queen as she left her chapel, one 
 Sunday morning, by a fantastic messenger. On the 
 appointed day the challengers appeared in splendid 
 array, and, after many songs and speeches, bombarded 
 the Fort of Beauty with flowers, while its cannon 
 replied with volleys of perfumes. Then entered the 
 defenders of the fort, each of whom gave an account 
 of himself and the cause of his coming. Two of 
 them represented Adam and Eve, whose knowledge 
 of the punishment due to presumption led them to 
 defend the beauty of Elizabeth, which shone like the 
 sun and illumined the earth. A mimic fight followed 
 in which the challengers were beaten off. Next day 
 they changed their tactics. Wearied and half- 
 vanquished they came drawn in a car with four 
 horses. Above them was a fair lady who represented 
 Desire. Their eyes were fixed on her, and they 
 sadly confessed that though hope' was gone they 
 could not escape her sway. However, they did their 
 best, and the fight waxed furious, till at sunset a 
 herald was sent to the Queen to declare the sub- 
 mission of the challengers. They had learned that 
 Desire could not capture a fortress which was 
 defended by Virtue. 
 
 Of such like entertainments the French ambas- 
 sadors had enough ; but when they came to business 
 
 12 
 
178 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Elizabeth hesitated. She asked for letters from 
 Alen9on; when they arrived she raised political 
 difficulties ; would the French King help his brother 
 in the Low Countries? The answer came with 
 unexpected promptness that not only would the King 
 do so, but would make a league with England, 
 offensive and defensive, on any reasonable terms. 
 Elizabeth felt that the toils were gathering round 
 her, and began to look anxiously for an escape. 
 Again a marriage treaty was drawn up, which only 
 required the personal ratification of Elizabeth and 
 Alengon. No sooner had the ambassadors gone 
 than Elizabeth sent to ask for further explanations. 
 The French King was only too accommodating. 
 Elizabeth was at her wit's end, and finally sent 
 Walsingham with a pathetic message. She loved 
 Alen9on and would marry him in time ; but she 
 could not marry him while marriage would expose 
 her country to a war; she could not ask him to 
 desert the Netherlands: she would, therefore, give 
 him secret help, and wait for her marriage till more 
 peaceful times. Walsingham could only report that 
 if the Queen would not keep her promise, she must 
 be prepared to pay; a substantial sum of money 
 might still induce France to make a political league. 
 This message affected Elizabeth in a vital point. 
 She sobbed and declared that every one had betrayed 
 her. She had always suspected that Alen9on only 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. ijg 
 
 Wooed her money ; now she had certain proof. But 
 there was no escape. Even a Queen had to pay the 
 penalty for breach of promise of marriage ; and two 
 hundred thousand crowns had to be given for a 
 renewal of the league with France. Elizabeth was 
 afraid lest she might be asked for more, and pro- 
 fessed a willingness to sacrifice her person to save 
 her purse. ^ 
 
 Again Alen9on was tempted from his post in the 
 Netherlands, and, against the will of his brother, came 
 to England in the beginning of November, 1581. 
 The Queen received him with every appearance of 
 cordiality, and discussed with him everything except 
 the day for their marriage. An envoy was sent from 
 the French Court to ask for a definite answer. 
 When he arrived he found Alen9on and Elizabeth 
 walking in the gallery at Greenwich. She heard his 
 message and answered : " Write to your master 
 that the Duke will be my husband". Then she 
 turned and kissed Alengon, drew a ring from her 
 finger and placed it upon his. She summoned her 
 household and presented Alen9on as their future 
 master. Everything seemed settled ; but when 
 Hatton came in tears to bewail his own fate, she told 
 him that she meant to ask more than the French 
 King would grant. " But if he does," said Hatton, 
 ''how will you escape?" "With words," she 
 answered, ** the current coin in France. Moreover, 
 
z8o QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 when the field is large, and the soldiers cowardly, 
 there are always ways for creeping out." In pur- 
 suance of this policy she demanded the dissolution 
 of the Seminary of Rheims, the abolition of the 
 Scottish League, and the restitution of Calais. She 
 knew that this last demand was impossible ; yet 
 Alen9on would not leave England. She pointed 
 out the need of his presence in the Netherlands 
 and promised him money ; he said that he had her 
 plighted word, her letters, and her ring, and he 
 must stay till he had her for his wife. Burghley 
 tried without avail to persuade him to go. Even 
 the intimation that, if he stayed till New Year's 
 Day, he would have to give the Queen a costly 
 present did not shake the resolution of the French 
 adventurer. Then Elizabeth declared that she could 
 not marry one who differed from her in religion : 
 Alen9on was ready for love of her to adopt her creed. 
 She proposed that she should be his friend, his sister: 
 he pleaded that he suffered untold anguish for her 
 sake, and would rather they both should die than 
 leave England till she was his. Elizabeth exclaimed 
 in agitation that "he must not threaten a poor old 
 woman in her own kingdom. Passion, not reason, 
 spoke in him, or she would think him mad. He 
 must not use such dreadful words." " No, madam," 
 protested Alen9on, "you mistake my meaning. I 
 would not hurt your blessed person. I meant that I 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. i8i 
 
 would rather be cut in pieces than not marry you, 
 and so be laughed at by the world." So saying he 
 burst into tears; whereupon Elizabeth kindly lent 
 him her handkerchief that he might wipe his eyes. 
 Never was a more ludicrously bewildering situation. 
 At last, in February, 1582, Alen9on was with diffi- 
 culty hustled out of the country, on the plea that his 
 presence was sorely needed in the Netherlands. The 
 Queen went with him to Canterbury, still protesting 
 her sorrow at his departure, and wishing for the 
 dawn of happier days when she might safely fulfil her 
 promise : meanwhile he was to write to her as his 
 wife. Alen9on was safely conveyed to Flushing; 
 and no sooner was he gone than Elizabeth declared 
 that she would give a million that her " dear Frog 
 should again be swimming in the Thames, and not in 
 the marshes of the Low Countries ". 
 
 Politics never sunk to a lower level of absurdity 
 than in these ridiculous proceedings. We are tempted 
 to credit Elizabeth with a deliberate intention of 
 exposing the folly of the prevalent system of regulat- 
 ing national interests by Royal marriages. Doubtless 
 she saw, early in her career, what her advisers did 
 not see with equal clearness, that no marriage would \ 
 really help her or England. She played with 
 proposals at first to content her advisers and her 
 people. When she had reached a point at which no 
 pne thought her marriage would be desirable, shq 
 
i8a QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 punished their previous short-sightedness by taking 
 up a proposal of marriage on her own account. In 
 early years her affections might be involved, and her 
 sense of personal dignity outraged by the suggestions 
 which were constantly submitted to her; and she 
 rebelled as a woman at the idea of self-sacrifice for 
 an uncertain good. As she grew older such feelings 
 passed away, and she was sure of herself. She took 
 a perverse pleasure in bewildering her ministers and 
 her favourites ; she seized an opportunity of reading 
 them a lesson. Moreover, by so doing, she took 
 affairs of State out of their hands at a time when it 
 was difficult to determine on any course of action. 
 She was resolved for once to make her personal 
 influence felt throughout Europe, and for two years 
 she kept political action waiting on the declaration 
 of her pleasure. She was pressed for a decision on 
 many matters. She saw no decision which could 
 be wisely made. So she resolved to keep things as 
 they were by embarking unaided on an adventure of 
 which she did not in the least foresee the end. She^ 
 trusted to her own dexterity ; and when things went 
 further than she expected she did not scruple about 
 her dignity, but sacrificed it without hesitation. 
 After all, the episode of the Alen9on marriage is only 
 the policy of Elizabeth, writ large in a particular 
 instance. She was ready to do anything in order to 
 avert any definite misfortune that was impending. 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 183 
 
 If only the present was saved, there was hope for 
 the future. She had no confidence in great schemes, 
 but preferred to grow strong by Httle gains carefully 
 secured. So she balanced France against Spain, 
 without allowing either to win from the other. She 
 saw that a desire to get rid of Alengon from France 
 was a motive of French interference in the Nether- 
 lands. She played with Alen9on as a cat plays 
 with a mouse, and was ready to catch him in her 
 claws again whenever he showed signs of vitality. 
 At the bottom of all this lay a desire to know if 
 Alen^on would really succeed, if France would really 
 join with England against Spain. Perhaps Elizabeth 
 was not entirely insincere in her regrets for 
 Alengon's departure. Ha^^^^S^een a greater man 
 her attitude might have been different. When she 
 is blamed for want of boldness, for not joining 
 France in expelling Spain from the Netherlands, it 
 must be remembered that success depended on the 
 character of the French leader. Elizabeth saw and 
 judged for herself. She was wise in hesitating to 
 trust her fortunes to the man she saw. Yet, when 
 he went away from England, Elizabeth probably 
 meant that, if he gave her an assurance of his 
 success, she was still ready to become his wife. It 
 is true that by this hesitation much was lost. 
 Alen9on went to the Netherlands discredited, and 
 soon showed himself a mere adventurer. He tried 
 
T" 
 
 184 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 to seize for himself the towns which he had come to 
 defend, and was driven ignominiously in flight from 
 Antwerp. He died in May, 1585, and Elizabeth 
 played her part to the end. " The Queen," wrote the 
 French ambassador, " is in appearance full of tears 
 and regrets, telling me that she is a widow who has 
 lost her husband, and how I know that the late 
 Monsieur was much to her, and how she ever held 
 him hers, although they had not lived together, and 
 many other such speeches ; for she is a Princess 
 who knows 'how to compose and transform herself 
 as suits her best." 
 
 We fail, however, to understand the full bearing 
 of Elizabeth's conduct to Alen9on if we do not keep 
 in mind the perils by which she was beset. The 
 time of tranquillity which England had been 
 enjoying came abruptly to an end in 1580, and 
 Elizabeth's throne was once more insecure. Besides 
 the forces of France and Spain there were other 
 forces at work which were more difficult to keep in 
 check, the forces of the Roman Catholic reaction. 
 The excommunication of Elizabeth had been in- 
 tended by the Pope as a declaration of war against 
 England. It was an assertion that all European 
 States must owe allegiance to him, and that those 
 which refused to recognise his supremacy must be 
 reduced to obedience in the common interest of all. 
 The ^reat question decided in the sixteenth century 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 185 
 
 was that States might exist without submitting to 
 the Papal jurisdiction ; and England was the country , 
 on which the fate of Protestantism depended. It 
 England could be reduced, all other rebels might be 
 won back ; and the Pope was anxious to impress ^ 
 this truth on his allies. But France and Spain had 
 their own interest to pursue, and their own reasons 
 for keeping on good terms with England for a time. 
 The day would come when Elizabeth would be 
 dethroned ; but the immediate season was not 
 convenient. 
 
 Meanwhile the band of English Romanists who 
 had left England after Elizabeth's accession waited 
 in vain. They had fled in the hopes of a speedy 
 return. They carried with them the picture of Eng- 
 land as it had been in Mary's days, and were unable 
 to understand the change which had slowly passed 
 over the popular mind since then. To them Eliza- 
 beth was a usurper and a tyrant. The only accounts 
 which reached them were sent by the intriguers who 
 gathered round Mary Queen of Scots. They were 
 singularly out of sympathy with the main current of 
 English feeling, and they unconsciously misrepre- 
 sented it abroad. Their writings and their state- 
 ments did much to create prejudices which have 
 scarcely yet been removed. In the light of subse- 
 quent events nothing can seem more ignoble than the 
 restless intrigues of this ban4 of misguided scheni^r^, 
 
i86 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 We have to remind ourselves that they v^ere striving 
 for a political ideal which was not yet entirely 
 condemned by events. They laboured to keep alive 
 in England the elements of disaffection which they 
 believed, with a little help from outside, would soon 
 gather an overwhelming force. It is the great merit 
 of Elizabeth that she was keenly aware that their 
 efforts could only be withstood by the growth of a 
 national spirit, slowly created by an appreciation of 
 the benefits conferred by her government. It might 
 seem wise to precipitate a crisis, and press for a 
 decision ; but she was of opinion that the gradual 
 consolidation of her people into a new sense of 
 national life was the only safe course to pursue. 
 When danger came it must not be of her seeking. 
 Her people must feel that the menace was to them- 
 selves in the first place, and only to the Queen as 
 their representative. 
 
 So Elizabeth waited to be attacked, and spared 
 no pains to defer the time of the attack, which she 
 always felt to be imminent. Her cautious policy 
 exasperated her opponents, who wearied of waiting 
 for action on the part of the King of Spain. At last 
 they resolved to take action by themselves ; if they 
 succeeded, help would soon be forthcoming. In 1580 
 a plan was formed, with the Pope's sanction, for 
 attacking England in three directions, first through. 
 Ireland, secondly through Scotland, and thirdly by 
 
THE ALENqON M. 
 
 raising disaffection in England itself. This was to 
 be done cautiously and secretly; but all the three 
 advances were to be made at the same time. 
 
 (i) Ireland was a great difficulty to Elizabeth's 
 government. It was necessary to guard it lest it 
 should be used as a point of attack, but as little 
 money must be spent on it as possible. Henry 
 VIII. had endeavoured to civilise the Irish people 
 through their chiefs, who were to be converted from 
 tribal chieftains to feudal nobles. This policy might 
 have succeeded but for the breach with the Papacy, 
 for which the Irish were not prepared, not feeling 
 the same grievances. The changes made in England 
 were forced upon Ireland without being explained; 
 and disaffection was the natural result. At the 
 beginning of her reign Elizabeth had to face trouble 
 in Ireland, arising from the difference between Irish 
 and Enghsh law. Henry VI 11. had created Con 
 O'Neill Earl of TjTone, and civil jurisdiction went 
 with the earldom. On his death, in 1559, his illegiti- 
 mate son claimed to succeed him, and was elected as 
 the O'Neill, to the exclusion of his nephew, who was 
 regarded as the rightful heir by English law. Shan 
 O'Neill made good his position, and even defeated 
 the Lord-Deputy, the Earl of Sussex. He came to 
 London to plead his cause, and Elizabeth was fain 
 to conciliate him ; but on his return Shan went his 
 own way and defied all the efforts of vSussex. It was 
 
\ 
 
 i88 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 not till 1567 that he was at length put down by Sir 
 Henry Sidney, after causing Elizabeth an expendi- 
 ture of nearly ^^500,000. He had succeeded, how- 
 ever, in checking the hope of Anglicising the Irish, 
 by raising the old tribal chieftainship to importance, 
 and in pointing out that England was saddled with 
 a dependency which would welcome an invader, and 
 would rise at the summons of the Pope. " They all 
 look to Spain," wrote a Spaniard, " to deliver them 
 from English tyranny, to save their souls, and give 
 them back the blessed Mass." 
 
 After Elizabeth's excommunication an offer of 
 the sovereignty of Ireland was made by some of the 
 Irish to Philip of Spain, and there was talk of a 
 Spanish invasion. This only increased the ill-will 
 between the English and the Irish, and a simmering 
 rebellion was kept down by much barbarity. Sidney 
 ruined himself in trying to keep order; and his 
 successor. Sir William Fitzwilliam, fared no better. 
 Attempts were made to colonise parts of Ireland 
 from England. In 1573 Walter Devereux, newly 
 created Earl of Essex, set out to occupy a large 
 portion of Ulster. Though he went resolved ''to 
 win the Irish by kindness," his undertaking ended 
 in disastrous failure. He sacrificed his money and 
 stained his fair fame by treacherous deeds. In 1576 
 he died hopeless of the future. Ireland had already 
 become the grave of English reputation^. 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. i«9 
 
 Briefly, the condition of affairs in Ireland was 
 this. The Irish people were sacrificed to the con- 
 flict which was raging in Europe, and their interests 
 were considered neither by the English Government 
 nor by the Romanist plotters. The latter stirred 
 them to rebellion by promises of Spanish help which 
 never came ; the former regarded them with suspicion 
 and kept them .down by barbarities. It was a grave 
 misfortune that England, engaged in a serious con- 
 flict for its existence, could only regard Ireland as its 
 most vulnerable point. Elizabeth could not afford 
 to spend money on its reduction, and her poHcy of . 
 doing always the least possible was there especially 
 disastrous. Deputies were sent against their will 
 to a hopeless task. They were ill-furnished with 
 supplies, and attempted to enforce their power by 
 isolated acts of violence, which only intensified the 
 existing ill-will. Moreover, the extension of English 
 influence was resisted because it carried with it a 
 religious change which was distasteful ; and Irish 
 national sentiment gathered round adhesion to the 
 Papacy. 
 
 This state of things seemed promising to the 
 Romanist cause. One of the most active of the 
 English refugees, Nicholas Sanders, combined with 
 a brother of the Earl of Desmond, James Fitzmorris, 
 to raise Ireland in the Pope's name. Invested with 
 the office of legate, and trusting to the influence of 
 
igo QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 the name of Fitzmorris, he landed in Kerry with a 
 few Spanish troops in July, 1579, ^^id built a fort at 
 Smerwick, on Dingle Bay. The news caused great 
 stir in Ireland, and much alarm in England. Eliza- 
 beth complained to the Spanish ambassador, and 
 received answer that the Spaniards had not been 
 sent by the King. There were few English troops 
 in Ireland ; and when Fitzmorris was killed in the 
 first encounter Elizabeth treated the invasion as of 
 ino consequence. She was economical, as usual, and 
 'countermanded the supplies which she had ordered 
 in the first panic. But the Earl of Desmond joined 
 the rebels, and Ireland was in a dangerous state. 
 Lord Grey de Wilton was sent as deputy from 
 England ; and at the same time the Pope sent a 
 reinforcement of eight- hundred men, Italians and 
 Spaniards, who entrenched themselves in the fort of 
 Smerwick. An English fleet was sent to attack the 
 fort by sea, while Grey gathered such forces as he 
 could by land. Amongst those who served under 
 him were Walter Raleigh and Edmund Spenser. 
 After two days' bombardment the fort surrendered 
 on November 9, 1580. Lord Grey asked the garrison 
 if they had any commission from their King to wage 
 war in Ireland. The Italians answered that they 
 were sent by the Pope for the defence of the Catholic 
 faith. Grey replied that the Pope had no authority 
 from God or man, and was not their natural prince ; 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. tgt 
 
 he could only look on them as pirates. They pressed 
 to be admitted to terms, but Grey absolutely refused. 
 They were driven to surrender at discretion, and six 
 hundred of them were shot. It was a terrible warn- 
 ing, and Elizabeth seems to have felt no remorse. 
 At all events she wrote to Grey, with her own hand, 
 a characteristic note : ** The mighty hand of the AI- 
 mightiest power hath showed manifest by the force 
 of His strength in the weakness of feeblest sex and 
 mind this year, to make men ashamed ever after- 
 wards to disdain us. In which action I joy that 
 you have been chosen the instrument of His glory, 
 which I mean to give you no cause to foretl:i([nk." 
 
 The end of the Papal attempt on Ireland was 
 disappointment to those who planned it, and misery 
 to the people. Sanders perished wretchedly in a 
 bog. The Earl of Desmond was harried from place 
 to place till he was slain. Large tracts of the 
 country became desert. The unhappy Irish had 
 been lured to rebellion by hopes of help, which they 
 did not entirely trust, but which they could not 
 refuse to entertain. The only result was to convince 
 England that Romanism and disloyalty were the 
 same, and to widen the breach between the English 
 and the Irish peoples. 
 
 (2) The attempt on Scotland was made in a more 
 subtle and insidious way. Esm6 Stuart, nephew 
 and heir of the Earl of Lennox, and therefore closely 
 
tgi QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 related to the Scottish King, had been educated in 
 France, and was an accomplished and captivating 
 gentleman. It was natural that he should return to 
 his native land; and it was equally natural that, 
 with his gifts of manner, he should at the age of 
 twenty-three be more acceptable to a boy of fourteen 
 than the somewhat grim advisers by whom he had 
 hitherto been surrounded. So Esme Stuart went to 
 Scotland in September, 1579, the secret agent of the 
 Pope and the Duke of Guise, commissioned to bring 
 back Scotland to its old alliance with France, and 
 to its allegiance to the Papacy. But Stuart was 
 willing to dissemble his religious convictions, and 
 hide his political plans under an appearance of 
 careless geniality. He soon won the King's favour, 
 and was created Earl, and afterwards Duke, of 
 Lennox. He saw that the first thing to be done 
 was the removal of the Earl of Morton, who was the 
 actual governor of Scotland, and in favour of the 
 English alliance. Morton foresaw his danger and 
 asked help from Elizabeth, who showed her usual 
 hesitation to commit herself. Lennox used his 
 opportunitity ; Morton was seized and charged with 
 complicity in Darnley's murder. When Elizabeth 
 thought of coming to his help, she was disarmed by a 
 public profession of Protestantism made by Lennox. 
 Morton was executed in June, 1581 ; Lennox was 
 master of Scotland, and the English party was 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 193 
 
 practically destroyed. Jesuits were at once dis- 
 patched to effect the conversion of the young King, 
 who had suffered too much from the rigorous 
 discipline of the Presbyterian clergy to have much 
 affection for them. The next step in this scheme 
 was the restoration of the French alliance. But 
 here arose a technical difficulty. James had not 
 been recognised by France as King of Scotland ; 
 and Mary demanded that she should be associated 
 with him in the kingdom by an Act of the Scottish 
 Parliament. 
 
 Before the King could be converted, or Mary's 
 punctiliousness relieved, the Scots took alarm on 
 religious grounds, and resisted an attempt to elect 
 a new bishop to the vacant See of Glasgow Round 
 this religious resistance the English party was slowly 
 formed again, and was secretly supported by Eliza- 
 beth. The result was, in August, 1582, the Earl of 
 Gowrie and some confederate nobles seized the King 
 as he was on his way to a hunting expedition, and 
 carried him off to Gowrie House. Lennox had not 
 the courage to face such a crisis. Afraid for his 
 personal safety, he left Scotland in December, and 
 died in Paris in May, 1583. It was now in Eliza- 
 beth's power to make an agreement with James; 
 but this she refused to do. It was sufficient for her 
 that, with Mary in her hands, she could hold the 
 mother against the son. She had learned the diffi- 
 
 13 
 
ig4 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 culties in the way of associating James and Mary 
 She knew that James had need of her, and was afraid 
 of his mother. So she refused to make a treaty 
 which would have involved a payment on her part. 
 " Her servants and favourites," she said, " professed 
 to love her for her high qualities; Alen9on for her 
 beauty ; and the Scots for her crown. But all came 
 to the same in the end. They wanted nothing but 
 her money, and they should not have it." 
 
 The result of the Roman invasion of Scotland 
 was a complete failure. It only strengthened Scottish 
 Protestantism, and showed the young King his true 
 position and his hopes for the future. 
 
 (3) The third detachment of the Papal invaders 
 had, meanwhile, landed in England itself. One 
 object of the English refugees was to bring those in 
 England who professed the old form of religion into 
 line with the principles of the Romanist revival. If 
 Elizabeth had not been excommunicated, they might 
 have been allowed to continue their own worship in 
 private, and their loyalty would not have been called 
 in question. There would have grown up a tacit re- 
 cognition of their position within limits which might 
 have gradually expanded. But the excommunica- 
 tion of Elizabeth was an open declaration of war, 
 and exposed the loyalty of the English Romanists to 
 perpetual suspicion. Those who wished to be loyal 
 were not permitted to remain so, but were surrounded 
 
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 195 
 
 by intrigues from which they could not escape. 
 Elizabeth's rule, they were told, was unlawful and 
 would be only temporary they must be prepared to 
 use any opportunity for bringing it to an end. This 
 being so, the most fervent amongst them preferred 
 to leave England and openly work for their avowed 
 end. The seminary at Rheims invited young men 
 to be educated in the true principles of activity for 
 the Papal restoration. A new body of priests came 
 into existence, unlike the old priests, who merely 
 remained constant to the system in which they had 
 been brought up. Their successors were men trained 
 in a foreign system, and animated — it might be 
 unconsciously — with a spirit which regarded the 
 subjugation of England to Rome as the first and 
 foremost object of their endeavour. Such enthusiasts 
 were naturally drawn to the rigid organisation of the 
 Society of Jesus, and the Jesuits undertook to revive 
 the drooping spirits of the English Romanists by a 
 missioru 
 
 The object of supplying religious ministrations 
 to such as desired them is one which must command 
 our sympathies, especially when it was carried out in 
 the face of serious danger. But it was the misfortune 
 of the Papal policy that it had made it impossible to 
 separate the spiritual from the political object of 
 such a mission. It is true that Pope Gregory XIII. 
 did something to make it wear a religious character* 
 
ig6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 He issued an explanation of the Bull of excom- 
 munication, stating that it was always binding on 
 the Queen and her adherents, but not upon Catholics 
 as things stood ; that is, that the Queen and her 
 Government were bound to consider themselves ex- 
 communicated, but Catholics need not regard them 
 so as long as they continued in power The effect 
 of this was to make it lawful for the Romanists to 
 obey the government of their country, so long as it 
 existed ; but it was left uncertain what steps they 
 were justified in taking to change it It only meant 
 that they were to profess loyalty until Elizabeth 
 could safely be attacked ; then they were to join her 
 foes. Moreover, there remained the question : If the 
 Romanists could without mortal sin conspire against 
 the life of Elizabeth. It is sadly certain that, six 
 months after the issue of the explanatory brief, the 
 Papal nuncio in Spain gave his opinion that the 
 Bull of Pius V. justified all her subjects in taking 
 arms against the Queen ; as regards her assassina- 
 tion, the Pope would not make any declaration 
 previously, but would give the necessary absolutions 
 after the deed had been done. Further, the Jesuit 
 mission landed in England at the same time that the 
 Pope was sending troops to Ireland. It was too 
 much to expect that the Pope should be understood 
 to be acting in his temporal capacity in one case, 
 and in his spiritual capacity in another, 
 
TUB ALEN^ON MARRiAGU. tg^ 
 
 Elizabeth was aware of what was intended, and 
 prepared for it by ordering the laws against the 
 Romanists to be more strictly enforced. She also 
 ordered all who had sons or relations abroad to call 
 them home, and declared that all who harboured 
 Jesuits would be regarded as maintainers of rebels. 
 She further issued a proclamation to her people, 
 proudly claiming that never had justice been better 
 administered, and never had a country enjoyed 
 greater peace than England under her rule. Had 
 it not been for a few traitors, the record of peace 
 would have been unbroken. Now that a new dis- 
 turbance was projected, she must use her power to 
 keep her land free alike " from the bondage of the 
 Romish tyranny " and from foreign invasion ; for 
 this purpose she trusted to the good-will and courage 
 of her people. It is in such utterances as these that 
 we find the key to Elizabeth's policy. She wished 
 to be able to lay before her people definite results 
 of which all might judge, not a record of great 
 attempts which had burdened the country and pro- 
 duced nothing that could be appraised. Every year 
 of peace, every tax avoided, was so much that 
 swelled her claim upon her people's gratitude; and 
 her one care was that this should steadily increase. 
 
 The leaders of the first Jesuit mission, Parsons 
 and Campion, landed in England in June, 1580. 
 They were chosen to represent the two-fold aspect 
 
igS QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 of the Papal policy ; Parsons was a political intriguer, 
 Campion a simple-minded religious enthusiast. An 
 association of young men of good families was 
 formed for their protection, and clad in various 
 disguises they were rapidly passed on from place to 
 place. Campion was a man of attractive character, 
 and convincing eloquence. His high qualities gained 
 in power from the romantic charm which was at- 
 tached to his adventure. There was, at first, no 
 organisation of police which was sufficient to baffle 
 him. His services were attended by throngs ; and 
 several noblemen were reconciled to the Roman 
 Church, among them the brother and the son of the 
 late Duke of Norfolk, Lord Henry Howard and the 
 Earl of Arundel. There was general alarm, during 
 which Parliament met in January, 1581, and passed 
 an " Act to Restrain Her Majesty's Subjects in their 
 due Allegiance," which made it high treason to recon- 
 cile any to the Church of Rome, or to aid or conceal 
 those who were so doing. It was forbidden, under 
 heavy fines, to say Mass, or to refuse attendance at 
 the service of the Established Church. Another Act 
 made it felony to publish any libel against the Queen. 
 This legislation was a serious deviation from the 
 policy which had hitherto been pursued about ecclesi- 
 astical matters. At the beginning of the reign an 
 Act of Uniformity had set up a religious system 
 which, it was hoped, would slowly absorb all different 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 199 
 
 opinions, and be in time universally accepted. The 
 excommunication of Elizabeth had made it politi- 
 cally necessary to cut off intercourse with Rome. 
 Now the Roman invasion had led to the adoption 
 of repression on grounds of national expediency. 
 This reacted disastrously upon the position of the 
 English Church, which was arrested in its develop- 
 ment by being imposed as a test, not of religious 
 conviction, but of patriotism. It was felt by many 
 that this was not a position which could be justified. 
 Compulsory attendance at Church services was as 
 distasteful to the advanced Puritans as it was to the 
 Romanists, and drove them to separate into distinct 
 bodies as a protest. Their loyalty was not doubted, 
 and they were consequently seldom visited with 
 penalties, to which the Romanists were habitually 
 exposed. This gave the action of the government 
 an appearance of unfairness, while it involved the 
 Church in the charge of persecution. It is easier to 
 point out the evils of the course adopted than to 
 suggest a remedy. The action of the Pope had 
 made it almost impossible to distinguish between 
 his spiritual and his temporal claims. It was hard 
 for the government to observe a distinction which 
 he had ingeniously contrived to abolish in practice, 
 while professing a wish to maintain it in theory. 
 
 The Jesuits, elated at their first success, con- 
 tinued their efforts with increasing boldness. In 
 
200 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 June appeared a book written by Campion, Ten 
 Reasons for being a Catholic, of which copies were 
 found laid in the seats of St. Mary's Church at 
 Oxford. This audacity made efforts to capture him 
 more zealous, and finally he was taken after a 
 rigorous search among the hiding places devised in 
 the solid walls of the manor house at Lydford, near 
 Abingdon. He was brought to London in his dis- 
 guise as a layman, with a placard on his head, 
 " Campion, the seditious Jesuit ". Yet Elizabeth 
 was anxious to deal mercifully with him. He was 
 secretly conveyed to the house of the Earl of 
 Leicester, where Elizabeth was present. She asked 
 if he acknowledged her as Queen, and he said yes. 
 She asked if he thought the Pope might lawfully 
 excommunicate her. He answered that he could 
 not judge in so high a controversy, wherein the 
 greatest divines were not agreed. He must follow 
 Christ's example and answer the dilemma that he 
 would pay Her Majesty what was hers, and to God 
 what was His. Campion was doubtless sincere in 
 thinking that this answer was enough : but its 
 general meaning was that he claimed the advantage 
 of a divided allegiance ; he would obey the Queen 
 when it suited him to do so, and would reserve 
 obedience to the Pope's temporal commands till it 
 was safe or expedient. 
 
 The procedure by torture was applied to Campion 
 
TH^ ALENQON MARklAOR, ^t 
 
 and other captured priests. It is horrible to read how 
 they were racked and questioned to discover their 
 accompHces. The object of the government was to 
 treat them as traitors, to separate their poHtical from 
 their religious mission. It was the object of the 
 priests to declare that they had not meddled with 
 politics, but had confined themselves to religious 
 teaching. Their confessions under torture were all 
 so construed as to implicate them in treasonable 
 practices ; and, in November, Campion and fourteen 
 others were brought to trial on the charge of having 
 conspired against the Queen by attempting to raise 
 sedition in England and to bring on a foreign in- 
 vasion. Campion, broken by the rack, and unable 
 to move his arms, conducted his defence with great 
 ability. No treason had been proved against him ; 
 he was accused solely for his religion. " What force 
 excommunications be of, what authority is due to 
 the Bishop of Rome, how men's consciences must 
 be instructed, are no matters of fact, nor triable by 
 jurors, but points yet disputed and not yet resolved 
 in the schools." He claimed the right to suspend 
 his judgment on such points. But all was in vain ; 
 it was not the single-minded enthusiast who was on 
 trial, but the aggressive system behind him, of which 
 he was the unconscious instrument. He was con- 
 demned to a traitor's death, and, with two com- 
 panions, was hanged on December i, 1581. He died 
 
dcKk QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 saying : " I will and do pray for the Queen ". ** For 
 which Queen ? " he was asked. " For Elizabeth," 
 was the answer, " your Queen and mine, to whom I 
 wish a long quiet reign and all prosperity." 
 
 Men felt there was something amiss in such a 
 death of such a man ; but they drew different con- 
 clusions. Some were drawn to admiration of those 
 who could die so calmly for what they held to be 
 true. One young Norfolk gentleman who was 
 standing by, Henry Walpole, was converted to 
 Romanism because a drop of Campion's blood, as he 
 was being quartered, spirted upon his clothes. He 
 was carried away by the horror of the scene, and 
 the sympathy of the bystanders. The majority of 
 Englishmen ground their teeth in anger that the 
 Pope should send such men to do his work of 
 alternately cajoling and coercing England into the 
 abandonment of its new- won freedom. They saw 
 through the cruel dilemma, which he had so skil- 
 fully constructed, and associated Rome and Roman 
 methods with trickery and deceit. The English 
 mind was never given to draw fine distinctions and 
 disliked to be bewildered. Adhesion to the Papacy 
 became synonymous with prevarication, underhand 
 dealing, and a disregard for truth. That England 
 should separate from the Roman Church was one 
 thing; the terms and the results of the separation 
 were another. The Papal policy sowed the seeds of 
 
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE, 203 
 
 misunderstanding and mutual dislike, which went on 
 growing. It created the impression that Romanism 
 was not only anti-English in its political aims, but 
 un-English in its methods and in its contents. 
 
 Moreover, the Romanists had some justification 
 for representing England as adopting their own 
 methods. The story of the English martyrs was 
 spread over the Continent and seemed a repetition of 
 the cruelties of the Inquisition. Pamphlets relating 
 the cruelty of Elizabeth were cried in the streets. 
 Burghley attempted to answer the outcry by a book, 
 The Execution of Justice in England, not for Religion , 
 hut for Treason. Allen answered by a Defence of 
 the English Catholics, which was better adapted for 
 foreign consumption. England was misrepresented 
 and misunderstood abroad, and its separation from 
 Continental influences became more complete. 
 
 The Papal attempt on England through the 
 Jesuit mission failed as the other attempts had 
 failed; but it left an evil mark behind. The Papal 
 claims confounded religion and politics, things spirit- 
 ual and things temporal. England in repelling 
 these claims was driven to use methods, and 
 adopt a position, which perilously resembled those 
 of the system against which it strove. 
 
204 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE CRISIS. 
 
 That her realm might discover its own capacities, 
 Elizabeth had nurtured it in peace. England used 
 its opportunity by developing industrial life on one 
 hand, and a spirit of naval adventure on the other. 
 It v^as the simultaneous growth in these two direc- 
 tions which formed a new England. From the first 
 Elizabeth had favoured the maritime spirit, and had 
 made use of it to hinder the advance of Spain in the 
 Netherlands. But it was clear that the strength of 
 Spain lay in the gold of the New World, and English- 
 men were eager to traffic in the Western Seas. The 
 disastrous voyage of Hawkins only inspired with a 
 desire for revenge a young kinsman of his, Francis 
 Drake, who, in 1572, captured a convoy of bullion at 
 Panama, and on seeing the South Pacific from the 
 mountains, " fell on his knees and prayed God that 
 he might one day navigate those waters ". To Drake 
 it was intolerable that Spain should claim a monopoly 
 of the commerce of half the world, and he was pre- 
 pared to resist the claim to the utmost. There was 
 
THE CRISIS. 205 
 
 some difficulty in discovering a method of doing it, 
 as England was at peace with Spain. But English- 
 men in that day were not troubled by scruples ; they 
 were ready to undertake responsibility on their own 
 account, to act first, and to find justification for their 
 action afterwards. Elizabeth was willing to give 
 secret help, without compromising herself openly, on 
 the understanding that she was at liberty to disavow 
 all complicity if it suited her to do so. Drake was 
 prepared to put to sea, knowing that he ran the risk 
 of being hanged as a pirate, but that he also had a 
 chance of being hailed as a national hero. 
 
 At the end of 1577, when the relations between 
 England and Spain were uncertain, Drake sailed 
 from Plymouth with five small vessels, fitted out by 
 a few adventurers, amongst whom the Queen and the 
 Earl of Leicester were the largest shareholders 
 His nominal object was to explore the unknown parts 
 of the Pacific ; his real object was to teach Philip 
 that he was not secure in the part of the world which 
 he considered most exclusively his own. The story 
 of his adventurous voyage need not be told here. He 
 was the first Englishman who passed through the 
 Straits of Magellan, and he used to the full the 
 advantage of being an unexpected visitor. He seized 
 the stores of bullion which were ready for shipment 
 to Spain, and captured a treasure-ship which was 
 richly laden. In August, 1579, Philip heard the 
 
ao6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 news of his losses. His ambassador expostulated, 
 and a breach with Spain seemed imminent. But, 
 just at this time, Philip was preparing to claim the 
 crown of Portugal and did not wish to quan'el with 
 England. Elizabeth tried her " gipsy tricks " to 
 wheedle out of the Spanish ambassador whether 
 Portugal or England was first to be attacked. Her 
 attitude was finally determined by the return, in 
 October, 1580, of Drake, after sailing round the globe 
 in his adventurous expedition, which had lasted for 
 three years. 
 
 England rang with admiration of his exploits. 
 Elizabeth was delighted at the greatness of his prize, 
 which amounted to nearly 3^750,000. She was de- 
 termined not to part with the money, and Hatton 
 gave it as his opinion that, though Drake might have 
 been dealt with as the Spaniards pleased, if they had 
 caught him, there was no legal obligation on the 
 Queen to pay any attention to their complaints 
 against him. So Elizabeth received Drake with 
 honour, and sent orders that his ship, the Golden 
 Hindf should be brought up the Thames to Deptford 
 and there preserved. She was entertained at a 
 banquet on board, and dubbed Drake a knight. 
 Meanwhile she took all necessary precautions about 
 the money which he had brought. Following the 
 precedent set in the case of the gold seized twelve 
 years before, she ordered it to be removed to th? 
 
THE CRISIS. 207 
 
 Tower for safe custody. But she gave orders to the 
 officer, whose duty it was to weigh it, that he should 
 first allow Drake to remove ^f 10,000 for himself, and 
 as much as was necessary to give herself a good return 
 for her outlay. Then the inventory of the rest was 
 sent to the Spanish ambassador. Ultimately she 
 paid her partners in the adventure 100 per cent, 
 and kept the remainder. 
 
 She soon had an opportunity of increasing her 
 treasures at Philip's expense. Philip had succeeded 
 to the crown of Portugal, and made good his claims 
 against the pretender, Don Antonio, who came to 
 England, carrying with him the crown jewels, which 
 he sold to the Queen that he might fit out in England 
 an expedition against the Azores. The Spanish 
 ambassador remonstrated and detailed all Philip's 
 grievances — the plunder of Spanish ships, the piratical 
 expedition of Drake, the interference in the Nether- 
 lands, and now, the support given to Don Antonio. 
 Elizabeth answered that if she chose to help Don 
 Antonio she could do so to some effect; as to the 
 other matters, she did not know what he meant. 
 Nettled by this insolent tone, Mendoza replied : " If 
 your Majesty will not hear words, we must come to 
 the cannon and see if you will hear them ! " With- 
 out raising her voice, Elizabeth quietly said : " If you 
 use threats of that kind I will fling youanto prison ". 
 Then she called her lords in attendance and repeated 
 
2o8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 what Mendoza had said, adding " I told him he need 
 not think to frighten me ". The Spaniard replied : 
 " I am not so foolish. Princes do not endure to be 
 threatened by private persons. The Queen, being a 
 lady, and so beautiful a lady, may throw me to the 
 lions if she will." Elizabeth's face cleared at the 
 compliment (** so absurd is she," is Mendoza's com- 
 ment), and the conversation continued. She would 
 make no restitution of Drake's pillage till Philip had 
 given her satisfaction for his interference in Ireland. 
 As she left the room she muttered with a sigh : 
 *' Would to God that each had his own and was at 
 peace ". 
 
 Philip was not yet prepared to make war on 
 England, and this affair blew over. There were 
 other plans in hand for dealing with the heretical 
 Queen. The part of the Roman scheme which had 
 the greatest hopes of success was the attempt on 
 Scotland, where, if things had gone well, the Duke 
 of Guise was to have landed to assist Lennox. Now 
 that the departure of Lennox had rendered that im- 
 possible, why should not Guise land in England, 
 where, the Romanist refugees assured hinr, every- 
 thing was ripe for a rebellion ? There was the old 
 suggestion that everything could be done much more 
 expediently if Elizabeth were only out of the way. 
 This was so constantly on the lips of the scheming 
 politicians among the Romanist priests that a young 
 
THE CRISIS. 209 
 
 country gentleman in Warwickshire, John Somer- 
 ville, caught fire at the suggestion and went up to 
 London to kill the Queen in October, 1583. He 
 betrayed himself by idle speeches, was put in the 
 Tower and confessed under the rack. 
 
 This was an individual attempt. But there was 
 being hatched at the same time a more serious 
 conspiracy by those who were in the secret of Guise's 
 proposed invasion. Francis Throgmorton belonged 
 to a Cheshire family which favoured Mary Stuart. 
 He flitted between London and the Continent, 
 carrying messages from Mary and Mendoza. He 
 was observed leaving Mendoza's house, was watched, 
 and seized as he was writing a letter in cipher. His 
 papers contained a list of the English allies of Guise, 
 and he confessed that Mendoza was to communicate 
 with such Roman Catholics as were justices of the 
 peace, who were to raise levies when the Duke of 
 Guise arrived, under pretence of helping the Queen, 
 and then to use them against her. 
 
 The discovery of this plot filled Elizabeth with 
 alarm, and measures of precaution were at once 
 taken. The Earls of Arundel and Northumberland 
 were sent to the Tower. Suspected persons were 
 everywhere imprisoned. The fleet guarded the coast. 
 Levies were called out, and their officers carefully 
 reviewed. Suspected magistrates were removed. 
 A new search was made for Jesuits and seminary 
 
 14 
 
2IO QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 priests. The Spanish ambassador was ordered to 
 leave England. Never had things looked worse than 
 at the beginning of the year 1584. Nor did the 
 darkness lighten as the year passed on. First the 
 death of the Duke of Alengon, in May, removed all 
 prospect that France would further interfere to help 
 the Netherlands against Spain. It also brought 
 France itself to the verge of a religious war ; for 
 Henry III. was sickly, and the next heir, Henry, 
 King of Navarre, was a Huguenot. The prospect of 
 his accession marshalled France into two opposing 
 factions, and increased the power of the Guises. 
 Next, in July, came the news of the assassination 
 of the Prince of Orange, which left the United 
 Provinces without a leader. Already the Prince of 
 Parma had succeeded in reducing many towns, and 
 his success seemed almost assured. When the 
 Netherlands had been conquered, the Spanish arms 
 would be directed against England, as had always 
 been the intention of Philip. Moreover, Spain had 
 made good its annexation of Portugal, and so had 
 become absolute master of the New World. The 
 Spanish monarchy seemed at the height of its 
 power. 
 
 England felt the imminence of the danger, and 
 considered first the most immediate peril, that of the 
 Queen's assassination. It was clear that Elizabeth 
 was the object of ceaseless plots, one of which might 
 
THE CRISIS. ait 
 
 at any moment prove successful. She was singularly 
 easy of access and heedless of danger. She refused 
 to take exceptional precautions, saying that she 
 would not be put into custody. Her courage was 
 remarkable, and she did not allow anxiety to weigh 
 upon her. It is curious that her intrepidity served 
 to some degree as a protection. One conspirator, at 
 least, confessed that his intention to kill the Queen 
 failed when he came into her presence and saw her 
 fearless bearing. It is significant of Elizabeth's 
 temper that she deliberately chose to live among her 
 people and commit to them the care of her person. 
 She would not submit to live in guarded seclusion, 
 but made her influence felt as a living presence. 
 
 But though Elizabeth did not fear, it was other- 
 wise with her ministers. The death of the Queen 
 meant immediate anarchy, the probable accession 
 of Mary Queen of Scots, and the overthrow of 
 everything which they had accomplished. Eliza- 
 beth's responsibility ceased at her death ; but those 
 left behind must devise some means for their own 
 protection. They wished to have some assurance 
 about the future. Elizabeth always baffled them. 
 She would have no future ; they must depend on 
 her alone. In course of time men grew accustomed 
 to this position ; but when the murder of the Prince 
 of Orange showed them what might occur in England, 
 they were filled with alarm The murder of the 
 
art QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Queen would put an end to all authority. No one 
 had power to act, and the question of succession could 
 not be settled without civil war. The Council dis- 
 cussed how some basis of action might be constructed, 
 some practical steps suggested, which might hold the 
 country together for a time. They devised a proposal 
 for a voluntary bond of association, expressing a 
 policy which those who signed it pledged themselves 
 to carry out. By this means, at all events, a strong 
 national party would be formed, with definite in- 
 tentions of which it had given formal notice to 
 Europe. 
 
 The bond of association was for the protection 
 of the person of Elizabeth. It set forth that "for 
 the furtherance and advancement of some pretended 
 title to the Crown, the life of our sovereign has 
 been most dangerously designed against . The 
 signatories therefore bound themselves to defend 
 Elizabeth " against all States, dignities and earthly 
 powers whatever". They would withstand to the 
 utmost all who acted, counselled, or consented to 
 the harm of the Queen's person. Should any at- 
 tempt against her succeed, they would not accept as 
 her successor any one " by whom, or for whom, any 
 such detestable act shall be attempted or committed, 
 as unworthy of all government in any Christian 
 realm or State " ; further, they would ** prosecute 
 such persons to the death ". This document was 
 
THE CRISIS. 
 
 213 
 
 first signed in London and Middlesex, and then was 
 sent round the other counties. Everywhere it was 
 signed with enthusiasm. Indeed no one of any 
 importance could have ventured to withhold his 
 signature. 
 
 The meaning of this document was a menace to 
 Mary Queen of Scots and her adherents at home 
 and abroad. They were warned that if their plots 
 of assassination succeeded, or if a foreign invasion 
 were made in her name, the immediate result would 
 be that she would be put to death. Whatever else 
 happened, she, at all events, would not follow 
 Elizabeth on the English throne. To make this 
 warning more intelligible, Mary was removed from 
 the care of Lord Shrewsbury, where she had been 
 treated as an honoured guest, and was placed in 
 the safe keeping, first of Sir Ralph Sadler, and 
 afterwards of Sir Amyas Paulet, both of whom were 
 devoted servants of Elizabeth, and would at once 
 take action in an emergency. For greater security 
 she was placed in the Castle of Tutbury, a fortress 
 rather than a dwelling-house, desolate and uncom- 
 fortable, where she was closely guarded and cut 
 off from means of communication with her friends 
 outside. 
 
 It was necessary that what had been done 
 spontaneously in the form of a voluntary association 
 should obtain some formal sanction. Parliament 
 
214 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 was summoned for this purpose in the end of 1584. 
 Burghley drafted a measure for a provisional govern- 
 ment, in case of the Queen's death, which should 
 continue till the criminals had been punished and the 
 succession had been decided. Elizabeth, however, 
 was not prepared to go farther than give legal force 
 to the Association, and the Bill which she recom- 
 mended for this purpose was so insufficient that it 
 was dropped. Ultimately an Act was passed which 
 declared that any one in whose behalf an invasion 
 was made, or a rebellion attempted, or anything 
 devised to the hurt of the Queen's person, should be 
 for ever excluded from the succession. All subjects 
 might, on the Queen's direction, pursue to death any 
 such person. If the attempt succeeded, a Commis- 
 sion was appointed to examine into the cause of the 
 Queen's death and punish all who were concerned 
 in it. Another Act was passed which ordered all 
 Jesuits and seminary priests to quit the realm within 
 forty days ; those who were found in England after 
 that time were guilty of high treason, and those who 
 harboured them of felony. Children sent abroad for 
 education were to return to England, otherwise they 
 were incapable of inheriting. No one was to leave 
 the country without the Queen's permission. 
 
 When this Bill was introduced, one member, 
 William Parry, opposed it as *' bloody, desperate 
 and full of pernicious consequences ", The temper 
 
THE CRISIS. 215 
 
 of the House would brook no opposition ; he was 
 committed to the sergeant-at-arms, placed at the 
 bar, and asked to explain his words. He said that 
 he would only explain to the Queen, and he was 
 taken before the Council. Elizabeth sent a message 
 that she hoped Parry would be forgiven; and he 
 promised not to offend again. But before the House 
 had been dissolved. Parry was accused by an accom- 
 plice of having conspired against the Queen's life. 
 Parry was an adventurer, with an indifferent record. 
 He had been one of Burghley's spies, but had become 
 a Roman Catholic, and undertook to kill the Queen. 
 In the course of the summer he had sought inter- 
 views with her to give her information about other 
 plots. He admitted that he had intended to take 
 her life, but his courage failed. Parry seems to have 
 been a man of unstable character, bordering on 
 insanity, with no clear idea of what he was doing. 
 But his confession showed that danger was on every 
 side, and he was condemned to death. 
 
 The severity of this legislation showed that the 
 country was fully roused, and the Roman Catholic 
 party quailed before it. The Earl of Arundel, who 
 had been restored to favour, attempted to flee from 
 England. He wrote a letter to Elizabeth, in which 
 he said he was exposed to the malice of enemies, 
 and that he retired abroad to escape the fate of his 
 f?ither. He was captured at sea, brought back, and 
 
2i6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 committed to the Tower, where he ended his days. 
 His fellow-conspirator, the Earl of Northumberland, 
 was more deeply implicated in Thro^morton's con- 
 spiracy, and, to avoid a trial, shot himself in his 
 prison. The expectations of Elizabeth's domestic 
 foes were vanishing, and they were reduced to 
 despair. They waited, but nothing came. Eliza- 
 beth's government grew stronger at home, and they 
 had no hopes of overthrowing it. The country was 
 united in its favour ; so those who had been merely 
 waiting accepted it, while those who had committed 
 themselves against it felt that England was no longer 
 safe for them. 
 
 Still Elizabeth was left to face the danger that 
 Spain was on the point of stamping out the rebellion 
 in the Netherlands ; and this would be a standing 
 danger to England. Elizabeth had reaped great 
 advantages from the revolt, but had steadily declined 
 to identify herself with it. She never expected that 
 it would be ultimately successful ; and she knew that, 
 if she openly assisted rebels in another country, she 
 would be setting an example which might be followed 
 in England. So she kept alive the spirits of the 
 Netherlanders from time to time: she gave them 
 assistance when it suited her purposes ; she en- 
 couraged France to interfere, but was unwilling that 
 France should oust Spain. She wished the revolt 
 to go on as long as possible ; she wished the Nether- 
 
THE CRISIS. ai7 
 
 lands at last to make as good terms as possible, and 
 win a large amount of self-government. But she 
 could not afford to see them crushed just at this 
 period. As there was no one else to help them, she 
 must unwillingly do so herself. The States were 
 eager for English help ; the party which supported 
 the Prince of Orange saw no one to replace him ex- 
 cept Elizabeth, and they offered her the sovereignty. 
 It was an offer which would have tempted most 
 rulers — an accession of territory and of a people who 
 had long been connected by commercial ties with 
 England, a people of seamen engaged in industry, 
 a people who were striving against oppression for 
 religious liberty. It was a prospect which opened 
 up possibilities of a great policy, the formation of a 
 Protestant League, the establishment of a naval 
 supremacy, the foundation of a colonial empire. 
 Nothing is more characteristic of Elizabeth's states- 
 manship than that she declined the offer, and was 
 not tempted for a moment to leave the path which 
 she had marked out for herself. She was eager for 
 small gains, but she refused great opportunities. 
 She would not embark on enterprises of which she 
 could not foresee the end. She pursued no great 
 ideals. It was enough for her to foster England's 
 gradual growth ; she would not imperil that process 
 by rash adventure. The annexation of the Nether- 
 lands meant an endless war with Spain, round which 
 
2i8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 all European questions might gather. It might be 
 that war was inevitable, but there was a wide 
 difference between a war of aggression and a war 
 of defence. She could trust her people to defend 
 their liberties at home ; she could not trust them to 
 bear the continued strain of military operations in 
 the Low Countries. It was a serious matter to 
 engage against such a general as Parma, backed by 
 the resources of Spain, which were thought to be 
 greater than they really were. Even if those opera- 
 tions were successful, and the Spaniards were driven 
 out, France would look with no friendly eye on the 
 English as their neighbours, and the possession of 
 the Netherlands would be a permanent difficulty to 
 England. 
 
 So Elizabeth seems to have reasoned — ^whether 
 wisely or not, may always be discussed. But, at all 
 events, her decision finally secured England's insular 
 position and all that springs from it. It is interest- 
 ing to consider what might have been ; but, in so 
 doing, we always construct our own results, though 
 we cannot trace in other events the same logical 
 sequence as we assume in our own calculations. It 
 is enough for the delineation of Elizabeth's character 
 to make clear the conclusion to which she arrived. 
 She was not allured by any hope of glory ; she did 
 not aspire to military fame; she had no enthusi- 
 asm for a great pause. She w^s no Amazon, but ^ 
 
THE CRISIS. 219 
 
 careful housewife. She provided for the present and 
 left the future to care for itself. Further, the only 
 interests which she considered were those of England, 
 and the heroism of the Netherlanders did not move 
 her. She did not sympathise with rebellion against 
 a lawful sovereign, but with the claim of a people 
 to determine their own religion. The revolt of the 
 Netherlands supplied another piece which she could 
 play in her cautious game. She felt fully justified 
 in playing it as suited her own purposes. 
 
 So while she declined the sovereignty of the 
 States, she was reluctantly compelled to give them 
 some assistance, that they might not fall before Spain 
 at a time which was inconvenient to herself. But sl\e 
 meant that her help should be as little as possible, 
 and that her intervention should prepare the way 
 for ultimate peace. She wished, as usual, to be 
 economical, and demanded that some of the seaport 
 towns should be garrisoned by English soldiers till 
 she had been repaid all that she had spent. Then 
 she issued a *' Declaration of the Causes moving the 
 Queen of England to give aid to the defence of the 
 people of the Low Countries ". In this remarkable 
 document she was careful to minimise the extent and 
 object of her intervention. She rehearsed the ancient 
 connection between England and the Netherlands, 
 the causes of the revolt, and her continual advice to 
 the King of Spain that he should respect the ancient 
 
220 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 liberties of the people. She then spoke of England's 
 grievances against Spain, and the danger which 
 would ensue if the Netherlands were reduced to 
 a Spanish province. For these causes she had 
 resolved "to send certain companies of soldiers to 
 aid the national people of those countries, only to 
 defend them and their towns from sacking and 
 desolation, and thereby to procure them safety to 
 enjoy their ancient liberties, and so to preserve 
 the ancient commerce betwixt our people and those 
 countries ". The object which she had in view was 
 " a deliverance of them from war by the Spaniards 
 and foreigners, with a restitution of their ancient 
 liberties and government by some Christian peace ". 
 In fact, she hoped by a demonstration in force to 
 induce Spain to make terms with the Netherlands. 
 She did not say, what she meant, that she and not 
 the Netherlanders was to be judge of what terms 
 were desirable. 
 
 The English commander was the Earl of Leicester, 
 a man without military experience, chosen merely as 
 a representative of the Queen, and not likely to en- 
 through over-activity. The expedition was merely 
 to cover Elizabeth's diplomacy, and was to be as 
 little warlike as might be. But such slackness did 
 not approve itself to Elizabeth's ministers, and they 
 saw an opportunity of forcing her hand. Leicester 
 was vain and unstable ; he chafed at his own help- 
 
THE CRISIS. 221 
 
 lessness, and made an effort to burst his bonds. 
 When he arrived in the Netherlands, in January, 
 1586, he accepted in the Queen's name the office of 
 Governor of the States and took an oath to observe 
 their liberties. Great was Elizabeth's wrath when 
 this news reached her. It was aggravated by the 
 information that Lady Leicester proposed to join 
 her husband with a suite of attendants. Elizabeth 
 declared that she " would have no Courts under her 
 obeisance save her own ". Leicester was ordered 
 to lay aside his office as best he could; and the 
 beginning of English interference was only fruitful of 
 uncertainty and perplexity. Leicester wrote sadly 
 to the Queen : " I see my service is not acceptable, 
 but rather more and more disliketh you. Here I 
 can do your Majesty no service ; there I can do you 
 some, at the least, rub your horses' heels — a service 
 which shall be much more welcome to me than this." 
 When the Queen somewhat relented, he wrote : " My 
 wounded heart is by this means almost made whole, 
 and I do pray unto God that either I may never feel 
 the like from you again, or not be suffered to live, 
 rather than I should fall again into those torments 
 of your displeasure ". His only comfort was in 
 ''reposing evermore under the shadow of those 
 blessed beams that must yield the only nourishment 
 to this disease ". 
 
 While Leicester was thus making peace with his 
 
242 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 mistress he had no energy to make war upon the 
 enemy. His command in the Netherlands was in- 
 glorious, marked only by a skirmish round Zutphen, 
 which is remembered because it cost the life of Sir 
 \ Philip Sidney. His military operations were crippled 
 by want of funds, and he was not fortunate in win- 
 ning the affection of the people whom he undertook 
 to govern. In November, 1586, his presence was 
 required in England, and he departed unregretted. 
 But if Leicester's exploits did not contribute to 
 the reduction of the power of Spain, there was 
 another Englishman engaged in another form of 
 warfare who was more successful, Francis Drake. 
 Philip had attempted to stop English interference 
 in the Netherlands by a sudden seizure of all English 
 ships in Spanish harbours. While the anger which 
 this caused was still hot, Drake obtained from the 
 Queen permission to equip a squadron for another 
 adventure in the Spanish Main. Already English 
 seamen had begun to despise the Spaniards and look 
 on Philip as " a colossus stuffed with clouts ". Drake 
 landed in Vigo Bay to give the Spaniards a lesson. 
 Having taken all the spoil he could, he sailed for the 
 Western Sea, where he took by assault the towns of 
 St. lago, San Domingo and Carthagena. This was 
 a more serious matter than the capture of ships at 
 sea. It warned the Spaniards that their colonies 
 were not secure. "England," said one of them, 
 
THE CRISIS 443 
 
 "has many teeth." EHzabeth probably counted 
 more on the exploits of Drake than on those of 
 Leicester to induce Philip to make peace with the 
 Netherlands, an object which she steadily pursued. 
 She regarded her position in the Netherlands as a 
 means of enforcing such terms as she thought satis- 
 factory, even if they did not satisfy the States 
 themselves. 
 
 If Elizabeth was hopeful by this tortuous policy 
 of averting war, her ministers did not share her 
 expectation. They felt that a crisis was approaching 
 and were determined to prepare for it. They were 
 under no illusion as regarded their own position ; 
 they knew that the death of the Queen meant their 
 death also. It is one of the remarkable features of 
 Elizabeth's policy that she never attempted to form 
 a party of her own. She insisted on being Queen of 
 all her people, and did not attempt to raise a body of 
 adherents. Her favourites were avowedly and openly 
 personal, and were not admitted to her most secret 
 councils. She welcomed all at Court, and used their 
 services as she thought fit. Her ministers might 
 advise her, but she acted for herself. Burghley 
 and Walsingham, who were her ablest and most 
 trusty servants, were kept in a position of absolute 
 dependence on her will. They were not enriched or 
 exalted to high positions. There was no prominent 
 man who could claim to take the lead, no one whom 
 
284 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 others would follow. The bond of association had 
 attempted to make provision for a crisis; but its 
 method was felt to be cumbrous, and its practical 
 value was doubtful. It was inevitable that those 
 who served Elizabeth should have some regard for 
 their own safety. They were the instruments of all 
 that had been done ; they would be held responsible 
 for it in the future ; what was that future to be ? 
 Even behind the walls of Tutbury Mary Queen of 
 Scots was not entirely safe. They thought of all the 
 possible machinations of foreign and domestic foes, 
 and trembled. Every year that Mary lived they 
 were more deeply committed against her, and most 
 surely exposed to her revenge. Her existence was 
 an intolerable menace which haunted them con- 
 tinually. 
 
 ^ Walsingham had devoted himself with rare skill 
 and success to the work of discovering the plots 
 which were being devised against the Queen. He 
 wished to prove Mary's complicity in some form or 
 other. At first the object in removing Mary to 
 Tutbury, and cutting off her communications with 
 her friends, had been to render her harmless. Wal- 
 singham proposed to prove her harmful. For this 
 purpose he devised an ingenious plan by which Mary 
 might think that she was outwitting her guardian, 
 whereas all her correspondence passed through Wal- 
 singham's hands. This plan was carried out, and 
 
THE CRISIS. 225 
 
 Elizabeth was enabled to gratify her curiosity by 
 reading Mary's letters. But, after a few months, a 
 letter addressed to Mary contained indications of 
 a conspiracy against the Queen's life: "There be 
 means in hand to remove the beast that troubles all 
 the world ". The head of this conspiracy was a 
 Jesuit, John Ballard ; its chief organiser was Antony 
 Babington, a gentleman of Derbyshire, who had 
 associated with him other young men of family and 
 position. 
 
 Enough was soon known to justify the seizure of 
 Ballard and Babington ; but Elizabeth chose to run 
 the risk of assassination for some weeks till the 
 entire story was slowly unravelled. When Wal- 
 singham's spy, who was "attending Mary's very 
 heart," was satisfied that he had learned all he could, 
 the toils closed round the conspirators. Mary's 
 papers were seized during her absence and were sent 
 to London. Walsingham had obtained evidence 
 which must lead of necessity to a judicial investi- 
 gation. All this had gone on with such bewildering 
 rapidity that even Elizabeth herself was startled by 
 the issue which had been suddenly raised. She 
 saw, when it was too late, that Walsingham had 
 practically forced her hand. The conspirators must 
 be tried, and Mary's letters must be produced. This 
 would necessitate a decision about Mary — a decision 
 which Elizabeth had so long deferred, because it 
 
 15 
 
226 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 was fraught with danger. She could not escape from 
 appointing a Commission of peers and judges to try 
 Mary under the provisions of the recent Act for the 
 protection of the Queen against such as should raise 
 rebellion. On October 25, 1586, Mary was found 
 guilty of " compassing divers matters tending to the 
 hurt and destruction of the Queen ". 
 
 Parliament met in November, and petitioned for 
 the publication of the sentence. Elizabeth answered 
 in a speech which was entirely free from her accus- 
 tomed ambiguities, and expressed her deepest and 
 noblest thoughts. She thanked God for His mercies, 
 and thanked her people for their loyalty. She grieved 
 at the treachery to which she had been exposed, and 
 most of all that Mary had been a party to it. " Even 
 yet, though the matter be come thus far, if she 
 would truly repent, and no man would undertake 
 her cause against me, and if my life alone depended 
 hereupon, and not the welfare of my people, I would 
 willingly pardon her. Nay, if England by my death 
 might obtain a more flourishing condition, and a 
 better Prince, I would most gladly lay down my life. 
 For it is for my people's sake that I desire to live. 
 As for me, I see no such great reason why I should 
 either be fond to live or fear to die. I have had 
 good experience of this world. I have known what 
 it 18 to be a subject, and I now know what it is to be 
 a sovereign. Good neighbours I have had, and I 
 
THE CRISIS. 227 
 
 have met with bad ; and in trust I have found 
 treason. I have bestowed benefits on ill-deservers ; 
 and where I have done well, I have been ill-requited 
 and spoken of. While I call to mind things past, 
 behold things present, and look forward towards 
 things to come, I count them happiest that go hence 
 soonest. Nevertheless, against such evils and mis- 
 chiefs as these, I am armed with a better courage 
 than is common in my sex : so as whatsoever befals 
 me, death shall never find me unprepared." She 
 could not avoid proceeding against Mary under the 
 late Act, but she had chosen the noblest and most 
 learned in the land to form a Commission : " For 
 we Princes are set as it were upon stages in the 
 sight and view of all the world. The least spot is 
 soon seen in our garments, the smallest blemish 
 presently observed in us at a great distance." The 
 decision of the Commission had reduced her to great 
 perplexity, and she asked for time to consider what 
 to do. 
 
 In fact, Elizabeth's position was very difficult. 
 It was not her own interest to put Mary to death. 
 So long as Mary was safe in her hands, she was free, 
 at least, from other claimants to the throne, and 
 those who wished for the old state of things in 
 England could wait for the chance of Mary's acces- 
 sion. Yet the removal of Mary would be a great 
 relief to England ; for»if Elizabeth died first, Mary's 
 
t 
 
 228 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 claim to succeed could not be resisted. So Elizabeth 
 was called upon to do what she did not wish to do ; 
 and, moreover, the responsibility of doing it must 
 j-est entirely with herself. Elizabeth had spent her 
 life in studiously avoiding the obligation of making 
 up her mind, in putting off a decision till a decision 
 had become unnecessary, because things had settled 
 themselves. Now she was face to face with a 
 question which must be decided one way or the 
 other. At first she tried to escape, and sent to 
 Parliament asking them to find out another way. 
 The answer was returned that ** as it was injustice 
 to deny execution of the law to any of her subjects 
 that should demand it so much more to the whole 
 body of her people of England, unanimously and 
 with one voice humbly and instantly suing for the 
 same". Again Elizabeth answered: "Very un- 
 pleasing is that way, where the setting out, progress 
 and journey's end yield nothing but trouble and 
 vexation. I cannot but complain, though not of 
 you, yet to you, that my safety depends on the ruin 
 of another. " Parliament was prorogued without a 
 decided answer. 
 
 The conduct of Elizabeth about the execution of 
 Mary shows her at her worst. It was a vain attempt 
 to apply her habitual course of action to a case 
 which did not allow it. She did not wish to put 
 Mary to death ; but still more she did not wish tq 
 
THE CRISIS. 429 
 
 have the responsibility either of doing it or of re- 
 fusing to do it. To refuse was to cast a doubt upon 
 the justice oT all the executions which had hitherto 
 been deemed^lTecessary. Jesuits ami priests _had 
 been put to death for being privy to plots against 
 the Queen : on what ground could Mary be spared ? 
 To assert now that Mary was a monarch over whom 
 the English Queen had no jurisdiction, was to give 
 her a recognition which had hitherto been studiously 
 denied. At first Elizabeth tried to wring from 
 Mary some expression of repentance and promise 
 for the future ; but Mary loudly maintained her 
 innocence and would admit nothing. After wavering 
 for some time, Elizabeth at last signed the warrant 
 for her execution, but suggested to the Secretary, 
 Davison, that it would be a great relief to her if 
 some loyal subject were to kill Mary in pursuance 
 of the oath of the association, now sanctioned by 
 Act of Parliament ; Sir Amyas Paulet and Sir Drew 
 Drury, who had charge of Mary at Fotheringay, 
 might perhaps act on this suggestion. Paulet 
 replied, as might have been expected, that "his 
 goods and life were at Her Majesty's disposal, but 
 he would not make shipwreck of his conscience, or 
 leave so great a blot to his posterity as shed blood 
 without law or warrant ". Elizabeth was angry at 
 this answer, denounced the " niceness of those 
 precise fellows," and complained of their perjury, 
 
^ 
 
 flAA 
 
 230 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 because contrary to their oath they threw the burden 
 upon her, " swearing a great oath, that it was a 
 shame for us all that it was not already done, con- 
 
 ^ sidering that she had, for her part, done all that law 
 
 or reason could require of her ". Again Elizabeth 
 was desperately struggling to avoid a decision, by 
 \j making suggestions which were not only dishonour- 
 able but palpably absurd. She might send aid to 
 
 {j/T i^the Netherlands and then deny it; but she could 
 not put Mary to death and yet deny that she had 
 done so. She might send Drake to the Spanish 
 Main, on the understanding that she might disavow 
 him if he failed ; but she could not expect her most 
 loyal subjects to undertake Mary's slaughter, with 
 the knowledge that she would disavow them if they 
 y succeeded. 
 
 Every one around her understood her position ; 
 and Burghley hoped to divide the responsibility. 
 He called a meeting of the Council, which was 
 unanimous that the sentence should be carried out. 
 The warrant was sent to Fotheringay, and Mary's 
 head fell on the block on February ^8, 1587. No 
 sooner did the news reach Elizabeth than she 
 counterfeited extreme sorrow, and vehement indig- 
 nation. She accused Davison of betraying her, and 
 committed him to the Tower. She wrote to Scotland 
 and to France that she was innocent of Mary's 
 death. No one believed her, but she continued to 
 
THE CRISIS. 231 
 
 protest. Burghley was not allowed to approach her 
 for two months, and then was overwhelmed with 
 abuse. Davison was tried by a commission, which, 
 while acquitting him of evil intent, convicted him of 
 abuse of trust, and imposed a fine of ten thousand 
 marks, with imprisonment at the Queen's pleasure. 
 No one supposed that this sentence would be carried 
 out ; but Elizabeth had embarked on a course which 
 she felt bound to pursue. Davison was imprisoned 
 for three years, the fine was exacted, and when he 
 was released from the Tower he was a ruined man. 
 This miserable injustice was all to no purpose. No 
 one believed Elizabeth one whit the more. 
 
 Her action at this crisis was only an exhibition 
 on a conspicuous scale of her habitual conduct. 
 She wished to seem to regulate aifairs without really 
 doing so. When something had to be done, she 
 wished it to be done so as not to commit her ta 
 continue on that course unless it was convenient. 
 The execution of Mary was a necessity towards 
 which she had drifted against her will. She thought 
 ^hat she could not escape it without risking her 
 popularity and endangering her personal safety. 
 She shrunk from it, not only because it was a stain 
 on her name, and a breach of her own conception 
 of what was due to a royal personage, but because it 
 must necessarily change the political position of 
 England, and make it much more decided than it 
 
23a QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 was before. Hitherto Elizabeth had tried to hold 
 a balance, and to keep the future uncertain by 
 refusing to regulate the succession to the Crown. 
 This was destroyed by Mary's death, which removed 
 the chance of a Roman Catholic successor, who 
 would have been inclined to France rather than 
 Spain. While Mary lived, Philip had only a languid 
 interest in combating heresy in England. Now that 
 she was gone, he could claim the English throne for 
 himself. 
 
 Elizabeth tried to minimise the political results 
 of Mary's death, and pursued more keenly than 
 before her plan of making peace for the Netherlands. 
 Again she tried her old method, an armed demonstra- 
 tion jn the Low Countries, secret negotiations with 
 the Prince of Parma, and pressure on Spain by 
 maritime enterprise. In April, 1587, Drake sailed 
 into Cadiz Bay, destroyed a great number of trans- 
 ports and store-ships, and then did the same in 
 the harbour of Lisbon. Philip was secretly gathering 
 stores for an expedition against England ; Drake 
 suspected his design and crippled him for the present. 
 Philip, however, soon repaired the damage, and, had 
 the Armada set out in the autumn, England would 
 have been unprepared for resistance. But PhiHp 
 delayed, and mishaps were many. It was not till 
 the summer of 1588 that the Armada was ready to 
 set sail. 
 
THE CRISIS. 233 
 
 It IS not necessary to tell again the story of the 
 defeat of the Armada. Its event justified the opinion, 
 which English sailors had already formed, that 
 " twelve of Her Majesty's ships were a match for all 
 the galleys in the King of Spain's dominions ". The 
 real danger lay in the possibility of the Spanish fleet 
 uniting with Parma, and so providing means of trans- 
 porting the veteran troops of Spain to England. But 
 the English spirit was now fully awake. If the death 
 of Mary had quickened Philip's zeal for the conquest 
 of England, it had united all classes of Englishmen 
 against annexation to Spain. When the time of 
 peril came, England was practically one in its 
 loyalty to the Queen, and its great anxiety was the 
 protection of her person. It is curious to observe 
 how seldom the real meaning of a crisis is under- 
 stood. England was not so much afraid of the 
 Spanish fleet as of the possible landing of the Prince 
 of Parma. It did not fear for its command of the 
 sea, but for its internal peace. It was more con- 
 cerned in military preparations on shore than in 
 the equipment of the fleet. The men of England 
 were called out under arms, 100,000 strong. The 
 levies of the Midlands, to the number of 30,000, 
 were appointed as a guard of the Queen's person. 
 The rest were to gather where danger menaced. 
 It seemed natural that the Earl of Leicester 
 should be put in. command of the forces. 
 
234 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 The troops who were to defend London and the 
 Queen took up their position at Tilbury to guard the 
 spot where the Thames could most easily be crossed 
 They assembled full of ardour. " It was a pleasant 
 sight," says a contemporary writer, " to behold the 
 soldiers as they marched towards Tilbury, their cheer- 
 ful countenances, courageous words and gestures, 
 dancing and leaping wheresoever they came ; and, 
 in the camp, their most felicity was hope of fight 
 with the enemy, where ofttimes divers rumours ran of 
 their foe's approach, and that present battle would 
 be given them. Then were they as joyful at such 
 news as if lusty giants were to run a race." Eliza- 
 beth visited the camp at Tilbury and kindled a 
 passion of loyalty in the breasts of her defenders. 
 Certainly few sovereigns have known how to act 
 their part in public with such unerring tact as did 
 Elizabeth. Mounted upon a war-horse, Bellona-like, 
 with a general's truncheon in her hand, wearing a 
 breastplate of burnished steel, and attended by a 
 page who bore her helmet, she rode bare-headed 
 through the ranks. Then, with clear resonant voice, 
 she addressed her soldiers in such terms as went 
 straight to the heart of each. " My loving people, 
 we have been persuaded by some that are careful of 
 our safety, to take heed how we commit ourselves to 
 armed multitudes for fear of treachery. But assure 
 you, I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful 
 
THE CRISIS. 235 
 
 and loving people. Let tyrants fear. I have always 
 so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed 
 my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal 
 hearts and good will of my subjects. And therefore 
 I am come among you at this time, not as for any 
 recreation or sport, but being resolved, in the midst 
 of the heat and the battle, to live or die amongst you 
 all ; to lay down for my God, and for my kingdom, 
 and for my people, my honour and my blood, even in 
 the dust. I know I have but the body of a weak and 
 feeble woman ; but I have the heart of a King, and 
 of a King of England, too ; and think foul scorn that 
 Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should 
 dare to invade the borders of my realm. To which 
 rather than any dishonour should grow by me, I 
 myself will take up arms ; I myself will be your 
 general, judge and rewarder of every one of your 
 virtues in the field." 
 
 There was no affectation in such words as these. 
 Elizabeth could always, in an emergency, appeal to 
 her people to recognise the fundamental principles 
 of her government. She was the protector of her 
 country, the prudent executor of its will. Where 
 she erred, it was because she did not clearly see 
 what her people really desired. She had to supply 
 their lack of foresight, and had to interpret their 
 inarticulate wishes. She had no personal interests 
 which were contrary to theirs. She could appeal to 
 
236 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 them to recognise that she and they were indissolubly 
 united, and they ever responded to the appeal. 
 
 Though the muster at Tilbury was a sign of the 
 spirit of Englishmen, the work was done by the 
 mariners whom Hawkins and Drake had trained. 
 They gave the strongest expression to the national 
 temper, which had slowly grown under Elizabeth's 
 fostering care, and which the threat of invasion 
 roused to a sudden consciousness of its strength. 
 The land forces were not called upon to fight for 
 their country ; but we can well believe that ** they 
 prayed heartily the Spaniards might land quickly; 
 and when they knew they were fled, they began to 
 lament ". The defeat of the Armada showed England 
 that its true defence must depend upon its power at 
 sea. Much has been said about Elizabeth's parsi- 
 mony, and want of adequate preparations for the 
 \navy. That Elizabeth exacted strict economy in all 
 public matters is most certain ; but she was not 
 personally responsible for the equipment or victual- 
 ling of the fleet, and did not interfere with her officials. 
 Money was freely given, and such arrangements 
 were made as were possible. But there was no 
 system of commissariat in existence ; it was hard to 
 provide for adequate supplies of food, nor could the 
 ships carry any great stores. It would seem that 
 everything was done that could be done; but 
 sickness broke out on board the ships, and many of 
 
THE CRISIS. 237 
 
 the sailors died. The Queen committed to Burghley 
 and Walsingham the duty of providing for the public 
 service. They knew that she v^ould exact a strict 
 account, and they kept a careful watch over all 
 subordinates. Strict regularity in accounts is always 
 unpleasant, till the method of keeping them is dis- 
 covered and the habit is established. The Admiral 
 Lord Howard, and the Controller Sir John Hawkins, 
 both found some difficulty in producing their ac- 
 counts for audit. The demand that they should 
 do so marks the beginning of greater efficiency in 
 administration, and a higher standard of honour 
 in dealing with public money. Elizabeth scarcely 
 deserves in this matter the reproach of unworthy 
 parsimony. 
 
238 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 Proving the success of the method which Elizabeth 
 had studiously followed, the defeat of the Armada 
 marked the decisive epoch of her reign. She had 
 found the country dispirited, divided and uncertain. 
 She had refused to answer definitely any of the 
 problems by which it was distracted. She was con- 
 tented to maintain government, to defend her own 
 position against attack and to occupy the position of 
 modera'tor between contending parties. The one 
 thing which she strove to avoid was an outburst of 
 strong feeling, or aught that would divide England 
 into opposite camps. Her great belief was that 
 England would grow into a new consciousness of 
 its position, if it had time for reflection and for 
 experiment. However much questions might seem 
 pressing for solution, she refused to solve them. 
 However loudly the popular voice might clamour for 
 action, she devised means of seeming to act without 
 really doing so. England must decide for itself, and 
 she would be the ruler over a united people. It 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 239 
 
 was only when opinions led to disloyalty that she 
 repressed them. Her only demand was that Eng- 
 land should not be sacrificed to the issues raised by 
 Continental politics, but should find its own course 
 of safety. From this determination nothing could 
 move her, and she had her reward. She secured 
 peace as long as peace was possible ; but the growth 
 of the English spirit at last challenged attack. 
 When the attack came, England was practically 
 united. Roman Catholics were not behind their 
 brethren in loyalty. The time was past when they 
 were willing to secure their own form of religion 
 at the price of the sacrifice of England to Spain. 
 This was because England had a meaning for them 
 which it had not for their fathers. Elizabeth, who 
 at the beginning of her reign was regarded as a 
 temporary makeshift, a cjjature who could be re- 
 moved at any moment wiPn it was convenient, had 
 become the representative of a great nation, which 
 rejoiced in its independence, and had gained a con- 
 ception of order and liberty which formed the founda- 
 tion of a strong national life. The attack, which 
 had so long been dreaded, was delivered and was/ 
 easily repulsed. ' 
 
 The effect of this repulse on England was enor- 
 mous. Confidence had been gradually growing ; now 
 it came at once to light. Englishmen knew that 
 they could hold their own, and had a foremost place 
 
240 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 in the world. The haunting sense of uncertainty 
 passed away, and they were able to face the future. 
 It was this knowledge, coming in all its freshness, 
 which set its stamp upon the Elizabethan age. It 
 was when Elizabeth's work was done that her worth 
 was recognised, and she became the symbol of the 
 nation which she had done so much to create. Men 
 forgave her everything in the past because they saw 
 something of the meaning of her views, and acknow- 
 ledged their obligation to much that had disappointed 
 them at the time when it was done, or more often 
 left undone. They even attributed to her counsels 
 the defeat of the Armada itself, and struck a medal 
 with the inscription " Dux faemina fadi '\ 
 
 The new generation which had grown up around 
 Elizabeth was very different from that which was 
 passing away. The man of the older generation 
 were cautious, prudent and self-restrained. They 
 had been trained amid perpetual dangers, and had 
 learned to walk warily, to say as little as possible, 
 and to trust entirely to no one. Their followers 
 were outspoken, adventurous and turbulent, over- 
 flowing with life and energy. The question must 
 have faced Elizabeth, Could she restrain them, as 
 she had restrained their fathers ? How was she to 
 carry into the new England the authority and 
 influence which she had exercised over the old ? 
 Her power had been largely due to her personal 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 241 
 
 ascendancy, and she needed a life full of personal 
 interests. She preserved her intellectual coldness 
 by gratifying her feelings. She dominated her 
 ministers by pampering her favourites. She learned 
 to understand the world around her, not only through 
 her head, but through her heart. She was a woman 
 as well as a Queen, and did not sink herself in her 
 office. She reserved self-restraint for important 
 decisions ; in matters of everyday life she followed 
 her own fancy. It is strange that increasing age 
 and experience did not teach her to curb her personal 
 preferences. But she was one of those who were 
 resolved to lead their individual lives in their own 
 way, and to exercise their qualities on those im- 
 mediately around them. 
 
 It was almost a sign of the new epoch opening 
 in England that the Earl of Leicester died on 
 September 4, 1588. Though he had never seriously 
 affected Elizabeth's policy, he had always retained 
 a hold on her affections. She had felt his charm, 
 and had been delighted by his accomplishments. 
 When he grew presumptuous, he was repressed; 
 but the Queen chose that he should be reckoned as 
 the foremost man in England. It was a position 
 which he in no way deserved ; but it was not Eliza- 
 beth's habit to reward desert. Some one must 
 occupy the chief place in her Court. There was a 
 
 time when she would have married Leicester; as 
 
 16 
 
242 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 that could not be, at least he should have some 
 recompense. So he continued to be an important 
 figure, though he was not entrusted with any real 
 power. 
 
 It would seem, however, that before his death he 
 had thought of a possible successor. Elizabeth's 
 fancy was more and more interested in the young, 
 and she loved to hear their ideas and aspirations. 
 She chose those to whom she wished to listen for 
 their personal appearance, just as the whim took 
 her. Thus, when she saw young Charles Blount, 
 " Of stature tall and of very comely proportion," she 
 said to him, significantly : " Fail you not to come 
 to Court, and I will bethink myself how to do you 
 good". In like manner, Walter Raleigh had at- 
 tracted her attention by his "good presence, in a 
 handsome and well-compacted person, a strong 
 natural wit, and a bold and plausible tongue". 
 Leicester knew that he himself, owing to advanc- 
 ing years and self-indulgence, was growing " high- 
 coloured and red-faced ". Not wishing to be entirely 
 at the mercy of his younger rivals, he introduced 
 another aspirant for the Queen's favour, his step-son, 
 Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. Already in May, 
 1587, we find that the brilliant youth of twenty had 
 ousted his competitors. " When the Queen is abroad, 
 nobody is near her but my Lord of Essex; and at 
 night, my Lord is at cards, or one game or another 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 243 
 
 with her that he cometh not to his own lodging till 
 the birds sing in the morning." In July Essex was 
 on such terms that he upbraided the Queen for re- 
 fusing to receive his sister, who had made a runaway 
 marriage, and said " that it was only to please that 
 knave Raleigh, for whose sake I saw she would both 
 grieve me and my love, and disgrace me in the eye 
 of the world ". When he did not receive the satis- 
 faction which he demanded, he rode away to join the 
 Earl of Leicester in the Netherlands ; but Elizabeth 
 sent a messenger in pursuit, and ^e was brought 
 back from the coast before he could embark. 
 
 After Leicester's death Essex was regarded as 
 his undoubted successor in the Queen's good graces. 
 Raleigh retired to Ireland, and Essex tried to rid 
 himself of Blount. Seeing him wearing a favour 
 which Elizabeth had given him in the tilt, Essex 
 contemptuously said: *' Now I perceive that every 
 fool must wear a favour ". A duel followed, and 
 Essex was wounded. Elizabeth asked the reason of 
 his absence, and when she heard the cause, ex- 
 claimed : ''By God's death, it were fitting some one 
 should take him down, and teach him better manners, 
 or there were no rule with him ". She was not dis- 
 pleased that two young men should quarrel for her 
 good graces ; but she reproved them both, and insisted 
 on a reconciliation, which in this case proved lasting. 
 
 The ideas and objects of such a man as Essex 
 
244 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 were entirely those of the new generation, and had 
 little in common with the policy which Elizabeth 
 had hitherto pursued. Her old counsellors were 
 dropping off. Walsingham died in 1590, and 
 Burghley alone remained to represent the traditions 
 of the past. It was a question what policy should 
 now be pursued. England was at war with Spain ; 
 how should that war be waged ? It was in England's 
 power to decide. Spain could not assail her; 
 should she assail Spain ? It was possible to weaken 
 Spain by raids upon its coasts, and attacks upon its 
 shipping, till Spain was ready to make peace on 
 satisfactory terms. It was also possible to attack 
 the Spanish Empire beyond the seas, and set up an 
 English Empire in its stead. This was the wish of 
 the adventurous spirits who represented the new 
 England, men trained in the school of Drake, and 
 desirous of framing a line of action in imitation of 
 his exploits. Those who knew Elizabeth knew that 
 she would not be enticed into any great undertaking, 
 but would pursue peace on advantageous terms. 
 Yet she would not set herself against any strong 
 current of feeling. She found room for it, and gave 
 it expectations; she studied it carefully, that she 
 might know how to restrain it within cautious limits. 
 She allowed it to make a few experiments, when 
 they were not costly. 
 
 So in April, 1589, she allowed an expedition to 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 245 
 
 set out against Spain for the restoration of Don 
 Antonio to the throne of Portugal. Drake, Norris, 
 and a- few private adventurers undertook the main 
 expense ; Elizabeth only lent some ships, and 
 contributed towards the adventure, the profits of 
 which were to be shared amongst the subscribers. 
 They first attacked Coruna, and then set sail for 
 Lisbon. On the way they were joined by Essex, 
 who this time managed to escape the Queen's 
 vigilance. But the Portuguese did not rise in favour 
 of Don Antonio ; sickness set in among the troops 
 and the expedition was a failure, though it inflicted 
 considerable loss on Spain. 
 
 Essex returned home, and was forgiven for his 
 escapade, though he had trangressed the law in 
 leaving England without the Queen's permission. 
 It was for such an offence that the luckless Earl of 
 Arundel had been committed to the Tower. But 
 Arundel had apparently incurred the Queen's condign 
 displeasure, and was tried for treason because he 
 had added to his offences by praying in the Tower 
 for the success of the Armada. It would seem that 
 he and a priest had met for continuous prayer 
 during the period of danger, though Arundel as- 
 serted that their prayer was for protection against 
 massacre, which was threatened against all Romanists 
 if the Spaniards made good their landing. He was 
 found guilty and was condemned to death. The 
 
246 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 sentence was not carried into effect, but the axe was 
 kept hanging over his head till his death six years 
 later. He was not allowed to see his wife and child, 
 and was treated with exceptional severity. It would 
 seem that Elizabeth could not brook Arundel's 
 attitude of quiet resignation. She had no. sympathy 
 with what she considered to be mere obstinacy, and 
 treated it with the utmost rigour. 
 
 If England had been given to magnificent enter- 
 tainments in the Queen's honour previously, there 
 was an increase of pageantry in the years that 
 followed on the national triumph. In 1589 Sir 
 Henry Lee, who had held the post of the Queen's 
 champion, resigned in favour of the Earl of 
 Cumberland. When the jousts were over, Sir Henry 
 led Cumberland to the Queen, while a hidden 
 minstrel sang of the physical evils of advancing age, 
 though the devotion of the heart remained still fresh. 
 As the song went on, there came from the ground a 
 temple of the Vestal Virgins, imitating white marble 
 and porphyry. Within it stood an altar laden with 
 gifts, and on a pillar a votive tablet "To Eliza". 
 The gifts were reverently offered to the Queen. Lee 
 was disarmed, and his armour laid before Elizabeth ; 
 then he knelt and prayed her to take Cumberland 
 in his stead. On receiving her assent he armed 
 Cumberland and set him on his horse, while he 
 himself donned the cloak of a civilian. 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 247 
 
 George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, was famed 
 for his knightly bearing and his personal courage. 
 He was handsome, magnificent and extravagant, like 
 the rest of the young courtiers, amongst whom the 
 love of adventure was enforced by the desire to make, 
 or mend, their fortunes. It was a hard task for 
 Elizabeth to keep them within limits, and her 
 fantastic method of attaching them personally to 
 herself was only the application to a new state of 
 things of the method which she had previously 
 pursued. So long as Mary lived, Elizabeth tried 
 to identify the chief men of England with her service 
 in a personal way, that so they might feel themselves 
 committed to her fortunes. Now that she was 
 undoubted Queen, and a representative of the nation 
 to a degree that none of her predecessors had been, 
 she used the prevailing enthusiasm to make herself 
 not only officially, but personally, supreme. She 
 drew into her own hands the disposal of every man's 
 fortunes, and demanded an unbounded devotion to 
 herself, as preliminary to any occupation in State 
 affairs. Hence she resented the marriage of any of 
 her favourites without her leave, and tried to exalt 
 her own politic celibacy into a universal model. 
 Her effort was unavailing. In 1590 the Earl of 
 Essex secretly married Frances Walsingham, widow 
 of Philip Sidney, to Elizabeth's great vexation. 
 Later, Raleigh married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
 
248 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Nicholas Throgmorton, and was committed to the 
 Tower by the indignant Queen. The sight of 
 Elizabeth in her barge so moved him that he begged 
 his keeper to allow him to disguise himself and " get 
 into a pair of oars to ease his mind but with the 
 sight of the Queen, or else his heart would break ". 
 When his request was refused, he drew his dagger 
 and behaved like a madman — knowing that the story 
 would be related to the Queen. He wrote to Robert 
 Cecil : " I that was wont to behold her riding like 
 Alexander, hunting like Diana, walking like Venus, 
 the gentle air blowing her fair hair about her pure 
 cheeks, like a nymph ; sometimes sitting in the 
 shade like a goddess ; sometimes singing like an 
 angel ; sometimes playing like Orpheus. Behold 
 the sorrow of the world ! Once amiss hath bereaved 
 me of all." There was as much policy as folly in 
 exacting such language as this from such fiery and 
 undisciplined spirits as Raleigh and Essex. 
 
 There were, however, affairs of moment to be 
 settled on the Continent. The rriurder of Henry III. 
 of France had left the Bourbon, Henry of Navarre, 
 heir to the French throne ; but the league refused 
 to admit the title of a Huguenot King, and was 
 supported by Spain. Elizabeth took up the same 
 position towards Henry as she had so long held 
 towards the rebellion in the Netherlands ; she would 
 Igend him money for warfare by land, and would 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 249 
 
 annoy Spain by naval expeditions, but would give 
 him no definite assistance. Essex vainly tried to 
 induce her to send some troops to France ; but 
 Elizabeth refused, until the news that the Prince of 
 Parma was going to the help of the league com- 
 pelled her to avert a catastrophe. Essex knelt before 
 her for hours, imploring the command of the English 
 forces ; but Elizabeth chose an old and experienced 
 captain. Sir John Norris, to serve in Brittany. After- 
 wards Essex was sent with an additional force of 4000 
 men to press the siegevof Rouen, before Henry went 
 to meet Parma. Little was done by the English 
 forces. Essex was summoned home to allay Eliza- 
 beth's anxiety when she heard of his foolhardy doings. 
 He was allowed to return, but the Council wrote to 
 him charging him " that you do not attempt, by no 
 persuasions, nor for respect of any vainglory, to put 
 in danger your own person at this siege of Rouen ". 
 Such an order to the general did not show any desire 
 for vigorous operations; and so little energy was 
 displayed by the French that Essex was recalled 
 early in 1592, and the siege of Rouen was abandoned. 
 The death of Walsingham, in 1590, had marked 
 another great breach with the past. Few men have 
 ever shown more capacity and skill in obtaining 
 political information. He organised a secret service 
 in all the Courts of Europe, and cautiously kept in 
 his hand the clue to everything that was happening. 
 
250 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 We have seen that he was the only one amongst her 
 ministers who ever succeeded in forcing Elizabeth to 
 act with decision. Elizabeth, much as she owed to 
 his services, resented his success over herself. She 
 gave him little reward, and he died a poor man. 
 His death raised the question of his succession, which 
 became a bone of contention between Essex and 
 Burghley. Burghley wished to advance to the post 
 his son, Robert Cecil ; Essex was unfortunate in his 
 candidate for he chose Davison, the secretary who 
 had been dismissed. Yet Essex's choice was both 
 chivalrous and worthy, as Davison was a man of 
 proved sagacity. Elizabeth rejected Davison, but 
 so far humoured Essex as not to fill the vacant 
 post. 
 
 During the absence of Essex, " the old fox," as 
 Essex called Burghley, pursued his plan for the 
 advancement of his son. He entertained the Queen 
 at his house at Theobalds, where Robert Cecil was 
 knighted. A few months afterwards he was sworn 
 of the Privy Council, and was appointed secretary. 
 He celebrated the occasion by a performance before 
 the Queen, which was eminently characteristic of 
 the man. He was small in stature, with a slight 
 curvature of the spine, and had no hopes of vieing 
 with the Queen's favourites. He could only com- 
 mend himself to her by his official capacity, as the 
 inheritor to his father's traditions and the represen- 
 
THE NEW ENGL?mQ ^^ , 251 
 
 tative of that policy which had been so successful in 
 the past. So he took the occasion of complimenting 
 the Queen, not on her beauty, but on her wisdom ; 
 and he protested his devotion, not so much to her 
 person, as to her policy. A dialogue took place in 
 the Queen's presence between a postman and an 
 usher of the Secretary's. The post came in haste 
 bearing a letter from the Emperor of China. The 
 secretary was not to be found ; what was to be done? 
 The usher advised the delivery of the letter to the 
 Queen herself. "What then," asked the post, "is 
 the use of servants?" "She makes use of them," 
 was the answer, "as the mind does of the senses. 
 Many things she sees and hears through them ; but 
 the judgment and election is her own.' " Why, if 
 this be all, is their reward so great ? " " Oh, therein 
 she respects her own greatness and goodness, which 
 must need be what it is, though it find no object 
 that is proportionable. Like a gentle mistress of 
 children, she guides their hand and thereby makes 
 them write fair letters, and yet to encourage them, 
 praises them as if they had done it without direc- 
 tion." On hearing this the post was about to 
 deliver his letter to the Queen, but was stopped by 
 the consideration that it is written in a strange 
 language which she will not understand. The usher 
 assured him that " she speaks and understands all 
 the languages in the world which are worthy to be 
 
252 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Spoken or understood ". " It may be," said the 
 post, " that she understands them in a sort well for 
 a lady, but not as secretaries should do." " What talk 
 you of secretaries ? " exclaimed the usher. " As for one 
 of them whom you most ask for, if he have anything 
 that is worth talking of, the world knows well 
 enough where he had it ; for he kneels every day 
 where he learns a new lesson." The post is 
 daunted by the thought of appearing before so much 
 wisdom and majesty, and thinks that it will be safer 
 for him to seek out the secretary. The usher stops 
 him, ** Ah, simple post, thou art the wilfullest 
 creature that liveth. Dost thou not know that, 
 besides all her perfections, all the earth hath not 
 such a prince for affability ? For all is one ; come 
 gentleman, come serving man, come ploughman, 
 come beggar, the hour is yet to come that ever she 
 refuseth petition." Overcome by this assurance, 
 the post plucked up courage and delivered his letter 
 to the Queen. Cecil might indeed rest contented 
 with the knowledge that there were sides of Eliza- 
 beth's character, to which he could appeal, which 
 lay beyond the reach of his more brilliant rivals. 
 They were bent upon their own designs, and were 
 struggling to draw the Queen further than she 
 intended to go. She, on her part, was endeavouring 
 to curb their soaring ambition, and for this purpose 
 she needed the official devotion of Cecil, that so she 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 253 
 
 might keep the balance nicely hung, and still retain 
 her hold upon the new aspirations of England. 
 
 For this purpose she increased her state, and 
 multiplied her progresses. They were useful as 
 bringing her into connection with different parts of 
 her domains. They were useful also as inciting hei 
 nobility to extravagant expenditure, and so making 
 them more dependent on her goodwill. In the 
 summer of 1591 she visited Lord Montague at 
 Cowdray in Sussex. On her arrival, Lady Mon- 
 tague wept on her bosom, exclaiming : " Oh happy 
 time ! oh joyful day ! " There was a bower erected 
 in the park, near paddocks filled with deer. A 
 nymph offered a crossbow to the Queen, who shot 
 three or four. A pilgrim met her in the wood and 
 led her to a tree, whereon her arms and those of all 
 her suite were splendidly emblazoned on escutcheons 
 Soon afterwards she visited the Earl of Hertford at 
 Elvetham. Hertford had the reputation of being the 
 wealthiest man in England, and his preparations 
 were correspondingly magnificent. A poet met her 
 with a Latin oration. The three Graces and the 
 three Hours cleared the way of stumbling blocks 
 which had been laid by Envy, and then escorted her 
 to the house with songs of welcome. An artificial 
 pond had been constructed in the shape of a half 
 moon. Seated under a canopy of green satin, 
 the Queen beheld Nereus, Oceanus, and Tritons 
 
254 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 disporting themselves on its waters, and indulging 
 in appropriate songs. Sylvanus advanced from the 
 woods, making uncouth love to a water nymph ; he 
 was pulled into the water and mocked by the river 
 gods. Nereus and Neaera both presented the Queen 
 with costly jewels from their watery realm. On 
 islands in the pond there were displays of fireworks. 
 The Queen of fairyland assembled her maidens to 
 dance in the garden, and greeted Elizabeth in 
 song : — 
 
 Elisa is the fairest Queen 
 That ever trod upon this green ; 
 Elisa's eyes are blessed stars, 
 Inducing peace, subduing wars; 
 Elisa's hand is christal bright ; 
 Her words are balm ; her looks are light ; 
 Elisa's breast is that fair hill 
 Where virtue dwells and sacred skill. 
 O blessed be each day and hour 
 Where sweet Eliza builds her bower. 
 
 On her departure a band of musicians hidden 
 in a bower sang in sad strains : — 
 
 O come again, fair nature's treasure 
 Whose looks yield joys exceeding measure. 
 O come again, Heaven's chief delight, 
 Thine absence makes eternal night ; 
 O come again world's star-bright eye, 
 Whose presence doth adorn the sky ; 
 O come again, sweet beauty's sun ; 
 When thou art gone, our joys are done. 
 
/ .- THE NEW ENGLAND. 255 
 
 We cannot wonder that Elizabeth ** protested to my 
 Lord of Hertford that the beginning, process and 
 end of his entertainment was so honourable, as 
 hereafter he should find the reward thereof in her 
 special favour ". Doubtless Elizabeth meant what 
 she said ; but Hertford had already expiated his 
 offence of marrying Lady Catharine Grey by nine 
 years' imprisonment in the Tower. Lady Catharine 
 was now dead and Hertford had married the 
 daughter of the Lord Admiral Howard. Eliza- 
 beth's anger was again kindled by discovering that, 
 in 1585, Hertford had taken legal opinion about 
 the validity of his first marriage and had caused it 
 to be recorded in the Court of Arches. For this 
 offence, committed years previously, he was again 
 imprisoned, and doubtless had to purchase his release 
 by a heavy fine. 
 
 In 1592 Elizabeth again paid several visits. At 
 Sudeley she was entertained by Lord Chandos, who 
 showed her Apollo pursuing Daphne, who entered 
 into a tree, whence she emerged and took refuge with 
 "the Queen of Charity". She also went to Oxford 
 to do honour to the new Chancellor, Lord Buckhurst, 
 who succeeded Hatton, to the great mortification of 
 the Earl of Essex, who wished for that distinguished 
 position. But Elizabeth was cautious in her be- 
 stowal of offices, and would not allow her favourite 
 to accumulate power in his hands. At Oxford there 
 
256 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 was the usual provision of speeches, plays and dis- 
 putations. One of the disputations was on the 
 curious subject : " Whether it be lawful to dissemble 
 in matters of religion ? " The Bishop of Hereford 
 spoke at such length that the Queen twice sent to 
 ask him to cut short his oration. As it was carefully 
 prepared, he was unable to curtail it. Next day the 
 Queen addressed the University. As she was speak- 
 ing, her eye fell on Burghley, standing with difficulty 
 on his gouty legs. She stopped and ordered a stool 
 to be brought for him. An adroit courtier told her 
 " that she did it of purpose, to show that she could 
 interrupt her speech and not be put out, although 
 the Bishop of Hereford durst not adventure to do so, 
 for a less matter, the day before ". 
 
 From Oxford the Queen proceeded to Rycote, 
 near Thame, where she visited Lord Norris. He was 
 the son of the ill-fated man who was executed as the 
 alleged lover of Anne Boleyn. The father of Lady 
 Norris had shared with Bedingfield the duty of 
 guarding Elizabeth in her youth when she was at 
 Woodstock, and had treated her kindly. On both 
 these grounds Elizabeth showed exceptional kindness 
 to Norris and his wife. She used to call Lady 
 Norris " her black crow," from the darkness of her 
 complexion. Norris was the father of six sons, "a 
 brood of spirited, martial men ". Four of them were 
 at that time serving the Queen in Ireland, France 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 257 
 
 and the Netherlands. So Norris could afford to 
 receive the Queen with expressions of plain out- 
 spoken familiar loyalty, which are refreshing among 
 the quaint devices with which she was generally 
 greeted. Her welcome was given by an old soldier, 
 who said : " Vouchsafe, dread Sovereign, after so 
 many smooth speeches of the Muses, to hear a 
 rough-hewn tale of a soldier. We use not with 
 words to amplify our conceits, and to plead forth by 
 figures, but by deeds to show the loyalty of our 
 hearts, and to make it good with our lives. My 
 horse, mine armour, my shield, my sword, the riches 
 of a young soldier, and an old soldier's relics, I 
 should here offer to your Highness ; but my four sons 
 have stolen them from me vowing themselves to 
 arms, and leaving me to my prayers. This is their 
 resolution and my desire, that their lives may be 
 employed wholly in your service, and their deaths be 
 their vow's sacrifice — their deaths, the rumour whereof 
 hath so often affrighted the Crow my wife, that her 
 heart hath been as black as her feathers. I know not 
 whether it be affection or fondness, but the Crow 
 thinketh her own birds the fairest, because to her 
 they are the dearest. And although nothing be 
 more unfit to lodge your Majesty than a crow's 
 nest, yet shall it be most happy to us that it is by 
 your Highness made a phoenix' nest." The next 
 day four letters, each containing an appropriate 
 
 17 
 
358 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 present, were delivered from the absent sons. An 
 Irish servant brought one containing a dart of gold 
 set with diamonds, with the motto : ** I fly only for 
 my Sovereign ". A skipper coming from the Nether- 
 lands presented another with a key of gold set with 
 diamonds, bearing the inscription : " I open only to 
 you". A French page handed three letters — one 
 meant to be a comic mistake, being a soldier's letter 
 to his mistress — the others containing a golden 
 sword set with diamonds and rubies, inscribed : 
 ** Drawn only in your defence," and a truncheon 
 with a motto : " I do not command but under you ". 
 In 1593 Elizabeth was reluctantly compelled to 
 summon Parliament for the purpose of obtaining 
 money to pay her troops in France. She felt that 
 the control of Parliament had become more difficult 
 now that England's position was secure ; but she 
 was resolved to maintain her old authority to the 
 full. Hitherto she had asked for little money; now 
 her demands considerably increased. England must 
 be trained to pay the price of its enhanced greatness, 
 and must at the same time be kept within the limits 
 of due obedience to its Sovereign. There were two 
 matters which the Queen had hitherto ^CT:eeded in " 
 keeping from Parliamentary control — the settlement 
 of the succession, and the regulation of the Church. . 
 
 Nothing_j8_mpre curious in Elizabeth's career 
 than the steadfastness with which she refused to 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 259 
 
 allow of Parliamentary interference in ecclesiastical 
 matters. She was determined that the large system 
 which had approved itself at the beginning of her 
 reign should be allowed to shape itself into accord- 
 ance with the needs of the nation, and that time 
 should be given it for that purpose. We have seen 
 how great were the difficulties which beset the 
 restoration of religious unity in England, how a 
 Romanist party grew up which unfortunately had 
 a political significance which the State deemed it 
 impossible to overlook, how consequently attendance 
 at the services of the Church became a test of loyalty. 
 But, besides the Romanists, there was also a party 
 which wished to go farther in the direction of Con- 
 tinental Protestantism. The Romanists stood aloof 
 from the Church, and claimed only to go their own 
 way. The Puritans aimed at transforming the 
 Church into agreement with the system of Calvin, 
 and they continued to raise one question after 
 anotliefT When the contest about vestments had 
 succeeded in reducing ecclesiastical ornaments to 
 the lowest point, the Puritans put forward the 
 system of Church government which Calvin had set 
 up. They were greatly aided by the action of the 
 Papacy towards Elizabeth, which made the majority 
 of Englishmen desirous to emphasise the breach 
 with Rome. Thomas Cartwright, at Cambridge, 
 advocated the abolition of Episcopacy, and the 
 
200 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 introduction of the Presbyterian system. This was 
 entirely opposed to the principles which had hitherto 
 prevailed in England ; it passed beyond the bounds 
 of legitimate discussion ; it did not propose the 
 adaptation, but the subversion, of the Church. So 
 Elizabeth, by proclamation, ordered the Bishops to 
 put in force the provisions of the Act of Uniformity, 
 and secure that such opinions should not be taught 
 by the clergy of the_ Church. She hoped that this 
 question would soon pass away, and, on Parker's 
 death, in 1575, appointed as Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, Edward Grindal, who was known to be 
 sympathetic with Puritan opinions. It soon appeared 
 that these opinions found new means of expression 
 in ** exercises," or " prophesyings " — meetings, origin- 
 ally of clergy, to which the laity were soon admitted. 
 Thus there was growing up another form of worship 
 of the Genevan type by the side of the Church 
 services. Elizabeth ordered that this should be put 
 down. Grindal was slack in obeying the Queen's 
 command, and was suspended from the exercise of 
 his functions. Meanwhile, in various ways, efforts 
 were steadily made by a section of the clergy to 
 introduce stealthily something resembling the Pres- 
 byterian system of discipline. 
 
 After Grindal's death, in 1583, his successor, 
 Whitgift, undertook the task of introducing order, 
 and purging the system of the Church. The Puritans 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 261 
 
 did not ask for toleration, they did not plead for 
 freedom ; but they claimed that the Church should 
 be changed into something else, that its formularies 
 should be disregarded, and that a rigid discipline 
 should be introduced. For this purpose they took 
 orders and held office in the Church, that they might 
 use their position to subvert it. Whitgift was 
 resolved to put a stop to this, and ordered that 
 all the clergy should subscribe to three articles, 
 affirming the Royal supremacy, the lawfulness of 
 the Book of Common Prayer, and assent to the 
 Thirty-nine Articles. In pursuance of this policy 
 Whitgift issued articles of inquiry to the clergy, 
 which they were requested to answer by virtue of 
 their office. An outcry was immediately raised that 
 the Inquisition was being introduced into England. 
 Burghley wrote to Whitgift that '* this judicial and 
 canonical sifting of poor ministers is not to edify or 
 reform. In charity I think they ought not to answer 
 all these nice points, except they were very notor- 
 ious offenders in Papistry or heresy." Whitgift, in 
 reply, defended his action, and added : " I know your 
 Lordship desireth the peace of the Church, but it 
 cannot be procured after so long liberty and lack of 
 discipline if a few persons, so meanly qualified as 
 most of them, are countenanced against the whole 
 state of the clergy ". The House of Commons, in 
 1585, took the side of the Puritans, and made 
 
262 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 proposals for restricting the authority of the Bishops. 
 These were set aside, and Elizabeth, in proroguing 
 Parliament, peremptorily asserted that she would 
 tolerate neither ** presumption nor newfangledness". 
 It was the duty of the Bishops to provide for the 
 governance of the Church ; and it was her duty to 
 see that they amended such things as needed 
 amendment. 
 
 That Elizabeth should have adopted this attitude 
 at such a time shows that she was acting from 
 deliberate conviction. It was in the great crisis of 
 her reign, when all Europe was against her, when 
 her life was in daily peril, when she had nothing to 
 trust save the goodwill of her people. This she 
 herself admitted. " No Prince can be surer tied or 
 faster bound than I am with the link of your good- 
 will ; yet one matter toucheth me so near, as I may not 
 overskip, religion, the ground on which all other 
 matters ought to take root, and being corrupted may 
 mar all the tree." Why did she not increase her 
 popularity by listening to the petition of the 
 Commons ? There was eveiy motive to induce her 
 to do so. All her advisers were in favour of doing so ; 
 but Elizabeth stood firm and accepted all the responsi- 
 bility. It is often said that she was destitute of real 
 religious feeling, and acted only from motives of policy. 
 This view is not borne out by facts. Elizabeth 
 possessed the qualities of the head more than those of 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 263 
 
 the heart. She could not sympathise with earnestness 
 which passed into fanaticism. In early life she had 
 made up her own mind about the essential elements 
 of personal religion, and did not over-estimate the 
 significance of outward forms. But she had a keen 
 sense of the meaning of religious systems in their 
 relation to national life, and she saw the importance 
 to England of becoming the seat of the Church of 
 the New Learning, a Church which did not break with 
 the past, but received all that had been contributed 
 by human intelligence towards understanding the 
 errors of the old system, and the means to remove 
 them. The system of the Church was to remain, 
 and was to be as independent as possible. Henry 
 VIII. was willing to assume functions which had been 
 usurped by the Pope ; Elizabeth was careful to go 
 back to the position of the earlier Kings. She 
 recognised in her Bishops greater powers than they 
 were prepared to use. When Parker asked her aid 
 she bade him act on his own authority. When she 
 thought that authority was not exercised with 
 sufficient firmness, she called attention to remissness. 
 She had a higher conception of the Church than had 
 the Bishops, and she wished her people to be gradually 
 educated up to her conception. Much has been said 
 about her contemptuous treatment of her Bishops. 
 The celebrated letter to the Bishop of Ely, beginning : 
 "Proud prelate," and ending: "by God, I will unfrock 
 
264 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 you/* has long been known to be an amusing forgery ; 
 but it is still repeated, and is quoted as typical of her 
 treatment of Bishops. As a matter of fact she 
 treated them with greater respect than she showed 
 to any of her ministers or favourites. Her position 
 was one of watchful protection of the Church and 
 its order. Its framework was not to be altered, 
 and she repelled all attempts in that direction ; but 
 within that framework things might settle them- 
 selves ; she would leave all points of detail for free 
 discussion. In Whitgift she found for the first time 
 a man who was strong enough in his own opinions to 
 wish to restrain the clergy within the limits of the 
 formularies of the Church. She would not have him 
 meddled with, though her ministers thought that his 
 action was perilous. She stood alone in supporting 
 him. 
 
 Whitgift's activity produced much discontent 
 among the Puritan clergy, because it showed that 
 they were not to be allowed to transform the Church 
 from within. This knowledge led to the formation 
 of a body of Separatists, whose tenets seem to have 
 been first formulated by Robert Browne, who asserted 
 that religion was not under the control of the civil 
 magistrate, that the Church was a voluntary company 
 of Christians, and that each congregation ought to 
 determine its own worship and be ruled by its own 
 elders. Some of Browne's followers went further and 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 265 
 
 denounced the Church of England as being no true 
 Church, asserting that its worship was '' flat idolatry " 
 and that none of its Bishops or preachers preached 
 Christ truly. They were tried before the Court of 
 High Commission and committed to prison. But, 
 in 1588, when the Armada was threatening England, 
 a number of pamphlets attacking the Bishops were 
 secretly printed and issued under the name of 
 " Martin Marprelate ". They were at first answered 
 seriously, but ultimately were left to men of letters 
 such as Nash and Lilly, who retorted with a 
 scurrility nearly as great as that of the Separatist 
 writers. At first the public was amused at the 
 display of trenchant style and hard hitting. But it 
 was soon seen that this controversy was unworthy, 
 and went beyond the limits of fair discussion. 
 Public opinion turned against the Separatists : the 
 old Puritan party refused to make common cause 
 with them, and preferred to accept the liberty which 
 the Church allowed them rather than embark on 
 revolutionary projects. The Separatists fell under 
 the laws enacted against the Romanist recusants, 
 which were applied to them with leniency, and 
 were only directed against their leaders. 
 
 When Parliament met, in February, 1593, Eliza- 
 beth was resolved to keep it in due subjection on 
 those points which she reserved for herself. She sent 
 a message : " Mr. Speaker, Her Majesty's pleasure 
 
266 QUEEN BUZABETM. 
 
 is, that if you perceive any idle heads, which will not 
 stick to hazard their own estates, which will meddle 
 with reforming the Church and transforming the 
 commonwealth, and do exhibit any bills to such 
 purpose, that you do not receive them until they 
 be viewed and considered by those who it is fitter 
 should consider of such things". Undeterred by 
 this message, Peter Wentworth proposed that a 
 joint committee of Lords and Commons should 
 petition the Queen to settle the succession ; he was 
 committed to the Tower. A Puritan lawyer, James 
 Morice, introduced bills for the reformation of ecclesi- 
 astical courts and the revision of the penal statutes ; 
 he was arrested in the Queen's name and was 
 sent to Tutbury Castle. An Act was passed, directly 
 aimed at the Separatists, " to restrain the Queen's 
 subjects in obedience ". It provided that any one 
 who refused to go to Church, or denied the Queen's 
 authority in matters ecclesiastical, or frequented 
 unlawful assemblies, should be imprisoned till he 
 had made submission. Another Act was passed 
 against Popish recusants, ordering them to repair 
 to their place of dwelling and not to remove more 
 than five miles from it, under pain of forfeiture. It 
 would seem that England was wearied of religious 
 conflict, and was willing to resort to severe measures 
 in the hopes of enforcing peace. 
 
 The unfortunate result of this legislation was the 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 267 
 
 execution of some of the Nonconformist leaders, 
 though proceedings were not taken on religious 
 grounds. Barrow and Greenwood were found guilty 
 of " defaming the Queen with malicious intent, to 
 the stirring up of rebellion ". Penry, who was the 
 chief author of the Martin Marprelate tracts, was 
 indicted for writing slanders with the intent to stir 
 up rebellion, and the evidence was taken, not from 
 published writings, but from papers found in his house. 
 These executions were deplorable and unnecessary. 
 Such sectaries might be troublesome, but it could 
 not be said that they were disloyal, or tended to 
 endanger the State. The example of such treatment 
 led to the flight of many conscientious men to 
 Holland, where they developed their opinions un- 
 checked, and formed the body of Independents who 
 were so powerful in the great Civil War. 
 
 It was one of the misfortunes of Elizabeth that 
 she 'was never permitted for long to enjoy the feeling 
 of personal security. A plot against her life was 
 Ijrought to light in 1594, about which it is difficult to 
 form a correct judgment. Essex vied with Burghley 
 in obtaining secret information from abroad, and 
 used for this purpose a Portuguese Jew, Rodrigo 
 Lopez, who had settled in London as a physician, 
 and was employed by the Queen. He also welcomed 
 into England a Spanish refugee, Antonio Perez, who 
 had formerly been secretary to Philip, but had 
 
268 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 incurred his enmity. Spanish spies in London 
 endeavoured to bribe some of Perez's servants to 
 murder him and the Queen. Lopez was approached 
 for the same purpose, and accepted some jewels as 
 presents from Philip. The matter was discovered 
 by Essex, but, at first, Burghley disbelieved it, and 
 Elizabeth chided Essex as *' a rash and temerarious 
 youth to enter into a matter against a poor man 
 which he could not prove ". However, more evidence 
 was obtained, and Lopez was incriminated, was 
 tried and found guilty. For three months Elizabeth 
 hesitated, but at last signed the warrant for his 
 execution. It is most probable that the popular 
 excitement about this trial directed Shakespeare's 
 attention to the Jews, and that Lopez suggested the 
 character of Shylock. 
 
 Elizabeth's parsimony is proverbial ; but it must 
 be admitted that it was thorough-going. She at- 
 tached men to her at the smallest possible cost, and 
 only rewarded those whom she wished for personal 
 reasons to bind closely to herself. Leicester was 
 wealthy while he lived, but after his death the 
 Queen resumed her grants. Her chief ministers 
 did not receive any great recompense at her hands, 
 nor did her relatives. Nearest to her in blood was 
 Henry Carey, only son of her mother's sister. He 
 was created Baron Hunsdon, and was sent to guard 
 the Scottish marches, where he rendered most 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 269 
 
 valuable service. A bluff, outspoken soldier, he 
 could be trusted entirely; and he was the father 
 of seven sons who helped him in his government of 
 the borders. Yet Hunsdon's salary was frequently 
 in arrear, and he had to spend his own money for 
 the payment of his forces. His youngest son, Robert, 
 determined to try his fortunes as a courtier, and his 
 description of his experience is typical of that of 
 many others. *' I lived in Court," he says, " had 
 small means of my friends ; yet God so blessed me 
 that I was ever able to keep company with the best. 
 In all triumphs I was one, either at tilt, tourney, or 
 barriers, in masque or balls. I kept men and horses 
 far above my rank, and so continued a long time." 
 He served the Queen in many things, and once she 
 gave him a thousand pounds to pay his debts. In 
 1593 he married a lady "more for her worth than 
 for her wealth. Neither did she marry me for any 
 great wealth ; for I had in all the world but one 
 hundred pounds a year pension out of the Exchequer, 
 and that was but during pleasure, and I was near 
 a thousand pounds in debt." The Queen was, as 
 usual, indignant that any one should marry, while 
 she had remained single, and Carey found it wise to 
 retire with his wife to the border. After a time he 
 made a bold attempt to win the Queen's forgiveness. 
 He went to the festivities with which she celebrated 
 her coronation day. ** I prepared a present," he tells 
 
270 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 US, "for Her Majesty, which with my caparisons cost 
 me above four hundred pounds. I came into the 
 triumph unknown of any. I was the Forsaken 
 Knight, that had vowed solitariness, but hearing of 
 this great triumph thought to honour my mistress 
 with my best services, and then return to pay my 
 wonted mourning." But Elizabeth had no im- 
 mediate need of Carey, and made no sign, till 
 presently Lord Hunsdon informed her that the 
 Scottish King wished to make a communication to 
 her. " I hear," said the Queen, ** that your fine son, 
 that has lately married so worthily, is hereabouts. 
 Send him if you will, to know the King's pleasure.'* 
 Hunsdon answered that his son would be glad to 
 obey her commands. *' No," said she, ** do you 
 bid him go; for I have nothing to do with him." 
 Carey went, and James entrusted him with a verbal 
 message ; but he dexterously said that he dared not 
 trust his memory and would prefer to have it in 
 writing. When he returned to the Court he refused 
 to deliver his message save to the Queen herself. 
 ** With much ado I was called for in, and I was left 
 alone with her. Our first encounter was stormy and 
 terrible, which I passed over with silence. After 
 she had spoken her pleasure of me and my wife I 
 told her that she herself was the fault of my 
 marriage, and that if she had but graced me with 
 the least of her favours I had never left her nor her 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 271 
 
 Court; and seeing she was the chief cause of my 
 misfortune I would never off my knees till I had 
 kissed her hand and obtained pardon. She was not 
 displeased with my excuse, and before we parted we 
 grew good friends." 
 
 Such was the strange method by which Elizabeth 
 held men in dependence on herself. It may be 
 ascribed to vanity, but assuredly it was also due to 
 policy. The capricious bestowal and withdrawal of 
 favour kept men perpetually on the alert, sharpened 
 their wits, and provided a test of their dexterity. 
 The affectation of dislike to their marriages afforded 
 a calculable opportunity, when a man was still young, 
 of trying his mettle. A stormy scene, ending in a 
 gracious reconciliation, gave Elizabeth an occasion 
 of displaying all her qualities alike as a woman and 
 a Queen. As time went on she took more pleasure 
 in the process, and found it increasingly necessary 
 as a means of keeping young bloods in due subjection. 
 
 Meanwhile, in foreign affairs, Elizabeth was con- 
 tent to keep Spain at bay. The death of the Duke 
 of Parma, in 1592, removed Philip's great general, 
 and Prince Maurice began a career of military skill 
 which won the freedom of the United Netherlands. 
 Henry IV., in France, with Elizabeth's help, made 
 head against the league which was supported by 
 Spain. But Henry saw that he could never hope to 
 unite France so long as he remained a Huguenot, 
 
vj% QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 and, in the autumn of 1593, executed a politic change 
 of his religion. Elizabeth addressed him with an 
 angry remonstrance : — 
 
 "Ah, what grief! ah, what regret! ah, what 
 pangs have seized my heart! My God, is it possible 
 that any worldly considerations could render you 
 regardless of the Divine displeasure ? Can we 
 reasonably expect any good result can follow such 
 an iniquity ? How can you imagine that He whose 
 hand has supported and upheld your cause so long 
 would fail you at your need ? It is a perilous thing 
 to do ill that good may come. Nevertheless I yet 
 hope that your better feelings may return, and, in 
 the meantime, I promise to give you the first place 
 in my prayers, that Esau's hands may not defile the 
 blessing of Jacob. Your sister, if it be after the old 
 fashion ; with the new, I will have nothing to do. 
 
 "E. R." 
 
 However, Henry's conversion was not at first 
 recognised by the Pope and the King of Spain, and 
 the war was still continued by the league. Henry 
 drew nearer to England, and, in 1595, an alliance 
 was made between him, England, and the United 
 Netherlands, which were then recognised as a 
 sovereign Power, for the purpose of waging war 
 against Spain ; but there was not much heart in the 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 173 
 
 undertaking, for it was felt that Henry IV. was 
 feeling his way towards peace. Even diplomacy 
 was conducted in a fantastic fashion. Henry IV. 
 protested to Sir Henry Unton that Elizabeth's 
 letters were '' full of sweetness and affection but that 
 she could not escape from her ministers : so he for 
 his part was obliged to do for the preservation of his 
 subjects what as Henry her loving brother he would 
 never do ". Then he sent for his mistress, Gabrielle 
 d'Estrees, and talked for an hour on frivolous topics. 
 He afterwards led Unton into his chamber, " where 
 in a private place between the bed and the wall he 
 asked me how I liked his mistress. I answered 
 sparingly in her praise, and told him that I had the 
 picture of a far more excellent mistress, and yet did 
 her picture come far short of the perfection of her 
 beauty." When the King pressed for a sight of this 
 picture, Unton produced a miniature of Elizabeth. 
 Henry " beheld it with passion and admiration, say- 
 ing that I had reason, that he had never seen the 
 like ; so with great reverence he kissed it twice or 
 thrice, I detaining it still in my hand. In the end, 
 with some kind of contention, he took it from me, 
 vowing that he could not forego it for any treasure ; 
 and that to possess the favour of the lively picture 
 he would forsake all the world, and hold himself 
 most happy, with many other most passionate 
 
 words." The style which Elizabeth had invented 
 
 18 
 
274 Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 in England was now transplanted abroad. Hatton 
 and Essex were outdone by the French King. 
 
 But although gallantry had invaded diplomacy, 
 the martial spirit of England was stirred in March, 
 1596, by the news that the Archduke Charles had 
 entered France and was laying siege to Calais. 
 Levies were called out at once, but Calais fell before 
 anything was done. Its possession by Spain was felt 
 to be an important help to a new Armada, which was 
 continually threatened ; and Elizabeth was driven to 
 depart from her pacific course. An expedition was 
 fitted out against Spain. Lord Howard of Effing- 
 ham was put in command of the fleet, and Essex 
 in command of the land forces. They destroyed the 
 Spanish fleet in Cadiz Bay, captured the town, and 
 razed its fortifications. It was a crushing blow 
 struck at the power of Spain and was more decisive 
 than the defeat of the Armada. 
 
 But Elizabeth was not elated by glory; she was 
 disappointed that no portion of the spoils reached her 
 Exchequer. Cadiz had been given up to plunder, 
 and every one took what he could get ; there was 
 no capture of treasure ships whose contents went 
 to the Queen. News came that only two days after 
 the departure of the English fleet, ships bearing 
 twenty millions of ducats entered the Tagus. Great 
 was Elizabeth's anger at this lost opportunity, and 
 she disputed the right of those who had divided 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 575 
 
 among themselves the ransom of Cadiz. When 
 Burghley expressed his opinion in their favour he 
 had to bear the burden of her displeasure, " with 
 words," he wrote to Essex, " of indignity, reproach, 
 and rejecting of me as a miscreant and a coward ". 
 Between the Queen and Essex, Burghley found it 
 more difficult to steer in his old age than he had ever 
 found it in the days of Leicester. The only thanks 
 he received was the glee of the friends of Essex that 
 he " had made the old fox to crouch and whine, and 
 to insinuate himself by a very submissive letter to 
 my Lord of Essex". 
 
 The position of Essex was remarkable. He was 
 the idol of the younger party, and seemed to be 
 the master of the future. For this reason he was 
 regarded as dangerous by the more cautious of the 
 Queen's advisers, notably Burghley. The permanent 
 appointment of Robert Cecil as secretary established 
 in Elizabeth's counsels a balance of opinion which 
 enabled her to reserve her own freedom. But Essex 
 was ever trying to assert himself, and to win 
 a victory over those whom he regarded as his 
 opponents. He regarded every appointment as an 
 opportunity for a pitched battle. He put forward 
 a candidate of his own, and strove desperately to 
 force him upon the Queen. Elizabeth allowed him 
 to plead for a long time, but ultimately rejected his 
 recommendation. She was too prudent to allow any 
 
2j6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 one to dispose of public offices and surround her by 
 creatures of his own ; and she took care to mark 
 clearly the limits of Essex's influence. The wiser of 
 his friends saw that he was following a mistaken 
 course; they deplored his impetuosity, and tried to 
 school him into some semblance of caution. In 
 his private life he was continually irritating the 
 Queen by love affairs with ladies of the Court, which 
 Elizabeth bitterly resented, and often vented her dis- 
 pleasure on the luckless objects of Essex's pursuit. 
 Amongst those who owed much to the goodwill of 
 Essex, and hoped for more, was Francis Bacon, who 
 admonished his patron in a letter full of wise saws of 
 worldly wisdom, of a different tone to those contained 
 in his Essays. With curious audacity Bacon 
 wrote : " I said to your Lordship last time, ' Martha, 
 Martha, attendis ad pluria, unum sufficit,' win the 
 Queen. If this be not the beginning, of any other 
 course I can see no end. But how is it now ? A 
 man of a nature not to be ruled, that hath my 
 affection and knoweth it, of an estate not grounded 
 to his greatness, of a popular reputation, of a military 
 dependence : I demand whether there can be a more 
 dangerous image than this represented to any 
 monarch living, much more to a lady, and of Her 
 Majesty's apprehension ? " So Bacon advised Essex 
 to apologise for his petulance in the past ; to imitate 
 Leicester and Hatton, and quote them " for authors 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 277 
 
 and patterns " to the Queen ; to show more cordiality 
 in agreeing with the Queen's opinions ; to make some 
 requests to the Queen with the intention of with- 
 drawing them " upon taking note of Her Majesty's 
 opposition and dislike". Further, he must not be 
 so warlike in his talk, **for Her Majesty loveth 
 peace ; next she loveth not change ". Let him not 
 seek military posts, but civil, such as Lord Privy 
 Seal. Moreover, Essex must diminish the impres- 
 sion that he seeks popularity, by " speaking against 
 popular courses vehemently, and taxing it in others, 
 but nevertheless go on in your honourable common- 
 wealth courses as you do". Bacon's cynicism 
 regarded Elizabeth as easier to deceive, and Essex 
 more responsive to advice, than either of them was ; 
 but his letter shows that a political career was 
 recognised as a form of personal adventure, and that 
 the principles on which it was founded were studied 
 in England as carefully as they had been by 
 Machiavelli in Italy. 
 
 Essex considered himself the most popular man 
 in England, the special representative of the new 
 national life. He dreamed of military glory, and 
 was full of ambitious projects, which the Queen 
 constantly restrained. But, at times, there was need 
 for an armed demonstration to secure peace. There 
 were rumours that Philip was preparing another 
 Armada, and a large fleet was fitted out by England 
 
y^8 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 to ward off invasion. In the summer of 1597 it put 
 to sea in three squadrons commanded by Essex, 
 Raleigh, and Lord Thomas Howard. The weather 
 was adverse, and Httle was achieved. EHzabeth was 
 indignant, and vented her displeasure on Essex, who 
 withdrew to his house at Wanstead. She further 
 annoyed him by creating Lord Howard of Effingham, 
 the Lord Admiral, Earl of Nottingham, and in so 
 doing rehearsed his services in the defeat of the 
 Armada, and also in the capture of Cadiz. Essex 
 claimed for himself the glory of this last achievement, 
 and was further aggrieved that Nottingham was 
 made Lord Steward, and so took precedence over 
 himself The result was a quarrel between him and 
 Nottingham, till at last the Queen for the sake of 
 peace made Essex Earl Marshal, and so restored his 
 precedence, whereupon Nottingham was discontented 
 .and left the Court. On all sides Elizabeth felt the 
 increasing difficulty of maintaining her system of 
 personal government against the growing spirit of 
 ^independence which marked the revival of England. 
 In spite of all her efforts her courtiers asserted 
 their own position and escaped from the devices 
 by which she tried to keep them in subjection to 
 her will. 
 
 In 1598 the foreign policy of England was 
 seriously affected by the peace which Henry IV. 
 of France made with Spain. War with Spain, in 
 
THE NEW ENGLAND. 279 
 
 alliance with France and the Netherlands, had been 
 a normal state of things for ten years. As Spain 
 could not invade England, war only meant that 
 England made raids upon the Spanish ports and 
 shipping whenever it was convenient to do so. It 
 now became a question whether England should aim 
 at dismembering the Spanish Empire or should 
 follow the example of France and make peace on 
 good terms. On this point there was a difference 
 of opinion between the old politicians, such as 
 Burghley, and the younger men, such as Essex and 
 Raleigh. There was a warm debate in the Council, 
 and Burghley was provoked by the outspoken urgency 
 for warfare shown by Essex. He said that "he 
 seemed intent on nothing but blood and slaughter ". 
 He took from his pocket a Prayer-Book, and with 
 tremulous finger pointed to the words : *' Men full of 
 blood shall not live out half their days ". 
 
 Essex prevailed so far as to prevent any negotia- 
 tions for peace, and was elated at his success. His 
 presumption grew till the Queen's patience was 
 exhausted. One day, during a discussion about 
 the appointment of a Lord Deputy for Ireland, Essex 
 was irritated that Elizabeth did not follow his advice. 
 He turned his back upon her with a gesture of con- 
 tempt. Elizabeth's wrath flamed out in a moment. 
 She gave Essex a box on the ear, and told him to 
 " go and be hanged ", Essex, in a fury, clutched his 
 
28o QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 sword, and Nottingham had to come between them 
 and drag away Essex, who swore that he would not 
 have brooked such an affront from Henry VIII. 
 himself. It was some time before Essex could be 
 induced to apologise, but Elizabeth never entirely 
 forgave him. 
 
 In July, 1598, Burghley lay on his deathbed, 
 where Elizabeth frequently tended him. In a letter 
 to his son the dying man wrote : ** Serve God by 
 serving the Queen, for all other service is indeed 
 bondage to the devil ". Such had been Burghley's 
 maxim during his long life; and Elizabeth recog- 
 nised his fidelity. She said " that her comfort had 
 been in her people's happiness, and their happiness 
 in his discretion '*. It was long before she could hear 
 his name without shedding tears. The same year 
 that saw Elizabeth deprived of her trusty minister 
 saw also the removal of her great opponent, Philip 
 II. An epoch was closed, and Elizabeth still lived 
 on, growing old and feeble in a rapidly changing 
 world, which had outgrown her methods, and was 
 looking forward to a new future. 
 
28x 
 
 p/^ CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 'e have a description of Elizabeth in 1598 from 
 jthe pen of a German traveller, which tells us minutely 
 low the burden of her years did not diminish her 
 taste for splendour. On a Sunday in September 
 he saw the Queen going to chapel at her palace 
 of Greenwich. " The presence-chamber was richly 
 hung with tapestry and strewn with rushes. In it 
 were assembled the Archbishop of Canterbury, the 
 Bishop of London, and the chief officers of the 
 Crown. The Queen appeared, preceded by gentle- 
 men, barons, earls, knights of the Garter, all richly 
 dressed and bare-headed. Next came the Lord 
 High Chancellor, bearing the seals in a red silk 
 purse, between two, one of whom carried the royal 
 sceptre, the other the sword of State in a red 
 scabbard. Next came the Queen, very majestic; 
 her face oblong, fair but wrinkled; her eyes small, 
 yet black and pleasant ; her nose a little hooked, 
 her lips narrow, and her teeth black (a defect the 
 English seem subject to from their too great use of 
 
382 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 sugar). She had in her ears two pearls with very 
 rich drops ; her hair was of an auburn colour, but 
 false ; upon her head she had a small crown ; her 
 bosom was uncovered, as all the English ladies have 
 it till they marry; and she had on a necklace of 
 exceedingly line jewels. Her hands were slender, 
 her fingers rather long, and her stature neither tall 
 nor low. Her air was stately, and her manner of 
 speech gracious. She was dressed in white silk, 
 bordered with pearls of the size of beans, and over it 
 a mantle of black silk shot with silver threads ; her 
 train was very long, the end of it borne by a 
 marchioness. Instead of a chain she had an oblong 
 collar of gold and jewels. As she went along in all 
 this state and magnificence she spoke very graciously 
 to foreign ministers or others, in English, French 
 and Italian. Whosoever speaks to her kneels ; 
 now and then she raises some one with her hand. 
 Wherever she turned her face, as she was going 
 along, every one fell on their knees. The ladies of 
 the Court followed her, very handsome and well- 
 shaped, for the most part dressed in white. She was 
 guarded on each side by the gentlemen-pensioners, 
 fifty in number, with gilt halberds. In the ante- 
 chapel petitions were presented to her, and she 
 received them graciously, which occasioned the 
 exclamation : * God save Elizabeth ! ' She answered • 
 ■ I thank you, my good people ', 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 283 
 
 ** While she was at prayers we saw her table 
 set with the following solemnity : A gentleman 
 entered bearing a rod, and along with him another 
 who bore a table-cloth, which, after they had both 
 knelt three times with the utmost veneration, he 
 spread upon the table, and, after kneeling again, 
 they both retired. Then came two others, one with 
 a rod, the other with a salt-cellar, a plate and 
 bread ; they knelt, placed them on the table with 
 the same ceremonies, and retired. Then came two 
 ladies, one bearing a knife ; one of them dressed in 
 white silk, after kneeling three times, approached 
 the table and rubbed the plate with bread and salt. 
 The Yeomen of the Guard, clothed in scarlet, with 
 a golden rose on their backs, brought i n a course of 
 twenty-four dishes, served in silver, mostly gilt. 
 The dishes were received by a gentleman, who 
 placed them on the table, while the lady taster gave 
 to each of the guard a mouthful to eat of the dish 
 which he carried, for fear of poison. During this 
 time twelve trumpets and two kettle-drums made 
 the hall ring. At the end of this ceremony a number 
 of ladies appeared, who with particular ceremony 
 lifted the meat from the table and carried it into 
 the Queen's private chamber, where after she has 
 chosen for herself, the rest goes to the ladies of the 
 Court." "" 
 
 It^V^uld seem from this account that, as years 
 
a84 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 went on, Elizabeth fenced herself round with greater 
 state, and by an increase of magnificence in apparel 
 tried to hide from herself and others the ravages of 
 time. Certainly she objected to any reference to her 
 age. When the Bishop of St. Davids preached a 
 sermon on the text : " Lord teach us to number our 
 days that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom," 
 Elizabeth, instead of thanking him, according to 
 her custom, told him that " he might have kept his 
 arithmetic for himself; but I see that the greatest 
 clerks are not the wisest men ". 
 
 However much Elizabeth might long to end her 
 days in all the glory of undisputed power, surrounded 
 by the admiration of her Court and the love of 
 her people, such was not to be her fortune. The 
 last years of her reign were a series of reminders 
 that her old supremacy had passed away. Diffi- 
 culties arose and had to be faced ; but though the 
 ^ decision still rested with herself, the advice which 
 \ she needed was no longer couched in the old terms 
 of dutiful submission. In August, 1598, Ireland had 
 become a cause of serious alarm. The Irish had 
 found a leader in Hugh O'Neill, who had been 
 educated in England, and received from Elizabeth 
 the Earldom of Tyrone. He was by education and 
 habits an Englishman ; but he was offered by the 
 Irish the position of Lord of Tyrone, instead of his 
 English earldom, and he aspired to become the 
 
 
LAST YEAkS OP ELIZABETH. 2^5 
 
 O'Neill, and Lord of Ireland. He made himself the 
 head of a national league against England, and 
 cautiously waited till either help came from Spain 
 or Elizabeth was wearied into recognition of his 
 power. At last he defeated the English forces at 
 Blackwater, and all the Celtic population gathered 
 round him. It was necessary that active steps 
 should be taken to put down the rebellion, and Eliza- 
 beth resolved to send an army of 16,000 men. 
 There was a discussion who should be placed in 
 command of the forces. It is said that Essex 
 objected to those who were suggested by others, till, 
 at last, the post was forced upon himself somewhat 
 against his will. It was indeed a dangerous post to 
 fill ; and all foresaw that, in the case of Essex, failure 
 would mean ruin. 
 
 If the expedition had been one which could be 
 decided by some daring act of valour, Essex might 
 have succeeded; but he was incapable of dealing 
 with the problem which Ireland presented. He 
 squandered his forces on small undertakings, and 
 incurred the Queen's displeasure in many matters of 
 detail. When his forces had been so reduced by 
 sickness that he could not fight, he held a conference 
 with Tyrone and discussed conditions of peace. 
 Elizabeth angrily disavowed his action ; whereupon 
 Essex, already thoroughly disheartened, hastily left 
 Ireland, and did not pause till he rushed into the 
 
286 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Queen's presence at Nonsuch. It was ten o'clock in 
 the morning. EHzabeth had newly risen, and was 
 in the hands of her maid, " her hair about her face," 
 when Essex burst into the room, his dress and face 
 all covered with mire, and began his excuses. At 
 first he hoped that they were accepted, and thought 
 that "though he had suffered much trouble and 
 storms abroad he found a sweet calm at home ". In 
 the afternoon he was disabused of his hopes. Eliza- 
 beth told him that the Council would hear his 
 explanation ; he was ordered to keep his room. The 
 charges against him were disobedience in returning 
 from Ireland, presumptuous letters written to the 
 Queen, acting contrary to instructions, especially in 
 making so many knights, and finally his overbold 
 intrusion into the Queen's bedchamber on his return. 
 He was committed to the care of the Lord Keeper 
 and was not allowed to see the Queen. 
 
 Elizabeth nursed her wrath, and everything she 
 heard from Ireland confirmed it. Amongst those 
 who had gone out with Essex was John Harrington, 
 a godson of the Queen, a wit and a poet, whose chief 
 contribution towards the pacification of Ireland had 
 been the presentation of a copy of his translation of 
 Ariosto to Tyrone's son. He was one of the large 
 number of knights whom Essex had made contrary 
 to the Queen's orders. Harrington has left an 
 account of his reception by Elizabeth ; though it was 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 487 
 
 written seven years afterwards, he says : " Even 
 now I almost tremble to rehearse Her Highnesses 
 displeasure. She chafed much, walked fastly to and 
 fro, looked with discomposure in her visage ; and, I 
 remember, she catched my girdle when I kneeled to 
 her, and swore * By God's Son, I am no Queen. 
 That man is above me. Who gave him command 
 to come here so soon ? I did send him on other 
 business.' It was long before more gracious dis- 
 course did fill my hearing, but I was then put out of 
 my trouble and bid go home. I did not stay to be 
 bidden twice ; if all the Irish rebels had been at my 
 heels I should not have made better speed, for I did 
 now flee from one whom I both loved and feared 
 too." Harrington had kept a journal of his doings 
 in Ireland, which Elizabeth asked for. When she 
 read it her wrath broke out again. " She swore by 
 God's Son we were all idle knaves, and the Lord 
 Deputy worse, for wasting our time and her com- 
 mands in such wise as my journal doth write of." 
 Finally Harrington was dismissed to his country 
 house, with a deep impression on his mind. " Until 
 I come to heaven I shall never come before a state- 
 lier judge again, nor one that can temper majesty, 
 wisdom, learning, choler and favour better than Her 
 Highness did at that time." 
 
 The more Elizabeth brooded over the conduct of 
 Essex, the more deeply she resented it. He had 
 
288 QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 
 disregarded her orders; he had acted as if he had 
 independent authority; he had presumed upon her 
 personal favour in a way which was marked and 
 notorious. Elizabeth's plan of keeping young Eng- 
 land in the same subjection as the older England, 
 by attaching its leaders to herself, had entirely 
 broken down, and she deeply resented the failure. 
 The knowledge that Essex was popular, that men 
 blamed her severity, that her Council advised that 
 his release would be politic, were only tokens of her 
 failure and deepened her resentment. As usual she 
 hesitated and took no step until the public feeling 
 had subsided. She showed herself more frequently 
 in public, and took an unwonted part in festivities. 
 " Almost every night, at Christmas time," we are 
 told, " Her Majesty is in presence to see the ladies 
 dance with tabour and pipe." In the beginning of 
 1600 she consulted Francis Bacon, whose capacities 
 she was now beginning to understand, though she 
 had refused to favour him on the recommendation of 
 Essex, who had compensated him for his disappoint- 
 ment by a substantial present. Bacon was not suc- 
 cessful in displaying his gratitude. When he found 
 that Elizabeth was resolved on the trial of Essex he 
 was one of the counsel who pleaded against him. 
 In June Essex was brought before a Special Com- 
 mission, which sentenced him to be deprived of all 
 his offices and to remain a prisoner in his own house 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 289 
 
 at the Queen's pleasure. By the end of August he 
 was restored to Hberty, but was forbidden to come 
 to Court. 
 
 Essex trusted that this prohibition would soon 
 be removed, and that he would be restored to favour. 
 He wrote Elizabeth letters, of which the briefest may 
 serve as a sample : — 
 
 ** Haste paper to that happy presence, whence 
 only unhappy I am banished. Kiss that fair correct- 
 ing h*nd which lays new plasters to my lighter 
 hurts, but to my greatest wound applieth nothing. 
 Say thou comest from pining, languishing, despairing 
 
 " Essex." 
 
 He even compared himself to Nebuchadnezzar, 
 content " to eat grass like an ox, and be wet with 
 the dew of heaven, till it shall please Her Majesty 
 to restore me to my understanding ". But Elizabeth 
 had lost all confidence in his understanding, and 
 was minded to make him an example which would 
 check all presumption in the future. Men should 
 see that whom she made she could likewise unmake, 
 and that obedience was the paramount claim to her 
 favour. She was in no hurry to point this moral, 
 but used opportunities as they came. At Michael- 
 mas the monopoly of the importation of sweet 
 wines which had been granted to Essex on Lei- 
 cester's death expired and he applied for its renewal. 
 
 19 
 
290 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Elizabeth at first scornfully said that his dutiful 
 letters had only been written to prepare the way 
 for this request. Then she said that ** she must 
 learn the value of it, as benefits were not conferred at 
 random ". Finally she granted the monopoly to others, 
 saying: "An ungovernable beast must be stinted of 
 his provender that he may be better managed ". 
 
 Essex was no statesman, and had no policy ; but 
 he had come to regard himself as necessary to the 
 Queen and to the country. He could not accept the 
 fact that his opportunity was lost by his own folly ; 
 he persuaded himself that it was owing to sinister 
 intrigues. He lost all self-control; "he shifteth," 
 wrote Harrington, ** from sorrow and repentance to 
 rage and rebellion so suddenly as well proveth him 
 devoid of good reason as of right mind. His speeches 
 about the Queen become no man who has * mens 
 Sana in corpore sano '." Unfortunately he was sur- 
 rounded by friends who were as reckless as himself, 
 men whose fortunes depended on his and who were 
 ready to make a struggle for his restoration. When 
 he left Ireland, Essex had thought of bringing with 
 him some of his troops and making a demonstration 
 of his power ; now he reverted to the plan. A little 
 pressure might secure the removal of the Queen's 
 counsellors who were opposed to him, and bring 
 him back to pre-eminence. The Scottish King was 
 anxious to be recognised as Elizabeth's successor; 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 291 
 
 he might make a demonstration for that purpose on 
 the Border, and Essex would support him in England. 
 Lord Mountjoy, who had succeeded Essex in Ireland, 
 might detach some of his troops to help. Such like 
 schemes were discussed by Essex and his friends, 
 till they resolved that the one important thing was 
 that Essex should have access to the Queen. In 
 January, 1601, a plan was formed for seizing White- 
 hall ; then Essex would approach the Queen with a 
 request that his enemies should be dismissed from 
 her Council, and a Parliament be summoned. The 
 occasion was to be given by the arrival of ambas- 
 sadors from Scotland, with whom Essex was to 
 co-operate. 
 
 The stir at Essex House had been so great that 
 the Government were well aware of all that was 
 . happening. Essex was summoned before the Council; 
 whereupon it was hastily determined that a rising 
 should be made at once. Essex, believing himself 
 to be beloved by the Londoners, prepared to call 
 them to his aid and with their help make his way 
 into the Queen's presence. His friends gathered 
 round him to the number of 300 men, and, on 
 the morning of Sunday, February 8, the Lord 
 Keeper, the Lord Chief Justice and others went to 
 Essex House to ask the meaning of this concourse. 
 Essex passionately shouted out that there was a plot 
 to murder him in his bed; and he was there to 
 
292 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 defend his life. When they would have expostulated 
 further there was a confused uproar ; they were 
 taken to a room where they were kept prisoners. 
 Essex, with his followers, hurried towards the City, 
 crying out ; " For the Queen ! for the Queen ! a 
 plot is laid against my life ". The people looked 
 on in silent amazement. Meanwhile proclamation 
 was made in various parts of the city that Essex 
 and his men were traitors. It was impossible for 
 him to make his way to the Queen ; he managed to 
 reach the river and return home by boat. There he 
 found that the Lord Keeper and his fellow-prisoners 
 had been allowed to escape. Soon the house was 
 besieged, and Essex surrendered. 
 
 Elizabeth heard the noise of this tumult, but was 
 undisturbed. She spoke of going forth to meet the 
 rebels, saying that " not one of them would dare to 
 meet a single glance of her eye ". She soon heard 
 that there was no need for her presence. Indeed 
 the rising had no prospect of success ; it had no 
 intelligible object, and appealed to nothing in men's 
 minds : it was an outburst of childish vanity. 
 Elizabeth issued a proclamation thanking the citizens 
 for their loyalty. A Commission was soon appointed 
 to try Essex and his friend Southampton. The trial 
 showed the readiness of all concerned to throw the 
 blame on one another, and much time was spent in 
 mutual recriminations. Essex accused Sir Robert 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 293 
 
 Cecil of maintaining the right of the Infanta of Spain 
 to the English succession, a charge which Cecil 
 denied on his knees. When Raleigh was called, 
 Essex exclaimed : " What booteth it to swear this 
 fox ? " Francis Bacon, remembering only too well 
 his former relations to Essex, strove to shake them 
 off by the bitterness of his pleading till Essex said 
 that he should like " to call Bacon to witness against 
 Bacon the pleader ". The proceedings were a 
 miserable exhibition of personal motives and selfish 
 intrigue. Essex was condemned to death as a 
 traitor. At first Elizabeth hesitated to sign the 
 warrant for his execution. At last she did so, and 
 on February 25 the head of Essex fell upon the 
 scaffold. 
 
 This was the dismal end of Elizabeth's plan of 
 retaining the allegiance of her subjects by their 
 affections. The Tudor rule, it seemed, could never 
 be free from the scaffold. The reign that had begun 
 with all the difficulties of a disputed succession 
 ended with like difficulties. Elizabeth wished to 
 end her days in undisputed splendour : those around 
 her were looking to the future, and were scheming 
 for their own advancement when the change came. 
 This knowledge embittered Elizabeth's last days, 
 but did not tame her courage. She would be true 
 to herself to the end. In the autumn she went on 
 a progress to Hampshire, where she was entertained 
 
l/' 
 
 294 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 by the Marquess of Winchester at Basing. There 
 she received an embassy from Henry IV., headed by 
 the Due de Biron, and took care to impress her 
 guests by her stateliness. She had the satisfaction 
 of thinking she had done what no other Prince could 
 do; she had royally entertained an ambassador in 
 the houses of her subjects. 
 ^ In October Elizabeth summoned her last Parlia- 
 ment, and at its opening showed signs of fatigue. It 
 was remarkable for an outspoken debate against 
 monopolies, grants of the sole right to sell various 
 articles — so numerous that when they were rehearsed 
 a member sarcastically asked : " Is not bread there ? " 
 Another answered : "If order be not taken, bread 
 will be there before next Parliament ". Such grants 
 were Elizabeth's economical method of rewarding 
 her officers and favourites, and were naturally found 
 to be oppressive. Francis Bacon said all that could 
 be said in their favour; but Elizabeth saw that it 
 was necessary to give way, and, summoning the 
 Speaker, told him that she had lately become aware 
 that "divers patents, which she had granted, were 
 grievous to her subjects"; she had had the matter 
 in mind " before the late trouble," and since then, 
 "even in the midst of her most great and weighty 
 occasions, she thought upon them " ; she promised 
 immediate reform. The Commons sent a deputation 
 to thank her, which assured her that no words would 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 295 
 
 be sufficient for so great goodness, ** but in all duty 
 and thankfulness, prostrate at your feet, we present 
 our most loyal and thankful hearts, and the last spirit 
 in our nostrils, to be poured out, to be breathed up, 
 for your safety". 
 
 Elizabeth used the opportunity to proclaim with 
 dignity the principles on which she reigned. The 
 Commons knelt as she addressed them : " There is 
 no jewel, be it of never so rich a price, which I prefer 
 before this jewel, I mean your love. For I do more 
 esteem it than any treasure or riches ; for that we 
 know how to prize, but love and thanks I count 
 inestimable. And though God hath raised me high, 
 yet this I count the glory of my Crown, that I have 
 reigned with your loves. This makes that I do not 
 so much rejoice that God hath made me a Queen, as 
 to be Queen over so thankful a people." Her only 
 object was to promote the prosperity of her people. 
 She never wished for money, except for her subjects* 
 good ; she asked for nothing from them for her own 
 use, but spent her own in their service. Then she 
 paused and bade them stand up as she had more to 
 say. She thanked the House for bringing their 
 grievances to her knowledge, as otherwise she might 
 have erred through lack of information. She had 
 never made any grant, except in the belief that it 
 was beneficial ; she was gliad to know if experience 
 proved it to be otherwise. She regretted that she 
 
2g6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 had been deceived by those who ought to have 
 advised her better. ** I have ever used to set the 
 Last Judgment Day before my eyes, and so to rule 
 as I shall be judged to answer before a higher Judge, 
 to whose judgment seat I do appeal that never 
 thought was cherished in my heart that tended not 
 to my people's good. To be a King and wear a 
 crown is more glorious to them that see it than it is 
 pleasure to them that bear it. For myself I was 
 never so much enticed with the glorious name of a 
 King, or royal authority of a Queen, as delighted that 
 God hath made me the instrument to maintain His 
 truth and glory, and to defend the kingdom from 
 peril, dishonour, tyranny and oppression. There 
 will never Queen sit in my seat with more zeal to 
 my country, or care to my subjects, that will sooner 
 with willingness yield and venture her life for your 
 good and safety than myself. And though you have 
 had, and may have, many Princes more mighty 
 and wise sitting in this seat, yet you never had, nor 
 shall have, any that will be more careful and loving. 
 I speak it to give God the praise as a testimony 
 before you, and not to attribute anything to myself. 
 For I, O Lord what am I whom practices and perils 
 past should not fear? O what can I do that I 
 should speak for any glory? God forbid." She 
 raised her voice and spoke these last words with 
 marked emphasis ; then she dismissed the members. 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. igf 
 
 bidding them all to kiss her hand before they 
 departed. 
 
 It was Elizabeth's last great triumph. Clouds 
 passed away, and she stood forth again as the 
 mother of her people, whose heart beat with theirs, 
 and whose ear was open to their petitions. If she 
 erred, it was in ignorance ; when they spoke of 
 wrongs, she was ready to give redress. In her 
 Court she might be surrounded by intrigue, and her 
 efforts to restrain her nobles might end in failure; 
 but she could pierce through her surroundings and 
 meet her people face to face, and count on her hold 
 upon their affections. At the end of the year she 
 heard the news that victory had crowned her arms 
 in Ireland, where Mountjoy won a decisive victory 
 over Tyrone and his Spanish helpers. She could 
 look around proudly with the feeling that again her 
 difficulties had disappeared. 
 
 Age did not abate Elizabeth's activity, and those 
 who were around her wondered at her vigour. In 
 April, 1602, she entertained the Due de Nevers and 
 opened a ball with him. On May Day she went 
 a-maying in the woods of Lewisham. She gave the 
 Scottish King a hint that he need not be eager for 
 her succession, by keeping his ambassador waiting 
 in a passage where he could see her dancing in her 
 chamber. In the summer she paid several visits 
 according to her wont. Nor did her spirits fail, but 
 
298 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 still she could play tricks on her ministers, and make 
 fun of Robert Cecil, who tried to pay his court to 
 her with awkward gallantry. She saw the Countess 
 of Derby wearing a picture round her neck and asked 
 to see it. Lady Derby tried to keep it from her, 
 which increased the Queen's curiosity. When the 
 gold case was opened it proved to contain a portrait 
 of Cecil, who was Lady Derby's uncle. The Queen, 
 to hide her disappointment, tied the picture to her 
 shoe and walked away with it. Then she fastened 
 it to her elbow and wore it for some time. Cecil 
 wrote a poem on this occurrence, and had it set to 
 music and sung to the Queen. Its point was that 
 he was content with the favours which he had 
 received, and did not repine at the good fortune of 
 others. In September the Earl of Worcester wrote : 
 " We are frolic here in Court ; much dancing in the 
 Privy Chamber of country dances before the Queen's 
 Majesty, who is exceedingly pleased therewith. 
 Irish tunes are at this time most pleasing; but in 
 winter, ' Lullaby,' an old song of Mr. Bird's, will be 
 in most request, as I think." His prophecy proved 
 true, for in the winter EHzabeth's health began to 
 fail. At the end of the year Sir John Harrington 
 wrote to his wife : — 
 
 " Our dear Queen, my royal godmother, and this 
 State's natural mother, doth now bear show of 
 human infirmity, too fast for that evil which we shall 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 2^0 
 
 get by her death, and too slow for that good which 
 we shall get by her releasement from pain and 
 misery. It was not many days since I was bidden 
 to her presence. I blessed the happy moment, and 
 found in her a most pitiable state. She bade the 
 Archbishop ask me if I had seen Tyrone. I replied 
 with reverence that I had seen him with my Lord 
 Deputy (Essex). She looked up with much choler 
 and grief in her countenance, and said : * Oh, now 
 it mindeth me that you were one who saw this man 
 elsewhere,' and hereat she dropped a tear and smote 
 her bosom. She held in her hand a golden cup 
 which she often put to her lips ; but in sooth her 
 heart seemeth too full to lack more filling. She 
 bade me come to the chamber at seven o'clock, 
 when she inquired of some matters which I had 
 written ; and as she was pleased to note my fanciful 
 brain, I was not unheedful to feed her humour and 
 read some verses, whereat she smiled once, and was 
 pleased to say : * When thou dost feel creeping 
 time at thy gate, these fooleries will please thee less. 
 I am past my relish for such matters. Thou seest 
 my bodily meat doth not suit me well ; I have eaten 
 but one ill-tasted cake since yesternight.' She rated 
 most grievously at noon at some who minded not 
 to bring certain matters of account. Several men 
 had been sent to, and when ready at hand. Her 
 Highness hath dismissed them in anger. But who. 
 
3O0 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 dearest Moll, shall say that Her Highness hath 
 forgotten ? '* 
 
 In January she somewhat recovered, and at- 
 tended one or two state dinners ; but, in the middle 
 of the month, removed to Richmond by the advice 
 of her physician. The change of air was at first 
 beneficial, but soon there was a relapse. We have 
 a pathetic account of the Queen's illness by her 
 kinsman, Robert Carey. ** When I came to the 
 Court I found the Queen ill-disposed, and she kept 
 her inner lodging; yet she hearing of my arrival 
 sent for me. I found her in one of her withdrawing 
 chambers, sitting low upon her cushions. She 
 called me to her ; I kissed her hand and told her it 
 was my chiefest happiness to see her in safety and 
 in health, which I wished might long continue. 
 She took me by the hand and wrung it hard, and 
 said : * No, Robin, I am not well,' and then dis- 
 coursed with me of her indisposition, and that her 
 heart had been sad and heavy for ten or twelve days, 
 and in her discourse she fetched not so few as forty 
 or fifty great sighs. I was grieved at the first to 
 see her in such plight ; for in all my lifetime before 
 I never knew her fetch a sigh but when the Queen 
 of Scots was beheaded. Then, upon my knowledge, 
 she shed many tears and sighs, manifesting her 
 innocence that she never gave consent to the death 
 of that Queen. I used the best words I could to 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 301 
 
 persuade her from this melancholy humour ; but I 
 found it was too deeply rooted in her heart, and 
 hardly to be removed. This was upon a Saturday 
 night, and she gave command that the great closet 
 should be prepared for her to go to chapel the next 
 morning. The next day, all things being in readi- 
 ness, we long expected her coming. After eleven 
 o'clock one of the grooms came out and bade make 
 ready for the private closet ; she would not go to the 
 great. There we stayed long for her coming ; but, 
 at last, she had cushions laid for her in the Privy 
 Chamber, hard by the closet door, and there she 
 heard service. From that day forwards she grew 
 worse and worse. She remained upon her cushions 
 four days and nights at the least. All about her 
 could not persuade her either to take sustenance or 
 go to bed." 
 
 At length Nottingham and Cecil tried to persuade 
 her, and Cecil said that " to content the people she 
 must go to bed". Elizabeth recovered her spirit 
 and said : ** The word must was not used to Princes. 
 Little man, little man, if your father had lived you 
 durst not have said so much, but you know I must 
 die, and that makes you presumptuous." She was 
 with difficulty induced to take to her bed, and the 
 Council remained at Richmond awaiting the end. 
 They were anxious for some expression of her wishes 
 about the succession. Before leaving Whitehall she 
 
302 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 had said to Nottingham that *' her throne had 
 always been the throne of Kings, and none but her 
 next heir of blood and descent should succeed. On 
 March 22, Nottingham, in the presence of others, 
 reminded her of her words and asked her pleasure. 
 ** I told you," said Elizabeth, " my seat had been 
 the seat of Kings, and I will have no rascal to 
 succeed me ; who should succeed me but a King ? " 
 Cecil inquired her meaning *' no rascal shall suc- 
 ceed ". She answered : " My meaning was a King 
 should succeed me ; and who should that be but 
 our cousin of Scotland ? " On March 23 she was 
 speechless, and when Cecil asked her to confirm hei 
 wishes about the succession she was supposed to 
 have made a sign of assent when the Scottish King 
 was mentioned. 
 
 "About six at night," says Carey, "she made 
 signs for the Archbishop and her chaplains to come 
 to her, at which time I went in with them and fell 
 upon my knees, full of tears to see the heavy sight. 
 Her Majesty lay upon her back, with one hand in 
 the bed, and the other without. The Archbishop 
 knelt down by her, and examined her first of her 
 faith, and she so punctually answered all his several 
 questions, by lifting up her eyes and holding up her 
 hand, as it was a great comfort to all the beholders. 
 Then the good man told her plainly what she was, 
 and what she was to come to ; and though she had 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 303 
 
 been long a great Queen here upon earth, yet shortly 
 she was to yield an account of her stewardship to 
 the King of kings. After this he began to pray, 
 and all that were by did answer him. After he had 
 continued long in prayer, till the old man's knees 
 were weary, he blessed her and meant to rise and 
 leave her. The Queen made a sign with her hand. 
 My Sister Scroope, knowing her meaning, told the 
 Archbishop the Queen desired he would pray still. 
 He did so for a long half-hour after, and then 
 thought to leave her. The second time she made a 
 sign to have him continue in prayer. He did so for 
 half an hour more, with earnest cries to God for her 
 soul's health, which he uttered with that fervency of 
 spirit, as the Queen to all our sight much rejoiced 
 thereat, and gave testimony to us all of her Christian 
 and comfortable end. By this time it grew late, and 
 every one departed, all but her women that attended 
 her." 
 
 After this Elizabeth sank into a deep sleep from 
 which she never awakened. At three o'clock in the 
 morning of March 24 it was found that her spirit 
 had passed away. A few hours later Robert Carey 
 was riding hard along the North road that he might 
 be the first to bring to James the tidings that there 
 was no one to oppose his accession to the English 
 Crown. 
 
 The character of Elizabeth is difficult to detach 
 
304 QUEEN ELIZABETH. • 
 
 from her actions. She represented England as no 
 "OtHeTl^r ever did. For the greater part of her 
 Tohg reign the fortunes of England absolutely de- 
 pended upon her life, and not only the fortunes of 
 England, but those of Europe as well. If England 
 had passed under the Papal sway it is hard to see 
 how Protestantism could have survived the repressive 
 forces to which it would have been exposed. There 
 were times when Elizabeth doubted if this could be 
 avoided, times when any one, save Anne Boleyn's 
 daughter, would have been tempted to make terms. 
 In asking England to rally round her, Elizabeth 
 knew that she could not demand any great sacrifices 
 on her behalf. By cultivating personal loyalty, by 
 demanding it in exaggerated forms, she was not 
 merely feeding her personal vanity ; she was creat- 
 ing a habit which was necessaiy for the maintenance 
 of her government. By avoiding risky undertakings, 
 by keeping down public expense, she was not merely 
 indulging her tendency to parsimony; she was 
 warding off from her people demands which they 
 were unequal at that time to sustain. 
 
 Elizabeth's imperishable claim to greatness lies 
 in her instinctive sympathy with her people. She 
 felt, rather than understood, the possibilities which 
 lay before England, and she set herself the task 
 of slowly exhibiting, and impressing them on the 
 national mind. She educated Englishmen to a 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH, 305 
 
 perception of England's destiny, and for this purpose 
 fixed England's attention upon itself. She caught 
 at every advantage which was afforded by the divided 
 condition of Europe to assert England's importance. 
 France and Spain alike had deep causes of hostility ; 
 she played oif one against the other, so that both 
 were anxious for the friendship of a State which 
 'they each hoped some day to annex. England 
 gained courage from this sight and grew in self- 
 confidence. To obtain this result Elizabeth was 
 careless of personal dignity or honour. She did not 
 care how her conduct was judged at the time, but 
 awaited the result. 
 
 It is this faculty of intuitive sympathy with her 
 people which makes Elizabeth so diiBcult to under- 
 stand in details of her policy. The fact was that 
 she never faced a question in the shape in which it 
 presented itself. It was true that it had to be 
 recognised and discussed in that form ; but Elizabeth 
 had no belief in a policy because it could be clearly 
 Stated and promised well. Things had to be dis- 
 cussed, and decisions arrived at in consequence of 
 such discussion ; but action could always be avoided 
 at the last moment, and Elizabeth would never act 
 unless she felt that her people were in hearty 
 agreement with her. Thus in her position towards 
 h€r ministers she represented in her own person the 
 vacillations and fluctuations of popular opinion. 
 
 20 
 
3o6 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Ministers naturally wish to have an intelligible 
 policy. Burghley laboriously drew up papers which 
 balanced the advantages and disadvantages of al- 
 ternative courses of action. Elizabeth read them 
 and seemed to accept one out of two inevitable 
 plans. She felt that, as a reasonable being, she 
 could not do otherwise. But when it came to 
 decisive action she fell back upon her instinctive 
 perception of what England wanted. As she could 
 not explain this, she was driven to all sorts of devices 
 to gain time. She could not, on the other hand, 
 fully take her people into her confidence. It was 
 the unconscious tendency of their capacities which 
 she interpreted, not their actual demands. She was 
 eliciting from them their meaning, and educating 
 them to understand it themselves. For this purpose 
 she must seem to govern more absolutely than she 
 did ; but, on great occasions, she took them into her 
 confidence, and fired them with a high conception of 
 the greatness of their national life. She strove to 
 focus and co-ordinate all their aspirations, and only 
 repressed tendencies which were adverse to the 
 formation of an English spirit ; for she cared more 
 for the spirit of the national life than for its outward 
 organisation. 
 
 Her private character is hard to detach from her 
 public character. She behaved to those around her 
 as she did to her people in general. She was 
 
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 307 
 
 surrounded by men representative of English life ; 
 they must be made to fall into line ; and any method 
 which served this purpose was good. Above all 
 things she must impose her will equally on all. 
 Personally, she was attracted by physical endow- 
 ments, and let herself go in accordance with her 
 feelings up to a certain point. But she was both 
 intellectually and emotionally cold. In politics and 
 in private life alike she cared little for decorum, 
 because she knew that she could stop short whenever 
 prudence made it needful. 
 
 It is easy to point out serious faults in Elizabeth, 
 to draw out her inconsistencies, and define her 
 character in a series of parodoxes. But this treat- 
 ment does not exhibit the real woman, still less the 
 real Queen. Elizabeth was hailed at her accession 
 as being "mere English"; and "mere English" 
 she remained. Round her, with all her faults, the 
 England which we know grew into the conscious- 
 ness of its destiny. The process was difficult ; the 
 struggle was painful, and it left many scars behind. 
 There are many things in Elizabeth which we could 
 have wished otherwise ; but she saw what England 
 might become, and nursed it into the knowledge of 
 its power. 
 
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