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QUEEN ELIZABETH
QUEEN ELIZABETH
MANDELL CREIGHTON, D.D. OxoN. and Cam.
LORD BISHOP OF LONDON
WITH PORTRAIT
NEW IMPRESSION
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO,
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1900
jifsy^y
First puUishtd by M$ssrs. Boussod, Valadon & Co.
in July, 1896, with numtrous ilhtstratioiu,
Rtprinttd March, 1899 ; Junt, 1899; January, 1900.
PREFACE TO NEW EDITION.
The object which I had before me in writing
the following pages was to sketch the life of
Elizabeth as plainly as possible. I have en-
deavoured to illustrate a character rather than
to write the history of a time. But Elizabeth's
life was so closely interwoven with the history
of England that it is impossible to separate her
actions from public affairs, and I have been
drawn into general history more often than I
wished. I can only say that I have endeav-
oured not to wander into any matters which
were not necessary for an explanation of Eliza-
beth's conduct, and that I have only enlarged
the stage to find room for the actor.
It was impossible within my limits to do
more than sketch a rough outline of a very
complex personality, which reflected only too
119847
vi PREFACE.
faithfully the perplexities of a very difficult
time. Such an attempt was only possible
owing to the amount of detailed work which
has already been done by others. But it
seemed to me that the outline must be clearly
drawn before the amazing varieties of expres-
sion could be understood. Bewildering as they
were in any particular matter, they all had
reference to certain central conceptions. It
is these which I tried to discover and exhibit.
M. LONDON.
February y 1899.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
The Youth of Elizabeth i
CHAPTER n.
Problems of the Reign „ 44
CHAPTER III.
Elizabeth and Mary Stuart 91
CHAPTER IV.
The Excommunication of Elizabeth „ ... 124
CHAPTER V.
The ALEN90N Marriage „ ... 164
CHAPTER VI.
The Crisis .. 204
CHAPTER VII.
The New England , 238
CHAPTER VIII.
Last Years of Elizabeth ►. .^ ... 281
QUEEN ELIZABETH
CHAPTER I
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABE'
The Princess Elizabeth of England was born at
Greenwich, between three and four of the afternoon
of September 7, 1533. Her birth was a matter of
small rejoicing to her parents, who were sorely
disappointed that their first-born was not a boy.
Seldom had greater issues depended on the sex of a
child than were now at stake. Henry VHI. pined
for a male heir to succeed to the English throne. He
had wearied of his Spanish wife, Catherine ; he had
made the hand of his sole daughter, Mary, the bait
of many an alliance, which had come to nought.
He had wasted England's resources on foreign
wars, which had brought no return. He had found
Catherine, with her devotion to Spain and her nephew,
Charles V., an obstacle to his political plans, and had
wearied of her person. He had lost his heart to
Anne Boleyn, and determined to make her Queen at
i QUEEN ELIZABETH.
all costs. For this purpose he had waded deeply in
the mire, had broken through all the conventions of
propriety, had quarrelled with Pope and Emperor,
and had filled Europe with his clamorous assertions
of the right of a King of England to have his own
way in matters matrimonial. When he failed of
immediate success, he had set on foot a revolutionary
change in England itself, the end of which he could
not foresee. He had stubbornly declared his inten-
tion to be divorced from Catherine and to marry
Anne; he was bent on discovering some means_of^ *
effecting his object.
The death of Archbishop Warham in August,
1532, opened up a way. Warham had refused to con-
sider the question of granting a divorce in England ;
but Henry might secure a successor to Warham
who would be amenable to his wishes. So sure was
Henry of this result that on September i he created
Anne Marchioness of Pembroke, and presented her
with jewels taken from the Queen. This was re-
garded as an announcement that Anne had consented
to become the King's mistress, which was probably
the fact. Pope Clement VII. thought that such an
arrangement would end the question of the King's
divorce, and accepted the royal nomination of Thomas
Cranmer as Archbishop of Canterbury in Warham's
stead. But before the bulls for his confirmation had
arrived, Anne was with child, and it was necessary
TtiE Youth op Elizabeth. 3
for her offspring to be born in lawful wedlock. She
was privately married to Henry sometime in January,
1 533- Cranmer was consecrated Archbishop on
March 30. On May 10, he opened his court to in-
quire into the validity of the King's marriage with
Catherine. Before the end of the month he pro-
nounced the marriage with Catherine to have been
null and void from the beginning, and the marriage
with Anne to be good and valid. On June i, Anne
was crowned in Westminster.
These were not creditable proceedings to submit
to the judgment of the English people. They were
not attached to Catherine, and they ardently wished
for a male successor to the throne. They had not
sympathised with the King's foreign policy, and they
longed to be free from its complications, and manage
their national concerns in peace. They had no love
for the Pope, and wished priests and monks to be
reduced to their due place in the new society which
was slowly coming into existence. They were
desirous of more common-sense and simplicity in
religious matters, and had little sympathy with the
old-fashioned pretentiousness of the Churchmen.
They were quite willing that the King should
manage his personal matters as he thought best,
provided he left them in peace. But still, when all
had been done and settled, they shook their heads,
and felt that there had been at work an amount of
4 Q UEEN BUZ A BETH.
trickery and injustice which they could not approve.
They were not critics of the King's proceedings, and
they were ready to wait ; but their sympathy was
more with the degraded Queen than with her upstart
and brazen successor. The birth of a male heir to
the throne would have gone far to reconcile them
with what had been done. It would have satisfied
the general desire that there should be no difficulties
about the succession, that England should not have
to face domestic discord and foreign intrigue. But
another girl was a hindrance rather than a help to
future prospects. If the choice was to lie between
her and Mary, the claims of Mary would stand
higher. yp^ '^^'''' fP^
So the birth of Elizabeth was a disappointment
to her parents, and was the beginning of a cooling of
Henry's affections towards the wife whom he had
braved so much to gain. There was not much
heartiness in the rejoicings which announced her
coming into the world, or in the magnificence which
attended her baptism on September lo, when her
godparents were Archbishop Cranmer, the Dowager-
Duchess of Norfolk, and the Dowager- Marchioness
of Dorset. Three months after this a separate
establishment was assigned to the child at Hatfield,
where she was joined by her unfortunate sister
Mary. The child saw little of her mother. Once
only do we find her mentioned at Court. It was on
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 5
January g, 1536, when the news of the death of
Queen Catherine had just arrived. Henry appeared
dressed all in yellow, save for a white plume in his
cap. After dinner he carried Elizabeth in his arms
round the room, and showed her with triumph to
the assembled courtiers. Anne joined in Henry's
triumph, but her joy was of short duration. Henry
was weary of Anne, and her failure to bear other
children made her useless. So' long as Catherine
lived he was bound to endure her vanity, her bad
temper, and her want of tact and personal dignity.
After Catherine's death he resolved to rid himself
of her ; and Cromwell thought it better to ruin her
entirely rather than divorce her on some technical
plea. Anne was accused of repeated acts of adultery
and incest, throughout all the period of her married
life. She was found guilty and was executed on
May 19, 1536. Two days before her death her
marriage was declared invalid from the beginning, and
Elizabeth was thus pronounced to be illegitimate.
This was a tragic beginning of the life of one of
the greatest of the rulers of England, and it is tempt-
ing to consider the influence of heredity on Elizabeth's
character. In her great qualities of caution and
prudence she reverted to her grandfather, Henry
Vn., while from her father she inherited the royal
imperiousness and personal charm which always
secured his popularity. To her mother she owed
6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
her vanity, her unscrupulousness, her relentless and
overbearing temper. Anne Boleyn has been hardly
judged. Indeed her position was impossible from
the beginning; and none but a coarse, ambitious
and self-seeking woman would have struggled so
desperately as she did for a prize which was sure to
be fatal. Her hardness and coarseness passed to
her daughter, in whom they were modified by finer
qualities, and were curbed by a sense of duty. But
Elizabeth always remained more truly the daughter
of Anne Boleyn than of Henry VHI., though she
never took any steps to clear the character of her
mother, whom indeed she was anxious to forget.
The day after Anne's execution Henry married
Jane Seymour, and Elizabeth was banished from her
father's sight. She was committed to the care of
Lady Bryan, a relative of her mother, and was
assigned as a residence, Hunsdon House, in Hert-
fordshire, pleasantly situated on a hill overlooking
the Stort river. With her was her half-sister Mary,
now twenty years of age, devoted to the memory of
her mother, and vainly endeavouring to soften the
inhumanity of the King.
At first, Elizabeth was entirely neglected by her
father. Lady Bryan was driven to write to Cromwell
that the child was almost without clothes; she
begged that provision should be made for her needs.
Her remonstrance seems to have had some effect;
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 7
and she did her best to discharge her duty to the
child intrusted to her care. Elizabeth was well
brought up. She was taught to behave with de-
corum. She learnt to sew, and at the age of six
presented her brother Edward with a shirt of cambric
of her own working. Edward was also committed
to the charge of Lady Bryan, and for some time the
two children were educated together. They were
willing pupils, for the Tudors were fond of learning.
They rose early and devoted the first part of the day
to religious instruction. Then they studied "lan-
guages, or some of the liberal sciences, or moral
learning collected out of such authors as did best
conduce to the instruction of Princes". When
Edward went to exercise in the open air, Eliza-
beth, " in her private chamber, betook herself to
her lute or viol, and, wearied with that, to practise
her needle ".
Their teachers were carefully chosen from the best
scholars of the time. First came Richard Cox, who
had been trained in Wolsey's new College at Oxford,
and whom Elizabeth afterwards made Bishop of Ely,
in remembrance of her Latin lessons. After Cox
came the great Cambridge scholar. Sir John Cheke,
who carried on their education in the Classics. With
him was Roger Ascham, who did not disdain to teach
them writing, and formed that bold handwriting
which characterises them both, and was a product of
8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
a time when writing was still considered as a fine art.
Besides them were learned masters in French and
Italian, Elizabeth showed such proficiency in these
languages that, at the age of eleven, she wrote an
Italian letter to Queen Catherine Parr, and also sent
a translation of a book of devotions, Le Miroir de
I' Ante pecheresse, written by Margaret of Valois,
sister of Francis I.
While she was thus carefully educated in mind
and body, Elizabeth had no education of her affec-
tions. Her father seldom saw her and took no
interest in her. She was separated from her brother
Edward, and was settled by herself at Enfield. As
soon as she could think for herself, she must have
felt that she was surrounded by an atmosphere of
suspicion, and was alone and friendless in the world.
The death of Henry, in 1547, ^^^ '^ot remove this
isolation. The young Edward was separated from
his sisters ; and they were carefully kept apart. In
fact, the accession of Edward VI. opened the way
for deep laid political intrigues. The boy was sickly,
and was not likely to come to years of discretion.
It is true that Henry VIII. had, by his will, made
tardy reparation to the daughters whom he had so
deeply wronged, and recognised their right of suc-
cession. But Henry's will was not of much value.
The Council which he had provided was set aside
by the influence of Edward's uncle, Edward Seymour,
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 9
who took the rank of Duke of Somerset and the
title of Lord Protector. Others, however, were not
likely to acquiesce in his supremacy ; and Mary and
Elizabeth might be instruments in their hands.
Elizabeth was committed to the care of the Queen-
Dowager, Catherine Parr; but she had a house of
her own and a retinue of a hundred and twenty
attendants. Her governess was a relative by her
mother's side, Catherine Ashley, a foolish and im-
prudent woman, little capable of guiding the pre-
cocious girl amid the dangers which beset her.
Elizabeth was soon to learn the lessons of life in a
way which indelibly impressed them upon her mind,
We may pity a girl exposed to such temptations ;
but we must admit that there was little intuitive
modesty in a character which could not resist their
grossness.
The matrimonial proceedings of Henry VHI. had
necessarily lowered the tone of morality amongst
his courtiers. The coarse gossip which was pre-
valent was degrading and removed all sense of
restraint. The great social revolution through which
England was passing gave scope to unlimited covet-
ousness. Men vv^ere low-minded, sensual, self-seek-
ing, hypocritical and unscrupulous. There was a
feeling that they were sharing in a general scramble,
and that he was cleverest who gained most. There
was little sense of honour, or gf family affection.
lO QUEEN ELIZABETH,
The fact that Somerset had won the first place was
resented by his brother Thomas, Lord Seymour of
Sudeley, who was made Lord High Admiral. His
first plan was to marry Elizabeth ; but this required
the consent of the King and Council, and he knew
that their consent would not be given. He then
approached the Queen-Dowager, whose lover he had
been before her marriage with Henry VHL, and
secretly married her within a few months after Henry's
death. The marriage was reluctantly sanctioned in
June, 1547. Lord Seymour was now brought nearer
to the young King, and had the guardianship of
Elizabeth. He was a tall, handsome man ; and
Catherine was devoted to him. At first, she thought
no harm of the familiarity with which he began to
treat the young girl who was now thrown in his way.
But it soon became evident, even to her, that Seymour
was making love to Elizabeth in a corrupting way,
and that Elizabeth showed no displeasure at his
revolting attentions. Catherine Ashley was an
accomplice, discussed with Elizabeth the attentions
of her admirer, and connived at water-parties by
night on the Thames. Thmgs went so far that,
at last, the Queen-Dowager could endure Elizabeth's
presence no longer, but dismissed her from her
house in May, 1548. This was done without any
open scandal ; the cause was kept a profound secret.
Elizabeth was ests^blished s^t Cheshunt, and friendly
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. II
correspondence continued between her and her
former friends. Everything was done to repair
past indiscretion and let it sink into oblivion.
Catherine, however, was deeply wounded and could
not forget. On August 30 she bore a daughter,
and died a week afterwards. On her deathbed, she
said sadly : " Those that be about me care not for
me, but stand laughing at my grief; and the more
good I will to them the less good they will to me".
Seymour answered : " Why, sweetheart, I could you
no hurt ". The dying woman said aloud: '* No, my
Lord, I think so;" then she added in a whisper,
*' but, my Lord, you have given me many shrewd
taunts ".
Seymour, however, felt no remorse for his
treatment of a wife who bequeathed him all that
she possessed. Scarcely was she buried before he
resumed his intrigues for gaining power by a new
combination. He had bought from her father the
wardship of the Lady Jane Grey, whom he kept in
his house and designed to marry to the young King,
while he himself married Elizabeth. He opened
communications through Catherine Ashley, who told
Elizabeth that Seymour, who would fain have married
her before he married the Queen, would soon come
to woo. Elizabeth was certainly pleased at the pro-
spect, and encouraged the proposal. But Seymour,
ambitious as he was, could not conceal his projects,
la QUEEN ELIZABETH.
and Somerset was resolved to rid himself of his
audacious brother. In January, 1549, Lord Seymour
was arrested on a charge of high treason. Eliza-
beth's governess, Catherine Ashley, and her steward,
Thomas Parry, were carried away and imprisoned in
the Tower. Elizabeth herself was confined to her
house at Hatfield, under the guardianship of Sir
Robert Tyrwhit, who was charged by the Council to
examine her and discover evidence against Seymour.
It was a terrible position for a young girl who
was not yet sixteen. Deprived of her only friends,
not knowing what they might reveal, left alone to
the mercy of an astute official, whose duty it was to
examine her from day to day, and make her admit
her guilt, she well might quail. Her honour, even
her life, was at stake. She was at the mercy of
her servants. She had not the unconsciousness of
absolute innocence ; and could only confide in the
fidelity of her imprisoned attendants and in her own
dexterity. At first, she burst into a flood of tears,
and Tyrwhit thought that his task would be easy.
He advised her to confess everything ; the evil and
shame would be ascribed to Catherine Ashley ; she
would be forgiven on the score of her youth. But
Elizabeth soon regained her self-command in the
face of danger. He could get nothing from her:
" and yet," he writes, " I can see from her face that
she is guilty, but she wUl abide more storms before
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. I3
she accuse Mrs. Ashley". The next day he suc-
ceeded no better, and could only repeat, ** I do assure
your Grace she hath a very good wit, and nothing is
gotten of her but by great policy ". Elizabeth would
not commit herself, and in a week's time felt suffi-
ciently secure of the reticence of her servants to
write in a dignified strain to the Protector, defending
her reputation and protesting her innocence. " My
conscience," she wrote, *' beareth me witness, which I
would not for all earthly things offend in anything,
for I know I have a soul to save, as well as other
folks have, wherefore I will above all things have
respect unto this same."
As nothing could be discovered from Elizabeth,
Tyrwhit turned his attention to her imprisoned
steward. Parry, and extracted from him an account
of the unseemly familiarities between his mistress
and Lord Seymour. Catherine Ashley could not
deny her knowledge of them, and furnished a few
more particulars. Then Tyrwhit returned to Eliza-
beth and put the two confessions into her hand. She
read them abashed and breathless. But when
Tyrwhit told her that Catherine Ashley would say
nothing till she was confronted with Parry, the
Tudor rage broke forth. '' False wretch," she cried,
*' he promised not to confess to death ; how could he
make such a promise and break it ? " Yet, downcast
as she was at reading the record of her indiscretion,
t4 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
she soon recovered her presence of mind. She saw
that on the main points her servants had stood firm.
They sacrificed Elizabeth's private character to
maintain her poHtical innocence. She had been a
shameless flirt, but had never contemplated marry-
ing Seymour without the consent of the Council.
Elizabeth took her cue accordingly. Tyrwhit could
extract nothing from her except scraps of foolish
conversation about the possibility of such a marriage,
in answer to which suggestions she always reserved
the Council's assent. " They all sing the same
song," said Tyrwhit wearily, '* and so I think they
would not do unless they had got the note before."
After all his efforts, the girl of sixteen baffled the
experienced man of affairs.
The Council proceeded against Seymour on other
grounds, but administered a rebuke to Elizabeth in
a letter which informed her : *' Catherine Ashley,
who hithertofore hath had the special charge to see
to the good education and government of your person,
hath shown herself far unmeet to occupy any such
place longer about your Grace. Being informed
that she hath not shewed herself so much attendant
to her office in this past as we looked for at her
hands, we have thought good somewhat to say
roundly to her in that behalf." Elizabeth was
informed that Lady Tyrwhit had been appointed
in Catherine Ashley's stead, and was recommended
\,
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 15
to follow her good advice. At first, Elizabeth was
furious. She would have no mistress save Catherine
Ashley; she had not behaved so as to deserve the
change. She wept all night, and sulked all the
following day. Her mood was changed by a letter
from the Protector, which told her that Seymour's
household was broken up, and enabled her to see
that his ruin was imminent. Then Elizabeth's
spirit began to droop, though she vigorously de-
fended Seymour if anything was said against him.
She wrote to the Protector, remonstrating at the
removal of Catherine Ashley as likely to corroborate
the rumours which were current about her conduct.
She asked that these rumours might be contradicted
by a proclamation. This last request was gratified.
But one of the articles against Seymour was that he
had " attempted and gone about to marry the King's
Majesty's sister, the Lady Elizabeth, second inheritor
in remainder to the Crown ". On March 20, 1549,
Seymour's head fell on the scaffold.
This was a crushing experience for a girl of
sixteen. It was undoubtedly the great crisis of
Elizabeth's life, and did more than anything else to
form her chara.cter. She learned, and she never
forgot the lesson, that it was dangerous to follow her
inclinations and indulge her affections. She dearly
loved Seymour, with the ardour of a passionate girl.
She was on the brink of a secret marriage with
m' 1 . C o
i6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
him, though she knew his coarse character and
had been witness of the unhappiness of his former
wife. She had a strong feeling of attachment for
Catherine Ashley, and had trusted to her discretion.
She learned the limitations of human trustworthi-
ness, the inevitableness of personal responsibility.
All this was an unwelcome revelation of life and its
issues to herself. She must trust in herself and
in herself only. Rigorous self-repression and self-
restraint could alone enable her to stand securely.
Love, trust, confidence were all beset with dangers.
In the quietness which followed this period of trial
she thought out the meaning of what she had endured.
She had loved, and her lover had perished. She
could ask herself what that love had meant to her.
Was it more than a temporary stirring of the senses ?
Was it worth the risk which she had run, the im-
prudence which she had committed ? What would
have been her future had she married Seymour?
Was he capable of loving her in return, or was
she merely a puppet in his hands, a piece in his
game of political self-seeking? She must have re-
called his treatment of the Queen- Dowager, whose
tears she had seen flow, whose dying words of dis-
appointment had been repeated to her. At the time,
secure in her own youthful charms, she had thought
disdainfully of the middle-aged queen. If she had
become Seymour's wife, would she have been any the
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 17
happier ? Would not she too have been abandoned
when her usefulness was past ? She had seen the
Lady Jane Grey, an inmate of Seymour's house,
another girl whose hand was of value for an intriguer
to dispose of. What place had love in such matters
as these ? It was possible for a village maiden : it
was an impossible luxury for one who had a shred
of claim to the throne of England.
^ We know how thoroughly Elizabeth understood
these truths and acted upon them later. Her success
in so doing was due to the severe teaching of ex-
perience. When she recovered from the shock of
Seymour's death and could look around her, she
saw that it was necessary to recover her character
and restore her reputation. No one could be better
fitted to help her than Lady Tyrwhit, who was a
wise, sympathetic and pious woman. She had formed
one of the household of the Queen-Dowager, knew
what Elizabeth had gone through, and could talk to
her freely about the past. Under her care Elizabeth
once more lived a quiet and studious life, principally
at Hatfield. Ascham was summoned to be her tutor
and was astonished at the rapidity of her progress.
When she had just entered her seventeenth year
she could speak French and Italian as well as
English ; Latin with ease, Greek moderately. But
her taste for literature was genuine : she appreciated
nice distinctions in the use of words, and was a
i8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
severe critic of style. She read with Ascham nearly
the whole of Cicero and Livy, Sophocles, and several
orations of Isocrates, besides the Greek Testament,
the writings of St. Cyprian and the Commonplaces of
Melanchthon. She was fond of music, but did not
devote much time to it, nor to dress, in which she
loved simplicity.
Her literary tastes were enduring; her love of
simplicity soon passed away. Indeed, it was never
real, and Ascham's mention of it shows that Eliza-
beth was acting a part. She had been detected as a
shameless coquette ; she adopted the attitude of a
modest and pious maiden. It was the wisest thing
which she could do ; for the times were stormy, and
their signs were hard to read. Before the end of
1550 the Protector's power had fallen before the
superior craft of John Dudley, Earl of Warwick.
Warwick's plans were deeper than those of Somerset,
and required greater preparation. As the first step
towards a distinctive policy, Warwick allied himself
with the more advanced reformers in religion, and
demanded strict uniformity of religious practice.
This entirely accorded with the views of the young
King. But there was one who could not be induced
to swerve from her former habit, the Princess Mary ;
and all efforts to subdue her obstinacy were in vain.
It was at this time that Elizabeth was summoned to
Court (March, 1551) to act as a foil to the recalcitrant
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 19
Mary. Elizabeth appeared with studious simpHcity
and Edward welcomed her as " his dear and sweet
sister, Temperance ". Elizabeth had achieved her
end. She had established her character. Her
** maidenly apparel," we are told, " made the noble-
men's wives and daughters ashamed to be dressed
and painted like peacocks ". She was in a fair way
to become the idol of the reforming party.
She returned to Hatfield well satisfied with her
position, which she maintained with quiet splendour.
Her household accounts for the year from October,
1551, to October, 1552, have been preserved and
give us an insight into her daily life. Her income
was nearly ;f6ooo a year, equivalent to ^^30,000 of
our money. Her expenditure was mostly spent in
maintaining her establishment and dispensing hospit-
ality. Her kitchen account was ;f 500, besides ^^312
for poultry ; her bakehouse cost ;;f2i2 ; wax candles
and spices amounted to ;f 340 ; wages to £^26 ; and
wine and beer to ^^306. She spent little on her
dress, less on her books ; and her alms only reached
the moderate sum of £7 17s. She made some profit
by selling things to the royal household. The
accounts themselves were submitted to her and she
signed as auditor at the bottom of several pages. It
is clear that she was a prudent and thrifty manager,
and at the end of the year had a balance in her
favour of £^1500, She early developed that financial
20 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
carefulness which was not the smallest element in
her subsequent success.
New perils, however, were gathering round her.
Edward VI. was visibly dying ; and the schemes of
Warwick, who had been created Duke of Northum-
berland, began to take shape. He worked, upon
the King's earnest desire, for the establishment of
Protestantism in England and for its future mainten-
ance. To this primary object all else must give way.
If Henry VIII. could dispose of the succession by
his will, so could his son. It was not fitting that
Henry's daughters should succeed their brother.
Mary was a favourer of the old religion. She could
be set aside on the ground of illegitimacy, and the
same plea must include Elizabeth also. The line of
Henry's elder sister, Margaret of Scotland, was to be
passed over for that of the younger sister Mary, and
the crown conferred on the Lady Jane Grey, who
was married to a son of Northumberland. To clear
the ground for this arrangement a marriage had
been proposed between Elizabeth and the King of
Denmark. The proposal came to nothing. When
Edward VI. died, July 6, 1553, all was ready for
the proclamation of the Lady Jane, and the im-
prisonment and death of Mary and Elizabeth.
Mary was the more important, and must be
secured at once. Northumberland hid the fact of
the King's death, and invited Mary to her brother's
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. ai
deathbed. But Mary was informed of the truth,
while on her way, and took refuge in Norfolk. It
was necessary for Northumberland to go in pursuit
of her, a comparatively easy matter. But Northum-
berland had not counted on Mary's resoluteness,
and on the objection of the English people to revolu-
tions. Mary summoned the people to her side as
their lawful Queen, and they answered her call. The
victory of Northumberland, they saw, would mean a
long period of disquiet, and insecurity of life an3
property. Town after town declared in Mary's
favour, and before Northumberland could reach her
she was guarded by an army of 40,000 men. The
scheme to dispossess her completely failed.
Elizabeth, meanwhile, remained quietly at Hat-
field, whence she wrote to congratulate Mary on her
accession. She came to London to greet the Queen
on her entrance, August 3, 1553. Mary received her
graciously and gave her the chief place after herself,
though she must have known that the graceful figure
and youthful vivacity of Elizabeth threw into the
shade her own careworn face, grown old before its
time. Doubtless, Mary wished to do her duty by her
sister ; but each must have felt that there was a gulf
of separation between the daughter of Catherine and
the daughter of Anne Boleyn. The one passionately
desired to wipe away all that happened since the
days when Catherine stood by the side of Henry, his
JS2 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
undoubted wife. The other must have marvelled
sometimes at the thoughts of all that had occurred
to call her into being ; she must have felt that she
embodied in herself the principles of a mighty revolu-
tion. This difference between the two sisters was
inevitable. It showed itself at once, when Mary did
not attend the funeral of Edward, but was present at
a Requiem Mass in the chapel of the Tower. She
invited Elizabeth to accompany her, but Elizabeth
fleclined. Mary would not brook resistance to her
will. Either Elizabeth must conform to her religious
practices, or else must leave the Court.
Elizabeth's position was difficult. She had been
brought up in the religious ideas which prevailed in
directing the policy of Henry VIII., the acceptance
of the results of the New Learning, and the reform
of the Church in accordance with a fuller understand-
ing of the Scriptures and of Christian antiquity. She
had no sympathy with the more advanced views of
Continental Protestantism, which had been favoured
by Northumberland for the purpose of forming a
party in England which depended on himself. That
party had fallen, and Mary was bent upon using her
victory to restore the old Church. How far that was
possible remained to be seen. This, at all events,
was certain, that the Church could never again be
what it had been in the days of Wolsey. Its exact
form remained to be determined. Mary's personal
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. / . «?
opinions could not be impressed upon the English
people all at once. For this reason she was anxious
that they should be adopted by those immediately
around her ; and, first of all, by Elizabeth. Elizabeth
felt that, if she was entirely obstinate, she would seem
to identify herself with the Protestant party, which,
though fallen for a time, was sure to raise its head.
If she did so, she would expose herself to suspicion,
and would be regarded as a source of political danger i
to Mary. She knew that already the foreign ambaft- |
sadors advised Mary to remove from her path one /
who was her natural rival. Whatever else might /
happen, Elizabeth had no wish to appear as the /
champion of the party of Northumberland. Accord-/
ingly she determined to maintain her own religious!
position as nearly as she could in the circumstances.!
To refuse obstinately to go to Mass would be to!
declare herself a Protestant in the political sense.
To go to Mass without a protest would be to declare
herself an adherent of the Pope. To go to Mass with
marked unwillingness, in obedience to the Queen's
wishes, was to declare herself of the same mind as
the great majority of the English people, resolute in
her adhesion to the principles of what had beenVdone
in reforming the English Church, but uncertain un3er
what forms this could best be maintained. She pro-
fessed herself ready to surrender her own prejudices
and went to Mass with the Queen on September 8,
24 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
with a downcast- look, complaining of illness on the
way. After this concession on her part she was given
the first place after the Queen at the ceremony of
the Coronation on October i. Elizabeth knew the
value of this public recognition, and felt that for the
present she had done all that could be done. She
saw that, amid the intrigues which gathered round
Mary, her own position in the court was dangerous.
She had the wisdom to withdraw in time. After
several requests, she obtained permission to de-
part and set out for her house of Ashridge, on
December 6. No sooner had she arrived than she
wrote to Mary for ornaments for her chapel. She
knew Mary's weak side. She chose to represent
herself as one who was seeking her way back to
the true Church.
Few women have been more unhappy than Mary
Tudor. She came to the throne with a mind em-
bittered by the sense of past wrongs, with no friend
whom she could trust, and no counsellor strong
enough to advise her. She was strangely isolated
from the actual politics of England. How was she
to be attached to them ? Her advisers were agreed
that she must marry, and doubtless hoped to manage
the Queen through her husband. There was a
candidate ready at hand, Edward Courtenay, Earl
of Devon, who had been imprisoned in the Tower
or the last fourteen years through Henry VHI.'s
THE YOUTH OP ELIZABETH. 25
jealousy of any pretender to the Cro^n. Courtenay's
grandmother was a daughter of Edward IV., and
he represented the White Rose. For this cause
his father had been beheaded ; his mother and him-
self, a boy of twelve, confined within the Tower,
whence Mary had released him. His birth, his sad
story, his handsome face, and his accomplishments
made him popular; and there was a general desire
that he should marry the Queen. Had Courtenay
been a wiser man, the course of affairs might have
been different. But, on his release, he plunged into
every kind of folly and excess. Mary had no liking
for such a husband. Her eyes were already turned
elsewhere. She was devoted to her cousin, the
Emperor Charles V., who had always appeared to
her as the chivalrous defender of her luckless mother.
In the long hours of her solitude she had nourished
a fantastic reverence for him. She longed to be
allied to her mother's house. On his side, Charles
V. cherished a dream of universal monarchy, towards
which a close hold on England would greatly help.
So Charles, through his ambassadors in England,
became the director of Mary's policy and cautiously
prepared the way for her marriage with his son
Philip. But no caution could overcome the repug-
nance of the English people to this invitation of a
foreigner to mix in English affairs. It was in vain
to represent to Mary the dangers which she ran.
26 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
" Rather death," she said, " fhan marriage with any
one save the Prince of Spain."
English patriotism was severely shocked at this
prospect, and all who had any motive for disliking
Mary's policy combined against her. Behind the
English rebels stood France, which was alarmed at
the accession of power to its rival, Spain. Early in
1554, a rebellion against Mary broke out in various
parts of England. It was easily put down in Devon-
shire and in the Midlands, but in Kent Sir Thomas
Wyatt repulsed the Royal forces and advanced
against London. Mary was lost if she did not
assure the fidelity of the citizens. But Mary had
no doubt of the justice of her cause and showed no
fear. She summoned the citizens to the Guildhall
and there addressed them in her deep man's voice,
with dignified eloquence. The city was won for the
throne. Wyatt's attack failed, and he was made
prisoner on February 7.
It was obvious that this insurrection was in favour
of Elizabeth. Her name and Courtenay's had been
on the lips of the rebels. A copy of a letter from
her to the Queen was found in an intercepted dis-
patch of the French ambassador; Wyatt had sent
her a message to withdraw from Ashridge to Dun-
nington. Elizabeth's conduct was that of one who
waited to see the issue. Mary wrote to her on Janu-
ary 26, expressing fears for her safety and summoning
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 27
her to London. Elizabeth answered that she was
too ill to travel, and asked her to send one of her
own physicians. She kept her bed and fortified her
house at Ashridge against a surprise.
On receiving this answer, Mary was too busy in
defending herself to think much of her sister; but
when the danger was over, the imperial ambassador
pressed for vengeance. It was his interest to remove
every one who might be an obstacle in the way of the
Emperor's plan of attaching England to the Spanish
monarchy. So long as Elizabeth lived she was a
source of danger, and this was a good opportunity
for silencing her for ever. Mary, however, was
averse to bloodshed. The luckless Lady Jane Grey
paid the penalty of her unworthy father's treason ;
but Elizabeth could not safely be condemned unless
there was clear evidence against her. Mary showed
her intention to proceed with strict regard for justice
by sending an escort to bring Elizabeth to London,
and placing at its head her great uncle, Lord William
Howard.
Howard was aware of the importance of gaining
time, and due regard was paid to Elizabeth's illness.
Leaving Ashridge on February 12, she travelled
only six or seven miles a day, and did not reach
Highgate till the 15th. There she lay ill of the
dropsy, her limbs so swollen that she could go no
further. She did not enter London till the 22nd ;
28 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
seated in an open litter, dressed in white, with pale
and haughty face, she was carried to Whitehall. apiid
the respectful silence of the crowd.
The rebel leaders confessed that their' plan had
been to place Elizabeth and Courtenay on the throne.
Courtenay knew of their intention ; it was not certain
that Elizabeth did. Strong as were the suspicions
against her, nothing could be definitely proved.
Moreover, the Council was divided in opinion. Ijjfany
members, chief amongst whom was Gardiner,^>yvere
still opposed to the Spanish marriage, and would
not do anything that could help it on. Still, Eliza-
beth's enemies so far prevailed that on March ig
she was committed to the Tower. When this order
was brought to Elizabeth she asked permission to
write to the Queen. This was given, and sitting
down, she wrote a letter of rugged eloquence and
force. She protested her innocence, and begged for
a personal interview before she was condemned to
imprisonment. " You shall never by report know,"
she continued, ** unless by yourself you hear. I have
heard in my time of many cast away for want of
coming to the presence of the Prince. And in late
days, I heard my Lord of Somerset say, that if his
brother had been suffered to speak with him, he had
never suffered. But the persuasions were made to
him so great that he was brought to believe that he
could not live safely if the Admiral lived ; and that
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 29
made him consent to his death. Though these
persons are not to be compared to your Majesty, yet
I pray God that evil persuasions persuade not one
sister against the other; and all for that they have
heard false report and not hearken to the truth
knowing. Therefore once again, kneeling with
humbleness of heart, because I am not suffered to
bow the knees of my body, I humbly crave to speak
with your Highness : which I could not be so bold
to desire if I knew not myself most clear as I know
myself most true. And, as for the traitor Wyatt, he
might peradventure write me a letter; but, on my
faith, I never received any from him. And as for
the copy of my letter sent to the French King, I
pray God confound me eternally, if ever I sent him
word, message, token or letter by any means. And
to this truth, I will stand to the death."
No answer was sent to this letter, and Mary re-
buked her officers for not punctually doing their duty.
Next day, it was Palm Sunday, Elizabeth was taken
in a barge to the Tower. At first she refused to
alight at the Traitor's Gate, saying she was no
traitor. " There is no choice," said one of the
Lords, at the same time offering her his cloak as a
protection from the rain. She " put it back with a
good dash," and setting her foot upon the stair, said :
** Here landeth as true a subject, being prisoner, as
ever landed at these stairs, and before Thee, O God,
30 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
I Speak it, having none other friend but Thee alone ".
There was no doubt about Elizabeth's courage and
presence of mind. Her letter was written in her
usual handwriting, and shows no sign of haste. Its
characters are bold; no flourish is omitted in the
signature. Not only was Elizabeth brave, but she
was careful to show her bravery.
For two months she remained a close prisoner in
the Tower, while her fate was a matter of daily
debate. Wyatt was executed, without having said
anything which incriminated her. At last, through
weariness, it was agreed that her life should be
spared. But she was undoubtedly dangerous, as a
centre of intrigues ; and it was impossible to think
that she would not give them encouragement. It
would be unwise to release her to live in her own
house ; so the royal manor of Woodstock was chosen
as a place where she could be closely guarded. She
was committed to the charge of Sir Henry Beding-
field, whose father had been the guardian of Queen
Catherine during her imprisonment at Kimbolton.
She left London on May 19, and in five days reached
Woodstock, where she had scanty accommodation
assigned her in the gatehouse. Bedingfield was
provided with strict orders by the Council and was
over-weighted by the sense of his responsibility. After
her accession, Elizabeth said to him : " If we have
any prisoner whom we would have sharply and
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 31
straitly kept, we will send for you ". Yet she bore
him no ill-will, and recognised that he only obeyed
orders. Indeed she must have felt that she was
a troublesome captive and often tried him to the
utmost.
At first, she had neither books, nor pen and ink.
When one of her attendants sent her a copy of
Cicero's De Officiis and the Psalms in Latin, he was
reproved by Bedingfield, who felt it his duty to con-
sult the Council before permitting the use of books.
When leave was given, Elizabeth asked for an English
Bible, which seemed to savour heresy, as she could
read Latin equally well. This new question was
referred to the Council, and Elizabeth slipped in a
request that she might be permitted to write to the
Queen. This was granted, and Elizabeth wrote a
fervent protestation of her innocence. Mary an-
swered to Bedingfield that she had no confidence
in her protestations, and ended, " wherefore our
pleasure is not to be hereafter any more molested
with such disguise and colourable letters ". Mary,
at least, had made up her mind about Elizabeth's
character, and Bedingfield found some difficulty in
reducing his message to terms of decent courtesy.
Elizabeth was left to her solitary reflections,
ill-supplied with books or occupation, restricted in
her walks in Woodstock Park, and always under the
eye of Bedingfield, who reported to the Council her
32 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
outbursts of temper as she chafed under this intoler-
able restraint. She envied the milk-maids, whose
song she heard ih the distance, and longed to
exchange her life for theirs. She wrote in charcoal
on a shutter the following lines expressing her
feelings of despair: —
1 Oh Fortune, how thy restless wavering state
Hath wrought with cares my troubled wit,
,; ,,;,; , Witness this present prison, whither fate
jK^ 1 **^ J* ^ Could bear me, and the joys I quit.
Af A?^' *r^°" caus'dst the guilty to be loosed
T' >^b^ \i\S» From bands wherein are innocents enclosed,
r ^ V^ Causing the guiltless to be strait reserved
.sfliV And freeing those that death had well deserved
s; ^*^ But by her envy can be nothing wrought :
V So God send to my foes all they have wrought.
Y <^. Quoth Elizabeth, Prisoner.
Elizabeth owed her deliverance from captivity to
the influence of Philip. When Mary's marriage had
been accomplished, and the supremacy of the Pope
had been restored, above all, when Mary was supposed
to be with child, there was no longer the same need
for strict caution. Philip was anxious to win the
goodwill of the English people. He brought with
him ideas founded on a general view of European
' politics, and could afford to wait for ultimate success.
He tried to moderate the excessive zeal of Mary for
the re-establishment of the old ecclesiastical system.
He did not wish that Elizabeth should seem to be a
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 33
victim to the Spanish alliance. His notion was to
dispose of her in marriage to some foreign prince,
and so remove her from England to some place where
she would be under careful supervision. The Duke
of Savoy seemed a suitable husband. He had come
to England in Philip's train and was dependent upon
imperial protection. But before this marriage could
be settled, the Duke was called to the defence of his
dominions. However, if Elizabeth was to be married,
she could not be kept a prisoner ; and at the end of
April, 1555, Bedingfield was ordered to bring her to
Hampton Court. On leaving Woodstock, Elizabeth
scratched with a diamond on a glass window the
following lines, which express exactly her position : —
Much suspected by me :
Nothing proved can be,
Quoth Elizabeth, prisoner.
She was perhaps more frank in writing them than
she intended to be. She does not deny the truth of
the suspicions : the emphasis falls on the absence of
proof; she rejoices in her dexterity. After all that
she had gone through there was nothing definite
against her. She had improved on her previous
experience and could leave her prison, with her head
erect.
This was not in accordance with Mary's views of
the justice of the case. She believed that her sister
had been disloyal ; she knew that she had been adroit.
3
34 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
She found it necessary to restore her to some sem-
blance of favour, but she wished to do so as a matter
of grace after due submission. Accordingly Elizabeth
was left for a fortnight in solitude at Hampton Court,
that she might feel the necessity, of preferring some
petition. At the end of that time she had a visit
from the Chancellor, Gardiner, who requested her to
make submission to the Queen, who, he had no doubt,
would be good to her. Elizabeth stood to her position
that nothing could be proved against her. She
answered boldly that she would rather lie in prison
all the days of her life ; she craved no mercy, but
desired the law if she had offended. The next day
Gardiner returned with a message that the Queen
marvelled at her stubbornness : if she did not confess
that she had oifended, the Queen would seem to have
imprisoned her wrongfully. *' Nay," said Elizabeth,
" it may please her to punish me as she thinketh
good." " Well," answered Gardiner, " you must tell
another tale before you are set at liberty." Again
Elizabeth boldly declared that she would rather be
in prison, with honesty and truth, than to be free and
suspected by the Queen. Gardiner pointed out the
result of this attitude : *' Then your Grace hath the
vantage of me, and the other lords, for your wrong
and long imprisonment ". Elizabeth affected to mis-
understand the argument : " What vantage I have,
you know, taking God to record I seek no vantage
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 35
at your hands for your so dealing with me : but God
forgive me and you also". Gardiner retired com-
pletely baffled. Elizabeth was left in solitude for a
week to consider her position. Then she received a
message, at ten o'clock at night, to come before the
Queen. The suddenness of the summons and the
lateness of the hour foretold some new disaster, and
Elizabeth parted from her household, commending
herself to their prayers as one who would never see
them again. Sir Henry Bedingfield led her through
the garden by torchlight and she was ushered into
the Queen's bedroom, where Mary was seated in a
chair, with all the appearance of a judge. Elizabeth
knelt before her, and prayed God to preserve her, as
became a true subject ; she besought the Queen to
regard her as such, whatever reports she might have
heard against her. " You will not confess your
offence," said Mary, " but stand stoutly in your
truth ; I pray God it may so fall out." '' If it doth
not," was Elizabeth's bold answer, " I request neither
favour nor pardon at your Majesty's hands." " Well,"
said the Queen, *'you stiffly still persevere in your
truth. Belike you will not confess but that you have
been wrongfully punished." " I must not say so, if
it please your Majesty, to you." " Why, then, belike
you will to others." "No," replied Elizabeth; "I
have borne the burden and must bear it. I humbly
beseech your Majesty to have a good opinion of me,
36 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
and to think me to be your true subject, not only from
the beginning hitherto, but for ever as long as life
lasteth." Mary was softened. Indeed Elizabeth at
this time was recognised by her enemies as having
"a spirit full of incantation ". Mary felt the charm
of this bold, yet winsome, girl, and spoke comfortably
to her. " God knows," she said in Spanish, with a
sigh, as Elizabeth departed.
A few days afterwards, Bedingfield and his
soldiers were withdrawn. Elizabeth was no longer
in custody, but stayed quietly at Hampton Court.
It was just at this time that Maiy was passing
through the bitter experience of her self-deception
about her pregnancy. She had mistaken for the
promise of a child the signs of an incurable malady,
the dropsy. She continued to hope against hope, but
felt that those around her did not share her delusions.
•
\ Elizabeth was the next heir to the throne. If she
iwere set aside, the succession would be Mary of
/ Scotland, whose French marriage made her more
dangerous to Philip th^n was Elizabeth. So Philip
V was kijidly towards her; and Mary only longed for
certainty about her religious convictions. She had '
little confidence in Elizabeth's conversion to Ro-
manism and plied her with questions. It was in
answer to such a question about transubstantiation
that Elizabeth is said to havfiL-^Y?" the famous
answer : —
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 37
Christ was the word that spake it,
He took the bread and brake it ;
And what His words did make it
That I believe and take it.
It was a saying the theological truth of which
has become more apparent as controversy on the
point has progressed.
For a time Elizabeth continued to live at the
Court, but in October was allowed to return to her
house at Hatfield, where she gathered round her her
old friends, Catherine Ashley and Parry, and the
rest. But England was unquiet ; and there were
plots against Mary in which Elizabeth's household
were perpetually compromised. In the middle of
1556 Sir Thomas Pope was appointed chief officer
of her household, to keep a friendly watch over her
doings. Again there were proposals for her marriage,
first to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, then to
Eric, son of the King of Sweden. Elizabeth refused
them both, protesting that she loved the state in'
which she was so much that she knew no life to be
compared with it. She was learning a formula which_
afterwards stood in her good stead. She was always
ready to contemplate matrimony as an ideal possi-
bility, but always found some reason against any
particular proposal. Marriage might be good, but
not if it diminished her personal importance. Indeed,
she was at this time most careful of her popularity,
38 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
and tried to keep as large a household as she could.
She lost no opportunity of appearing in pubHc, and
steadily, but cautiously, asserted her position.
We have a picture of Elizabeth at this time,
drawn by the pen of a Venetian ambassador. It is
of interest as showing how she struck an experienced
observer, and already possessed all those qualities
which she afterwards displayed. ** She is at present,"
wrote Giovanni Micheli, " of the age of twenty-three,
and is esteemed to be no less fair in mind than she
is in body. Albeit, in face she is pleasing rather
than beautiful ; but her figure is tall and well pro-
portioned. She has a good complexion, though of a
somewhat olive tint, beautiful eyes, and above all a
beautiful hand, which she likes to show. She is of
admirable talent and intelligence, of which she has
given proof by her behaviour in the dangers and sus-
picions to which she has been exposed. She has
great knowledge of languages, especially Italian, and
for display talks nothing else with Italians. She is
proud and haughty ; for in spite of her mother, she
holds herself as high as the Queen and equally legiti-
mate, alleging in her own behalf that her mother
would not cohabit with the King save as his wife,
and that with the authority of the Church, after
sentence given by the Primate of this realm ; so
that even if she were deceived having acted in good
faith, she contracted a valid marriage and bore her
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH. 39
child in lawful wedlock. Even supposing she be a
^bastard, she bears herself proudly and boastfully
through her father, whom she is said to resemble
more than does the Queen. Moreover, in the late
King's will, she was placed on the same footing as
the Queen, and was named her successor, if she died
without issue. She lives on what her father be-
queathed her, and is always in debt ; she would be
more so but that she keeps down her household not
to awaken the Queen's jealousy. For there is no
lord, nor knight in the kingdom, who would not
enter her service, or send there his son or brother;
such is the affection and love which is felt towards
her. She is always pleading her poverty, in such a
dexterous way as to awaken silent compassion and
therefore greater affection. For every one thinks it
hard that a King's daughter should be so miserably
treated. Since Wyatt's rebellion she has never been
free ; for though she is allowed to live in her house,
some twelve miles distant from London, still she has
many guards and spies about her, who observe all
comers and goers ; and she never says or does any-
thing that is not at once reported to the Queen.
After the Queen's marriage she came to Court, and
contrived to win the favour of the Spaniards, and
especially of the King, with whom she is a great
favourite. He has steadily opposed the Queen's desires
to disinherit her by Act of Parliament, or declare her
40 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
illegitimate, or send her out of the kingdom. If it were
not for his influence and for the fear of an insurrection,
the Queen would undoubtedly find some occasion for
punishing her, if not for past, at least for present,
offences; for there is no conspiracy in which, justly
or unjustly, her name is not mentioned and some of
her servants involved. But the Queen is obliged to
dissemble her dislike, and constrain herself to receive
her in public with kindness and honour."
Mary's days, however, were drawing to a close.
During the summer of 1558 she was ill, and in
November it was plain that she was dying. Philip
sent her a message advising her to recognise Eliza-
beth as her successor. She did so, and sent Elizabeth
her last request that she would pay her personal
debts, and maintain religion on the basis which she
had established. The Spanish envoy who brought
Philip's message, the Count de Feria, tried to
impress Elizabeth with proper gratitude towards his
master. She answered proudly that she owed her
safety to the people of England. Then they dis-
cussed the future, and the experienced diplomatist
saw that her preparations were already made. Her
secretary would be Sir William Cecil, a man full of
intelligence and capacity, but tainted with heresy.
He saw that she would not commit herself to any
one's protection, but would govern for herself. His
report to his master was justified by actual facts.
THE YOUTH OF P:rrz.4^Xc j/- --^.^ igi^ 4t
" To great subtlety," he wrote, " she adds very great
vanity. She has heard great talk of her father's
mode of action, and means to follow it. I have great
fear that she thinks ill in the matter of religion, for
I see that she inclines to govern by men who are
suspected as heretics."
Elizabeth remained quietly at Hatfield, awaiting
the news of Mary's death. She saw, day by day,
new visitors arriving. Her plans were already made,
and Cecil was ready to take all necessary steps when
the moment came. On November 17 the news was
brought of Mary's death ; but Elizabeth was too
prudent to act in haste, and sent Sir Nicholas
Throgmorton to ascertain if the news was true.
Before his return, a deputation of the Lords of the
Council arrived at Hatfield and greeted their new
Queen. Elizabeth stood for a moment irresolute.
Then falling on her knees, she exclaimed : '* This is
the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes ".
Few rulers ever ascended a throne better pre-
pared for her task than did Elizabeth. The facts of
her personal experience had corresponded" with the
experience of the nation. Her own lifehad^eery
interwoven with the national life. She had been in
imminent danger, both under Edward and unde|*
Mary. She had suffered, and had learned as the nation
learned and suffered. She had lived amongst perilsL
and had been taught the need of prudence. Self^^
4a QUEEN ELIZABETH.
mastery and self-restraint had been forced upon her.
Bitter experience had taught her how little she could
satisfy her own desires, how little she could confide
in the wisdom or discretion of others. She had
spent long hours in enforced solitude and reflection
as the drama of events passed before her. She had
seen the failures of other lives, their disappointments,
and their tragic end. And, in all this, she had been
no idle spectator, but one whose own fortunes were
deeply involved ; and at each new turn of events
men's minds had been more closely directed to her,
so that her personal importance had been emphasised.
She seemed to form part of all that the nation had
passed through. Now she was called upon to
amend the melancholy results of the ill-directed zeal
of others, to bring back England to peace and
security. For all men's hopes were set upon her as
" born mere English, here among us, and therefore
most natural to us ". Men looked back to the days
of Henry VIII., which loomed greater through the
clouds of the past twelve years of misgovernment, to
a time when at least there was an intelligible policy,
and welcomed Elizabeth as the true inheritor of her
father's spirit. Her training had been severe ; but
to that severity was due the character and the
qualities which enabled her to face the work which
lay before her. She would not have had it other-
wise, for it made her one with her people.
THE YOUTH OF ELIZABETH, 43
It would seem that, in later days, she wished for
a romantic expression in art of the trials and anxieties
of her early days. A portrait of her, at Hampton
Court, tries to depict in allegory, which it is difficult
to unfold with exactness, Elizabeth before her
accession. Standing in a forest, under a tree laden
with fruit, a fair young girl looks out with eyes fixed
on an unknown future. On her head she bears a
high white cap of Persian form, whence falls a black
veil. Her right hand is placing a crown of flowers
upon the head of a stag, whose head is bowed, while
tears drop from its eyes. The tree's trunk is covered
with inscriptions which lament the injustice of
human lot. On a shield is inscribed a poem, which
gives us a clue to the meaning of the whole, and
celebrates the trials of Elizabeth's youth.
The restless swallow fits my restless mind
In still reviving, still renewing, wrongs ;
Her just complaints of cruelty unkind
Are all the music that my life prolongs,
With pensive thought my weeping stag I crown ;
Whose melancholy tears my cares express ;
His tears and silence, and my sighs unknown
Are all the physic that my harms redress.
My only hope was in this goodly tree,
Which I did plant in love, bring up in care ;
But all in vain, for now, too late, I see
The shales be mine, the kernels others are.
My music may be plaints, my physic tears
If this be all the fruit my love-tree bears.
44
CHAPTER II.
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN.
While Elizabeth was exceptionally fitted ta occupy
the post of ruler, few rulers ever had beforethein a
more difficult and dangerous inheritance. England
under Edward VI. had been the prey of self-seeking
and unscrupulous adventurers ; under Mary ^it h ad
been an appendage to the Spanish power. Its
finances were embarrassed ; it was suffering from
two bad harvests ; its navy was scarcely existent ; its
military forces were disorganised ; its defences were
crumbling ; it had no statesmen of mark ; its foreign
relations were precarious. A contemporary memor-
andum thus puts the melancholy condition of the
country: ''The Queen poor; the realm exhausted;
the nobles poor and decayed ; good captains and
soldiers wanting ; the people out of order ; justice not
executed; the justices unmeet for their offices; all
things dear ; division among ourselves ; war with
France and Scotland ; the French King bestriding
the realm, having one foot in Calais and the other
in Scotland ; steadfast enmity, but no steadfast friend-
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 45
ship abroad ". It was difficult to know where remedy
was to begin, and it was impossible to choose. The
only hope lay in usmg wisely the opportunities offered
by a new reign.
On one point of importance Elizabeth's mind was
already made up. ^he had already selected her chief
minister, and her wisdom was justified by the fidelity
with which he served her for forty years. William
Cecil was the son of a country gentleman who lived
at Burghley, near Stamford. His father was in the
service of Henry VH., and became more important
under Henry VHL, when he enriched himself with
the plunder of the monasteries. William was edu-
cated at Cambridge, where he married the sister of
his friend Cheke, whose mother was poor and kept
a small wine-shop. This imprudent marriage is the
only trace of romance in Cecil's life. He did not,
however, suffer for it, as his wife died in three years,
and he married again the most cultivated woman of
the time, Mildred Cooke, whose sister was the mother
of Francis Bacon. Cecil practised at the bar till
the Protector Somerset made him his secretary, and
he rapidly showed a capacity for affairs. But Cecil
learned prudence, and was content with scanty recog-
nition. Under Mary he and his wife conformed to
Romanism, and he was still employed in politics.
How Elizabeth learned his worth we do not know ;
but he was preparing himself for her service and was
46 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
ready at once to act in her behalf. When he took
the oath as secretary, Elizabeth addressed him :
" This judgment I have of you, that you will not be
corrupted with any manner of gifts, and that you will
be faithful to the State ; and that without respect of
any private will, you will give me that counsel that
you think best ; and if you shall know anything neces-
sary to be declared unto me of secrecy, you shall show
it to myself only, and assure yourself I will not fail to
keep taciturnity therein ". It was a noble expression
of confidence which was well requited through a
long and laborious life. A little later, the great seal
was taken from the Archbishop of York and given to
Sir Nicholas Bacon, Cecil's brother-in-law. The
administration was to be in the hands of men
who would work together.
Elizabeth's first appearance in public showed that
she valued popularity above all things and spared no
pains to gain it. " If ever any person had either the
gift or the style to win the hearts of the people, it
was this Queen ; and if ever she did express the
same, it was at that present, in coupling mildness
with majesty, as she did, and in stately stooping to
the meanest sort. All her faculties were in motion,
and every motion seemed a well-guided action. Her
eye was set on one ; her ear listened to another ; her
judgment ran upon a third ; to a fourth she addressed
her speech ; her spirit seemed to be everywhere, and
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 47
yet SO entire in herself, as it seemed to be nowhere
else. Some she pitied ; some she commended ; some
she thanked ; at others she pleasantly and wittily
jested, contemning no person, neglecting no office;
and distributing her smiles, looks and graces so
artificially that thereupon the people redoubled the
testimony of their joys, and afterwards raising every-
thing to the highest strain, filled the ears of all men
with immoderate extolling their prince." In all the
pageantry which ushers in a new reign, Elizabeth
was busy in endearing herself to the hear^^f her
people, she used every opportunity of showing herself
in public, and she was affable to all. She laid from"^
the beginning the foundations of that personal popu-
larity which she never lost, and which was her
strongest weapon amid all her perils.
Yet there were serious questions to be faced,
which needed settlement ; and foremost among
them was the question of religion. In nothing was
the legacy of the last two reigns more disastrous,
as they represented periods of reaction which had
checked the natural development of the reforming pro-
cess begun under Henry VIII. Henry had abolished
the Papal jurisdiction and had suppressed the monas-
teries, which no longer fulfilled any useful function.
The system and services of the Church vftre simplified
according to the requirements of th^ New Learning
and the increased intelligence of th^eoplb ; and the
/
4 8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
process thus begun was to go on slowly adjusting the
old system to the national capacity. There were some
minds which were imbued with the principles of the
more thorough-going changes wrought on the Con-
tinent ; and, under Edward VI., these principles were
caught at by adventurers, chiefly to give them an
opportunity for further pillage of ecclesiastical pro-
perty. The result of their action was to alarm the
moderate men, who had been the chief supporters and
advisers of Henry VI I L They were driven back upon
the old system, and welcomed Mary, who was a de-
voted adherent to the Papacy. Under her, Gardiner
strove to undo what he had done before ; and the zeal
of those who with him tried to go back upon their
past was fierce and indiscreet. England unwillingly
accepted the Papal restoration and the Spanish alli-
ance. Its rulers laboured to force all men into rigid
uniformity and close the mouths of gainsayers. The
fires of Smithfield filled England with horror ; and
Mary's reign ended amid gloom and disaster. The
revival of Romanism was associated with all that
England felt to be most repressive of its energies.
Elizabeth, a» the daughter of Anne Boleyn, was heir
to the problems of the Reformation. Great as they
might be, they were not so great or so dangerous as
those connected with the maintenance of the old
system.
The object which Elizabeth had in view was, first
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 49
of all, to allay, as much as might be, the animosities
which had been engendered in the previous time.
Mary's bishops had been appointed from those who
had suffered under Edward VI., and as a body were
bound to maintain the Roman system. On the other
hand, those divines who had most strongly expressed
reforming opinions, fled before the Marian persecution,
and lived on the Continent. They now returned home
strong adherents of the system of Calvin and almost
fanatically opposed to anything which savoured of
Papacy. It was impossible to bring these two ex-
tremes into agreement ; it was inevitable that some
should be discontented. But the great bulk of the
English people wished for a national Church, in-
dependent of Rome, with simple services, not too
unlike those to which they had been accustomed. It
was important that the Pa^a^l jurisdiction should be
definitely ended, and that, at the same time, the
framework of the Church should be retained; pro-
vided that these two objects were secured there
should be large liberty for theological discussion.
What was needed was a system which would supply
an expression for the religious consciousness of the
nation, and would allow of freedom within the limits
of ecclesiastical order. After a time, it was hoped
that transient animosities would cease and reason
and moderation would prevail.
As a first step towards carrying out this policy, a
4
50 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
proclamation was issued forbidding mutual recrimi-
nations, and ordering that no changes in public wor-
^ip should be made without authority^ Soon
the Epistles and Gospels were allowed to be read
in English as well as the Litany. Public preaching
was prohibited lest men's minds should be inflamed
by strong language. These steps were so significant
that Archbishop Heath refused to crown a Queen
whose acts were so ambiguous ; and Elizabeth was
crowned by Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlisle, on
January 15, 1559. Ten days afterwards, Elizabeth
opened her first Parliament, and the policy of the
new reign was declared by Sir Nicholas Bacon. The
Queen's desire, he said, was ** to unite the people of
the realm in one uniform order": for this purpose
they were to " eschew contumelious and opprobrious
words as heretic, schismatic and Papist ". They were
to make such laws as might ''tend to the establish-
ment of God's Church and the tranquillity of the
realm," avoiding what might " breed idolatry and
superstition," yet " taking heed by no licentious or
' loose handling to give occasion for contempt or
irreverence ". Laws were necessary also for reforming
th/civil order of the realm, and repairing the losses
and decays which the Crown had suffered. Calais
was lost ; trade was stopped ; the coasts were un-
protected. They must consider the need of self-
preservation. The Queen assured them that she was
PROBLEMS OP THE REIGN. $1
not " wedded to her ow^Bfentasy, nor for any private
affection would quarrel with foreign princes," nothing
was so dear to her as the good will of her people.
When business began, the Acts necessary for
the severance of the English Church from Rome
were quickly introduced. First fruits were restored
to the CrowM^whe proposal to restore the royal
supremacy raised opposition from the Bishops. It
was, however, a remarkable fact that never had that
body been so numerically weak. The Metropolitan
See of Canterbury was vacant by the death of Pole,
who died at the same time as Mary. Nine other
Bishops had died within the previous year^ and their
sees had not been filled up« Of the remainder, some
were ill, so that not more than ten were present in
the House of Lords* Their opposition was unavail-
ing; but it was necessary to silence them before
proceeding to change of ritual. They were accord-
ingly bidden to argue against theologians of a different
opinion, in the presence of the Lords and Commons,
the subjects of (i) the use of prayer in an unknown
tongue ; (2) the right of national Churches to ordain
their own rites and ceremonies ; (3) the sacrifice of
the Mass. The controversy began on March 31,
on the understanding that the Bishops were to speak
first and their adversaries were to reply. This method
did not satisfy the Bishops and, after two days, they
refused to proceed. Indeed the disputation was
52 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
merely an empty show ; \^l^ the refusal to continue
was regarded as contempt. Two of the Bishops
were committed to the Tower ; the rest were under
bail to appear when called for.
After this the " Act for Restoring to tHe~~Crown
the Ancient Jurisdiction over the State ecclesiastical
and spiritual," was passed. But «|^^eth refused
the title of " Supreme Head of the Church," and
substituted for it " Supreme Governor as well in
spiritual and ecclesiastical causes as temporal". She
had a conception of her own of the independence of
the Church ; and, desirous as she was of power, she
would not accept it where it was not rightly hers.
She explained the practical meaning of the title to
the Spanish ambassador : " she did not intend to be
called Head of the Church, but .she could not let her
subjects* money be carried out of the realm by the
\ J^ Pope any more ". Meanwhile a Commission had
been sitting for revising the Prayer Book of Edward
VI. When their work was done, the " Act for
Uniformity of Common Prayer " was passed, and the
ecclesiastical change was legally complete. England
was again independent. Its Church was again free
to work out its own problems. Its system has not
changed from that day to this.
Perhaps in nothing was Elizabeth's foresight
more conspicuous than in her ecclesiastical policy.
She had a clear conception of the nature of the
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 53
Church, and was careful never to interfere with
its independence. In this she was almost alone.
Her ministers might take a political view of the
matter; the Queen saw further than mere policy.
Her definition of the royal supremacy reserved the
freedom of the Church within the necessary sphere
of allegiance to the State. It avoided collisions,
but recognised spiritual authority. Elizabeth was
anxious that the Church should manage its own
affairs. On many occasions she declined to interfere
in difficulties and refused to allow Parliament to,
interfere. She maintained the authority of the
Bishops and rated it higher than they did them-
selves. She was willing to wait for the reformed
system to take root and was content to guard it in
its beginnings.
In England generally the religious settlement
was welcomed by the people and corresponded to
their wishes. The English were not greatly interested
in theological questions. They detested the Pope ;
they wished for services which they could understand,
and were weary of superstition. The number of
staunch Romanists or strong Protestants was very
small. The clergy were prepared to acquiesce in the
change. Out of 9400 clergy in England, only 192
refused the oath of supremacy. Amongst these were
all the Bishops, except Kitchin of Llandaff. Some
of them fled abroad ; others were committed to the
54 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Tower and afterwards to private custody. There was
some difficulty in filling up the vacant sees, owing to
the unwillingness of Matthew Parker to accept the
Archbishopric of Canterbury. Parker was a man
admirably fitted for the post. He had been chaplain
to Anne Boleyn, Master of Corpus College, Cambridge,
and Dean of Lincoln. During Mary's reign he had
lived quietly in hiding. He was known to Cecil as a
man of great learning, of genuine piety and upright-
ness. He had never been a partisan, and was
untouched by the theology of Geneva or the theologi-
cal quarrels of the Marian exiles. He was the man
above all others to exercise a wise and moderating
influence. At last his objections were overcome, and
he was consecrated on December 17. In a short
time the other sees were filled, and the momentous
change was accomplished.
The change did not produce much disturbance in
England itself, but it seriously affected England's
position in Europe, where the dividing line in politics
was between Catholic and Protestant. If Elizabeth
began her measures cautiously, it was because her
eye was carefully fixed on Philip II., who was her
only ally, and whose pronounced hostility would
have been fatal. England was at war with France
•
and must make peace in company with Spain. Philip
wished to maintain his alliance with England;* but
b^ could not be the ally of an heretical Pow^r. So
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 55
anxious was he to check EHzabeth in her religious
changes that, in January, 1559, he made her an offer
of his hand. EHzabeth did not at once refuse, and
paused for a time ; but, after a month's reflection,
she decHned the offer saying that the Pope would
not allow her to marry her brother-in-law, and that
her people were strong enough to maintain their
liberties at home and abroad. Really, she had come ,
to the conclusion that Philip would be compelled re- y
luctantly to stand by her, whatever she did, through \
dread of increasing the power of France. Great as
might be his attachment to the Papacy, his ancestral
animosity to France was still greater. If Elizabeth [ y
were removed, her successor on the English throne , \y
would be Mary of Scotland, who was married to the 3^
Dauphin. It was better that England should be
under an heretical Queen, who was under obligations
to Spain, than that it should be an appanage of the
French monarchy. Elizabeth felt that with a little
dexterity she could drag Philip in her train. In the
conference for peace France failed to sow distrust
between England and Spain. The peace was con-
cluded in April ; but England had to endure the
loss of Calais, though it obtained from France a
recognition of Elizabeth's right to the Crown.
Elizabeth's first Parliament did not end without
raising the question of the Queen's marriage. The
Commons waited upon her at Whitehall, and the
56 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Speaker set forth their desire that the succession to
the Throne should be tirmly established. Elizabeth
answered in one of those speeches for which she
became famous — a gracious acceptance of the request
and an enunciation of great principles and admirable
intentions, without committing herself to anything —
a speech which pleased the ear and won the confi-
dence, without enlightening the understanding, of the
hearers. She would live for her people ; she would
trust in Providence ; she would decide for the best ;
provision should be made for a successor in God's
good time ; her children, if she had any, might turn
out ill. "As for me," she ended, "it shall be
sufficient that a marble stone shall declare that a
Queen, having lived and reigned so many years, died
a virgin." Thus, from the first, she adopted the line
of conduct which stood her in good stead. Marriage
was an open question ; any particular alliance must
be proved to be for the nation's good ; she had no
wishes of her own. Thus her hand was a bait which
might be dangled before the eyes of political aspirants;
but Elizabeth knew that, if it were once swallowed,
it was lost for ever. She loved power too much to
give up any part of what she possessed. She was
determined to make her position as a woman a help,
rather than a hindrance, to her politics as a ruler.
So, after refusing Philip, Elizabeth admitted the suit
of his pear relative, the Archduke Charles, son of the
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 57
Emperor Ferdinand. She received his portrait with
every sign of delight and hung it at the foot of her
bed. She sent a Hst of inquiries to be made about
him — his age, stature, height, fatness, strength,
complexion, studies, education, temper and the like —
asking even ** Whether he had been noted to have
loved any woman, and in what kind ? " At the same
time, Eric, son of Gustavus Vasa, King of Sweden,
sent his brother to England to plead his cause, and
wrote in terms ordevoted affection, asking for some
** little writing" declaring her feelings towards him.
Meanwhile Elizabeth was relieving herself by carry-
ing on a flirtation with Lord Robert Dudley, which
sorely perturbed her ministers. We have a de-
scription of her, in her galley, with the imperial
ambassador, the Duke of Finland, and Lord Robert
Dudley below — all engaged in trying to win her
attention. No wonder Cecil sadly wrote : " Here is
a great resort of wooers and controversy among
lovers. Would to God the Queen had one, and the
rest honourably satisfied."
There was still another claimant for Elizabeth's
hand whom Cecil secretly favoured. In his eyes^
the great danger to Elizabeth's throne came from
the union between France and Scotland. Despite
the stipulation of the peace of Cateau Cambresis,
the Dauphiness Mary assumed the arms of England.
The sudden death of Henry IL, in July, set her
58 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
husband Francis II. on the French throne, and the
management of affairs fell into the hands of his wife's
kinsfolk, the Guises, whose plan was to sweep out
heresy and unite Scotland and England with France.
Scotland was ruled by the Queen-Regent, Mary of
Guise, with the help of the French troops. On the
Scottish side, England was always vulnerable, as
the chronic warfare which prevailed along the Borders
could at any moment become serious. The Warden
of the Marches wrote that the iren of Teviotdale
pillaged at will : " We be able nothing to withstand
the enemy's power, they being of so great force and
we so weak ". This was serious in view of French
hostility, and some steps were necessary to secure
the defences of the border. One method, which
might be pursued with caution, was to incite the
Scottish Protestants to rise against the Regent, and
Sir Ralph Sadler was sent to Berwick with instruc-
tions to " nourish faction between Scots and French ".
It was, however, a dangerous matter for the English
Queen to stir up rebellion in Scotland, especially if
the rebellion were unsuccessful. The Protestant
nobles tried to find some plausible reason for invoking
Elizabeth's intervention, and at last discovered a
substantial guarantee. James Hamilton, Duke of
Chatelherault, had been Regent till he was ousted
by the Queen : he would make over his claims to his
gon, the Earl of Arran ; the French were then to be
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 59
expelled, Mary's claims to the Crown disannulled,
and Arran married to Elizabeth. So, in August,
Arran came secretly to London and was hidden in
Cecil's house, where Elizabeth saw him, but soon
decided that he was no match for her, though, as
usual, she did not say so.
It was hard for Elizabeth to decide what course
to pursue towards Scottish affairs. It was dangerous
to risk a war with France, in which Philip warned
her he could not take part. Moreover, Elizabeth
was entirely opposed to the principles on which the
Scottish Lords were acting; she wished to be rid of
Mary's claims on England, but she did not wish to
help the Lords of the Congregation. The Calvinistic
doctrine of election led to the consequence that princes
who acted contrary to God's will ought to be deposed.
The Scots claimed, in fact, the right of judging the
title and character of their ruler — a claim to which
Elizabeth's doubtful legitimacy made her doubly
sensitive. How could she object to Spain or France
fomenting insurrection in England if she gave help
to the rebels in Scotland ? So Elizabeth long
hesitated, and was moved only by the persistence of
Cecil, who wrote " that as the proceeding for remov-
ing the French out of Scotland does not please Her
Majesty, he may, with her favour, be spared inter-
meddling therein. In any other service, whether in
kitchen or garden, he is ready from the bottom of hi§
6o QUEEN ELIZABETH.
heart to serve her to his life's end." Elizabeth was
moved by Cecil's representations ; but she made her
own reflections. She knew that, though her ministers
might advise her, she had to bear the ultimate
responsibility for her actions, and that her reputation
was in her own keeping only. She also knew that
the foremost desire of those who served her was to
secure themselves against the possibility of Mary's
accession, which would inevitably mean the loss of
their heads. She concluded that some amount of
uncertainty on this point was not undesirable, as it
guaranteed their unswerving fidelity. She saw the
desirability of using the opportunity for causing the
chief men in England to commit themselves as
opponents of Mary's succession ; and she grasped
the need of caution.
So Elizabeth set to work to play a game which
bewildered every one. She adopted a more than
feminine irresoluteness, and carried it into diplomacy
with astonishing assurance. There was no truth nor
honesty in anything she said. At the end of the
year she sent Sir Nicholas Throgmorton to France
with instructions : " If they shall ask whether she
means to aid the Scots or no, he may assure them
that at his departure hence no such thing was meant".
She wrote to the Regent of Scotland that "all the
foundation of all her doings was laid upon honour
^nd truth, which she esteems ?ibove all things ".
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 6t
At the same time, she sent ships to Berwick, with
orders to the admiral that " he might provoke a
quarrel, if he did not find one ". No wonder that
the Spanish ambassador wrote of her : " This woman
is possessed with a hundred thousand devils ; and yet
she pretends to me that she would like to be a nun,
and live in a cell, and tell her beads from morning
to night ".
When Elizabeth at last made up her mind to
help the Scots, she contrived, by much pressure, to
induce the Duke of Norfolk to take command of the
troops which she sent to the Borders. He was the
premier Duke in England, a young man of no great
ability as a commander; but it was worth while to
associate him directly with a course of action which
was in itself somewhat discreditable. When military
operations were begun, the Scots tried to throw all
the burden on their allies. The French reinforce-
ments were dispersed by a gale in the Channel, and
the English fleet blockaded Leith while it was
besieged by land. The military operations were
inglorious, and Leith surrendered only through
famine and in consequence of the death of the
Regent. In June both sides were ready to treat,
and Cecil was sent as the English Commissioner.
He had suffered much from the Queen's ill humour
as she watched the slow success of the English arms.
" I have had such a torment with the Queen's
lC
62 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Majesty as an ague hath not in five fits so much
abated me," he sadly wrote in May. The war was
his doing, and he was held responsible for the result ;
he was sent to win all that he could. On July 6,
1560, the treaty was signed at Edinburgh. It pro-
vided for the withdrawal of the French troops from
Scotland and the appointment of a Council of twelve
nobles, appointed partly by the Scottish Queen and
partly by the Parliament. Further, it was agreed
that ** since the Kingdoms of England and Ireland
rightly belonged to the serene Elizabeth, therefore
the King and Queen Mary shall abstain from using
the title and insignia of these realms for all future
time ".
These were substantial advantages which Cecil
brought back. Elizabeth's right to the Crown was
admitted by France; her relations with the Scots
nobles were condoned, their claim to a share in the
Government was granted ; and the threat of a hostile
invasion from the Borders was removed. But Eliza-
beth clamoured for more, and expressed herself
dissatisfied. She counted the money which the war
had cost and demanded substantial returns in pay-
ment of an indemnity. The state of her finances at
her accession impressed upon her the need of strict
economy and careful management. She had sent to
Antwerp Sir Thomas Gresham, who consolidated
outstanding loans, reduced the interest, restored
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN, 63
England's credit, and bought cannon and ammuni-
tion, which he secretly shipped to England. At home,
the Queen diminished her household expenditure to
a third of what it had been under Mary. She revived
the military spirit of the Londoners and was present
at the drill of the train-bands in St. James's Park,
mounted on a Neapolitan courser. There were signs
of a new England coming into being; but it would
be helped on by strict frugality rather than by great
undertakings. Elizabeth grudged every penny that
she spent, and judged of military operations by their
cost So when Cecil came back he was told by his
friends that " no better service had ever been done
to England," and that "the Queen could not have
bought it too dearly ". But Elizabeth showed him
no gratitude, either for his wise counsel or for his
skilful diplomacy. She even left him to pay the
expenses of his journey, which sorely embarrassed
him.
Cecil was greatly downcast, for he saw the Queen
pursuing a course which he regarded as disastrous ;
he saw her abandoning the counsel of her experienced
advisers for that of Lord Robert Dudley, whom she
treated with a familiarity that set all men's tongues
wagging. Robert Dudley was the son of John, Duke
of Northumberland, who had perished on the scaffold
for his plot against Queen Mary. During the period
of his father's power, under Edward VL, Robert
64 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
had been known to Elizabeth. He was of the same
age, and she admired him even as a boy "for his
goodly person". At the age of eighteen he married
Amy, daughter of Sir John Robsart, a Norfolk gentle-
man of good property. He was committed to the
Tower with his father, and was a captive at the same
time as Elizabeth. After his release he did good
service in the campaign against France, and fought
in the battle of St. Quentin. On Elizabeth's ac-
cession he was made Master of the Horse and a
member of the Council. He was conspicuous in
tournaments and other festivities of the Court, and
the Queen's personal affection for him was undis-
guised. The foreign ambassadors in England had
no real belief in the marriage projects which they
submitted to the Queen. As early as April, 1559,
Feria wrote: " They tell me that she is enamoured
of my Lord Robert Dudley and will never let him
leave her side. He is in such favour that people
say that she visits him in his chamber day and night.
Nay, it is even reported that his wife has a cancer
on the breast, and that the Queen waits only till she
die to marry him." We know nothing of Dudfey's
married life. There is no reason for thinking it un-
happy, save that his wife did not accompany him to
Court, but lived for the most part in the country,
moving from place to place, where no one seemed
to trouble themselves about her existence, as they
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 65
watched the growth of Dudley's greatness. In
January, 1560, De Quadra spoke of him as " the
King that is to be. There is not a man who does
not cry out on him and her with indignation. She
tells me that the Scots expect her to marry the Earl
of Arran as a condition of the union. She will as
little marry Arran as she will the Archduke; she
will marry none but the favoured Robert." Hence it
was that Cecil left the Court with a heavy heart, for
his departure left the field open for Dudley, whom
he knew to be empty-headed, self-seeking, and in-
capable of any lofty purpose. De Quadra wrote of
him with great outspokenness : " Lord Robert is
the worst young fellow I ever encountered. He is
heartless, spiritless, treacherous, and false." His
object was to follo»g[^is father's steps and make
himself ruler of ^^^^vby controllmg the Queen.
For this purpose^BIPs^ influence must be over-
thrown. Cecil was working for the union of Scotland
and England by a marriage of the Queen with Arran :
Dudley opposed a project which would have deprived
him of his power. So, when Cecil came back from
Scotland, he received neither gratitude for his services
nor payment for his expenses, while Dudley was all-
powerful and had just been granted a privilege, re-
munerative to himself, but dangerous to the public
finances, of exporting woollen goods free of duty.
Cecil was so downcast that he thought of resigning
5
66 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
office, when an unexpected event made a new call
on his loyalty, and brought his enemy to his feet.
This event was the sudden death of Dudley's
wife. She was living at Cumnor Place, in Oxford-
shire, in a house rented by Antony Forster, her
husband's steward. On Sunday, September 8, she
gave her servants leave to go to the fair at Abingdon.
She dined alone with a lady living in the neighbour-
hood. When the servants returned home late in the
evening they found their mistress lying at the bottom
of a staircase with her neck broken.
When this news reached Windsor, where Dudley
was in attendance on the Queen, they both felt that
it exposed them to grave suspicions. Their famiH-
arity was a matter of common talk ; and Dudley's am-
bitious projects were scarcel^|^cealed. Dudley's
wife was obviously an obst^^^Hhis way. It had
been said that he woul^ di^(^ffer. Cecil, in his
bitter mortification, had told the Spanish ambassador
that Dudley would soon remove her by poison. A
few days after this gloomy prophecy came the news
of her death. What could be more clear than that
she had been made away with ? Dudley seems to
have thought that his wisest course was to court full
inquiry and to take no part in it himself. He did
not go to Cumnor, but sent his cousin to see that an
inquest was held and the truth fully discovered.
Two investigations were held, apparently with all
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 67
possible care ; but nothing could be discovered about
the cause of the mishap, and a verdict v^^as returned
of "accidental death". The most probable con-
clusion is that Lady Amy's forlorn condition preyed
upon her mind. " She had been heard many times
to pray God to deliver her from desperation." The
loneliness and darkness of the night, the empty
house, may have suggested to her a means of ending
a life which v^as a burden to herself and others.
In a sudden fit of despair she opened the door and
flung herself down the winding staircase. Dudley
was not guilty of scheming her murder — indeed,
the means adopted was too clumsy to have been
deliberate — but he must have felt that he was
guilty of gross neglect and utter disregard of one
whom he was boun^ to cherish. It is no wonder
that he did not venture to attend the funeral of
one who in a very'real sense had been his victim.
The result of this tragedy was the restoration of
Cecil's power. Dudley put himself at once in Cecil's
hands, as the only man who could advise him. " I
pray you," he wrote, '* let me hear from you what
you think best for me to do. If you doubt, I pray
you ask the question, for the sooner you can advise
me thither the more I shall thank you. I am sorry so
sudden a chance should breed me so great a change :
for methinks I am here all this while as it were in a
dream, and far — too far — from the place I am bound
68 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
to be.'* It was tacitly understood that Cecil was^to
do his best to repair the scandal. Of course Eliza-
beth's enemies had no doubt of Dudley's guilt or of
Elizabeth's connivance. Mary Stuart, in France,
laughed and said : " The Queen of England is about
to marry her horsekeeper, who has killed his wife to.
make room for her". Throgmorton sent his secretary
from Paris to ask Elizabeth what he was to say.
She looked ill and harassed and could only refer him
to the verdict at the inquest "It fell out as should
touch neither his honesty nor her honour". Eliza-
beth, as she looked back upon the past, must have
seen that she was repeating a former experience.
She had endangered herself before by a coarse flirta-
tion with Seymour: now there was no one to call
her to account, but she was endangering her position
by an unseemly flirtation with Dudley. Doubtless
she saw her folly and regretted it ; but she was too
proud to avow her regret, or to reverse her conduct
suddenly. Still her eyes were open to the fact that
she was derided abroad and had sown discontent at
home. In the beginning of October she told Qecil
** that she had made up her mind and did not intend
to marry Lord Robert " ; yet she did not break off
her intimacy with him Her treatment of him varied
with her moods. She proposed to make him a peer,
but when the patent was brought for her signature
she cut it in pieces with a knife, saying that ** the
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 69
Dudleys had been traitors through three descents ".
When Dudley remonstrated, she "clapped him on
the cheeks with ' No, no, the bear and the ragged
staff is not so soon overthrown ' ". Some of the old
nobles were of opinion that if the Queen would marry
any one and bear children, it would be " the readiest
way, with the help of God, to bring us a blessed
Prince which shall redeem us out of thraldom".
When, on this ground, they urged her to marry
Dudley, she would "pup with her lips and say she
could not marry a subject ".
Political dangers for a time checked Elizabeth in
her folly. France had not been able to interfere in
Scotland, because the Huguenots^ helped by Eliza-
beth's emissaries, had risen against the Guises. By
the end of the year they were overcome, and the
Guises were again triumphant. France refused to
ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh oil the ground that
" a treaty made by subjects without the consent of
their Sovereign was void ". The French Queen con-
tinued to bear the arms of England, and a renewal
of warfare seemed imminent, when on December 5
Francis II. died and Mary was left a widow.
France was no longer under the power of the
Guises, and for a moment Elizabeth dreamed of
using the opportunity to secure her personal happi-
ness at the expense of England's welfare. She
allowed Dudley to propose to De Quadra, the Spanish
70 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
ambassador, that Philip should urge his marriage
with the Queen, on condition that England returned
to its old allegiance to the Pope. His own desires
were purely personal ; he wished to marry the Queen,
and was annoyed to find that the Anglican clergy
preached against the marriage. He would show
them that, if they opposed his plans, he could turn
elsewhere ; and Elizabeth allowed his project to pro-
ceed. She discussed it in February with De Quadra ;
she told him, what he already knew, that " she was
no angel " ; she had not made up her mind to marry
Dudley, though she saw in him many excellent
qualities ; but every day she felt the want of a
husband : she would do nothing without Philip's
sanction.
> Luckily Philip delayed in answering, and Cecil
contrived to get the negotiation into his hand. Just
at this time a practical question arose, the answer to
which affected the position of the English Church.
Pope Pius IV. was engaged in summoning a Council
to Trent, and a nuncio was on his way to invite
England to send representatives. By England's
answer to this request Philip could judge of Eliza-
beth's sincerity. The proposal was beset with diffi-
culties. On the one side, the English Church was
a part of the Catholic Church ; and, in Cecil's words,
** could not refuse to allow the presidency of the Pope,
provided it was understood that the Pope was not
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 71
above the Council, but merely its head ; and its
decision should be accepted in England if they were
in harmony with Holy Scripture and the first four
Councils ". On the other side, could the Pope accept
this position ? Could he recognise the English
Bishops, who had abjured his supremacy, but, as
Cecil pointed out, " had been apostolically ordained,
and not merely elected by a congregation like
Lutheran or Calvinist heretics " ? It was impossible
to suppose that the Pope was prepared to recognise
the constitution of the English Church ; if he did
not, the coming of the nuncio would only stir up
discontent. So the answer was given that England
could not receive the nuncio ; it would send repre-
sentatives to a free and really General Council, not
to a Council where no man's voice would be heard
" but such as were already sworn to the maintenance
of the Pope's authority". When this answer was
given on May 5, 1561, Dudley's intrigue dis-
appeared ; though, a month later, De Quadra writes
that he was in a barge on the Thames, with the
Queen and Dudley, " when they began to talk non-
sense, and went so far that Lord Robert said, as I
was on the spot, there was no reason why they
should not be married, if the Queen pleased. She said
that perhaps I did not understand sufficient English."
Certainly, at this period, Elizabeth allowed gross folly
to lead her to the furthest point of wilfulness, and
72 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
only in extremities fell back reluctantly on common
sense and public duty.
It was the question of her relation to Mary Stuart
which restored Elizabeth to prudence. Probably
opinions will always differ about the causes of the
life-long hostility between the Queens, and how far
it was inevitable. It is certain that Elizabeth re-
garded Mary from the first as her chief enemy. She
had warred in Scotland that she might secure from
Mary the recognition of her right to the English
Crown. Mary answered that she could not ratify
the terms of the Treaty of Edinburgh, because they
might be construed as a resignation of her right to
be Elizabeth's heir. Elizabeth refused all friend-
ship till the treaty was ratified, would not allow
Mary to pass through England on her way to Scot-
land in August, and even sent the English fleet to
intercept her. From the day that Mary landed in
Scotland till her death the two Queens stood in
constant rivalry and waged a never-ending war. At
first Elizabeth's unyielding attitude combined the
Scots in Mary's favour, and Elizabeth was pressed
to acknowledge her right of succession.
V Indeed, the question of the succession was press-
ing on many sides, and Elizabeth's objection to face
it was beset with many difficulties. In August, 1561,
great scandal was caused in the country by the
discovery that Lady Catharine Grey was with child.
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 73
Lady Catharine was the sister of Lady Jane Grey,
and, according to the will of Henry VI IL, was the
next heir to the throne. She declared that she had
been secretly married to the Earl of Hertford, eldest
son of the Protector Somerset. It was clear that
this clandestine marriage was the result of a political
combination and had been contracted at a time when
Elizabeth's flirtation with Dudley seemed likely to
end in a marriage. The strong Protestants and the
personal enemies of Dudley had combined to have
a leader in the revolution which was expected to
follow on the Queen's marriage with Dudley. Lady
Catharine and her husband were sent to the Tower,
and an attempt was made to discover who were
privy to the marriage, which was declared invalid,
as no witnesses were produced. It was soon found
that many important persons had knowledge of it,
and further inquiry was dropped. But Elizabeth
wreaked her wrath on Catharine and her husband,
who were kept rigorously in prison. By bribing their
keepers they occasionally managed to meet, and
Catharine bore another child. Elizabeth's anger
increased, and Hertford was fined ^^15,000 for his
offences. In vain Catharine pleaded forgiveness.
During an outbreak of plague sjie was allowed to
leave her prison for an uncle's house, but was again
committed and only left the Tower again to die in
1567.
74 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
The discovery of this intrigue made Elizabeth
more anxious to come to terms with M^ry, and
arrangements were made for a meeting between the
two Queens. But Elizabeth was soon disturbed by
another discovery. The Earl of Lennox, who had
married the daughter of Margaret, sister of Henry
VIII., had long been resident in England, where his
wife held a high position. It appeared that Lady
Lennox was trying to make herself leader of the
Romanist party and was scheming to marry her son,
Lord Darnley, to the Scottish Queen, so that "he
should be King both of Scotland and England ".
Lady Lennox was committed to the Tower ; but her
plan was found to have a number of adherents and
betokened danger.
Whatever might have been Elizabeth's intentions
with regard to Mary, they were changed by the aspect
of affairs in France, where war had again broken out
and the Guises were again regaining power. Their
victory would be the signal for a rising in England,
and Elizabeth could not afford to take any steps
which would strengthen Mary's position as leader
of the English Romanists. To check the Guises,
^ Elizabeth sent help to their opponents, but even
then she made it plain that her real desire was to
secure English interests by occupying Dieppe and
Havre as guarantees for the restoration of Calais.
But the Huguenots were defeated, and in the paci-
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 75
fication which followed England received nothing.
The Earl of Warwick vainly endeavoured to hold
Havre against the French forces. A plague broke
out among the English garrison ; and there were sad
complaints of mismanagement in sending out military
supplies. *' The cast-iron pieces were waste and
unserviceable ; there was want of stocks, axle-trees
and wheels ; they were short of ramrods by one half;
the carpenters sent out were utterly ignorant of their
art ; the shot was utterly destroyed ; there were no
bowstrings or arrows." Warwick was driven to
evacuate Havre in July, 1563, and the expedition
ended in complete disaster.
.Parliament, which met at the beginning of the
year, showed its temper by passing an *' Act for the
Assurance of the Queen's Power over all Estates,"
which made all who upheld the Pope's authority or
jurisdiction liable to the penalties of praemunire, and
imposed the oath of Supremacy on all holders of
office, lay or spiritual, in the realm. It further
urged the Queen's marriage and the settlement of
the succession. As a sample of Elizabeth's oratory,
the speech with which she dismissed Parliament may
be quoted : —
" The two petitions that you presented me, in
many words expressed, contained these two things in
sum, as of your cares the greatest — my marriage and
my succession — of which two, the I^t, T think, is best
76 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
to be touched ; and of the other, a silent thought
may serve ; for I had thought it had been so desired
as none other tree's blossoms should have been
minded ere hope of my fruit had been denied you.
But to the last, think not that you had needed this
desire, if I had seen a time so fit, and it so ripe to be
denounced. The greatness of the cause, therefore,
and need of your returns doth make me say that
which I think the wise may easily guess — that as a
short time for so long a continuance ought not to
pass by rote, as many telleth tales, even so as
cause by conference with the learned shall show me
matter worthy utterance for your behoof, so shall I
more gladly pursue your good, after my days, than
with my prayers be a means to linger my living
thread. ... I hope I shall die in quiet with a
Nunj Dimittis, which cannot be without I see some
glimpse of your following after my graved bones.
And, by the way, if any doubt that I am as it were
by vow or determination bent never to trade that
life, put out that heresy ; your belief is awry — for as
I think it best for a private woman, so do I strive
with myself to think it not most meet for a prince—
and if I can bend my will to your need, I will not
resist such a mind."
Surely perverse ingenuity could not go further in
the discovery of ambiguous utterance. The members
of Parliament must have retired in bewilderment.
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 77
However, Elizabeth, by this time, seems to have
made up her mind that marriage with Dudley was im-
possible, and that any marriage would really weaken
her__position. It is very probable that she believed
she would be childless ; and a marriage without issue
would necessitate a settlement of the succession.
With a husband on one side and a recognised suc-
cessor on the other, her own position would be much
weaker. Her strength lay in the uncertainty about
the future, which bound all her followers to a personal
loyalty of unswerving devotion. As it was, the interests
of all who were concerned in making the new England
were necessarily bound up with the maintenance of
Elizabeth's throne. Why should she, by any act of
hers, alter this ? Uncertainty about the future might
perplex her people; "tut was any certainty within reach
which would give them greater hope ? With an im-
perious fatalism the Queen resolved to keep what
she had and leave the future to care for itself. She
met each separate proposal for her marriage with
dexterity, and, without declaring any fixed intention,
allowed it to pass away. She was always willing to
entertain proposals, but always found some fatal flaw.
She wished to educate England to look to herself
Llone. Experience also had taught her that it was
safest to stand by herself. Doubtless she was at-
tracted to Dudley by his physical charms, and she
allowed herself to enjoy his companionship in her
78 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
idle hours. Perhaps she thought that by marrying a
subject she would be more free than if she marned^^
foreign prince. She was too acute not to see through
Dudley's ambition, and she was too greedy of power
not to see how much she would lose by sharing it
with any one. She keenly watched the growth of
Dudley's assumption of authority, when he felt secure
of her favour. She delighted in reminding him of
his dependence. When he presumed, she put him
to open shame. Thus, in the height of his power, he
resented that one of his followers was refused admis-
sion to the Privy Chamber by the usher, who had his
orders about the quality of those who were to enter.
Dudley turned upon him, angrily called him a knave,
and vsaid that he should not continue long in his
office. The usher stepped in before Dudley, and
kneeling before the Queen, told her what had occurred
and asked her pleasure. Elizabeth turned furiously
on Dudley: "God's death, my Lord, I have wished
you well, but my favour is not so locked up for you
that others shall not partake thereof ; for I have many
servants, unto whom I have, and will at my pleasure,
bequeath my favour and likewise reserve the same.
And, if you think to rule here, I will take a course
to see you forthcoming. I will have here but one
mistress, and no master." This rebuke, we are not
surprised to hear, so quelled Dudley ** that his feigned
humility was long after one of his best virtues ". In
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 79
fact, Elizabeth discovered the advantages to be gained
by combining the parts of the woman and the Queen.
As Queen, she could administer reproofs in public ; as
woman she could forgive in private. Her real grati-
fication lay in receiving homage ; and the homage
of an aspiring suitor was more certain than even that
of a dependent and submissive husband^/
When Elizabeth had made up her mind, so far as
her mind was ever made up, as regards herself, she
could afford to interest herself in Mary's marriage
projects. Mary wished to marry Don Carlos or the
Archduke Charles of Austria, and so increase her
political influence. Elizabeth informed her that if she
married into the Royal House of Spain, France or
Austria, she would regard her as an enemy ; if she
chose a Protestant prince or a French noble she
would name her as her successor. A little later she
proposed that Mary should marry an English noble-
man, or some other great person of another realm,
" not of such greatness as suspicion might be gathered
that he might intend trouble to the realm ". At last,
with an air of one who makes a supreme sacrifice,
she suggested Lord Robert Dudley. How far Eliza-
beth was sincere in making this proposal cannot be
determined. It is just possible that she trusted in
Dudley's devotion to herself to avoid the dangers
which might beset her if Mary was recognised as
her successor. It is also possible that she made a
8o QUEEN ELIZABETH.
proposal, which she knew that Mary would bitterly
resent, in the hopes of goading her to take a step
which would make her recognition impossible.
Either result would be an immediate gain. Perhaps
she chose to invent a position which admitted of alter-
native issues.
While she awaited the results of this suggestion,
Elizabeth, in August, 1564, paid a visit to Cambridge,
that she might solace her mind in that ancient seat
of learning, and find some relief from her perplexities
by captivating the youthful enthusiasm of its students.
Cecil, as Chancellor, with his usual carefulness, super-
vised every detail of the ceremonial to be observed.
On August 5 the Queen entered Cambridge by
Newnham Mill, where she was received by the
Mayor and Corporation. Then she proceeded to
King's College, along a line of students and masters,
marshalled in order. At the west door of the chapel
she was welcomed by the inevitable orator, to whose
Latin speech she listened carefully, shaking her head
in deprecation of his praises, and sometimes expres-
sing her modesty in articulate Latin. When he
praised the unmarried life, she said : " God's blessing
of thine heart ; there continue **. When he had
finished, she said " that she would answer him again
in Latin, but for fear she should speak false Latin,
and then he would laugh at her". Then she passed
into the chapel, where a stately service was sung.
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 8l
The Queen lodged in King's College ; and, on the
next day, which was a Sunday, attended service at
the University Church, walking under a canopy
carried by the four senior doctors. After evensong
the "Aulularia" of Plautus was acted in King's
College Chapel, and the performance was not over
till midnight. On the following day the University
lectures and disputations were resumed, and the
Queen was present as an interested onlooker. In
the evening a play, on the somewhat inappropriate
subject of '' Dido," was provided for her amusement.
On the following day Elizabeth visited the various
Colleges, being greeted at each by a Latin speech,
and receiving a volume of Latin and Greek verses
composed in her honour by members of the College.
Returning to her lodging, *' as Her Grace rode
through the street, she talked much with divers
scholars in Latin". The last day of her stay-in
Cambridge wasTdevoted to an academic ceremonial.
The most learned doctors were chosen to dispute on
two significant conclusions : " That the authority of
Scripture is greater than that of the Church," and
that " The civil magistrate has authority in ecclesias-
tical matters ". When these had been satisfactorily
proved, the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Robert Dudley
knelt before the Queen and '' humbly desired her to
speak something to the University, and in Latin ".
At first she affected coyness and asked that she
6
t2 QVEEN ELIZABETH.
might speak in English. Cecil reminded her that
the University always used Latin as its official
language. Elizabeth asked Cecil to speak for her,
" because the Chancellor was the Queen's mouth ".
Cecil, with due gravity, replied that ''he was Chan-
cellor of the University, not hers ". The Bishop of
Ely pleaded that ** three words of her mouth were
enough ". After this little play had been performed,
the Queen pronounced a carefully prepared oration
which delighted the hearer by its aptness. She
assured them of her love for learning, her apprecia-
tion of their loyalty, her gratification of all she
had seen. One sorrow alone oppressed her; like
Alexander the Great, she mourned that she had
predecessors who had done so much. She solaced
herself by the reflection that Rome was not built in
a day, and that she was still young. " My age is
not so far advanced but that, before I pay my last
debt to nature, if cruel Atropos do not too soon cut
the thread of my life, I may erect some noble work."
When the applause was over she asked that " all
■ who had heard her speak might drink of the waters
of Lethe".
('^^ U is on such occasions as these that we see the
I secret of Elizabeth's charm — her dignity, her ready
\ sympathy, her dexterity, her sprightliness, her social
\ readiness, and her intellectual powers. But even in
Cambridge she promised what she did not perform.
Problems of the reigM. 83
No noble wiaiLJwas ^ erected by her bounty, and
Elizabeth's successors had nothing to fear from her
rivalry wTth those who had gone before. The Duke
of Norfolk alone was moved to make a benefaction to
Magdalene College.
It was not long before Elizabeth held high state
and indulged her love for ceremonial in a matter
which seriously concerned her. On September 29
Lord Robert Dudley was created Earl of Leicester
so as to fit him for his proposed marriage to Mary of
Scotland. We have a description of this scene from
the pen of Sir John Melville, who came as Mary's
envoy to discuss her future. Melville, on his arrival,
found Elizabeth angry at a '* despiteful letter " which
she had received from Mary. " I was minded," she
said, '* to answer it with another as despiteful." She
took her answer from her pocket and read it ; Melville
persuaded her to forbear sending it. She asked for
Mary's answer to her proposal that she should marry
Dudley. Melville answered that it would be discussed
at a meeting of commissioners from both realms, in
which Mary expected that England would be repre-
sented by the Earl of Bedford and Lord Robert
Dudley. " You make small account of Lord Robert,"
said Elizabeth, " seeing you name the Earl of Bedford
before him. But I will make him a greater Earl,
and you shall see it done before you go home." She
called Dudley "her brother and best friend, whom
84 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
she would have married herself had she minded to
take a husband ". Being determined to die a virgin,
she wished Mary to marry him; this would "free
her mind of all fears and suspicions to be offended
by any usurpation before her death ; being assured
that he was so loving and trusty that he would never
suifer any such thing to be attempted in her time **.
So Dudley, with much pomp, was created Baron
Denbigh, and afterwards Earl of Leicester. Elizabeth
put the mantle on him and girt him with his sword,
as he knelt before her; **but she could not refrain
from putting her hand in his neck, smilingly tickling
him ". Then she turned and asked Melville how he
liked him. Melville diplomatically answered that the
Princess was happy who could reward such a worthy
servant. Swiftly Elizabeth pointed to Darnley, who
bore the sword of state, and whispered : ** Yet you
like better of yonder long lad ".
Melville gives an account of many interviews with
Elizabeth which contain curious details. One day
she took him into her bedroom, and opened a little
cabinet containing several pictures, each wrapped in
paper, with the name written upon it. She took up
one labelled ** My Lord's picture '*. Melville pressed
to see it, and she reluctantly gave him permission.
It was a portrait of Leicester. Melville asked to
carry it back for Mary. " No," said Elizabeth, "it
is the only one I have." " Your Majesty," answered
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 85
Melville, " hath the original," and he pointed to
Leicester, in the other end of the room. Elizabeth
turned to Mary's picture and kissed it with every
show of affection. She showed Melville her jewels,
and said that if Mary would only follow her counsel
she would, in time, have all her possessions. At
other times Elizabeth talked with Melville, who had
travelled far, about other countries, especially the
fashions of ladies' dress. Every day she wore a
different costume, and inquired of Melville, as a man
of taste, which became her best. '' I answered, in
my judgment, the Italian dress; which answer, I
found, pleased her well, for she delighted to show
her golden-coloured hair, wearing a caul and bonnet,
as they do in Italy. Her hair was rather reddish
than yellow, and curled naturally." She asked
Melville which was most beautiful, she or Mary.
It needed all his courtliness to escape at last with
the answer " that they were both the fairest ladies
in their countries ". She asked which was tallest.
Melville answered Mary. "Then," said she, "she
is too high, for I myself am neither too high nor too
low." She inquired if Mary played well. Melville,
driven to bay, said : " reasonably for a Queen ".
That evening, after dinner, Elizabeth contrived that
Melville should surprise her playing on the virginals,
which he admits that she did exceedingly well. On
discovering his presence, she rose, " and c^rae for-
86 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
ward, seeming to strike him with her hand ; alleging
that she used not to play before men, but when she
was solitary to shun melancholy ". However, she
asked whether Mary or she played best, and Melville,
" in this was obliged to give her the praise ". When
Melville wished to depart he was stayed two days
that he might have an opportunity of seeing the
Queen dance. Then she inquired if she or Mary
danced best. He answered that Mary " danced not
so high nor so disposedly as she did ". Elizabeth
expressed her longing to see Mary quietly, and
Melville sardonically proposed that she should ac-
company him to Scotland, disguised as a page.
She answered with a sigh: "Alas, if I might do it
thus ! "
It is impossible to say what Elizabeth meant by
this conduct ; but her want of straightforwardness
was infectious. Leicester inquired of Melville what
the Queen of Scots thought of him, and was answered
coldly. He excused himself for his presumption in
seeking Mary's hand and said that the proposal came
from Cecil, his secret enemy, "for if I should have
appeared desirous of that marriage I should have
offended both the Queens and lost their favour".
Indeed, in making this confession, Leicester spoke
out the true feeling which lay at the bottom of many
minds. It was uncertain which Queen's favour
was most worth seeking, which of the two would
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 87
ultimately enjoy the English throne. Cecil was
one of the few who were resolutely committed to
Elizabeth.
Elizabeth's own wishes about Mary's marriage
are obscure. She knew that " the long lad,"
Darnley, was a candidate ; she knew that Leicester
was in many ways objectionable. Yet she could
not allow her commissioners to name other English
nobles, such as Norfolk or Arundel. " She could see
none for her own contentation meeter for the purpose
than one who for his good gifts she esteemed fit to be
placed in the number of kings and princes." She
would not even promise to recognise Mary as her
successor till the marriage with Leicester had actually
been accomplished. But while thus seeming to press
Leicester to the exclusion of all others, she allowed
Darnley to join his father Lennox, in Scotland,
though she knew the projects formed about him.
It would almost seem that Elizabeth really wished
Mary to contract this marriage. Her alliance with
Spain or Austria would have led to a crusade against
England. To avert this possiblity, to gain time, and
to seem willing to do something, Elizabeth proposed
the marriage with Leicester. Knowing that this
proposal was offensive to Mary, and not wishing it
to succeed, she put Darnley in Mary's way, as the
least dangerous of possible candidates. At any rate,
if Mary married Darnley, her recognition as heir
88 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
to the Crown would be deferred for a time ; and no
one could say what the future might bring forth.
While the matter still hung in the balance, there
was no diminution in Elizabeth's familiarity with
Leicester. One day he was playing tennis with the
Duke of Norfolk, while the Queen was looking on ;
Leicester took the Queen's handkerchief from her
hand to wipe his face, whereon Norfolk's anger against
the upstart favourite blazed forth and he threatened
to beat him with his racket. Hard words were
exchanged on both sides, and the Queen ** was sore
offended with the Duke ". It was obvious that the
record of such like scenes should reach Mary's ears
and strengthen her objection to marriage with the
Queen of England's minion.
When, however, the probability of Mary's
marriage with Darnley was discussed in England,
its dangers became suddenly apparent. It increased
Mary's title and made her seem less of an alien.
If it reduced the chances of an invasion of England,
it gave greater chance of raising up a faction
within the realm itself. Bluster and menace were
used to bend Mary's resolution ; Lennox and
Darnley were recalled to England, but refused to
obey. Elizabeth found that she had miscalculated
in supposing that the prospect of Mary's marriage
with Darnley would cause a disturbance in Scot-
land. There was no sij^n of a rising to prevent it.
PROBLEMS OF THE REIGN. 89
The general feeling of England was somewhat in
favour of it : if Elizabeth herself would not marry,
it was well that Mary should take a husband of
such lineage that her offspring would be nearer of
blood to the Tudor Hne and so more English. In
spite of all that Elizabeth could say or do, the
marriage was solemnised on July 29, 1565.
Hitherto the two Queens had been watching one
another with ill-disguised animosity and suspicion.
Now Mary had taken the first step in aggression.
Elizabeth would not marry because she could find no
match which would strengthen her position, while
Mary had secured a husband which brought her
nearer to the English Crown. Elizabeth could only
retort by reviving the old proposal of marriage with
the Austrian Archduke. At least that was something
which might be kept continually in reserve. To add
to her difficulties, just at this time, the third daughter
of the Duke of Suffolk, the only one who remained in
the line of succession laid down by Henry VUL,
Lady Mary Grey, was found to have contracted a
secret marriage. The object of her affections was
Thomas Keys, the Queen's serjeant porter. The
matter was ludicrous, as the Lady Mary was so small
that she was almost a dwarf, while Keys had been
chosen for his post owing to his huge proportions,
Moreover, the bridegroom was twice the age of the
bride and was a widower with several phildr^p.
go QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Elizabeth committed Keys to the Fleet and Lady
Mary to confinement in the houses of friends. The
luckless pair were never allowed to meet again. But
the last chance of putting forth the successor through
the Greys had now disappeared. Mary Stuart stood
fronting Elizabeth, dreaded yet inevitable, as her only
possible successor, and therefore the necessary repre-
sentative of all who were discontented in England.
If Elizabeth distrusted Mary when she refused to
ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh, she now regarded her
with dread. In the duel between the two Queens,
Mary had made the first hit ; and Elizabeth could
only gird herself to greater watchfulness in the
future. Mary's success was chiefly due to her own
imprudence.
CHAPTER III.
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART.
The result of Mary's marriage was that, for a time,
Elizabeth was reduced to the position of a discredited
and somewhat fearful spectator of her doings. At
first she had some hopes from a rising of the Protes-
tant nobles under Murray ; but she was afraid to help
them openly ; they were promptly defeated and took
refuge in England. Never did Elizabeth sink to a
lower depth of duplicity than when Murray, contrary
to her wishes, made his way into her presence. She
rebuked him for rebellion; she declared that the
'* Queen of Scots had been her good sister, and such
she always expected to find her"; she disclaimed
any knowledge of his projects ; she dismissed him in
disgrace. Having performed this comedy for the
good of the ambassadors of France and Spain, she
wrote an account of it to Mary. Her only object
seemed to be to avoid giving Spain any ground for
interference. Absolute caution, however degrading,
was, in her opinion, necessary. When she pleaded
with Mary in Murray's behalf, her ambassador
92 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Randolph was ordered to leave Scotland. Mary's
power was daily increasing, and Elizabeth felt herself
in serious danger.
From this she was released by the quarrel between
Mary and her husband, which led to the murder of
Rizzio, at Holyrood, on March 9, 1566. For a
time Mary's power seemed broken, but she recovered
herself by dauntless energy, and Elizabeth again
refused to identify herself with the Scottish rebels.
On June ig was born Mary's son, James, and the
news was a bitter blow to Elizabeth. Dropping into
a seat, she wailed : ** The Queen of Scots is mother
of a fair son, and I am but a barren stock ". England
rejoiced at the news, and Elizabeth felt that it was
hard for her to delay much longer the recognition of
Mary as her successor. She could not refuse to meet
her Parliament, which was sure to raise the question.
Her popularity was waning, her enemies were increas-
ing ; in many counties preparations were being made
for a rising in Mary's behalf.
To escape the despondency caused by these cares,
Elizabeth, in August, set forth to visit Oxford, as she
had visited Cambridge two years before. First she
went to Woodstock and revived the memories of her
imprisonment, when peril was as near as it was at
present. Leicester, as Chancellor of Oxford, had the
advantage of Cecil's experience in making arrange-
ments at Cambridge, and found his task ^n easy one.
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 93
There was the same ceremonious reception when she
entered the town ; but she looked askance at the
Vice-Chancellor, Lawrence Humphreys, a noted
Puritan, and said : " Mr. Doctor, that loose gown
becomes you mighty well ; I wonder your notions
should be so narrow ". She passed between the rows
of applauding students to Carfax, in the centre of the
town, where the Greek professor greeted her with a
Greek oration, to which she made a suitable reply in
the same tongue. Thence she went to Christ Church,
where she was to lodge. Five days were spent in
listening to disputations, visiting the Colleges, and
receiving a vast supply of complimentary poems, and
attending performances of Latin and English dramas
which were acted by the students. A play which told
the story of Palamon and Arcite was so lengthy that
it occupied two nights ; every one opined that its plot
was better than that of Damon and Pythias, which
was then fashionable. The exercises of dialecticians
were listened to with all the admiration and enthu-
siasm that now has been transferred to athletic sports,
and the prowess of disputants was valued as we now
value that of a cricketer.
When these contests were over Elizabeth ad-
dressed the University in Latin. The evening
shadows were falling, and she dexterously' began by
saying: "Those who do ill hate the light; and be-
cause I know that I will speak ill to you, I think this
94 QUEEN EUZABETM.
time of gathering darkness is most suitable". She
divided what she had to say in two parts : praise and
blame. The praise was for the University, the blame
for herself. ** My parents took good care that I
should be well educated, and I had great practice in
many languages, of which I take to myself some
knowledge ; but, though I say this with truth, I say
it with modesty. I had many learned teachers, but
they laboured in a barren and unproductive field,
which brought forth fruit unworthy alike of their toil
and of your expectation. Therefore you have praised
me abundantly, I am conscious that I deserve not
your praise But I will end this speech, which is
full of barbarisms, with one earnest wish and prayer.
My prayer is this, that during my lifetime you may
be most flourishing, after my death most happy."
When she left Oxford the civic magistrates accom-
panied her to Magdalen Bridge, where their jurisdic-
tion ended ; the representatives of the University
went to Shotover Hill, where the bounds of the
University were reached. There was one last Latin
speech ; then Elizabeth waved her hand and said :
*' Farewell, famous University ; farewell, my faithful
subjects : farewell, dear scholars ; and may God bless
your studies. Farewell, farewell." Then she rode
onwards.
On her return to London Parliament met at the
end of September. The question of the succession
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 95
Was uppermost in every mind, and all other business
was of secondary importance. In vain Elizabeth
tried to avert its discussion by vague promises of
marriage and by personal remonstrance with the chief
peers. A joint address of the two Houses was
presented on November 5, and received an angry
answer ; what had she done that they shc^uld accuse
her of " careless care of this her dear realm " ? Cecil
conveyed the royal displeasure to the Houses and
ordered them to be silent on this subject. There was
a long discussion if such an order were not against
the privileges of the House, but Elizabeth sent for the
Speaker and repeated her command " that there
should be no further argument ". A member strayed
into the forbidden subject, and Elizabeth had him
put under arrest. The Commons began to consider
their privileges. Elizabeth saw that she had gone
too far. She released the imprisoned member, and
sending for the Speaker, informed him that " she did
revoke her two former commandments requiring the
House no further at this time to proceed in the
matter". But she nursed her wrath till the end of
the session, when she dismissed Parliament, saying
at the end of her speech : —
** Do you think that either I am so unmindful of
your surety by succession, wherein is all my care,
considering I know myself to be but mortal ? No, I
warrant you. Or that I went about to break your
^6 QUEUN nUZABEfH.
liberties ? No, it never was my meaning ; but td
stay you before you fell into the ditch. For all things
have their time ; and although perhaps you may have
after me a better, learneder, or wiser, yet I assure
you, none more careful over you. And therefore
henceforth, whether I live to see the like assembly or
no, or whoever it be, yet beware how you prove your
Prince's patience as you have now done mine.
** And now to conclude all this. Notwithstanding,
not meaning to make a Lent of Christmas, the most
part of you may assure yourselves that you depart in
your Prince's grace."
Elizabeth had no doubt of her power to rule and
was determined that no one should doubt her capa-
city to do so. There were matters which she alone
could manage, and she demanded implicit trust in
her discretion where questions of national policy
were concerned. Her objections to the discussion of
her marriage and of the succession were not founded
on personal grounds. She claimed that she alone
could judge what was for the real interests of her
realm.
Events in Scotland came to her help and occupied
the minds of men. On February lo, 1567, Darnley
was murdered, and Elizabeth received the news with
every appearance of sorrow. It must, however, have
given her a sense of profound relief. She had felt
that Mary was gaining and that herself was losing.
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 97
Now was an opportunity of asserting her superiority.
Her own desire all along had been to maintain Mary
in Scotland, but to reduce her to a position of de-
pendence on herself. Hitherto she had been baffled :
now she might succeed. So she adopted the attitude
of Mary's candid friend and adviser. She wrote to
her expressing her horror at the news of the murder ;
and then continued : " Madam, I should ill fulfil the
part either of a faithful cousin or of an affectionate
friend, if I were to content myself with saying
pleasant things to you and made no effort to pre-
serve your honour. I cannot but tell you what all
the world is thinking. Men say that, instead of
seizing the murderers, you are looking through your
fingers while they escape. For myself, I beseech
you to believe that I would not harbour such a
thought for all the wealth of the world. I entreat
you to let no interest, no persuasion, keep you from
proving to every one that you are a noble Princess
and a loyal wife." With this letter was a proposal
for the ratification of the Treaty of Edinburgh, and
the establishment of a Church in Scotland on the
lines of the Church of England. With good advice
went a request for substantial advantages.
Whether or no Mary would have followed Eliza-
beth's advice is an open question. It is certain that
she did not ; and her marriage with Bothwell, on
May 15, was the signal for a rising against her.
7
98 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
She was taken prisoner and was confined in Loch-
leven Castle on June 17. Elizabeth gave no help
to the confederate Lords and entirely disapproved of
their action. She was sensitive about the rights of
Princes. She felt that she owed much to the for-
bearance of foreign Powers, and was resolved to set
a good example. At the same time, she purposed to
use the position of self-appointed mediator in a lofty
manner. She sent her commands to the Scottish
nobles as one having authority. They were ordered
to release the Queen, to inquire into Bothwell's guilt
for Darnley's murder, to provide for a meeting of the
Scottish Parliament and a general pacification, and
to bring Prince James to England for safe keeping.
Elizabeth certainly asked enough and asserted un-
mistakably the claims of a feudal superiori^'. Her
ministers saw that her demandj>- were hopeless of
attainment ; but, in matters which concerned her
position as a Sovereign,. Elizabeth would brook no
"advice. She preferred the issues of bold diplomacy
to action. The duties of one Sovereign Prince to-
wards another were to be determined by the Sovereign
alone.
Perhaps Elizabeth was saving her personal credit
at small cost. She knew that her demands were
impossible. A full investigation of recent occurrences
in Scotland was not to be thought of, as every one of
position was involved either in the murder of Rizzio
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. gg
or of Darnley; and an inquiry once instituted
could not be limited. The Lords refused to listen
to Elizabeth's envoy, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton.
Elizabeth wrote to him : " We do detest the murder
of our cousin the King; but the head cannot be
subject to the foot, and we cannot recognise in them
any right to call their Sovereign to account. You
shall plainly tell them that, if they determine any-
thing to the deprivation of the Queen, their Sovereign,
we are well assured of our determination that we will
make ourselves a plain party against them to the
revenge of their Sovereign for all posterity." The
Lords extracted from Mary her signature to a
document in which she abdicated in favour of her
son. Throgmorton publicly protested, and privately
pleaded that, at least, Mary's life should be spared.
Elizabeth threatened war, and Cecil pointed out
that "the malice of the world would say that she
had used severity to the Lords to urge them to
rid away the Queen". Elizabeth had failed in her
plan of keeping Mary on the Scottish throne, weak,
discredited and dependent on herself, who had
established her position as arbiter of Scottish affairs,
and would organise the country on the model of
England. ^
All this, however, added to the perplexity of those
who were anxious about England's future. Mary of
Scotland had been tacitly regarded as Elizabeth's
loo QUEEN ELIZABETH.
successor. Now all was plunged in uncertainty.
Troubles in the Netherlands had led Philip of Spain
to send a large army to subdue the rebels ; if it suc-
ceeded, England lay temptingly near. Elizabeth's
marriage could alone avert danger, and the claims of
the Archduke Charles of Austria were again pressed
upon her by the Council. Though a Romanist, he
had learned to tolerate Lutheranism, and so would
not be hostile to the English Church. By Elizabeth's
marriage with him England would be on friendly
terms with Spain and would be recognised as allied
with the Courts of Europe.
So the Earl of Sussex was sent to Vienna to see
if matters could be arranged. The chief point con-
cerned religion. Sussex was to point out that uni-
formity was a principle of English politics : " Many
inconveniences had happened in other countries from
maintaining contrariety in religion. England differed
from all other States that it could not suffer those
diversities of religion which others were seen to do.
The law touched no man's conscience, so as public
order was not violated by external act or teaching."
The Queen could not change her laws for a marriage.
Charles was invited to return with Sussex and see for
himself. Sussex reported that Charles was willing
to come to England and would accept all the Queen's
conditions, save on the matter of his religion. He
would accompany the Queen to public service ; he
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. loi
asked only for the use of a private chapel where he
could hear Mass, which no EngHshman should be
allowed to attend. These were reasonable requests,
which Elizabeth might have granted if she had been
in earnest. But Elizabeth was never in earnest
about her marriage, and she knew that if Charles
once came to England it would be difficult to find
an escape. If he had consented to abandon his
religious opinions, that would have been a sacrifice
which would have satisfied her vanity and would
have bound him to herself. As it was, she doubted
if. a Romanist Prince in England might not cause
trouble. "God^' she said, "had so far prospered
her by keeping England in peace, while France,
Scotland and Flanders were torn by war ; she minded
still to please Him by continuing her whole realm in
one manner of religion." Yet, if the Archduke would
come, all might be settled ; during his visit he
should have " such use of his religion as should be
found possible ". If he came in the hopes of pro-
curing toleration for the Romanists, *' his coming
would be both vain and dishonourable ".
After such an equivocal answer, nothing was to
be done. Charles refused to put himself in a false
position, and Elizabeth would give him rio positive
assurance. She was not entirely insincere in her
advances; but she was not satisfied that the ad-
vantages to be gained were equivalent to the risk
I02 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
which would be incurred. Her ministers looked only
to the present ; Elizabeth looked to the future. She
had been accustomed all her life to live amid un-
certainties, and had none of the faith which makes
a bold venture. The return must be quite sure
before she would make a sacrifice. She would
pursue a project up to the final point and then reject
it. She wondered that others did not see difficulties
as clearly as herself; but she could not follow their
superior confidence. Sorely to the disappointment
of Cecil, the negotiation with Charles came to an
end and was not renewed.
On May 2, 1568, Mary of Scotland escaped
from Lochleven Castle and was again at the head of
a band of adherents. Elizabeth's position was again
very difficult. She had defended Mary when she was
a prisoner, what was she to do now she was at large ?
Elizabeth's real wish was to set Mary again on the
throne, but in such a way as to make her, and
through her Scotland, dependent on England. Hence
when Mary was in prison, Elizabeth was her friend ;
now that Mary was striving to win back her position
by herself, Elizabeth remembered her misdeeds. She
wrote Mary a letter in which she reminded her that in
the past she had " shown small respect for her state
and honour"; she was prepared to help her if she
would now follow her advice, which was to desist from
force and submit to Elizabeth's arbitration between
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 103
herself and her subjects. But before Elizabeth's mes-
sage reached her, Mary's troops were scattered at
Langside and she was a fugitive in Galloway.
There were three courses possible for Mary ; to
remain in hiding till her adherents had again rallied ;
to sail for France ; or to take refuge in England. In
the light of after events, it seems strange that she
chose the last of these possibilities. But it suited
her temperament to play an adventurous game, and
she thought that by a little pressure she could force
Elizabeth to intervene on her behalf. On May 16
she crossed the Solway, and was escorted to the Castle
of Carlisle. Such had been Mary's haste that she
had brought with her no change of dress ; and it is
odd to find that Carlisle could not supply her needs.
When Elizabeth heard of her condition she sent her
some clothing. When the parcel was opened, it
contained " two torn shifts, two pieces of black
velvet, two pair of shoes, and nothing else ". Sir
Francis Knowles, who brought this munificent gift,
was driven by shame to say ''that Her Highness's
maid had mistaken and sent such things necessary
for such a maid-servant as she was herself". Was
it insolence, or parsimony, or carelessness, which
led to such an extraordinary breach of courtesy?
Whichever it might be, it betokened ill for Eliza-
beth's hospitality.
Mary demanded that she should be received at
I04 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
Court and should be allowed to explain her position
to Elizabeth. This demand raised great difficulties.
Mary claimed to be the second person in the realm,
and her reception at Court would have been a recog-
nition of her claim. She was informed that she must
prove her innocence of the charges laid against her
before she could be admitted to the Queen's presence.
She then demanded '* to be allowed to pass into
France to seek aid at other Princes' hands ". This
was hard to refuse on any personal ground ; but it
was too much to expect that Elizabeth would run the
risk of provoking French interference in Scotland.
The only answer she could give was that '* all
convenient means would be used for Mary's relief
and comfort". In fact, Elizabeth still clung to her
old policy. Mary, weak and discredited, was to be
restored to nominal rule in Scotland, while really
reduced to dependence on England. So Elizabeth
assured her that she would " have care both of her
life and honour". " Does it seem strange," she^went
on, *' that you are not allowed to see me ? I entreat
you to put yourself in my place. When you are
acquitted of this crime I will receive you with all
honour ; till that is done, I may not." Later, she
explained that she must not receive her, or else she.
would seem to be pinrtt?rt,^Titf^**Ihe other side would
not accept her arbitration, so that she would be unable
to help her ". Elizabeth gradually slipped into the
ELIZABETH AND MART'^:£JJART, .-" 105
position of judge, in spite of Mary's remonstrances;
but she was going to do the best she could for Mary.
Her intention was to have enough evidence produced
to slightly justify the Lords and slightly inculpate
Mary : then she would suggest a genial compromise,
which would require her constant intervention to
maintain.
It was a difficult game to play, because both
parties were to be deluded into putting themselves
into Elizabeth's hands, on the supposition that she
would favour them. As for a judicial inquiry into the
circumstances of Darnley's murder, that was impos-
sible in itself; and certainly no impartial tribunal
could be constructed to try the case. Elizabeth put
forward the inquiry as a necessary preliminary for
her action, but neither party would agree to the
inquiry till they knew what that action would be.
So Elizabeth led Mary to suppose that she intended
to restore her in Scotland, whatever happened, while
she informed Murray that she did not mean to restore
her if she were found guilty of the murder. She thus
rendered it tolerably certain that evidence of Mary's ^
guilt would be produced. Then she nominated three
Commissioners who were to meet the representatives
of Mary and of the Scottish Lords at York. The
Commissioners were fairly chosen to represent dif-
ferent opinions in England. They were the Duke of
Norfolk, the leader of the old nobility; the Earl of
io6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Sussex, a statesman of the old school ; and Sir Ralph
Sadler, a capable ofBcial of the new type which had
arisen under Henry VIII. When the Commissioners
met at York, in October, Murray showed them
privately some letters, purporting to have been dis-
covered in a casket belonging to Mary, which incrim-
inated her of devising with Bothwell the murder of
Darnley. What was intended to be a political com-
promise threatened to become a criminal trial, and
Elizabeth had to consider what she would do. She
dissolved the conference at York and summoned it to
Westminster. She laid the evidence against Mary
before a Council of the Peers. She added five,
amongst them Leicester, Cecil and Bacon, to the
number of the English Commissioners, who began a
kind of private inquiry into Mary's guilt. When
Mary protested against this jurisdiction, Murray was
set up as the criminal and was required to prove his
charge. The evidence was placed before a number
of the English peers, who were of opinion that until
some answer had been made, Elizabeth could not
admit Mary to her pVesence. It is clear that Eliza-
beth hoped by thus gradually tightening the coils of
the net round Mary to induce her to admit her guilt,
confirm her abdication, and allow James to be
educated in England as successor to the English
Crown. But Mary refused and Elizabeth was afraid
to push matters to extremities. She stopped short
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 107
and left everything to the chance of the future.
Murray was told that " nothing had been brought
against the Lords which impaired their honour and
allegiance " ; but also that nothing "had been suiB-
ciently produced against the Queen, their Sovereign,
whereby the Queen of England should take evil
opinion of the Queen, her good sister". With this
impotent conclusion the Conference ended.
Elizabeth had failed in arranging matters, as she
hoped, by an advantageous compromise on political
grounds. Anything of the nature of a trial was out
~6i the question ; but, short of this, Mary's reputation
had been damaged as far as it could be. For the
present, she would remain in captivity in England,
till some opportunity offered for sagacious action to
which she might lend her name. Elizabeth had, by
this time, contracted the habit of putting off un-
pleasant business and leaving it undone. She had
put off her own marriage and the settlement of the
succession; the disposal of Mary of Scotland might
conveniently be added to the list, as being cognate
to them. Elizabeth was so accustomed to live from
hand to mouth that her policy consisted in delay.
She was willing to decide if the opportunity was
favourable ; but the opportunity rarely offered all
that she wanted. So she waited for a convenient
season. If she had not restored Mary, at least she
had not betrayed her. She had done enough to
io8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
obtain general acquiescence to the important point
that Mary ought not to be received at Court. Doubt-
less, on this point, she recalled her own personal
experiences in her young da3^s. Perhaps she felt a
certain pleasure in facing the claim on her own
dexterity, and was of opinion that she could manage
Mary Stuart more skilfully than Mary Tudor had
managed herself. She felt a perverse satisfaction in
watching how things would turn out.
There were, however, other dangers threatening
Elizabeth. The Spanish troops of Alva were vic-
torious in the Netherlands ; and Elizabeth could not
flatter herself that Philip was her friend. She had
tried his patience in many ways, as she discovered
that he could not interfere in English affairs through
fear that Mary Stuart would be a firm ally of France.
Now that Mary's fortunes had waned, she would be
a puppet in the hands of any one who acted as her
deliverer. Philip had suffered much from England.
It was of primary importance to him to have safe
communication by sea between Spain and the Nether-
lands ; and England, though at peace with him, was
a constant source of annoyance at sea.
During the last few years there had been a wonder-
ful development of piracy, in which the energies of
Englishmen found an outlet. England was passing
through a social change in which agricultural pur-
suits were sinking in importance before industry and
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 109
commerce. There was a displacement of population
which opened out the way to adventure, and piracy
became a profitable trade. The government naturalty
wished for the growth of English seamanship and the
command of the narrow seas. It winked at piracy
as a temporary matter, till some better mode of >
training seamen could be found. England could not
afford a navy ; its fisheries were decaying, its carrying
trade was not large. Good management might
increase the occupation for Englishmen at sea ;
meanwhile they must find their own occupation
and they found it in piracy. Elizabeth was not sorry
if Spain was the sufferer; she only washed to keep
things within the limits of decency. This, however,
was difficult, and complaints were many. At last, in
1564, Philip determined to give Elizabeth a lesson.
Taking advantage of her war with France, he
arrested all the English fleets in Spanish harbours
and excluded English traders from the Flemish ports.
This drove Elizabeth to apologise and to promise to
do her utmost to suppress pirates. She ordered Sir
Peter Carew to clear the seas between Devonshire
and Ireland ; but he was to do it at his own expense and
pay himself out of the booty which he could capture.
This was not a profitable undertaking and little was
done. A Commission met at Bruges to settle differ-
ences between England and Spain ; but the English
commissioners had nothing to urge in their defence.
no QUEEN ELIZABETH.
"Our men," they wrote, ** in their offences are so
far out of all order, and the cases are so lamentable,
if" the accounts be true, that we scant tell how to
open our mouths for any reasonable satisfaction
therein."
Nor was it only in the Channel that Spain had
to complain of English depredation. In the Spanish
possessions in America it had been found that the
native Indians were unsuited for labour in the mines,
and negroes were brought from Africa to work in
their stead. This traffic, however, was carefully
regulated and was carried on under a licence from
the Spanish Government. John Hawkins, however,
discovered that a good business was to be done in
smuggling negroes into the Spanish colonies contrary
to the law. On his first voyage, half of his return
cargo was seized and confiscated at Cadiz, and
Elizabeth was admonished to prevent this illicit
trading. However, Hawkins had learned wisdom by
experience and was not discouraged. In his" second
venture, Leicester, Pembroke, and even the Queen
herself, are said to have taken shares. Hawkins
sailed with his negroes to several Spanish ports and
sold them in defiance of the Governor. He paid
those who had taken shares in his undertaking 60
per cent., and was openly received at Court. In
1567 Hawkins sailed again, but this time his good
fortune deserted him. As he lay in the harbour of
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. iii
San Juan de Ulloa a Spanish fleet arrived and
captured his ships, leaving him to escape with two
small tenders, which made their way with difficulty
to Plymouth Harbour in December, 1568.
Now it chanced that, just at this time, there lay
in the harbour ships laden with money for the Duke
of Alva. Philip had borrowed from Genoese bankers
and the dollars were divided, for greater safety, among
several vessels, which were trying to escape the
dangers of the Channel. Some of them had thought
it prudent to take refuge in English harbours, so as
to elude the pirates, and lay there in some anxiety,
waiting a favourable opportunity to slip out un-
perceived. Hawkins, smarting under his disaster,
thirsted for revenge. He told his story in his own
way: as Philip had robbed English subjects, the
Queen might seize Philip's ships till recompense was
made. The suggestion fitted in with political ex-
pediency. Elizabeth was not prepared to help the
Netherlanders in their revolt, but she was glad to
check Alva's progress. He was anxiously waiting for
money, and the loss of it would cripple him. So the
ships were seized and the money was brought to
London. Don Guerau d'Espes, the Spanish am-
bassador, sought an explanation from the Queen, but
it was a week before he could obtain an interview.
Then Elizabeth told him that as she had need of a
loan, she had found that the Genoese, to whom tne
lia QUEEN ELIZABETH.
money belonged, were willing to lend it to her instead
of Philip. In vain the ambassador protested. She
answered that the owners might lend where they
chose ; if they preferred her security to that of
Philip, no one could complain.
To this outrageous conduct Alva replied by
arresting all English residents in the Netherlands.
Elizabeth retaliated by arresting the Flemings and
Spaniards in England. It is true that England had
the advantage in these reprisals ; but the interruption
of trade caused discontent, and the prospect of war
with Spain was serious. Elizabeth had to quiet
matters by issuing a proclamation which tried to
throw the blame on Spain. The money, she said,
was the property of some merchants : its safe custody
had been forced upon her ; she was considering if
she might not borrow part of it, when Alva, without
asking an explanation, laid violent hands on English
ships and cargoes in the Netherlands, and had forced
her to retaliate. However, Elizabeth and herCouncil
were ashamed of their dishonest proceeding, and
winced before the jests of the Spanish ambassador.
He was confined to his house, and his correspondence
was read. In a letter to a friend, he wrote : ** Do
not be surprised to hear that I am arrested. In this
island there are all the enchantments of Amadis, and
I am a prisoner of Queen Oriana." Cecil's soul
burned with wrath. The letter still remains with
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUAkT. II3
his endorsement: "Against the Queen's Majesty
Oriana". Don Guerau was told that "such vain
fancies taken from Amadis of Gaul were unworthy of
a person holding his office. He would be treated as
a seditious, insolent person, unworthy to be admitted
into the presence of a Prince." Don Guerau had
the best of it, for he answered by expressing his
surprise that the Council should have opened letters
not addressed to them, and should have failed to
understand their contents. He politely offered to
send them a man "to whom the Spanish tongue is
natural" that he might interpret his harmless jests.
Cecil was placed at a disadvantage and nourished a
grudge.
It was, however, inevitable that this prospect of
a Spanish war, joined to the excitement caused by
the presence of Mary, should awaken great anxieties
and should bring to light hidden sources of discontent.
Elizabeth's attitude towards Spain was due to Cecil's
advice. The old nobles looked on Cecil as an upstart,
were jealous of his influence with the Queen and re-
garded his policy as hazardous. Hitherto Elizabeth
had tried a cautious compromise ; she had aimed
above all things at keeping the country together ; she
had been more anxious not to commit herself to any-
thing that could cause discontent than to assume
a definite position. It was natural for her advisers
to wish for certainty : it was equally natural for
8
X
114 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Elizabeth to find her safety in cautious ambiguity,
which she concealed under occasional outbursts of
self-will in personal matters. But there must come
a time when compromise must be tested, and
iffering opinions surge against the barriers erected
to keep them dowh.
The result of the conference about Mary had
shown that Elizabeth would not recognise her suc-
cession. Yet there was no one else, and some
arrangement must be made. Already, during the
conference, a plan had been formed for Mary's
marriage with the Duke of Norfolk, and this plan
had the sympathy of a large party of the English
nobles. By the side of this was a plan for the over-
throw of Cecil, which was cordially supported by
Leicester. We have an account of an incident which
shows how things stood in the middle of February,
1569. The Queen was talking with Leicester and
Cecil, at one end of the room, when Norfolk and
several others were present. Elizabeth supported
Cecil's opinion against Leicester, who angrily ex-
claimed that her throne would never be safe till
Cecil's head was off his shoulders. She raised her
voice in passion and threatened to send Leicester to
the Tower. Norfolk remarked to those standing with
him that Leicester was in favour so long as he echoed
Cecil, but was in danger if he had an opinion of his
own. " But, by God," he added, *' this shall not be ;
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 115
Some remedy must be found for this." " Pray God,
it may be so," said Lord Northampton, " I have ever
wished it." Then Norfolk advanced to the Queen
and said that when her anger was past, and she could
reflect quietly on the state of the country, she would
see the need of wiser counsel ; he and his friends
would consider what ought to be done. Elizabeth
swept out of the room in mingled wrath and dismay.
To understand what followed, some account of
the Duke of Norfolk's position is necessary. Thomas
Howard was the son of the poet Earl of Surrey, who
was beheaded by Henry VIH., and sprang of a house
which had long claimed the chief place in England.
He had added to his importance by a series of rich
marriages. His first wife was the daughter of the
Earl of Arundel, and his son by that marriage was
heir to the Arundel domains. His second wife was
similarly heiress of Lord Audley of Walden. His
third wife was the widow of Lord Dacre of Gilsland,
next to the Percies the most powerful of the nobles
on the English Border. On her death, in 1567, Nor-
folk was again a widower, at the age of thirty-one.
It is no wonder that, after reaping such rich harvests
from matrimony, it seemed to him that a kingdom
was the only remaining dower which had not fallen
to his lot. The suggestion that he should marry
Mary came originally from the Scottish side, during
the conference at York. Later, he had an interview
ii6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
with Murray, who encouraged him to hope that the
proposal would be laid before Elizabeth by an envoy
from the Scottish Parliament. The general un-
certainty in England and the desire to reverse
Cecil's policy towards Spain drove many of the
chief nobles to acquiesce in the plan as the wisest
and safest course to pursue.
^ But there was one point in which Norfolk was
weak, and Cecil soon discovered it. Norfolk was in
debt, and could not afford to forego any personal ad-
vantage. After the death of his last wife he obtained
the wardship of her children by Lord Dacre. The
only boy died in May, 1569 ; and Norfolk determined
to marry the three daughters to his three sons, and
so secure for his family the Dacre estates. Their
title, however, was disputed by the last owner's
brother, Leonard Dacre, who claimed as heir male,
and was recognised as such in his neighbourhood.
When Cecil discovered the conspiracy against him-
self he offered Norfolk and Arundel full powers to go
to Spain and settle the dispute with Philip ; but, at
the same time, he offered ^rfolk his influence to
have the lawsuit about the ll^cre inheritance settled
in his favour. Norfolk accepted the offer, and a legal
decision was given against Leonard Dacre on July
ig. This had the effect of separating Norfolk from
the northern Lords, who all sided with their neighbour
Dacre. They were, moreover, strong adherents of the
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 117
Pope, and preferred a husband for Mary who would
be decidedly on the Papal side. Hence parties were
again divided. Norfolk fell back on Cecil and trusted
to gain Elizabeth's consent to his marriage with
Mary. The northern Lords plotted to carry off Mary
and allow her to marry whomsoever the King of Spain
suggested. Mary communicated with both parties,
and was ready to accept whichever was successful.
Norfolk's influence led the Council to vote, on
August 27, for the settlement of the succession by
the marriage of Mary to some English nobleman ;
but he had not the courage to plead his own cause
with Efizabeth. He proposed that the Council
should wait upon her in a body and state their wishes.
It is significant of the effect of Elizabeth's personality
that they all declined, and Norfolk was too terrified to
speak for himself. When he tried to do so " he fell
into an ague and was fain to get him to bed with-
out his dinner". Elizabeth was going on progress,
and Norfolk followed her, trying to screw up courage
to speak. On her side she endeavoured to lead him
to the point. One morning, in the garden at Rich-
mond, she called him and asked him what news.
Norfolk said he knew of none. " None ? " said the
Queen. " Yoi^\Come from London and can bring no
news of a marrfage ? " A lady came up with some
flowers, and Norfolk slunk away. Leicester pleaded
for him j but Norfolk could not speak for himself,
ii8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
The Queen grew weary, and one day, at dinner,
"gave him a nip, bidding him to take care of his
pillow ".
In fact, she was anxiously waiting some assurance
of Norfolk's fidelity to herself, and was doubting if
she could trust him. She felt some alarm and told
Leicester that " if she consented, she would be in the
Tower before four months were over ". Norfolk was
doubting if he should ask the Queen's consent or
join the plan to rescue Mary by force. At last
he could bear the suspense no longer, and on
September 15 hastily left the Court. Elizabeth at
once returned to Windsor, and sent the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon, whom she could fully trust, to bring Mary
to the safe keeping of the strong castle of Tutbury.
It was now too late for a rising, and Norfolk could
only advise the northern Earls that Mary was too
securely guarded to be rescued. Then he wrote to
Elizabeth that " he never intended to deal otherwise
than he had her favour to do ". He withdrew to his
house at Kenninghall, and when summoned to London
pleaded illness. Leicester sent him a message, that
if he continued disobedient he would be proclaimed
a traitor. Having no settled policy and unable to
face this threat, Norfolk returned to London and was
confined to his house. Elizabeth wished to bring
him to trial for treason, but Cecil interceded. He
had taken th^ measure of Norfolk's character, and
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 119
wrote : ** Better marry him to somebody. Provide
him with a wife and his hopes of the Scottish Queen
will pass away." However, on October 8 Norfolk
was committed to the Tower, and Elizabeth at first
declared that she would have his head off by her own
authority if the law could not condemn him.
She was deeply moved by a sense of surrounding
danger which she could not clearly discover. Nor-
folk's conduct had impressed her with a sense of
his disloyalty, and he had been supported by many
whom she trusted, even by Leicester. Cecil was
afraid to prosecute his inquiries too far, for he was
anxiously watching the northern counties, where
devotion to the old religion and to Mary's cause was
strortgest. The Earls of Northumberland and West-
moreland were at the head of a body of gentlemen
who had been prepared to rise for Mary's rescue.
They were furious at Norfolk's cowardice, and were
waiting for another opportunity for action. They
were carefully watched by the Earl of Sussex, who
was President of the Council of the North ; and they
felt that the inquiries about Norfolk would reveal
their complicity. They received a summons to Lon-
don, but sent thinly-veiled excuses. At last, on
November 14, they threw off disguise, entered the
city of Durham, took possession of the Cathedral,
tore in pieces the English Bible and Prayer-Book,
9.nd celebrated Mass, Thence they marched south-
I20 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
wards, intending to release Mary from Tutbury ; but
when they reached Tadcaster they found that Mary
had been transferred to Coventry. They paused
irresolutely, and as the country did not rise in their
favour, withdrew northwards. This gave time for
the Queen to gather forces ; and the rebel army, dis-
mayed at the indecision of its leaders, gradually
dispersed. At the end of November Northumberland
and Westmoreland fled across the Border, where they
found refuge in the trackless dales.
There remained another conspirator, more danger-
ous because he was more capable. Leonard Dacre
had not taken part in the rising, but professed to
hold the Castle of Naworth for the Queen. There
he gathered arms and provisions, and was at the
head of a formidable army of borderers amongst
whom his name was held in high repute. Elizabeth
ordered Sussex to send him to London j but Sussex ad-
mitted that he was powerless. Luckily the Governor
of Berwick, Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, was Eliza-
beth's cousin, being the son of Anne Boleyn's sister.
His assured fidelity gave him courage to undertake
a perilous enterprise. When Dacre knew himself to
be suspected he threw off the mask and summoned
the Scottish borderers to his aid. Unless prompt
action were taken the rising would break out again,
on a larger scale and under a more competent com-
mander. Hunsdon determined to attagk Naworth,
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. I2i
if possible ; if not, to reinforce the garrison of Carlisle.
Hastily collecting such forces as he could — they
only amounted to 1500 men — he set out from
Hexham by night on February 19, 1570. He
soon found that he was marching through a hostile
country. Beacons blazed on every hill, and every-
where were heard the shouts of horsemen gathering
for the fray. When he reached Naworth, at daybreak
he found it strongly fortified and impregnable from
its position. Dacre was expecting him with 3000
men. Not daring to give battle, he pursued his
road to Carlisle. In front of him ran the little
river Gelt, difficult to pass owing to its precipitous
banks. Dacre pursued him, expecting to catch him
in a trap, and charged as he stood hesitating by the
cliffs, which cut off his advance. But Hunsdon's
men stood firm, and fired with trained precision.
The furious charge of the border horsemen was
checked, and Hunsdon's cavalry fell upon them in
the flank. Dacre lost courage and fled to Liddesdale ;
his troops, deprived of a leader, rode for their homes.
The battle of the Gelt is little known in military
annals; but it deserves to rank high among the
battles fought on English soil. Hunsdon was out-
numbered two to one ; his position was dangerous ;
and his men were wearied by a long night's march.
His defeat would have been disastrous; the victory
was due to his courage and skill, Elizabeth thanked
122 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
him with a warmth that was unusual. " I doubt not,
my Harry," she wrote with her own hand, "whether
that the victory given me more joyed me, or that you
were by God appointed the instrument of my glory.
And I assure you that for my country's sake the first
might suffice ; but, for my heart's contentation, the
second more pleased me. It likes me not a little
that, with a good testimony of your faith, there is
seen a stout courage of your mind, that trusted more
to the goodness of your quarrel than to the weakness
of your numbers."
Elizabeth had been thoroughly alarmed by this
revolt, and, when her fear was over, she clamoured
for vengeance. Not only was she incensed that any
one should rebel against such an excellent Sovereign,
but she sorely grudged the money which she had
'been compelled to spend in her own defence. Her
desire was to strike terror into all, but to combine
punishment with economy. Sussex was ordered to
seize all who had been concerned in the rebellion.
Those who had no land were to be dealt with by
martial law ; a certain number were to be hanged
at once on their village green, as a warning to their
neighbours. Those who were possessed of land
were to be tried, so that the Crown might have
the advantage of the forfeitures which could follow
on their conviction for treason. In accordance
with these instructions, some 600 or 700 peasants
ELIZABETH AND MARY STUART. 123
were hanged, whose only crime was that they had
followed those whom they regarded as their leaders.
The men with possessions were carefully tried ancj/
sentenced in such a way that the greatest pecuniary
advantage might be obtained. Moreover, Elizabeth
was ceaseless in her efforts to secure the Earls of
Northumberland and Westmoreland that she might
make certain of their attainder.
Elizabeth was not naturally cruel and was gener-
ally averse to bloodshed. But, on this occasion,
she lost her self-control, and was heedless of the
remonstrances of her ministers. Yet never was an
occasion when magnanimity would better have be-
fitted a Sovereign. The complete failure of the
northern rising showed how firmly Elizabeth was
seated on her throne. The crisis, which had been
so long dreaded, came and passed harmlessly away.
Europe had long supposed that Elizabeth ruled over
England only on sufferance ; that the great majority
of her people were opposed to her actions ; that if
she was seriously challenged she would fall. The"
challenge came, and only proved that Elizabeth
possessed the affection and confidence of her people, i
It was hopeless to overthrow her by a rebellion.-^
For that purpose, assassination or foreign invasion
alone could avail,
X24
CHAPTER IV.
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH.
Notwithstanding the failure of the rising of the
north, it was an indication of the growing danger of
EHzabeth's position. There was in England itself a
party which was irreconcilably opposed to her rule,
and was only waiting for an opportunity to overthrow
it. The ground of its opposition was religious, and
it called in question the title of Elizabeth as the
legitimate holder of the Crown. If she was not the
rightful Queen, she had no claim on the loyalty of
her subjects ; it was their duty to depose her and set
Mary Stuart in Iier stead. These were the ideas
which lay behind the rising of the nOrth, It was
the conception which animated that revolt which
made it dangerous ; and the danger remained after
the revolt had been put down.
It was obvious from the beginning of Elizabeth's
reign that such a party must exist ; but the questions
to be decided were — how large that party would be,
how much vitality it would possess, and what outside
help it woulcj obtain, The decision depended on two
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 125
things — the success of the religious settlement in
England, and the fortunes of that other settlement
which must soon be made by the Roman Church
abroad. At Elizabeth's accession there was doubt on
both these points; ten years later the doubt had
been removed. Elizabeth was bound to confess
that England was not united in religion, while the
Church of Rome had removed some of its abuses,
had strengthened its organisation, and had gathered
round it a devoted body of adherents.
It was, indeed, a difficult thing for England to
settle down again into absolute unity in religion.
The mass of the people were satisfied with the
removal of those pressing and practical abuses which
had been connected with the Roman jurisdiction.
They welcomed the greater demand on their intelli-
gence, and on their co-operation in public worship,
which was made by the simplification of the old
services. But the rapid changes under Edward VI.
and Mary had necessarily lowered the efficiency of
the body of the clergy. Men who live through rapid
transitions either become violent partisans, or grow
timorous, cynical, or indifferent The leaders on
either side had been ejected in turns ; the clergy who
remained were not men of strong character or much
capacity. Moreover they were a diminishing body,
and it was not always easy to replace them. Young
men of promise might well hesitate, m the face of
126 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
prevailing uncertainty, and turn to some other career
than that of the priesthood. If the old clergy were
indifferent, the younger clergy were often of little
learning and of lowly birth. The benefices were
mostly * poor, and the churches had suffered from
excessive zeal in removing monuments of superstition.
The services in parish churches were, as a rule,
lacking in dignity; and as they were intelligible,
their shortcomings were immediately perceptible.
These, however, were temporary difficulties, which
would soon have disappeared had the religious zeal
of England been united. But the great majority of
English theologians had been driven to leave England
before the Marian persecution. Partly the natural
resentment inspired by their wrongs led them to
dislike the religious system in whose interest those
wrongs were inflicted ; partly they took refuge for
greater safety in the regions where the most advanced
forms of Protestantism prevailed. The English exiles
absorbed much of the theology of Calvin, and when
they returned home were anxious to introduce it into
England. They had no sympathy with the concep-
tion which lay at the root of the changes made in
the forms of the English Church — the acceptance of
the results of the New Learning, the abolition of all
usages which had grown up only through unreasoning
sentiment and perverse ingenuity, and the mainten-
ance of all that had existed in primitive times. They
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 127
were men of a later generation, who had grown up
in times of strife and were interested in finding
weapons which could be wielded with effect, bulwarks
which were strong against assault. The first genera-
tion of reformers hopefully removed abuses, and
trusted to general intelligence to understand the
reasonableness of what was done. Their successors
felt more keenly the force of the old system, which
was interwoven with popular life and sentiment.
They wished to sweep it away altogether, and set up
in its stead a new theology, a new form of Church
government and of public worship. , They thought
that it must come to this in the long run, in England
also ; and they wished to precipitate the decision.
The number of the adherents of Calvin was not large,
but it consisted of resolute and earnest men, who
were intent on spreading their opinions. They had
all the power which comes from zeal. They were
strong in the Universities, where young men were
affected by what seemed to them the advanced
opinions which must rule the future. Some of the
Bishops had strong sympathies with them, at least
so far that they hesitated to silence men, whose
Christian zeal was beyond dispute, in a time when
zeal was not too common. Indeed the temper of
Englishmen was opposed to any undue exercise of
authority in matters of opinion. Men must be heard
before they were condemned. It might be that
laS QUEEN ELIZABETH.
after a period of discussion things would settle them-
selves.
But all this gave an appearance of uncertainty
to the system of the English Church. Many minds,
Y which would have been contented after a while with
T the Prayer-Book, paused to ask themselves what
iN security they had that it would be maintained. They
thought that they might soon be called upon to choose
V between Rome and Geneva, and the attractions of
/ ^ the old system were more keenly felt at this prospect.
J r The conflict which was raging on the Continent was
y introduced into England. The English Church was
strong enough to save the nation as a whole from
"the horrors of religious warfare. It represented the
religious feeling of the great majority of the people,
and exercised a dominant influence over the future of
England. But it was not permitted to include the
entire people. There were formed two parties, one
of which looked to Rome, and trusted to recover its
^ superiority by foreign help ; the other was determined
to capture the English Church, and mould it by per-
sistent energy into the forni which it preferred.
^~y/^o^ on the one hand, there were Englishmen who
/went abroad, that they might move the Pope to ex-
/ communicate Elizabeth and declare war against a
V^ heretical Queen. On the other hand, there were
Englishmen who stayed at home and consulted
Calvin how far they could conform to the English
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 129
Prayer- Book, and what steps they were to take in the
direction of further change. Both of these parties
were dangerous to the national welfare, which re-
quired, above all else, that England should be united
and should give no opportunity for intervention in its
affairs. But, for practical purposes, the danger lay
in the direction of Rome, and it was judged necessary
to take measures of defence. In the Parliament of
1562 an Act was passed for the ** Assurance of the
Queen's Power over all Estates," making all who
upheld the Pope's authority or jurisdiction liable to
the penalties of praemunire, and requiring the oath
of the royal supremacy to be taken by all who held
office, lay or spiritual, in the realm. It is true that
Archbishop Parker admonished his suffragans to
proceed gently in administering the oath, and to
overlook the older clergy, who, at least, were silent.
But the Puritan clergy soon began a protest against
ecclesiastical vestments. They would have neither
surplice, hood, nor square cap. Clothes worn by
Papists were like meat offered to idols : they were
bound to abstain from all appearance of evil. The
unfortunate legacy of fighting great principles over
outward trifles was bequeathed to the English Church.
Yet beneath all this unseemly discord was develop-
ing that conception of liberty which has made the
English character what it is. Obvious as are its
drawbacks for the purposes of orderly arrangement,
9
I30 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
it fostered a spirit of sincerity and self-respect which
lie at the root of national character. The man who
insists on thinking for himself, learns to act for
himself, and gains a sense of duty and a regard for
justice, on which the welfare of a community must
ultimately depend.
While England was thus engaged in raising
questions which it has not yet succeeded in solving,
Rome was engaged in casting overboard what could
no longer be carried, and in forging its unwieldy
system into compact strength for the purpose of
aggression. The Council of Trent marks the divid-
ing line between the mediaeval Church and modern
Romanism. It collected scattered forces, revived
ancient claims, and prepared to reconquer the^ realms
that had been lost. In so doing, the Roman Church
largely assimilated the spirit of the Spanish monarchy,
and went forth with the one desire of putting down
heresy by the sword and the stake. Hitherto the
Papal attitude towards England had been uncertain.
Now there was no longer room for doubt. It was a
rebellious province which must be forcibly brought
back to its allegiance. An implacable warfare was
begun by Pope Pius V., which had the result of
convincing Englishmen that the Papacy was the
determined foe of all that England held most dear.
[ It was in the sphere of politics, rather than of religion,
\ that Protestantism was stamped into the English mind.
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 131
The rising of the North was the result of this
revival of Romanism. It seemed that Elizabeth's
throne was doomed to fall before the forces which
were gathering against it. The northern Earls,
who were Romanists by conviction, thought that they
could count upon Norfolk and his followers, who were
ready to become Romanists through policy. That
the movement failed so signally was due to Norfolk's
vacillation, which robbed it of a pretext. A rising in
favour of Norfolk's marriage with Mary might have
been a plausible cry. When this was removed, the
conspirators were at a loss for a definite statement
of their objects. Westmoreland asked what the
quarrel was to be, and was answered by a shout
*' For religion ! " But he hesitated at the thought of
undertaking the responsibility of introducing religious
warfare into England. " Those," he said, " that seem
to take that quarrel in other countries are counted as
rebels; and I will never blot my name." The ques-
tion then arose " whether by God's law they might
wage battle against an anointed Prince, until he or
she was lawfully excommunicated by the Head of
the Church ". Englishmen could not plead that they
rose against intolerable oppression ; and they were
chary of admitting far-reaching principles which
might recoil against themselves.
Doubtless the knowledge of this uncertainty
weighed in some degree with Pope Pius V., and
I3a QUEEN ELIZABETH.
induced him to proceed to the excommunication of
Elizabeth. It was a step which had long been urged
on the rapacy by English refugees, who wished to
proceed to extremities. Let the Church do its duty ;
then it would be seen who were on God's side. No
harm could come of it, for the laws of England were
merciful, and Parliament would not allow men to be
put to death for their religion. So argued some of
those who had presided over the fires of Smithfield.
They were willing to use, for their own protection,
the abhorrence of punishment for opinions which their
own action had created in the breasts of Englishmen.
But the Council of Trent did not feel strong enough
to proceed openly against Elizabeth. The voice of
politicians was against such a step when there were
no means ready to give effect to the sentence. These
motives of prudence did not weigh with the fiery and
impetuous Pope Pius V., Michele Ghislieri, in whom
the burning zeal of the sombre revival of Romanism
was incarnated. His only thought was the recovery
of the lost dominion of the Church, and its restoration
to universal power. He was ready to expend all the
treasures of the Church in a war against England.
He dreamed of putting himself at the head of an
expedition, and told some English refugees that he
"wished he could pour out his blood for them".
Without consulting the monarchs of his obedience,
to know what help they would render, he issued a
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 133
Bull declaring Elizabeth excommunicate, depriving
her of her kingdom, absolving her people from their
allegiance, and commanding them not to obey her
commands or law^s. At first, this Bull was kept
secret and was sent to the Cardinal of Lorraine in
France for publication. On May 15, 1570, it was
found nailed on the door of the Bishop of London's
palace.
Elizabeth had already answered this Bull by nlf^i^
anticipation. After the suppression of the rebellion ^f.>^>^fL/^
she had addressed her people in a remarkable mani- '**'
festo in which she appealed to them to judge between
her and the stirrers of sedition. Nothing is more
characteristic of Elizabeth than the frankness of this
appeal to her people's intelligence, her willingness
to explain to all the principles which she strove to
enforce. The rebellion, she wrote, has failed ; yet
it is natural to consider why it happened. Partly it
was due to the secret practices of malicious persons
who played upon the fears of the northern Earls ;
partly it was due to the groundless fear of severity
in respect to religious opinions ; partly it gathered a
vulgar herd who are always greedy of change. Yet
the mass of the people stood firm, and she thanked
them for their loyalty, in confirmation of which she
wished to explain her past action and indicate her
intentions about the future. *' We do all persons to
understand, that of our own natural disposition, we
^*<a;
.0 .'.
134 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
have always been desirous to have the obedience of
all our subjects of all sorts, both high and low, by
love and not by compulsion, by their own yielding
and not by our exacting." She had ruled with
/ clemency, and had not " sought the life, the blood,
\ the goods, the houses, estates or lands of any person
in any state or degree " ; she had not acted for her
own " revenge, profit, or pleasure ". She had upheld
f'^ the law, but in such way that the ''judges criminal
of the realm have in no time given fewer bloody
judgments". She had engaged in no needless war,
and had been more careful of her subjects' money
than of her own ; yet the realm had lost neither
honour nor interest thereby. " We leave to all good
and wise persons to consider, by way of comparison,
what difference is to be found between the security,
the tranquillity, the wealth, and all other worldly
felicities, which our people do and may enjoy, and
the continual and universal bloodsheds, burnings,
spoilings, murders, exactions and such like, conjoined
with civil wars in other countries."
She went on to consider the question of religion.
*' Occasion is sought, specially from foreign parts,
to deprave this part of our Government, and con-
sequently, by secret troubling the weak consciences
of our people with untruths to withdraw them from
obedience to our laws." She claimed no authority
in matters ecclesiastical, save what had always
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH, 135
been exercised by the English Crown. She had
lio power to determine any articles of the Christian
faith, or to change any ceremony. But the Crown
had authority " to direct all estates to live in the
faith and obedience of the Christian religion, to
see that the laws of God be duly observed, that
offenders be duly punished, and consequently to
provide that the Church be governed and taught by
Archbishops, Bishops and Ministers, according to
the ancient ecclesiastical policy of the realm, whom
we do assist with our sovereign power. Yet, to
answer malicious untruths, we have no meaning
to allow that our subjects be molested either by
examination or inquisition in any matter of faith, so
long as they profess the Christian faith, not gainsay-
ing the authority of Holy Scripture and of the articles
of our faith contained in the Creeds, Apostolic and
Catholic ; or in any matter of ceremonies, so long as
they shall, in their outward conversation, show
themselves quiet and conformable, and not manifestly
repugnant and obstinate to the laws of our realm,
estabHshed for frequentation of Divine Service in the
ordinary churches. If any potentate in Christendom,
challenging any universal and sole superiority over
the whole Church of Christ, as it is pretended, shall
condemn this, our office by justice annexed to our
Crown because it is not derived from his authority,"
Elizabeth was willing to submit the question to a
136 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
free and general assembly. She was ready, '* as a
humble servant and handmaid of Christ, to reform
herself and her policy in any manner, as truth shall
guide and lead us. But truth is to be by us under-
stood, known and received, as Almighty God shall
please to reveal it, by His ordinary ways, and not to
be in a disguised manner obtruded and forced by
outward wars, or threatenings of bloodshed or such
like curses, fulminations, or other worldly violences
and practices ; things unfit to be used for establishing
or reforming of Christian religion, and to be rather
contemned by Sovereign Princes having their seats
and thrones established by Almighty God and not
subject to the wills of foreign and strange usurped
potentates."
"^ It is worth while to contrast with this the pre-
amble of Pius V.'s Bull. " He that reigneth on high,
to Whom is ascribed all power, both in heaven
and earth, hath committed the absolute government
of His One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church,
outside of which there is no salvation, to only one
upon earth, namely to Peter, the Chief of the Apostles,
and to Peter's successor, the Bishop of Rome. Him
alone has he made Prince, over all nations and king-
doms, to pluck up, destroy, scatter, consume, plant
and build ; that he may preserve the faithful, knit
together in one common bond of charity, in the unity
of the spirit, and present them safe and sound to their
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 137
Saviour." Englishmen had before them two possi-
biHties.for the future : to accept the Papal claims, and
make common cause with Spain and the Inquisition ;
or to uphold Elizabeth and maintain their national
independence, with such large room for freedom of
opinion as Elizabeth's government was prepared to
give.
The immediate results of the excommunication
were nothing. It was mere empty sound. The
Pope had asserted his right to depose a heretical
ruler; but the assertion did not affect Elizabeth's
relations with those Powers who supported the Pope.
No one was prepared to take any open action. Yet
Elizabeth felt herself menaced and exposed to secret
plots. The aspect of affairs grew sterner, and the
fortunes of England were more closely united with
the person of its Queen. The Romanists in England
were marked out for suspicion, through no fault of
their own. They were sacrificed wilfully to the pride
and obstinacy of the Pope, who placed them theo-
retically in a position of disloyalty, which they did
not wish to assume, but which they could not disavow.
The recognition of the Papal supremacy in things
spiritual involved a political duty to deny the legiti-
macy of their Queen and to disobey the law of their
country.
These consequences were only slowly apparent.
The immediate result was a series of bills brought
138 QUEEN ELIZA BETH.
into Parliament, in 1571, for the protection of the
Queen and the suppression of Papists. The introduc-
tion of Papal Bulls into England, and the reconciling
of any Englishman to the Roman Church, were
declared subject to the penalties of high treason.
So also was the assertion that the Queen was " a
heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the
Crown," or the maintenance of the right of any other
person, or the discussion of the succession, except in
Parliament. A Bill was also passed requiring all
persons to attend Church on Sundays, and to receive
the Holy Communion at least twice a year. To this
Bill Elizabeth wisely refused her assent. Yet it was
obvious that the temper of England had been stirred
by the Pope's action, which gave a serious check to
the growing feeling in favour of freedom of opinion.
It was not the fault of England, but of the Papacy,
that religion was confused with civil obedience and
that the recognition of the Papal supremacy involved
treason to the Queen. Legislation was drifting back-
wards, against men's will and contrary to their better
knowledge, because the Pope was striving to bring
upon England civil war and social destruction. To
avert this a conception of legal uniformity in religion
grew in strength and gained a mischievous vitality.
It was not enough for Elizabeth to protect Jierself
by laws ; she must also seek to check the designs of
her enemies. She was menaced by a joint invasion
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 139
from France and Spain, which was what the Pope
longed to bring about. A pause in the reHgious wars
in France, in the middle of 1570, gave Charles IX.
an opportunity to interfere for the liberation of Mary
Queen of Scots. Hitherto France had been busy
with its own troubles ; the prospect of peace meant
a revival of jealousy of Spain. But France could
only be strong if it were united, and for that purpose
the Huguenots must be allowed a voice in affairs.
For a time there arose a project of a combination
against Spain, and a partition of the Netherlands
between France, England and Germany. In further-
ance of this plan, the Huguenot leaders suggested a
marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou,
Charles IX.'s younger brother. It is true that Anjou
was only twenty and Elizabeth was thirty-seven ; but
this did not prevent a long negotiation being carried
on in Paris by Francis Walsingham, a statesman
trained by Cecil, who now first appears in public
business. Neither Anjou nor Elizabeth desired the
marriage in itself; but each was influenced by the
possible advantages to be obtained. Anjou was re-
ported ''not averse to the religion" of England.
Walsingham gave the Papal nuncio in Paris a copy
of the English liturgy, " which form the Pope would
have by a Council confirmed as Catholic, if the Queen
would have acknowledged the same as received from
him". How far Elizabeth was prepared to go it is
I40 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
impossible to say ; but the negotiation was useful as
preventing Anjou from being a candidate for the hand
of Mary, and kept France from making common
cause with Spain. But neither Anjou nor Eliza-
beth were prepared to enter on great undertakings.
Anjou, at last, determined that he had a better
career open to himself at home. With tears and
protestations of devotion he refused to entertain the
proposal in July, 1571, and his brother, the Duke of
Alen9on, was suggested in his stead.
This negotiation had the result of stirring the
zeal of the Romanist conspirators in England. The
Duke of Norfolk had been released from the Tower
after solemnly signing a declaration that he would
never again undertake any project for marrying Mary
of Scotland, and would hold no further communica-
tion with her. He was still the head of the old nobles,
who wished for certainty about the future, who had no
confidence in Elizabeth's success, and saw their best
hope in the marriage of Mary Stuart with Norfolk.
There was resident in London an Italian banker,
Ridolfi, ostensibly engaged in business, but really an
agent of Pope Pius V. He proceeded to weave
together again the broken threads of the conspiracy
which had failed. He used the possibility of Eliza-
beth's marriage with Anjou as a means to work upon
the unstable character of Norfolk. If he would
privately declare himself a Romanist in religion, and
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 141
would work with the Pope and Philip, they would help
him to marry Mary. After some hesitation Norfolk
accepted the proposal, and became a useful leader of
an English party which could be used for other
purposes than it was aware of. An English rising,
supported by Alva from the Netherlands, and favoured
by the English nobles, would indeed prove formidable.
Ridolfi went to Brussels to lay his plan before Alva,
and thence went to Spain to obtain Philip's sanction.
Both Alva and Philip were of opinion that the as-
sassination of Elizabeth was the first step to be taken ;
then would come tEe English rising and the Spanish
help. It is some credit to Englishmen to know that
at that time there was no one among them who could
be suggested as likely to attempt the Queen's life. An
Italian volunteered for the purpose.
The means by which this plot was discovered gives
a curious insight into the watchfulness of Cecil, and
the methods of an English minister in that agitated
time. The population of England was so small,
scarcely three millions, that it was possible for a
minister to have a personal knowledge of all men of
any importance. Cecil received from all officials, in
Church and State, reports about the religious and
political opinions and attitude of all who dwelt within
their districts. Suspicious actions were at once known
to him ; and he had organised a system of spies, whose
sagacity he might trust. It was necessary to check
142 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
conspiracies in their beginning, and Cecil was ever
watchful for that purpose. The seaports were especi-
ally guarded, and letters from abroad were watched
for. Though Cecil had no suspicion of Ridolfi, he
suspected that some plot would probably be hatched,
and redoubled his measures of precaution. Ridolfi
sent from Brussels a messenger with letters to Mary's
ambassador, the Bishop of Ross, and also to the Duke
of Norfolk and Lord Lumley. The messenger's bag-
gage was searched, and the letters were discovered.
These were first taken to the Warden of the Cinque
Ports, who, desirous of screening the Duke of Norfolk,
allowed the Bishop of Ross to substitute for them
some other papers, less compromising to individuals,
before sending the packet to Cecil. Still Cecil's sus-
picions were awakened, and Ridolfi's messenger was
sent to the Tower, where he was thrown into the
company of a pretended prisoner, and apparently a
sympathiser, who was really a spy of Cecil's. From
his admissions, which were reported to Cecil, it was
clear that more was to be discovered, and the Bishop
of Ross was next examined and put under custody.
It happened that, about this time, Sir John Haw-
kins had devised a scheme of his own for hoodwinking
Philip. In his disastrous expedition to the Indies he
had lost several of his ships, and grieved over the
thought that many of his trusty comrades were lying
in Spanish dungeons as prisoners of war. He paid a
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 143
visit to the Spanish ambassador, Don Guerau d'Espes,
and professed himself sorely discontented with the
treatment which he had received from the Queen.
He hinted that, if his men were restored, he might
be willing to abandon the service of Elizabeth for that
of Philip, and carry with him the best of the English
seamen. Mary Queen of Scots was secretly asked to
join her prayers with those of Hawkins, who was
consequently able to win Philip's confidence and
penetrate to some degree into the plot which was on
foot. Thus, in the middle of 1571, Cecil knew that
a treasonable correspondence was passing between
the Bishop of Ross and the Netherlands, and that
Philip was projecting an invasion of England in
behalf of Mary Queen of Scots. Still this was all
concerned with foreign affairs. There was nothing
to inculpate any one in England, till an accident gave
Cecil a further clue.
In September a sum of money was entrusted to
the Duke of Norfolk to forward to Scotland for the
use of Mary's partisans. It was given to a merchant
to carry to Shrewsbury. Struck with the weight of
the bag, he opened it and found a letter in cipher,
which he sent to Lord Burghley (for Cecil had been
raised to the peerage), who imprisoned the Duke's
servants, threatened them with torture, and discovered
the key to the cipher. The Duke was imprisoned,
and was examined from time to time, as Burghley
144 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
discovered more from his servants and unearthed his
correspondence. Little by little the whole plot was
cleared up. " This matter of the Duke of Norfolk
grows daily larger upon examination," wrote Burghley;
** I am sorry to see so many touched therewith."
Indeed, both Elizabeth and her minister had cause
to feel alarmed at the extent of disaffection which
was revealed among the nobles. It was thought
better not to inquire too far, and only to make an
example of the chief offenders. The Bishop of Ross
was kept in the Tower till it was thought safe to
allow him to retire to France. The Spanish am-
bassador was requested to return to Spain. Norfolk
was brought to trial before a Court composed of
twenty-six peers. It was hard to find amongst the
English nobles a sufficient number of those who were
not, in some degree or other, accomplices of his pro-
jects. In January, 1572, Norfolk was condemned as
guilty of high treason by the president of the Court,
the Earl of Shrewsbury, who, with tears running
down his cheeks, pronounced sentence of death
against the chief member of his own order.
Yet, though Norfolk \vas condemned, Elizabeth
hesitated to sign the warrant for his execution. She
was averse from bloodshed, and valued the popularity
which goes with a reputation for clemency. Once,
when she was induced to sign the warrant, and the
day of Norfolk's execution was fixed, she sent for
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 145
Burghley, told him she could not bear the thought
of Norfolk's death, and commanded a respite. Her
friends were amazed at her carelessness for her
personal safety, as shown in her reluctance to punish
the man who had by his treason exposed her to as-
sassination. " The world knows her to be wise,"
wrote Lord Hunsdon, " and surely there caftnot be
a greater point of wisdom than for any to be careful
of their own estate, and especially the preservation
of their own life. How much more needful is it for
Her Majesty to take heed, upon whose life depends
a whole commonwealth, the utter ruin of the whole
country, and the utter subversion of religion ? If by
her negligence or womanish pity these things happen,
what she hath to answer for to God, she herself
knows." Still Elizabeth refused to act till Parlia-
ment met, in May, and uttered its opinion with no
uncertain voice. It resolved in the first place to
attaint Mary Queen of Scots and so " touch her in
life as well as in title ". It was weary of Elizabeth's
endless negotiations about restoring Mary to Scot-
land, and recognising her right of succession. It^
longed to make an end of the perpetual dangers to
which the country was exposed for herNsake. But
Elizabeth insisted that the attainder should be
dropped. She declared that " she could not put to
death the bird that had flown to her for succour from
the hawk". The Commons replied that there was
10
146 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
no other course open; to pass a bill exlcuding hef
from the succession would admit her right and make
her friends more desperate. Elizabeth assented, but
asked them to let the matter stand over. Disap-
pointed of their chief desire, the Commons besought
the immediate execution of the Duke of Norfolk.
To this Elizabeth reluctantly consented, and the
Duke's head fell on Tower Hill on June 2.
With his death another period of Elizabeth's
reign was marked. She had successfully withstood
the first shock of the Romanist revival. The rising
of the North was an outburst of dissatisfaction at
home. The Ridolfi plot was a deep-laid scheme for
bringing to bear on England all the resources of the
old religion. It had failed, and even the attempt
had revealed an inherent weakness in the combina-
tion. There was no talk of help from France, which
had begun to draw nearer to England through hos-
tility to Spain. Its national interest was stronger
than its religious interest. There was even a hope
of a confederacy in which France and England
should take part to check the growth of Spanish
power by rescuing the Netherlands from its clutches.
This large scheme halted ; but, in April, 1572, a
treaty was made between England and France, in
which nothing was said about Mary Stuart, and the
two countries undertook to aid each other in case of
attack on any pretext whatever.
THE EXCOMMVNtCATtON OP ELtZABEftl. 147
It was and must always remain a problem, what
would have been the results on European history if
Elizabeth had been capable of a bold policy ; and at
no time is the question more interesting than just at
this period of her reign. The Huguenot leaders in
France had gained great influence over the King and
were urging religious conciliation and war against
Spain. If Elizabeth had been willing to marry the
Duke of Anjou and so give England's support to this
project, a decisive effort would have been possible.
It is natural for the historian, wearied with the end-
less records of plans which came to nothing, to wish
for something which might aim at decision. It is
easy to arrange on paper what might have happened,
if all had gone well. But Elizabeth could count
what she had gained by waiting on events, and
shrunk from great schemes. France became con-
vinced that Elizabeth would not join in war against
Spain in the Netherlands, and hesitated to engage in
it alone. Yet things had gone so far that it was hard
to withdraw. " Your Lordship seeth," wrote Wal-
singham from Paris, " how the fruit of your fear there
hath bred fear here : whereof I fear there will follow
fearful effects, unless God put to His helping hand."
The "fearful effects," which Walsingham foresaw,
was the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, which
filled England with horror.
At first men thought that it was a signal for a
148 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
general murder of all Protestants, and there was
universal alarm. When this subsided the rage
against France was extreme ; but Elizabeth was
loath to part with her new ally. She devised a
dignified plan for satisfying the popular indignation
in an impressive fashion. When the French ambas-
sador pressed for an interview, Elizabeth received
him at Woodstock, with her Council around her, all
dressed in deep mourning. The ambassador entered
amid solemn silence, and his excuses were coldly
listened to. Elizabeth said that she had purposed
sending an embassy to France : she could trust no
one in a country where life was unsafe. Burghley
followed, saying that it was the most horrible crime
committed since the Crucifixion. Yet, after making
this protest, Elizabeth consented to be godmother to
the daughter of Charles IX., and sent the Earl of
Worcester as her proxy. Some Englishmen were
so indignant at this that his boat was attacked by a
privateer in the Channel, and several of his men were
killed in the encounter.
Elizabeth was prospering by the misfortunes of
others. She could compare the results of her caution
with those of the great schemes of other rulers, and
could find consolation in the comparison. Spain,
with all its apparent strength, was harassed by the
revolt of the Netherlands; no sooner were the rebels
reduced on land than a new and more difficult war-
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH, 149
fare arose on sea, by the rise of the " Water Beggars,"
with Brill and Flushing for their harbours. France,
divided between religious discord and fear of Philip,
had no clear policy to pursue. Spain and France
alike had need of England's friendship, and left to
the Pope the task of reducing that heretical country
to obedience. In Scotland the capture of the Castles
of Dumbarton and Edinburgh reduced Mary's party
to helplessness. At the end of 1572 Elizabeth could
look around her with greater confidence ; and the
country entered upon a period of peace, during which
its commerce and its naval power steadily increased.
Some token of the rising influence of commerce
in England is to be found in the project of Sir Thomas
Gresham for the improvement of the means by which
business was conducted. Gresham had been em-
ployed in the Low Countries to negotiate loans for
the State, and had made a princely fortune for him-
self while so doing. The death of his only son turned
his mind towards civic munificence, and he offered to
build for the city of London an Exchange, such as
he had often frequented at Antwerp. Hitherto in
England business was transacted in the street, or in
the nave of St. Paul's Cathedral. Gresham built a
quadrangle, with a portico for merchants' warehouses
beneath, and shops above. In January, 1571, he asked
the Queen to open it. She came in state, and after
fining with Gresham in his house in Bishopsgate
I50 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Street, visited the new building, and bade the herald
proclaim its name as the Royal Exchange. It is
worth noticing that Gresham knew how to derive
advantage from the royal visit. His shops were
unlet ; and though the building was there it was
not immediately possible to overcome old habits and
ensure its success. So Gresham visited the chief
shopkeepers and asked them to expose some of
their goods in the empty windows, and kindle a few
candles in honour of the Queen's coming : they might
keep the shops rent free for a year. He rightly cal-
culated that, when once they were there, they
would not withdraw from a place which their
coming had made central ; and he was able to
obtain a good rental for his shops in the following
year.
Elizabeth herself was by no means entirely ab-
sorbed with State affairs, difficult as they were. She
was endowed with a strong and many-sided nature,
and was full of vitality. She threw off business and
frankly enjoyed herself according to her liking.
** Her humours did not grow weak with age ; " she
became more and more imperious and exacting to
those around her. She was easy of access and ready
of speech, but no one was allowed to forget that
she was a Queen. In State affairs she mainly
trusted to Burghley ; but in private life she chose
her own companions, not for their merits but for
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 151
their social gifts. Leicester still retained his place in
her favour, but there were others beside him. A
young lawyer from Northamptonshire, Christopher
Hatton, attracted her attention by his graceful dan-
cing at a masque, and rapidly won his way to close
intimacy. She called him her " Mutton," her " Bell-
wether," her **pecora campi ". When he fell ill, in
1573, she visited him daily ; and when he was ordered
to Spa for his health she sent her own physician to
accompany him. His letters on the journey breathed
the most extravagant devotion. *' My spirit," he
wrote, " agreeth with my body and life that to serve
you is a heaven, but to lack you is more than hell's
torment with them. Would to God that I were with
you but for one hour. My wits are overwrought with
thoughts. I find myself amazed. Passion overcometh
me. I can write no more. Love me, for I love you."
He signs himself ** Your most unhappy bondsman,
Lyddes," another of the Queen's nicknames for him.
Another example of his style is the following : " This
is the twelfth day since I saw the brightness of that
sun that giveth light unto my sense and soul. I was
an amazed creature. Give me leave, madam, to
remove myself out of this irksome shadow so far as
my imagination with their good means may lead me
towards you : and let me thus salute you : Live for
ever, most excellent creature, and love some man to
show yourself thankful for Qod's high labour in you."
152 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
And this was written to Elizabeth when she was of
the age of forty !
We have an interesting picture of the Court life
at this time in a letter of Gilbert Talbot to his father,
the Earl of Shrewsbury, who was kept away from
London by his duties as gaoler of Mary Queen of Scots.
Few things are more characteristic of Elizabeth's
methods of government than her capacity of attaching
men to her service by compelling them to undertake
difficult and thankless duties. The great Earl of
Shrewsbury, because his estates lay in the safe region
of the Midlands, alike out of the reach of Scottish
raids and of a sudden dash for rescue from the east
coast, was bidden by the Queen to entertain Mary.
At first she was an honoured guest, soon to be
returned to her own land. But years went by and
Shrewsbury was still saddled with his unwelcome
charge. She was transferred from one to another of
his many residences according as need required. He
was turned from her host to her keeper ; and Eliza-
beth's demands upon his care grew more and more
exacting. Between two imperious women his life
was made a burden to him ; but there was no escape
from his task, in which his honour and his fortunes
were alike involved. He could only sigh for relief
and solace himself in his enforced retirement by re-
ceiving political news from Burgh ley and gossip from
his son. Talbot wrote to his father in May, 1573 • —
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 153
"My Lord Treasurer (Burghley), even after the
old manner dealeth with matters of State only, and
beareth himself very uprightly. My Lord Leicester
is very much with Her Majesty, and she shows the
same great affection to him that she was wont ; of
late he has endeavoured to please her more than
heretofore. There are two sisters now in the Court
that are very far in love with him, as they have
been long, my Lady Sheffield and Frances Howard
(daughters of Lord Howard of Effingham). They, of
like striving who shall love him better, are at great
wars together, and the Queen thinketh not well of
them, and not better of him : by this means there
are spies over him. My Lord of Sussex goes with
the tide and helps to back others ; but his own credit
is sober, considering his estate ; he is very diligent
in his office (Lord Chamberlain) and takes great
pains. My Lord of Oxford is lately grown into great
credit : for the Queen's Majesty delighteth more in
his personage, and his dancing, and valiantness, than
any other. I think Sussex doth back him all that he
can ; if it were not for his fickle head he would pass
any of them shortly. My Lady Burghley unwisely
has declared herself as it were jealous, which has
come to the Queen's ear; whereat she has been not a
little offended at her, but now she is reconciled again.
At all their love matters my Lord Treasurer winketh,
and will not meddle anyway." It is a curious
154 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
picture which is here given of a capricious woman,
who deliberately bestowed her favours on purely
personal grounds, and chose for her associates those
who were not fitted to interfere in affairs of State.
She contrived to set them one against another, and
so prevented the growth of parties. Success was
possible to any one, but no one could establish a
claim. Elizabeth was glad to see her courtiers vicing
for her favour ; if some of them were treacherous it
was the more necessary to attach them to herself
They were allured to the Court, and were induced to
jcommit themselves to her side. Behind those who
fluttered round the Court were the political instru-
ments of her government, well trained by Burghley,
and the growing circle of those related to her on her
mother's side, such as Lord Hunsdon, on whom she
could depend for help at a crisis. Her real servants
were kept in the background. She would be Queen
over all her people, and was anxious that her Court
should be representative of all shades of opinion.
So, partly from liking, and partly from policy, she
indulged in outward splendour, and encouraged those
whose taste lay in that direction. In May, 1571,
jousts were held at Westminster, in which the
challengers were the Earl of Oxford, Sir Charles
Howard, Sir Henry Lee, and Sir Christopher Hatton.
Lee was the most accomplished knight in the tilt-
yard, and founded a society of Knights-Tilters, who
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 155
were to appear as challengers on each anniversary of
the Queen's accession. Edward de Vere, Earl of
Oxford, was one of the gayest, but was certainly the
most brutal of Elizabeth's courtiers. He married
Burghley's daughter Anne, and tried to use his
influence in politics to save his relative the Duke
of Norfolk. When he failed he avenged himself on
Burghley by ill-treating his wife ; but neither his
treasons nor his misconduct induced Elizabeth to
exclude him from her presence.
Nor did Elizabeth only care to attach the nobles
to her person. She was careful to maintain her
popularity among her people. Her progresses, or
summer journeys, answered both purposes. She
was entertained by the nobles, and her presence in
any district was an occasion for revels in which
the whole neighbourhood took part. Civic officials
welcomed the Queen and were delighted with her con-
descension. She listened to interminable harangues,
with inexhaustible patience, and always found a
happy compliment in reply. Thus, at Warwick, she
called the Recorder : " Come hither, little Recorder.
It was told me that you would be afraid to look on
me or to speak boldly ; but you were not so afraid
of me as I was of you, and I now thank you for
putting me in mind of my duty." The greatest
occasion of display was the Queen's visit to the Earl
of Leicester ^t Kenilworth Castle, in the summer of
156 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
1575. The records of it suffice to show that Leicester
was a consummate courtier, and knew how to cap-
tivate imagination of all beholders. The pageantry,
which was devised with laborious care, shows us
the pedantry of the English Renaissance period,
modelled on that of Italy, but marked with sturdy
characteristics of its own. Bold and extravagant as
it seems to us, it was the foundation on which arose
the English drama. The rude and affected style of
its allegorical representations only needed to be
chastened and brought into connection with life and
character. We wonder if, amongst the lookers-on,
a young lad of the name of William Shakespeare had
been brought from Warwick by his parents and
feasted his eyes on the splendid scene.
Elizabeth was met by Leicester and entertained
at dinner seven miles away on the borders of his
domains. Thence the Royal party advanced slowly,
hunting by the way. It was eight o'clock on a
summer's evening when the battlements of Kenil-
worth Castle came in view. Before the first gate
ten sibyls, clad in white silk, welcomed the Queen
with a long poem in English. As she approached
the gate a huge porter rushed forward, brandishing
a gigantic club, denouncing in uncouth language the
bustle and stir which disturbed his wonted repose.
But when his eyes fell on the Queen his weapon
dropped from his hand ; he yielded up his keys and
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 157
kneeling, prayed for pardon of his impatience ; then
he bade the trumpeters on the wall to sound. Six
giants, eight feet high, all clad in silk, blew from
silver trumpets a blast of welcome as Elizabeth
passed through the tilt-ground to the pool which ran
in front of the castle. There, on a movable island
blazing 'with torches, sat the Lady of the Lake,
who rehearsed how she had kept the waters since
King Arthur's days, but now resigned her charge to
the Queen. After receiving this submission Eliza-
beth proceeded along a bridge thrown over the old
moat, seventy feet long, adorned with pillars on
which stood bowls containing the appropriate offer-
ings of the rural deities, the meaning of which was
explained by a poet, clad in sky-blue silk, with a
garland of laurel round his brow. After listening to
all this flow of poetry the Queen was allowed to
approach the door and dismount from her horse.
The rest of the evening was enlivened by a great
display of fireworks in the courtyard.
It were long to tell of all that happened of like sort
during the nineteen days of the Queen's sojourn. As
she hunted in the forest the Wild Man of the Woods
rushed out to inquire who she was, and his bellow-
ings were answered by an ingenious echo. There
was bear-baiting, and tumbling, and rustic sports.
There was a country wedding, and a play acted by
the men of Coventry ; there were songs and masques,
tsS QUEEN ELIZABETH
Mermaids and Tritons swam in the pool, and
expressed appropriate loyalty. Arion rode a dolphin
which contained within it an orchestra of six men
who accompanied his patriotic songs. At some
time or another all the Gods of the mythology
had an opportunity of saying their say and used
it to the full. Elizabeth must have departed with
the assurance that she was the special care of
Olympus.
Elizabeth herself was infected with the poetical
fury of the times, as the following sonnet shows.
It must have been written soon after Norfolk's
execution : —
The dread of future foes exiles my present joy,
And wit me warns to shun such snares as threaten mine annoy.
For falsehood now doth flow, and subject's faith doth ebb ;
Which would not be if Reason ruled, or Wisdom weaved the web.
But clouds of toys untried do cloak aspiring minds.
Which turn to rain of late repent by course of changed winds.
The top of hope supposed the root of ruth will be,
And fruitless all their graffed guiles, as shortly ye shall see.
Those dazzled eyes with pride, which great ambition blinds.
Shall be unsealed by worthy wights whose foresight falsehood finds.
The Daughter of Debate, that eke discord doth sow,
Shall reap no gain where former rule hath taught still peace to grow
No foreign banished wight shall anchor in this port ;
Our realm it brooks no stranger's force, let them elsewhere resort.
Our rusty sword with rest shall first his edge employ.
To poll their tops that seek such change and gape for joy.
But though the country was at peace, and growing
rapidly in prosperity, Elizabeth did not forget her
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OP ELIZABETH. 159
watchfulness amidst her amusements. The thought
of "the Daughter^ of Debate," Queen Mary, was
never absent from her mind, and she was never sure
that she could entirely trust any one. At the end of
1574 she was greatly disturbed by the news that
Lord Charles Stuart, Darnley's younger brother, had
secretly married Elizabeth Cavendish, daughter of
Lady Shrewsbury by a former marriage. As Shrews-
bury was the guardian of Queen Mary it betokened
that intrigues were going on to attach him, if
possible, to Mary's party, but Elizabeth did not
know to whom she could more safely entrust Mary,
and was silent. As it happened. Lord Charles and
his wife both died within a year, leaving a daughter,
the luckless Arabella Stuart. Even Burghley was at
times an object of the Queen's suspicion. He went
for two successive years to Buxton to take the
waters, and wrote afterwards to Shrewsbury : ** Her
Majesty did conceive that my being there was, by
means of your Lordship and my Lady, to enter into
intelligence with the Queen of Scots. And hereof,
on my return to Her Majesty's presence, I had
very sharp reproofs for my going to Buckstones,
with plain charging of me for favouring the Queen
of Scots ; and that in so earnest a sort as I
never looked for, knowing my integrity to Her
Majesty."
Two years later Leicester paid a visit to Buxton
leo QUEEN ELIZABETH.
and was entertained at Chatsworth by Lord and
Lady Shrewsbury. Elizabeth expressed her dis-
approval in a sarcastic letter, which is strangely
characteristic of her complicated "way of expressing
her wishes. She wrote : " Being given to under-
stand from our cousin, the Earl of Leicester, how
honourably he was lately received by you and our
cousin, the Countess, at Chatsworth, and how his
diet is by you both discharged at Buxton, we should
do him great wrong, holding him in that place in
our favour in which we do, in case we should not let
you understand in how thankful sort we accept the
same at your hands ; which we do not acknowledge
to be done unto him but to our own self; and there-
fore do mean to take upon us the debt and to
acknowledge you both as our creditors, so as you can
be content to accept us for debtor ; wherein is danger,
unless you cut off some part of the large allowance
of diet you give him, lest otherwise the debt thereby
may grow to be so great as we shall not be able to
discharge the same, and so become bankrupt. And
therefore, we think it, for the saving of our credit,
meet to prescribe unto you a proportion of diet which
we mean in no case you shall exceed ; and that is, to
allow him by the day for his meat two ounces of flesh,
referring the quality to yourselves, so as you exceed
not the quantity ; and for his drink the twentieth
part of a pint of wine to comfort his stomach, and as
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. i6i
much of St. Anne's sacred water as he listeth to drink.
On festival days, as is meet for a man of his quality,
we can be content you enlarge his diet by allowing
unto him for his dinner the shoulder of a wren, and
for his supper a leg of the same besides his ordinary
ounces."
Elizabeth's progress in Norfolk, in 1578, afforded
unmistakable signs of the growth of trade, and
consequent prosperity. The religious troubles had
driven many of the Flemings from their homes.
They settled chiefly in Norwich, and set up their
looms for weaving fine cloth. From these exiles
England learned the beginning of its manufacturing
industry. In Norwich, at all events, men under-
stood their debt to Elizabeth's careful government,
and their gratitude was genuine. The Mayor
presented the Queen with a large cup, containing a
hundred pounds. Elizabeth lifted the cover, and
said to the footmen to whose charge she committed
it : " Look to it : there is a hundred pounds ". She
was sure that in a commercial city her carefulness
would be duly appreciated. Amid the pageants with
which she was greeted, one at least was instinct
with reality. Upon a stage were eight girls spinning
yarn, and eight others knitting the yarn into hose :
between the two groups stood a boy attired to
represent the city, who addressed the Queen in
verses which spoke the literal truth : —
II
i62 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Most gracious Prince, undoubted sovereign Queen,
Our only joy next God, and chief defence :
In this small show our whole estate in seen,
The wealth we have we find proceeds from thence
The idle hand here hath no place to feed.
The painful wight hath still to serve his need.
Again, our seat denies us traffic here,
The sea too near divides us from the rest ;
So weak we were within this dozen year
As care did quench the courage of the best.
But good advice hath taught these little hands
To rend in twain the force of pining bands.
From combed wool we draw this slender thread,
From thence the looms have dealing with the same,
And thence again, in order to proceed,
These several works which skilful art doth frame ;
And all to drive dame Need into her cave
Our hearts and hands together laboured have.
^ We bought before the things which now we sell ;
•'V/^ These slender imps their works do pass the waves ;
^\v God's peace and thine we hold, and prosper well ;
■^^ ^ / . Of every mouth the hands the charges saves,
Thus through thy help, and aid of power divine,
Doth Norwich live, whose hearts and goods are thine.
These homely verses tell the tale of the change
which was passing over the industrial life of England.
A few years before, the finest wool was exported to
the Netherlands, there to be woven and dyed ; and
England's foreign trade mostly lay in raw material.
Now it was rapidly taking into its own hands the
THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF ELIZABETH. 163
process of manufacture, and a new prospect opened
before it. The men of Norwich were justified in ex-
pressing a proud sense of the industrial growth of
England, selling the wares which once it bought,
exporting over the seas the workmanship of its
children ; they rejoiced that the labour of the hands
could supply the needs of life, and they recognised
that this was due to the Queen's wisdom and pru-
dence, which had secured for the country the blessings
of peace. Her visit to Norwich must have compen-
sated Elizabeth for many struggles, and apologised
for many insincerities. She saw there the practical
results of her difficult and complicated policy.
Z64
CHAPTER V.
THE ALEN5ON MARRIAGE.
The peace which England enjoyed depended on her
combination with France to keep Philip employed
in the Netherlands. The loose conception of inter-
national relations which then prevailed made it
possible for these two countries to throw many
hindrances in the way of the subjugation of the re-
volted provinces. English privateers preyed upon
the Spanish traders in the Channel, and rendered
communications between Spain and the Netherlands
unsafe by sea. France could supply volunteers by
land without any open declaration of war. But this
attitude of France depended on some hopes of future
gain, and was only possible so long as there was a
party which could give these hopes a definite expres-
sion. After the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day
the only man who seemed fitted to carry on the
Huguenot policy was the King's youngest brother,
the Duke of Alen9on. He was unhappy in the Court,
and was full of adventurous aspirations. When the
plan of Elizabeth's marriage with Anjou fell to the
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 165
ground, Alen9on was substituted in his brother's stead.
At first this was merely a polite way of covering
Anjou's withdrawal, but Alen9on's imagination was
captivated at the prospect. He saw in it the possi-
bilities of a career, and seriously set to work to
realise them.
At the end of 1572 he sent to England a Hugue-
not gentleman, Maisonfleur, who made fantastic pro-
posals, and communicated them in equally fantastic
language. In his correspondence Elizabeth was
Madame de Lisle, and Alen9on was Don Lucidor.
The marriage was, in his eyes, a romance of chivalry,
and he proposed that Alengon should flee from Paris
and come to England as a fugitive Prince in quest of
a peerless bride. As Elizabeth was now forty years
old, and Alen9on little more than twenty, this attempt
at sentiment was ridiculous. Moreover, Alen9on
was scarcely suited to the part of a fairy prince.
He was short in stature, with a face marked with
small-pox, and further disfigured with a swollen
nose. He was more prudent than his envoy, and
refused to leave France without some invitation
from Elizabeth, who refused to bestow her affections
on a man whom she had not seen, and whose reputa-
tion for beauty was doubtful. Maisonfleur rebukecf
her hesitation. " It were expedient, madam," he
wrote, *'that you thought less of mere corporal
beauty, provided that the work of God be done."
i66 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Elizabeth professed to wish to be assured of Alen-
9on's good intentions. He was warring against the
Huguenots : let the King of France make peace and
abandon the siege of La Rochelle. Charles IX.
wished for nothing better than peace and the de-
parture of his troublesome brother. He accepted
Elizabeth's conditions ; but Alen9on did not flee to
England. The King was ill, and there was a
Huguenot plot to seize the opportunity for a rising.
It was discovered, and Alen9on was put in prison,
where he remained till Charles died in 1574. After
the accession of Henry III. he escaped and joined
the Huguenot army, but was driven to make peace
with his brother in 1576.
Meanwhile Elizabeth had lost all hope that the
Netherlands would make good their revolt from
Spain. She would not help them herself, and she
dreaded their possession by France as much as their
possession by Spain. She seems to have thought it
wisest to repress French interference, and allow the
rebellion to smoulder out, so that no definite crisis
might arise in connection with it. If she took any
decided part it might involve her in war with Spain.
So she fed the Prince of Orange with promises and
gave him encouragement to continue the struggle,
but refused any material help when help was sorely
needed. In the same way she seems to have re-
solved to play with Alen9on, who had before him
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 167
the alternatives of making himself a position in the
Netherlands or in England. Elizabeth was deter-
mined that he should do neither. When he thought
of Flanders she encouraged his hopes on England ;
when he listened to her encouragement she allured
him with expectations which she never meant to
satisfy.
It was a dangerous game, but one for which
Elizabeth was well fitted; and it had all the elements
of reckless adventure which, in personal matters, she
keenly enjoyed. So when, in 1578, Alen9on went to
help the Netherlands, she intimated to him that his
proposals would be favourably received in England.
Alen9on sent envoys who clearly stated that, as he
was ill-used at home, he must make his fortunes
elsewhere; he was resolved either to marry Eliza-
beth or win the crown of the Netherlands ; he hoped
to combine both. As a matter of fact, Alen9on
knew that he had not the means to maintain his
forces in the Netherlands. His negotiations with
Elizabeth might be useful to make him a more
influential personage and reconcile him with his
brother. He was a political adventurer, and was
playing a game with Elizabeth in the same way as
she was playing a game with him. So long as the
Alen9on marriage was under discussion she could
defer any decision about a policy towards the Nether-
lands. To avoid decisive action had now become a
i68 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
habit to which she clung with tenacious pertinacity.
By confounding the personal question of her marriage
with the political question of helping the Netherlands
she was able to keep matters in her own hands with-
out giving a reason to the remonstrances of her
advisers. She seized the opportunity, and used it
to the full. She made a great show of activity
which ended in nothing.
First Elizabeth required that Alen9on should
leave the Netherlands, and suggested that he should
pay her a visit in England. Before committing
himself he sent a gentleman of his household,
Simier, to survey the ground. Simier arrived in
January, 1579, and was received with great marks
of favour. To the annoyance of Leicester he be-
came the Queen's pet and plaything; she called him
her ** petit singe". When a lady of the chamber
suggested that Leicester would make a better hus-
band than Alen9on, Elizabeth angrily asked: "Do
you think me so unmindful of my Royal dignity as
to prefer my servant, whom I myself have raised,
to the greatest Prince in Christendom ? " Matters
seemed to Simier to be advancing, and there was a
general belief that the Queen was in earnest. The
marriage was not popular, and a preacher in the
Chapel Royal boldly said that England could not
endure a second foreign marriage after its experience
of Queen Mary; whereupon Elizabeth angrily rose
THE ALENQON MARktACk. 169
and left the chapel. Alen9on's proposals were sub-
mitted to the Council, who after a long deliberation
told Simier that his terms could not be accepted.
Simier carried his sorrow to the Queen, who swore
that the Council should not hinder her; she was
resolved to marry. But she used this opposition
of the Council to tell Alen9on that he must wait a
while ; let them be friends, and their friendship
might grow.
But Alen9on was tired of waiting and pressed for
an invitation to England. While Elizabeth hesitated
to send him a passport, Simier suddenly informed
her of Leicester's marriage to the widowed Countess
of Essex. It would seem that Leicester, despairing
of his marriage with the Queen, and notorious for his
love affairs with other ladies, was at last forced into
matrimony. His connection with Lady Essex was
of long standing; and, after her husband's death,
her father. Sir Francis Knollys, was resolved to pro-
tect the honour of his daughter. Leicester gave
way, and the marriage was secretly performed in
September, 1578. Simier penetrated the secret and
made use of it. Elizabeth, at first, was furious,
commanded Leicester to confine himself to his house
at Greenwich, and spoke of committing him to the
Tower. But wiser councils prevailed, and Leicester
was soon pardoned. Simier accused him of seeking
to revenge himself by an attempt on his life, and
I70 QUEEN ELtZABETH.
special measures were taken for his protection. Soon
after, as Elizabeth was in her barge on the river, in
Simier's company, a shot was fired which struck
one of the rowers on the arm. The culprit was
discovered ; but it seemed a misadventure, and the
Queen would exact no punishment. She was never
deficient in personal courage, and refused to enter-
tain suspicions. She was wont to say that she
would believe nothing against her people which a
father would not believe against his children.
The end of all this was that Simier obtained per-
mission for Alen9on to pay England a visit in August,
1579. He came privately and only stayed a few days,
during which he scarcely went outside the palace.
Elizabeth expressed herself quite satisfied with her
suitor, in spite of his unprepossessing appearance.
She called him her " grenouille," and professed to
find hidden merits which promised well for the future.
Alen9on departed well pleased with his reception and
full of hope.
In fashionable circles the betting was three to
one that the marriage would not take place ; but it
was natural that the people, ignorant of political in-
trigues, should be disturbed at the notion of a French
marriage. A token of this was given by a pamphlet
written by a Puritan lawyer, John Stubbs, the title
of which sufficiently indicates its contents. It was
called " The Discovery of the Gaping Gulf, where-
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. fji
into England is likely to be swallowed by a French
marriage, if the Lord forbid not the banns, by letting
Her Majesty see the sin and punishment thereof".
It was written in the plain language of honest con-
viction, and spoke out home truths. Elizabeth was
too old to marry, as there was little hope of issue ;
nor was Alen9on a man of good character. England
had nothing to gain and everything to fear from
such a marriage. Elizabeth was furious at such
discussion of her private affairs. She had always
demanded that her subjects should leave her a free
hand, and she resented plain speaking. It was in
her eyes dangerous that the ignorant should meddle
in matters that they could not understand. She
issued a proclamation in defence of Alen9on, who
was slandered simply because he had shown his
affection for her. Her subjects had ever been per-
suading her to marry : as soon as she took a step
to meet their wishes she was treated with unworthy
reproaches. The author and printer of the pamphlet
were committed to the Tower, and Elizabeth deter-
mined to wreak condign vengeance. At first she
threatened to have them hanged ; but it was difficult
to frame an indictment. Ultimately proceedings
were taken under an Act passed in Mary's reign
for the protection of the Queen's husband. The
accused were condemned to suffer the loss of their
right hands, *' though some lawyers muttered that
t72 QUEEN BLtZABBTH.
the sentence was erroneous and void," because the
Act was only passed for the protection of PhiHp, and
expired with Mary's death. One who so murmured
was committed to the Tower; and one of the judges,
who held his view, " was so sharply reprehended
that he resigned his place". The savage sentence
was carried out. Stubbs and his printer had their
right hands cut off on a scaffold at Westminster. A
butcher's knife was driven through their wrist with
a mallet. Stubbs, after his right hand had been
severed, waved his hat with his left, and cried " God
save the Queen ". We do not wonder that the
** multitude standing about was deeply silent, either
out of horror at this new and unwonted punishment,
or else out of commiseration towards the man, as
being of honest repute, or else out of hatred of the
marriage, which most men presaged would be the
overthrow of religion ". Elizabeth's crooked schemes
were leading her to suppress public opinion by
savagery. She was averse to shed the blood of
conspicuous persons, but she had no such objection
to the punishment of those of meaner sort. While
she was careful to secure her popularity by affability,
she sternly repressed any expression of opinion which
ran counter to her plans.
But though Elizabeth might muzzle her people,
she could not silence her counsellors, amongst whom
only the Earl of Sussex was in favour of the marriage.
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 173
Burghley was willing to give way to the Queen's
wishes; perhaps he suspected their sincerity. The
other nobles were almost unanimous in their objec-
tions. Philip Sidney, a young man of twenty-four,
who had everything to gain from the Queen's favour,
expressed his opinion against the marriage as stead-
fastly as Stubbs had done, though within the limits
of good taste and fair argument. Alen9on would
undermine the English Church and introduce con-
fusion ; he would '' banish free spirits and faithful
patriots till the ideas of native freedom should be
utterly forgotten " ; he would disturb foreign relation-
ships by aggrandising France. Elizabeth could not
answer Sidney as she had answered Stubbs ; but her
favourite, the Earl of Oxford, thought that he would
please her by a display of insolence. He picked a
quarrel with Sidney in the tennis-court, and called
him a " puppy ". Sidney gave him the lie and waited
for a challenge. When none came, he sent to ask if
his French friends could not teach him the rules of
honour among gentlemen. But the Council forbade
fighting, and referred the matter to the Queen, who
patched up the quarrel. Sidney, however, felt him-
self bound to maintain his opinions and addressed a
dignified letter to Elizabeth, in which he set forward
all the objections which he entertained to the pro-
posed marriage.
Elizabeth seemed unmoved by argument, even
174 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
when the Lords of the Council waited on her and
spoke in the same strain. She poured out her rage
on Walsingham ; then she burst into tears, and said
that she was only desirous of doing what was best
for the realm, "to marry and have a child and
continue the line of her father " ; she had expected
that every one would approve of her laudable purpose.
The Council again discussed the matter, and
returned to say that they would die at her feet
rather than offend her; if her mind was made up
they would do as she wished. Elizabeth received
their submission with sulky ill-humour, and repaid
their devotion with jibes and reproaches. She
seemed quite resolute. On November 24, 1579,
the marriage treaty was drawn up and signed by
Simier; it only needed the sanction of Parliament.
But here was a difficulty. The pamphlet of Stubbs
and his severe sentence had stirred men's minds,
and the temper of Parliament could not be trusted.
It was obvious that the matter must wait a while ;
so Simier agreed to a delay of two months in which
the Queen was to persuade her subjects.
Two months passed, and nothing was done.
Alen9on had been withdrawn from the Netherlands,
and a marriage between him and the daughter of
Philip II. had been put aside. Perhaps Elizabeth
thought that result worth all the trouble she had
taken ; and she pursued her tortuous course.
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 175
Burghley besought her to make up her mind. " If
you mean to marry," he said, " do so at once ; if
not, undeceive the Duke of Alen9on." "Others,"
said EHzabeth, "advise me to entertain him with
half-promises." " Madam," answered Burghley,
" there is a proverb that those who fool princes fool
themselves." But Elizabeth had boundless confi-
dence in her capacity for fooling others without
paying the penalty, and Alengon was kept waiting,
uncertain whether to trust Elizabeth or to pursue
his projects on the Netherlands. In the end of the
year a decision had to be made, as Alen9on was
offered the sovereignty of the Netherlands, which he
accepted. Elizabeth professed to see that he could
not do otherwise ; she promised to help him with
money, and wrote a letter which revived his hopes.
"I will ask of God," she said, "this sole grace, that
He may crown all the work in such way that
Monsieur may have no reason on my part to repent
of his election. I firmly believe that my happiness
will be too great for an old woman, for whom
Paternosters are more fitting than marriage festivi-
ties. Nevertheless I shall be always ready to
receive commissioners when it shall please you to
send them."
So, in the beginning of 1581, the marriage was
again up in all seriousness on the side of France.
Alen9on sent his secretary to inquire if the commis-
176 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
sioners to arrange the marriage treaty might safely
be sent. Elizabeth was all eagerness; and the
secretary returned charged with a letter and a ring
for the lucky lover. Elizabeth had no time for
business of State, but was apparently engrossed in
arranging for the reception of the French Commis-
sioners. Her talk was of tournaments and balls;
her one desire was that the fairest ladies in England
should grace her Court. The Lords were bidden to
bring their families to London, that there might be
the bustle of constant gaiety. A large banqueting
hall was erected in the palace of Westminster, at
which four hundred workmen laboured for a month.
New carriages were designed for the use of the Court.
The merchants were ordered to sell their silks,
velvets and cloth of gold at a reduction of a quarter
of the ordinary price, that more should be induced
to buy, and so enhance the general splendour.
There was no longer any popular discontent at
the idea of the marriage. If the Queen chose to
have it so, no more was to be said. Sidney, who
had so strongly protested the year before, now lent
his aid to entertain the ambassadors of France. He,
with the Earl of Arundel, Lord Windsor, and Fulke
Greville, devised a diversion after the fashion of the
day. Calling themselves the Four Children of
Desire, they purposed to capture the Fortress of
Perfect Beauty, the abode of Elizabeth, which for
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 177
this purpose was erected in the tilt-yard at Whitehall.
They notified their intent by a defiance, which was
delivered to the Queen as she left her chapel, one
Sunday morning, by a fantastic messenger. On the
appointed day the challengers appeared in splendid
array, and, after many songs and speeches, bombarded
the Fort of Beauty with flowers, while its cannon
replied with volleys of perfumes. Then entered the
defenders of the fort, each of whom gave an account
of himself and the cause of his coming. Two of
them represented Adam and Eve, whose knowledge
of the punishment due to presumption led them to
defend the beauty of Elizabeth, which shone like the
sun and illumined the earth. A mimic fight followed
in which the challengers were beaten off. Next day
they changed their tactics. Wearied and half-
vanquished they came drawn in a car with four
horses. Above them was a fair lady who represented
Desire. Their eyes were fixed on her, and they
sadly confessed that though hope' was gone they
could not escape her sway. However, they did their
best, and the fight waxed furious, till at sunset a
herald was sent to the Queen to declare the sub-
mission of the challengers. They had learned that
Desire could not capture a fortress which was
defended by Virtue.
Of such like entertainments the French ambas-
sadors had enough ; but when they came to business
12
178 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Elizabeth hesitated. She asked for letters from
Alen9on; when they arrived she raised political
difficulties ; would the French King help his brother
in the Low Countries? The answer came with
unexpected promptness that not only would the King
do so, but would make a league with England,
offensive and defensive, on any reasonable terms.
Elizabeth felt that the toils were gathering round
her, and began to look anxiously for an escape.
Again a marriage treaty was drawn up, which only
required the personal ratification of Elizabeth and
Alengon. No sooner had the ambassadors gone
than Elizabeth sent to ask for further explanations.
The French King was only too accommodating.
Elizabeth was at her wit's end, and finally sent
Walsingham with a pathetic message. She loved
Alen9on and would marry him in time ; but she
could not marry him while marriage would expose
her country to a war; she could not ask him to
desert the Netherlands: she would, therefore, give
him secret help, and wait for her marriage till more
peaceful times. Walsingham could only report that
if the Queen would not keep her promise, she must
be prepared to pay; a substantial sum of money
might still induce France to make a political league.
This message affected Elizabeth in a vital point.
She sobbed and declared that every one had betrayed
her. She had always suspected that Alen9on only
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. ijg
Wooed her money ; now she had certain proof. But
there was no escape. Even a Queen had to pay the
penalty for breach of promise of marriage ; and two
hundred thousand crowns had to be given for a
renewal of the league with France. Elizabeth was
afraid lest she might be asked for more, and pro-
fessed a willingness to sacrifice her person to save
her purse. ^
Again Alen9on was tempted from his post in the
Netherlands, and, against the will of his brother, came
to England in the beginning of November, 1581.
The Queen received him with every appearance of
cordiality, and discussed with him everything except
the day for their marriage. An envoy was sent from
the French Court to ask for a definite answer.
When he arrived he found Alen9on and Elizabeth
walking in the gallery at Greenwich. She heard his
message and answered : " Write to your master
that the Duke will be my husband". Then she
turned and kissed Alengon, drew a ring from her
finger and placed it upon his. She summoned her
household and presented Alen9on as their future
master. Everything seemed settled ; but when
Hatton came in tears to bewail his own fate, she told
him that she meant to ask more than the French
King would grant. " But if he does," said Hatton,
''how will you escape?" "With words," she
answered, ** the current coin in France. Moreover,
z8o QUEEN ELIZABETH.
when the field is large, and the soldiers cowardly,
there are always ways for creeping out." In pur-
suance of this policy she demanded the dissolution
of the Seminary of Rheims, the abolition of the
Scottish League, and the restitution of Calais. She
knew that this last demand was impossible ; yet
Alen9on would not leave England. She pointed
out the need of his presence in the Netherlands
and promised him money ; he said that he had her
plighted word, her letters, and her ring, and he
must stay till he had her for his wife. Burghley
tried without avail to persuade him to go. Even
the intimation that, if he stayed till New Year's
Day, he would have to give the Queen a costly
present did not shake the resolution of the French
adventurer. Then Elizabeth declared that she could
not marry one who differed from her in religion :
Alen9on was ready for love of her to adopt her creed.
She proposed that she should be his friend, his sister:
he pleaded that he suffered untold anguish for her
sake, and would rather they both should die than
leave England till she was his. Elizabeth exclaimed
in agitation that "he must not threaten a poor old
woman in her own kingdom. Passion, not reason,
spoke in him, or she would think him mad. He
must not use such dreadful words." " No, madam,"
protested Alen9on, "you mistake my meaning. I
would not hurt your blessed person. I meant that I
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. i8i
would rather be cut in pieces than not marry you,
and so be laughed at by the world." So saying he
burst into tears; whereupon Elizabeth kindly lent
him her handkerchief that he might wipe his eyes.
Never was a more ludicrously bewildering situation.
At last, in February, 1582, Alen9on was with diffi-
culty hustled out of the country, on the plea that his
presence was sorely needed in the Netherlands. The
Queen went with him to Canterbury, still protesting
her sorrow at his departure, and wishing for the
dawn of happier days when she might safely fulfil her
promise : meanwhile he was to write to her as his
wife. Alen9on was safely conveyed to Flushing;
and no sooner was he gone than Elizabeth declared
that she would give a million that her " dear Frog
should again be swimming in the Thames, and not in
the marshes of the Low Countries ".
Politics never sunk to a lower level of absurdity
than in these ridiculous proceedings. We are tempted
to credit Elizabeth with a deliberate intention of
exposing the folly of the prevalent system of regulat-
ing national interests by Royal marriages. Doubtless
she saw, early in her career, what her advisers did
not see with equal clearness, that no marriage would \
really help her or England. She played with
proposals at first to content her advisers and her
people. When she had reached a point at which no
pne thought her marriage would be desirable, shq
i8a QUEEN ELIZABETH.
punished their previous short-sightedness by taking
up a proposal of marriage on her own account. In
early years her affections might be involved, and her
sense of personal dignity outraged by the suggestions
which were constantly submitted to her; and she
rebelled as a woman at the idea of self-sacrifice for
an uncertain good. As she grew older such feelings
passed away, and she was sure of herself. She took
a perverse pleasure in bewildering her ministers and
her favourites ; she seized an opportunity of reading
them a lesson. Moreover, by so doing, she took
affairs of State out of their hands at a time when it
was difficult to determine on any course of action.
She was resolved for once to make her personal
influence felt throughout Europe, and for two years
she kept political action waiting on the declaration
of her pleasure. She was pressed for a decision on
many matters. She saw no decision which could
be wisely made. So she resolved to keep things as
they were by embarking unaided on an adventure of
which she did not in the least foresee the end. She^
trusted to her own dexterity ; and when things went
further than she expected she did not scruple about
her dignity, but sacrificed it without hesitation.
After all, the episode of the Alen9on marriage is only
the policy of Elizabeth, writ large in a particular
instance. She was ready to do anything in order to
avert any definite misfortune that was impending.
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 183
If only the present was saved, there was hope for
the future. She had no confidence in great schemes,
but preferred to grow strong by Httle gains carefully
secured. So she balanced France against Spain,
without allowing either to win from the other. She
saw that a desire to get rid of Alengon from France
was a motive of French interference in the Nether-
lands. She played with Alen9on as a cat plays
with a mouse, and was ready to catch him in her
claws again whenever he showed signs of vitality.
At the bottom of all this lay a desire to know if
Alen^on would really succeed, if France would really
join with England against Spain. Perhaps Elizabeth
was not entirely insincere in her regrets for
Alengon's departure. Ha^^^^S^een a greater man
her attitude might have been different. When she
is blamed for want of boldness, for not joining
France in expelling Spain from the Netherlands, it
must be remembered that success depended on the
character of the French leader. Elizabeth saw and
judged for herself. She was wise in hesitating to
trust her fortunes to the man she saw. Yet, when
he went away from England, Elizabeth probably
meant that, if he gave her an assurance of his
success, she was still ready to become his wife. It
is true that by this hesitation much was lost.
Alen9on went to the Netherlands discredited, and
soon showed himself a mere adventurer. He tried
T"
184 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
to seize for himself the towns which he had come to
defend, and was driven ignominiously in flight from
Antwerp. He died in May, 1585, and Elizabeth
played her part to the end. " The Queen," wrote the
French ambassador, " is in appearance full of tears
and regrets, telling me that she is a widow who has
lost her husband, and how I know that the late
Monsieur was much to her, and how she ever held
him hers, although they had not lived together, and
many other such speeches ; for she is a Princess
who knows 'how to compose and transform herself
as suits her best."
We fail, however, to understand the full bearing
of Elizabeth's conduct to Alen9on if we do not keep
in mind the perils by which she was beset. The
time of tranquillity which England had been
enjoying came abruptly to an end in 1580, and
Elizabeth's throne was once more insecure. Besides
the forces of France and Spain there were other
forces at work which were more difficult to keep in
check, the forces of the Roman Catholic reaction.
The excommunication of Elizabeth had been in-
tended by the Pope as a declaration of war against
England. It was an assertion that all European
States must owe allegiance to him, and that those
which refused to recognise his supremacy must be
reduced to obedience in the common interest of all.
The ^reat question decided in the sixteenth century
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 185
was that States might exist without submitting to
the Papal jurisdiction ; and England was the country ,
on which the fate of Protestantism depended. It
England could be reduced, all other rebels might be
won back ; and the Pope was anxious to impress ^
this truth on his allies. But France and Spain had
their own interest to pursue, and their own reasons
for keeping on good terms with England for a time.
The day would come when Elizabeth would be
dethroned ; but the immediate season was not
convenient.
Meanwhile the band of English Romanists who
had left England after Elizabeth's accession waited
in vain. They had fled in the hopes of a speedy
return. They carried with them the picture of Eng-
land as it had been in Mary's days, and were unable
to understand the change which had slowly passed
over the popular mind since then. To them Eliza-
beth was a usurper and a tyrant. The only accounts
which reached them were sent by the intriguers who
gathered round Mary Queen of Scots. They were
singularly out of sympathy with the main current of
English feeling, and they unconsciously misrepre-
sented it abroad. Their writings and their state-
ments did much to create prejudices which have
scarcely yet been removed. In the light of subse-
quent events nothing can seem more ignoble than the
restless intrigues of this ban4 of misguided scheni^r^,
i86 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
We have to remind ourselves that they v^ere striving
for a political ideal which was not yet entirely
condemned by events. They laboured to keep alive
in England the elements of disaffection which they
believed, with a little help from outside, would soon
gather an overwhelming force. It is the great merit
of Elizabeth that she was keenly aware that their
efforts could only be withstood by the growth of a
national spirit, slowly created by an appreciation of
the benefits conferred by her government. It might
seem wise to precipitate a crisis, and press for a
decision ; but she was of opinion that the gradual
consolidation of her people into a new sense of
national life was the only safe course to pursue.
When danger came it must not be of her seeking.
Her people must feel that the menace was to them-
selves in the first place, and only to the Queen as
their representative.
So Elizabeth waited to be attacked, and spared
no pains to defer the time of the attack, which she
always felt to be imminent. Her cautious policy
exasperated her opponents, who wearied of waiting
for action on the part of the King of Spain. At last
they resolved to take action by themselves ; if they
succeeded, help would soon be forthcoming. In 1580
a plan was formed, with the Pope's sanction, for
attacking England in three directions, first through.
Ireland, secondly through Scotland, and thirdly by
THE ALENqON M.
raising disaffection in England itself. This was to
be done cautiously and secretly; but all the three
advances were to be made at the same time.
(i) Ireland was a great difficulty to Elizabeth's
government. It was necessary to guard it lest it
should be used as a point of attack, but as little
money must be spent on it as possible. Henry
VIII. had endeavoured to civilise the Irish people
through their chiefs, who were to be converted from
tribal chieftains to feudal nobles. This policy might
have succeeded but for the breach with the Papacy,
for which the Irish were not prepared, not feeling
the same grievances. The changes made in England
were forced upon Ireland without being explained;
and disaffection was the natural result. At the
beginning of her reign Elizabeth had to face trouble
in Ireland, arising from the difference between Irish
and Enghsh law. Henry VI 11. had created Con
O'Neill Earl of TjTone, and civil jurisdiction went
with the earldom. On his death, in 1559, his illegiti-
mate son claimed to succeed him, and was elected as
the O'Neill, to the exclusion of his nephew, who was
regarded as the rightful heir by English law. Shan
O'Neill made good his position, and even defeated
the Lord-Deputy, the Earl of Sussex. He came to
London to plead his cause, and Elizabeth was fain
to conciliate him ; but on his return Shan went his
own way and defied all the efforts of vSussex. It was
\
i88 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
not till 1567 that he was at length put down by Sir
Henry Sidney, after causing Elizabeth an expendi-
ture of nearly ^^500,000. He had succeeded, how-
ever, in checking the hope of Anglicising the Irish,
by raising the old tribal chieftainship to importance,
and in pointing out that England was saddled with
a dependency which would welcome an invader, and
would rise at the summons of the Pope. " They all
look to Spain," wrote a Spaniard, " to deliver them
from English tyranny, to save their souls, and give
them back the blessed Mass."
After Elizabeth's excommunication an offer of
the sovereignty of Ireland was made by some of the
Irish to Philip of Spain, and there was talk of a
Spanish invasion. This only increased the ill-will
between the English and the Irish, and a simmering
rebellion was kept down by much barbarity. Sidney
ruined himself in trying to keep order; and his
successor. Sir William Fitzwilliam, fared no better.
Attempts were made to colonise parts of Ireland
from England. In 1573 Walter Devereux, newly
created Earl of Essex, set out to occupy a large
portion of Ulster. Though he went resolved ''to
win the Irish by kindness," his undertaking ended
in disastrous failure. He sacrificed his money and
stained his fair fame by treacherous deeds. In 1576
he died hopeless of the future. Ireland had already
become the grave of English reputation^.
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. i«9
Briefly, the condition of affairs in Ireland was
this. The Irish people were sacrificed to the con-
flict which was raging in Europe, and their interests
were considered neither by the English Government
nor by the Romanist plotters. The latter stirred
them to rebellion by promises of Spanish help which
never came ; the former regarded them with suspicion
and kept them .down by barbarities. It was a grave
misfortune that England, engaged in a serious con-
flict for its existence, could only regard Ireland as its
most vulnerable point. Elizabeth could not afford
to spend money on its reduction, and her poHcy of .
doing always the least possible was there especially
disastrous. Deputies were sent against their will
to a hopeless task. They were ill-furnished with
supplies, and attempted to enforce their power by
isolated acts of violence, which only intensified the
existing ill-will. Moreover, the extension of English
influence was resisted because it carried with it a
religious change which was distasteful ; and Irish
national sentiment gathered round adhesion to the
Papacy.
This state of things seemed promising to the
Romanist cause. One of the most active of the
English refugees, Nicholas Sanders, combined with
a brother of the Earl of Desmond, James Fitzmorris,
to raise Ireland in the Pope's name. Invested with
the office of legate, and trusting to the influence of
igo QUEEN ELIZABETH.
the name of Fitzmorris, he landed in Kerry with a
few Spanish troops in July, 1579, ^^id built a fort at
Smerwick, on Dingle Bay. The news caused great
stir in Ireland, and much alarm in England. Eliza-
beth complained to the Spanish ambassador, and
received answer that the Spaniards had not been
sent by the King. There were few English troops
in Ireland ; and when Fitzmorris was killed in the
first encounter Elizabeth treated the invasion as of
ino consequence. She was economical, as usual, and
'countermanded the supplies which she had ordered
in the first panic. But the Earl of Desmond joined
the rebels, and Ireland was in a dangerous state.
Lord Grey de Wilton was sent as deputy from
England ; and at the same time the Pope sent a
reinforcement of eight- hundred men, Italians and
Spaniards, who entrenched themselves in the fort of
Smerwick. An English fleet was sent to attack the
fort by sea, while Grey gathered such forces as he
could by land. Amongst those who served under
him were Walter Raleigh and Edmund Spenser.
After two days' bombardment the fort surrendered
on November 9, 1580. Lord Grey asked the garrison
if they had any commission from their King to wage
war in Ireland. The Italians answered that they
were sent by the Pope for the defence of the Catholic
faith. Grey replied that the Pope had no authority
from God or man, and was not their natural prince ;
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. tgt
he could only look on them as pirates. They pressed
to be admitted to terms, but Grey absolutely refused.
They were driven to surrender at discretion, and six
hundred of them were shot. It was a terrible warn-
ing, and Elizabeth seems to have felt no remorse.
At all events she wrote to Grey, with her own hand,
a characteristic note : ** The mighty hand of the AI-
mightiest power hath showed manifest by the force
of His strength in the weakness of feeblest sex and
mind this year, to make men ashamed ever after-
wards to disdain us. In which action I joy that
you have been chosen the instrument of His glory,
which I mean to give you no cause to foretl:i([nk."
The end of the Papal attempt on Ireland was
disappointment to those who planned it, and misery
to the people. Sanders perished wretchedly in a
bog. The Earl of Desmond was harried from place
to place till he was slain. Large tracts of the
country became desert. The unhappy Irish had
been lured to rebellion by hopes of help, which they
did not entirely trust, but which they could not
refuse to entertain. The only result was to convince
England that Romanism and disloyalty were the
same, and to widen the breach between the English
and the Irish peoples.
(2) The attempt on Scotland was made in a more
subtle and insidious way. Esm6 Stuart, nephew
and heir of the Earl of Lennox, and therefore closely
tgi QUEEN ELIZABETH.
related to the Scottish King, had been educated in
France, and was an accomplished and captivating
gentleman. It was natural that he should return to
his native land; and it was equally natural that,
with his gifts of manner, he should at the age of
twenty-three be more acceptable to a boy of fourteen
than the somewhat grim advisers by whom he had
hitherto been surrounded. So Esme Stuart went to
Scotland in September, 1579, the secret agent of the
Pope and the Duke of Guise, commissioned to bring
back Scotland to its old alliance with France, and
to its allegiance to the Papacy. But Stuart was
willing to dissemble his religious convictions, and
hide his political plans under an appearance of
careless geniality. He soon won the King's favour,
and was created Earl, and afterwards Duke, of
Lennox. He saw that the first thing to be done
was the removal of the Earl of Morton, who was the
actual governor of Scotland, and in favour of the
English alliance. Morton foresaw his danger and
asked help from Elizabeth, who showed her usual
hesitation to commit herself. Lennox used his
opportunitity ; Morton was seized and charged with
complicity in Darnley's murder. When Elizabeth
thought of coming to his help, she was disarmed by a
public profession of Protestantism made by Lennox.
Morton was executed in June, 1581 ; Lennox was
master of Scotland, and the English party was
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 193
practically destroyed. Jesuits were at once dis-
patched to effect the conversion of the young King,
who had suffered too much from the rigorous
discipline of the Presbyterian clergy to have much
affection for them. The next step in this scheme
was the restoration of the French alliance. But
here arose a technical difficulty. James had not
been recognised by France as King of Scotland ;
and Mary demanded that she should be associated
with him in the kingdom by an Act of the Scottish
Parliament.
Before the King could be converted, or Mary's
punctiliousness relieved, the Scots took alarm on
religious grounds, and resisted an attempt to elect
a new bishop to the vacant See of Glasgow Round
this religious resistance the English party was slowly
formed again, and was secretly supported by Eliza-
beth. The result was, in August, 1582, the Earl of
Gowrie and some confederate nobles seized the King
as he was on his way to a hunting expedition, and
carried him off to Gowrie House. Lennox had not
the courage to face such a crisis. Afraid for his
personal safety, he left Scotland in December, and
died in Paris in May, 1583. It was now in Eliza-
beth's power to make an agreement with James;
but this she refused to do. It was sufficient for her
that, with Mary in her hands, she could hold the
mother against the son. She had learned the diffi-
13
ig4 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
culties in the way of associating James and Mary
She knew that James had need of her, and was afraid
of his mother. So she refused to make a treaty
which would have involved a payment on her part.
" Her servants and favourites," she said, " professed
to love her for her high qualities; Alen9on for her
beauty ; and the Scots for her crown. But all came
to the same in the end. They wanted nothing but
her money, and they should not have it."
The result of the Roman invasion of Scotland
was a complete failure. It only strengthened Scottish
Protestantism, and showed the young King his true
position and his hopes for the future.
(3) The third detachment of the Papal invaders
had, meanwhile, landed in England itself. One
object of the English refugees was to bring those in
England who professed the old form of religion into
line with the principles of the Romanist revival. If
Elizabeth had not been excommunicated, they might
have been allowed to continue their own worship in
private, and their loyalty would not have been called
in question. There would have grown up a tacit re-
cognition of their position within limits which might
have gradually expanded. But the excommunica-
tion of Elizabeth was an open declaration of war,
and exposed the loyalty of the English Romanists to
perpetual suspicion. Those who wished to be loyal
were not permitted to remain so, but were surrounded
THE ALENQON MARRIAGE. 195
by intrigues from which they could not escape.
Elizabeth's rule, they were told, was unlawful and
would be only temporary they must be prepared to
use any opportunity for bringing it to an end. This
being so, the most fervent amongst them preferred
to leave England and openly work for their avowed
end. The seminary at Rheims invited young men
to be educated in the true principles of activity for
the Papal restoration. A new body of priests came
into existence, unlike the old priests, who merely
remained constant to the system in which they had
been brought up. Their successors were men trained
in a foreign system, and animated — it might be
unconsciously — with a spirit which regarded the
subjugation of England to Rome as the first and
foremost object of their endeavour. Such enthusiasts
were naturally drawn to the rigid organisation of the
Society of Jesus, and the Jesuits undertook to revive
the drooping spirits of the English Romanists by a
missioru
The object of supplying religious ministrations
to such as desired them is one which must command
our sympathies, especially when it was carried out in
the face of serious danger. But it was the misfortune
of the Papal policy that it had made it impossible to
separate the spiritual from the political object of
such a mission. It is true that Pope Gregory XIII.
did something to make it wear a religious character*
ig6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
He issued an explanation of the Bull of excom-
munication, stating that it was always binding on
the Queen and her adherents, but not upon Catholics
as things stood ; that is, that the Queen and her
Government were bound to consider themselves ex-
communicated, but Catholics need not regard them
so as long as they continued in power The effect
of this was to make it lawful for the Romanists to
obey the government of their country, so long as it
existed ; but it was left uncertain what steps they
were justified in taking to change it It only meant
that they were to profess loyalty until Elizabeth
could safely be attacked ; then they were to join her
foes. Moreover, there remained the question : If the
Romanists could without mortal sin conspire against
the life of Elizabeth. It is sadly certain that, six
months after the issue of the explanatory brief, the
Papal nuncio in Spain gave his opinion that the
Bull of Pius V. justified all her subjects in taking
arms against the Queen ; as regards her assassina-
tion, the Pope would not make any declaration
previously, but would give the necessary absolutions
after the deed had been done. Further, the Jesuit
mission landed in England at the same time that the
Pope was sending troops to Ireland. It was too
much to expect that the Pope should be understood
to be acting in his temporal capacity in one case,
and in his spiritual capacity in another,
TUB ALEN^ON MARRiAGU. tg^
Elizabeth was aware of what was intended, and
prepared for it by ordering the laws against the
Romanists to be more strictly enforced. She also
ordered all who had sons or relations abroad to call
them home, and declared that all who harboured
Jesuits would be regarded as maintainers of rebels.
She further issued a proclamation to her people,
proudly claiming that never had justice been better
administered, and never had a country enjoyed
greater peace than England under her rule. Had
it not been for a few traitors, the record of peace
would have been unbroken. Now that a new dis-
turbance was projected, she must use her power to
keep her land free alike " from the bondage of the
Romish tyranny " and from foreign invasion ; for
this purpose she trusted to the good-will and courage
of her people. It is in such utterances as these that
we find the key to Elizabeth's policy. She wished
to be able to lay before her people definite results
of which all might judge, not a record of great
attempts which had burdened the country and pro-
duced nothing that could be appraised. Every year
of peace, every tax avoided, was so much that
swelled her claim upon her people's gratitude; and
her one care was that this should steadily increase.
The leaders of the first Jesuit mission, Parsons
and Campion, landed in England in June, 1580.
They were chosen to represent the two-fold aspect
igS QUEEN ELIZABETH.
of the Papal policy ; Parsons was a political intriguer,
Campion a simple-minded religious enthusiast. An
association of young men of good families was
formed for their protection, and clad in various
disguises they were rapidly passed on from place to
place. Campion was a man of attractive character,
and convincing eloquence. His high qualities gained
in power from the romantic charm which was at-
tached to his adventure. There was, at first, no
organisation of police which was sufficient to baffle
him. His services were attended by throngs ; and
several noblemen were reconciled to the Roman
Church, among them the brother and the son of the
late Duke of Norfolk, Lord Henry Howard and the
Earl of Arundel. There was general alarm, during
which Parliament met in January, 1581, and passed
an " Act to Restrain Her Majesty's Subjects in their
due Allegiance," which made it high treason to recon-
cile any to the Church of Rome, or to aid or conceal
those who were so doing. It was forbidden, under
heavy fines, to say Mass, or to refuse attendance at
the service of the Established Church. Another Act
made it felony to publish any libel against the Queen.
This legislation was a serious deviation from the
policy which had hitherto been pursued about ecclesi-
astical matters. At the beginning of the reign an
Act of Uniformity had set up a religious system
which, it was hoped, would slowly absorb all different
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE. 199
opinions, and be in time universally accepted. The
excommunication of Elizabeth had made it politi-
cally necessary to cut off intercourse with Rome.
Now the Roman invasion had led to the adoption
of repression on grounds of national expediency.
This reacted disastrously upon the position of the
English Church, which was arrested in its develop-
ment by being imposed as a test, not of religious
conviction, but of patriotism. It was felt by many
that this was not a position which could be justified.
Compulsory attendance at Church services was as
distasteful to the advanced Puritans as it was to the
Romanists, and drove them to separate into distinct
bodies as a protest. Their loyalty was not doubted,
and they were consequently seldom visited with
penalties, to which the Romanists were habitually
exposed. This gave the action of the government
an appearance of unfairness, while it involved the
Church in the charge of persecution. It is easier to
point out the evils of the course adopted than to
suggest a remedy. The action of the Pope had
made it almost impossible to distinguish between
his spiritual and his temporal claims. It was hard
for the government to observe a distinction which
he had ingeniously contrived to abolish in practice,
while professing a wish to maintain it in theory.
The Jesuits, elated at their first success, con-
tinued their efforts with increasing boldness. In
200 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
June appeared a book written by Campion, Ten
Reasons for being a Catholic, of which copies were
found laid in the seats of St. Mary's Church at
Oxford. This audacity made efforts to capture him
more zealous, and finally he was taken after a
rigorous search among the hiding places devised in
the solid walls of the manor house at Lydford, near
Abingdon. He was brought to London in his dis-
guise as a layman, with a placard on his head,
" Campion, the seditious Jesuit ". Yet Elizabeth
was anxious to deal mercifully with him. He was
secretly conveyed to the house of the Earl of
Leicester, where Elizabeth was present. She asked
if he acknowledged her as Queen, and he said yes.
She asked if he thought the Pope might lawfully
excommunicate her. He answered that he could
not judge in so high a controversy, wherein the
greatest divines were not agreed. He must follow
Christ's example and answer the dilemma that he
would pay Her Majesty what was hers, and to God
what was His. Campion was doubtless sincere in
thinking that this answer was enough : but its
general meaning was that he claimed the advantage
of a divided allegiance ; he would obey the Queen
when it suited him to do so, and would reserve
obedience to the Pope's temporal commands till it
was safe or expedient.
The procedure by torture was applied to Campion
TH^ ALENQON MARklAOR, ^t
and other captured priests. It is horrible to read how
they were racked and questioned to discover their
accompHces. The object of the government was to
treat them as traitors, to separate their poHtical from
their religious mission. It was the object of the
priests to declare that they had not meddled with
politics, but had confined themselves to religious
teaching. Their confessions under torture were all
so construed as to implicate them in treasonable
practices ; and, in November, Campion and fourteen
others were brought to trial on the charge of having
conspired against the Queen by attempting to raise
sedition in England and to bring on a foreign in-
vasion. Campion, broken by the rack, and unable
to move his arms, conducted his defence with great
ability. No treason had been proved against him ;
he was accused solely for his religion. " What force
excommunications be of, what authority is due to
the Bishop of Rome, how men's consciences must
be instructed, are no matters of fact, nor triable by
jurors, but points yet disputed and not yet resolved
in the schools." He claimed the right to suspend
his judgment on such points. But all was in vain ;
it was not the single-minded enthusiast who was on
trial, but the aggressive system behind him, of which
he was the unconscious instrument. He was con-
demned to a traitor's death, and, with two com-
panions, was hanged on December i, 1581. He died
dcKk QUEEN ELIZABETH.
saying : " I will and do pray for the Queen ". ** For
which Queen ? " he was asked. " For Elizabeth,"
was the answer, " your Queen and mine, to whom I
wish a long quiet reign and all prosperity."
Men felt there was something amiss in such a
death of such a man ; but they drew different con-
clusions. Some were drawn to admiration of those
who could die so calmly for what they held to be
true. One young Norfolk gentleman who was
standing by, Henry Walpole, was converted to
Romanism because a drop of Campion's blood, as he
was being quartered, spirted upon his clothes. He
was carried away by the horror of the scene, and
the sympathy of the bystanders. The majority of
Englishmen ground their teeth in anger that the
Pope should send such men to do his work of
alternately cajoling and coercing England into the
abandonment of its new- won freedom. They saw
through the cruel dilemma, which he had so skil-
fully constructed, and associated Rome and Roman
methods with trickery and deceit. The English
mind was never given to draw fine distinctions and
disliked to be bewildered. Adhesion to the Papacy
became synonymous with prevarication, underhand
dealing, and a disregard for truth. That England
should separate from the Roman Church was one
thing; the terms and the results of the separation
were another. The Papal policy sowed the seeds of
THE ALENgON MARRIAGE, 203
misunderstanding and mutual dislike, which went on
growing. It created the impression that Romanism
was not only anti-English in its political aims, but
un-English in its methods and in its contents.
Moreover, the Romanists had some justification
for representing England as adopting their own
methods. The story of the English martyrs was
spread over the Continent and seemed a repetition of
the cruelties of the Inquisition. Pamphlets relating
the cruelty of Elizabeth were cried in the streets.
Burghley attempted to answer the outcry by a book,
The Execution of Justice in England, not for Religion ,
hut for Treason. Allen answered by a Defence of
the English Catholics, which was better adapted for
foreign consumption. England was misrepresented
and misunderstood abroad, and its separation from
Continental influences became more complete.
The Papal attempt on England through the
Jesuit mission failed as the other attempts had
failed; but it left an evil mark behind. The Papal
claims confounded religion and politics, things spirit-
ual and things temporal. England in repelling
these claims was driven to use methods, and
adopt a position, which perilously resembled those
of the system against which it strove.
204
CHAPTER VI.
THE CRISIS.
That her realm might discover its own capacities,
Elizabeth had nurtured it in peace. England used
its opportunity by developing industrial life on one
hand, and a spirit of naval adventure on the other.
It v^as the simultaneous growth in these two direc-
tions which formed a new England. From the first
Elizabeth had favoured the maritime spirit, and had
made use of it to hinder the advance of Spain in the
Netherlands. But it was clear that the strength of
Spain lay in the gold of the New World, and English-
men were eager to traffic in the Western Seas. The
disastrous voyage of Hawkins only inspired with a
desire for revenge a young kinsman of his, Francis
Drake, who, in 1572, captured a convoy of bullion at
Panama, and on seeing the South Pacific from the
mountains, " fell on his knees and prayed God that
he might one day navigate those waters ". To Drake
it was intolerable that Spain should claim a monopoly
of the commerce of half the world, and he was pre-
pared to resist the claim to the utmost. There was
THE CRISIS. 205
some difficulty in discovering a method of doing it,
as England was at peace with Spain. But English-
men in that day were not troubled by scruples ; they
were ready to undertake responsibility on their own
account, to act first, and to find justification for their
action afterwards. Elizabeth was willing to give
secret help, without compromising herself openly, on
the understanding that she was at liberty to disavow
all complicity if it suited her to do so. Drake was
prepared to put to sea, knowing that he ran the risk
of being hanged as a pirate, but that he also had a
chance of being hailed as a national hero.
At the end of 1577, when the relations between
England and Spain were uncertain, Drake sailed
from Plymouth with five small vessels, fitted out by
a few adventurers, amongst whom the Queen and the
Earl of Leicester were the largest shareholders
His nominal object was to explore the unknown parts
of the Pacific ; his real object was to teach Philip
that he was not secure in the part of the world which
he considered most exclusively his own. The story
of his adventurous voyage need not be told here. He
was the first Englishman who passed through the
Straits of Magellan, and he used to the full the
advantage of being an unexpected visitor. He seized
the stores of bullion which were ready for shipment
to Spain, and captured a treasure-ship which was
richly laden. In August, 1579, Philip heard the
ao6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
news of his losses. His ambassador expostulated,
and a breach with Spain seemed imminent. But,
just at this time, Philip was preparing to claim the
crown of Portugal and did not wish to quan'el with
England. Elizabeth tried her " gipsy tricks " to
wheedle out of the Spanish ambassador whether
Portugal or England was first to be attacked. Her
attitude was finally determined by the return, in
October, 1580, of Drake, after sailing round the globe
in his adventurous expedition, which had lasted for
three years.
England rang with admiration of his exploits.
Elizabeth was delighted at the greatness of his prize,
which amounted to nearly 3^750,000. She was de-
termined not to part with the money, and Hatton
gave it as his opinion that, though Drake might have
been dealt with as the Spaniards pleased, if they had
caught him, there was no legal obligation on the
Queen to pay any attention to their complaints
against him. So Elizabeth received Drake with
honour, and sent orders that his ship, the Golden
Hindf should be brought up the Thames to Deptford
and there preserved. She was entertained at a
banquet on board, and dubbed Drake a knight.
Meanwhile she took all necessary precautions about
the money which he had brought. Following the
precedent set in the case of the gold seized twelve
years before, she ordered it to be removed to th?
THE CRISIS. 207
Tower for safe custody. But she gave orders to the
officer, whose duty it was to weigh it, that he should
first allow Drake to remove ^f 10,000 for himself, and
as much as was necessary to give herself a good return
for her outlay. Then the inventory of the rest was
sent to the Spanish ambassador. Ultimately she
paid her partners in the adventure 100 per cent,
and kept the remainder.
She soon had an opportunity of increasing her
treasures at Philip's expense. Philip had succeeded
to the crown of Portugal, and made good his claims
against the pretender, Don Antonio, who came to
England, carrying with him the crown jewels, which
he sold to the Queen that he might fit out in England
an expedition against the Azores. The Spanish
ambassador remonstrated and detailed all Philip's
grievances — the plunder of Spanish ships, the piratical
expedition of Drake, the interference in the Nether-
lands, and now, the support given to Don Antonio.
Elizabeth answered that if she chose to help Don
Antonio she could do so to some effect; as to the
other matters, she did not know what he meant.
Nettled by this insolent tone, Mendoza replied : " If
your Majesty will not hear words, we must come to
the cannon and see if you will hear them ! " With-
out raising her voice, Elizabeth quietly said : " If you
use threats of that kind I will fling youanto prison ".
Then she called her lords in attendance and repeated
2o8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
what Mendoza had said, adding " I told him he need
not think to frighten me ". The Spaniard replied :
" I am not so foolish. Princes do not endure to be
threatened by private persons. The Queen, being a
lady, and so beautiful a lady, may throw me to the
lions if she will." Elizabeth's face cleared at the
compliment (** so absurd is she," is Mendoza's com-
ment), and the conversation continued. She would
make no restitution of Drake's pillage till Philip had
given her satisfaction for his interference in Ireland.
As she left the room she muttered with a sigh :
*' Would to God that each had his own and was at
peace ".
Philip was not yet prepared to make war on
England, and this affair blew over. There were
other plans in hand for dealing with the heretical
Queen. The part of the Roman scheme which had
the greatest hopes of success was the attempt on
Scotland, where, if things had gone well, the Duke
of Guise was to have landed to assist Lennox. Now
that the departure of Lennox had rendered that im-
possible, why should not Guise land in England,
where, the Romanist refugees assured hinr, every-
thing was ripe for a rebellion ? There was the old
suggestion that everything could be done much more
expediently if Elizabeth were only out of the way.
This was so constantly on the lips of the scheming
politicians among the Romanist priests that a young
THE CRISIS. 209
country gentleman in Warwickshire, John Somer-
ville, caught fire at the suggestion and went up to
London to kill the Queen in October, 1583. He
betrayed himself by idle speeches, was put in the
Tower and confessed under the rack.
This was an individual attempt. But there was
being hatched at the same time a more serious
conspiracy by those who were in the secret of Guise's
proposed invasion. Francis Throgmorton belonged
to a Cheshire family which favoured Mary Stuart.
He flitted between London and the Continent,
carrying messages from Mary and Mendoza. He
was observed leaving Mendoza's house, was watched,
and seized as he was writing a letter in cipher. His
papers contained a list of the English allies of Guise,
and he confessed that Mendoza was to communicate
with such Roman Catholics as were justices of the
peace, who were to raise levies when the Duke of
Guise arrived, under pretence of helping the Queen,
and then to use them against her.
The discovery of this plot filled Elizabeth with
alarm, and measures of precaution were at once
taken. The Earls of Arundel and Northumberland
were sent to the Tower. Suspected persons were
everywhere imprisoned. The fleet guarded the coast.
Levies were called out, and their officers carefully
reviewed. Suspected magistrates were removed.
A new search was made for Jesuits and seminary
14
2IO QUEEN ELIZABETH.
priests. The Spanish ambassador was ordered to
leave England. Never had things looked worse than
at the beginning of the year 1584. Nor did the
darkness lighten as the year passed on. First the
death of the Duke of Alengon, in May, removed all
prospect that France would further interfere to help
the Netherlands against Spain. It also brought
France itself to the verge of a religious war ; for
Henry III. was sickly, and the next heir, Henry,
King of Navarre, was a Huguenot. The prospect of
his accession marshalled France into two opposing
factions, and increased the power of the Guises.
Next, in July, came the news of the assassination
of the Prince of Orange, which left the United
Provinces without a leader. Already the Prince of
Parma had succeeded in reducing many towns, and
his success seemed almost assured. When the
Netherlands had been conquered, the Spanish arms
would be directed against England, as had always
been the intention of Philip. Moreover, Spain had
made good its annexation of Portugal, and so had
become absolute master of the New World. The
Spanish monarchy seemed at the height of its
power.
England felt the imminence of the danger, and
considered first the most immediate peril, that of the
Queen's assassination. It was clear that Elizabeth
was the object of ceaseless plots, one of which might
THE CRISIS. ait
at any moment prove successful. She was singularly
easy of access and heedless of danger. She refused
to take exceptional precautions, saying that she
would not be put into custody. Her courage was
remarkable, and she did not allow anxiety to weigh
upon her. It is curious that her intrepidity served
to some degree as a protection. One conspirator, at
least, confessed that his intention to kill the Queen
failed when he came into her presence and saw her
fearless bearing. It is significant of Elizabeth's
temper that she deliberately chose to live among her
people and commit to them the care of her person.
She would not submit to live in guarded seclusion,
but made her influence felt as a living presence.
But though Elizabeth did not fear, it was other-
wise with her ministers. The death of the Queen
meant immediate anarchy, the probable accession
of Mary Queen of Scots, and the overthrow of
everything which they had accomplished. Eliza-
beth's responsibility ceased at her death ; but those
left behind must devise some means for their own
protection. They wished to have some assurance
about the future. Elizabeth always baffled them.
She would have no future ; they must depend on
her alone. In course of time men grew accustomed
to this position ; but when the murder of the Prince
of Orange showed them what might occur in England,
they were filled with alarm The murder of the
art QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Queen would put an end to all authority. No one
had power to act, and the question of succession could
not be settled without civil war. The Council dis-
cussed how some basis of action might be constructed,
some practical steps suggested, which might hold the
country together for a time. They devised a proposal
for a voluntary bond of association, expressing a
policy which those who signed it pledged themselves
to carry out. By this means, at all events, a strong
national party would be formed, with definite in-
tentions of which it had given formal notice to
Europe.
The bond of association was for the protection
of the person of Elizabeth. It set forth that "for
the furtherance and advancement of some pretended
title to the Crown, the life of our sovereign has
been most dangerously designed against . The
signatories therefore bound themselves to defend
Elizabeth " against all States, dignities and earthly
powers whatever". They would withstand to the
utmost all who acted, counselled, or consented to
the harm of the Queen's person. Should any at-
tempt against her succeed, they would not accept as
her successor any one " by whom, or for whom, any
such detestable act shall be attempted or committed,
as unworthy of all government in any Christian
realm or State " ; further, they would ** prosecute
such persons to the death ". This document was
THE CRISIS.
213
first signed in London and Middlesex, and then was
sent round the other counties. Everywhere it was
signed with enthusiasm. Indeed no one of any
importance could have ventured to withhold his
signature.
The meaning of this document was a menace to
Mary Queen of Scots and her adherents at home
and abroad. They were warned that if their plots
of assassination succeeded, or if a foreign invasion
were made in her name, the immediate result would
be that she would be put to death. Whatever else
happened, she, at all events, would not follow
Elizabeth on the English throne. To make this
warning more intelligible, Mary was removed from
the care of Lord Shrewsbury, where she had been
treated as an honoured guest, and was placed in
the safe keeping, first of Sir Ralph Sadler, and
afterwards of Sir Amyas Paulet, both of whom were
devoted servants of Elizabeth, and would at once
take action in an emergency. For greater security
she was placed in the Castle of Tutbury, a fortress
rather than a dwelling-house, desolate and uncom-
fortable, where she was closely guarded and cut
off from means of communication with her friends
outside.
It was necessary that what had been done
spontaneously in the form of a voluntary association
should obtain some formal sanction. Parliament
214 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
was summoned for this purpose in the end of 1584.
Burghley drafted a measure for a provisional govern-
ment, in case of the Queen's death, which should
continue till the criminals had been punished and the
succession had been decided. Elizabeth, however,
was not prepared to go farther than give legal force
to the Association, and the Bill which she recom-
mended for this purpose was so insufficient that it
was dropped. Ultimately an Act was passed which
declared that any one in whose behalf an invasion
was made, or a rebellion attempted, or anything
devised to the hurt of the Queen's person, should be
for ever excluded from the succession. All subjects
might, on the Queen's direction, pursue to death any
such person. If the attempt succeeded, a Commis-
sion was appointed to examine into the cause of the
Queen's death and punish all who were concerned
in it. Another Act was passed which ordered all
Jesuits and seminary priests to quit the realm within
forty days ; those who were found in England after
that time were guilty of high treason, and those who
harboured them of felony. Children sent abroad for
education were to return to England, otherwise they
were incapable of inheriting. No one was to leave
the country without the Queen's permission.
When this Bill was introduced, one member,
William Parry, opposed it as *' bloody, desperate
and full of pernicious consequences ", The temper
THE CRISIS. 215
of the House would brook no opposition ; he was
committed to the sergeant-at-arms, placed at the
bar, and asked to explain his words. He said that
he would only explain to the Queen, and he was
taken before the Council. Elizabeth sent a message
that she hoped Parry would be forgiven; and he
promised not to offend again. But before the House
had been dissolved. Parry was accused by an accom-
plice of having conspired against the Queen's life.
Parry was an adventurer, with an indifferent record.
He had been one of Burghley's spies, but had become
a Roman Catholic, and undertook to kill the Queen.
In the course of the summer he had sought inter-
views with her to give her information about other
plots. He admitted that he had intended to take
her life, but his courage failed. Parry seems to have
been a man of unstable character, bordering on
insanity, with no clear idea of what he was doing.
But his confession showed that danger was on every
side, and he was condemned to death.
The severity of this legislation showed that the
country was fully roused, and the Roman Catholic
party quailed before it. The Earl of Arundel, who
had been restored to favour, attempted to flee from
England. He wrote a letter to Elizabeth, in which
he said he was exposed to the malice of enemies,
and that he retired abroad to escape the fate of his
f?ither. He was captured at sea, brought back, and
2i6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
committed to the Tower, where he ended his days.
His fellow-conspirator, the Earl of Northumberland,
was more deeply implicated in Thro^morton's con-
spiracy, and, to avoid a trial, shot himself in his
prison. The expectations of Elizabeth's domestic
foes were vanishing, and they were reduced to
despair. They waited, but nothing came. Eliza-
beth's government grew stronger at home, and they
had no hopes of overthrowing it. The country was
united in its favour ; so those who had been merely
waiting accepted it, while those who had committed
themselves against it felt that England was no longer
safe for them.
Still Elizabeth was left to face the danger that
Spain was on the point of stamping out the rebellion
in the Netherlands ; and this would be a standing
danger to England. Elizabeth had reaped great
advantages from the revolt, but had steadily declined
to identify herself with it. She never expected that
it would be ultimately successful ; and she knew that,
if she openly assisted rebels in another country, she
would be setting an example which might be followed
in England. So she kept alive the spirits of the
Netherlanders from time to time: she gave them
assistance when it suited her purposes ; she en-
couraged France to interfere, but was unwilling that
France should oust Spain. She wished the revolt
to go on as long as possible ; she wished the Nether-
THE CRISIS. ai7
lands at last to make as good terms as possible, and
win a large amount of self-government. But she
could not afford to see them crushed just at this
period. As there was no one else to help them, she
must unwillingly do so herself. The States were
eager for English help ; the party which supported
the Prince of Orange saw no one to replace him ex-
cept Elizabeth, and they offered her the sovereignty.
It was an offer which would have tempted most
rulers — an accession of territory and of a people who
had long been connected by commercial ties with
England, a people of seamen engaged in industry,
a people who were striving against oppression for
religious liberty. It was a prospect which opened
up possibilities of a great policy, the formation of a
Protestant League, the establishment of a naval
supremacy, the foundation of a colonial empire.
Nothing is more characteristic of Elizabeth's states-
manship than that she declined the offer, and was
not tempted for a moment to leave the path which
she had marked out for herself. She was eager for
small gains, but she refused great opportunities.
She would not embark on enterprises of which she
could not foresee the end. She pursued no great
ideals. It was enough for her to foster England's
gradual growth ; she would not imperil that process
by rash adventure. The annexation of the Nether-
lands meant an endless war with Spain, round which
2i8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
all European questions might gather. It might be
that war was inevitable, but there was a wide
difference between a war of aggression and a war
of defence. She could trust her people to defend
their liberties at home ; she could not trust them to
bear the continued strain of military operations in
the Low Countries. It was a serious matter to
engage against such a general as Parma, backed by
the resources of Spain, which were thought to be
greater than they really were. Even if those opera-
tions were successful, and the Spaniards were driven
out, France would look with no friendly eye on the
English as their neighbours, and the possession of
the Netherlands would be a permanent difficulty to
England.
So Elizabeth seems to have reasoned — ^whether
wisely or not, may always be discussed. But, at all
events, her decision finally secured England's insular
position and all that springs from it. It is interest-
ing to consider what might have been ; but, in so
doing, we always construct our own results, though
we cannot trace in other events the same logical
sequence as we assume in our own calculations. It
is enough for the delineation of Elizabeth's character
to make clear the conclusion to which she arrived.
She was not allured by any hope of glory ; she did
not aspire to military fame; she had no enthusi-
asm for a great pause. She w^s no Amazon, but ^
THE CRISIS. 219
careful housewife. She provided for the present and
left the future to care for itself. Further, the only
interests which she considered were those of England,
and the heroism of the Netherlanders did not move
her. She did not sympathise with rebellion against
a lawful sovereign, but with the claim of a people
to determine their own religion. The revolt of the
Netherlands supplied another piece which she could
play in her cautious game. She felt fully justified
in playing it as suited her own purposes.
So while she declined the sovereignty of the
States, she was reluctantly compelled to give them
some assistance, that they might not fall before Spain
at a time which was inconvenient to herself. But sl\e
meant that her help should be as little as possible,
and that her intervention should prepare the way
for ultimate peace. She wished, as usual, to be
economical, and demanded that some of the seaport
towns should be garrisoned by English soldiers till
she had been repaid all that she had spent. Then
she issued a *' Declaration of the Causes moving the
Queen of England to give aid to the defence of the
people of the Low Countries ". In this remarkable
document she was careful to minimise the extent and
object of her intervention. She rehearsed the ancient
connection between England and the Netherlands,
the causes of the revolt, and her continual advice to
the King of Spain that he should respect the ancient
220 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
liberties of the people. She then spoke of England's
grievances against Spain, and the danger which
would ensue if the Netherlands were reduced to
a Spanish province. For these causes she had
resolved "to send certain companies of soldiers to
aid the national people of those countries, only to
defend them and their towns from sacking and
desolation, and thereby to procure them safety to
enjoy their ancient liberties, and so to preserve
the ancient commerce betwixt our people and those
countries ". The object which she had in view was
" a deliverance of them from war by the Spaniards
and foreigners, with a restitution of their ancient
liberties and government by some Christian peace ".
In fact, she hoped by a demonstration in force to
induce Spain to make terms with the Netherlands.
She did not say, what she meant, that she and not
the Netherlanders was to be judge of what terms
were desirable.
The English commander was the Earl of Leicester,
a man without military experience, chosen merely as
a representative of the Queen, and not likely to en-
through over-activity. The expedition was merely
to cover Elizabeth's diplomacy, and was to be as
little warlike as might be. But such slackness did
not approve itself to Elizabeth's ministers, and they
saw an opportunity of forcing her hand. Leicester
was vain and unstable ; he chafed at his own help-
THE CRISIS. 221
lessness, and made an effort to burst his bonds.
When he arrived in the Netherlands, in January,
1586, he accepted in the Queen's name the office of
Governor of the States and took an oath to observe
their liberties. Great was Elizabeth's wrath when
this news reached her. It was aggravated by the
information that Lady Leicester proposed to join
her husband with a suite of attendants. Elizabeth
declared that she " would have no Courts under her
obeisance save her own ". Leicester was ordered
to lay aside his office as best he could; and the
beginning of English interference was only fruitful of
uncertainty and perplexity. Leicester wrote sadly
to the Queen : " I see my service is not acceptable,
but rather more and more disliketh you. Here I
can do your Majesty no service ; there I can do you
some, at the least, rub your horses' heels — a service
which shall be much more welcome to me than this."
When the Queen somewhat relented, he wrote : " My
wounded heart is by this means almost made whole,
and I do pray unto God that either I may never feel
the like from you again, or not be suffered to live,
rather than I should fall again into those torments
of your displeasure ". His only comfort was in
''reposing evermore under the shadow of those
blessed beams that must yield the only nourishment
to this disease ".
While Leicester was thus making peace with his
242 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
mistress he had no energy to make war upon the
enemy. His command in the Netherlands was in-
glorious, marked only by a skirmish round Zutphen,
which is remembered because it cost the life of Sir
\ Philip Sidney. His military operations were crippled
by want of funds, and he was not fortunate in win-
ning the affection of the people whom he undertook
to govern. In November, 1586, his presence was
required in England, and he departed unregretted.
But if Leicester's exploits did not contribute to
the reduction of the power of Spain, there was
another Englishman engaged in another form of
warfare who was more successful, Francis Drake.
Philip had attempted to stop English interference
in the Netherlands by a sudden seizure of all English
ships in Spanish harbours. While the anger which
this caused was still hot, Drake obtained from the
Queen permission to equip a squadron for another
adventure in the Spanish Main. Already English
seamen had begun to despise the Spaniards and look
on Philip as " a colossus stuffed with clouts ". Drake
landed in Vigo Bay to give the Spaniards a lesson.
Having taken all the spoil he could, he sailed for the
Western Sea, where he took by assault the towns of
St. lago, San Domingo and Carthagena. This was
a more serious matter than the capture of ships at
sea. It warned the Spaniards that their colonies
were not secure. "England," said one of them,
THE CRISIS 443
"has many teeth." EHzabeth probably counted
more on the exploits of Drake than on those of
Leicester to induce Philip to make peace with the
Netherlands, an object which she steadily pursued.
She regarded her position in the Netherlands as a
means of enforcing such terms as she thought satis-
factory, even if they did not satisfy the States
themselves.
If Elizabeth was hopeful by this tortuous policy
of averting war, her ministers did not share her
expectation. They felt that a crisis was approaching
and were determined to prepare for it. They were
under no illusion as regarded their own position ;
they knew that the death of the Queen meant their
death also. It is one of the remarkable features of
Elizabeth's policy that she never attempted to form
a party of her own. She insisted on being Queen of
all her people, and did not attempt to raise a body of
adherents. Her favourites were avowedly and openly
personal, and were not admitted to her most secret
councils. She welcomed all at Court, and used their
services as she thought fit. Her ministers might
advise her, but she acted for herself. Burghley
and Walsingham, who were her ablest and most
trusty servants, were kept in a position of absolute
dependence on her will. They were not enriched or
exalted to high positions. There was no prominent
man who could claim to take the lead, no one whom
284 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
others would follow. The bond of association had
attempted to make provision for a crisis; but its
method was felt to be cumbrous, and its practical
value was doubtful. It was inevitable that those
who served Elizabeth should have some regard for
their own safety. They were the instruments of all
that had been done ; they would be held responsible
for it in the future ; what was that future to be ?
Even behind the walls of Tutbury Mary Queen of
Scots was not entirely safe. They thought of all the
possible machinations of foreign and domestic foes,
and trembled. Every year that Mary lived they
were more deeply committed against her, and most
surely exposed to her revenge. Her existence was
an intolerable menace which haunted them con-
tinually.
^ Walsingham had devoted himself with rare skill
and success to the work of discovering the plots
which were being devised against the Queen. He
wished to prove Mary's complicity in some form or
other. At first the object in removing Mary to
Tutbury, and cutting off her communications with
her friends, had been to render her harmless. Wal-
singham proposed to prove her harmful. For this
purpose he devised an ingenious plan by which Mary
might think that she was outwitting her guardian,
whereas all her correspondence passed through Wal-
singham's hands. This plan was carried out, and
THE CRISIS. 225
Elizabeth was enabled to gratify her curiosity by
reading Mary's letters. But, after a few months, a
letter addressed to Mary contained indications of
a conspiracy against the Queen's life: "There be
means in hand to remove the beast that troubles all
the world ". The head of this conspiracy was a
Jesuit, John Ballard ; its chief organiser was Antony
Babington, a gentleman of Derbyshire, who had
associated with him other young men of family and
position.
Enough was soon known to justify the seizure of
Ballard and Babington ; but Elizabeth chose to run
the risk of assassination for some weeks till the
entire story was slowly unravelled. When Wal-
singham's spy, who was "attending Mary's very
heart," was satisfied that he had learned all he could,
the toils closed round the conspirators. Mary's
papers were seized during her absence and were sent
to London. Walsingham had obtained evidence
which must lead of necessity to a judicial investi-
gation. All this had gone on with such bewildering
rapidity that even Elizabeth herself was startled by
the issue which had been suddenly raised. She
saw, when it was too late, that Walsingham had
practically forced her hand. The conspirators must
be tried, and Mary's letters must be produced. This
would necessitate a decision about Mary — a decision
which Elizabeth had so long deferred, because it
15
226 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
was fraught with danger. She could not escape from
appointing a Commission of peers and judges to try
Mary under the provisions of the recent Act for the
protection of the Queen against such as should raise
rebellion. On October 25, 1586, Mary was found
guilty of " compassing divers matters tending to the
hurt and destruction of the Queen ".
Parliament met in November, and petitioned for
the publication of the sentence. Elizabeth answered
in a speech which was entirely free from her accus-
tomed ambiguities, and expressed her deepest and
noblest thoughts. She thanked God for His mercies,
and thanked her people for their loyalty. She grieved
at the treachery to which she had been exposed, and
most of all that Mary had been a party to it. " Even
yet, though the matter be come thus far, if she
would truly repent, and no man would undertake
her cause against me, and if my life alone depended
hereupon, and not the welfare of my people, I would
willingly pardon her. Nay, if England by my death
might obtain a more flourishing condition, and a
better Prince, I would most gladly lay down my life.
For it is for my people's sake that I desire to live.
As for me, I see no such great reason why I should
either be fond to live or fear to die. I have had
good experience of this world. I have known what
it 18 to be a subject, and I now know what it is to be
a sovereign. Good neighbours I have had, and I
THE CRISIS. 227
have met with bad ; and in trust I have found
treason. I have bestowed benefits on ill-deservers ;
and where I have done well, I have been ill-requited
and spoken of. While I call to mind things past,
behold things present, and look forward towards
things to come, I count them happiest that go hence
soonest. Nevertheless, against such evils and mis-
chiefs as these, I am armed with a better courage
than is common in my sex : so as whatsoever befals
me, death shall never find me unprepared." She
could not avoid proceeding against Mary under the
late Act, but she had chosen the noblest and most
learned in the land to form a Commission : " For
we Princes are set as it were upon stages in the
sight and view of all the world. The least spot is
soon seen in our garments, the smallest blemish
presently observed in us at a great distance." The
decision of the Commission had reduced her to great
perplexity, and she asked for time to consider what
to do.
In fact, Elizabeth's position was very difficult.
It was not her own interest to put Mary to death.
So long as Mary was safe in her hands, she was free,
at least, from other claimants to the throne, and
those who wished for the old state of things in
England could wait for the chance of Mary's acces-
sion. Yet the removal of Mary would be a great
relief to England ; for»if Elizabeth died first, Mary's
t
228 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
claim to succeed could not be resisted. So Elizabeth
was called upon to do what she did not wish to do ;
and, moreover, the responsibility of doing it must
j-est entirely with herself. Elizabeth had spent her
life in studiously avoiding the obligation of making
up her mind, in putting off a decision till a decision
had become unnecessary, because things had settled
themselves. Now she was face to face with a
question which must be decided one way or the
other. At first she tried to escape, and sent to
Parliament asking them to find out another way.
The answer was returned that ** as it was injustice
to deny execution of the law to any of her subjects
that should demand it so much more to the whole
body of her people of England, unanimously and
with one voice humbly and instantly suing for the
same". Again Elizabeth answered: "Very un-
pleasing is that way, where the setting out, progress
and journey's end yield nothing but trouble and
vexation. I cannot but complain, though not of
you, yet to you, that my safety depends on the ruin
of another. " Parliament was prorogued without a
decided answer.
The conduct of Elizabeth about the execution of
Mary shows her at her worst. It was a vain attempt
to apply her habitual course of action to a case
which did not allow it. She did not wish to put
Mary to death ; but still more she did not wish tq
THE CRISIS. 429
have the responsibility either of doing it or of re-
fusing to do it. To refuse was to cast a doubt upon
the justice oT all the executions which had hitherto
been deemed^lTecessary. Jesuits ami priests _had
been put to death for being privy to plots against
the Queen : on what ground could Mary be spared ?
To assert now that Mary was a monarch over whom
the English Queen had no jurisdiction, was to give
her a recognition which had hitherto been studiously
denied. At first Elizabeth tried to wring from
Mary some expression of repentance and promise
for the future ; but Mary loudly maintained her
innocence and would admit nothing. After wavering
for some time, Elizabeth at last signed the warrant
for her execution, but suggested to the Secretary,
Davison, that it would be a great relief to her if
some loyal subject were to kill Mary in pursuance
of the oath of the association, now sanctioned by
Act of Parliament ; Sir Amyas Paulet and Sir Drew
Drury, who had charge of Mary at Fotheringay,
might perhaps act on this suggestion. Paulet
replied, as might have been expected, that "his
goods and life were at Her Majesty's disposal, but
he would not make shipwreck of his conscience, or
leave so great a blot to his posterity as shed blood
without law or warrant ". Elizabeth was angry at
this answer, denounced the " niceness of those
precise fellows," and complained of their perjury,
^
flAA
230 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
because contrary to their oath they threw the burden
upon her, " swearing a great oath, that it was a
shame for us all that it was not already done, con-
^ sidering that she had, for her part, done all that law
or reason could require of her ". Again Elizabeth
was desperately struggling to avoid a decision, by
\j making suggestions which were not only dishonour-
able but palpably absurd. She might send aid to
{j/T i^the Netherlands and then deny it; but she could
not put Mary to death and yet deny that she had
done so. She might send Drake to the Spanish
Main, on the understanding that she might disavow
him if he failed ; but she could not expect her most
loyal subjects to undertake Mary's slaughter, with
the knowledge that she would disavow them if they
y succeeded.
Every one around her understood her position ;
and Burghley hoped to divide the responsibility.
He called a meeting of the Council, which was
unanimous that the sentence should be carried out.
The warrant was sent to Fotheringay, and Mary's
head fell on the block on February ^8, 1587. No
sooner did the news reach Elizabeth than she
counterfeited extreme sorrow, and vehement indig-
nation. She accused Davison of betraying her, and
committed him to the Tower. She wrote to Scotland
and to France that she was innocent of Mary's
death. No one believed her, but she continued to
THE CRISIS. 231
protest. Burghley was not allowed to approach her
for two months, and then was overwhelmed with
abuse. Davison was tried by a commission, which,
while acquitting him of evil intent, convicted him of
abuse of trust, and imposed a fine of ten thousand
marks, with imprisonment at the Queen's pleasure.
No one supposed that this sentence would be carried
out ; but Elizabeth had embarked on a course which
she felt bound to pursue. Davison was imprisoned
for three years, the fine was exacted, and when he
was released from the Tower he was a ruined man.
This miserable injustice was all to no purpose. No
one believed Elizabeth one whit the more.
Her action at this crisis was only an exhibition
on a conspicuous scale of her habitual conduct.
She wished to seem to regulate aifairs without really
doing so. When something had to be done, she
wished it to be done so as not to commit her ta
continue on that course unless it was convenient.
The execution of Mary was a necessity towards
which she had drifted against her will. She thought
^hat she could not escape it without risking her
popularity and endangering her personal safety.
She shrunk from it, not only because it was a stain
on her name, and a breach of her own conception
of what was due to a royal personage, but because it
must necessarily change the political position of
England, and make it much more decided than it
23a QUEEN ELIZABETH,
was before. Hitherto Elizabeth had tried to hold
a balance, and to keep the future uncertain by
refusing to regulate the succession to the Crown.
This was destroyed by Mary's death, which removed
the chance of a Roman Catholic successor, who
would have been inclined to France rather than
Spain. While Mary lived, Philip had only a languid
interest in combating heresy in England. Now that
she was gone, he could claim the English throne for
himself.
Elizabeth tried to minimise the political results
of Mary's death, and pursued more keenly than
before her plan of making peace for the Netherlands.
Again she tried her old method, an armed demonstra-
tion jn the Low Countries, secret negotiations with
the Prince of Parma, and pressure on Spain by
maritime enterprise. In April, 1587, Drake sailed
into Cadiz Bay, destroyed a great number of trans-
ports and store-ships, and then did the same in
the harbour of Lisbon. Philip was secretly gathering
stores for an expedition against England ; Drake
suspected his design and crippled him for the present.
Philip, however, soon repaired the damage, and, had
the Armada set out in the autumn, England would
have been unprepared for resistance. But PhiHp
delayed, and mishaps were many. It was not till
the summer of 1588 that the Armada was ready to
set sail.
THE CRISIS. 233
It IS not necessary to tell again the story of the
defeat of the Armada. Its event justified the opinion,
which English sailors had already formed, that
" twelve of Her Majesty's ships were a match for all
the galleys in the King of Spain's dominions ". The
real danger lay in the possibility of the Spanish fleet
uniting with Parma, and so providing means of trans-
porting the veteran troops of Spain to England. But
the English spirit was now fully awake. If the death
of Mary had quickened Philip's zeal for the conquest
of England, it had united all classes of Englishmen
against annexation to Spain. When the time of
peril came, England was practically one in its
loyalty to the Queen, and its great anxiety was the
protection of her person. It is curious to observe
how seldom the real meaning of a crisis is under-
stood. England was not so much afraid of the
Spanish fleet as of the possible landing of the Prince
of Parma. It did not fear for its command of the
sea, but for its internal peace. It was more con-
cerned in military preparations on shore than in
the equipment of the fleet. The men of England
were called out under arms, 100,000 strong. The
levies of the Midlands, to the number of 30,000,
were appointed as a guard of the Queen's person.
The rest were to gather where danger menaced.
It seemed natural that the Earl of Leicester
should be put in. command of the forces.
234 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
The troops who were to defend London and the
Queen took up their position at Tilbury to guard the
spot where the Thames could most easily be crossed
They assembled full of ardour. " It was a pleasant
sight," says a contemporary writer, " to behold the
soldiers as they marched towards Tilbury, their cheer-
ful countenances, courageous words and gestures,
dancing and leaping wheresoever they came ; and,
in the camp, their most felicity was hope of fight
with the enemy, where ofttimes divers rumours ran of
their foe's approach, and that present battle would
be given them. Then were they as joyful at such
news as if lusty giants were to run a race." Eliza-
beth visited the camp at Tilbury and kindled a
passion of loyalty in the breasts of her defenders.
Certainly few sovereigns have known how to act
their part in public with such unerring tact as did
Elizabeth. Mounted upon a war-horse, Bellona-like,
with a general's truncheon in her hand, wearing a
breastplate of burnished steel, and attended by a
page who bore her helmet, she rode bare-headed
through the ranks. Then, with clear resonant voice,
she addressed her soldiers in such terms as went
straight to the heart of each. " My loving people,
we have been persuaded by some that are careful of
our safety, to take heed how we commit ourselves to
armed multitudes for fear of treachery. But assure
you, I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful
THE CRISIS. 235
and loving people. Let tyrants fear. I have always
so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed
my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal
hearts and good will of my subjects. And therefore
I am come among you at this time, not as for any
recreation or sport, but being resolved, in the midst
of the heat and the battle, to live or die amongst you
all ; to lay down for my God, and for my kingdom,
and for my people, my honour and my blood, even in
the dust. I know I have but the body of a weak and
feeble woman ; but I have the heart of a King, and
of a King of England, too ; and think foul scorn that
Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should
dare to invade the borders of my realm. To which
rather than any dishonour should grow by me, I
myself will take up arms ; I myself will be your
general, judge and rewarder of every one of your
virtues in the field."
There was no affectation in such words as these.
Elizabeth could always, in an emergency, appeal to
her people to recognise the fundamental principles
of her government. She was the protector of her
country, the prudent executor of its will. Where
she erred, it was because she did not clearly see
what her people really desired. She had to supply
their lack of foresight, and had to interpret their
inarticulate wishes. She had no personal interests
which were contrary to theirs. She could appeal to
236 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
them to recognise that she and they were indissolubly
united, and they ever responded to the appeal.
Though the muster at Tilbury was a sign of the
spirit of Englishmen, the work was done by the
mariners whom Hawkins and Drake had trained.
They gave the strongest expression to the national
temper, which had slowly grown under Elizabeth's
fostering care, and which the threat of invasion
roused to a sudden consciousness of its strength.
The land forces were not called upon to fight for
their country ; but we can well believe that ** they
prayed heartily the Spaniards might land quickly;
and when they knew they were fled, they began to
lament ". The defeat of the Armada showed England
that its true defence must depend upon its power at
sea. Much has been said about Elizabeth's parsi-
mony, and want of adequate preparations for the
\navy. That Elizabeth exacted strict economy in all
public matters is most certain ; but she was not
personally responsible for the equipment or victual-
ling of the fleet, and did not interfere with her officials.
Money was freely given, and such arrangements
were made as were possible. But there was no
system of commissariat in existence ; it was hard to
provide for adequate supplies of food, nor could the
ships carry any great stores. It would seem that
everything was done that could be done; but
sickness broke out on board the ships, and many of
THE CRISIS. 237
the sailors died. The Queen committed to Burghley
and Walsingham the duty of providing for the public
service. They knew that she v^ould exact a strict
account, and they kept a careful watch over all
subordinates. Strict regularity in accounts is always
unpleasant, till the method of keeping them is dis-
covered and the habit is established. The Admiral
Lord Howard, and the Controller Sir John Hawkins,
both found some difficulty in producing their ac-
counts for audit. The demand that they should
do so marks the beginning of greater efficiency in
administration, and a higher standard of honour
in dealing with public money. Elizabeth scarcely
deserves in this matter the reproach of unworthy
parsimony.
238
CHAPTER VII.
THE NEW ENGLAND.
Proving the success of the method which Elizabeth
had studiously followed, the defeat of the Armada
marked the decisive epoch of her reign. She had
found the country dispirited, divided and uncertain.
She had refused to answer definitely any of the
problems by which it was distracted. She was con-
tented to maintain government, to defend her own
position against attack and to occupy the position of
modera'tor between contending parties. The one
thing which she strove to avoid was an outburst of
strong feeling, or aught that would divide England
into opposite camps. Her great belief was that
England would grow into a new consciousness of
its position, if it had time for reflection and for
experiment. However much questions might seem
pressing for solution, she refused to solve them.
However loudly the popular voice might clamour for
action, she devised means of seeming to act without
really doing so. England must decide for itself, and
she would be the ruler over a united people. It
THE NEW ENGLAND. 239
was only when opinions led to disloyalty that she
repressed them. Her only demand was that Eng-
land should not be sacrificed to the issues raised by
Continental politics, but should find its own course
of safety. From this determination nothing could
move her, and she had her reward. She secured
peace as long as peace was possible ; but the growth
of the English spirit at last challenged attack.
When the attack came, England was practically
united. Roman Catholics were not behind their
brethren in loyalty. The time was past when they
were willing to secure their own form of religion
at the price of the sacrifice of England to Spain.
This was because England had a meaning for them
which it had not for their fathers. Elizabeth, who
at the beginning of her reign was regarded as a
temporary makeshift, a cjjature who could be re-
moved at any moment wiPn it was convenient, had
become the representative of a great nation, which
rejoiced in its independence, and had gained a con-
ception of order and liberty which formed the founda-
tion of a strong national life. The attack, which
had so long been dreaded, was delivered and was/
easily repulsed. '
The effect of this repulse on England was enor-
mous. Confidence had been gradually growing ; now
it came at once to light. Englishmen knew that
they could hold their own, and had a foremost place
240 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
in the world. The haunting sense of uncertainty
passed away, and they were able to face the future.
It was this knowledge, coming in all its freshness,
which set its stamp upon the Elizabethan age. It
was when Elizabeth's work was done that her worth
was recognised, and she became the symbol of the
nation which she had done so much to create. Men
forgave her everything in the past because they saw
something of the meaning of her views, and acknow-
ledged their obligation to much that had disappointed
them at the time when it was done, or more often
left undone. They even attributed to her counsels
the defeat of the Armada itself, and struck a medal
with the inscription " Dux faemina fadi '\
The new generation which had grown up around
Elizabeth was very different from that which was
passing away. The man of the older generation
were cautious, prudent and self-restrained. They
had been trained amid perpetual dangers, and had
learned to walk warily, to say as little as possible,
and to trust entirely to no one. Their followers
were outspoken, adventurous and turbulent, over-
flowing with life and energy. The question must
have faced Elizabeth, Could she restrain them, as
she had restrained their fathers ? How was she to
carry into the new England the authority and
influence which she had exercised over the old ?
Her power had been largely due to her personal
THE NEW ENGLAND. 241
ascendancy, and she needed a life full of personal
interests. She preserved her intellectual coldness
by gratifying her feelings. She dominated her
ministers by pampering her favourites. She learned
to understand the world around her, not only through
her head, but through her heart. She was a woman
as well as a Queen, and did not sink herself in her
office. She reserved self-restraint for important
decisions ; in matters of everyday life she followed
her own fancy. It is strange that increasing age
and experience did not teach her to curb her personal
preferences. But she was one of those who were
resolved to lead their individual lives in their own
way, and to exercise their qualities on those im-
mediately around them.
It was almost a sign of the new epoch opening
in England that the Earl of Leicester died on
September 4, 1588. Though he had never seriously
affected Elizabeth's policy, he had always retained
a hold on her affections. She had felt his charm,
and had been delighted by his accomplishments.
When he grew presumptuous, he was repressed;
but the Queen chose that he should be reckoned as
the foremost man in England. It was a position
which he in no way deserved ; but it was not Eliza-
beth's habit to reward desert. Some one must
occupy the chief place in her Court. There was a
time when she would have married Leicester; as
16
242 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
that could not be, at least he should have some
recompense. So he continued to be an important
figure, though he was not entrusted with any real
power.
It would seem, however, that before his death he
had thought of a possible successor. Elizabeth's
fancy was more and more interested in the young,
and she loved to hear their ideas and aspirations.
She chose those to whom she wished to listen for
their personal appearance, just as the whim took
her. Thus, when she saw young Charles Blount,
" Of stature tall and of very comely proportion," she
said to him, significantly : " Fail you not to come
to Court, and I will bethink myself how to do you
good". In like manner, Walter Raleigh had at-
tracted her attention by his "good presence, in a
handsome and well-compacted person, a strong
natural wit, and a bold and plausible tongue".
Leicester knew that he himself, owing to advanc-
ing years and self-indulgence, was growing " high-
coloured and red-faced ". Not wishing to be entirely
at the mercy of his younger rivals, he introduced
another aspirant for the Queen's favour, his step-son,
Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. Already in May,
1587, we find that the brilliant youth of twenty had
ousted his competitors. " When the Queen is abroad,
nobody is near her but my Lord of Essex; and at
night, my Lord is at cards, or one game or another
THE NEW ENGLAND. 243
with her that he cometh not to his own lodging till
the birds sing in the morning." In July Essex was
on such terms that he upbraided the Queen for re-
fusing to receive his sister, who had made a runaway
marriage, and said " that it was only to please that
knave Raleigh, for whose sake I saw she would both
grieve me and my love, and disgrace me in the eye
of the world ". When he did not receive the satis-
faction which he demanded, he rode away to join the
Earl of Leicester in the Netherlands ; but Elizabeth
sent a messenger in pursuit, and ^e was brought
back from the coast before he could embark.
After Leicester's death Essex was regarded as
his undoubted successor in the Queen's good graces.
Raleigh retired to Ireland, and Essex tried to rid
himself of Blount. Seeing him wearing a favour
which Elizabeth had given him in the tilt, Essex
contemptuously said: *' Now I perceive that every
fool must wear a favour ". A duel followed, and
Essex was wounded. Elizabeth asked the reason of
his absence, and when she heard the cause, ex-
claimed : ''By God's death, it were fitting some one
should take him down, and teach him better manners,
or there were no rule with him ". She was not dis-
pleased that two young men should quarrel for her
good graces ; but she reproved them both, and insisted
on a reconciliation, which in this case proved lasting.
The ideas and objects of such a man as Essex
244 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
were entirely those of the new generation, and had
little in common with the policy which Elizabeth
had hitherto pursued. Her old counsellors were
dropping off. Walsingham died in 1590, and
Burghley alone remained to represent the traditions
of the past. It was a question what policy should
now be pursued. England was at war with Spain ;
how should that war be waged ? It was in England's
power to decide. Spain could not assail her;
should she assail Spain ? It was possible to weaken
Spain by raids upon its coasts, and attacks upon its
shipping, till Spain was ready to make peace on
satisfactory terms. It was also possible to attack
the Spanish Empire beyond the seas, and set up an
English Empire in its stead. This was the wish of
the adventurous spirits who represented the new
England, men trained in the school of Drake, and
desirous of framing a line of action in imitation of
his exploits. Those who knew Elizabeth knew that
she would not be enticed into any great undertaking,
but would pursue peace on advantageous terms.
Yet she would not set herself against any strong
current of feeling. She found room for it, and gave
it expectations; she studied it carefully, that she
might know how to restrain it within cautious limits.
She allowed it to make a few experiments, when
they were not costly.
So in April, 1589, she allowed an expedition to
THE NEW ENGLAND. 245
set out against Spain for the restoration of Don
Antonio to the throne of Portugal. Drake, Norris,
and a- few private adventurers undertook the main
expense ; Elizabeth only lent some ships, and
contributed towards the adventure, the profits of
which were to be shared amongst the subscribers.
They first attacked Coruna, and then set sail for
Lisbon. On the way they were joined by Essex,
who this time managed to escape the Queen's
vigilance. But the Portuguese did not rise in favour
of Don Antonio ; sickness set in among the troops
and the expedition was a failure, though it inflicted
considerable loss on Spain.
Essex returned home, and was forgiven for his
escapade, though he had trangressed the law in
leaving England without the Queen's permission.
It was for such an offence that the luckless Earl of
Arundel had been committed to the Tower. But
Arundel had apparently incurred the Queen's condign
displeasure, and was tried for treason because he
had added to his offences by praying in the Tower
for the success of the Armada. It would seem that
he and a priest had met for continuous prayer
during the period of danger, though Arundel as-
serted that their prayer was for protection against
massacre, which was threatened against all Romanists
if the Spaniards made good their landing. He was
found guilty and was condemned to death. The
246 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
sentence was not carried into effect, but the axe was
kept hanging over his head till his death six years
later. He was not allowed to see his wife and child,
and was treated with exceptional severity. It would
seem that Elizabeth could not brook Arundel's
attitude of quiet resignation. She had no. sympathy
with what she considered to be mere obstinacy, and
treated it with the utmost rigour.
If England had been given to magnificent enter-
tainments in the Queen's honour previously, there
was an increase of pageantry in the years that
followed on the national triumph. In 1589 Sir
Henry Lee, who had held the post of the Queen's
champion, resigned in favour of the Earl of
Cumberland. When the jousts were over, Sir Henry
led Cumberland to the Queen, while a hidden
minstrel sang of the physical evils of advancing age,
though the devotion of the heart remained still fresh.
As the song went on, there came from the ground a
temple of the Vestal Virgins, imitating white marble
and porphyry. Within it stood an altar laden with
gifts, and on a pillar a votive tablet "To Eliza".
The gifts were reverently offered to the Queen. Lee
was disarmed, and his armour laid before Elizabeth ;
then he knelt and prayed her to take Cumberland
in his stead. On receiving her assent he armed
Cumberland and set him on his horse, while he
himself donned the cloak of a civilian.
THE NEW ENGLAND. 247
George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, was famed
for his knightly bearing and his personal courage.
He was handsome, magnificent and extravagant, like
the rest of the young courtiers, amongst whom the
love of adventure was enforced by the desire to make,
or mend, their fortunes. It was a hard task for
Elizabeth to keep them within limits, and her
fantastic method of attaching them personally to
herself was only the application to a new state of
things of the method which she had previously
pursued. So long as Mary lived, Elizabeth tried
to identify the chief men of England with her service
in a personal way, that so they might feel themselves
committed to her fortunes. Now that she was
undoubted Queen, and a representative of the nation
to a degree that none of her predecessors had been,
she used the prevailing enthusiasm to make herself
not only officially, but personally, supreme. She
drew into her own hands the disposal of every man's
fortunes, and demanded an unbounded devotion to
herself, as preliminary to any occupation in State
affairs. Hence she resented the marriage of any of
her favourites without her leave, and tried to exalt
her own politic celibacy into a universal model.
Her effort was unavailing. In 1590 the Earl of
Essex secretly married Frances Walsingham, widow
of Philip Sidney, to Elizabeth's great vexation.
Later, Raleigh married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir
248 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Nicholas Throgmorton, and was committed to the
Tower by the indignant Queen. The sight of
Elizabeth in her barge so moved him that he begged
his keeper to allow him to disguise himself and " get
into a pair of oars to ease his mind but with the
sight of the Queen, or else his heart would break ".
When his request was refused, he drew his dagger
and behaved like a madman — knowing that the story
would be related to the Queen. He wrote to Robert
Cecil : " I that was wont to behold her riding like
Alexander, hunting like Diana, walking like Venus,
the gentle air blowing her fair hair about her pure
cheeks, like a nymph ; sometimes sitting in the
shade like a goddess ; sometimes singing like an
angel ; sometimes playing like Orpheus. Behold
the sorrow of the world ! Once amiss hath bereaved
me of all." There was as much policy as folly in
exacting such language as this from such fiery and
undisciplined spirits as Raleigh and Essex.
There were, however, affairs of moment to be
settled on the Continent. The rriurder of Henry III.
of France had left the Bourbon, Henry of Navarre,
heir to the French throne ; but the league refused
to admit the title of a Huguenot King, and was
supported by Spain. Elizabeth took up the same
position towards Henry as she had so long held
towards the rebellion in the Netherlands ; she would
Igend him money for warfare by land, and would
THE NEW ENGLAND. 249
annoy Spain by naval expeditions, but would give
him no definite assistance. Essex vainly tried to
induce her to send some troops to France ; but
Elizabeth refused, until the news that the Prince of
Parma was going to the help of the league com-
pelled her to avert a catastrophe. Essex knelt before
her for hours, imploring the command of the English
forces ; but Elizabeth chose an old and experienced
captain. Sir John Norris, to serve in Brittany. After-
wards Essex was sent with an additional force of 4000
men to press the siegevof Rouen, before Henry went
to meet Parma. Little was done by the English
forces. Essex was summoned home to allay Eliza-
beth's anxiety when she heard of his foolhardy doings.
He was allowed to return, but the Council wrote to
him charging him " that you do not attempt, by no
persuasions, nor for respect of any vainglory, to put
in danger your own person at this siege of Rouen ".
Such an order to the general did not show any desire
for vigorous operations; and so little energy was
displayed by the French that Essex was recalled
early in 1592, and the siege of Rouen was abandoned.
The death of Walsingham, in 1590, had marked
another great breach with the past. Few men have
ever shown more capacity and skill in obtaining
political information. He organised a secret service
in all the Courts of Europe, and cautiously kept in
his hand the clue to everything that was happening.
250 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
We have seen that he was the only one amongst her
ministers who ever succeeded in forcing Elizabeth to
act with decision. Elizabeth, much as she owed to
his services, resented his success over herself. She
gave him little reward, and he died a poor man.
His death raised the question of his succession, which
became a bone of contention between Essex and
Burghley. Burghley wished to advance to the post
his son, Robert Cecil ; Essex was unfortunate in his
candidate for he chose Davison, the secretary who
had been dismissed. Yet Essex's choice was both
chivalrous and worthy, as Davison was a man of
proved sagacity. Elizabeth rejected Davison, but
so far humoured Essex as not to fill the vacant
post.
During the absence of Essex, " the old fox," as
Essex called Burghley, pursued his plan for the
advancement of his son. He entertained the Queen
at his house at Theobalds, where Robert Cecil was
knighted. A few months afterwards he was sworn
of the Privy Council, and was appointed secretary.
He celebrated the occasion by a performance before
the Queen, which was eminently characteristic of
the man. He was small in stature, with a slight
curvature of the spine, and had no hopes of vieing
with the Queen's favourites. He could only com-
mend himself to her by his official capacity, as the
inheritor to his father's traditions and the represen-
THE NEW ENGL?mQ ^^ , 251
tative of that policy which had been so successful in
the past. So he took the occasion of complimenting
the Queen, not on her beauty, but on her wisdom ;
and he protested his devotion, not so much to her
person, as to her policy. A dialogue took place in
the Queen's presence between a postman and an
usher of the Secretary's. The post came in haste
bearing a letter from the Emperor of China. The
secretary was not to be found ; what was to be done?
The usher advised the delivery of the letter to the
Queen herself. "What then," asked the post, "is
the use of servants?" "She makes use of them,"
was the answer, "as the mind does of the senses.
Many things she sees and hears through them ; but
the judgment and election is her own.' " Why, if
this be all, is their reward so great ? " " Oh, therein
she respects her own greatness and goodness, which
must need be what it is, though it find no object
that is proportionable. Like a gentle mistress of
children, she guides their hand and thereby makes
them write fair letters, and yet to encourage them,
praises them as if they had done it without direc-
tion." On hearing this the post was about to
deliver his letter to the Queen, but was stopped by
the consideration that it is written in a strange
language which she will not understand. The usher
assured him that " she speaks and understands all
the languages in the world which are worthy to be
252 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Spoken or understood ". " It may be," said the
post, " that she understands them in a sort well for
a lady, but not as secretaries should do." " What talk
you of secretaries ? " exclaimed the usher. " As for one
of them whom you most ask for, if he have anything
that is worth talking of, the world knows well
enough where he had it ; for he kneels every day
where he learns a new lesson." The post is
daunted by the thought of appearing before so much
wisdom and majesty, and thinks that it will be safer
for him to seek out the secretary. The usher stops
him, ** Ah, simple post, thou art the wilfullest
creature that liveth. Dost thou not know that,
besides all her perfections, all the earth hath not
such a prince for affability ? For all is one ; come
gentleman, come serving man, come ploughman,
come beggar, the hour is yet to come that ever she
refuseth petition." Overcome by this assurance,
the post plucked up courage and delivered his letter
to the Queen. Cecil might indeed rest contented
with the knowledge that there were sides of Eliza-
beth's character, to which he could appeal, which
lay beyond the reach of his more brilliant rivals.
They were bent upon their own designs, and were
struggling to draw the Queen further than she
intended to go. She, on her part, was endeavouring
to curb their soaring ambition, and for this purpose
she needed the official devotion of Cecil, that so she
THE NEW ENGLAND. 253
might keep the balance nicely hung, and still retain
her hold upon the new aspirations of England.
For this purpose she increased her state, and
multiplied her progresses. They were useful as
bringing her into connection with different parts of
her domains. They were useful also as inciting hei
nobility to extravagant expenditure, and so making
them more dependent on her goodwill. In the
summer of 1591 she visited Lord Montague at
Cowdray in Sussex. On her arrival, Lady Mon-
tague wept on her bosom, exclaiming : " Oh happy
time ! oh joyful day ! " There was a bower erected
in the park, near paddocks filled with deer. A
nymph offered a crossbow to the Queen, who shot
three or four. A pilgrim met her in the wood and
led her to a tree, whereon her arms and those of all
her suite were splendidly emblazoned on escutcheons
Soon afterwards she visited the Earl of Hertford at
Elvetham. Hertford had the reputation of being the
wealthiest man in England, and his preparations
were correspondingly magnificent. A poet met her
with a Latin oration. The three Graces and the
three Hours cleared the way of stumbling blocks
which had been laid by Envy, and then escorted her
to the house with songs of welcome. An artificial
pond had been constructed in the shape of a half
moon. Seated under a canopy of green satin,
the Queen beheld Nereus, Oceanus, and Tritons
254 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
disporting themselves on its waters, and indulging
in appropriate songs. Sylvanus advanced from the
woods, making uncouth love to a water nymph ; he
was pulled into the water and mocked by the river
gods. Nereus and Neaera both presented the Queen
with costly jewels from their watery realm. On
islands in the pond there were displays of fireworks.
The Queen of fairyland assembled her maidens to
dance in the garden, and greeted Elizabeth in
song : —
Elisa is the fairest Queen
That ever trod upon this green ;
Elisa's eyes are blessed stars,
Inducing peace, subduing wars;
Elisa's hand is christal bright ;
Her words are balm ; her looks are light ;
Elisa's breast is that fair hill
Where virtue dwells and sacred skill.
O blessed be each day and hour
Where sweet Eliza builds her bower.
On her departure a band of musicians hidden
in a bower sang in sad strains : —
O come again, fair nature's treasure
Whose looks yield joys exceeding measure.
O come again, Heaven's chief delight,
Thine absence makes eternal night ;
O come again world's star-bright eye,
Whose presence doth adorn the sky ;
O come again, sweet beauty's sun ;
When thou art gone, our joys are done.
/ .- THE NEW ENGLAND. 255
We cannot wonder that Elizabeth ** protested to my
Lord of Hertford that the beginning, process and
end of his entertainment was so honourable, as
hereafter he should find the reward thereof in her
special favour ". Doubtless Elizabeth meant what
she said ; but Hertford had already expiated his
offence of marrying Lady Catharine Grey by nine
years' imprisonment in the Tower. Lady Catharine
was now dead and Hertford had married the
daughter of the Lord Admiral Howard. Eliza-
beth's anger was again kindled by discovering that,
in 1585, Hertford had taken legal opinion about
the validity of his first marriage and had caused it
to be recorded in the Court of Arches. For this
offence, committed years previously, he was again
imprisoned, and doubtless had to purchase his release
by a heavy fine.
In 1592 Elizabeth again paid several visits. At
Sudeley she was entertained by Lord Chandos, who
showed her Apollo pursuing Daphne, who entered
into a tree, whence she emerged and took refuge with
"the Queen of Charity". She also went to Oxford
to do honour to the new Chancellor, Lord Buckhurst,
who succeeded Hatton, to the great mortification of
the Earl of Essex, who wished for that distinguished
position. But Elizabeth was cautious in her be-
stowal of offices, and would not allow her favourite
to accumulate power in his hands. At Oxford there
256 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
was the usual provision of speeches, plays and dis-
putations. One of the disputations was on the
curious subject : " Whether it be lawful to dissemble
in matters of religion ? " The Bishop of Hereford
spoke at such length that the Queen twice sent to
ask him to cut short his oration. As it was carefully
prepared, he was unable to curtail it. Next day the
Queen addressed the University. As she was speak-
ing, her eye fell on Burghley, standing with difficulty
on his gouty legs. She stopped and ordered a stool
to be brought for him. An adroit courtier told her
" that she did it of purpose, to show that she could
interrupt her speech and not be put out, although
the Bishop of Hereford durst not adventure to do so,
for a less matter, the day before ".
From Oxford the Queen proceeded to Rycote,
near Thame, where she visited Lord Norris. He was
the son of the ill-fated man who was executed as the
alleged lover of Anne Boleyn. The father of Lady
Norris had shared with Bedingfield the duty of
guarding Elizabeth in her youth when she was at
Woodstock, and had treated her kindly. On both
these grounds Elizabeth showed exceptional kindness
to Norris and his wife. She used to call Lady
Norris " her black crow," from the darkness of her
complexion. Norris was the father of six sons, "a
brood of spirited, martial men ". Four of them were
at that time serving the Queen in Ireland, France
THE NEW ENGLAND. 257
and the Netherlands. So Norris could afford to
receive the Queen with expressions of plain out-
spoken familiar loyalty, which are refreshing among
the quaint devices with which she was generally
greeted. Her welcome was given by an old soldier,
who said : " Vouchsafe, dread Sovereign, after so
many smooth speeches of the Muses, to hear a
rough-hewn tale of a soldier. We use not with
words to amplify our conceits, and to plead forth by
figures, but by deeds to show the loyalty of our
hearts, and to make it good with our lives. My
horse, mine armour, my shield, my sword, the riches
of a young soldier, and an old soldier's relics, I
should here offer to your Highness ; but my four sons
have stolen them from me vowing themselves to
arms, and leaving me to my prayers. This is their
resolution and my desire, that their lives may be
employed wholly in your service, and their deaths be
their vow's sacrifice — their deaths, the rumour whereof
hath so often affrighted the Crow my wife, that her
heart hath been as black as her feathers. I know not
whether it be affection or fondness, but the Crow
thinketh her own birds the fairest, because to her
they are the dearest. And although nothing be
more unfit to lodge your Majesty than a crow's
nest, yet shall it be most happy to us that it is by
your Highness made a phoenix' nest." The next
day four letters, each containing an appropriate
17
358 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
present, were delivered from the absent sons. An
Irish servant brought one containing a dart of gold
set with diamonds, with the motto : ** I fly only for
my Sovereign ". A skipper coming from the Nether-
lands presented another with a key of gold set with
diamonds, bearing the inscription : " I open only to
you". A French page handed three letters — one
meant to be a comic mistake, being a soldier's letter
to his mistress — the others containing a golden
sword set with diamonds and rubies, inscribed :
** Drawn only in your defence," and a truncheon
with a motto : " I do not command but under you ".
In 1593 Elizabeth was reluctantly compelled to
summon Parliament for the purpose of obtaining
money to pay her troops in France. She felt that
the control of Parliament had become more difficult
now that England's position was secure ; but she
was resolved to maintain her old authority to the
full. Hitherto she had asked for little money; now
her demands considerably increased. England must
be trained to pay the price of its enhanced greatness,
and must at the same time be kept within the limits
of due obedience to its Sovereign. There were two
matters which the Queen had hitherto ^CT:eeded in "
keeping from Parliamentary control — the settlement
of the succession, and the regulation of the Church. .
Nothing_j8_mpre curious in Elizabeth's career
than the steadfastness with which she refused to
THE NEW ENGLAND. 259
allow of Parliamentary interference in ecclesiastical
matters. She was determined that the large system
which had approved itself at the beginning of her
reign should be allowed to shape itself into accord-
ance with the needs of the nation, and that time
should be given it for that purpose. We have seen
how great were the difficulties which beset the
restoration of religious unity in England, how a
Romanist party grew up which unfortunately had
a political significance which the State deemed it
impossible to overlook, how consequently attendance
at the services of the Church became a test of loyalty.
But, besides the Romanists, there was also a party
which wished to go farther in the direction of Con-
tinental Protestantism. The Romanists stood aloof
from the Church, and claimed only to go their own
way. The Puritans aimed at transforming the
Church into agreement with the system of Calvin,
and they continued to raise one question after
anotliefT When the contest about vestments had
succeeded in reducing ecclesiastical ornaments to
the lowest point, the Puritans put forward the
system of Church government which Calvin had set
up. They were greatly aided by the action of the
Papacy towards Elizabeth, which made the majority
of Englishmen desirous to emphasise the breach
with Rome. Thomas Cartwright, at Cambridge,
advocated the abolition of Episcopacy, and the
200 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
introduction of the Presbyterian system. This was
entirely opposed to the principles which had hitherto
prevailed in England ; it passed beyond the bounds
of legitimate discussion ; it did not propose the
adaptation, but the subversion, of the Church. So
Elizabeth, by proclamation, ordered the Bishops to
put in force the provisions of the Act of Uniformity,
and secure that such opinions should not be taught
by the clergy of the_ Church. She hoped that this
question would soon pass away, and, on Parker's
death, in 1575, appointed as Archbishop of Canter-
bury, Edward Grindal, who was known to be
sympathetic with Puritan opinions. It soon appeared
that these opinions found new means of expression
in ** exercises," or " prophesyings " — meetings, origin-
ally of clergy, to which the laity were soon admitted.
Thus there was growing up another form of worship
of the Genevan type by the side of the Church
services. Elizabeth ordered that this should be put
down. Grindal was slack in obeying the Queen's
command, and was suspended from the exercise of
his functions. Meanwhile, in various ways, efforts
were steadily made by a section of the clergy to
introduce stealthily something resembling the Pres-
byterian system of discipline.
After Grindal's death, in 1583, his successor,
Whitgift, undertook the task of introducing order,
and purging the system of the Church. The Puritans
THE NEW ENGLAND. 261
did not ask for toleration, they did not plead for
freedom ; but they claimed that the Church should
be changed into something else, that its formularies
should be disregarded, and that a rigid discipline
should be introduced. For this purpose they took
orders and held office in the Church, that they might
use their position to subvert it. Whitgift was
resolved to put a stop to this, and ordered that
all the clergy should subscribe to three articles,
affirming the Royal supremacy, the lawfulness of
the Book of Common Prayer, and assent to the
Thirty-nine Articles. In pursuance of this policy
Whitgift issued articles of inquiry to the clergy,
which they were requested to answer by virtue of
their office. An outcry was immediately raised that
the Inquisition was being introduced into England.
Burghley wrote to Whitgift that '* this judicial and
canonical sifting of poor ministers is not to edify or
reform. In charity I think they ought not to answer
all these nice points, except they were very notor-
ious offenders in Papistry or heresy." Whitgift, in
reply, defended his action, and added : " I know your
Lordship desireth the peace of the Church, but it
cannot be procured after so long liberty and lack of
discipline if a few persons, so meanly qualified as
most of them, are countenanced against the whole
state of the clergy ". The House of Commons, in
1585, took the side of the Puritans, and made
262 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
proposals for restricting the authority of the Bishops.
These were set aside, and Elizabeth, in proroguing
Parliament, peremptorily asserted that she would
tolerate neither ** presumption nor newfangledness".
It was the duty of the Bishops to provide for the
governance of the Church ; and it was her duty to
see that they amended such things as needed
amendment.
That Elizabeth should have adopted this attitude
at such a time shows that she was acting from
deliberate conviction. It was in the great crisis of
her reign, when all Europe was against her, when
her life was in daily peril, when she had nothing to
trust save the goodwill of her people. This she
herself admitted. " No Prince can be surer tied or
faster bound than I am with the link of your good-
will ; yet one matter toucheth me so near, as I may not
overskip, religion, the ground on which all other
matters ought to take root, and being corrupted may
mar all the tree." Why did she not increase her
popularity by listening to the petition of the
Commons ? There was eveiy motive to induce her
to do so. All her advisers were in favour of doing so ;
but Elizabeth stood firm and accepted all the responsi-
bility. It is often said that she was destitute of real
religious feeling, and acted only from motives of policy.
This view is not borne out by facts. Elizabeth
possessed the qualities of the head more than those of
THE NEW ENGLAND. 263
the heart. She could not sympathise with earnestness
which passed into fanaticism. In early life she had
made up her own mind about the essential elements
of personal religion, and did not over-estimate the
significance of outward forms. But she had a keen
sense of the meaning of religious systems in their
relation to national life, and she saw the importance
to England of becoming the seat of the Church of
the New Learning, a Church which did not break with
the past, but received all that had been contributed
by human intelligence towards understanding the
errors of the old system, and the means to remove
them. The system of the Church was to remain,
and was to be as independent as possible. Henry
VIII. was willing to assume functions which had been
usurped by the Pope ; Elizabeth was careful to go
back to the position of the earlier Kings. She
recognised in her Bishops greater powers than they
were prepared to use. When Parker asked her aid
she bade him act on his own authority. When she
thought that authority was not exercised with
sufficient firmness, she called attention to remissness.
She had a higher conception of the Church than had
the Bishops, and she wished her people to be gradually
educated up to her conception. Much has been said
about her contemptuous treatment of her Bishops.
The celebrated letter to the Bishop of Ely, beginning :
"Proud prelate," and ending: "by God, I will unfrock
264 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
you/* has long been known to be an amusing forgery ;
but it is still repeated, and is quoted as typical of her
treatment of Bishops. As a matter of fact she
treated them with greater respect than she showed
to any of her ministers or favourites. Her position
was one of watchful protection of the Church and
its order. Its framework was not to be altered,
and she repelled all attempts in that direction ; but
within that framework things might settle them-
selves ; she would leave all points of detail for free
discussion. In Whitgift she found for the first time
a man who was strong enough in his own opinions to
wish to restrain the clergy within the limits of the
formularies of the Church. She would not have him
meddled with, though her ministers thought that his
action was perilous. She stood alone in supporting
him.
Whitgift's activity produced much discontent
among the Puritan clergy, because it showed that
they were not to be allowed to transform the Church
from within. This knowledge led to the formation
of a body of Separatists, whose tenets seem to have
been first formulated by Robert Browne, who asserted
that religion was not under the control of the civil
magistrate, that the Church was a voluntary company
of Christians, and that each congregation ought to
determine its own worship and be ruled by its own
elders. Some of Browne's followers went further and
THE NEW ENGLAND. 265
denounced the Church of England as being no true
Church, asserting that its worship was '' flat idolatry "
and that none of its Bishops or preachers preached
Christ truly. They were tried before the Court of
High Commission and committed to prison. But,
in 1588, when the Armada was threatening England,
a number of pamphlets attacking the Bishops were
secretly printed and issued under the name of
" Martin Marprelate ". They were at first answered
seriously, but ultimately were left to men of letters
such as Nash and Lilly, who retorted with a
scurrility nearly as great as that of the Separatist
writers. At first the public was amused at the
display of trenchant style and hard hitting. But it
was soon seen that this controversy was unworthy,
and went beyond the limits of fair discussion.
Public opinion turned against the Separatists : the
old Puritan party refused to make common cause
with them, and preferred to accept the liberty which
the Church allowed them rather than embark on
revolutionary projects. The Separatists fell under
the laws enacted against the Romanist recusants,
which were applied to them with leniency, and
were only directed against their leaders.
When Parliament met, in February, 1593, Eliza-
beth was resolved to keep it in due subjection on
those points which she reserved for herself. She sent
a message : " Mr. Speaker, Her Majesty's pleasure
266 QUEEN BUZABETM.
is, that if you perceive any idle heads, which will not
stick to hazard their own estates, which will meddle
with reforming the Church and transforming the
commonwealth, and do exhibit any bills to such
purpose, that you do not receive them until they
be viewed and considered by those who it is fitter
should consider of such things". Undeterred by
this message, Peter Wentworth proposed that a
joint committee of Lords and Commons should
petition the Queen to settle the succession ; he was
committed to the Tower. A Puritan lawyer, James
Morice, introduced bills for the reformation of ecclesi-
astical courts and the revision of the penal statutes ;
he was arrested in the Queen's name and was
sent to Tutbury Castle. An Act was passed, directly
aimed at the Separatists, " to restrain the Queen's
subjects in obedience ". It provided that any one
who refused to go to Church, or denied the Queen's
authority in matters ecclesiastical, or frequented
unlawful assemblies, should be imprisoned till he
had made submission. Another Act was passed
against Popish recusants, ordering them to repair
to their place of dwelling and not to remove more
than five miles from it, under pain of forfeiture. It
would seem that England was wearied of religious
conflict, and was willing to resort to severe measures
in the hopes of enforcing peace.
The unfortunate result of this legislation was the
THE NEW ENGLAND. 267
execution of some of the Nonconformist leaders,
though proceedings were not taken on religious
grounds. Barrow and Greenwood were found guilty
of " defaming the Queen with malicious intent, to
the stirring up of rebellion ". Penry, who was the
chief author of the Martin Marprelate tracts, was
indicted for writing slanders with the intent to stir
up rebellion, and the evidence was taken, not from
published writings, but from papers found in his house.
These executions were deplorable and unnecessary.
Such sectaries might be troublesome, but it could
not be said that they were disloyal, or tended to
endanger the State. The example of such treatment
led to the flight of many conscientious men to
Holland, where they developed their opinions un-
checked, and formed the body of Independents who
were so powerful in the great Civil War.
It was one of the misfortunes of Elizabeth that
she 'was never permitted for long to enjoy the feeling
of personal security. A plot against her life was
Ijrought to light in 1594, about which it is difficult to
form a correct judgment. Essex vied with Burghley
in obtaining secret information from abroad, and
used for this purpose a Portuguese Jew, Rodrigo
Lopez, who had settled in London as a physician,
and was employed by the Queen. He also welcomed
into England a Spanish refugee, Antonio Perez, who
had formerly been secretary to Philip, but had
268 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
incurred his enmity. Spanish spies in London
endeavoured to bribe some of Perez's servants to
murder him and the Queen. Lopez was approached
for the same purpose, and accepted some jewels as
presents from Philip. The matter was discovered
by Essex, but, at first, Burghley disbelieved it, and
Elizabeth chided Essex as *' a rash and temerarious
youth to enter into a matter against a poor man
which he could not prove ". However, more evidence
was obtained, and Lopez was incriminated, was
tried and found guilty. For three months Elizabeth
hesitated, but at last signed the warrant for his
execution. It is most probable that the popular
excitement about this trial directed Shakespeare's
attention to the Jews, and that Lopez suggested the
character of Shylock.
Elizabeth's parsimony is proverbial ; but it must
be admitted that it was thorough-going. She at-
tached men to her at the smallest possible cost, and
only rewarded those whom she wished for personal
reasons to bind closely to herself. Leicester was
wealthy while he lived, but after his death the
Queen resumed her grants. Her chief ministers
did not receive any great recompense at her hands,
nor did her relatives. Nearest to her in blood was
Henry Carey, only son of her mother's sister. He
was created Baron Hunsdon, and was sent to guard
the Scottish marches, where he rendered most
THE NEW ENGLAND. 269
valuable service. A bluff, outspoken soldier, he
could be trusted entirely; and he was the father
of seven sons who helped him in his government of
the borders. Yet Hunsdon's salary was frequently
in arrear, and he had to spend his own money for
the payment of his forces. His youngest son, Robert,
determined to try his fortunes as a courtier, and his
description of his experience is typical of that of
many others. *' I lived in Court," he says, " had
small means of my friends ; yet God so blessed me
that I was ever able to keep company with the best.
In all triumphs I was one, either at tilt, tourney, or
barriers, in masque or balls. I kept men and horses
far above my rank, and so continued a long time."
He served the Queen in many things, and once she
gave him a thousand pounds to pay his debts. In
1593 he married a lady "more for her worth than
for her wealth. Neither did she marry me for any
great wealth ; for I had in all the world but one
hundred pounds a year pension out of the Exchequer,
and that was but during pleasure, and I was near
a thousand pounds in debt." The Queen was, as
usual, indignant that any one should marry, while
she had remained single, and Carey found it wise to
retire with his wife to the border. After a time he
made a bold attempt to win the Queen's forgiveness.
He went to the festivities with which she celebrated
her coronation day. ** I prepared a present," he tells
270 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
US, "for Her Majesty, which with my caparisons cost
me above four hundred pounds. I came into the
triumph unknown of any. I was the Forsaken
Knight, that had vowed solitariness, but hearing of
this great triumph thought to honour my mistress
with my best services, and then return to pay my
wonted mourning." But Elizabeth had no im-
mediate need of Carey, and made no sign, till
presently Lord Hunsdon informed her that the
Scottish King wished to make a communication to
her. " I hear," said the Queen, ** that your fine son,
that has lately married so worthily, is hereabouts.
Send him if you will, to know the King's pleasure.'*
Hunsdon answered that his son would be glad to
obey her commands. *' No," said she, ** do you
bid him go; for I have nothing to do with him."
Carey went, and James entrusted him with a verbal
message ; but he dexterously said that he dared not
trust his memory and would prefer to have it in
writing. When he returned to the Court he refused
to deliver his message save to the Queen herself.
** With much ado I was called for in, and I was left
alone with her. Our first encounter was stormy and
terrible, which I passed over with silence. After
she had spoken her pleasure of me and my wife I
told her that she herself was the fault of my
marriage, and that if she had but graced me with
the least of her favours I had never left her nor her
THE NEW ENGLAND. 271
Court; and seeing she was the chief cause of my
misfortune I would never off my knees till I had
kissed her hand and obtained pardon. She was not
displeased with my excuse, and before we parted we
grew good friends."
Such was the strange method by which Elizabeth
held men in dependence on herself. It may be
ascribed to vanity, but assuredly it was also due to
policy. The capricious bestowal and withdrawal of
favour kept men perpetually on the alert, sharpened
their wits, and provided a test of their dexterity.
The affectation of dislike to their marriages afforded
a calculable opportunity, when a man was still young,
of trying his mettle. A stormy scene, ending in a
gracious reconciliation, gave Elizabeth an occasion
of displaying all her qualities alike as a woman and
a Queen. As time went on she took more pleasure
in the process, and found it increasingly necessary
as a means of keeping young bloods in due subjection.
Meanwhile, in foreign affairs, Elizabeth was con-
tent to keep Spain at bay. The death of the Duke
of Parma, in 1592, removed Philip's great general,
and Prince Maurice began a career of military skill
which won the freedom of the United Netherlands.
Henry IV., in France, with Elizabeth's help, made
head against the league which was supported by
Spain. But Henry saw that he could never hope to
unite France so long as he remained a Huguenot,
vj% QUEEN ELIZABETH.
and, in the autumn of 1593, executed a politic change
of his religion. Elizabeth addressed him with an
angry remonstrance : —
"Ah, what grief! ah, what regret! ah, what
pangs have seized my heart! My God, is it possible
that any worldly considerations could render you
regardless of the Divine displeasure ? Can we
reasonably expect any good result can follow such
an iniquity ? How can you imagine that He whose
hand has supported and upheld your cause so long
would fail you at your need ? It is a perilous thing
to do ill that good may come. Nevertheless I yet
hope that your better feelings may return, and, in
the meantime, I promise to give you the first place
in my prayers, that Esau's hands may not defile the
blessing of Jacob. Your sister, if it be after the old
fashion ; with the new, I will have nothing to do.
"E. R."
However, Henry's conversion was not at first
recognised by the Pope and the King of Spain, and
the war was still continued by the league. Henry
drew nearer to England, and, in 1595, an alliance
was made between him, England, and the United
Netherlands, which were then recognised as a
sovereign Power, for the purpose of waging war
against Spain ; but there was not much heart in the
THE NEW ENGLAND. 173
undertaking, for it was felt that Henry IV. was
feeling his way towards peace. Even diplomacy
was conducted in a fantastic fashion. Henry IV.
protested to Sir Henry Unton that Elizabeth's
letters were '' full of sweetness and affection but that
she could not escape from her ministers : so he for
his part was obliged to do for the preservation of his
subjects what as Henry her loving brother he would
never do ". Then he sent for his mistress, Gabrielle
d'Estrees, and talked for an hour on frivolous topics.
He afterwards led Unton into his chamber, " where
in a private place between the bed and the wall he
asked me how I liked his mistress. I answered
sparingly in her praise, and told him that I had the
picture of a far more excellent mistress, and yet did
her picture come far short of the perfection of her
beauty." When the King pressed for a sight of this
picture, Unton produced a miniature of Elizabeth.
Henry " beheld it with passion and admiration, say-
ing that I had reason, that he had never seen the
like ; so with great reverence he kissed it twice or
thrice, I detaining it still in my hand. In the end,
with some kind of contention, he took it from me,
vowing that he could not forego it for any treasure ;
and that to possess the favour of the lively picture
he would forsake all the world, and hold himself
most happy, with many other most passionate
words." The style which Elizabeth had invented
18
274 Queen Elizabeth.
in England was now transplanted abroad. Hatton
and Essex were outdone by the French King.
But although gallantry had invaded diplomacy,
the martial spirit of England was stirred in March,
1596, by the news that the Archduke Charles had
entered France and was laying siege to Calais.
Levies were called out at once, but Calais fell before
anything was done. Its possession by Spain was felt
to be an important help to a new Armada, which was
continually threatened ; and Elizabeth was driven to
depart from her pacific course. An expedition was
fitted out against Spain. Lord Howard of Effing-
ham was put in command of the fleet, and Essex
in command of the land forces. They destroyed the
Spanish fleet in Cadiz Bay, captured the town, and
razed its fortifications. It was a crushing blow
struck at the power of Spain and was more decisive
than the defeat of the Armada.
But Elizabeth was not elated by glory; she was
disappointed that no portion of the spoils reached her
Exchequer. Cadiz had been given up to plunder,
and every one took what he could get ; there was
no capture of treasure ships whose contents went
to the Queen. News came that only two days after
the departure of the English fleet, ships bearing
twenty millions of ducats entered the Tagus. Great
was Elizabeth's anger at this lost opportunity, and
she disputed the right of those who had divided
THE NEW ENGLAND. 575
among themselves the ransom of Cadiz. When
Burghley expressed his opinion in their favour he
had to bear the burden of her displeasure, " with
words," he wrote to Essex, " of indignity, reproach,
and rejecting of me as a miscreant and a coward ".
Between the Queen and Essex, Burghley found it
more difficult to steer in his old age than he had ever
found it in the days of Leicester. The only thanks
he received was the glee of the friends of Essex that
he " had made the old fox to crouch and whine, and
to insinuate himself by a very submissive letter to
my Lord of Essex".
The position of Essex was remarkable. He was
the idol of the younger party, and seemed to be
the master of the future. For this reason he was
regarded as dangerous by the more cautious of the
Queen's advisers, notably Burghley. The permanent
appointment of Robert Cecil as secretary established
in Elizabeth's counsels a balance of opinion which
enabled her to reserve her own freedom. But Essex
was ever trying to assert himself, and to win
a victory over those whom he regarded as his
opponents. He regarded every appointment as an
opportunity for a pitched battle. He put forward
a candidate of his own, and strove desperately to
force him upon the Queen. Elizabeth allowed him
to plead for a long time, but ultimately rejected his
recommendation. She was too prudent to allow any
2j6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
one to dispose of public offices and surround her by
creatures of his own ; and she took care to mark
clearly the limits of Essex's influence. The wiser of
his friends saw that he was following a mistaken
course; they deplored his impetuosity, and tried to
school him into some semblance of caution. In
his private life he was continually irritating the
Queen by love affairs with ladies of the Court, which
Elizabeth bitterly resented, and often vented her dis-
pleasure on the luckless objects of Essex's pursuit.
Amongst those who owed much to the goodwill of
Essex, and hoped for more, was Francis Bacon, who
admonished his patron in a letter full of wise saws of
worldly wisdom, of a different tone to those contained
in his Essays. With curious audacity Bacon
wrote : " I said to your Lordship last time, ' Martha,
Martha, attendis ad pluria, unum sufficit,' win the
Queen. If this be not the beginning, of any other
course I can see no end. But how is it now ? A
man of a nature not to be ruled, that hath my
affection and knoweth it, of an estate not grounded
to his greatness, of a popular reputation, of a military
dependence : I demand whether there can be a more
dangerous image than this represented to any
monarch living, much more to a lady, and of Her
Majesty's apprehension ? " So Bacon advised Essex
to apologise for his petulance in the past ; to imitate
Leicester and Hatton, and quote them " for authors
THE NEW ENGLAND. 277
and patterns " to the Queen ; to show more cordiality
in agreeing with the Queen's opinions ; to make some
requests to the Queen with the intention of with-
drawing them " upon taking note of Her Majesty's
opposition and dislike". Further, he must not be
so warlike in his talk, **for Her Majesty loveth
peace ; next she loveth not change ". Let him not
seek military posts, but civil, such as Lord Privy
Seal. Moreover, Essex must diminish the impres-
sion that he seeks popularity, by " speaking against
popular courses vehemently, and taxing it in others,
but nevertheless go on in your honourable common-
wealth courses as you do". Bacon's cynicism
regarded Elizabeth as easier to deceive, and Essex
more responsive to advice, than either of them was ;
but his letter shows that a political career was
recognised as a form of personal adventure, and that
the principles on which it was founded were studied
in England as carefully as they had been by
Machiavelli in Italy.
Essex considered himself the most popular man
in England, the special representative of the new
national life. He dreamed of military glory, and
was full of ambitious projects, which the Queen
constantly restrained. But, at times, there was need
for an armed demonstration to secure peace. There
were rumours that Philip was preparing another
Armada, and a large fleet was fitted out by England
y^8 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
to ward off invasion. In the summer of 1597 it put
to sea in three squadrons commanded by Essex,
Raleigh, and Lord Thomas Howard. The weather
was adverse, and Httle was achieved. EHzabeth was
indignant, and vented her displeasure on Essex, who
withdrew to his house at Wanstead. She further
annoyed him by creating Lord Howard of Effingham,
the Lord Admiral, Earl of Nottingham, and in so
doing rehearsed his services in the defeat of the
Armada, and also in the capture of Cadiz. Essex
claimed for himself the glory of this last achievement,
and was further aggrieved that Nottingham was
made Lord Steward, and so took precedence over
himself The result was a quarrel between him and
Nottingham, till at last the Queen for the sake of
peace made Essex Earl Marshal, and so restored his
precedence, whereupon Nottingham was discontented
.and left the Court. On all sides Elizabeth felt the
increasing difficulty of maintaining her system of
personal government against the growing spirit of
^independence which marked the revival of England.
In spite of all her efforts her courtiers asserted
their own position and escaped from the devices
by which she tried to keep them in subjection to
her will.
In 1598 the foreign policy of England was
seriously affected by the peace which Henry IV.
of France made with Spain. War with Spain, in
THE NEW ENGLAND. 279
alliance with France and the Netherlands, had been
a normal state of things for ten years. As Spain
could not invade England, war only meant that
England made raids upon the Spanish ports and
shipping whenever it was convenient to do so. It
now became a question whether England should aim
at dismembering the Spanish Empire or should
follow the example of France and make peace on
good terms. On this point there was a difference
of opinion between the old politicians, such as
Burghley, and the younger men, such as Essex and
Raleigh. There was a warm debate in the Council,
and Burghley was provoked by the outspoken urgency
for warfare shown by Essex. He said that "he
seemed intent on nothing but blood and slaughter ".
He took from his pocket a Prayer-Book, and with
tremulous finger pointed to the words : *' Men full of
blood shall not live out half their days ".
Essex prevailed so far as to prevent any negotia-
tions for peace, and was elated at his success. His
presumption grew till the Queen's patience was
exhausted. One day, during a discussion about
the appointment of a Lord Deputy for Ireland, Essex
was irritated that Elizabeth did not follow his advice.
He turned his back upon her with a gesture of con-
tempt. Elizabeth's wrath flamed out in a moment.
She gave Essex a box on the ear, and told him to
" go and be hanged ", Essex, in a fury, clutched his
28o QUEEN ELIZABETH.
sword, and Nottingham had to come between them
and drag away Essex, who swore that he would not
have brooked such an affront from Henry VIII.
himself. It was some time before Essex could be
induced to apologise, but Elizabeth never entirely
forgave him.
In July, 1598, Burghley lay on his deathbed,
where Elizabeth frequently tended him. In a letter
to his son the dying man wrote : ** Serve God by
serving the Queen, for all other service is indeed
bondage to the devil ". Such had been Burghley's
maxim during his long life; and Elizabeth recog-
nised his fidelity. She said " that her comfort had
been in her people's happiness, and their happiness
in his discretion '*. It was long before she could hear
his name without shedding tears. The same year
that saw Elizabeth deprived of her trusty minister
saw also the removal of her great opponent, Philip
II. An epoch was closed, and Elizabeth still lived
on, growing old and feeble in a rapidly changing
world, which had outgrown her methods, and was
looking forward to a new future.
28x
p/^ CHAPTER VIII.
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH.
'e have a description of Elizabeth in 1598 from
jthe pen of a German traveller, which tells us minutely
low the burden of her years did not diminish her
taste for splendour. On a Sunday in September
he saw the Queen going to chapel at her palace
of Greenwich. " The presence-chamber was richly
hung with tapestry and strewn with rushes. In it
were assembled the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishop of London, and the chief officers of the
Crown. The Queen appeared, preceded by gentle-
men, barons, earls, knights of the Garter, all richly
dressed and bare-headed. Next came the Lord
High Chancellor, bearing the seals in a red silk
purse, between two, one of whom carried the royal
sceptre, the other the sword of State in a red
scabbard. Next came the Queen, very majestic;
her face oblong, fair but wrinkled; her eyes small,
yet black and pleasant ; her nose a little hooked,
her lips narrow, and her teeth black (a defect the
English seem subject to from their too great use of
382 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
sugar). She had in her ears two pearls with very
rich drops ; her hair was of an auburn colour, but
false ; upon her head she had a small crown ; her
bosom was uncovered, as all the English ladies have
it till they marry; and she had on a necklace of
exceedingly line jewels. Her hands were slender,
her fingers rather long, and her stature neither tall
nor low. Her air was stately, and her manner of
speech gracious. She was dressed in white silk,
bordered with pearls of the size of beans, and over it
a mantle of black silk shot with silver threads ; her
train was very long, the end of it borne by a
marchioness. Instead of a chain she had an oblong
collar of gold and jewels. As she went along in all
this state and magnificence she spoke very graciously
to foreign ministers or others, in English, French
and Italian. Whosoever speaks to her kneels ;
now and then she raises some one with her hand.
Wherever she turned her face, as she was going
along, every one fell on their knees. The ladies of
the Court followed her, very handsome and well-
shaped, for the most part dressed in white. She was
guarded on each side by the gentlemen-pensioners,
fifty in number, with gilt halberds. In the ante-
chapel petitions were presented to her, and she
received them graciously, which occasioned the
exclamation : * God save Elizabeth ! ' She answered •
■ I thank you, my good people ',
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 283
** While she was at prayers we saw her table
set with the following solemnity : A gentleman
entered bearing a rod, and along with him another
who bore a table-cloth, which, after they had both
knelt three times with the utmost veneration, he
spread upon the table, and, after kneeling again,
they both retired. Then came two others, one with
a rod, the other with a salt-cellar, a plate and
bread ; they knelt, placed them on the table with
the same ceremonies, and retired. Then came two
ladies, one bearing a knife ; one of them dressed in
white silk, after kneeling three times, approached
the table and rubbed the plate with bread and salt.
The Yeomen of the Guard, clothed in scarlet, with
a golden rose on their backs, brought i n a course of
twenty-four dishes, served in silver, mostly gilt.
The dishes were received by a gentleman, who
placed them on the table, while the lady taster gave
to each of the guard a mouthful to eat of the dish
which he carried, for fear of poison. During this
time twelve trumpets and two kettle-drums made
the hall ring. At the end of this ceremony a number
of ladies appeared, who with particular ceremony
lifted the meat from the table and carried it into
the Queen's private chamber, where after she has
chosen for herself, the rest goes to the ladies of the
Court." ""
It^V^uld seem from this account that, as years
a84 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
went on, Elizabeth fenced herself round with greater
state, and by an increase of magnificence in apparel
tried to hide from herself and others the ravages of
time. Certainly she objected to any reference to her
age. When the Bishop of St. Davids preached a
sermon on the text : " Lord teach us to number our
days that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom,"
Elizabeth, instead of thanking him, according to
her custom, told him that " he might have kept his
arithmetic for himself; but I see that the greatest
clerks are not the wisest men ".
However much Elizabeth might long to end her
days in all the glory of undisputed power, surrounded
by the admiration of her Court and the love of
her people, such was not to be her fortune. The
last years of her reign were a series of reminders
that her old supremacy had passed away. Diffi-
culties arose and had to be faced ; but though the
^ decision still rested with herself, the advice which
\ she needed was no longer couched in the old terms
of dutiful submission. In August, 1598, Ireland had
become a cause of serious alarm. The Irish had
found a leader in Hugh O'Neill, who had been
educated in England, and received from Elizabeth
the Earldom of Tyrone. He was by education and
habits an Englishman ; but he was offered by the
Irish the position of Lord of Tyrone, instead of his
English earldom, and he aspired to become the
LAST YEAkS OP ELIZABETH. 2^5
O'Neill, and Lord of Ireland. He made himself the
head of a national league against England, and
cautiously waited till either help came from Spain
or Elizabeth was wearied into recognition of his
power. At last he defeated the English forces at
Blackwater, and all the Celtic population gathered
round him. It was necessary that active steps
should be taken to put down the rebellion, and Eliza-
beth resolved to send an army of 16,000 men.
There was a discussion who should be placed in
command of the forces. It is said that Essex
objected to those who were suggested by others, till,
at last, the post was forced upon himself somewhat
against his will. It was indeed a dangerous post to
fill ; and all foresaw that, in the case of Essex, failure
would mean ruin.
If the expedition had been one which could be
decided by some daring act of valour, Essex might
have succeeded; but he was incapable of dealing
with the problem which Ireland presented. He
squandered his forces on small undertakings, and
incurred the Queen's displeasure in many matters of
detail. When his forces had been so reduced by
sickness that he could not fight, he held a conference
with Tyrone and discussed conditions of peace.
Elizabeth angrily disavowed his action ; whereupon
Essex, already thoroughly disheartened, hastily left
Ireland, and did not pause till he rushed into the
286 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Queen's presence at Nonsuch. It was ten o'clock in
the morning. EHzabeth had newly risen, and was
in the hands of her maid, " her hair about her face,"
when Essex burst into the room, his dress and face
all covered with mire, and began his excuses. At
first he hoped that they were accepted, and thought
that "though he had suffered much trouble and
storms abroad he found a sweet calm at home ". In
the afternoon he was disabused of his hopes. Eliza-
beth told him that the Council would hear his
explanation ; he was ordered to keep his room. The
charges against him were disobedience in returning
from Ireland, presumptuous letters written to the
Queen, acting contrary to instructions, especially in
making so many knights, and finally his overbold
intrusion into the Queen's bedchamber on his return.
He was committed to the care of the Lord Keeper
and was not allowed to see the Queen.
Elizabeth nursed her wrath, and everything she
heard from Ireland confirmed it. Amongst those
who had gone out with Essex was John Harrington,
a godson of the Queen, a wit and a poet, whose chief
contribution towards the pacification of Ireland had
been the presentation of a copy of his translation of
Ariosto to Tyrone's son. He was one of the large
number of knights whom Essex had made contrary
to the Queen's orders. Harrington has left an
account of his reception by Elizabeth ; though it was
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 487
written seven years afterwards, he says : " Even
now I almost tremble to rehearse Her Highnesses
displeasure. She chafed much, walked fastly to and
fro, looked with discomposure in her visage ; and, I
remember, she catched my girdle when I kneeled to
her, and swore * By God's Son, I am no Queen.
That man is above me. Who gave him command
to come here so soon ? I did send him on other
business.' It was long before more gracious dis-
course did fill my hearing, but I was then put out of
my trouble and bid go home. I did not stay to be
bidden twice ; if all the Irish rebels had been at my
heels I should not have made better speed, for I did
now flee from one whom I both loved and feared
too." Harrington had kept a journal of his doings
in Ireland, which Elizabeth asked for. When she
read it her wrath broke out again. " She swore by
God's Son we were all idle knaves, and the Lord
Deputy worse, for wasting our time and her com-
mands in such wise as my journal doth write of."
Finally Harrington was dismissed to his country
house, with a deep impression on his mind. " Until
I come to heaven I shall never come before a state-
lier judge again, nor one that can temper majesty,
wisdom, learning, choler and favour better than Her
Highness did at that time."
The more Elizabeth brooded over the conduct of
Essex, the more deeply she resented it. He had
288 QUEEN ELIZABETH,
disregarded her orders; he had acted as if he had
independent authority; he had presumed upon her
personal favour in a way which was marked and
notorious. Elizabeth's plan of keeping young Eng-
land in the same subjection as the older England,
by attaching its leaders to herself, had entirely
broken down, and she deeply resented the failure.
The knowledge that Essex was popular, that men
blamed her severity, that her Council advised that
his release would be politic, were only tokens of her
failure and deepened her resentment. As usual she
hesitated and took no step until the public feeling
had subsided. She showed herself more frequently
in public, and took an unwonted part in festivities.
" Almost every night, at Christmas time," we are
told, " Her Majesty is in presence to see the ladies
dance with tabour and pipe." In the beginning of
1600 she consulted Francis Bacon, whose capacities
she was now beginning to understand, though she
had refused to favour him on the recommendation of
Essex, who had compensated him for his disappoint-
ment by a substantial present. Bacon was not suc-
cessful in displaying his gratitude. When he found
that Elizabeth was resolved on the trial of Essex he
was one of the counsel who pleaded against him.
In June Essex was brought before a Special Com-
mission, which sentenced him to be deprived of all
his offices and to remain a prisoner in his own house
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 289
at the Queen's pleasure. By the end of August he
was restored to Hberty, but was forbidden to come
to Court.
Essex trusted that this prohibition would soon
be removed, and that he would be restored to favour.
He wrote Elizabeth letters, of which the briefest may
serve as a sample : —
** Haste paper to that happy presence, whence
only unhappy I am banished. Kiss that fair correct-
ing h*nd which lays new plasters to my lighter
hurts, but to my greatest wound applieth nothing.
Say thou comest from pining, languishing, despairing
" Essex."
He even compared himself to Nebuchadnezzar,
content " to eat grass like an ox, and be wet with
the dew of heaven, till it shall please Her Majesty
to restore me to my understanding ". But Elizabeth
had lost all confidence in his understanding, and
was minded to make him an example which would
check all presumption in the future. Men should
see that whom she made she could likewise unmake,
and that obedience was the paramount claim to her
favour. She was in no hurry to point this moral,
but used opportunities as they came. At Michael-
mas the monopoly of the importation of sweet
wines which had been granted to Essex on Lei-
cester's death expired and he applied for its renewal.
19
290 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Elizabeth at first scornfully said that his dutiful
letters had only been written to prepare the way
for this request. Then she said that ** she must
learn the value of it, as benefits were not conferred at
random ". Finally she granted the monopoly to others,
saying: "An ungovernable beast must be stinted of
his provender that he may be better managed ".
Essex was no statesman, and had no policy ; but
he had come to regard himself as necessary to the
Queen and to the country. He could not accept the
fact that his opportunity was lost by his own folly ;
he persuaded himself that it was owing to sinister
intrigues. He lost all self-control; "he shifteth,"
wrote Harrington, ** from sorrow and repentance to
rage and rebellion so suddenly as well proveth him
devoid of good reason as of right mind. His speeches
about the Queen become no man who has * mens
Sana in corpore sano '." Unfortunately he was sur-
rounded by friends who were as reckless as himself,
men whose fortunes depended on his and who were
ready to make a struggle for his restoration. When
he left Ireland, Essex had thought of bringing with
him some of his troops and making a demonstration
of his power ; now he reverted to the plan. A little
pressure might secure the removal of the Queen's
counsellors who were opposed to him, and bring
him back to pre-eminence. The Scottish King was
anxious to be recognised as Elizabeth's successor;
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 291
he might make a demonstration for that purpose on
the Border, and Essex would support him in England.
Lord Mountjoy, who had succeeded Essex in Ireland,
might detach some of his troops to help. Such like
schemes were discussed by Essex and his friends,
till they resolved that the one important thing was
that Essex should have access to the Queen. In
January, 1601, a plan was formed for seizing White-
hall ; then Essex would approach the Queen with a
request that his enemies should be dismissed from
her Council, and a Parliament be summoned. The
occasion was to be given by the arrival of ambas-
sadors from Scotland, with whom Essex was to
co-operate.
The stir at Essex House had been so great that
the Government were well aware of all that was
. happening. Essex was summoned before the Council;
whereupon it was hastily determined that a rising
should be made at once. Essex, believing himself
to be beloved by the Londoners, prepared to call
them to his aid and with their help make his way
into the Queen's presence. His friends gathered
round him to the number of 300 men, and, on
the morning of Sunday, February 8, the Lord
Keeper, the Lord Chief Justice and others went to
Essex House to ask the meaning of this concourse.
Essex passionately shouted out that there was a plot
to murder him in his bed; and he was there to
292 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
defend his life. When they would have expostulated
further there was a confused uproar ; they were
taken to a room where they were kept prisoners.
Essex, with his followers, hurried towards the City,
crying out ; " For the Queen ! for the Queen ! a
plot is laid against my life ". The people looked
on in silent amazement. Meanwhile proclamation
was made in various parts of the city that Essex
and his men were traitors. It was impossible for
him to make his way to the Queen ; he managed to
reach the river and return home by boat. There he
found that the Lord Keeper and his fellow-prisoners
had been allowed to escape. Soon the house was
besieged, and Essex surrendered.
Elizabeth heard the noise of this tumult, but was
undisturbed. She spoke of going forth to meet the
rebels, saying that " not one of them would dare to
meet a single glance of her eye ". She soon heard
that there was no need for her presence. Indeed
the rising had no prospect of success ; it had no
intelligible object, and appealed to nothing in men's
minds : it was an outburst of childish vanity.
Elizabeth issued a proclamation thanking the citizens
for their loyalty. A Commission was soon appointed
to try Essex and his friend Southampton. The trial
showed the readiness of all concerned to throw the
blame on one another, and much time was spent in
mutual recriminations. Essex accused Sir Robert
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 293
Cecil of maintaining the right of the Infanta of Spain
to the English succession, a charge which Cecil
denied on his knees. When Raleigh was called,
Essex exclaimed : " What booteth it to swear this
fox ? " Francis Bacon, remembering only too well
his former relations to Essex, strove to shake them
off by the bitterness of his pleading till Essex said
that he should like " to call Bacon to witness against
Bacon the pleader ". The proceedings were a
miserable exhibition of personal motives and selfish
intrigue. Essex was condemned to death as a
traitor. At first Elizabeth hesitated to sign the
warrant for his execution. At last she did so, and
on February 25 the head of Essex fell upon the
scaffold.
This was the dismal end of Elizabeth's plan of
retaining the allegiance of her subjects by their
affections. The Tudor rule, it seemed, could never
be free from the scaffold. The reign that had begun
with all the difficulties of a disputed succession
ended with like difficulties. Elizabeth wished to
end her days in undisputed splendour : those around
her were looking to the future, and were scheming
for their own advancement when the change came.
This knowledge embittered Elizabeth's last days,
but did not tame her courage. She would be true
to herself to the end. In the autumn she went on
a progress to Hampshire, where she was entertained
l/'
294 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
by the Marquess of Winchester at Basing. There
she received an embassy from Henry IV., headed by
the Due de Biron, and took care to impress her
guests by her stateliness. She had the satisfaction
of thinking she had done what no other Prince could
do; she had royally entertained an ambassador in
the houses of her subjects.
^ In October Elizabeth summoned her last Parlia-
ment, and at its opening showed signs of fatigue. It
was remarkable for an outspoken debate against
monopolies, grants of the sole right to sell various
articles — so numerous that when they were rehearsed
a member sarcastically asked : " Is not bread there ? "
Another answered : "If order be not taken, bread
will be there before next Parliament ". Such grants
were Elizabeth's economical method of rewarding
her officers and favourites, and were naturally found
to be oppressive. Francis Bacon said all that could
be said in their favour; but Elizabeth saw that it
was necessary to give way, and, summoning the
Speaker, told him that she had lately become aware
that "divers patents, which she had granted, were
grievous to her subjects"; she had had the matter
in mind " before the late trouble," and since then,
"even in the midst of her most great and weighty
occasions, she thought upon them " ; she promised
immediate reform. The Commons sent a deputation
to thank her, which assured her that no words would
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 295
be sufficient for so great goodness, ** but in all duty
and thankfulness, prostrate at your feet, we present
our most loyal and thankful hearts, and the last spirit
in our nostrils, to be poured out, to be breathed up,
for your safety".
Elizabeth used the opportunity to proclaim with
dignity the principles on which she reigned. The
Commons knelt as she addressed them : " There is
no jewel, be it of never so rich a price, which I prefer
before this jewel, I mean your love. For I do more
esteem it than any treasure or riches ; for that we
know how to prize, but love and thanks I count
inestimable. And though God hath raised me high,
yet this I count the glory of my Crown, that I have
reigned with your loves. This makes that I do not
so much rejoice that God hath made me a Queen, as
to be Queen over so thankful a people." Her only
object was to promote the prosperity of her people.
She never wished for money, except for her subjects*
good ; she asked for nothing from them for her own
use, but spent her own in their service. Then she
paused and bade them stand up as she had more to
say. She thanked the House for bringing their
grievances to her knowledge, as otherwise she might
have erred through lack of information. She had
never made any grant, except in the belief that it
was beneficial ; she was gliad to know if experience
proved it to be otherwise. She regretted that she
2g6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
had been deceived by those who ought to have
advised her better. ** I have ever used to set the
Last Judgment Day before my eyes, and so to rule
as I shall be judged to answer before a higher Judge,
to whose judgment seat I do appeal that never
thought was cherished in my heart that tended not
to my people's good. To be a King and wear a
crown is more glorious to them that see it than it is
pleasure to them that bear it. For myself I was
never so much enticed with the glorious name of a
King, or royal authority of a Queen, as delighted that
God hath made me the instrument to maintain His
truth and glory, and to defend the kingdom from
peril, dishonour, tyranny and oppression. There
will never Queen sit in my seat with more zeal to
my country, or care to my subjects, that will sooner
with willingness yield and venture her life for your
good and safety than myself. And though you have
had, and may have, many Princes more mighty
and wise sitting in this seat, yet you never had, nor
shall have, any that will be more careful and loving.
I speak it to give God the praise as a testimony
before you, and not to attribute anything to myself.
For I, O Lord what am I whom practices and perils
past should not fear? O what can I do that I
should speak for any glory? God forbid." She
raised her voice and spoke these last words with
marked emphasis ; then she dismissed the members.
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. igf
bidding them all to kiss her hand before they
departed.
It was Elizabeth's last great triumph. Clouds
passed away, and she stood forth again as the
mother of her people, whose heart beat with theirs,
and whose ear was open to their petitions. If she
erred, it was in ignorance ; when they spoke of
wrongs, she was ready to give redress. In her
Court she might be surrounded by intrigue, and her
efforts to restrain her nobles might end in failure;
but she could pierce through her surroundings and
meet her people face to face, and count on her hold
upon their affections. At the end of the year she
heard the news that victory had crowned her arms
in Ireland, where Mountjoy won a decisive victory
over Tyrone and his Spanish helpers. She could
look around proudly with the feeling that again her
difficulties had disappeared.
Age did not abate Elizabeth's activity, and those
who were around her wondered at her vigour. In
April, 1602, she entertained the Due de Nevers and
opened a ball with him. On May Day she went
a-maying in the woods of Lewisham. She gave the
Scottish King a hint that he need not be eager for
her succession, by keeping his ambassador waiting
in a passage where he could see her dancing in her
chamber. In the summer she paid several visits
according to her wont. Nor did her spirits fail, but
298 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
still she could play tricks on her ministers, and make
fun of Robert Cecil, who tried to pay his court to
her with awkward gallantry. She saw the Countess
of Derby wearing a picture round her neck and asked
to see it. Lady Derby tried to keep it from her,
which increased the Queen's curiosity. When the
gold case was opened it proved to contain a portrait
of Cecil, who was Lady Derby's uncle. The Queen,
to hide her disappointment, tied the picture to her
shoe and walked away with it. Then she fastened
it to her elbow and wore it for some time. Cecil
wrote a poem on this occurrence, and had it set to
music and sung to the Queen. Its point was that
he was content with the favours which he had
received, and did not repine at the good fortune of
others. In September the Earl of Worcester wrote :
" We are frolic here in Court ; much dancing in the
Privy Chamber of country dances before the Queen's
Majesty, who is exceedingly pleased therewith.
Irish tunes are at this time most pleasing; but in
winter, ' Lullaby,' an old song of Mr. Bird's, will be
in most request, as I think." His prophecy proved
true, for in the winter EHzabeth's health began to
fail. At the end of the year Sir John Harrington
wrote to his wife : —
" Our dear Queen, my royal godmother, and this
State's natural mother, doth now bear show of
human infirmity, too fast for that evil which we shall
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 2^0
get by her death, and too slow for that good which
we shall get by her releasement from pain and
misery. It was not many days since I was bidden
to her presence. I blessed the happy moment, and
found in her a most pitiable state. She bade the
Archbishop ask me if I had seen Tyrone. I replied
with reverence that I had seen him with my Lord
Deputy (Essex). She looked up with much choler
and grief in her countenance, and said : * Oh, now
it mindeth me that you were one who saw this man
elsewhere,' and hereat she dropped a tear and smote
her bosom. She held in her hand a golden cup
which she often put to her lips ; but in sooth her
heart seemeth too full to lack more filling. She
bade me come to the chamber at seven o'clock,
when she inquired of some matters which I had
written ; and as she was pleased to note my fanciful
brain, I was not unheedful to feed her humour and
read some verses, whereat she smiled once, and was
pleased to say : * When thou dost feel creeping
time at thy gate, these fooleries will please thee less.
I am past my relish for such matters. Thou seest
my bodily meat doth not suit me well ; I have eaten
but one ill-tasted cake since yesternight.' She rated
most grievously at noon at some who minded not
to bring certain matters of account. Several men
had been sent to, and when ready at hand. Her
Highness hath dismissed them in anger. But who.
3O0 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
dearest Moll, shall say that Her Highness hath
forgotten ? '*
In January she somewhat recovered, and at-
tended one or two state dinners ; but, in the middle
of the month, removed to Richmond by the advice
of her physician. The change of air was at first
beneficial, but soon there was a relapse. We have
a pathetic account of the Queen's illness by her
kinsman, Robert Carey. ** When I came to the
Court I found the Queen ill-disposed, and she kept
her inner lodging; yet she hearing of my arrival
sent for me. I found her in one of her withdrawing
chambers, sitting low upon her cushions. She
called me to her ; I kissed her hand and told her it
was my chiefest happiness to see her in safety and
in health, which I wished might long continue.
She took me by the hand and wrung it hard, and
said : * No, Robin, I am not well,' and then dis-
coursed with me of her indisposition, and that her
heart had been sad and heavy for ten or twelve days,
and in her discourse she fetched not so few as forty
or fifty great sighs. I was grieved at the first to
see her in such plight ; for in all my lifetime before
I never knew her fetch a sigh but when the Queen
of Scots was beheaded. Then, upon my knowledge,
she shed many tears and sighs, manifesting her
innocence that she never gave consent to the death
of that Queen. I used the best words I could to
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 301
persuade her from this melancholy humour ; but I
found it was too deeply rooted in her heart, and
hardly to be removed. This was upon a Saturday
night, and she gave command that the great closet
should be prepared for her to go to chapel the next
morning. The next day, all things being in readi-
ness, we long expected her coming. After eleven
o'clock one of the grooms came out and bade make
ready for the private closet ; she would not go to the
great. There we stayed long for her coming ; but,
at last, she had cushions laid for her in the Privy
Chamber, hard by the closet door, and there she
heard service. From that day forwards she grew
worse and worse. She remained upon her cushions
four days and nights at the least. All about her
could not persuade her either to take sustenance or
go to bed."
At length Nottingham and Cecil tried to persuade
her, and Cecil said that " to content the people she
must go to bed". Elizabeth recovered her spirit
and said : ** The word must was not used to Princes.
Little man, little man, if your father had lived you
durst not have said so much, but you know I must
die, and that makes you presumptuous." She was
with difficulty induced to take to her bed, and the
Council remained at Richmond awaiting the end.
They were anxious for some expression of her wishes
about the succession. Before leaving Whitehall she
302 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
had said to Nottingham that *' her throne had
always been the throne of Kings, and none but her
next heir of blood and descent should succeed. On
March 22, Nottingham, in the presence of others,
reminded her of her words and asked her pleasure.
** I told you," said Elizabeth, " my seat had been
the seat of Kings, and I will have no rascal to
succeed me ; who should succeed me but a King ? "
Cecil inquired her meaning *' no rascal shall suc-
ceed ". She answered : " My meaning was a King
should succeed me ; and who should that be but
our cousin of Scotland ? " On March 23 she was
speechless, and when Cecil asked her to confirm hei
wishes about the succession she was supposed to
have made a sign of assent when the Scottish King
was mentioned.
"About six at night," says Carey, "she made
signs for the Archbishop and her chaplains to come
to her, at which time I went in with them and fell
upon my knees, full of tears to see the heavy sight.
Her Majesty lay upon her back, with one hand in
the bed, and the other without. The Archbishop
knelt down by her, and examined her first of her
faith, and she so punctually answered all his several
questions, by lifting up her eyes and holding up her
hand, as it was a great comfort to all the beholders.
Then the good man told her plainly what she was,
and what she was to come to ; and though she had
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 303
been long a great Queen here upon earth, yet shortly
she was to yield an account of her stewardship to
the King of kings. After this he began to pray,
and all that were by did answer him. After he had
continued long in prayer, till the old man's knees
were weary, he blessed her and meant to rise and
leave her. The Queen made a sign with her hand.
My Sister Scroope, knowing her meaning, told the
Archbishop the Queen desired he would pray still.
He did so for a long half-hour after, and then
thought to leave her. The second time she made a
sign to have him continue in prayer. He did so for
half an hour more, with earnest cries to God for her
soul's health, which he uttered with that fervency of
spirit, as the Queen to all our sight much rejoiced
thereat, and gave testimony to us all of her Christian
and comfortable end. By this time it grew late, and
every one departed, all but her women that attended
her."
After this Elizabeth sank into a deep sleep from
which she never awakened. At three o'clock in the
morning of March 24 it was found that her spirit
had passed away. A few hours later Robert Carey
was riding hard along the North road that he might
be the first to bring to James the tidings that there
was no one to oppose his accession to the English
Crown.
The character of Elizabeth is difficult to detach
304 QUEEN ELIZABETH. •
from her actions. She represented England as no
"OtHeTl^r ever did. For the greater part of her
Tohg reign the fortunes of England absolutely de-
pended upon her life, and not only the fortunes of
England, but those of Europe as well. If England
had passed under the Papal sway it is hard to see
how Protestantism could have survived the repressive
forces to which it would have been exposed. There
were times when Elizabeth doubted if this could be
avoided, times when any one, save Anne Boleyn's
daughter, would have been tempted to make terms.
In asking England to rally round her, Elizabeth
knew that she could not demand any great sacrifices
on her behalf. By cultivating personal loyalty, by
demanding it in exaggerated forms, she was not
merely feeding her personal vanity ; she was creat-
ing a habit which was necessaiy for the maintenance
of her government. By avoiding risky undertakings,
by keeping down public expense, she was not merely
indulging her tendency to parsimony; she was
warding off from her people demands which they
were unequal at that time to sustain.
Elizabeth's imperishable claim to greatness lies
in her instinctive sympathy with her people. She
felt, rather than understood, the possibilities which
lay before England, and she set herself the task
of slowly exhibiting, and impressing them on the
national mind. She educated Englishmen to a
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH, 305
perception of England's destiny, and for this purpose
fixed England's attention upon itself. She caught
at every advantage which was afforded by the divided
condition of Europe to assert England's importance.
France and Spain alike had deep causes of hostility ;
she played oif one against the other, so that both
were anxious for the friendship of a State which
'they each hoped some day to annex. England
gained courage from this sight and grew in self-
confidence. To obtain this result Elizabeth was
careless of personal dignity or honour. She did not
care how her conduct was judged at the time, but
awaited the result.
It is this faculty of intuitive sympathy with her
people which makes Elizabeth so diiBcult to under-
stand in details of her policy. The fact was that
she never faced a question in the shape in which it
presented itself. It was true that it had to be
recognised and discussed in that form ; but Elizabeth
had no belief in a policy because it could be clearly
Stated and promised well. Things had to be dis-
cussed, and decisions arrived at in consequence of
such discussion ; but action could always be avoided
at the last moment, and Elizabeth would never act
unless she felt that her people were in hearty
agreement with her. Thus in her position towards
h€r ministers she represented in her own person the
vacillations and fluctuations of popular opinion.
20
3o6 QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Ministers naturally wish to have an intelligible
policy. Burghley laboriously drew up papers which
balanced the advantages and disadvantages of al-
ternative courses of action. Elizabeth read them
and seemed to accept one out of two inevitable
plans. She felt that, as a reasonable being, she
could not do otherwise. But when it came to
decisive action she fell back upon her instinctive
perception of what England wanted. As she could
not explain this, she was driven to all sorts of devices
to gain time. She could not, on the other hand,
fully take her people into her confidence. It was
the unconscious tendency of their capacities which
she interpreted, not their actual demands. She was
eliciting from them their meaning, and educating
them to understand it themselves. For this purpose
she must seem to govern more absolutely than she
did ; but, on great occasions, she took them into her
confidence, and fired them with a high conception of
the greatness of their national life. She strove to
focus and co-ordinate all their aspirations, and only
repressed tendencies which were adverse to the
formation of an English spirit ; for she cared more
for the spirit of the national life than for its outward
organisation.
Her private character is hard to detach from her
public character. She behaved to those around her
as she did to her people in general. She was
LAST YEARS OF ELIZABETH. 307
surrounded by men representative of English life ;
they must be made to fall into line ; and any method
which served this purpose was good. Above all
things she must impose her will equally on all.
Personally, she was attracted by physical endow-
ments, and let herself go in accordance with her
feelings up to a certain point. But she was both
intellectually and emotionally cold. In politics and
in private life alike she cared little for decorum,
because she knew that she could stop short whenever
prudence made it needful.
It is easy to point out serious faults in Elizabeth,
to draw out her inconsistencies, and define her
character in a series of parodoxes. But this treat-
ment does not exhibit the real woman, still less the
real Queen. Elizabeth was hailed at her accession
as being "mere English"; and "mere English"
she remained. Round her, with all her faults, the
England which we know grew into the conscious-
ness of its destiny. The process was difficult ; the
struggle was painful, and it left many scars behind.
There are many things in Elizabeth which we could
have wished otherwise ; but she saw what England
might become, and nursed it into the knowledge of
its power.
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