U-LASSICS ■■!': i 'm mm i;!j!;ri:«-; life';: • w GIFT or %\ w %^''%^ %% V http://www'afcKive.org/d aLIFORNIA Germanicus THE AMALS OF TACITUS BOOKS I AND II COMPRISING THE CAREER OF GERMANICUS EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY EDWIN W. BO WEN Professor of Latin, RANDOLPH-MAco^TOoLi e-^e, Virginia '" ov TToW' aWa ttoXu BENJ. H. SANBORN & CO. BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO 1913 Copyright, 1913 BY Edwin W. Bowen CONTENTS. Page. Preface v Introduction . * vii Life of Tacitus vii The Writings of Tacitus xi Manuscripts of the Annals xii Sources of the Annals xiv The Trustworthiness of the Annals xvi Tiberius xx Germanicus xxv Language, Style, and Rhetoric . xxxv Map of Germany 102 Text 1 Notes 103 Critical Appendix 268 PRINTS. Germanicus Frontispiece Tiberius xlv Deification of Augustus 53 264187 ^ PREFACE. It is hoped that the present edition of Tacitus's Annals may serv^e a twofold purpose. In the first place, my aim has been not simply to introduce the student to the Annalsy but to furnish him with a handy edition which contains all that is necessary to enable him to understand the text. In the second place, my endeavor has been to offer the teacher a suggestive edition which may guide him to a more detailed study and interpretation of Tacitus's most important work. The first two books have been selected for anno- tation because, comprising as they do the career of Germanicus, they form as it were a imit and are of a convenient length to be read during a term of the college session. The text is based on Halm's fourth edition, but contains some slight variations from that standard both in manuscript readings and in orthography. Where Halm follows too closely the Medicean manuscript, I have ventured to depart from his orthography so as to bring my spelling more into conformity to the generally accepted norm. I fear, however, that I have not attained perfect consist- ency in this matter. The textual discussions have been relegated to the Critical Appendix at the end of the volume. The Introduc- tion contains a concise discussion of all essential matters, such as the author's life, his aim and method in writing history, his style and language, and the sources of his Annals, together with a brief sketch of Tiberius and Germanicus. The Notes are designed to be sufficient to explain all the difficult points in the text, and the desired information is presented in succinct form. Where translation was deemed advisable, it is given, and the syntactical explanations follow as an aid to the understanding of the difficulties involved. While it is not expected that the young student bent chiefly on VI PREFACE. turning the Latin into English will pay much attention to the ex- planations, citations, and references, it is hoped that these aids, together with the cross references, will be of special service to the teacher. In addition to the several German annotated editions to which the present work is indebted, I have found the editions of Allen and Fumeaux particularly helpful. I beg to acknowledge, also, my obligation to Drager's Syntax und Stil des Tacitus, of which I have included a summary in my Introduction for convenience of reference. Above all, my hearty thanks are due Professor H. R. Fairclough, of Stanford University, the editor-in-chief of this series, for his valuable criticism and many helpful suggestions, as well as for his painstaking labor in reading the entire proof. It is a pleasure to acknowledge my sincere appreciation of his generous assistance. Edwin W. Bowen. Randolph-Macon College, March, 1913. INTRODUCTION. Life op Tacitus. The facts concerning the life of Publius Cornelius Tacitus are very meager. He appears to have been sprung from a good equestrian family, but the place and date of his birth cannot be definitely determined. Indeed, there is doubt about his name. Sidonius Apollinaris, a Christian writer of the fifteenth century, speaks of him as Gains, and the evidence of some of the inferior manuscripts tends to confirm this as his praenomen. But the best manuscripts of his works (the two Medicean) and a recently discovered inscription contain the name ComeHus which scholars now generally accept as Tacitus's real praenomen. Tradition assigns Interamna,^ a town of northern Italy, as the place of his birth, but probably for no other reason than the fact that the Emperor Tacitus (a.d. 275-6) who claimed kinship to the historian was bom in that town and had ten copies of his works made each year and distributed among all the public libraries.^ The date of Tacitus's birth can be determined only approximately. Pliny the Younger, a life-long friend of the historian, says in one of 1 Some writers, on the strength of a slighting reference Tacitus makes to ftiunicipia (see Annals 4. 3) , advance the theory that he could not have been born in any town in northern Italy, and, therefore, infer that he was born in Rome. To bolster up their feeble argument, they cite the con- temptuous allusion to genus oppidanum (Annals 6. 15). Of course, this is simply an unwarranted inference. *Cf. Flavins Vopiscus, Tac. 10, CorneUum Tadtum scriptorem his- toriae Augustae, quod parentem suum eundem dicer et in omnibus hibliothecis coUocari iussU, vii Vlll INTRODUCTION. his letters ^ that he and Tacitus were almost of the same age (pro^ pemodum aequales) and continues: " In my early manhood, when you were already in the enjoyment of your career of honor and distinction, I desired above all things to follow in your footsteps and both in fact and in public estimation to rank next to you, though separated from you by a long interval." Now the date of Pliny's birth is known to have been a.d. 62. It follows, therefore, that Tacitus, being several years older, must have been born about A.D. 54 or 55. Moreover, this date harmonizes with the few known facts of the historian's Ufe. As to Tacitus's early training and education we know compara- tively little. He seems to have taken a keen interest in public speaking, for in the first part of his Dialogus he speaks of having heard in his youth the discussions of those trained in the art of pubhc speaking, and in the second part of that work he informs us that he frequently listened to the foremost lawyers of his time, Marcus Aper and Julius Secundus, pleading in the courts, and him- self cheerfully followed their instructions. It is quite probable that Tacitus, like his friend Pliny, received his education at Rome and was a pupil of the celebrated rhetorician Quintilian. Certainly the Dialogus which was published about a.d. 79-81 shows abundant evidence of the influence of that eminent teacher.^ Tacitus chose the law as his profession and, no doubt, his ambi- tion stimulated him to diligent application in this field, so inviting to most Roman youths of promise. Fortune marked him as a coming young man. When only twenty years old, as he represents himself in the Dialogus, he was on friendly terms with the leading members of the Roman bar. By assured promise, if not by achievement, he had very early attracted the attention of Cn. Julius Agricola, a man of the foremost rank in the state, for in the year of his consulship (a.d. 77) Agricola selected Tacitus, the young lawyer of twenty- three, as his son-in-law. If we may judge by the comments on the happy marriage of Agricola, whose biography the son-in-law wrote, Tacitus's own married life was probably altogether free from the conjugal infelicity so common in Roman society in those days, and 1 See Pliny, Epistulae 7. 20. * See Gudeman, Dialogus, Introd., p. Ixii seq. INTRODUCTION. IX the union must have proved to him an honor and a lever to raise himself to greater distinction in the state, — a circumstance which he says was true of his father-in-law's marriage.^ About the year 80 Tacitus entered upon his poUtical career as quaestor, under Vespasian. ^ Tacitus must then have been at least twenty-five, since this was the minimum constitutional age for the office. Within a few years thereafter he attained to the distinction of membership in the priestly college of quindecimviri sacris facir undis.^ In the year 88 he served as praetor, which implied that he had already been tribune or aedile, but the date of his tenure of this office is unknown. The year following his praetorship Tacitus appears to have been absent from Rome. Some critics have maintained, on the authority of a reference by PHny,* that during this year Tacitus was propraetor in Belgic Gaul. This view commends itself as probable, but is impossible of proof. If the supposition is true, the historian pre- simiably took advantage of .his sojourn in that country to gain that personal knowledge of the Germanic tribes of which his treatise on Germany furnishes such striking evidence. Kritz holds the opinion that Tacitus served really as propraetor in Germany, but this view has not found acceptance with scholars. After his propraetorship, wherever it may have been, Tacitus seems not to have returned to Rome till after the death of Agricola, in the year a.d. 93.^ However, Tacitus must have been in the imperial city during the years 94-96, for he describes ^ the horrible scenes of the closing years of Domitian's reign of terror as an eye- witness, as scholars have observed. Because of the strained rela- tions between Agricola and Domitian, Tacitus could expect no political advancement in the reign of that tyrant. Indeed, he was fortunate to escape a violent death, — a fate reserved for scores and 1 Cf. Agricola 6. 1, decus atque rdbur sibi ad maiora nitendi. 2 Cf. Historiae 1. 1, Dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoataniy a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam non dbnuerim, etc. 3 See Annals 11. 11. 3. 4 Cf. Nat. Hist, vii, 16. 17. 76, Corneli Taciti equitis Romani Belgicae GaUiae rationes procurantis, 6 Cf . Agricola 45. 4. • See Agricola 45. X INTRODUCTION. scores of the nobility in those perilous times in Rome. But Domi- tian was himseK destined to pay the penalty of his cruel tyranny, and was assassinated 18 September, a.d. 96. Then it was that Rome was permitted to enjoy a respite from the revolting deeds of blood and carnage which^had disgraced her history dm-ing the Flavian dynasty. In the piping times of peace which followed the horrors of Domi- tian^s reign Tacitus was advanced, under Nerva, to the consulship (consul suffectiLs) in the year 97, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Verginius Rufus, the famous warrior, over whom he de- livered the funeral eulogy.^ In the year 100 Tacitus was retained with his friend Pliny as counsel by the province of Africa to prose- cute the notorious Marius Priscus, who during his proconsulship had harassed the country and committed heinous crimes against the unfortimate provincials. ^ The prosecution was successful in secur- ing a verdict of impeachment, but the defendant anticipated the sentence of banishment by going into voluntary exile, the provin- cials being left without recourse to recover their loss. After this event history is wellnigh mute about Tacitus's life. A recently discovered inscription informs us that he was proconsul of Asia, but the date is not given, being presumably about 110 to 114. This office afforded him opportunity to gather information about affairs in the East, which he, no doubt, turned to good account later in writing his Annals. The rest of Tacitus's life is mere conjecture, no further facts being known. However, after his retirement from public affairs he must have mapped out for himself an ambitious task as a writer, to which he devoted his energies in peace and quiet for the remainder of his days. A kind fate spared his life till a.d. 116, at least, for his Annals ^ contain an allusion to the conquests of Trajan in the East, which occurred in that year. These conquests embraced territory which Hadrian smrendered almost immediately upon his accession in 117. It follows, therefore, that Tacitus lived till about the end » Cf. Pliny, Epist. 2. 1. * Cf. Pliny, Epist. 2. 11; also Juvenal, 1. 49. 8 See Annals 2. 61. 2, Exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. Also ib. 4. 4. 6. INTRODUCTION. XI of Trajan's reign (a.d. 117). It is quite possible that he may have lived into the reign of Hadrian, but of this there is no evidence. II. Writings of Tacitus. The writings of Tacitus include the following extant works: 1. Dialogus de oratorihus. The consensus of opinion is now in favor of ascribing this brilliant treatise to Tacitus, but it has been vari- ously ascribed to Suetonius, Pliny the Younger, and Quintihan. It shows earmarks of Cicero's influence and purports to be a discussion of the reasons for the decline of oratory under the empire. The time of the dialogue is about a.d. 75, but it was not published until the reign of Titus (a.d. 79-81 ).* 2. Agricolaj or de vita et moribus lulii Agricolae. This is a biog- raphy of Cn. JuUus Agricola, the father-in-law of Tacitus. It con- tains an allusion to Trajan as princepSj and therefore could not have been pubUshed till 97 or 98. 3. Germaniaj or de origine et situ Germanorum liber. This is a brief monograph setting forth the manners and customs and relative locations of the numerous ancient Germanic tribes. From internal evidence we infer that it was published about 98, the year of Trajan's second consulship. ^ 4. Historiae. This is a record in the annalistic order of the reigns of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, embracing the author's own times from 69 to 96. The work was begun in the year a.d. 98,^ but the date of publication is unknown. Of the four- teen books which the work originally comprised, only the first four and a part of the fifth are now preserved, embracing the history of the years a.d. 69-70. * For a full discussion of this question see Gudeman, Dialogus, Introd. xxvi seq. 2 See Germ. 37. 2, Ex quo si ad alterum imperatoris Traiani consulatum computemus, etc. ' See Agric. 3. 4, Non tamen pigebit vel incondita ac rudi voce memoriam prioris servitutis ac testimonium praesentium bonorum composuiase, Cf. Hist. 1. 1. 6. Xll INTRODUCTION. 5. Annales, or ah excessu divi Augusti. This is a history, in strictly chronological order, of the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, extending from the death of Augustus, a.d. 14, to the year 68. Of the sixteen books which it comprised there are preserved books I-IV and parts of books V and VI, and books XI-XVI. The middle part of the work amounting to a third is lost. The history of CaUgula's reign is entirely missing; and of Claudius's reign the first six years and of Nero's the last two years, respectively, are wanting. This work is regarded the best of the author's productions. The Annals represented the last product of Tacitus's creative genius and must have been published about A.D. 116 or 117.1 Tacitus had intended to write the history of the reigns of Nerva and Trajan and also of Augustus,^ but this project was frustrated by his death. Had he lived to carry out his purpose, he would have written a complete history of the first century of the Roman empire from its estabUshment to the year 117. But this was not to be. As to the title of his last work Tacitus himself appears to have called it simply "A6 excessu divi Augusti^ In one passage ^ he refers to his work as ^'Annales nostrij^^ but by this scholars think he intended to signify his historical works in general and not the Annals specifi- cally. The earliest authority for the title ^'Annales " is Rhenanus, a sixteenth century writer who, as Furneaux suggests, thought that he found it in the text. In the best manuscripts the work is entitled simply "A6 excessu Augusti,''^ perhaps after the analogy of Livy's history which he called "A6 urhe conditaJ' III. Manuscripts of the Annals. There are extant two manuscripts of the Annals. Of these one is ^N called the first Medicean (Laur. 68. 1), now preserved in the Medi^ cean Library in Florence. This manuscript contains the first sec- » See the allusions in Book II, chapter 61.2; also Book IV, chapter 4. 6. a See Hist. 1. 1. 5 and Annal. 3. 24. 4, Sed aliorum exitus, simul cetera iUius aetatis memoraho, si . . . vitam produxero. » See Annal. 4. 32. 1, Sed nemo annales nostras cum scriptura eorum contenderit, qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. INTRODUCTION. Xlll tion of the AnnalSj i.e., books I- VI as far as preserved, and is recog- nized as the sole authority for this section. The second section, which contains only the latter part of the AnnalSy i.e., books XI- XVI, together with the first five books of the Histories^ is called the second Medicean (Laur. 68. 2) and, Uke the Mediceus I, is now pre- served in tEeMedicean Library in Florence. The date of the first Medicean is supposed to be the second half of the ninth, or the early tenth century; that of the second Medicean is supposed to be the second half of the eleventh century. These two manuscripts are believed to have been among the numerous copies of works of ancient writers made during those centuries in the great monastery of Monte Cassino, Italy. The earliest information we have of the existence of Mediceus I is that Ruodolphus, a learned monk of Fulda in Hesse Cassel, writing in the ninth century, mentions Tacitus as speaking of the Visurgis (the river Weser), and from this we naturally infer that he probably was acquainted with a manuscript of the Annals. Our next source of information is the famous collector of manuscripts, Poggio Brac- ciolini, who writes in 1425 of a letter he received from Germany concerning some unknown works of Tacitus, reputed to be preserved at Hersfeld near Fulda. About 1508 the manuscript was brought to Rome and in 1515, by the order of Leo X, it was published there by Beoraldus. But according to another report, the manuscript was brought to Rome from Corvey in Westphalia. Several special articles ^ have been published describing the condition of the manu- script, its marginal corrections and other peculiarities. The second Medicean manuscript is first mentioned by Poggio Bracciolini, who received it in Rome through his agent Nicola Nicoli, of Florence, in 1427. Poggio returned the document to Nicoli who bequeathed it to the convent of St. Mark. Later the manuscript found its way to the Laurentian Library in Florence, where it is still preserved. Besides the Mediceus II, there are numerous other manuscripts of the latter part of the Annals^ but these are all inferior and of later date, none being earlier than the middle of the fifteenth century. Of these Walther ancj Ruperti iSee Rheinisches Museum, Vol. XVI, 454-469; Vol. XVII, 99-137; Philologus, Vol. XXVI, 96, etc. XIV INTRODUCTION. make two main groups. The first group, consisting of five manu- scripts, is reputed to be a transcription from a lost codex Genuensis^ and of these manuscripts two are in Rome (in the Vatican Library) and three in England (one in the Bodleian, one in the Jesus College Library and one in the British Museum). The second group, desig- nated by Walther the Roman group, is closely related, being appar- ently from a common source quite distinct from the codex Genuensis. In addition to these two groups, there is even a third group which seems to approach in origin the Medicean text. IV. Sources of the Annals. In only two passages ^ in the first six books of the Annals has Tacitus taken the pains to cite his authorities. These are the his- tory of the German wars by the elder PUny and the memciirsoJ the younger Agrippina, in each instance in reference to the elder Agrip- pinsL In the latter part of the Annals (XI-XVI) Tacitus gives some references to the general history of Phny as well as to Cluvius Rufus,2 Fabius Rusticus and Domitius Corbulo. In the first ^ books Tacitus frequently makes some indefinite reference, employ- ing such terms as " aiLctores,'' " scriptores,^' " scriptores annalium," " quidam tradiderej'^ ^^ feruntf'^ *^ tradunt pleriquef^^ ** plurimos aucr torumf^' etc. It is evident then that there were many general authorities that Tacitus drew upon for information in the composi- tion of his Annals.^ Among his Roman contemporaries dealing with the period of the Annals may be mentioned Valerius Maximus and G. Velleius Paterculus, the latter of whom gives in his history a sketch of the first sixteen years of Tiberius's principate. In addition to these, there were probably extant in Tacitus's time a summary of Tiberius's reign, of his own composition, perhaps somewhat after the manner of Augustus's famous Monumentum » See Book I, 69. 3, and Book IV, 63. 3. But he cites such documents as the acta diuma (3. 3), the speeches of Tiberius (1. 81; 2. 63), etc. 2 See Mommsen, Tacitus und Cluvius, Hermes, Vol. IV, 295-325. 8 For a full discussion of the sources of Tacitus's Annals see P. Fabia, Les Sources de Tacite, Paris, 1893. INTRODUCTION. XV Ancyranum and the autobiography of Claudius, in eight books, and his general history from the close of the civil wars, in forty-three books. The rhetorician M. Seneca wrote a history beginning with the civil wars and closing with the latter days of his own Ufe, which work we may safely presume was known to Tacitus. After these may be mentioned the historical writings of M. Servilius Nonianus, consul A.D. 35, and those of Aufidius Bassus (died a.d. 58), including his general history and his special work on the German wars. The elder Pliny wrote a continuation of this general history in thirty- one books to supplement Bassus's and also a separate work in twenty books on all the Roman wars in Germany. The combined works of Bassus and PUny covered a period of history greater than that embraced in the Annals. No doubt, Tacitus also drew upon Pliny^s Natural History for information, though it would be difficult to cite evidence of actual borrowing. Other documents which Tacitus possibly used in writing his Annals were the biographies of Thrasea and Helvidius by Arulenus Rusticus and Herennius Senecio and funeral orations of diitinguished Romans. But since both a large part of the Annals and many of the alleged sources have alike perished, no positive proof of Tacitus's indebtedness to such sources can be adduced. Among the documents to which Tacitus would naturally refer in^^ writing his Annals were: (a) the acta senatuSj sometimes called ^ commentarii senatus^ or acta patrunij a record of the proceedings of ^ the senate; (b) the acta diuma urhis^ a kind of gazette dating from 's -j the first consulship of Julius Caesar; (c) thecommentarii 'princi;pumy \ ^/^ the private journal of the emperors; (d) the public inscriptions andOu-Cs pamphlet literature. Such, no doubt, were among the chief his- C^ torical sources our author drew upon for his Annals. Of course ^ Tacitus must have been indebted, too, to his contemporaries, some ^ / of whom were eye-witnesses of many of the events recorded in the ^*^^*5| Annals^ and of whose personal knowledge he must gladly have \l availed himself. Furthermore, the period described in the Annals was not so far removed from the author's own day as to preclude familiarity on his part with many traditional anecdotes still current. ^ 1 To cite a specific instance or two, Tacitus mentions in his account of the trial of Cn. Piso a current report (cf. Annals 3. 16. 1) and another in his account of Piso's conspiracy in Nero's reign (cf. Annals 15, 73. 3). XVI INTRODUCTION. Trustworthiness of the Annals. The trustworthiness of the Annals depends no less upon Tacitus's diligence and care in consulting his authorities than upon the credi- bility of those authorities. In the absence of positive evidence to the contrary we are compelled by a sheer sense of justice and fairness to assume that Tacitus was at no small pains to select authentic sources of information for the Annals. Moreover, we must assume, in view of the universal opinion as to Tacitus's credibihty as a his- torian, that he used good judgment and discrimination in his en- deavor to ascertain the truth. It is true, however, that some modern investigators including Ferrero have maintained that Tacitus's strong prejudice against Tiberius, Sejanus and Domitian led him to distort facts in order to represent these characters in the worst light. This perhaps has tended to discredit Tacitus and to raise a question as to his veracity. What was Tacitus's conception of history? In answering this question, as Boissier ^ suggests, we should try to learn what con- ception the Romans had of history before Tacitus's time. Accord- ing to Cicero's view, the first essential for the historian is~to be truthful (ne quid falsi dicer e audeat, deinde ne quid veri non audeat).^ Cicero maintained further that the truth must be presented in an attractive form and he criticised the republican historians because' they failed to do this, holding that they were narratores rerum^ non drnafores. " History," said he, '' is above all things the work 6T orators (opv^ oratorium maxime).''^ ^ By this the prince of Roman orators must have meant to signify rhetorical embellishment, literary excellence and art, and not impassioned eloquence, which is uni- versally recognized as an essential trait of an orator. But the Ciceronian conception of history subjected the historian to the temptation to resort to tricks of rhetoric which militated against the prime essential of history, viz., to tell the truth and the whole 1 See his Tacitus and Other Roman Studies, translated by W. G. Hutchison, p. 43 fol. 2 Of. Cicero, De Oral. 2. 15. « Cf. Cicero, De Leg. 1. 2. ~ ^^ INTRODUCTION. XVll truth. Of Cifiero^sconception^gf ^ was the m ost strikin g exemplar7~for he allowed his desire for rhetorical adornment to dis- WrTXEBtTMih and to lead him into the error of subordinating truth to rhetoric. Now, Tacitus nowhere informs us in detail how he conceived of history. Yet by his^ e J5resse3~cnnasmror tis predecessorFTon- lEmed in the prologues to his Histories and Annals he implies that they failed to keep before them always a due and proper regard for the truth. He reproaches the historians of the Caesars specifically with the gravest of all offenses, falsification, dividing them into two classes, the one class of those who flattered the princes while they reigned, and the other of those who wilfully maligned the princes after death.^ He thereupon avows it to be his purpose to recount the reign of Tiberius and the rest, unbiased by resentment on the one hand or by partiality on the other. Furthermore, he affirms, " I regard it the chief purpose of history to rescue virtue from oblivion and to inculcate a due fear of posthumous infamy for base words and deeds." ^ it is clear from this that Tacitus was actuated by a decidedly moral purpose in writing history, such as was pro- fessed by no other Roman historian. Such being Tacitus's professed purpose, it is pertinent to inquire how far he carried out this aim and what was his achievement. It may be remarked in the first place that Tacitus did not escape the defects of his age, despite his earnest endeavor to be just and impar- tial. rDespising the extravagance and crime of the times and hating tyranny with all the intensity of his nature, an ardent lover of liberty, he saw in the horror and bloodshed of Domitian's rule through which^he lived only the logical outcome of Tiberius's reign of terror.] Even the good features of Tiberius's policy he danmed with faint praise, and by his sinister innuendoes he put an ugly con- struction upon that monarch's conduct in some instances when there was perhaps no ground for reproach. For this reason Merivale and some other modern historians have been disposed to consider all of Tacitus's writings in the nature of indictments against his own age and to regard them as satire, and that, too, of the gloomy and 1 See Annals 1. 1. 5. » See Annals 3. 65. 1. XVlll INTRODUCTION. drastic type like Juvenal's. His biting satire and melancholy pessimism, to use a French expression, are but defects of his quali- ties, which were a passionate love of liberty, morality and repubUcan institutions. It was probably this passionate love of liberty, mo- rality and repuBlicah institutions which led him into the involuntary error of prejudice and exaggeration. It was this same feeling that "heightened his draniatrc power and made of him at times as great a dramatist as historian. Witness here such highly dramatic pas- sages as his description of the queUing of the sedition of the German legions by Germanicus ^ and his account of the return of Agrippina with the ashes of Germanicus.^ Tacitus has been taxed with being a fatalist and the charge is not altogether imfounded. The iniquities of his age seemed to make him obUvious at times of the fact of the divine control of affairs. As Merivale remarks,* in his earUer writings Tacitus sees the evil of the times and rebukes it with gentleness; but in his Histories and Annals he grows more cynical and bitter and his hatred of sin is concentrated in his hatred of the sinner. Still a strong moral sense, if not indeed a religious sense, pervades all his writings and he makes lis feel as if his purpose in writing history was to inculcate an abiding love of virtue and hatred of vice. CriticSj^ have called attention to two points in which Tacitus's " obligation to veracity seemed consciously relaxed." The first is his apparent intention to conceal the number of the Roman slain, especially in his account of the campaigns of Germanicus. The second is his conformity to the practice of the early Roman his- Qf^ torians of composing imaginary speeches purporting to be historical. The first of these charges may be explained (though not justified) on the score of the author's ardent patriotism. For his reticence in this matter he could cite ample precedent. But it should be said to his credit that sometimes, if rarely, he makes a departure from his^usual method and gives the number of the slain. In regard to the second charge it must be admitted that he failed to show suflficient » See Annals 1. 31. * See Annals 3. 1. » See History of Rome, Vol. VII, 275. * See Boissier, Tacitus and Other Roman Studies,u P* 71 ; Fumeaux, Annals of Tacitus, Vol. I, Introd. p. 31. INTRODUCTION. XiX independence of the time-honored convention. Himself of an emo- tional temperament, he wrote for a people of a highly emotional nature who were accustomed to such demonstrations of emotion, even in pubUc speaking, as seem to us modems of a phlegmatic temperament entirely out of place. He therefore resorted to art and tricks of rhetoric to impart dramatic interest to his narrative by giving here and there what purported to be the original speeches of the characters he describes. However, Tacitus was by no means as great a sinner in this respect as Livy; for Tacitus does appear to feel himself under obligation to preserve the substance of the original speech, whereas Livy, in such cases, seems not to have entertained any such conscientious scruple and does not hesitate to change to suit his purpose and to substitute probability for truth. Merivale,^ voicing the general verdict of modem criticism, says that " the Histories are more to be reUed on than the Annals y^^ the latter being almost wholly satire. It may be said in reply that the reason the Histories are perhaps more reliable is probably because the author was more familiar with the period of the Histories as being nearer his own times than that of the Annals. In the Annals he did not have so many sources available, the period described being farther removed from his own day and generation. After all, it may be truthfully said that Tacitus appears to have made an honest effort to consult the available sources for his Annals and to weigh the evidence with a judicial temper in order to arrive at a true verdict. Of course his methods of attaining this end, we may say without flattery, were crude and unscientific as compared with ours, and his conclusions, as a result, were not so accurate. Still he went much farther toward this goal than any of his prede- cessors and deserves credit for the high standard he set before him- self. It is not to be expected that he should have reached our modem standards of historical investigation and accuracy. Yet he did his work in such a manner that his conclusions are, in the main, accurate and his veracity is beyond impeachment. We may say, therefore, in conclusion, that the Annals are in generartrustwoHliy, though not absolutely free of errors, * and that the re cord is the most Teltable of all the Roman historical writings. 1 See History of Rome, Vol. VI, p. 372. « For a catalogue of the errors see Boissier, cited above, p. 62, note. XX INTRODUCTION. VI. Tiberius. The character of Tiberius portrayed by Tacitus is that of a cruel, gloomy, dissolute and suspicious despot who in his latter days re- coiled from no acts of villainy and depravity, however revolting or atrocious. This view is confirmed in many details by the records of Suetonius and Dio Cassius. Tradition, too, has handed down this representation of Tiberius and made it all but universally accepted. However, some recent historians have shown a disposi- tion to reject this traditional view and to rehabihtate the maUgned emperor by attempting to discredit the evidence of Tacitus and his contemporaries. Among those who have endeavored to bleach out the dark spots in Tiberius's character and to vindicate him to the world, after the lapse of so many centuries, are found both German and English scholars. Of these it may suffice to mention Adolph Stahr, L. Freytag and A. Spengel, in Germany, and E. S. Beesly, Baring-Gould and J. C. Tarver, in England.^ Even Merivale and Mommsen seem disposed to break a lance in Tiberius's defense, intimating that he was not as black as he was painted and that he was more sinned against than sinning during the latter days of his unhappy life. Fumeaux, too, in his edition of the Annals, is incUned to modify and revise the severe judgment of the ancient Roman historian as to Tiberius. Tacitus was evidently not disposed to view any o^ Tiberius's questionable acts with excessive leniency. In the confikt between Tiberius and Germanicus Tacitus's sympathies were, no doubt, with Germanicus, and this is indicated in the Annals, Not that Tacitus 1 See Adolph Stahr, Tacitus' Geschichte der Regierung des Kaisers Tiberius, uebersetz und erklaert, Berlin, 1863. L. Freytag, Tiberius und Tacitus, Berlin, 1870. E. S. Beesly, Catiline, Clodius and Tiberius, London, 1878. Baring-Gould, Tragedy of the Caesars, London, 1892. J. C. Tarver, Tiberius the Tjrrant, Westminster, 1902. A. Spengel, Zur Geschichte des Kaisers Tiberius, 1903. (Of Freytag's and Spengel's work I have had to content myself with such summaries as are contained in Bursian's Jahresbericht and elsewhere.) The most recent champion of Tiberius is T. S. Jerome (of. art. The Tacitean Tiberius, in Classical Philology, VII, p. 265). INTRODUCTION. XXI wilfully misrepresented the facts, or that he suppressed the evidence when it might be regarded as favorable to the emperor. Had he done so, he would have proved untrue to his office and imfaithful to his duty as a historian. H e gives th e facts fully and correctly. But unfortunately he misinterprets the facts and attnEufes^ to Tiberius sinister motives for his conduct again and again and by tds unintentional bias he reads into Eis~I3story an impression unwar- ranted Jby_the. facts. An instance in point is the death of German!- cus, due, as alleged, to poison administered by Piso. Tacitus marshals the evidence in the case accurately without suppression or distortion of any fact. Yet, somehow, he makes the unfavorable impression upon the reader that Piso committed the crime, — a con- clusion not entirely warranted by the evidence. Tiberius was bom in the year b.c. 42, his parents being Tiberius Claudius Nero and Livia Drusilla. His hfe was checkered, as Tacitus remarks,^ by various vicissitudes and perils. On the death of his father in b.c. 33 he was committed, in his ninth year, to the care of his stepfather Octavius who two years later became the supreme ruler of the Roman world. Tiberius seemed then for- tune's favorite and she showered her honors upon him with a lavish hand. By special privilege he was made quaestor in his nine- teenth year (b.c. 23) and praetor in his twenty-fifth (b.c. 17) and consul in his twenty-ninth year (b.c. 13). In military affairs, too, his achievements were quite as remarkable as his civil honors; for he served with distinction in campaigns in the East and in Germany and his recovery, in the year b.c. 20, of the lost stand- ards of Crassus, was not the least of his exploits as a young soldier of twenty-three. The untimely death of the promising young Marcellus and Tiberius's marriage to Vipsania, the daughter of Agrippa, combined to place Tiberius high in the line of succession to the throne of the Caesars. But in the year b.c. 12 Agrippa who, as son-in-law, ranked second only to the prince and shared the tribimician power with Augustus died very suddenly and left his two young sons Gains and Lucius Caesar, aged eight and five years, respectively, as heirs to the throne. This circumstance naturally raised the hopes of 1 See Annals 6. 51. 2. XXll INTRODUCTION. Tiberius and his enviable record as a soldier reinforced his claim to the succession, rendering him a formidable rival. Just at this juncture in his career an untoward incident occurred which was destined to blast Tiberius's hopes for years, though not ultimately, and to embitter his domestic life. He was forced by Augustus, for pohtical reasons, to divorce his beloved wife Vipsama, in order to marry the gay, beautiful and reckless Julia who, never entert^ammg any real affection for him, showed her supreme con- fempt for hiiii by her subsequent life of open shame and infamy » Then followed his strange course of voluntary retirement to Rhodes, where he remained for seven long years (b.c. 2). The truth is, he was kept in disguised exile at Rhodes by political intrigue and was not permitted to return till four years after the banishment of the profligate Juha, B.C. 2.^ At the earnest soUcitation of the puritan party, reinforced by the untiring intercession of his mother Livia, Augustus, now in his old age, permitted Tiberius to return to Rome, and signahzed the occasion by adopting him as heir to the throne, his rivals Lucius and Gains Caesar both having died. But Augustus did not take this step till circumstances practically rendered it imperative. The affairs of state were in dire need of a capable soldier, such as Tiberius was conceded to be, to crush the power of the enemy on the northern frontier along the Rhine and the Danube, the aged emperor having demonstrated his utter inabihty to cope with the critical situation. Hardly had Tiberius been adopted into the imperial family when he set out for the Rhine and the Danube to deal with the revolts in those regions. The subjugation of the insurgent German tribes and the crushing of the rebellion in Pan- nonia and Dalmatia proved a great victory for Tiberius, especially at the time of such a grave crisis in the nation's history. For this briUiant achievement the senate voted him, in a.d. 12, a triumph and honored him further by the renewal of the tribunician power for life, at the same time conferring upon him a proconsular imperium which made him equal to the emperor in authority. Tiberius now set out from Rome for lUyricum, whence he was summoned back suddenly by the illness of Augustus, which termi- 1 For a detailed account of the conditions that prevailed in Rome at the time see Ferrero, Greatness and Decline of Rome, Vol. V, chapter xi. INTRODUCTION. XXlll nated in his death at Nola, a.d. 14. Tiberius then at the age of fifty-six found himself undisputed master of the Roman empire. Until he assumed the reins of government, Tiberius's conduct, according to Tacitus, had been exemplary and his reputation above reproach.^ It may be stated furthermore that even during the early years of his government, according to the consensus of historians, his rule, for the most part, was characterized by justice and modera- tion. It is conceded that he constantly consulted the senate even on matters not strictly within the iurisdiction of that body, that he showed a due respect for the office of the magistrates of the republic, that he appointed worthy men, as a rule, to office and that he ad- ministered the laws justly except in the case of treason trials (Ihse- mdjeste). This is the testimony of Tacitus himself as recorded in his famous summary of the reign of Tiberius down to the year A.D. 23,* when the policy of the government appeared to undergo a radical change. Even in the treason trials the injustice resulted more, really, from a constitutional defect in the Roman judicial system than from the emperor^s personal disposition to foster the heinous practice of delations. For the Roman judicial system did not provide a public prosecutor Hke our commonwealth's attorney to prosecute offenders of the law, but rehed upon individual initiative to bring such transgressors to justice. The abominable system of delations grew up, therefore, under the fostering form of the Roman law. Tiberius's policy underwent a radical change for the worse in the year a.d. 23, under the baneful influence of the^ villainous and abandoned Sejanus. Tibeiius himself, it appears, surrendered him- self about this time to his evil genius, allowing it, after he had thrown off all check and restraint, to gain entire mastery over him and to make his rule from a.d. 23 to the end a veritable reign of terror. The rise of Sejanus spelled the downfall of Tiberius. Of an austere,'gtoomy and distrustful disposition, Tiberius, both before and after he assumed the royal purple, had been so circumstanced in his perilous career that these ugly traits of his character were more and 1 See Annals 6. 51. 5, Egregrium vita famague guod privatus vel in im- perils sub Augusto fuiU * See Anmils 4. 6. XXIV INTRODUCTION. more developed until, upon the overthrow of Sejanus, he became a rampant monster of cruelty. In a.d. 27 he retired to the island of C^^tgr^oeiCapri), leaving his infajnous favonte'in^ontfol at Rome. In his insular retirement he indulged the cruel and beastly impulses of his nature, unrestrained and unamenable to any authority. He showed his intense hatred of the family of Germanicus by banishing Agrippina and two of her sons in a.d. 29, just as years before he had shown his envy and enmity to Germanicus by removing him from Germany to the far-off East. In this same eventful year 29 his mother Livia died and close upon her death came the shocking dis- covery of the disgrace and crime which the trusted Sejanus had brought upon the imperial family. After this scandalous affair was laid bare with its horror and murder, Tiberius's suspicious and de- praved disposition is reputed to have led him to launch out upon a career of profligacy and cruelty perhaps unparalleled in the history of the Roman emperors. Meanwhile, he turned the government over to his second favorite. Macro. But the sands of life were run- ning low for Tiberius, for he died in the year 37, at the advanced age of seventy-nine, and the world was relieved of a monster who had sat like a horrible incubus upon Rome for the past fourteen years. Yet how different this Tiberius who passed away at his villa at Misenmn, unhonored and detested by the Roman world, from the Tiberius who had ascended the throne of the Caesars as the successor to Augustus twenty- three years before! The nefarious system of delations which had been carried on in a mild manner during the early years of Tiberius's administration was fostered and fully developed after his permanent retirement to Capri, and was conspicuous among the many cruel and oppressive features of his later rule. Tacitus records a weary list of victims who were either condemned to death or anticipated that dire extremity by suicide. The prac tice of espionage brought forth an abundant harvest of informers who respected no man, whether patrician or plebian. The lieaviest toll of carnage, however, was levied upon the nobility^_and neither the senate nor the house of Germanicus escaped. Much innocent bloocf was of course shed, both with and wrtEout the sanction of law, and no man's life was regarded safe as long as the very walls appeared to have ears and the monster's thirst for blood remained unsatiated. The system of delations, of INTRODUCTION. XXV its very nature, encouraged animosity and avarice in the growing number of informers who energetically plied their fiendish business without scruple of conscience and made it a regular profession. Tacitus is of the opinion that Tiberius played the role of a hypo- crite diuing his earlier career, disguising quite skillfully his envious and malicious character till his latter days, when he threw off the mask and appeared as the real tyrant that he was. This view seems altogether improbable. Tiberius's champions, on the contrary, maintain that his disposition did not really change during his latter years, but that the stories of his cruelty and tyranny recorded by the historians were either grossly exaggerated or impalpably false. In refutation of this it need hardly be remarked that the historical evidence is too convincing and conclusive against Tiberius for this theory of vindication to win acceptance. This would imply that the panegyric of Velleius, whose record, by the way, does not embrace the entire career of Tiberius, should be valued above the biographi- cal sketch of Suetonius and the detailed authentic history by Dio Cassius and Tacitus. The true conception of Tiberius's character, it is reasooiabletp^ assume, mustTie Between these two extreme views. Perhaps then it would not be far from the truth to suppose that Tiberius^s character was a curious compound of good and evil and that in his early career he repressed the evil of his nature in his earnest endeavor to make a good emperor, but that from the death of Drusus he gradually gave free rein to his evil impulses and, after the fall of Sejanus, became a cruel and suspicious despot in his sullen seclusion at Capri. VII. Germanicus. Germanicus Caesar, the son of Nero Claudius Drusus and Antonia, daughter of Mark Antony, was born 24 May, B.C. 15. His father was the first Roman general to penetrate the forests of Germany as far as the German Ocean, conquering many of the barbarian tribes as far as the Weser and erecting fortifications to hold the new con- quests. Drusus also penetrated as far as the Elbe and as a monu- ment of his bold achievement he built the canal (fossa Dmsi) which XXVI INTRODUCTION. united the Rhine and the Yssel. In honor of his exploits in Ger- many the surname " Geraianicus " was conferred upon him and his family after his death (which was due to a fall from his horse while retiring from, the Elbe to the Rhine in the year b.c. 9).i Hence it is that his eldest son, the subject of this sketch, was entitled to bear the surname '' Germanicus '^ before his own achievements in Ger- many or his adoption into the family of the Caesars, a.d. 4. Strangely enough, Germanicus is known only by his adoptive name " Germani- cus Caesar," there being no record of his praenomen or of any original cognomen. The story of Germanicus^s adoption by his uncle Tiberius forms an interesting chapter in the life of Augustus and was of course an important event in his own career. When Tiberius was in retire- ment at Rhodes, many things occurred to annoy Augustus, not the least of which was the scandal in the imperial family, which resulted in the banishment of the fascinating but wayward Julia. Tiberius, never popular at any time even despite his marriage to JuUa, by his recent course had incurred the special displeasure of the emperor, who practically kept him in his self-imposed exile. Moreover, it was only through the unremitting intercessions of Livia and a few other friends that Augustus was induced to allow Tiberius to return to Rome. Shortly after his return, in the year a.d. 3, a fortunate combination of circumstances tended to promote Tiberius's interests and to force him from private life into active service in public affairs. Tiberius was conceded to be an able general; and Augustus, now that a jealous fate had robbed him of Drusus, keenly felt the need of a competent and experienced warrior to deal with the difficult situation which confronted the government with respect to its foreign policy. Augustus had been deprived, by a cruel fortune, of the hope of counsel and help from the two scions of his house, Lucius and Gains Caesar, whom " his doting tenderness," ^ in the language of Fer- ero, " had regarded as the support, the guiding intelligence and the will of the empire." The affairs of the empire were in a critical 1 See Livy, Epitome 142; Harper's Dictionary of Classical Antiqui- ties, art. Drusus. « Ferrero, Greatness and Decline of Rome, Vol. V, chapter 12. INTRODUCTION. XXVll condition. Germany was already in open revolt and the Roman people were disgusted with the aged emperor's feeble foreign policy and his apparent indifference to the grave dangers which threatened the state. If Germanicus had been an older man with more experi- ence, there is little doubt, according to Ferrero, that Augustus would have selected him to cope with the perilous crisis confronting the empire and would gladly have adopted him as his son and suc- cessor. But Germanicus who was only nineteen was too inexperi- enced and too immature to render it advisable to exalt him to such a position of honor and responsibility, however much the emperor's personal feelings might dictate his appointment. Germanicus, being eliminated for the reason stated, Augustus almost in despera- tion then turned to Tiberius as the only alternative and adopted him, inducing the comitia curiata at the same time to confer the tribunician power upon him for ten years. ^ But Germanicus was not to be passed over entirely. Accordingly, Augustus required Tiberius to adopt Germanicus a^ to the throne of the Caesars. ^ It is evident from this that Augustus earnestly desired to make Germanicus his successor and very re- luctantly resolved to appoint Tiberius only when this duty was unavoidably forced upon him.^ This fact must be borne in mind, for it furnished the motive for Tiberius's subsequent envy and jealousy toward his nephew Qermanicus. Another reason which must not be overlooked is^o be foimd in the fact that Tiberius had rendered himself exceedingly unpopular at Rome, even before his adoption by Augustus, and later proved himself no less unpopular with the legions also, while Germanicus early endeared himself both to the citizens and the army and proved a popular favorite gen- erally, till his premature death. Tiberius was a more competent general than his unhappy disposi- tion led the Roman people to believe. No sooner had he been appointed successor to the throne than he set out for Germany, resolved to restore the discipline among the legions which had greatly 1 Cf. Die Cassius, 55. 13. * Cf. Dio Cassius, loc. cit., and Suetonius, Tiberius 15, coactus prius ipse Germanicum fratris sui filium adoptare. « See Ferrero, Greatness and Decline of Rome, Vol. V, p. 250. XXVlll INTRODUCTION. deteriorated during Augustus's latter years and to re-establish the authority and power of the state which had decUned to so marked a degree in that province since the untimely death of his brother Drusus. Germanicus accompanied Tiberius on this campaign as well as on the campaign against the Pannonians and Dalmatians. In these military expeditions Germanicus showed himself an alert, capable and resourceful soldier and acquired considerable experience of the methods of conducting war against the semi-barbarous tribes along the Rhine and the Danube. These expeditions, thanks to the superior generalship of Tiberius, proved successful, and in less than two years the revolt of the Germans had been put down and the prestige of the Roman arms restored among the tribes along the Rhine. Meanwhile, young Germanicus had not only won laurels for him- self in the field, under the leadership of Tiberius, during the cam- paigns in Germany. He had become generally recognized at Rome, as well as with the legions along the Rhine and the Danube, as a kind and generous man. Furthermore he displayed admirable powers of eloquence and set a worthy example to the youth of his time of pure living and good citizenship.^ He married Agrippina, the daughter of Agrippa and Julia, a union which was destined to prove a source of political strength to him quite as much as of domestic happiness. For Agrippina was a woman of unblemished personal character, though of high ambition; and she so loved her husband that she shared in all the hardships of his campaigns in Germany and was by his side with her tender ministrations when he died in the East. It is greatly to the praise of Germanicus and Agrippina that they lived together in conjugal peace and happiness at a period when Roman society had become very corrupt and divorce a commonplace. From this marriage were bom nine children in all, among them Caligula and the younger Agrippina, who were as noted for their vices as their parents were for their virtues. Germanicus's » Cf. Suetonius, Cal. 3, Omnes Germanico corporis animique virtutes et Quantas nemini cuiquam contigisse satis constat: forntam et fortitudinem egregriam, ingenium in utroque eloguentiae doctrinaeque praecellens, be- nevolentiam singularem conciliandaeque hominum gratiae ac promerendi amoris mirum et ejfficax stvdium. J^ INTRODUCTION. XXIX fruitful offspring was conspicuous at Rome in those times when the frequency of divorce and intrigue was so pronounced as to compel Augustus to pass drastic legislation concerning marriage and volun- tary childlessness. In the year a.d. 7, when a revolt broke out among the Pannonians, a party at Rome who held out uncompromisingly against Tiberius, despite his efficient generalship, induced Augustus to send young Germanicus to Pannonia. He was then only quaestor, having been appointed to the office five years before the legal age. However, to discredit Tiberius with Augustus, it was alleged that Germanicus by more vigorous military tactics would succeed where Tiberius had failed. Germanicus, accordingly, proceeded to Pannonia and attempted to crush the enemy by one fell blow; but he was led into a skillfully planned ambush and was almost cut to pieces with his troops. His bold tactics proved to be not so well adapted to war- fare against the wily barbarians as Tiberius's methods of guerilla war. Consequently Tiberius had to be dispatched thither, and by his conservative strategy which had called down upon his head so much adverse criticism at Rome, he at length succeeded in quelhng the revolt the following year. Shortly after this, Tiberius set out for Rome, leaving Germanicus to crush an insurrection which had sprung up in Dalmatia. But the task taxed Germanicus's resources, and Dalmatia was not pacified till Tiberius's hasty return, when a complete victory was won over the Dalmatians, and the province was subdued in October, a.d. 9. In recognition of his valuable services in putting down these uprisings the senate decreed Tiberius a triumph and arches to be erected in his honor in Pannonia; and to Germanicus, that his efforts should not pass without some token of appreciation, the senate decreed trimnphal decorations and the honor of being appointed consul before the legal age. While these distinctions were being decreed at Rome, news came of the revolt of all Germany and of the utter rout of the Roman legions under Varus. This catastrophe was one of the most stun- ning blows which the prestige of the Roman arms ever had to sus- tain. For all the legions quartered beyond the Rhine had been massacred or captured, the fortress of Aliso had been forced to capitulate and P. Quintilius Varus, the commanding oflScer, had taken his own life to avoid the humiliation and disgrace of being XXX INTRODUCTION. captured by the enemy .^ This dismal disaster put a speedy end to Rome's policy of expansion in that direction and Germany was henceforth abandoned. However, Tiberius hurried to the banks of the Rhine and in due time reorganized the defense of the frontier, and, by a timely display of strength and courage, infused new life into the demoralized legions that survived the defeat of Varus. At the same time he succeeded in impressing the Germans afresh with a profound respect for Rome's resources and power. On the advice of Tiberius, therefore, Augustus resolved to make the Rhine the Roman frontier henceforth, and Germany was abandoned after hav- ing been held as a province since its establishment by the conquest of Drusus, B.C. 12. In the year a.d. 12 Germanicus was consul, and two years later he was appointed to the command of the eight legions on the Rhine. Setting out for the camp he undertook an expedition against the Marsi, a nation bordering the Chatti on the north. The Marsi at that time, however, were-,sauth of the Xtippe, having previously moved back into the interior of the country. On his arrival in camp Germanicus had first of all to quell a mutiny among the Roman troops who on the death of Augustus, a.d. 14, demanded an increase in pay and a shorter term of service. J By great tact and firmness combined with a personal appeal, he won the legions back to their allegiance and loyalty and then immediately set out on his proposed campaign. During the first year of this campaign against the Marsi Germanicus accomplished but little save to divert the minds of the soldiers from their recent reproach, the defeat of Varus, and to in- spire them with fresh courage and determination. The following year he began a more vigorous and aggressive campaign in the hope of avenging the defeat of Varus in the Teutoburg Forest. He hoped, too, if possible, to recover the province conquered by his father and to ad van 36 the frontier beyond the Rhine to its former limits. On the Rhine the Romans established the headquarters of the army of Upper Germany at Moguntiacum (Mentz), while the camp of the army of Lower Germany was located among the Ubii at the oppidum. About a.d. 50, this town was made a Roman colony, » Cf . Annals 1. 65; Die Cassius, 56. 18-22; Velleius Paterculus, 2. 117-119. INTRODUCTION. XXXI Colonia Agrippina, modem Cologne, in honor of the Empress Agrippma who was bom there, and the legions were removed to Bonn.^ However, the principal mihtary position on the Lower Rhine was some distance below, where the Lippe empties into the Rhine. The valley of the Lippe formed the natm-al route to the Ch^usci, whose chief, Hermann, or Arminius, as the Romans called him, had crushed Varus. Now, the mihtary road from the Lower Rhine into the interior of Germany ran along the Lippe, and opposite the mouth of this river at Vetera (sc. castra), for strategic reasons, the Romans established the headquarters of the army of Lower Ger- many. About eighty miles up the Lippe from Vetera was fort AlisOj established by Drusus and lost by Varus. It was this camp at Vetera which Germanicus decided to make the base of all his opera- tions along the Rhine except the short campaign of the year a.d. 14 against the Chatti. After the campaign against the Chatti, Germanicus undertook the next year (aTd^IS) a longer expedition against the Bructeri, who inhabited the country between the Lippe and the Ems, bordering ^ on the Cherusci. The entire country between these rivers Germani- cus laid waste, 2 and the expedition brought him into the region of Vams^s memorable defeat. He therefore determined to visit the | scene of that disaster. mml Tacitus ^ tells us that the locality was the Teutoburg Forest, on the Lippe and not very far from the Ems. It will be recalled that Varus had penetrated to the Weser,* where he remained some time in summer quarters. Here he was informed of a distant insurrec- tion. He, therefore, set out with his entire army, bag and baggage, women and children, for his winter quarters at Vetera, his purpose being to crush the uprising en route. The route Varus selected lay through a densely wooded country abounding in deep ravines and bogs, where amid great difficulties in the forest he had to cut down trees and build bridges for his army to pass through. While thus engaged. Varus was surrounded and attacked by the alUed German tribes under the leadership of Arminius and utterly routed. 1 Of. Annals 1. 31. 3. 8 Cf. Annals 1. 60. 5. « Cf. Annals 1. 60 seq.; ib, 2. 7. * Cf. Dio Cassius, 56. 18. ^' XXXll INTKODUCTION. The exact seat of this disaster seems impossible to detennine. Many critics have investigated the locaUty, and various locations have been suggested. But scholars are not yet agreed on any one place as the actual site of the defeat. However, it is evident from the record of Tacitus ^ that the Teutoburg Forest lay somewhere between the lippe and Ems rivers. Among those who have investi- gated the matter Allen 2 thinks that the forest of Havisbrock east of Beckum and northeast of Hamm is the locahty which corresponds most closely to Tacitus's description. But, as Allen pertinently remarks, probably fifty localities could be found within the region of the Weser, the Ems and the Lippe which would correspond suffi- ciently well with the description of the battlefield given by Tacitus, Dio Cassius, Velleius and Florus.^ The chief point is to estabfish one locaUty to the exclusion of all others. This, it need hardly be observed, remains yet to be done.* After visiting the battlefield where some of the silver eagles of the ill-fated legions were recovered and the last offices were duly paid to their bleaching bones, Germanicus resumed his march, advancing only a short distance before he encountered the legionaries of the redoubtable Arminius. The encounter took place near the scene of Varus's defeat, and a long and doubtful battle ensued. But the Romans at length prevailed, routing the Germans, and took among the captives Thusnelda, the wife of Arminius who thereupon became furious to avenge her capture. Thus ended the campaign of the year a.d. 15, which, while not regarded a great success, was still by no means barren of results; for it afforded the Roman leader more experience in waging a successful war against the fierce allied tribes of Germany. In the campaign of the following year Germanicus showed his strategy by dividing his army and availing himself of his fleet. One division he sent up the Ems by ship to an appointed landing place 1 Ductum inde agmen ad ultimos Bructerorum quantumque Amisiam et Lupmm amnes inter vastatum, haud procul Teutoburgiensi saltu in quo reliquiae Vari legionumque insepultae dicehantur. — Ann. 1. 60. 5. 2 See his edition of the Annals, Excursus, p. 108. 8 Cf. Dio Cassius, 56. 20; Velleius, 2. 119; Florus, 2. 30. 36. « See a further discussion of the question in the notes to the text {Annals 1. 60 and 2. 7). ' ^ INTRODUCTION. XXXlll and himself marched the other division across the coimtry to the Weser/ which he crossed with no great diflSculty. Somewhere on the banks of the Weser he again encomitered Arminius who mean- while had roused all the neighboring tribes, from exasperation at the capture of his wife in the former battle, to make conmaon cause with his own tribe, the Cherusci, against the Romans. He hurled his combined forces against the Roman legions, but without success. Germanicus held his ground, and Arminius was forced to retire in defeat. Germanicus then led his army back to winter quarters, in- tending the following summer to put a speedy end to the war. On the way back, however, he met with considerable loss of men and ships from the adverse weather. In recognition of his successful expedition against the Germans the senate decreed Germanicus a triumph, which he was very loth then to go to Rome to celebrate. For he himself desired above all to prosecute the war, believing that he could utterly crush the Germans in another year, and then he would gladly celebrate his well-earned victory. At this juncture, when he was earnestly pleading for an extension of time to complete his conquest of the Germans, he was summoned to Rome by Tiberius, ostensibly to celebrate his triumph. On his arrival in Rome, Germanicus celebrated his triumph with a grand pageant and pomp and the entire population of the city turned out to greet him. Amid the acclamations of the people he was pro- claimed the hero who had triumphed over the Cherusci, the Chatti, the Angrivarii and other tribes of Germany as far as the Elbe. As a spectacle Thusnelda, the wife of Arminius, was exhibited in the triumphal procession along the Sacred Way. The triumph celebrated, Germanicus was not permitted to return to Germany, but was dispatched with the highest imperium to the East to superintend affairs in Armenia, where he was to be installed as king, Tiberius, it is alleged, took this step out of sheer envy, being jealous of the glory and popularity Germanicus had won in Germany. At all events, the fact that the emperor at the same time appointed the haughty and envious On. Calpumius Piso viceroy of Syria lends color to the allegation and tends to confirm the view held by most historians that the transfer was dictated by ill-will. Certainly Piso » See Annals 2. 8. 4. XXXIV INTRODUCTION. availed himself of every opportunity to embarrass and thwart Ger- manicus after the latter set out on his mission. Germanicus had no alternative open to him and so he accepted his new appointment, reluctantly leaving Rome for his far-off field of activity. He entered upon his second consulship at Nicopolis, in Achaia, on his way to the East. Marked attention was shown him at Athens and other places he visited en route. Piso hoimded his steps and rebuked the citizens for the attention shown him, thus indirectly censuring Germanicus, but Germanicus overlooked the reproach. It was evident, however, that a storm was gathering on the eastern horizon which boded ill for Germanicus, and it was not long before it was destined to burst over his head. Tiberius took occasion to show his animus when he censured Germanicus with asperity because he turned aside to visit Egypt, partly to see the interesting antiquities of that ancient civilization and partly to inquire into the state of affairs of that imperial province. On his return from Egypt Germanicus learned that all his work in the East had been undermined by Piso, and Germanicus in retaliation pro- ceeded to inflict indignities upon him. Piso thereupon determined to withdraw from Syria, but, Germanicus being taken suddenly ill, he hngered to await developments. Germanicus soon grew better, but later had a relapse and died at Antioch, 9 October, a.d. 19, in his thirty-fourth year.^ His ashes were conveyed to Rome by his devoted Agrippina, who was with him during the fatal illness, as she always had been ever since their marriage. A simple funeral without pomp or display followed upon her arrival. Rome never more deeply lamented the death of an illustrious son, for his many noble qualities of heart and head had, even in his brief career, endeared him to the public and won admirers for him among all classes of society. The circumstances of Germanicus's death indicated poison as the cause, and suspicion pointed clearly to Piso. Accordingly, he was cited before the senate and tried, and in anticipation of an unfavor- able verdict he took his own life. Rumor associated the emperor^s name with the crime, but without foundation in fact. About a decade later Agrippina with two of her sons was banished to the island of Pandataria, because of alleged complicity in a conspiracy, I For an account of his death see Annals 2. 69-72. INTRODUCTION. XXXV where she died three years after > Thus Tiberius gave proof of his unrelenting hatred to the family of Germanicus. It may be remarked in conclusion that in addition to his military renown Germanicus was esteemed as an orator and an author, and bequeathed to posterity a paraphrase of the Phaenomena of Aratus in 725 lines and three fragments of the same writer's Prognostica, still preserved.^ VIII. Language, Style and Rhetoric. Language. The languagfiL-and-style-of. Tacitus differ no httle from the LaUnity of Cicero's age. For the most part, these differences consist, in tEe^matter of diction and "are~attfibutable to the peculiarities of the author; yet some of them are of course to be explained as common to the age rather than to the peculiarities of Tacitus's manner of expression. Not only had the language changed in its structural features, but it had changed, also, in syntax and vocabu- lary since the golden age. The periodic order of the Ciceronian age had given place to the simpler, more natural order of the silver age in which the thought is apparent from the beginning and is not held in suspense till the end of the sentence. The vocabulary of the silver age had meanwhile taken on a decided poetic coloring. No writer of the silver age furnishes a better illustration of such changes than does Tacitus. His style is almost the opposite of the periodic; his language is picturesque in its turns of expression and locutions and his vocabulary is most striking in its poetic coloring. He was such a close student of Vergil that the influence of the Mantuan bard is discernible not only in the Dialogus, the product of Tacitus's apprentice hand, but even in his mature and distinctive Annals. Furthermore, Tacitus's style was influenced to no small extent by his profession, the law. This remark applies quite as much to^Ms style of thought and manner of presentation as to his language. 1 For a full account see Annals 6. 25. 5; Suetonius, Tiberius 53. « See Duff, Literary History of Rome, pp. 369 and 623; Teuffel, Ge- schichte der Romischen Literatur, § 275. XXXVl INTRODUCTION. His rhetoric is brilliant and his diction florid, reflecting the charac- teristics of the silver age. For it was these literary qualities par- ticulariy that the prevailing fashion of the times prescribed for a forensic orator who desired above all things to make a direct and powerful appeal to court or jury. The style of public speaking that Cicero practiced, with its long sonorous periods, would have been regarded as antiquated and would hardly have been tolerated in the law courts in Tacitus's day. Itjollows, then, that Tacitus's literary style w,as acquired largely in the practice of his profession in the law cour ts It wasTrom this forensic practice, too, that he deyeloped that directness, terseness and brevity of expression and that graphic dramatic power which are recognized among the most salient features of his mature styje as illustrated in the Annals. Tacitus's style is sometimes divided by the critics into three periods, viz., his imitative period represented by the DiahguSy written under the influence of Cicero; his formative period repre- sented by the Agricola and Germania^ written imder the influence of Sallust and Livy; and his mature style represented by the Historiae and Annales, written after the author had served his apprenticeship, and his genius, emancipated from its models, had now become peculiar and distinctive, especially in the Annals. Livy may well have served him as a model of eloquence and Sallust as an example of incisiveness and brevity. Vergil of course influenced him through- out all three periods.^ It may be worth while to give here a summary, after Draeger,^ of the most conspicuous characteristics of Tacitus's style. Nouns, Adjectives and Pronotuis. 1. Abstract nouns. Tacitus shows a special fondness for the use of abstract nouns, which he employs in two forms: (a) in the plural, ' For lists of phraseological parallelisms between Tacitus, on the one hand, and Livy, Sallust and Vergil, on the other, see Wolfflin, Philologus, Vol. XXVI, 122-234, and Draeger, Ueber Syntax und Stil des Tacitus, 3d ed. (Leipzig, 1882), § 259. See further Wolfflin, Philologus, XXIV, 115-123; XXV, 92-134; XXVII, 113-149. « See Ueber Syntax und Stil des Tacitus, 3d ed., Leipzig, 1882 (cited above). Furneaux's synopsis served as a model for this summary of Draeger's treatise. INTRODUCTION. XXXVll as dignationes 2. 33. 5; (b) as substitute for concrete, as matrimonia { = wives) 2. 13. 3; amicitia {= friends) 2. 27. 2; 2. 77. 1; liberalitas ( =gift) 2. 37. 2; iura { = charters) 3. 60. 4; consilia (= advisers) 4. 40. 2; etc. 2. The adjective use of substantives in apposition. This is a poetic usage and is of frequent occurrence in Tacitus, as mare Oceanus 1. 9. 6; imperator populus 3. 6. 2; etc. 3. Tacitus shows a decided predilection for the substantival use of neuter adjectives and for the substantival use of adjectives in general, as nulli 2. 77. 6; in lubrico 1. 72. 3; falsa 2. 82. 8; incerta 2. 39. 5; occulta 2. 88. 1; etc. 4. The adverbial use of neuter adjectives, after the analogy of poetical usages, as recens 2. 21. 1; aetemum 3. 26. 3; immensum 3. 30. 2; praeceps 4. 62. 3; diversi 2. 73. 6; rams 2. 57. 4; etc. 5. The pronoun of the third person is frequently omitted by Tacitus, especially se, as in 1. 35. 5; 2. 71. 8; 2. 83. 4; 4. 59. 5. Tacitus sometimes omits eunij as in 1. 69. 3; 3. 49. 1; etc.; and iis or guihus in the ablative absolute, as orantibus 1. 29. 2; cohahita 3. 33. 1; and noSj as in 1. 22. 3; nobis 3. 54. 5; me 4. 38. 1; etc. 6. A characteristic Tacitean usage is the employment of guis for quisgue in the form ut guis, as 1. 69. 2; 2. 24. 6; 2. 73. 6; 2. 83. 1. Tacitus occasionally uses guis for uter, as in 1. 47. 2; 3. 1. 4, quid pro tempore foret, etc, CASES. A. Accusative. 7. Tacitus shows an extended use of the poetical construction of the Greek accusative of specification, as contectus humeros 2. 13. 1; frontem ac tergum vallo, later a concaedibus munitvs 1. 50. 2; clari genus 6. 9. 5; adlevatur animum 6. 43. 3; etc. 8. A wider extension of the terminal accusative, as Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur 2. 59. 1; etc. 9. Tacitus frequently uses an accusative clause in apposition to a sentence to express the effect or purpose of an action, or in explana- tion of the idea contained in the verb, as causam discordiae et initium armorum 1. 27. 1; piaculum furoris 1. 49. 5; etc. 10. Tacitus frequently uses a compound verb with a simple XXXVIU INTRODUCTION. accusative where model classical prose requires the dative or the repetition of the preposition, as pugnam aut vincula elapsi 1. 61. 6. He added to the verbs previously so employed the following: advehi (with accusative of person) 2. 45. 4; praecellere 2. 43. 7; praeire 2. 83. 2; intervenire 3. 23. 1; erumpere 12. 63. 2; exire 6. 49. 3; inrepere 4. 2. 3; praeminere 3. 56. 2; adcurrere 15. 53. 3. 11. Tacitus extended the Graecism of an accusative of the object after middle and passive verbs Uke induor (Vergil), sls falsa exterritus 4. 28. 4; falsum renidens 4. 60. 3; etc. B. Dative, 12. Tacitus, following the usage of Livy and the poets, extends still farther the use of the dative of local relations where normal prose requires the preposition in with the ablative. This occurs with such verbs as excusare 1. 12. 3; eximere 1. 48. 2; abstrahere 2. 5. 1; etc. 13. Tacitus extends the Greek dative of attraction, elsewhere con- fined to volenti {volentilms), as invitis aut cupientihus 1. 59. 1. 14. The dative of purpose or end with the verb esse is of frequent occurrence in Tacitus, as morti 1. 23. 6; itineri et praelio 1. 51. 4; itsm, ohtentui, sttbsidio, etc. 15. Tacitus does not restrict the dative of the agent to passive participles, or the gerundive, but extends it much more widely, as prosper a vel adversa Claris scriptorihiLS memorata sunt 1. 1. 4; sihi . . . aspisci 1. 17. 10; propinqais suis ultra du^entesimum lapidem remover etur 2. 50. 5; etc. 16. Dative of the gerund and gerundive, after the analogy of the classical locutions solvendo esse and scrihendo esse. This construction occurs with increasing frequency in the Annals, being used with adjectives and verbs often with the force of a final clause, as Caecinam . . . distrahendo hosti . . . mittit 1. 60. 2; Turn Gaiv^ Caesar componendae Armenian deligitur 2. 4. 2; qui perferendis militum mandatis habehatur idoneus 1. 23. 5; Sed amid accendendis offensioni- bu^ callidi intendere vera 2. 57. 3; etc. 17. Dative of a noun modifying another like a genitive, — a poetical usage imitated by Livy, — as rector iuveni 1. 24. 3; pad firmator 2. 46. 6; etc. 18. Dative after compound verbs where model prose requires the accusative with a preposition, as pectori adcreverat 1. 29. 1; etc. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX 19. Dative as substitute for ad with the accusative after adjec- tives, as quis servitio promptior 1. 2. 1; agendo Galliarum censui turn intentum 1. 31. 2; facilem inanibiLS 2. 27. 2; etc. C, Genitive. 20. Nothing is more characteristic of Tacitus than his frequent use of the partitive genitive, or the semi-partitive where the idea of partition has almost disappeared. This construction occurs: (a) after abstract nouns, as uligines palvdum 1. 17. 5; (b) after neuter singulars (and is not restricted to an adjective or pronoun in the nominative or accusative case), as umido paludum 1. 61. 2; (c) after neuter plurals, as suhiecta vallium 1. 65. 1 ; tacita suspidonum 4. 41. 1; (d) after masculine or feminine, as leves cohortium 3. 39. 1; (e) with adverbs Hke uhi, uhique, longe^ eo and huCj as eo furoris 1. 18. 2; hue adrogantiae 3. 73. 1; etc. 21. Tacitus makes free use of the objective genitive:, (a) for the possessive pronoun unrestricted to cases of special emphasis, as nostri origine 2. 54. 3; (b) with verbs, such as movere 1. 67. 1 ; aspici 3. 55. 1 ; (c) with participles, such as cupiens 1. 75. 4; intolerans 1. 31. 4; sciens 1. 64. 6; retinens 2. 38. 9; impatiens 2. 64. 4; (d) with adjec- tives, such a;8 formidolosiorem hostium 1. 62. 3; ambiguus imperandi 1. 7. 4; exitii cerium 1. 27. 3; incerti ultionis 2. 75. 1; animi ferox 1. 32. 5; ingens animi 1. 69. 2; manifesta delicti 2. 85. 3; etc. 22. The gerundive genitive is of common occurrence in the Annals, as helium abolendae igfijamiae 1. 3. 6; Aegyptum proficisdtur cognoscen- dae antiquitatis 2. 59. 1 ; vitandae suspicionis 3. 9. 2; tuendae lihertatis et firmandae concordiae 3. 27. 1. Here may be subjoined the elliptical genitive of the gerund pecuUar to Tacitus (found only in the Annals), as nee grave manumissis . . . retinendi libertatem 13. 26. 4. D, Ablative. 23. Tacitus extends the use of the ablative of place whence with- out a preposition to names of countries, after the analogy of domo, rure, etc., as remeantur Armenia 1. 3. 3; etc. Analogous is the ablative of common nouns, asfuga impediverat 1. 39. 6; progrediuntur contubemiis 1. 41. 2. 24. Likewise free is his use of place where without a preposition as Xl INTRODUCTION. in poetry, as porta triumphali 1. 8. 4; liiore Oceani 1. 63. 5; finihus Frisiorum 1. 60. 2; structis moliJms 2. 60. 4; etc. 25. The instrumental ablative is extended to persons, as cor- ruptorihus 2. 79. 4. 26. The ablative of length of time is employed by Tacitus, as qitattiuyrdecim annis 1. 53. 6; triumviratu 3. 28. 31. Here may be noted his use of the preposition in to express time when, as tali in tempore 2. 84. 3. 27. Tacitus does not hesitate to employ the ablative of manner without the requisite adjective, as spe vel dolor e 1. 59. 1; clamor e et impetu 1. 68. 4; excusando 1. 10. 7. He also shows great boldness in his free use of the ablative of quaUty of persons without adding a conunon noun, as artihus egregiis 1. 13. 1; BlaesiLS multa dicendi arte 1. 19. 2; mariti magis quam parentis animo 1. 57. 5 (where the genitive takes the place of an adjective). 28. Tacitus offers certain peculiar uses of: (a) the causal ablative, as ixwtantia gloriaque 1. 8. 2; dissensione ordinum 3. 27. 2; (b) the ablative absolute both with participles as predicate, as orantihus 1. 29. 2; intellecto 1. 49. 3; qvxiesito 2. 9. 1; addito 1. 35. 6; and with adjectives, as periculoso 1. 6. 6; lihero 3. 60. 6. Verbs. 29. Tacitus often omits the verb: (a) verbs of saying or thinking, as 1. 9. 4; 1. 38. 3; 1. 41. 2; 2. 5. 3; (b) verbs of motion, especially in graphic description or rhetorical passages, as 1. 43. 1; 4. 38. 5; (c) the verb esse particularly, (1) indicative mood even in subordinate clauses, as cuiiis manu 1. 7. 9; vt quis inops aut saucius 1. 69. 2; uhi crematus 2. 83. 3; donee id quoque vetitum 4. 74. 6; (2) subjunctive mood, as ne laeti, etc. 1. 7.2; quam arduum, etc. 1. 11. 2; (3) infini- tive mood, susfore inane 2. 15. 3; fuisse petiturum 2. 31. 4. 30. Tacitus, under the influence of the poets, offers copious examples of the use of simple verbs for compound, especially in the Annals, as gravescere 1. 5. 1; solari 1. 14. 1; asperavere 1. 72. 5; arserit 1. 73. 1. Draeger (§ 25) cites thirty-nine examples. 31. As~peculiarities of Tacitus may be mentioned here: (a) the use of a plural verb as predicate to two separate singular personal subjects, as Arminius integer Inguiomerus . . . deseruere 1. 68. 6; Augustus avus Antonius erant 2. 53. 3; (b) the plural predicate with INTRODUCTION. xli collectives, as pars navium hxmstae sunt 2. 24. 2; etc.; (c) the in- transitive use of transitive verbs, as vertunt 1. 18. 3; flexit 1. 34. 5; rwpturus 2. 17. 6; etc.; (d) coeyi is used indiscriminately with and without a middle force (like^en, haberi, dud, etc.), as audiri coepere 1. 34. 2; ut coepere dimoveri 4. 63. 1. Also desino is so used, as rogari desineret 1. 13. 60. Once at least coeptu^ is employed in an active sense, viz., 1. 65. 3. (e) The use of poetical passives of deponent participles as substantives, as inau^um 1. 42. 3; av^um 2. 39. 3; and also as participles, as ausu^ 3. 67. 4. 32. Tacitus has some bold uses of the infinitive: (a) as direct object after such verbs as ambiretur (acdpere) 2. 43. 4; inlectus (ducere) 2. 37. 2; 4. 12. 7; (b) accusative with subject infinitive after such verbs as illacrimare 2. 71. 4; and after negative expressions of doubt (Livy has the same), as nee duhium hahehatur lahare . . . sumere 2. 26. 2; 2. 36. 2; 2. 43. 4; etc. (c) The historical infinitive abounds, as lasdvire miles discordare, etc. 1. 16. 3; 4. 69. 6; 4. 70. 4. It occurs even in temporal clauses, as cum . . . prensare dextras inserere gladium 2. 31. 1; 2. 40. 1; uhi minitari Artahanus 2. 4. 4; postquxim exui aequalitas 3. 26. 3. (d) Tacitus occasionally uses the nominative with the infinitive (personal construction) where normal prose requires the impersonal construction, as consedisse intellege- hantur 1. 61. 3. With verbs of accusing the personal construction prevails, as argueretur 2. 50. 3; accusata 4. 22. 4; defertur 2. 27. 1. On the other hand, Tacitus employs also the impersonal forms creditur 2. 69. 5; traditur 4. 57. 4. (e) The infinitive as a substitute for the gerund or gerundive, as dissentire manijestus 2. 57. 4; properus clarescere 4. 52. 2. 33. Of the indicative mood Tacitus offers two striking uses: (a) He goes much farther than Livy in introducing, in oratio ohliqua, a relative clause or an explanatory clause in the indicative, as ne ipsis quidem quifecere laudatur 1. 10. 1; legata quxie petiverant 1. 36. 4; quae per seditionem expresserant 1. 39. 3; sive . . . ahstulerat 1. 10. 1; dum Caesar . . . consuUtur 2. 81. 3. (b) He makes copious rhetori- cal use of the indicative for the subjunctive in the apodosis of con- ditional clauses, as Ac m . . . aherant 1. 23. 3; ferrum parabant 1. 23. 6; deferehat in pectus m 1. 35. 5; si . . . aspemaretur, tamen indignum erat 1. 42. 5; Mox helium . . . mandat ni deditionem properavissent impleverat A:. 9. 1. Xlii INTRODUCTION. 34. Tacitus offers a few characteristic uses of the subjunctive: (a) of repeated action (rare before Livy), especially with relative particles, as cum in senatu hqueretur 1. 7. 8; ut quis . . . occurreret 1. 27. 8; uhi . . . obiectivissent 1. 44. 8; quotiens per urbes incederet 2. 2. 5; (b) free use of the potential subjunctive (hypothetical), as meare . . . redpias 1. 28. 7; discemeres 3. 1. 5; ut sic dixerim (passim); (c) with quamquam and donee to express a fact, as quam- quam esset 1. 3. 5; quamquam maestiam imitarentur 1. 34. 4; quam- quam . . . pervenirent 3. 55. 4; donee deterrerentur 1. 1. 4; donee Haterius Augustam oraret 1. 13. 7; etc. But the indicative is also found with quamquam and doneCj as quamquam id quoque dictum est 1. 76. 7; donee Jama eadem tulit 1. 5. 6. Sometimes Tacitus employs a participial construction with quamquam^ as quamquam exercitu contracto 1. 48. 1. Note, too, that quamvis is used with the subjunc- tive to express a fact, as in 1. 68. 7; 2. 38. 10, and that quantum occurs with the subjunctive, as quantumque saevitia glisceret 6. 19. 5; quantum introspiceret 6. 21. 4, Participles. 35. Tacitus makes abundant use of participles to attain concise- ness and brevity. The following striking uses are worthy of note: (a) the present participle with substantival force, as Ubi illam gloriam truddantium Crassumj exturbantium Antonium 2. 2. 4; (b) the perfect aorist participle of passive verbs as well as of deponent verbs, as occisis . . . vulnerato tribuno 1. 77. 1; missis in Graeciam populis 4. 55. 7; (c) the future participle to express purpose (as in Livy), sometimes with qu/isi, tamqvxim and ut, as invasurus hostis 1. 36. 2; bello certaturu^ 1. 45. 3; ipse in tempore adjuturus 2. 17. 1; Ceterum ut iam iamque ituru^ legit comites 1. 47. 5; non pugnaturis militibu^ (ablative absolute equal to a clause) 2 .80. 4; (d) the perfect participle for the classic prose construction of an abstract noun with limiting genitive, as cum occisus dictator Caesar 1. 8. 7; nisi quod muta- tus princeps 1. 16. 1; Fama dediti benigneque excepti Segestis vulgata 1. 59. 1; rapta uxor 1. 59. 2; (e) the perfect participle in the nomina- tive neuter, either with or without a substantive, in place of a quodf clause, as Cunctaque socialia prospere composita 2. 57. 1; nihil occuUum 3. 9. 3. For further examples see Draeger, § 211. INTRODUCTION. xliii Prepositions. 36. Among the peculiar uses of prepositions in Tacitus may be mentioned the following: (a) apud with names of places and coun- tries instead of the locative, or in with the ablative, as apud urhem Nolam 1. 5. 5; arae apud qaas 1. 61. 5; apud paludes 1. 64. 3; Misenum apud et Ravennam 4. 5. 1; (b) erga in the sense " against," or ^' with reference to," as lecticae gestamine fastu^ue erga patrias epulas 2. 2. 5; erga Germanicum 2. 76. 3; (c) m with the accusative expressing purpose or result, as in spedem ac terrorem 2. 6. 3; in incertum 1. 11. 3; in lacrirrms 1. 57. 5; in deterius 2. 82. 1; in domi- num 2. 39. 3; (d) per with the accusative equivalent to an ablative of instrument, manner or cause, as per acies 1.2.1; per nomen 1. 17. 5; per ferodam 2. 17. 1. Conjunctions, etc. 37. Tacitus shows a marked fondness for asyndeton; e.g., legiones provincias classes cuncta 1. 9. 6; senatu^ magistratuum legum 1. 2. 1; inserunt . . . offerunt . . . intendunt 1. 28. 5; etc. Moreover, he frequently abbreviates compound sentences: (a) by supplying magis or potius from a following quxim, as pacem quam helium probaham 1. 58. 2; (b) by employing quxxnto with a positive in the relative clause without adding magis ^ as quanta inopina tanto maiora 1. 68. 5; (c) by omitting tanto or eo magis in the principal clause, as quanta quis servitio promptior^ etc. 1. 2. 1; quanta incautius efferverat, paeni- tentia patiens tulit 1. 74. 7; etc. Rhetorical Devices. Among the conspicuous devices of style and rhetoric adopted by Tacitus may be mentioned the following: — 38. Vocabulary. Tacitus uses (a) many poetical words, such as hrevia (shoals) 1. 70. 3; 6. 33. 5; lapsare 1. 65. 6; amotus {banished) 1. 53. 6; gnarus {=notu^) 1. 5. 4; notescere 1. 73. 3; sonor 1. 65. 1; celerare 2. 5. 2; adsultus 2. 21. 1; honcrrus 1. 10. 7; indefessus 1. 64. 5; intemeratu^ 1. 42. 3; secundare 2. 24. 4; valescere 2. 39. 5; etc.; and (b) coins some new words, such as defector 1. 48. 1; regnatrix 1. 4. 4; inreligiose 2. 50. 2; antehahere 1. 58. 6; adpugnare 2. 81. 1; con- caedes 1. 50. 2; lucar 1. 77. 5; quinquiplicare 2. 36. 5; sacrificalis 2. 69. 3; superurgere 2. 23. 4; etc. See Draeger, § 249 foil. Xliv INTRODUCTION. , 39. Arrangement of words for rhetorical effect. 1. Anaphora non 1. 1. 3; ad 1. 11. 5; ut 1. 62. 1; statim 2. 87. 7; miles 1. 7. 7 gravis 1. 10. 4. 2. Anastrophe: (a) prepositions, as coram 1. 19. 3 inter 1. 60. 5; iiLxta 2. 41. 1; super 3. 1. 1; (b) conjunctions, as cum 1. 63. 6; ut 12. 49. 3; si 14. 3. 3. 3. Chiasmus: inde hostibus terror, fiduda miiUi 1. 63. 4; huxi modo, modo illuc 12. 1. 4; 1. 72. 3; 3. 4. 2; etc. 4. Hendiadys: tempus atque iter 2. 34. 6; gaudio et impetu 3. 74. 6; etc. 5. Metaphor: exuere 1. 2. 1; induere 1. 69. 2; rumpere 1. 42. 4; volvere 1. 64. 7; hauriH 1. 70. 4; 2. 8. 3; 3. 72. 4; vergere 2. 43. 1; oeto/e adulta 2. 23. 1; moies 2. 7. 8; angv^ta et lubricata oratio 2. 87. 3; saevitia annonae 2. 87. 1. 6. Personification: nox 1. 28. 1; 2. 14. 1; annus 1. 54. 1; 2. 53. 1; Tiber 1. 79. 4; vestigia morientis libertatis 1. 74. 6; etc. 40. Brachylogy, devices adopted for brevity. 1. Various ellipses, such as omission of substantive, verb,* pronoun, etc., already noted. Draeger (§ 238) notes, in addition, such omissions as lex 3. 25. 1; dies 4. 45. 4; uxor 4. 11. 4, etc. 2. Zeugma, a marked characteristic of Tacitus's style, as redimi 1. 17. 6; probabam 1. 58. 2; permisit 2. 20. 2; appellans 2. 45. 4. 3. Syllepsis (a variant form of zeugma), as cur a sibique et proelio firmabat 1. 71. 5; nomen . . . favor habebat 2. 44. 3. 4. Parenthesis, such as an explanatory phrase in apposi- tion in the nominative, equivalent to a relative clause, as vix credibile dictu 1. 35. 6; rarum 1. 39. 7; 1. 56. 2; mirum dictu 2. 17. 4. 5. Such constructions as ius legationis . . . facunde miseratur 1. 39. 8; Igitur orta die prorunt fossae 1. 68. 2; pericula polliceri 2. 40. 3. 6. CJopious use of participles, so characteristic of Tacitus's style, already noted above (§35). 41. Inconcinnity, than which no rhetorical feature is more char- acteristic of Tacitus's style. This term is applied to a tendency, which appears in Livy and becomes very common in Tacitus, to avoid normal collocations and stereotyped phrases, in order to attain variety in style. This trick of rhetoric is accomplished: (a) by varying the name, as Crispum . . . C. Sallustius 3. 30. 3; nomen . . . cognomentum , . . vocabulum 2. 6. 5; (b) by varying the form of the same word (especially conjunctions), as que . . . et , . . ca 1. 1.5; qu£ , , , et . . . et , . . ac2. 60. 4; (c) by changing prepo- sitions, as in culpam , . , ad paenitentiam 1. 28. 7; inter Treveros . . . apud Aeduos 3. 40. 1; (d) by shifting from a simple case to a ^NiV, OF Tiberius INTRODUCTION. xlv preposition with a case, as accipiendisque copiis et transmittendum ad helium opportuna 2. 6. 4; Nee ad invidiam ista^ sed conciliandae miserieordiae refero 2. 37. 6; (e) by employing a great variety of words to express a common notion, such as death, as vita cedere^ vita concedere, concedere, excederej oppetere, ohire, finire; (f ) by miscellane- ous variations of expression (see Draeger, § 233), as (1) present parti- ciple and gerundial ablative, as m^do sem^t adflictando, mx)do singulos nomine dens 2. 81. 1; (2) gerundive and ut or neu clause, as appeU hmdum . . . ut adscriheretur 1. 14. 2; habenda . . . utque . . . de- stinaretur 2. 36. 1; (3) by changing from a noun to a subordinate clause, or from an adjective or participle to a final clause, as magni- tudinem . . . et quam propinquus, etc. 2. 63. 4; rati . , . anne . . . intellegerentur 3. 31. 1; (4) by abruptly shifting from indirect to direct discourse in reported speeches, as in 2. 77. 2; 3. 12. 4; etc. 42. In conclusion it may be observed that Tacitus rarely employs a construction or locution which had not already been Latinized. It is true that we occasionally find such a Graecism as the use of si with expressions of fear, as quihus unus metus si intellegere viderentur 1. 11. 5, or such a locution as the use of the genitive after diversa, as diversa omnium 1. 49. 1. However, such solecisms rarely mar the Latinity of his pages and he seldom resorts to a Greek word. Nor does he often have recourse to Latin archaisms as Sallust did, who was even suspected of having lists of archaic words made for intro- duction into his writings. Tacit us's vocabulary has a rich poetical coloring. He shows great variety and conciseness of diction com- ^bined with his brevity of expression. Other less characteristic features of his language, style and syntax wiH be pointed out in the notes. Univ. oi Cauforn COENELII TACITI AB EXCESSU DIVI AUdUSTI LIBER I. 1. Urbem Romam a principio reges habuere; liber- 1 tatem et consulatum L. Brutus instituit. Dictaturae 2 ad tempus sumebantur; neque decemviralis potestas ultra biennium, neque tribunorum militum consulare ius diu valuifc. Non Cinnae, non Sullae longa domi- 3 natio; et Pompei Crassique potentia cito in Caesarem, Lepidi atque Antonii arma in Augustum cessere, qui cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa nomine principis sub imperium accepit. Sed veteris populi Romani prospera 4 vel adversa claris scriptoribus memorata sunt; tem- poribusque Augusti dicendis non defuere decora ingenia, donee gliscente adulatione defcerrerentur. Tiberii Gaique 5 et Claudii ac Neronis res florentibus ipsis ob metum falsae, postquam occiderant, recentibus odiis com- positae sunt. Inde consilium mihi pauca de Augusto 6 et extrema tradere, mox Tiberii principatum et cetera, sine ira et studio, quorum causas procul habeo. 3. Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam pub- 1 lica arma, Pompeius apud Sieiliam'oppressus, exutoque 1 c ,< . ', Sc'^;^ , ; CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 2, 3. Lepido, interfecto Antonio ne lulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, posito triumviri nomine con- sulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo ad- versante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam Vetera et periculosa 2 mallent. Neque provinciae ilium rerum statum abnue- bant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio, quae vi, ambitu, postremo pecunia turbabantur. 1 3* Ceterum Augustus subsi dia doniin ationi Clau- UJb dium Marcellum sororis filium admodum adulescentem '" pontificatu et curuli aedilitate, M. Agrippam, ignobilem loco, bonum militia et victoriae socium, geminatis con- sulatibus eSuIitTmox def uncto Marcello generum sump^ sit; Tiberium Neronem et Claudium Drusum privignosV^ imperatoriis nominibus auxit, Integra etiam tum domo 2 sua. Nam genitos Agrippa Gaium ac Lucium in f ami- liam Caesarum induxerat, • necdum posita puerili prae- texta DTincipes iuventutis^appenari, destinari consules ^^^"^^^ specierecu^antiTflagra^ Ut Agrippa vita concessit, Lucium Caesarem euntem ad Hispanien- sis exercitus, Gaium remeantem Arm^iaet^^^ulne^e in- validum mors fato propera vel nov^aeLimae dolus abstulit, Drusoque pridem extincto Nero solus e privi- gnis erat, illuc cuncta verg^: filius, collega imperii, consors tribuniciae potestatis adsumitur omnisque per Cap. 3, 4.] ANNALES. 3 exercitus ostentatur, non obscuris, ufc antea, matris artibus, sed palam hortatu. Nam senem Augustum de- 4 vinxerat adeo, uti nepotem unicum, Agrippam Postu- mum, in insulam Planasiam proiecerit, rudem sane bonarum artium et robore corporis stolide ferocem, nul- lius tamen flagitii conpertum. At hercule Germanicum 5 Druso ortum octo apud Rhenum legionibus inposuit adscirique per adoptionem a Tiberio iussit, quamquam esset in domo Tiberii filius iuvenis, sed quo pluribus munimentis insisteret. Bellum ea tempestate nullum 6 nisi adversus Germanos supei^rat, abolendae magis infamiae ob amissum cum Quintilio Varo exercitum quam cupidine proferendi imperii aut dignum ob prae- mium. Domi res tranquillae, eadem magistratuum vo- 7 cabula; iuniores post Actiaeam victoriam, etiam senes plerique inter bella civium nati: quotus quisque re- liquus, qui rem publicam vidisset? / 4. Igitur verso civitatis statu nihil usquam prisci efc 1 integri moris: omnes exuta aequalitate iussa principis aspectare, nulla in praesens formidine, dum Augustus aetate validus seque et domum et pacem sustentavit. Postquam provecta iam senectus aegro et corpore fati- 2 gabatur aderatque finis et spes novae, pauci bona liber- tatis m cassum aisserere, plures bellum pavescere, ahi cupere. Pars multo maxima inminentis dominos variis 3 rumoribus differebant: trucem Agrippam et ignominia accensum non aetate neque rerum experientia tantae moli parem, Tiberium Neronem maturum annis, spec- tatum bello, sed vetere atque insita Claudiae familiae superbia, multaque indicia saevitiae, quamquam pre- mantur, erumpere. Hunc et prima ab infantia eductum 4 4 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 4, 5, 6. in domo regnatrice; congestos iuveni consulatus, tri- umphos; ne iis quidem annis, quibus Rhodi specie sece^us exul egerit, aliquid quam iram et simulationem 6 et secretas lubidines meditatum. Accedere matrem muliebri inpotentia: serviendum feminae duobusque insuper adulescentibus, qui rem publicam interim pre- mant, quandoque distrahant. 1 5* Haec atque talia agitantibus gravescere valetudo ' 2 Augusti, et quidam scelus uxoris suspectabant. Quippe rumor incesserat, paucos ante menses Augustum, electis consciis et comite uno Fabio Maximo, Planasiam vec- 3 tum ad visendum Agrippam; multas illic utrimque lacrimas etsignajcaj-itatis spemque ex eo fore ut iuvenis penatibus avi redderetur: quod Maximum uxori Mareiae 4 aperuisse, illam Liviae. ; Gnarum id Caesari; neque multo post extincto Maximo, dubium an quaesita morte, auditos in funere eius Mareiae gemitus semet incusantis, 5 quod causa exitii marito fuisset. Utcumque se ea res habuit, vixdum ingressus Illyricum Tiberius properis matris literis accitur; neque satis conpertum est, spi- rantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem Nolam an ex- 6 animem reppererit. Acribus namque custodiis domum et vias saepserat Livia, laetique interdum nuntii vul- gabantur, donee provisis quae tempus monebat simul excessisse Augustum et rerum potiri Neronem fama eadem tulit. 1 6. Primum f acinus novi principatus fuit Postumi Agrippae caedes, quem ignarum inermumque quamvis 2 firmatus animo centurio aegre confecit. Nihil de ea re Tiberius apud senatum disseruit : patris iussa simulabat, quibus praescripsisset tribuno custodiae adposito, ne Cap. 6, 7.] ANN ALES. 5 cunct^returAgrippam morte adficere, quandoque ipse supremum diem explevisset. Multa sine dubio sae- 3 vaque Augustus de moribus adulescentis questus, ut exilium eius senatus consulto sanciretur, perfecerat: ceterum in nuUius umquam suorum necem duravit, neque mortem nepoti pro securitate privigni inlatam credibile erat. Propius vero Tiberium ac Liviam, ilium 4 metu, banc novercalibus odiis, suspecti et invisi iuvenis caedem festinavisse. Nuntianti eenttirioni, ut mos 6 militiae, factum esse quod imperasset, neque imperasse sese et rationem facti reddendam apud senatum re- spondit. Quod postquam Sallustius Crispus particeps 6 secretorum (is ad tribunum miserat codicillos) comperit, metuens ne reus subderetur, iuxta periculoso ficta seu vera promeret, monuit Liviam ne arcana domus, ne consilia amicorum, ininisteria militum vulgarenfcur, neve Tiberius vim principatus resolveret cuncta ad senatum vocando : eam condicionem esse imperandi, ut non aliter ratio constet, quam si uni reddatur. / .^.^.jc^ T« At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, 1 eques. Quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac 2 festiiwites, vultuque composito, ne laeti excessu prin- cipis neu tristiores primordio, lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Ap- 3 puleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris iuravere, apudque eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille prae- , toriarum cohortium praefectus, hie annonae; mox sena- tus milesque et populus. Nam Tiberius cuncta per 4 consules incipiebat, tamquam vetere re publica et ambiguus imperandi: ne edictum quidem, quo patres in 5 o/- curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciae potestatis prafescrip^^^^ 6 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 7, 8. 6 tione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. Verba edicti fuere pauca et sensu permodesto: de honoribus parentis con- sulturum, neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex 7 publicis muneribus usurpare./ Sed defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat; ex- cubiae, arma, cetera aulae; miles in forum, miles in 8 curiam comibabatur. Literas ad exercitus tamquam adepto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi 9 cum in senatu loqueretur. Causa praecipua ex for- midine, ne Germanicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, im- mensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favor, 10 habere imperium quam exspectare mallet. Dabat et famae, ut vocatus electusque potius a re publica videre- tur quam per uxorium ambitum etseniliadoptione in- 1 1 repsisse. Postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum voluntates inductam dubitationem : nam verba vultus in crimen detorquens recondebat. 1 8. Nihil primo senatus die agi passus est nisi de supremis Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per vir- 2 gines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam heredes habuit. Livia in familiam luliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur; in spem secundam nepotes pronepotesque, tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque invisos sibi, sed 3 iactantia gloriaque ad posteros. Legata non ultra civi- lem modum, nisi quod populo et plebi quadringentiens . triciens quinquiens, praetoriarum cohortium militibus singula nummum milia, urbanis quingenoSj legionariis aut cohortibus civium Romanorum trecenos nummos 4 viritim dedit. Tum consultatum de honoribus; ex quis maxime insignes visi, ut porta triumphali duceretur fimus, Gallus Asinius, ut legum latarum tituli, victarum Cap. 8, 9.] ANNALES. 7 ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur, L. Arruntius censuere. Addebat Messalla Valerius renovandum per 5 annos sacramentum in nomen Tiber ii; interrogatusque a Tiberio, num se mandante earn sententiam prompsis- set, sponte dixisse respondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent eonsilio nisi suo usurum, vel cum periculo offensionis: ea sola species adulandi supererat. Conclamant patres corpus ad rogum umeris senatorum 6 ferendum. Remisit Caesar adroganti moderatione, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis funus divi lulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quam in campo Martis, sede destinata, cremari vellent. Die funeris milites velut praesidio stetere, 7 multum inridentibus qui ipsi viderant quique a parenti- bus acceperant diem ilium crudi adhuc servitii et liber- tatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar aliis pessimum, aliis pulcherrimum f acinus videretur: nunc senem principem, longa potentia, provisis etiam heredum in rem publicam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius quieta foret. 9. Multus hinc ipso de Augusto sermo, plerisque 1 vana mirantibus, quod idem dies accepti quondam im- perii princeps et vitae supremus, quod Nolae in domo et cubiculo in quo pater eius Octavius vitam finivisset. Numerus etiam consulatuum celebrabatur, quo Valerium 2 Corvum et C. Marium simul aequaverat, continuata per septem et triginta annos tribunicia potestas, nomen im- peratoris semel atque viciens partum aliaque honorum multiplicata aut nova. At apud prudentes vita eius 3 varie extollebatur arguebaturve. Hi pietate erga paren- 4 tem et necessitudine rei publicae, in qua nuUus tunc 8 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 9, 10. legibus locus, ad arma civilia actum, quae neque parari 5 possent neque haberi per bonas artes. Multa Antonio, dum interfectores patris ulcisceretur, multa Lepido concessisse. Postquam hie socordia senuerit, ille per libidines pessum datus sit, non aliud discordantis patriae 6 remedium fuisse quam ut ab uno regeretur. Non regno tamen neque dictatura, sed principis nomine consti- tutam rem publicam; mari Oceano aut amnibus longin- quis saeptum imperium; legiones, provincias, classes, cunfeta inter se conexa; ius apud cives, modestiam apud socios; urbemipsammagnificoornatu; paucaadmodum vi tractata, quo ceteris quies esset. 1 lO. Dicebatur contra: pietatem erga parentem et temporareipublicaeobtentuisumpta: ceterum cupidihe dominandi concitos per largitionem veteranos, paratum ab adulescente privato exercitum, corruptas consulis legiones, simulatam Pompeianarum gratiam partium; mox ubi decreto patrum fasces et ius praetoris [invaserit, caesis Hirtio et Pansa, sive hostis illos, seu Pansam venenum vulneri adfusum, sui milites Hirtium et machinator doli Caesar abstulerat, utriusque copias occupavisse; extortum invito senatu consulatum, arma- que quae in Antonium acceperit contra rem publicam versa; proscriptionem civium, divisiones agrorum ne 2 ipsis quidem qui fecere laudatas. Sane Cassii et Bru- torum exitus patemis inimicitiis datos, quamquam fas sit privata odia publicis utilitatibus remittere: sed Pom- peium '-imagine pacis, sed Lepidum specie amicitiae deceptos; post Antonium, Tarentino Brundisinoque foedere et nuptiis sororis inlectum, subdolae adfinitatis 3 poenas morte exsolvisse. Pacem sine dubio post haec, Cap. 10, 11.] ANNALES. 9 verum cruentam: Lollianas Varianasque clades, inter- fectos Romae Varrones, Egnatios, lulos. Nee dome- 4 sticis abstinebatur: abducta Neroni uxor et consulti per ludibrium pontifices, an concepto necdum edito partu rite nuberet; Q. Pedii et Vedii PoUionis luxus; postremo Livia gravis in rem publicam mater, gravis domui Caesarum noverca. Nihil deorum honoribus 5 relictum, cum se templis et eiSfigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli velleti t Ne Tiberium quidem caritate 6 aut rei publicae cura successorem adscitum, sed quoniam adrogantiam saevitiamque eius introspexerit, com- paratione deterrima sibi gloriam quaesivisse. Etenim 7 Augustus paucis ante annis, cum Tiberio tribuniciam potestatem a patribus rursum postularet, quamquam honora oratione, quaedam de habitu cul tuque et institu- tis eius iecerat, quae velut excusando exprobraret. •^ICeterum sepultura more perfecta templum et caelestes 8 religiones decernuntur. -^ 1 1 • Versae inde ad Tiberium preces. Et ille varie 1 disserebat de magnitudine imperii, sua modestia. Solam 2 divi Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendj- cuncta onus.^ Proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris 3 subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos. Plus in oratione tali dignitatis quam fidei erat; Tiberio- 4 que etiam in rebus, quas non occuleret, seu natura sive. adsuetudine, suspensa semper et obscura verba: tunc vero nitenti, ut sensus suos penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguum magis implicabantur. At patres,' quibus 5 10 CORNELII TACJTI [Cap. 11, 12, 13. unus metus, si intellegere viderentur, in questus lacrimas vota effundi; ad deos, ad eflSgiem Augusti, ad genua ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum recitarique 6 iussit. Opes publieae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largitiones. 7 Quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus addi- deratqiie consilimn coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum metu an per invidiam. 1 12. Inter quae senatu ad infimas obtestationes procumbente, dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei pubHcae parem, ita quaecumque pars sibi mandaretur, 2 eius tutelam suscepturum. Tum Asinius Gallus: ' Interrogo ' inquit, * Caesar, quam partem rei pub- 3 licae mandari tibi velis.' Perculsus inprovisa inter- rogatione paulum reticuit: dein collecto animo respon- dit nequaquam decorum pudori suo legere aliquid aut evitare ex eo, cui in universum excusari mallet. 4 Rursum Gallus (etenim vultu offensionem coniectaverat) non idcirco interrogatum ait, ut divideret quae separari nequirent, sed ut sua confessione argueretur, unum esse rei publieae corpus atque unius animo regendumy' 5 Addidit laudem de Augusto Tiberiumque ipsum vie- ^. ' toriarum suarum quaeque in toga per tot annos egregie'^ 6 fecisset admonuit. Nee ideo iram eius lenivit, pridem invisus, tamquam ducta in matrimonium Vipsania M. Agrippae filia, quae quondam Tiberii uxor fuerat, plus quam civilia agitaret PoUionisque Asinii patris ferociam retineret. v>^ 1 13. Post quae L. Arruntius baud multum discre- pans a Gall! oratione perinde ofifendit,quamquam Tiberio Cap. 13, 14.] ANNALES. 11 nulla vetus in Arruntium ira: sed divitem, promptum, artibus egregiis et pari fama publice, suspectabat. _Quippe_ Augustus supreiliis sermonibus cum tractaret, 2 quinam adipisci principeni locum suffecturi abnuerent aut inpares vellent vel idem possent cuperentque, M\ Lepidum dixerat capacem sed aspemantem, Galium Asinium avidum et minorem, L. Arruntium non indi- gnum et, si casus daretur, ausurum. De prioribus 3 consentitur, pro Arruntio quidam Cn. Pisonem tradi- dfere; omnesque praeter Lepidum variis mox criminibus ^ struent'e Tiberio circumventi sunt. Etiam Q. Haterius 4 et Mamercus Scaurus suspicacem animum perstrinxere, Haterius cum dixisset ' Quo usque patieris, Caesar, non^adesse c^,put rei publicae? /, Scaurus quia dixerat, sperii esse ex eo noii iriritas fore senatus preces, quod relationi consulum iure tribuniciae potestatis n6n intercessisset. In Haterium statim invectus est ; Scau- 5 rum, cui inplacabilius irascebatur, silentio tramisit. Fessusque clamore omnium, expostulatione singulorum 6 flexit paulatim, non ut f ateretur suscipi a se imperium, sed ut negare et fogari desineret. Constat Haterium, 7 cum deprecandi causa Palatium introisset ambulantis- que Tiberii genua advolveretur, prope a militibus inter- fectum, quia Tiberius casu an manibus eius inpeditus prociderat. Neque tamen periculo talis viri mitigatus est, donee Haterius Augustam oraret^ eiusque curatis- simis precibus protegeretur. Df.H 14. Multa patrum et in Augustam adiilatio. Alii 1 parentem, alii matrem patriae appellandam, plerique 2 ut nomini Caesaris adscriberetur ' luliae filius ' censebant. lUe moderandos feminarum honores dicti- 3 12 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 14, 15, 16. tans eademque'se temperantia usurum in iis quae sibi ^^ tribuerentur, ceterum anxius invidia et muliebre fasti- ^ gium in deminutionem sui accipiens ne lictorem quidem ei decerni passus est aramque adoptionis et alia huiusce 4 modi prohibuit. At Germanico. Caesari proconsulare imperiiun pebivit, missique legati qui defe&eii^ simul maestitiam eius ob excessum ^ Augusti solarentur. r i 5 Qiio minus idem pro Druso postularetur, ea causa quod 6 designatus consul Dru^us praesensque erat. / Candida- tos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto traditum; et hortante senatu ut augeret, iure iurando obstrinxit se non excessurum. ^ ^^ 1 15. Tum primum e campo comitia ad patres translata sunt: nam ad earn diem, etsi potissima arbitrio principis, quaedam tamen studiis tribuum fiebant. 2 Neque populus ademptum ius questus est nisi inani rumore, et senatus largitionibus ac precibus sordidis exsolutus libens tenuit, moderante Tiberio ne plures quam quattuor candidates commendaret, sine repulsa 3 et ambitu designandos. Inter quae tribuni plebei petivere, ut proprio sumptu ederent ludos, qui de no- 4 mine Augusti fastis additi Augustales vocarentur. Sed decreta pecunia ex aerario, utque per circum triumphali 5 veste uterentur: curru vehi baud permissum. Mox celebratio annua ad praetorem translata, cui inter cives et peregrinos iurisdictio evenisset. 1 >^ 16. Hie renmi urbanarum status erat, cum Pan- /nonicas legiones seditio incessit, nullis noyjs causis, nisi quod mutatus princeps licentiam turbarum et ex civili 2 bello spem praemiorum ostendebat. Castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur, praesidente lunio Blaeso, Cap. 16, 17.] ANNALES. 13 qiii filie Augusti et initiis Tiberii auditis ob iustitium aufc gaudium intermis'^af sblita munia. Eo principio 3 lascivire miles, disCorHare, pessimi cuiusque sermonibus praebere aures, denique luxum et otium eupere, di- sciplinam et laborem aspernari. Erat in castris Per- 4 cennius quidam, djix olim theatralimn operarum, dein gregariu^ miles, procax"^ liiigua et mis"cere co^tos^' hl-^^ ^^ ^^C*ll.XKJLp LAXiAV^O, , J^XWV/C*/-^ X J.XA^ U.C4> V> LI XXXXO^jCX ^ t-V^CUU.© XJ-X" ^"^Widnali studio doctus. Is inperitos animos et quaenam 5 post Augustum militiae condicio ambigentes inpelle're'^ paulatim nocturnis conloquiis aut flexo in vesperam die et dilapsis melioribus deterjimum quemque congre^are. IT. Postr^mo promptis iam et aliis seditionis 1 ^ 'fidiniStris velut contionabundus interrogabat, cur paucis centurionibus, paucioribus tribunis in modum servorum ■ oboedirent. Quando ausuros exposcere remedia, nisi 2 ' novum et uutantem adhuc principem precibus vel armis adirent? Satis per tot annos ignavia peccatum, quod 3 tricena aut quadragena stipehdia senes et plerique triincato ex vulneribus corpore tolerent. Ne dimissis 4 quidem finem esse militiae, sed apud vexillum ten- *^ dentes^ alio vocabulo eosdem labores perferre. Ac si 5 quis tot casus vita superaverit, trahi adhuc diversas in terras, ubi per nomen agrorum uligines paludum vel inculta montium accipiant. Enimvero militiam ipsam 6 gfavem, inf ructuosam : denis in diem assibus animam et corpus aestimari: hinc vestem arma tentoria, hinc * saevitiam centurionum et vacationes munerum redimi. At hercule verbera et vulnera, duram hiemem, exercitas 7 aestates, bellum atrox aut sterilem pacem sempiterna. Nee aliud levkmentum quam si certis sub legibus mili- 8 " tia iniretur, ut singulos denarios mererent, sextus 14 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 17, 18, 19. decumus stipendii annus finem aaferret, ne ultra sub vexillis ,^ tenerentur, se4 isdem in castris praemium 9 pecunia^solveretur. An praetorias cohortes, quae binos denarios acceperint, quae post sedecim anhos penatibus 10 suis^ reddantur, plus perieulorum suscipere? Non obtreetari a se urbai^s excubias: sibi tamen apud horridas gentes e contuBefniis hostem aspici. 1 18. Adstrepebat yulgus, diversis incitamentis, hi verberum notas, illi canitiem, plurimi detrita tegmina ' 2 et nu3um corpus exprobrantes. Postremo eo furoris venere, ut tres legiones miscere in unam agitaverint. ^^ 3 Depulsi aemulati'bne, quia suae quisque legioni eum honorem quaerebant, alio' vertunt atque una tres 4 aquilas et signa c.ohortium locant.; simul cohgerunt cae'spites, exstrui^n;t tribunal^ quo magis'' collspicua, 5 sedes foret? I^roperantibiis'Blaesus advenit, increpa- batque ac retineoat singulos, clamitans: 'Meapotius " caede imbuite manus: leviore flagitio legatum inter- 6 ficietis quam ab imperatore desciscitis. Aut incolumis ndem legipnum retinebo, aut iugulatus paenitentiam •adcelerabo/ 1 /\9. Aggerabatur nihilo minus caespes iamque pectori usque adcreverat, cum tandem pervicacia victi 2 inceptum omisere. Blaesus multa dicendi arte non per seditionem et turbas desideria militum ad Caesa- rem ferenda ait, neque veteres ab imperatoribus priscis neque ipsos a divo Augusto tam nova petivisse; et parum in tempore incipientes principis curas onerari. 3 Si tamen tenderent in pace temptare quae ne civilium quidem bellorum victores expostulaverint, cur contra morem obsequii, contra fas disciplinae vim mediten- Cap. 19, 20, 21.] ANNALES. 15 tur? Decerherent legates seque coram mandata darent. Adclamavere ut filius Blaesi tribunus legatione ea 4 fungeretur peteiretque militibus missionem ab sedecim annis: cetera mandaturos, ubi prima provenissent. '^^^^^ ^^ Profecto iuvene modicum otium: sed siiperbire miles, 5 quod filius legati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa quae per modestiam non obtinuis- sent. 20. Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem 1 Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla con- vellunt direptisqiie proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praeci- ' pua in 4ufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptuiii vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine, per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. Quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox 2 castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam re- vocabat, vetiis operis ac laboris et eo inmitior, quia toleraverat. 21. Horum adventu redintegratur seditio, et va^ 1 * , circumiecta populabantur. Blaesus paucos. ^a^me 2 praeda onustos, ad terrorem ceterorum a3nci ver- beribus, claudi carcere iubet; nam etiam turn legato a centurionibus et optimo quoque manipularium pare- batur. lUi obniti trahentibus, prensare circumstan- 3 A:tium genua, ciere modo nomina singulorum, modo centuriam^ quisque cuius' manipularis erat, cohortem, legionem, eadem omnibus inminere clamitantes.^Simul 4 U^". Nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus iudiciis 1 adsidebat in cornu tribunalis, ne praetorem curuli depelleret; multaque eo coram adversus ambitum et potentium preces constituta. Sed dum veritati con- 2 sulitur, libertas corrumpebatur. Inter quae Pius 3 Aurelius senator questus mole publicae viae ductuque aquarum labefactas aedis suas, auxilium patrum in- vocabat. Resistentibus aerarii praetoribus subvenit 4 Caesar pretiumque aedium Aurelio tribuit, erogandae per honesta pecuniae cupiens, quam virtutem diu retinuit, cum ceteras exueret. Propertio Celeri prae- 5 torio, veniam ordinis ob paupertatem petenti, deciens sestertium largitus est, satis comperto paternas ei angustias esse. Temptantis eadem alios probare cau- 6 sas senatui iussit, cupidine severitatis in iis etiam quae rite faceret acerbus. Unde ceteri silentium et pauper- 7 tatem confession! et beneficio praeposuere. T6. Eodem anno continuis imbribus auctus Tibe- 1 rius plana urbis stagnaverat; relabentem secuta est aedificiorum et hominum strages. Igitur censuit Asi- 2 nius Gallus ut libri SibuUini adirentur. Renuit Tiberius, 3 perinde divina humanaque obtegens; sed remedium coercendi fluminis Ateio Capitoni et L. Arruntio man- datum. Achaiam ac Macedoniam onera deprecantis 4 levari in praesens proconsular! imperio tradique Cae- sari placuit. Edendis gladiatoribus, quos Germanici 5 fratris ac suo nomine obtulerat, Drusus praesedit, quamquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens; quod in vulgus formidolosum et pater arguisse dicebatur. Cur 6 abstinuerit spectaculo ipse, varie trahebant; alii taedio coetus, quidam tristitia ingenii et metu con- 50 ' CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 76, 77, 78. 7 parationis, quia Augustus comiter interfuisset. Non crediderim ad ostentandam saevitiam movendasque populi offensiones concessam filio materiem, quamquam id quoque dictum est. 1 TT. At theatri licentia, proximo priore amio coepta, gravius tum erupit, occisis non modo e plebe, sed militibus et centurione, vulnerato tribuno praetoriae cohortis, dum probra in magistratus et dissensionem 2 vulgi prohibent. Actum de ea seditione apud patres dicebanturque sententiae, ut praetoribus ius virgarum 3 in histriones esset. Intercessit Haterius Agrippa tri- bunus plebei increpitusque est Asinii Galli oratione, silente Tiberio, qui ea simulacra libertatis senatui prae- 4 bebat. Valuit tamen intercessio, quia divus Augustus immunes verberum histriones quondam responderat, 5 neque fas Tiberio infringere dicta eius. De modo lucaris et adversus lasciviam fautorum multa decer- nuntur; ex quis maxime insignia, ne domos pantomi- morum senator introiret, ne egredientes in publicum equites Romani cingerent aut alibi quam in theatro sectarentur, et spectantium immodestiam exilio mul- tandi potestas praetoribus fieret. 1 TS. Templum ut in colonia Tarraconensi strueretur Augusto petentibus Hispanis permissum, datumque in 2 omnes provincias exemplum. Centesimam rerum vena- lium post bella civilia institutam deprecante populo edixit Tiberius militare aerarium eo subsidio niti; simul imparem oneri rem publicam, nisi vicensimo 3 militiae anno veterani dimitterentur. Ita' proximae seditionis male consulta, quibus sedecim stipendiorum finem expresserant, abolita in posterum. Cap. 79, 80.] ANNALES. 51 TO. Actum deinde in senatu ab Arruntio et Ateio, 1 an ob moderandas Tiberis exundationes verterentur flumina et lacus, per quos augescit; auditaeque munici piorum et coloniarum legationes, orantibus Florentinis, ne Clanis solito alveo demotus in amnem Arnum transferretur idque ipsis perniciem adferret. Con- 2 gruentia his Interamnates disseruere: pessum ituros fecundissimos Italiae campos, si amnis Nar (id enim parabatur) in rivos diductus superstagnavisset. Nee 3 Reatini silebant, Velinum lacum, qua in Narem effiin- difcur, obstrui recusantes, quippe in adiacentia erup- turum; optume rebus mortalium consuluisse naturam, quae sua ora fluminibus, suos cursus utque originem, ita fines dederit; spectandas etiam religiones sociorum, qui sacra et lucos et aras patriis amnibus dicaverint: quin ipsum Tiberim nolle prorsus accolis fluviis orba- 4 turn minore gloria fluere. Seu preces coloniarum seu 5 difficultas operum sive superstitio valuit, ut in senten- tiam Cn. Pisonis concederetur, qui nil mutandum censuerat. 80» Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino provincia Moesia, 1 additis Achaia ac Macedonia. Id quoque morum 2 Tiberii fuit, continuare imperia ac plerosque ad finem vitae in isdem exercitibus aut iurisdictionibus habere. Causae variae traduntur: alii taedio novae curae 3 semel placita pro aeternis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne plures fruerentur; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium, ita anxium indicium; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur, et rursum vitia oderat: ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. Qua haesitatione postremo eo provectus 4 52 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 80, 81. est, ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe non erat passurus. 1 81. De comitiis consularibus, quae turn primum illo principe ac deineeps fuere, vix quicquam firmare ausim: adeo diversa non modo apud auctores, sed in 2 ipsius orationibus reperiuntur. Modo subtractis candi- datorum nominibus originem cuiusque et vitam et stipendia descripsit, ut qui forent intellegeretur; ali- quando ea quoque signifieatione subtracta candidatos hortatus, ne ambitu comitia turbarent, suam ad id 3 curam pollicitus est. Plerumque eos tantum apud se professos disseruit, quorum nomina consulibus edidisset; posse et alios profiteri, si gratiae aut meritis confiderent: speciosa verbis, re inania aut subdola, quantoque maiore libertatis imagine tegebantur, tanto eruptura ad infensius servitium, CALIFORt The Deification of Augustus COENELII TACITI AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI LIBER II. !• Sisenna Statilio [Tauro] L. Libone consulibus mota Orientis regna provinciaeque Romanae, initio apud Parthos orto, qui petitum Roma acceptumque regem, quamvis gentis Arsacidarum, ut externum aspernabantur. Is fuit Vonones, obses Augusto datus a Phraate. Nam Phraates quamquam depulisset exercitus ducesque Romanos, cuncta venerantium officia ad Augustum verterat partemque prolis firman- dae amicitiae miserat, baud perinde nostri metu quam fidei popularium diffisus. 3* Post finem Phraatis et sequentium regum ob intemas caedes venere in urbem legati a primoribus Parthis, qui Vononem vetustissimum liberorum eius accirent. Magnificum id sibi credidit Caesar auxitque opibus. Et accepere barbari laetantes, ut ferme ad nova imperia. Mox subiit pudor degeneravisse Par- thos: petitum alio ex orbe regem, hostium artibus infeetum; iam inter provincias Romanas solium Arsacidarum haberi darique. Ubi illam gloriam tru- 63 54 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 2, 3, 4. cidantium Crassum, exturbantium Antonium, si man- cipium Caesaris, tot per aiinos servitutem perpessum, 5 Parthis imperitet? Accendebat dedignantes et ipse diversus a maiorum institutis, raro venatu, segni equorum cura; quotiens per urbes incederet, lecticae 6 gestamine fastuque erga patrias epulas. Inridebantur et Graeci comites ac vilissima utensilium anulo clausa. Sed prompti aditus, obvia comitas, ignotae Parthis virtutes, nova vitia; et quia ipsorum moribus alien a, perinde odium pravis et honestis. 1 3. Igitur Artabanus Arsacidarum e sanguine apud Dahas adultus excitur, primoque congressu fusus 2 reparat vires regnoque potitur. Victo Vononi per- fugium Armenia fuit, vacua tune interque Parthorum et Romanas opes infida ob scelus Antonii, qui Artavas- den regem Armeniorum specie amicitiae inlectum, dein 3 catenis oneratum, postremo interfecerat. Eius filius Artaxias, memoria patris nobis infensus, Arsacidarum vi 4 seque regnumque tutatus est. Occiso Artaxia per dolum propinquorum, datus a Caesare Armeniis Ti- granes deductusque in regnum a Tiberio Nerone. 5 Nee Tigrani diutumum imperium fuit neque liberis eius, quamquam sociatis more extemo in matrimonium regnumque. 1 4. Dein iussu Augusti impositus Artavasdes et non 2 sine clade nostra deiectus. Tum Gains Caesar com- ponendae Armeniae deligitur. Is Ariobarzanen, origine Medum, ob insignem corporis formam et praeclarum 3 animum volentibus Armeniis praefecit. Ariobarzane morte fortuita absumpto stirpem eius baud toleravere; temptatoque feminae imperio, cui nomen Erato, eaque 1 Cap. 4, 5, 6.] ANNALES. 55 brevi pulsa, incerti solutique et magis sine domino quam in libertate profugum Vononen in regnum ac- cipiunt. Sed ubi minitari Artabanus et parum subsidii 4 in Armeniis, vel, si nostra vi defenderetur, bellum ad- versus Parthos sumendum erat, rector Syriae Creticus Silanus excitum custodia circumdat, manente luxu et regio nomine. Quod ludibrium ut effugere agitaverit 5 Vonones, in loco reddemus. 5. Ceterum Tiberio baud ingratum accidit turbari 1 res Orientis, ut ea specie Germanicum suetis legionibus abstraheret novisque provinciis impositum dolo simul et casibus obiectaret. At ille, quanto acriora in eum 2 studia militum et aversa patrui voluntas, celerandae victoriae intentior, tractare proeliorum vias et quae sibi tertium iam annum belligeranti saeva vel prospera evenissent. Fimdi Germanos acie et iustis locis, 3 iuvari silvis, paludibus, brevi aestate et praematura hieme; suum militem haud perinde vulneribus quam spatiis itinerum, damno armorum adfici; fessas Gallias ministrandis equis; longum impedimentorum agmen opportunum ad insidias, defensantibus iniquum. At 4 si mare intretur, promptam ipsis possessionem et hos- tibus ignotam, simul bellum maturius incipi legiones- que et commeatus pariter vehi; integrum equitem equosque per ora et alveos fluminum media in Germa- nia fore. ©• Igitur hue intendit, missis ad census Galliarum 1 P. Vitellio et C. Antio. Silius et Anteius et Caecina fabricandae classi praeponuntur. Mille naves sufficere 2 visae properataeque, aliae breves, angusta puppi prora- que et lato utero, quo facilius fluctus tolerarent; quae- 56 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 6, 7, 8. dam planae carinis, ut sine noxa siderent; plures adpositis utrimque gubernaculis, converso ut repente 3 remigio hinc vel illinc adpellerent; multae pontibus stratae, super quas tormenta veherentur, simul aptae ferendis equis aut commeatui; velis habiles, citae remis augebantur alacritate militum in speciem ac terrorem. 4 Insula Batavorum in quam convenirent praedieta, ob faciles adpulsus accipiendisque copiis et transmittendum 5 ad bellum opportuna. Nam Rhenus uno alveo con- tinuus aut modicas insulas circumveniens apud princi- pium agri Batavi velut in duos amnes dividitur, servat- que nomen et violentiam cursus, qua Germaniam praevehitur, donee Oceano misceatur: ad Gallicam ripam latior et placidior adfluens (verso eognomento Vahalem accolae dicunt), mox id quoque vocabulum mutat Mosa flumine eiusque immenso ore eundem in Oceanum effunditur. 1 It • Sed Caesar, dum adiguntur naves, Silium lega- tum cum expedita manu inruptionem in Chattos facere iubet: ipse audito eastellum Lupiae flumini adpositum 2 obsideri, sex legiones eo duxit. Neque Silio ob subitos imbres aliud actum quam ut modicam praedam et Arpi principis Chattorum coniugem filiamque raperet, neque Caesari copiam pugnae obsessores fecere, ad 3 famam adventus eius dilapsi: tumulum tamen nuper Varianis legionibus structum et veterem aram Druso 4 sitam disiecerant. Restituit aram honorique patris princeps ipse cum legionibus decucurrit; tumulum ite- 5 rare baud visum. Et cuncta inter eastellum Alisonem ac Rhenum novis limitibus aggeribusque permunita. 1 8. lamque classis advenerat, cum praemisso com- Cap. 8, 9, 10.] ANNALES. 57 meatu et distributis in legiones ac socios navibus fossam, cui Drusianae nomen, ingressus precatusque Drusum patrem, ut se eadem ausum libens placatusque exempio ac memoria consiliorum atque operum iuvaret, lacus inde et Oceanum usque ad Amisiam flumen secunda navigatione pervehitur. Classis Amisiae relicta laevo 2 amne, erratumque in eo, quod non subvexit aut trans- posuit militem dextras in terras iturum; ita plures dies efficiendis pontibus absumpti. Et eques quidem ac 3 legiones prima aestuaria, nondum adcrescente unda, in- trepidi transiere: postremum auxiliorum agmen Bata- vique in parte ea, dum insultant aquis artemque nandi ostentant, turbati et quidam hausti sunt. Metanti 4 castra Caesari Angrivariorum defectio a tergo nuntiatur: missus ilico Stertinius cum equite et armatura levi igne et caedibus perfidiam ultus est. O. Flumen Visurgis Romanos Cheruscosque inter- 1 fluebat. Eius in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Arminius adstitit, quaesitoque an Caesar venisset, postquam adesse responsum est, ut liceret cum fratre conloqui oravit. Erat is in exercitu cognomento Flavus, insignis 2 fide et amisso per vulnus oculo paucis ante annis duce Tiberio. Tum permissum progressusque saluta^tur ab 3 Arminio; qui amotis stipatoribus, ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi abscederent postulat, et postquam digressi, unde ea deformitas oris interrogat fratrem. Illo locum et proelium referente, quodnam praemium 4 recepisset exquirit. Flavus aucta stipendia, torquem 5 et coronam aliaque militaria dona me.morat, inridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia. 10. Exim diversi ordiuntur, hie magnitudinem 1 58 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 10, 11, 12. Romanam, opes Caesaris et victis graves poenas, in deditionem venienti paratam clementiam; neque coniu- gem et filium eius hostiliter haberi: ille fas patriae, libertatem avitam, penetralis Germaniae deos, matrem precum sociam; ne propinquorum et adfinium, denique gentis suae desertor et proditor quam imperator esse 2 mallet. Paulatim inde ad iurgia prolapsi quo minus pugnam consererent ne flumine quidem interiecto cohibebantur, ni Stertinius adcurrens plenum irae armaque et equum poscentem Flavum adtinuisset. 3 Cemebatur contra minitabundus Arminius proeliumque denuntians; nam pleraque Latino sermone interiaciebat, ut qui Romanis in castris ductor popularium meruisset. 1 , 1 1 • Postero die Germanorum acies trans Visurgim stetit. Caesar nisi pontibus praesidiisque impositis dare in discrimen legiones baud imperatorium ratus, 2 equitem vado tramittit. Praefuere Stertinius et e numero primipilarium Aemilius, distantibus locis invecti, 3 ut hostem didueerent. Qua celerrimus amnis, Chario- valda dux Batavorum erupit. Eum Cherusci fugam simulantes in planitiem saltibus circumiectam traxere: dein coorti et undique effusi trudunt adversos, instant cedentibus coUectosque in orbem pars congressi, quidam 4 eminus proturbant. Chariovalda diu sustentata hostium saevitia, hortatus suos ut ingruentes catervas globo perfringerent, atque ipse densissimos inrumpens, congestis telis et suffosso equo labitur, ac multi nobilium circa: ceteros vis sua aut equites cum Stertinio Aemilio- que subvenientes periculo exemere. 1 12. Caesar transgressus Visurgim indicio perfugae cognoscit delectum ab Arminio locum pugnae; conve- Cap. 12, 13.] ANNALES. 59 nisse et alias nationes in silvam Herculi sacram ausuros- que nocturnam castrorum oppugnationem. Habita 2 indici fides et cernebantur. ignes, suggressique propius speculatores audiri fremitum equorum immensique et inconditi agminis murmur attulere. Igitur propinquo 3 summae rei discrimine explorandos militum animos ratus, quonam id modo incorruptum foret, secum agitabat. Tribimos et centuriones laeta saepius quam 4 comperta nuntiare, libertorum servilia ingenia, amicis inesse adulationem; si contio vocetur, illic quoque quae pauci incipiant reliquos adsfcrepere. Penitus 5 noscendas mentes, cum secreti et incustoditi inter militaris cibos spem aut metum proferrent. 13. Nocte coepta egressus augurali per occulta et 1 vigilibus ignara, comite uno, contectus umeros ferina pelle, adit castrorum vias, adsistit tabernaculis fruitur- que f ama sui, cum hie nobilitatem ducis, decorem alius, plurimi patientiam, comitatem, per seria per iocos eundem animum laudibus f errent reddendamque gratiam in acie faterentur, simul perfidos et ruptores pacis ultioni et gloriae mactandos. Inter quae unus hostium, 2 Latinae linguae sciens, acto ad vallum equo voce magna coniuges et agros et stipendii in dies, donee bellaretur, sestertios centenos, si quis transfugisset, Arminii nomine pollicetur. Incendit ea contumelia legionum 3 iras: veniret dies, daretur pugna; sumpturum militem Germanorum agros, tracturum coniuges; accipere omen et matrimonia ac pecunias hostium praedae destinare. Tertia ferme vigilia adsultatum est castris sine coniectu 4 teli, postquam crebras pro munimentis cohortes et nihil remissum sensere. 60 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 14, 15. 1 14, Nox eadem lactam Germanico quietem tulit, viditque se operatum et sanguine sacri respersa prae- texta pulchriorem aliam manibus aviae Augustae 2 ac6episse. Auctus omine, addicentibus auspiciis, vocat contionem et quae sapientia provisa aptaque imminenti 3 pugnae disserit. Non campos modo militi Romano ad proelium bonos, sed si ratio adsit, silvas et saltus; nee enim immensa barbarorum scuta, enormis hastas inter truncos arborum et enata humo virgulta perinde haberi quam pila et gladios et haercntia corpori tegmina. 4 Denscrent ictus, ora mucronibus quaererent: non loricam Germano, non galeam, ne scuta quidem ferro nervove firmata, sed viminum textus vel tenuis et fucatas colore tabulas; primam utcumque aciem hasta- 5 tam, ceteris praeusta aut brevia tela. lam corpus ut visu torvum et ad brevem impetum validum, sic nulla vulnerum patientia: sine pudore flagitii, sine cura ducum abire, fugere, pavidos adversis, inter secunda 6 non divini, non humani iuris memores. Si taedio viarum ac maris finem cupiant, hac acie parari: propiorem iam Albim quam Rhenum neque bellum ultra, modo se, patris patruique vestigia prementem, isdem in terris victorem sisterent. 1 15. Orationem ducis secutus militum ardor, sig- 2 numque pugnae datum. Nee Arminius aut ceteri Germanorum proceres omittebant suos quisque testari, hos esse Romanos Variani exercitus fugacissimos, qui ne bellum tolerarent, seditionem induerint; quorum pars onusta vulneribus terga, pars fluctibus et procellis fractos artus infensis rursum hostibus, adversis dis 3 obiciant, nulla boni spe. Classem quippe et avia Cap. 15, 16, 17.] ANNALES. 61 Oceani quaesita, ne quis venientibus occurreret, ne pulsos premeret: sed ubi miscuerint manus, inane victis ventorum remorumve subsidium. Meminissent modo 4 avaritiae, crudelitatis, superbiae: aliud sibi reliquum quam tenere libertatem aut mori ante servitium? 16. Sic accensos et proelium poseentes in campum, 1 cui Idisiaviso nomen, deducimt. Is medius inter Visur- 2 gim et colles, ut ripae fluminis cedunt aut prominentia montium resistant, inaequaliter sinuatur. Pone tergnm 3 insurgebat silva, editis in altum ramis et pura humo inter arborum truncos. Campum et prima silvarum barbara 4 acies tenuit: soli Cherusei iuga insedere, ut proelianti- bus Romanis desuper incurrerent. Noster exercitus sic 5 incessit: auxiliares Galli Germanique in fronte, post quos pedites sagittarii; dein quattuor legiones et cum duabus praetoriis cohortibus ac delecto equite Caesar; exim totidem aliae legiones et levis armatura cum equite sagittario ceteraeque sociorum cohortes. Intentus para- tusque miles, ut ordo agminis in aciem adsisteret. IT. Visis Cheruscorum catervis, quae per ferociam 1 proruperant, validissimos equitum incurrere latus, Stertinium cum ceteris turmis circumgredi tergaque invadere iubet, ipse in tempore adfuturus. Interea 2 pulcherrimum augurium, octo aquilae petere silvas et intrare visae imperatorem advertere. Exclamat irent, sequerentur Romanas aves, propria legionum numina. Simul pedestris acies infertur et praemissus 3 eques postremos ac latera impulit. Mirumque dictu, 4 duo hostium agmina diversa fuga, qui silvam tenuerant, in aperta, qui campis adstiterant, in silvam ruebant. Medii inter hos Cherusei coUibus detrudebantur, inter 5 62 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 17, 18, 19. quos insignis Arminius manu voce vulnere sustentabat 6 pugnam. Incubueratque sagittariis, ilia rupturus, ni Raetorum Vindelicorumque et Gallicae cohortes signa 7 obiecissent. Nisu tamen corporis et impetu equi pervasit, oblitus faciem suo cruore, ne nosceretur. Quidam adgnitum a Chaucis inter auxilia Romana 8 agentibus emissumque tradiderunt. Virtus seu fraus eadem Inguiomero effugium dedit: ceteri passim truci- dati. Et plerosque tranare Visurgim conantes iniecta tela aut vis fluminis, postremo moles ruentium et 9 incidentes ripae operuere. Quidam turpi fuga in summa arborum nisi ramisque se occultantes admotis sagittariis per ludibrium figebantur, alios prorutae arfcores adflixere. 1 18. Magna ea victoria neque cruenta nobis fuit. Quinta ab hora diei ad noctem caesi hostes decem milia passuum cadaveribus atque armis opplevere, repertis inter spolia eorum catenis, quas in Romanos ut non 2 dubio eventu portaverant. Miles in loco proelii Tiberium imperatorem salutavit struxitque aggerem et in modum tropaeorum arma subscriptis victarum gentium nomini- bus imposuit. 1 19. Hand perinde Germanos vulnera, luctus, excidia 2 quam ea species dolore et ira adfecit. Qui modo abire se- dibus, trans Albim concedere parabant, pugnam volunt, arma rapiunt; plebes primores, inventus senes agmen 3 Romanum repente incursant, turbant. Postremo deli- gunt locum flumine et silvis clausum, arta intus planitie et umida: silvas quoque profunda palus ambibat, nisi quod latus unum Angrivarii lato aggere extulerant, quo . 4 a Cheruscis dirimerentur. Hie pedes adstitit: equitem Cap. 19, 20, 21.] ANNALES. 63 propinquis lucis texere, ut ingressis silvam legionibus - a tergo foret. 30« Nihil ex his Caesari incognitum: consilia 1 locos, prompta occulta noverat astusque hostium in perniciem ipsis vertebat. Seio Tuberoni legato tradit 2 equitem campumque; peditum aciem ita instruxit, ut pars aequo in silvam aditu incederet, pars obiectum aggerem eniteretur; quod arduum sibi, cetera legatis permisit. Quibus plana evenerant, facile inrupere: 3 quis impugnandus agger, ut si murum succederent, gravibus superne ictibus conflictabantur. Sensit dux 4 imparem comminus pugnam remotisque paulum legioni- bus funditores libritoresque excutere tela et proturbare hostem iubet. Missae e tormentis hastae, quantoque 5 conspicui magis propugnatores, tanto pluribus vulneri- bus deiecti. Primus Caesar cum praetoriis cohortibus 6 capto vallo dedit impetum in silvas; conlato illic gradu certatum. Hostem a tergo palus, Romanos 7 flumen aut montes claudebant: utrisque necessitas in loco, spes in virtute, salus ex victoria. 21. Nee minor Germanis animus, sed genere 1 pugnae et armorum superabantur, cum ingens multitudo artis locis praelongas hastas non protenderefc, non colligeret, neque adsultibus et velocitate corporum uteretur, coacfca stabile ad proelium; contra miles, cui scutum pectori adpressum et insidens capulo manus, latos barbarorum artus, nuda ora foderet viamque strage hostium aperiret, imprompto iam Arminio ob continua pericula, sive ilium recens acceptum vulnus tardaverat. Quin et Inguiomerum, tota volitantem acie, 2 fortuna magis quam virtus deserebat. Et Germanicus 3 64 CORNELLI TACITI [Cap. 21, 22, 23. quo magis adgnosceretur, detraxerat tegimen capiti orabatque insisterent caedibus: nil opus captivis, 4 solam internicionem gentis finem bello fore. lamque sero diei subducit ex acie legionem faciendis eastris: ceterae ad noctem cruore hostium satiatae sunt. Equites ambigue certavere. 1 22. Laudatis pro contione vietoribus Caesar con- geriem armorum struxit, superbo cum titulo: debellatis inter Rhenum Albimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea monimenta Marti et lovi et Augusto 2 sacravisse. De se nihil addidit, metu invidiae an ratus 3 conscientiani facti satis esse. Mox bellum in Angri- varios Stertinio mandat, ni deditionem properavissent. Atque illi supplices nihil abnuendo veniam omnium accepere. 1 23. Sed aestate iam adulta legionum aliae itinere terrestri in hibemacula remissae; plures Caesar classi 2 impositas per flumen Amisiam Oceano invexit. Ac primo placidum aequor mille navium remis strepere aut velis impelli: mox atro nubium globo effusa grando, simul variis undique procellis incerti fluctus prospectum adimere, regimen impedire; milesque pavidus et casuum maris ignarus dum turbat nautas vel intempestive 3 iuvat, ofEcia prudentium corrumpebat. Omne dehinc caelum et mare omne in austrum cessit, qui tumidis Germaniae terris, profundis amnibus, immenso nubium tractu validus et rigore vicini septentrionis horridior rapuit disiecitque naves in aperta Oceani aut insulas 4 saxis abruptis vel per occulta vada infestas. Quibus paulum aegreque vitatis, postquam mutabat aestus eodemque quo ventus ferebat, non adhaerere ancoris, Cap. 23, 24, 25.] ANNALES. 65 non exhaurire inrumpentis undas poterant: equi, iumenta, sarcinae, etiam arma praecipitantur, quo leva- rentur alvei, manantes per iatera et fluctu superurgente. 24. Quanto violentior cetero mari Oceanus et 1 truculentia caeli praestat Germania, tantum ilia clades novitate et magnitudine excessit, hostilibus circiim litoribus aut ita vasto et profundo, ut credatur novis- simum ac sine terris mare. Pars navium hausfcae 2 sunt, plures apud insulas longius sitas eiectae; milesque nullo illic hominum cultu fame absumptus, nisi quos corpora equorum eodem elisa toleraverant. Sola Ger- 3 manici triremis Chaucorum terram adpulit; quem per omnes illos dies noctesque apud scopulos et prominentis oras, cum se tanti exitii reum clamitaret, vix cohibuere amici quo minus eodem mari oppeteret. Tandem 4 relabente aestu et secundante vento claudae naves raro remigio aut intentis vestibus, et quaedam a validioribus tractae, revertere; quas raptim refectas misit, ut scrutarentur insulas. Collecti ea cura plerique: multos 5 Angrivarii nuper in fidem accepti redemptos ab inte- rioribus reddidere; quidam in Britanniam rapti et remissi a regulis. Ut quis ex longinquo revenerat, 6 miracula narrabant, Vim turbinum et inauditas volucres, monstra maris, ambiguas hominum et beluarum formas, visa sive ex metu credita. 25. Sed fama classis amissae ut Germanos ad 1 spem belli, ita Caesarem ad coercendum erexit. C. 2 Silio cum triginta peditum, tribus equitum milibus ire in Chattos imperat; ipse maioribus copiis Marsos inrumpit, quorum dux Mallovendus nuper in deditionem acceptus propinquo luco defossam Varianae legionis 66 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 25, 26. 3 aquilam modico praesidio servari indicat. Missa ex- templo manus, quae hostem a fronte eliceret, alii, qui terga circumgressi recluderent humum; et utrisque 4 adfuit fortuna. Eo promptior Caesar pergit introrsus, populatur, excindit non ausum congredi hostem aut, sicubi restiterat, statim pulsum nee umquam magis, ut 5 ex captivis cognitum est, paventem. Quippe invictos et nullis easibus superabiles Romanos praedicabant, qui perdita classe, amissis armis, post constrata equo- rum virorumque corporibus litora eadem virtute, pari ferocia et velut aucti numero inrupissent. 1 2©. Reductus inde in hibema miles, laetus animi, quod adversa maris expeditione prospera pensavisset. Addidit munificentiam Caesar, quantum quis damni 2 professus erafc, exsolvendo. Nee dubium habebatur labare hostes petendaeque pacis consilia sumere, et si 3 proxima aestas adiceretur, posse bellum patrari. Sed crebris epistulis Tiberius monebat rediret ad decretum triumphum: satis iam eventuum, satis casuum. Pro- spera illi et magna proelia: eorum quoque meminissefc, quae venti et fluctus, nulla ducis culpa, gravia tamen et saeva damna intulissent. Se noviens a divo Augusto in Germaniam missum plura consilio quam vi perfecisse. Sic Sugambros in deditionem acceptos, sic Suebos regemque Maroboduum pace obstrictum. Posse et Cheruscos ceterasque rebellium gentes, quoniam Ro- manae ultioni consultum esset, internis discordiis 4 relinqui. Precante Germanico annum efficiendis coeptis, acrius modestiam eius adgreditur alterum consulatum 6 offerendo, cuius munia praesens obiret. Simul adnecte- bat, si foret adhuc bellandum,-relinqueret materiem Cap. 26, 27, 28.] ANNALES. 67 Drusi fratris gloriae, qui nuUo turn alio hoste non nisi apud Germanias adsequi nomen imperatorium et de- portare lauream posset. Haud cunctatus est ultra 6 Germanicus, quamquam fingi ea seque per invidiam parto iam decori abstrahi intellegeret. 27. Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo 1 Drusus defertur moliri res novas. Eius negotii initiimi, ordinem, finem curatius disseram, quia turn primum reperta sunt quae per tot annos rem publicam exedere. Firmius Catus senator, ex intima Libonis amicitia, 2 iuvenem improvidum et facilem inanibus ad Chal- daeorum promissa, magorum sacra, somnionmi etiam interpretes impulit, dum proavum Pompeium, ami- tam Scriboniam, quae quondam Augusti coniunx f uerat, consobrinos Caesares, plenam imaginibus domum ostentat, hortaturque ad^'luxum et aes alienum, socius libidinum et necessitatum, quo pluribus indiciis inligaret. 28. Ut satis testium et qui servi eadem noscerent 1 repperit, aditum ad principem postulat, demonstrato crimine et reo per Flaccum Vescularium equitem Romanum, cui propior cum Tiberio usus erat. Caesar 2 indicium haud aspematus congressus abnuit: posse enim eodem Flacco intemuntio sermones commeare. Atque interim Libonem omat praetura, convictibus 3 adhibet, non vultu alienatus, non verbis commotior (adeo iram condiderat) ; cunctaque eius dicta f actaque, cum prohibere posset, scire malebat, donee Junius quidam, temptatus ut infemas umbras carminibus eliceret, ad Fulcinium Trionem indicium detulit. Celebre inter accusatores Trionis ingenium erat avidum- 4 que famae malae. Statim corripit reum, adit consules, 68 COKNELII TACITI [Cap. 28, 29, 30. 5 cognitionem senatus poscit. Et vocantur patres, addito consultandum super re magna et atroei. 1 39. Libo interim veste mutata cum primoribus feminis circumire domos, orare adfines, vocem adversum pericula poscere, abnuentibus cunctis, cum diversa 2 praetenderent, eadem formidine. Die senatus metu et aegritudine fessus, sive, ut tradidere quidam, simulate morbo, lectica delatus ad fores curiae innisusque fratri et manus ac supplices voces ad Tiberium tendens immoto eius vultu excipitur. Mox libellos et auctores recitat Caesar ita moderans, ne lenire neve asperare crimina videretur. 1 30. Accesserant praeter Trionem et Catum accusa- tores Fonteius Agrippa et C. Vibius, certabantque cui ius perorandi in reum daretur, donee Vibius, quia nee ipsi inter se concederent et Lfto sine patrono introisset, singillatim se crimina obiecturum professus, protulit libellos vaecordes adeo, ut consultaverit Libo, an habi- turus foret opes, quis viam Appiam Brundisium usque 2 pecunia operiret. Inerant et alia huiusce modi stolida vana, si mollius acciperes, miseranda. Uno tamen libello manu Libonis nominibus Caesarum aut senatorum additas atroces vel occultas notas accusator arguebat. 3 Negante reo adgnoscentes servos per tormenta in- terrogari placuit. Et quia vetere senatus consulto quaestio in caput domini prohibebatur, callidus et novi iuris repertor Tiberius mancipari singulos actori publico iubet, scilicet ut in Libonem ex servis salvo 4 senatus consulto quaereretur. Ob quae posterum diem reus petivit domumque digressus extremas preces P. Quirinio propinquo suo ad principem mandavit. Cap. 31, 32, 33.] ANNALES. 69 31. Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. Cinge- 1 batur interim milite domus, strepebant etiam in vesti- bule, ut audiri, ut aspici possent, cum Libo ipsis quas in novissimam voluptatem adhibuerat epulis excrucia- tus vocare percussorem, prensare servorum dextras, inserere gladium. Atque illis, dum trepidant, dum 2 refugiunt, evertentibus adpositum in mensa lumen, feralibus iam sibi tenebris duos ictus in viscera derexit. Ad gemitum conlabentis adcurrere liberti, et caede 3 visa miles abstitit. Accusatio tamen apud patres 4 adseveratione eadem peracta, iuravitque Tiberius peti- turum se vitam quamvis nocenti, nisi voluntariam mortem properavisset. 32. Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et prae- 1 turae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. Time Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis 2 exsequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentu- lus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. Supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia con- 3 stituti. Dona lovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum 4 Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli, ut sciretur vetus id in re pub- lica malum. Facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia 5 pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e niunero L. Pituanius saxo delectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 33. Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis 1 dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura 70 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 33, 34. functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis 2 cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. Excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae prcmere. 3 Contra Gall us Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adole- visse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis riioribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo 4 magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. Neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nijnium 6 aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. Di- stinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed, ut locis ordinibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis, quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique plures curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et 6 periculormn carendum esse. Facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. Adiecerat et Tiberius non id tem- pus censurae nee, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem. 1 34. Inter quae L. Piso ambitum fori, corrupta iudicia, saevitiam oratorum accusationes minitantium increpans, abire se et cedere urbe, victurum in. aliquo abdito et longinquo rure testabatur; simul curiam 2 relinquebat. Commotus est Tiberius, et quamquam mitibus verbis Pisonem permulsisset, propinquos quo- que eius impulit ut abeuntem auctoritate vel precibus 3 tenerent. Haud minus liberi doloris documentum idem Cap. 34, 35, 36.] ANNALES. 71 Piso mox dedit vocata in ius Urgulania, quam supra leges amicitia Augustae extulerat. Nee aut Urgulania 4 obtemperavit, in domum Caesaris spreto Pisone vecta, aut ille abscessit, quamquam Augusta se violari et imminui quereretur. Tiberius hactenus indulgere matri 5 civile ratus, ut se iturum ad praetoris tribunal, adfutu- rum Urgulaniae diceret, processit Palatio, procul sequi iussis militibus. Spectabatur occursante populo com- 6 positus ore et sermonibus variis tempus atque iter ducens, donee propinquis Pisonem frustra coercentibus deferri Augusta pecuniam, quae petebatur, iuberet. Isque finis rei, ex qua neque Piso inglorius et Caesar 7 maiore fama fuit. Ceterum Urgulaniae potentia adeo 8 nimia civitati erat, ut testis in causa quadam, quae apud senatum tractabatur, venire dedignaretur: missus est praetor, qui domi interrogaret, cum virgines Vestales in foro et iudicio audiri, quotiens testimonium dicerent, vetus mos fuerit. 35. Res eo anno prolatas baud referrem, ni pre- 1 tium foret Cn. Pisonis et Asinii Galli super eo negotio diversas sententias noscere. Piso, quamquam afuturum 2 se dixerat Caesar, ob id magis agendas censebat, ut absente principe senatum et equites posse sua munia sustinere decorum rei publicae foret. Gallus, quia spe- 3 ciem libertatis Piso praeceperat, nihil satis inlustre aut ex dignitate populi Romani nisi coram et sub oculis Caesaris, eoque conventum Italiae et adfluentis pror vincias praesentiae eius servanda dicebat. Audiente 4 haec Tiberio ac silente magnis utrimque contentionibus acta, sed res dilatae. 36 • Et certamen Gallo ad versus Caesarem exortum 1 72 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 36, 37. est. Nam censuit in quinquennium magistratuum comitia habenda, utque legionum legati, qui ante praeturam ea militia fungebantur, iam turn praetores destinarentur, princeps duodecim candidates in annos 2 singulos nominaret. Haud dubium erat eam sententiam altius penetrare et arcana imperii temptari. Tiberius tamen, quasi augeretur potestas eius, disseruit: grave 3 moderationi suae tot eligere, tot differre. Vix per singulos annos offensiones vitari, quamvis repulsam propinqua spes soletur: quantum odii fore ab iis, qui ultra quinquenniimi proiciantur? Unde prospici posse quae cuique tam longo temporis spatio mens, domus, 4 fortuna? Superbire homines etiam annua designatione: 5 quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent? Quin- • quiplicari prorsus magistratus, subverti leges, quae sua spatia exercendae candidatorum industriae quaerendis- que aut potiundis honoribus statuerint. Favorabili in speciem oratione vim imperii tenuit. 1 ST. Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. Quo magis mirum^fuit, quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis luvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. 2 Nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate deciens sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere 3 liberos, ne clarissima familia exstingueretur. Igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem, modo Augusti 4 intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: ' Patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli, sed quia prineeps_ monebat; simul 6 maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. Nam ego, Cap. 37, 38.] ANNALES. 73 qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum acci- pere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nee mihi pudori nee cuiquam oneri forent. lussus 6 ab imperatore uxorem duxi. En stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. Nee ad invidiam ista, sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. Adsequentur florente 7 te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.' 38. Inclinatio senatus incitamentum Tiberio fuit 1 quo promtius adversaretur, his ferme verbis usus: 'Si quantum pauperum est venire hue et liberis suis 2 petere pecunias coeperint, singuli numquam exsatia- buntur, res publica deficiet. Nee sane ideo a maioribus 3 concessum est egredi aliquando relationem et quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre, ut privata negotia et res familiares nostras hie augeamus, cum invidia senatus et principum, sive indulserint largitio- nem sive abnuerint. Non enim preces sunt istud, sed 4 efHagitatio, imtempestiva quidem et improvisa, cum aliis de rebus convenerint patres, consurgere et numero atque aetate Kberum suorum urguere modestiam sena- tus, eandem vim in me transmittere ac velut perfringere aerarium, quod si ambitione exhauserimus, per scelera supplendum erit. Dedit tibi, Hortale, divus Augustus 5 pecuniam, sed non compellatus nee ea lege, ut semper daretur. Languescet alioqui industria, intendetur socor- 6 dia, si nullus ex se metus aut spes, et securi omnes aliena subsidia exspectabunt, sibi ignavi, nobis graves/ Haec atque talia, quamquam cum adsensu audita ab iis, 7 quibus omnia principum, honesta atque inhonesta, 74 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 38, 39, 40. laudare mos est, plures per silentium aut occultum 8 murmur excepere. Sensitque Tiberius; et cum paulum retieuisset, Hortalo se respondisse ait: ceterum si patribus videretur, daturum liberis eius ducena sestertia 9 singulis, qui sexus virilis essent. Egere alii grates: siluit Hortalus, pavore an avitae nobilitatis etiam 10 inter angustias fortunae retinens. Neque miseratus est posthac Tiberius, quamvis domus Hortensii puden- dam ad inopiam delaberetur. 1 39. Eodem anno mancipii unius audacia, ni mature subventum foret, discordiis armisque civilibus 2 rem publicam pereulisset. Postumi Agrippae servus, nomine Clemens, eonperto fine Augusti pergere in insulam Planasiam et fraude aut vi raptum Agrippam ferre ad exercitus Germanicos non servili animo eonce- 3 pit. Ansa eius impedivittarditasonerariaenavis: atque interim patrata caede ad maiora et magis praecipitia conversus furatur cineres vectusque Cosam Etruriae promunturium ignotis locis sese abdit, donee crinem barbamque promitteret: nam aetate et forma baud 4 dissimili in dominum erat. Tum per idoneos et secreti eius soeios erebrescit vivere Agrippam, occultis primum sermonibus, ut vetita solent, mox vago rumore apud imperitissimi cuiusque promptas aures aut rursum 5 apud turbidos eoque nova cupientes. Atque ipse adire mimicipia obscuro diei, neque propalam aspici neque diutius isdem locis, sed quia Veritas visu et mora, falsa festinatione et incertis valescunt, relinquebat famam aut praeveniebat. 1 40. Vulgabatur interim per Italiam servatum munere deum Agrippam, credebatur Romae; iamque Cap. 40, 41.] ANNALES. 75 Ostiam invectum multitudo ingens, iam in urbe clan- destini coetus celebrabant, cum Tiberium anceps cura distrahere, vine militum servum suum coerceret an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sineret: modo nihil spemendum, modo non omnia metuenda 2 ambiguus pudoris ac metus reputabat. Postremo dat negotium Sallustio Crispo. lUe e clientibus duos 3 (quidam milites fuisse tradunt) deligit atque hortatur, simulata conscientia adeant, offerant pecuniam, fidem atque pericula poUiceantur. Exsequuntur ut iussum 4 erat. Dein speculati noctem incustoditam, accepta idonea manu, vinetum clauso ore in Palatium traxere. Percontanti Tiberio, quomodo Agrippa factus esset, 5 respondisse fertiu* ' Quo modo tu Caesar/ Ut ederet socios subigi non potuit. Nee Tiberius poenam eius 6 palam ausus, in secreta Palatii parte interfici iussit corpusque clam auferri. Et quamquam multi e domo principis equitesque ac senatores sustentasse opibus, iuvisse consiliis dicerentur, baud quaesitum. 41. Fine anni arcus propter aedem Satumi ob 1 recepta signa cum Varo amissa ductu Germanici, auspiciis Tiberii, et aedes Fortis Fortunae Tiberim iuxta in hortis, quos Caesar dictator populo Romano legaverat, sacrarium genti luliae efEgiesque divo Au- gusto apud Bovillas dicantur. C. Caelio L. Pomponio consulibus Germanicus Caesar 2 a. d. VII. Kal. lunias triumphavit de Cheruscis Chat- tisque et Angrivariis quaeque aliae nationes usque ad Albim colunt. Vecta spolia, captivi, simulacra mon- 3 tium, fluminum, proeliorum; bellumque, quia conficere prohibitus erat, pro confecto accipiebatur. Augebat 4 76 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 41, 42. intuentium visus eximia ipsius species currusque 5 quinque liberis onustus. Sed suberat occulta formido, reputantibus baud prosperum in Druso patre eius favorem vulgi, avunculum eiusdem Marcellum flagran- tibus plebis studiis intra iuventam ereptum, breves et infaustos populi Romani amores. 1 42. Cetenun Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit. Nee ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxit- 2 que causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. Rex Archelaus quinquagensimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, in- visus Tiberio, quod eum Rhodi agentem nuUo officio 3 coluisset. Nee id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amici- 4 tia credebatur. Ut versa Caesarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, 5 si ad precandimi veniret. lUe ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, vim metuens in urbem properat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur, sed angore, simul fessus senio et qiiia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. 6 Regnum in provinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius levari posse centesimae vectigal professus Caesar 7 ducentesimam in posterum statuit. Per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicmn regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, ^aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et provinciae Cap. 42, 43.] ANNALES. 77 Suria atque ludaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant. 43 • Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi 1 apud patres disseruit, nee posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici sapientia componi: nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum satis adolevisse. Tunc decreto 2 patrum permissae Germanico provinciae, quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis, qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent. Sed 3 Tiberius demoverat Suria Creticum Silanum, per adfinitatem conexum Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat, prae- feceratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone, qui civili bello resurgentes in Africa partes acerrimo ministerio adversus Caesarem iuvit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus^con- cesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donee ultro ambiretur delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. Sed praeter paternos spiritus uxoris quoque Plancinae 4 nobilitate et opibus accendebatur; vix Tiberio con- cedere, liberos eius ut multum infra despectare. Nee dubium habebat se delectum, qui Suriae imponeretur ad spes Germanici coercendas. Credidere quidam data 5 et a Tiberio occulta mandata; et Plancinam baud dubie Augusta monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrip- pinam insectandi. Divisa namque et discors aula erat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum studiis. Tiberius 6 ut proprium et sui sanguinis Drusum fovebat: Ger- manico alienatio patrui amorem apud ceteros auxerat, et quia claritudine matemi generis anteibat, avum M. Antonium, avunculum Augustum f erens. Contra Druso 7 78 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 43, 44, 45. proavus eques Romanus Pomponius Atticus dedecere Claudiorum imagines videbatur: et coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditate ac fama Liviam uxorem Drusi praecellebat. Sed fratres egregie Concordes et proximo- rum certaminibus inconcussi. 1 44. Nee multo post Drusus in lUyricum missus est, ut suesceret militiae studiaque exercitus pararet; simul iuvenem urbano luxu lascivientem melius in castris haberi Tiberius seque tutiorem rebatur utroque 2 filio legiones obtinente. Sed Suebi praetendebantur auxilium adversus Cheruscos orantes; nam discessu Romanorum ac vacui extemo metu^ gentis adsuetudine 3 et turn aemulatione gloriae arma in se verterant. Vis nationum, virtus ducum in aequo; sed Maroboduum regis nomen invisum apud populares, Arminium pro libertate bellantem/avor habebat. 1 45. Igitur non modo Cherusci sociique eorum, vetus Arminii miles, sumpsere bellum, sed e regno etiam Marobodui Suebae gentes, Semnones ac Langobardi, 2 defecere ad eum. Quibus additis praepoUebat, ni Inguiomerus cum manu clientium ad Maroboduum perfugisset, non aliam ob causam, quam quia fratris 3 filio iuveni patruus senex parere dedignabatur. Deri- guntur acies, pari utrimque spe, nee, ut olim apud Germanos, vagis incursibus aut disiectas per catervas: quippe longa adversum nos militia insueverant sequi signa, subsidiis firmari, dicta imperatorum accipere. 4 Ac tunc Arminius equo conlustrans cuncta, ut quosque advectus erat, reciperatam libertatem, trucidatas le- ' giones, spolia adhuc et tela Romauis derepta in manibus multorum ostentabat; contra fugacem Maroboduum Cap. 45, 46.] ANNALES. 79 appellans, proeliorum expertem, Hercyniae latebris defensum; ac mox per dona et legationes petivisse foedus, proditorem patriae, satellitem Caesaris, haud minus infensis animis exturbandum, quam Varum Quintilium interfecerint. Meminissent modo tot pro- 5 eliorum, quorum eventu et ad postremum eiectis Romanis satis probatum, penes utros summa belli fuerit. 46. Neque Maroboduus iactantia sui aut probris in 1 hostem abstinebat, sed Inguiomerum tenens illo in corpore decus omne Cheruscorum, illius consiliis gesta quae prospere ceciderint testabatur: vaecordem Armi- nium et rerum neseium alienam gloriam in se trahere, quoniam tres vagas legiones et ducem fraudis ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna cum clade Germaniae et ignominia sua, cum coniunx, cum filius eius servitium adhuc tolerent. At se duodecim legionibus petitum 2 duce Tiberio inlibatam Germanorum gloriam servavisse, mox condicionibus aequis discessum; neque paenitere quod ipsorum in manu sit, integrum adversum Roma- nos bellum an pacem incruentam malint. His vocibus 3 instinctos exercitus propriae quoque causae stimulabant, cum a Cheruscis Langobardisque pro antiquo decore aut recenti libertate et contra augendae domination! certaretur. Non alias maiore mole concursum neque 4 ambiguo magis eventu, fusis utrimque dextris comibus; sperabaturque rursum pugna, ni Maroboduus castra in colles subduxisset. Id signum perculsi fuit; et 5 transfugiis paulatim nudatus in Marcomanos concessit misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. Re- 6 sponsum est non iure eum adversus Cheruscos arma 80 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 46, 47, 48. Romana invocare, qui pugnantis in eundem hostem Romanos nulla ope iuvisset. Missus tamen Drusus, ut rettulimus, paci firmator. 1 Y 4T. Eodem anno duodecim celebres Asiae urbes conlapsae noctumo motu terrae, quo improvisior 2 graviorque pestis fuit. Neque soli turn in tali casu effugium subveniebat, in aperta prorumpendi, quia diductis terris hauriebantur. Sedisse immensos monies, visa in arduo quae plana fuerint, effulsisse inter ruinam 3 ignes memorant. Asperrima in Sardianos lues pluri- mum in eosdem misericordiae traxit: nam centiens sestertium poUicitus Caesar, et quantum aerario aut 4 fisco pendebant, in quinquennium remisit. Magnetes a Sipylo proximi damno ac remedio habiti. Temnios, Philadelphenos, Aegeatas, Apollonidenses, quique Mo- steni aut Macedones Hyrcani vocantur, et Hierocaesa- riam, Myrinam, Cymen, Tmolum levari idem in tempus tributis mittique ex senatu placuit, qui praesentia 5 spectaret refoveretque. Delectus est M. Ateius e praetoriis, ne consulari obtinente Asiam aemulatio inter pares et ex eo impedimentum oreretur. 1 48. Magnificam in publicum largitionem auxit Caesar baud minus grata liberalitate, quod bona Aemiliae Musae, locupletis intestatae, petita in fiscum, Aemilio Lepido, cuius e domo videbatur, et Patulei divitis equitis Romani hereditatem, quamquam ipse heres in parte legeretur, tradidit M. Servilio, quem prioribus neque suspectis tabulis scriptum compererat, nobilitatem utriusque pecunia iuvandam praefatus. 2 Neque hereditatem cuiusquam adiit nisi cum amicitia meruisset: ignotos et aliis infehsos eoque principem Cap. 48, 49, 60.] ANNALES. 81 nuncupantes procul arcebat. Ceterum ut honestam 3 innocentium paupertatem levavit, ita prodigos et ob flagitia egentes, Vibidium Virronem, Marium Nepotem, Appium Appianum, Comelium SuUam, Q. Vitellium movit senatu aut sponte cedere passus est. 49. Isdem temporibus deum aedes vetustate aut 1 igni abolitas coeptasque ab Augusto dedicavit, Libero Liberaeque et Cereri iuxta circum maximum, quam A. Postumius dictator voverat, eodemque in loco aedem Florae ab Lucio et Marco Publiciis aedilibus constitu- tam, et lano templum, quod apud forum holitorium C. Duilius struxerat, qui primus rem Romanam prospere mari gessit triumphumque navalem de Poenis meruit. Spei aedes a Germanico sacratur: banc A. Atilius 2 voverat eodem bello. 5©. Adolescebat interea lex maiestatis. Et Ap- 1 puleiam Varillam, sororis Augusti neptem, quia probro- sis sermonibus divum Augustum ac Tiberium et matrem eius inlusisset Caesarique conexa adulterio teneretur, maiestatis delator arcessebat. De adulterio satis caveri 2 lege lulia visum: maiestatis crimen distingui Caesar postulavit damnarique, si qua de Augusto inreligiose dixisset: in se iacta nolle ad cognitionem vocari. In- 3 terrogatus a consule, quid de iis censeret, quae de matre eius locuta secus argueretur, reticuit; dein proximo senatus die illius quoque nomine oravit, ne cui verba in eam quoquo modo habita crimini forent. Libe- 4 ravitqueAppuleiam lege maiestatis: adulterii graviorem 5 poenam deprecatus, ut exemplo maiorum propinquis suis ultra ducentesimum lapidem removeretur suasit. Adultero Manlio Italia atque Africa interdictum est. 82 CORNfeLII TACITI [Cap. 51, 52. 1 51. De praetore in locum Vipstani Galli, quern 2 mors abstulerat, subrogando certamen incessit. Ger- manicus atque Drusus (nam etiam tum Romae erant) Haterium Agrippam propinquum Germanici fovebant: contra plerique nitebantur, ut numerus liberorum in 3 candidatis praepoUeret, quod lex iubebat. Laetabatur Tiberius, cum inter filios eius et leges senatus disceptaret. Victa est sine dubio lex, sed neque statim et paucis suffragiis, quo modo etiam, cum valerent, leges vince- bantur. 1 52. Eodem anno coeptum in Africa bellum, duce 2 hostium Tacfarinate. Is natione Numida, in castris Romanis auxiliaria stipendia meritus, mox desertor, vagos primum et latrociniis suetos ad praedam et raptus congregare, dein more militiae per vexilla et turmas componere, postremo non inconditae turbae, 3 sed Musulamiorum dux haberi. Valida ea gens et solitudinibus Africae propinqua, nuUo etiam tum ur- bium cultu, cepit anna Maurosque accolas in bellum 4 traxit: dux et his, Mazippa. Divisusque exercitus, ut Tacfarinas lectos viros et Romanum in modum armatos castris attineret, disciplinae et imperiis sue- secret, Mazippa levi cum copia incendia et caedes et 5 terrorem circumferret. Conpulerantque Cinithios, baud spemendam nationem, in eadem, cum Furius Camillus pro consule Africae legionem et quod sub signis sociorum in unum conductos ad hostem duxit, modicam manum, si multitudinem Numidarum atque Maurorum spectares; sed nihil aeque cavebatur quam ne bellum metu eluderent: spe victoriae inducti sunt 6 ut vincerentur, Igitur legio medio, leves cohortes Cap. 52, 53, 54.] ANNALES. 83 duaeque alae in comibus locantur. Nee Tacfarinas 7 pugnam detrectavit. Fusi Numidae, multosque post annos Furio nomini partum decus militiae. Nam 8 post ilium reciperatorem urbis filiumque eius Camillum penes alias familias imperatoria laus fuerat; atque hie, quem memoramus, bellorum expers habebatur. Eo pronior Tiberius res gestas apud senatum cele- 9 bravit; et decrevere patres triumphalia insignia, quod Camillo ob modestiam vitae impune fuit. 53. Sequens annus Tiberium tertio, Germanicum 1 iterum consules habuit. Sed eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud m-bem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per lUyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox lonii maris adversam navigationem perpessus. Igitur paucos dies insumpsit refieiendae 2 classi; simul sinus Actiaca victoria inclutos et sacratas ab Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recorda- tione maiorum suorum adiit. Namque ei, ut memoravi, 3 avunculus Augustus, avus Antonius erant, magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque. Hinc ventum Athe- nas, foederique sociae et vetustae urbis datum, ut imo lictore uteretur. Excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honori- 4 bus, Vetera suorum facta dictaque praeferentes, quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet. 54. Petita inde Euboea tramisit Lesbum, ubi 1 Agrippina novissimo partu luliam edidit. Tum extrema 2 Asiae Perinthumque ac Byzantium, Thraecias urbes, mox Propontidis angustias et os Ponticum intrat, cupidine veteres locos et fama celebratos noscendi; pariterque provincias internis certaminibus aut magi- stratuum iniuriis fessas refovebat. Atque ilium in 3 84 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 54, 55. regressu sacra Samothracum visere nitentem obvii aquilones depulere. Igitur adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietate fortunae et nostri origine veneranda, relegit Asiam adpellitque Colophona, ut Clarii Apollinis 4 oraculo uteretur. Non femina illic, ut apud Delphos, sed certis e familiis et ferme Mileto accitus sacerdos numerum modo consultantium et nomina audit; turn in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa versi- bus compositis super rebus, quas quis mente concepit. 5 Et ferebatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis, maturum exitium cecinisse. 1 55. At Cn. Piso, quo properantius destinata inciperet, civitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva increpat, oblique Germani- cum perstringens, quod contra decus Romani nominis non Athenienses tot cladibus exstinctos, sed conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus 2 divum Augustum socios. Etiam Vetera obiectabat, quae in Macedones improspere, violenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbi propria quoque ira, quia Theo- philum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus 3 suis non concederent. Exim navigatione celeri per Cycladas et compendia maris adsequitur Germanicum apud insulam Rhodum, baud nescium quibus insecta- tionibus petitus f oret : sed tanta mansuetudine agebat, ut, cum orta tempestas raperet in abrupta possetque interitus inimici ad casum referri, miserit triremis, 4 quarum subsidio discrimini eximeretur. Neque tamen mitigatus Piso, et vix diei moram perpessus linquit Cap. 55, 56.] ANNALES. 85 Germanicum praevenitque. Et postquam Suriam ac legiones attigit, largitione, ambitu, infimos manipula- rium iuvando, cum veteres centuriones, severos tribunos demoveret locaque eorum clientibus suis vel deterrimo cuique attribueret, desidiam in castris, licentiam in urbibus, vagum ac lascivientem per agros militem sineret, eo usque corruptionis provectus est, ut sermone vulgi parens legionum haberetur. Nee Plancina se 5 intra decora feminis tenebat, sed exercitio equitum, decursibus cohortium interesse, in Agrippinam, in Germanicum contumelias iacere, quibusdam etiam bonorum militum ad mala obsequia promptis, quod baud invito imperatore ea fieri occultus rumor incedebat. Nota haec Germanico, sed praeverti ad Armenios 6 instantior cura fuit. 50. Ambigua gens ea antiquitus hominum ingeniis 1 et situ terrarum, quoniam nostris provinciis late prae- tenta penitus ad Medos porrigitur; maximisque im- periis interiecti et saepius discordes sunt, adversus Romanos odio et in Parthum invidia. Regem ilia 2 tempestate non habebant, amoto Vonone: sed favor nationis inclinabat in Zenonem, Polemonis regis Pontici filium, quod is prima ab infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum aemulatus, venatu epulis et quae alia barbari celebrant, proceres plebemque iuxta devinxerat. Igitur Germanicus in urbe Artaxata adprobantibus 3 nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine, insigne regium capiti eius imposuit. Ceteri venerantes regem Artaxiam con- salutavere, quod illi vocabulum indiderant ex nomine urbis. At Cappadoces in formam provihciae redacti 4 Q. Veranium legatum accepere; et quaedam ex regiis 86 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 56, 57, 58. tributis deminuta, quo mitius Romanum imperium 5 speraretur. Commagenis Q. Servaeus praeponitur, turn primum ad ius praetoris translatis. 1 57. Cunctaque socialia prospere composita non ideo laetum Germanicum habebant ob superbiam Pisonis, qui iussus partem legionum ipse aut per filium 2 in Armeniam ducere utrumque neglexerat. Cyrri demum apud hiberna decumae legionis convenere, firmato vultu, Piso adversus metum, Germanicus, ne 3 minari crederetur; et erat, ut rettuli, elementior. Sed amici accendendis offensionibus callidi intendere vera, adgerere falsa ipsumque et Plancinam et filios variis 4 modis criminari. Postremo paucis familiarium adhi- bitis sermo coeptus a Caesare, qualem ira et dissimulatio gignit, responsum a Pisone piecibus contumacibus; dis- cesseruntque apertis odiis. Post quae rams in tribunali Caesaris Piso, et si quando adsideret, atrox ac dissentire 5 manifestus. Vox quoque eius audita est in convivio, cum apud regem Nabataeorum coronae aureae magno pondere Caesari et Agrippinae, leves Pisoni et ceteris offerrentur, principis Romani, non Parthi regis filio eas epulas dari; abiecitque simul coronam et multa in luxum addidit, quae Germanico quamquam acerba toleraban- tur tamen. 1 58. Inter quae ab rege Parthorum Artabano legati venere. Miserat amicitiam ac foedus memoraturos, et cupere renovari dextras, daturumque honori Ger- manici, ut ripam Euphratis accederet: petere interim, ne Vonones in Suria haberetur neu proceres gentium 2 propinquis nuntiis ad discordias traheret. Ad ea Germanicus de societate Romanorum Parthorumque Cap. 58, 59, 60.] ANNALES. 87 magnifice, de adventu regis et cultu sui cum decore ac modestia respondit. Vonones Pompeiopolim, Ciliciae 3 maritimam urbem, amotus est. Datum id non modo precibus Artabani, sed contumeliae Pisonis, cui gratis- simus erat ob plurima officia et dona, quibus Plancinam devinxerat. 59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus 1 Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. Sed 2 cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usur- pavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu 3 habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricfco, acerrime increpuit, quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. Nam Augustus inter 4 alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aeg3T)tum, ne fame urgueret Italiam, quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentes exercitus insedisset. 60. Sed Germanicus nondum comperto profec- 1 tionem eam incusari Nilo subvehebatur, orsus oppido a Canopo. Condidere id Spartani ob sepultum illic 2 rectorem navis Canopum, qua tempestate Menelaus Graeciam repetens diversum ad mare terramque Libyam deiectus est Inde proximum amnis os dicatum 3 Herculi, quem indigenae ortum apud se et antiquissi- mum perhibent eosque, qui postea pari virtute fuerint, in cognomentum eius adscitos; mox visit veterum 88 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 60, 61, 62. 4 Thebarum magna vestigia. Et manebant structis molibus litterae Aegyptiae, priorem opulentiam com- plexae: iussusque e senioribus sacerdotum patrium sermonem interpretari, referebat habitasse quondam septingenta milia aetate militari, atque eo cmn exercitu regem Rhamsen Libya Aethiopia Medisque et Persis et Bactriano ac Scyt.ha potitum quasque terras Suri Armeniique et contigui Cappadoees colunt, inde Bithynmn, hinc Lycimn ad mare imperio tenuisse. 5 Legebantm* et indieta gentibus tributa, pondus argenti et auri, numerus armorima equorumque et dona templis ebm- atque odores, quasque copias frumenti et omnium utensilium quaeque natio penderet, baud minus magni- fica, quam nunc vi Parthorum aut potentia Romana iubentur. 1 61. Ceterum Gennanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea eflEigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, 2 nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis. Exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. 1 62. Dum ea aestas Germanico plures per pro- vincias transigitur, baud leve decus Drusus quaesivit inliciens Germanos ad discordias utque fracto iam 2 Maroboduo usque in exitium insisteretur. Erat inter Gotones nobilis iuvenis nomine Catualda, profugus olim vi Marobodui et tunc dubiis rebus eius ultionem Cap. 62, 63J ANNALES. 89 ausus. Is valida manu fines Marcomanorum ingreditur 3 corruptisque primoribus ad societatem inrumpit regiam castellumque iuxta situm. Veteres illic Sueborum 4 praedae et nostris e provinciis lixae ac negotiatores reperti, quos ius commercii, dein cupido augendi pecu- niam, postremum oblivio patriae suis quemque ab sedibus hostilem in agriim transtulerat. 63. Maroboduo undique deserto non aliud subsid- 1 ium quam misericordia Caesaris fuit. Transgressus Danuvium, qua Noricam provinciam praefluit, scripsit Tiberio non ut profugus aut supplex, sed ex memoria prions fortunae: nam multis nationibus clarissimum quondam regem ad se vocantibus Romanam amicitiam praetulisse. Responsum a Caesare tutam ei honoratam- 2 que sedem in Italia fore, si maneret: sin rebus eius aliud conduceret, abiturum fide qua venisset. Ceterum 3 apud senatum disseruit non Philippum Atheniensibus, non Pyrrum aut Antiochum populo Romano perinde metuendos fuisse. Extat oratio, qua magnitudinem 4 viri, violentiam subiectarum ei gentium et quam pro- pinquus Italiae hostis, suaque in destruendo eo eonsilia extulit. Et Maroboduus quidem Ravennae habitus, 5 si quando insolescerent Suebi, quasi rediturus in regnum ostentabatur: sed non excessit Italia per duodeviginti annos eonsenuitque multum imminuta claritate ob nimiam vivendi cupidinem. Idem Catualdae casus 6 neque aliud perfugium. Pulsus baud multo post 7 Hermundurorum opibus et Vibilio duce reeeptusque, Forum lulium, Narbonensis Galliae coloniam, mittitur. Barbari utrumque comitati, ne quietas provincias immixti turbarent, Danuvium ultra inter flumina 90 COKNELII TACITI [Cap. 63, 64, 65. Marum et Cusum locantur, dato rege Vannio gentis Quadorum. 1 64. Simul nuntiato regem Artaxian Armeniis a Germanico datum, decrevere patres ut Germanicus 2 at que Drusus ovantes urbem introirent. Struct! et arcus circum latera templi Martis Ultoris cum effigie Caesarum, laetiore Tiberio, quia pacem sapientia firmaverat, quam si bellum per acies confecisset. 3 Igitur Rhescuporim quoque, Thraeciae regem, astu adgreditur. Omnem eam nationem Rhoemetalces tenue- rat; quo defuncto Augustus partem Thraecum Rhes- 4 cuporidi fratri eius, partem filio Cotyi permisifc. In ea divisione arva et urbes et vicina Graecis Cotyi, quod incultum, f erox, adnexum hostibus, Rhescuporidi cessit : ipsorumque regum ingenia, illi mite et amoenum, huic 5 atrox, avidum et societatis impatiens erat. Sed primo subdola Concordia egere: mox Rhescuporis egredi fines, vertere in se Cotyi data et resistenti vim facere, cunctanter sub Augusto, quem auctorem utriusque 6 regni, si sperneretur, vindicem metuebat. Enimvero audita mutatione principis immittere latronum globos, excindere castella, causas bello. 1 65. Nihil aeque Tiberium anxium habebat, quam ne composita turbarentur. Deligit centurionem, qui nuntiaret regibus ne armis disceptarent; statimque a 2 Cotye dimissa sunt quae paraverat auxilia. Rhescu- poris ficta modestia postulat eundem in locum coiretur: 3 posse de controversiis conloquio transigi. Nee diu dubitatum de tenipore, loco, dein condicionibus, cum alter facilitate, alter fraude cuncta inter se concederent 4 acciperentque. Rhescuporis sanciendo, ut dictitabat, Cap. 65, 66, 67.] ANNALES. 91 foederi convivium adicit, tractaque in multam noctem laetitia per epulas ac vinolentiam incautum Cotyn et, postquam dolum intellexerat, sacra regni, eiusdem familiae deos et hospitalis mensas obtestantem catenis onerat. Thraeciaque omni potitus scripsit ad Tiberium 5 structas sibi insidias, praeventum insidiatorem; simul bellum adversus Bastarnas Scythasque praetendens novis peditum et equitum copiis sese firmabat. Mol- 6 liter rescriptum, si fraus abesset, posse eum innocentiae fidere; ceterum neque se neque senatum nisi cognita causa ius et iniuriam discreturos: proinde tradito Cotye veniret transferretque invidiam criminis. 66. Eas litteras Latinius Pandusa pro praetore 1 Moesiae cum militibus, quis Cotys traderetur, in Thraeciam misit. Rhescuporis inter metum et iram 2 cunctatus maluit patrati quam incepti facinoris reus esse: occidi Cotyn iubet mortemque sponte sumptam ementitur. Nee tamen Caesar placitas semel artis 3 mutavit, sed defuncto Pandusa, quem sibi infensum Rhescuporis arguebat, Pomponium Flaccum, veterem stipendiis et arta cum rege amicitia eoque accommoda- tiorem ad fallendum, ob id maxime Moesiae praefecit. 6T. Flaccus in Thraeciam transgressus per ingentia 1 promissa quamvis ambiguum et scelera sua reputantem perpulit ut praesidia Romana intraret. Circumdata 2 hinc regi specie honoris valida manus, tribunique et centuriones monendo, suadendo, et quanto longius abscedebatur, apertiore custodia, postremo gnarum necessitatis in urbem traxere. Accusatus in senatu ab 3 uxore Cotyis damnatur, ut procul regno teneretur. Thraecia in Rhoemetalcen filium, quem paternis con- 4 92 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 67, 68, 69. siliis adversatmn constabat, inque liberos Cotyis divi- ditur; iisque nondum adultis Trebellenus Rufus praetura functus datur, qui regnum interim tractaret, exemplo quo maiores M. Lepidum Ptolemaei liberis tutorem in 5 Aegyptum miserant. Rhescuporis Alexandriam devec- tus atque illic fugam temptans an ficto crimine inter- ficitur. 1 68. Per idem tempus Vonones, quern amotum in Ciliciam memoravi, corruptis custodibus effugere ad Armenios, inde Albanos Heniochosque et consanguineum 2 sibi regem Scytharum conatus est. Specie venandi omissis maritimis locis avia saltuum petiit, mox pemi- citate equi ad amnem Pyramum contendit, cuius pontes accolae ruperant audita regis fuga, neque vado pene- 3 trari poterat. Igitur in ripa fluminis a Vibio Frontone praefecto equitum vincitur, mox Remmius evocatus, priori custodiae regis adpositus, quasi per iram gladio 4 eum transigit. Unde maior fides conscientia sceleris et metu indicii mortem Vononi inlatam. 1 69. At Germanicus Aegypto remeans cuncta, quae apud legiones aut urbes iusserat, abolita vel in 2 contrarium versa cognoscit. Hinc graves in Pisonem contumeliae, nee minus acerba quae ab illo in Caesarem 3 intentabantur. Dein Piso abire Suria statuit. Mox adversa Germanici valetudine detentus, ubi recreatum accepit votaque pro incolumitate solvebantur, admotas hostias, sacrificalem apparatum, festam Antiochensium 4 plebem per lictores proturbat. Tiun Seleuciam de- greditur, opperiens aegritudinem, quae rursum Ger- 5 manico acciderat. Saevam vim morbi augebat persua- sio veneni a Pisone accepti; et reperiebantur solo ac Cap. 69, 70, 71.] ANNALES. 93 parietibus erutae humanorum corporum reliquiae, carmina et devotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obliti aliaque malefica, quis creditur animas numinibtis infemis sacrari. Simul missi a Pisone incusabailtur ut valetudinis adversa rimantes. TO. Ea Germanico baud minus ira quam per 1 metum accepta. Si limen obsideretur, si effundendus 2 spiritus sub oculis inimicorum foret, quid deinde miserrimae coniugi, quid infantibus liberis eventurum? Lenta videri veneficia: festinare et urguere, .ut provin- eiam, ut legiones solus habeat. Sed non usque eo defec- 3 turn Germanicum, neque praemia caedis apud inter- fectorem mansura. Componit epistulas, quis amicitiam ei renuntiabat: addunt plerique iussum provincia decedere. Nee Piso moratus ultra navis solvit, mode- 4 rabaturque cursui, quo propius regrederetur, si mors Germanici Suriam aperuisset. Tl. Caesar paulisper ad spem erectus, dein fesso 1 corpore, ubi finis aderat, adsistentes amicos in hunc modum adloquitur: ^ Si fato concederem, iustus mihi 2 dolor etiam adversus deos esset, quod me parentibus liberis patriae intra iuventam praematuro exitu rape- rent: nunc scelere Pisonis et Plancinae interceptus 3 ultimas preces pectoribus vestris relinquo: referatis patri ac fratri, quibus acerbitatibus dilaceratus, quibus insidiis circmnventus miserrimam vitam pessima morte finierim. Si quos spes meae, si quos propinquus sanguis, 4 etiam quos invidia ei^a viventem movebat, inlacri- mabunt quondam florentem et tot bellorum superstitem muliebri fraude cecidisse. Erit vobis locus querendi 94 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 71, 72, 73. 5 apud senatum, invocandi leges. Non hoe praecipuum amicorum munus est, prosequi defunctum ignavo questu, sed quae voluerit meminisse, quae mandaverit 6 exsequi. Flebunt Germanicum etiam ignoti: vindica- bitis vos, si me potius quam fortunam meam fovebatis. Ostendite populo Romano divi Augusti neptem eandem- 7 que eoniugem meam, numerate sex liberos. Miseri- cordia cum accusantibus erit, fingentibusque scelesta mandata aut non credent homines aut non ignoscent.' 8 luravere amici, dextram morientis contingentes, spiri- tum ante quam ultionem amissuros. 1 T2. Turn ad uxorem versus per memoriam sui, per communes liberos oravit, exueret ferociam, saevienti fortunae submitteret animum, neu regressa in urbem 2 aemulatione potentiae v«.lidiores inritaret. Haec palam et alia secreto, per quae ostendere credebatur metum ex Tiberio. Neque multo post extinguitur, ingenti 3 luctu provinciae et circumiacentium populorum. In- doluere exterae nationes regesque: tanta illi comitas in socios, mansuetudo in hostis; visuque et auditu iuxta venerabilis, cum magnitudinem et gravitatem summae fortunae retineret, invidiam et adrogantiam effugerat. 1 "73 . Fimus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac 2 memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. Et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum, in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis 3 adaequarent. Nam utrimaque corpore decoro, genere insigni, hand multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis extemas inter gentes occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam Cap. 73, 74, 75.] ANNALES. 95 si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sib perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. Quod si solus 4 arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae, quantum dementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitis- set. Corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro 5 Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa, parum constitit; nam ut 6 quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspi- cione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpre- tabantur. 74:. Consultatum inde inter legatos quique alii 1 senatorum aderant, quisnam Suriae praeficeretur. Et ceteris modice nisis, inter Vibiiun Marsum et Cn. Sentium diu quaesitum: dein Marsus seniori et acrius tendenti Sentio concessit. Isque infamem veneficiis 2 ea in provincia et Plancinae percaram nomine Marti- nam in urbem misit, postulantibus Vitellio ac Veranio ceterisque, qui crimina et accusationem tamquam adversus receptos iam reos instruebant. T5. At Agrippina, quamquam defessa luctu et 1 corpore aegro, omnium tamen quae ultionem mora- rentur intolerans, ascendit classem cum cineribus Germanici et liberis, miserantibus cimctis, quod femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo matrimonio inter venerantis gratantisque aspici solita, tunc feralis reliquias sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui et in- felici fecunditate fortunae totiens obnoxia. Pisonem 2 interim apud Coum insulam nuntius adsequitur exces- sisse Germanicum. Quo intemperanter accepto caedit 3 victimas, adit templa, neque ipse gaudium moderans 96 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 75, 76, 77, 78. et magis insolescente Plancina, quae luctum amissae sororis turn primum laeto cultu mutavit. 1 T6. Adfluebant centuriones monebantque proilipta illi legionum studia: repeteret provinciam non iure 2 ablatam et vacuam. Igitur quid agendum consultanti M. Piso filius properandum in urbem censebat: nihil adhuc inexpiabile admissum, neque suspiciones imbe- 3 cillas aut inania famae pertimescenda. Discordiam erga Germanicum odio fortasse dignam, non poena; 4 et ademptione provinciae satis factum inimicis. Quod si regrederetur, obsistente Sentio civile bellum incipie- nce duraturos in partibus centuriones militesque, apud quos recens imperatoris sui memoria et penitus infixus in Caesares amor praevaleret. 1 7T. Contra Domitius Celer, ex intima eius amicitia, disseruit utendum eventu: Pisonem, non Sentium Suriae praepositum; huic fasces et ius praetoris, huic legiones 2 datas. Si quid hostile ingruat, quem iustius arma oppositurum, quam qui legati auctoritatem et' propria 3 mandata acceperit? Relinquendum etiam rumoribus tempus, quo senescant: plerumque innocentes recenti 4 invidiae inpares. At si teneat exercitum, augeat vires, multa, quae provideri non possint, fortuito in melius 5 casura. 'An festinamus cum Germanici cineribus ad- pellere, ut te inauditum et indefensum planctus Agrippi- 6 nae ac vulgus imperitum primo rumore rapiant? Est tibi Augustae conscientia, est Caesaris favor, sed in occulto; et perisse Germanicum nulli iactantius maerent quam qui maxime laetantur.' 1 T8. Haud magna mole Piso, promptus ferocibus, in sententiam trahitur missisque ad Tiberium epistulis Cap. 78, 79, 80.] ANNALES. 97 incusat Germanicum luxus et superbiae; seque pulsum, ut locus rebus novis patefieret, curam exercitus eadem fide qua tenuerit repetivisse. Simul Domitium imposi- 2 turn triremi vitare litorum oram praeterque insulas lato mari pergere in Suriam iubet. Coneurrentes 3 desertores per manipulos componit, armat lixas tra- iectisque in continentem navibus vexillum tironum in Suriam euntium intercipit, regulis Cilicum ut se auxiliis iuvarent scribit, baud ignavo ad ministeria belli iuvene Pisone, quamquam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. TO • Igitur oram Lyeiae ac. Pamphyliae praelegentes, 1 obviis navibus quae Agrippinam vehebant, utrimque infensi arma primo expediere: dein mutua formidine non ultra iurgium processum est, Marsusque Vibius nuntiavit Pisoni Romam ad dicendam causam veniret. Ille eludens respondit adfuturum, ubi praetor, qui de 2 veneficiis quaereret, reo atque aceusatoribus diem prodixisset. Interim Domitius Laodieiam urbem Suriae 3 adpulsus, cum hiberna sextae legionis peteret, quod eam maxime novis consiliis idoneam rebatur, a Pacuvio legato praevenitur. Id Sentius Pisoni per litteras 4 aperit monetque ne castra corruptoribus, ne provinciam bello temptet. Quosque Germanici memores aut inimi- 5 cis eius adversos cognoverat, contrahit, magnitudinem imperatoris identidem ingerens et rem publicam armis peti; ducitque validam manum et proelio paratam. 80. Nee Piso, quamquam coepta secus cadebant, 1 omisit tutissima e praesentibus, sed castellum Ciliciae munitum admodum, cui nomen Celenderis, occupat; nam admixtis desertoribus et tirone nuper intercepto 2 suisque et Plancinae servitiis auxilia Cilicum, quae 98 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 80, 81, 82. reguli miserant, in numerum legionis composuerat. 3 Caesarisque se legatum testabatur provincia, quam is dedisset, arceri, non a legionibus (earum quippe accitu venire), sed a Sentio privatum odium falsis criminibus 4 tegente. Consisterent in acie, non pugnaturis militibus, ubi Pisonem ab ipsis parentem quondam appellatum, si iure ageretur, potiorem, si armis, non invalidum vi- 5 dissent. Tum pro munimentis eastelli manipulos explicat, colle arduo et derupto; nam cetera mari 6 cinguntur. Contra veterani ordinibus ac subsidiis instructi: hinc militum, inde locorum asperitas, sed non animus, non spes, ne tela quidem nisi agrestia 7 aut subitum in usum properata. Ut venere in manus, non ultra dubitatum, quam dum Romanae cohortes in aequum eniterentur: vertunt terga Cilices seque castello claudunt. 1 81. Interim Piso classem baud procul opperientem adpugnare frustra temptavit; regressusque et pro muris, modo semet adflictando, modo singulos nomine ciens, praemiis vocans, seditionem coeptabat, adeoque com- moverat, ut signifer legionis sextae signum ad eum 2 transtulerit. Tum Sentius occanere cornua tubasque et peti aggerem, erigi scalas iussit, ac promptissimum quemque succedere, alios tormentis hastas saxa et 3 faces ingerere. Tandem victa pertinacia Piso oravit, ut traditis armis maneret in castello, dum Caesar, cui 4 Suriam permitteret, consulitur. Non receptae condi- ciones, nee aliud quam naves et tutum in urbem iter concessum est. 1 82. At Romae, postquam fiermanici valetudo percrebruit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius Cap. 82, 83.] ANNALES. 99 adferebantur, dolor ira: et erumpebant questus. Ideo 2 nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. Vera prorsus de Druso 3 seniores locutos: displicere regnantibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos, quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agi- taverint. Hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo 4 incendit, ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderen- tur domus. Passim silentia et gemitus, nihil composi- 5 timi in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. Forte 6 negotiatores, vivente adhuc Germanico Suria egressi, laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. Statim credita, 7 statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quam vis le- viter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. Cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum 8 fores; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. Nee obstitit falsis Tiberius, donee tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 83. Honores, ut quis amore in Germanicum aut 1 ingenio validus, reperti decretique: ut nomen eius 2 Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae sta- tuerentur; ludos circenses eburna efiigies praeiret, neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis luliae crearetur. Arcus additi Romae et apud ripam 3 Rheni et in monte Suriae Amano, cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. 100 CORNELII TACITI [Cap. 83, 84, 85. Sepulchrum Antiochiae, ubi crematus, tribunal Epi- daphnae, quo in loco vitam finierat. Statuarum loco- rumve, in quis coleretur, baud facile quis numerum 4 inierit. Cum censeretur clipeus auro et magnitudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni, et satis inlustre, si 5 veteres inter scriptores haberetur. Equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit, qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus luliis imaginem eius se- querentur. Pleraque manent : quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteyavit. 1 84. Ceterum recenti adhuc maestitia soror Germa- nici Livia, nupta Druso, duos virilis sexus simul enixa 2 est. Quod rarum laetumque etiam modicis penatibus tanto gaudio principem adfecit, ut non temperaverit quin iactaret apud patres, nulli ante Romanorum eiusdem fastigii viro geminam stirpem editam: nam 3 cuncta, etiam fortuita, ad gloriam vertebat. Sed populo tali in tempore id quoque dolorem tulit, tam- quam auctus liberis Drusus domum Germanici magis urgueret. 1 85. Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque, ne quaestum corpore facereb cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus 2 fuisset. Nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aediles vulgaverat, more inter vefceres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in 3 ipsa professione flagitii credebant. Exactum et a Titidio Labeone, Vistiliae marito^.cur in uxore delicti 4 manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. Slque illo praeten- Cap. 85, 86, 87, 88.] ANNALES. 101 dente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. Actum et de sacris 5 Aegyptiis ludaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum, ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea super- stitione infecta, quis idonea aetas, in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravita- tem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia, nisi certam ante diem profanes ritus exuissent. 86. Post quae rettulit Caesar capiendam virginem 1 in locum Occiae, quae septem et quinquaginta per annos summa sanctimonia Vestalibus sacris praesederat; egitque grates Fonteio Agrippae et Domitio PoUioni, quod oflerendo filias de officio in rem publicam certarent. Praelata est PoUionis filia, non ob aliud quam quod 2 mater eius in eodem coniugio manebat; nam Agrippa discidio domum imminuerat. Et Caesar quamvis post- habitam deciens sestertii dote solatus est. 8T. Saevitiam annonae incusante plebe statuit 1 frumento pretium, quod emptor penderet, binosque nummos se additurum negotiatoribus in singulos modios. Neque tamen ob ea parentis patriae delatum 2 et antea vocabulum adsumpsit, acerbeque increpuit eos, qui divinas occupationes ipsumque dominum dixerant. Unde angusta et lubrica oratio sub principe, qui libertatem metuebafc, adulationem oderat. 88. Reperio apud scriptores senafcoresque eorun- 1 dem temporum Adgandestrii principis Chattorum lectas in senatu litteras, quibus mortem Arminii pro- mittebat, si patrandae neci venenum mitteretur; responsumque esse non fraude neque occultis, sed 102 CORNELII TACITI ANNALES. [Cap. 88. palam et armatum populum Romanum hostes suos 2 ulcisci. Qua gloria aequabat se Tiberius priscis impe- ratoribus, qui venenum in Pyrrum regem vetuerant 3 prodiderantque. Ceterum Arminius abscedentibus Ro- manis et pulso Maroboduo regnum adfectans libertatem popularium adversam habuit, petitusque armis cum varia fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cecidit: liberator baud dubie Germaniae et qui non primordia populi Romani, sicut alii reges ducesque, sed florentissi- mum imperium lacessierit, proeliis ambiguus, bello 4 non victus. Septem et triginta annos vitae, duodecim potentiae explevit, eaniturque adhuc barbaras apud gentes, Graecorum annalibus ignotus, qui sua tantum mirantur, Romanis baud perinde Celebris, dum Vetera extoUimus recentium incuriosi. NOTES. ANNALS, BOOK 1. !• 1. Urbem . . . habuere: these opening words are arranged in the form of an hexameter, after the manner of the preface to Livy^s history. QuintiUan (Inst. Ora't. 9. 4. 74) tells us that this practice was generally condemned in prose by the rhetoricians, but that in the opening sentence in Livy no word could be changed without weakening the force of the sentence. Cf . 3. 44. 4, compererat modica esse et vulgatis leviora; 15. 9. 1, suhiectis campis magna specie volita- hant; etc. — consulatum: the consulship was created after the expulsion of the kings and upon the establishment of the republic, B.C. 509. The expression lihertatem et consulatum is here employed to signify the period of Roman history from B.C. 509 to the principate of Augustus, B.C. 27. — L. Brutus: the well-known Lucius Junius Brutus. 2. Dictaturae : Tacitus makes sparing use of the plural of abstract terms as here. — ad tempus : the tenure of the dictatorship was limited to six months, and the office was created to meet a special emergency or crisis. Cf. 4. 19. 1. — ^ ultra biennium: the decemvirs were in office, as a matter of fact, more than two years, viz., from 15 May, b.c. 451, to 13 December, 449. — consulare ius: the first mention of miUtary tribunes with consular powers occurs in the year b.c. 445, from which date to the year 408 they had no fixed succession. But from 408 to b.c. 367 the military tribunes were elected in an almost unbroken succession. 3. Cinnae: L. Cornelius Cinna was consul four successive terms, B.C. 87 to 84. — Sullae: L. CorneUus Sulla, the hero of the Mithra- datic war, who overthrew the power of Marius and made himself supreme in the republic as perpetual dictator, b.c. 82. — dominatio: 103 104 NOTES. here used to signify the despotic power of Cinna and Sulla in contrast with the pohtical ascendency of Pompey and Crassus (the first triumvirate) and the military power {arma) of the second trium- virate, on the one hand, and on the other, with the constitutional power (potestas) of the decemvirs and the constitutional right {ius) of the military tribunes and the legally recognized authority {im- perium) of the empire. The first triumvirate was merely a pohtical coahtion formed by Pompey, Crassus and Caesar, without legal sanction; but the second triumvirate reposed on a legitimate basis, being a commission established by statute, for five years from November, b.c. 43. — Pompei Crassique: the famous historical characters. — Caesarem: Caius Juhus Caesar. — Lepidi atque An- tonii: two noted members of the second triumvirate. — nomine principis : the oflBcial dignity of Augustus to which he was appointed by the senate, b.c. 27. 4. Claris scriptoribus : Tacitus makes free use of this dative of agency, which he does not restrict to the perfect participle, or gerun- dive, employing it with any form of the verb. Cf. Quint. 1. 8. 18, Claris atLctorihus memoratas. See Introd. § 15. — temporibus: dative after defttere. See Introd. § 16. — deterrerentur: note the subjunc- tive of fact with donee. See Introd. § 34 (c); Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 169. 5. Tiberii, etc.: the emperors whose reigns are embraced in the Annals, the first two being of the Julian and the last two of the Claudian family. Cf. Hist. 2. 76, nee adversus eautissimam Tiberii senectuterriy ne eontra Gai quidem aut Claudii vel Neronis fundaUim longo imperio donum. — que . . . et . . . ac: Tacitus shows a fondness for such a variation of conjunctions (see Introd. § 41 (b) ) , here especially employed to combine the Julian and Claudian Caesars in pairs. — falsae : whieh had been rendered false; attributive to res. 6. pauca: a few events only, the greater part of Augustus's reign having been already treated by other historians. — et extrema: and thoscy too, the closing events; et here adds something important. — cetera: the events down to the death of Nero, since the subsequent events had already been described in the Histories, which begin at the death of that emperor in the year a.d. 69. "^ 3. 1. Bruto et Cassio: as is well known, Brutus and Cassius ANNALS, BOOK I. 105 committed suicide after their defeat at Philippi, B.C. 42, which marked the formal end of the republic {nulla iam publica arma), — Pompeius: Sextus Pompey, son of Gnaeus, who was defeated in the naval battle at Mylae, near Sicily {apud Siciliam), in the year B.C. 36, and executed somewhat later. — Lepido: Lepidus was allowed to Hve in retirement as pontifex maxlmus and he died a natural death, b.c. 12. — Antonio: Mark Antony took his own life, B.C. 30, the year after his defeat off Actium. Consequently the Caesarean party {lulianis partihus) was now reduced to one leader only, viz., Octavius. — Caesar: Gains Octavius, adopted by his great-uncle Juhus Caesar, took his name, but in his own time was called Gains Caesar simply. To posterity he was known as Octavius, or Augustus, a surname bestowed upon him after B.C. 29. — posito triumviri nomine: Augustus was triumvir from 42 to B.C. 33 and consul from 31 to b.c. 23. It follows then that he was invested with no legal authority during the year b.c. 32, unless it be as triumvir. According to Mommsen {Romisches Staatsrecht II, 873), Augustus continued to act as triumvir even after the expiration of his second term. It appears that Tacitus must be here speaking of the tribu- nician power at an earlier date than that of B.C. 23, when it was assumed as a title. — consulem se f erens : it would seem from this that Augustus affected a certain degree of pride in retaining the office of consul as a surviving tradition of the republic. At all events, his consulships and his tribunician power from b.c. 23 appear in his list of titles, but he does not include his proconsulare imperium and his principate. — tribunicio iure : the tribunician authority was conferred upon Augustus in b.c. 36. By virtue of this office his person was rendered sacrosanct and he became the formal repre- sentative of the common people as well as their defender {ad tuendam plebem). — donis: bounties including land as well as money which the emperor bestowed. The land bounties included twenty- eight military colonies which he planted in Italy, besides others in the provinces, as enumerated (in the Monumentum Ancyranum 5. 35). In money he bestowed 1,000 sesterces apiece upon 125,000 veterans in B.C. 29 (Mon. Anc. 3. 17). — annona: by the lex frumentaria of G. Gracchus each Roman citizen resident in Rome was entitled to a monthly allowance of five modii of com from the state at half price, or thereabout. The number of beneficiaries was limited by Caesar 106 NOTES. to 150,000, but was increased by Augustus to over 200,000. Fur- neaux takes this as referring, not to the regular com dole, but to the emperor's careful organization of the supply from Egypt and else- where and to special distributions, gratuitous or at a price below cost, in times of scarcity (Suet., Aug. 41). He mentions twelve such distributions of com gratuities made in the year B.C. 23. See Mon. Anc. 3. 7-11, Consul undecimum duodedm frumentafiones frumento privatim coempto emensv^ sum. — legum : through his orders and edicts as magistrate. (Note the asyndeton.) Cf. 11. 5, cuncta legum et magistratuum munia in se trahens. — trahere : historical infinitive as insurgere above, forming the priucipal verbs in this long and involved sentence. See Introd. § 32 (c). Augustus gradually took over more and more of the senatorial, magisterial and legislative functions in extending his own powers. — f erocissiini : the boldest m^n; here employed in a good sense. — per acies aut proscriptione : in battle or by proscription (i.e., in the second triumvirate). Tacitus especially avoids parallelism of construction, as here. See Introd. § 36 (d) and § 41. Cf. 1. 64. 8, dextro lateri , . , in laevum; 2. 64. 2, quam si bellum per acies confecisset. — quanto : note the omission of the correlative tanto magis (see Introd. § 37 (c)). — servitio: dative with promptior instead of the more regular ad servitium (Introd. § 19). Cf. 1. 48. 3, seditioni promptum; 4. 46. 4, promptum libertati. Tacitus frequently uses the dative with promptum, though others rarely so do, as Livy (25. 16. 12). — tuta et praesentia, etc.: preferred the present with its security to the past with its perils. Note the chiasmus (see Introd. § 39. 3). 2. Neque . . . abnuebant: Tacitus here impUes (which was true) that the provinces were better off under the emperors than under the republic, so irresponsible was the provincial government under the republican regime. See 1. 76. 4, Achaiam ac Macedoniam onera deprecantis levari in praesens proconsulari imperio tradique Caesari placuit. — certamina potentium: the clashes of powerful rivals, such as Marius and Sulla, or Pompey and Caesar, which extended even to the provinces. — legum: in reference to the laws de pecuniis repetundis and similar enactments touching the matter of extortion in the provinces. — ambitu: intrigue^ lit., a going around. This personal solicitation on the part of a candidate- readily developed into bribery. ANNALS, BOOK I. 107 3« 1. Ceterum: used here merely to mark a transition to another phase of the same theme, as in 2. 5. 1; 2. 42. 1; etc. — subsidia =ut subsidia essentj an appositive equivalent to a purpose clause (Introd. § 9). — dominationi : for a similar use of the dative with suhsidium see Cic, Ad Att. 1. 10. 4; De Orat. 1. 60. 255. See Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 40. — Marcellum: the promising young Marcellus addressed in Vergil, Aen. 6. 862, tu Marcellits eris, etc. He was bom b.c. 43 and died in the year of his aedileship, at the early age of twenty. — pontificatu: young men of high rank were often appointed members of the priestly colleges. Cf. 3. 29. 3, additur pontificatus. See Mommsen, Romisches Staxitsrecht II, 1111, n. 2. — M. Agrippam: M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the well- known son-in-law of Augustus, frequently referred to in the Annals. — ignobilem loco : Agrippa was of so humble a family that he pre- ferred to drop his father's name Vipsanius. Allen calls attention to the fact that the inscription upon the Pantheon he had erected (rebuilt by Hadrian) reads: M. Agrippa L. f. cos. tertium fecit. — geminatis: consecutive; it is a remarkable fact that he was consul two years in succession, b.c. 28-27, — a circumstance which under the empire almost never occurred except in the case of the emperor himself. — generum : Agrippa married Augustus's daughter Julia. — privignos : i.e., sons of his wife Livia by her former husband. — imperatoriis nominibus : the title imperator, as here used, indicates the republican custom of bestowing that appellation upon a general after a signal victory, not to the praenomen imperator which the emperor assumed. Tiberius and Germanicus both conducted successful campaigns in Germany, and evidence of their employment of this title is furnished by an inscription (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum IX, 2443). — Integra . . . dome sua: his grandchildren Gains and Lucius com- prised his own household; but even while they were yet living, he bestowed these honors upon his stepsons. 2. induxerat: he adopted Gains and Lucius, B.C. 17, when Gains was but two years old and Lucius just bom (Dio Cassius 54. 18. 1; Suet., Aug. 64). — principes iuventutis: the title jyrinceps iuventutis is simply an honorary title analogous to princeps senatus, designating the heir to the throne, but carrjdng no duties or privileges. See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 1141, 1155. 4; Pelham, Essays, p. 132. — destinari : Augustus apparently deemed it prudent to 108 NOTES. interpose a quinquennium rather than to offer the youths an immediate consulship. He himself says in regard to the matter: Gaium et Lttcium Caesares honoris met causa senatus populusque Romanus annum guintum et decimum agentis consuhs designavit, ut eum magistratum inirent post quinquennium (Mon. Anc. 2. 46-3. 6.) — recusantis : genitive of present participle in agreement with a substantive imderstood, as a substitute for a gerund (see Introd. § 35). Cf. Agric. 43. 4, monumenta ipsa deficientis. 3. vita concessit: died; the use of this expression as well as of concedere alone is pecuhar to Tacitus. See Introd. § 41 (e). Cf. 3. 30. 1, Fine anni concessere vita insignes viri; 4. 38. 3, quandoque concessero; etc. — Armenia: Tacitus makes rather frequent use of the ablative of place whence without a preposition in the case of names of countries. This seems to be an extension of the rule applying to towns and small islands (see Introd. § 23). Cf. 11. 24. 2, Etruria Lucania et omni Italia in senatum asciios, etc.; 13. 7. 2, et abscessere Armenia Parthi. — fate: in reference to natural death, as often. Cf. 2. 42. 5, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. — illuc: here in reference to a person, as in Hist. 3. 38. 6, versus illuc, etc. — collega imperii: the first step in the formal act of designating Tiberius as successor to the throne was the bestowment upon him of the tribunician power, B.C. 6, which was renewed on his adoption in A.D. 4, upon the death of Gains. The potestas trihunida was conferred upon him for Hfe in a.d. 14, the imperium proconsulare having been conferred upon him a few years earlier, perhaps in B.C. 8. Thus, as crown-prince, Tiberius shared with Augustus the dignity of the proconsular and the tribunician power. See Momm- sen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 1151. — omnisque . . . ostentatur: in reality the prince was formally presented only to two armies, viz., those in Germany and Illyricum. — palam: here with the force of an adjective. 'Diere was no longer any concealment of her 4. Agrippam Postumum: son of Agrippa and Julia whose murder is recorded in chapter 6. — Planasiam: Pianosa, near Elba. — proie- cerit: exceptional sequence, quite common in Tacitus. See Gilder- sleeve-Lodge, Lat. Gram., § 513; Allen and Greenough, § 485. c; Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 182. — 5. At herctile: a formula indicating^'a marked contrast, as if ANNALS, BOOK I. 109 Livia's influence had failed in this case. The asseveration, accord- ing to Nipperdey, implies the author's keen joy. Cf. 1. 17. 1; 1. 26. 3, etc. — Germanicum: Germanicus had served under Tiberius in Germany, a.d. 11, and after his consulship in the year 13 he had been put in command of the army in that province. His command extended o;ver not only the eight legions in Germany (four in Upper and four in Lower Germany), but also the three Gauls (Aquitania, Gallia Lugdunensis and GaUia Belgica). See Introd., art. Ger- manicus. — adscirique : a rather unusual word (found only in Tacitus and Vergil, Aen. 12. 38) for the more familiar adsciscere. Cf. Hist. 4. 24. 2, adsciri in societatem Germanos; 4. 80. 1, adsdri inter comites. — quamquam esset: Tacitean usage varies between the indicative and the subjunctive in quamquam clauses, with the preponderance in favor of the subjunctive. (Nipperdey.) — filius iuvenis: the younger Drusus, son of Tiberius, who was about twenty-seven years old at this time. Iuvenis is applicable to a man from twenty-five to forty-five years of age. 6. abolendae infamiae: here the gerundive has the force of a genitive of quality. Tacitus makes free use of the genitive of the gerund and gerundive. See Introd. § 22. — cum Quintilio Varo: the reference is to the signal defeat of the Romans by Arminius in the Teutoburg Forest, B.C. 9 (Introd., art. Germanicus). — cupidine prof erendi imperii : Augustus had an estgiblished policy not to extend the boundaries of the empire. See 1. 11. 7, Augustas addi" deraique consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii, etc. 7. eadem . . . vocabula: the same titles, i.e., as under the Repub- lic. The censorship only was dropped. — Actiacam victoriam: the battle of Actiimi served to establish Octavius^s supremacy and the principate (b.c. 31). — rem publicam: the republic had perished in the civil wars, so that the generations bom after the battle of Actium had never seen it. 4. 1. prisci et integri: more closely connected than if neque had been used. Cf. 1. 70. 5, Non vox et mutui hortatus iuvahant. See Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 107 (where he observes that et in negative sentences is frequent in Tacitus, especially in combinations of this sort). 2. et corpore: et is here an adverb with the force of etiam, — aderatque finis: and the end was at hand, — in cassum: to no puT" no NOTES. pose, — disserere: here governs the accusative as often in Tacitus. Cf. 2. 27. 1; 6. 34. 5; Sail., Cat. 5. 9, yaucis instituta maiorum disserere. 3. differebant: Gerber and Greef (Lexicon Taciteum) note that they spread various speeches about the future princes (varios ser- mones edebant de principibus futuris). — aetate: Agrippa was only twenty-six years old at the time. — experientia : used in the sense of " knowledge gained by experience," — a meaning reputed to be restricted mainly to Vergil and Tacitus. Cf. 1. 42. 2, longa experi- entia. — moli: in reference to the weight of empire as in 1. 11. 2, tantae molis. — Tiberium Neronem: the cognomen occurs again in 1. 5. 6, but was dropped on Tiberius's adoption as heir. — maturum annis: Tiberius was then fifty-six years old. — spectatum belle: he had triumphed over the Pannonians (b.c. 9), the Germans (B.C. 7), the Illyrians, Dalmatians and Germans (a.d. 12). — superbia: haughtiness was an inborn trait of the Claudian gens. See Suet., Tib. 2, Claudios trnines . . . optimates assertoresque unicos dignitatis ac potentiae patridorum semper fuisse. Mommsen, how- ever, dissents from this traditional view (History of Rome, Vol. I, Appendix). 4. et: implies a corresponding et which, because of a change of construction (ne . . . guidem) , does not follow. — eductum: edvr cated; for the regular e^iwca^t^m. — regnatrice: not elsewhere em- ployed by Tacitus (&7ra^ \ey6fievov) . — consulatus: in b.c. 13 and 7. — Rhodi : Rhodes at that time was not within the boundaries of the Roman empire. — exul: Tiberius was nominally in voluntary re- tirement, but he was really not permitted by Augustus to return to Rome (see Suet., Tib. 12, remansit ergo Rhodi contra voluntatem). Various reasons were assigned for his retirement, such as the infidelity of his wife Julia (alleged by Tacitus) and the fear of exciting the jealousy of Gains and Lucius Caesar (alleged by Tiberius, Suet., Tib. 12). — aliquid: see Crit. App. 5. inpotentia: imperious spirit. Cf. 5. 1. 5, maier impotens, uxor facUis. — duobusque . . . adulescentibus: i.e., Germanicus and Drusus. — interim: in the meantime; opposed to quandoque. Cf. 14. 41. 2, interim specie legum, mox praevaricando ; Plin., Epist. 2. 5. 9. — premant . . . distrahant: in reference to the disputes as to who would succeed Tiberius. However, both of the princes died ANNALS, BOOK I. Ill before Tiberius. Quandoque is here indefinite, sometimes j as in 4. 28. 3, quandoque supplida sequ£rentur. 5. 1. agitantibus: ablative absolute with eis understood; some editors explain it as a dative of reference. Both constructions are characteristic of Tacitus (Introd. § 28 (b)). — gravescere valetudo: cf. 6. 46. 9, Sed gravescente valetudine. — scelus uxoris: the story- ran that she put poison in some figs hanging upon the tree, which he afterwards gathered and ate (Dio 56. 30. 2). — suspectabant : this verb with its present meaning is reputed to have been first used by Tacitus, who frequently so employs it. 2. Fabio Maximo : identified As the PauUus Fabius Q. f . Maximus mentioned in the Acta Arvalium {Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum VI 1. 2023 a). He was a friend of Ovid, who addressed some of his epistles to him (e.g., ex Pon. 1.2). 3. Marciae a daughter of Atia and cousin of Augustus. 4. Gnarum =notumj a usage almost peculiar to Tacitus. Cf. 1. 51. 4; 1. 63. 3; etc. — dubium an: perhaps. Tacitus makes frequent use of such parenthetical expressions. — quaesita: said of something designed or imnatural. Cf. 3. 57. 1; 5. 3. 3; 6. 50. 1. 5. Utcumque . . . habuit: Tacitus thus discredits the story and charge of poisoning as quite improbable in view of Augustus's age and infirmity and Livia's imremitting watchfulness. — vixdum ingressus Ulyriciun: for the circumstances of the last journey of Augustus in company with Tiberius, see Suetonius (Aug. 98 and Tib. 31). lUyricum comprised Dalmatia, Pannonia and Moesia. — spirantem: Suetonius says that he found him still alive, — fuitque una secreto per totum diem (Tib. 21). Velleius Paterculus (2. 123. 3) accepts the same story. Dio (56. 31. 1), on the other hand, follows Tacitus. — apud tirbem Nolam: at Nola. It is characteristic of Tacitus to employ apud for in with the ablative or a simple locative, as here. See Introd. § 36 (a). 6. namque: usually positive, but here used as an enclitic like enim in the poets and later historians. Cf . 2. 43. 5. — provisis quae : having provided such things as. Tacitus frequently omits the subject of the ablative absolute when as here, it is the antecedent of a rela* tive clause. See Introd. § 5 O. 1. caedes: Suetonius' (Tib. 22) states that Postumus Agrippa 112 NOTES. was murdered before the death of the emperor was announced. — quamvis firmatus animo: though firm in his resolve. Cf. Sail., Hist. Fragm. 3. 24, firmatus animi. — aegre confecit: this implies that he resisted the executioner. Suetonius says that the death warrant was first read to him. 2. praescripsisset: subjunctive of partial obliquity, as giving the representation of Tiberius. — custodiae : as a guxird; dative of pur- pose or end. Some editors translate: " set over the guard " (dative after adposito). — quandoque =quxxndocumquej whenever. Cf. 4. 38. 3, quandoque concessero. 3. saevaque . . . questus: according to Suetonius (Aug. 65), Augustus refers to him and the two Julias (daughter and grand- daughter) as tres vomicae ac tria carcinomata sun. — duravit: hard" ened himself, a sense first found in the silver writers. Cf. 14. 1. 6, duratura filii odia; Quint. 9. 2. 88, non durat ultra poenam abdicationis. 4. festinavisse: the transitive use of this verb, so common in Tacitus, is poetical, though occurring in Sallust. 5. centurioni: Suetonius (Tib. 22) in recording the answer of Tibe- rius employs almost the same language except that he says it was a tribune. 6. Sallustius Crispus: a great-nephew of the historian Sallust, adopted by him as his heir. He died a.d. 21. Cf. 3. 30. 1, C. Sallustius. — subderetur: the force of the prefix suh indicates that the charge was false. Cf. 1. 39. 4; 3. 67. 3; etc. — iuxta periculoso: since it was equally perilous; iuxta here has the force of pariter, and periculoso is the ablative absolute of a neuter adjective (Introd. § 28 (b) ). Cf . 3. 60. 6, lihero; Livy 28. 36, incerto prae tenehris quid aut peter^ ent aut vitarent. — seu : the first seu is omitted, — a common practice of Tacitus. Cf. 2. 17. 8; 3. 18. 6; etc. — cam condicionem, etc.: it is inherent in the nature of ruling that the account will not balance if rendered to another than the ruler, etc. The figure involved in ratio constat is of com^e drawn from bookkeeping. T. 1. eques: the equestrian order; collective singular for plural, as miles below. Cf. 4. 74. 5, patres eques. Note the asyndeton (Introd. § 37). 2. falsi : hypocritical. Cf . 3.3.1; Sail., Cat.. 10. 5, ambitio multos mortales falsos fieri subegit. — ne laeti: sc, essent, Tacitus rarely ANNALS, BOOK I. 113 omits the verb in the subjunctive unless another subjunctive fol- lows. (Nipperdey.) See Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 36, also Introd. §29. 3. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Appuleius: Dio (56. 29. 5) alleges their kinship to Caesar as the reason why these consuls were con- tinued in oflfice throughout the year. See 2. 50. 1. — in verba . . . iuravere: the form of oath (called " sacramentum in nomen Tiberii " in the next chapter) taken by the whole people and by the provinces as a recognition of Caesar *s imperium throughout the empire. This oath of allegiance to the emperor as supreme ruler was exacted once a year of all classes (senatus milesque et populus). See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 792. — Seius Strabo: the father of Sejanus, who as commander of the praetorian guard made himself the notori- ous master of Rome under Tiberius. Strabo died three years later as prefect of Egypt (Dio 57. 19. 6). Cf. 1. 24. 3, and 4. 1. 3. — C. Turranius: perhaps the first incumbent of this new office who still held it thirty-foiu* years later, — a.d. 48 (11. 31. 1). See Sen., Brev. Vit. 20. 2, Turranius fuit exactae diligentiae senex, qui post annum nonagesimunij cum vacationem procurationis ah C. Caesare ultro accepisset, componi se in lecto et velut exanimem a drcunstante familia plangi iussit, Lugebat domus otium domini senis nee finivit ante tristitiam quam labor illi suus restitutus est. — praetoriarum . . . praefectus: the praetorians comprised nine cohorts of 1,000 men each under the command of a tribune, and the entire body was commanded by two prefects regularly (though now only one). Six of the cohorts were stationed outside of Rome in various parts of Italy and three in Rome as the emperor ^s body-guard. Sejanus had the entire force concentrated in a fortress just outside the city to keep Rome in subjection, thus investing the office of praetorian prefect with almost supreme power. — annonae : the office of praefectus annonae was created the latter part of Augustus's reign, being appointive by the emperor, who himself had charge of the markets throughout the entire empire. The incumbent had no authority save as a representative of the emperor, and his duty was to provide the markets of Rome with grain and other necessaries, which involved on his part oversight of the sailors, bakers and others participating in this vast enterprise. See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 935 and 1041 foil. — senatus milesque et populus: 114 NOTES. these classes comprised the entire civil population of Rome. Cf. 11. 30. 5, populus et senatus et miles. 4. per consules: at this time it was the poHcy of the emperor to do all things through the regular constitutional channels, viz., the consuls. His own acts were by virtue of the proconsular and tri- bunician powers with which he was already invested. — ambiguus imperandi: as if he had not yet determined to accept the imperium. See Introd. § 20 (d). This use of the genitive with ambiguus in Tacitus is new and analogous to the use of the genitive with duhius and incertus in Livy (Draeger, Syntax und Stil §71). 5. edictum . . . vocabat: Tiberius convened the senate only by virtue of his tribunician power, his proconsular power not conferring this authority upon him. — praescriptione : hy virtue of the title. — posuit —proposuit; the simple for the compound, as in 4. 27. 1. This poetic usage of simple for compound verb is rare in Tacitus's minor works and Histories^ but increases with frequency in his Annals (Draeger cites 39 cases). See Introd. §30. 6. neque abscedere: this explains his absence from Rome and indicates at the same time the respect Tiberius paid his adoptive father. Augustus's body was borne by local magistrates, by easy stages, from Nola where the edict was issued to Bovillae and thence by knights to Rome, arriving there the day before the senate met (see Suet., Aug. 100; Dio 56. 31. 2). 7. signum =tesseram,^ the parole. Cf. 13. 2. 5, signumque more militiae petenti trihuno dedit optimae matris. — excubiae : the watch, composed of a cohort of praetorians who kept guard at the house of the " princeps " and served as a body-guard when he went else- where. — cetera aulae : everything else pertaining to a court. As Nipperdey notes, aula is used in Tacitus to signify courtiers; e.g. 2. 43. 5. 8. adepto: here passive in meaning, though perhaps nowhere else so employed in Tacitus. — cmn . . . loqueretur: subjunctive of repeated action. (Introd. § 34 (a).) This use of the subjunctive is rarely found before Livy, but is quite frequent in Tacitus, Sue- tonius and later writei*s. See Draeger, Syntax und Stil §§159 and 165. 9. praecipua: not only did he fear the popularity and miUtary power of Germanicus, as alleged, but be was in constant dread of ANNALS, BOOK I. 115 plots such as Libo's (2. 27) and Clemens's (2. 39). See Suetonhis, Tib. 25. 10. Dabat et famae: he made a concession also to public opinion. Note that the omission of the accusative here with dare (as also in 13. 49. 5) is after the analogy of tribuere. — tixorium: in reference to the influence of Livia over Augustus in his latter years. — senili: Augustus was sixty-five years old at the time of the adoption. For Livia's influence in the adoption see 1. 3. 3 and 4. 57. 4. 11. inductam: was assumed, put on; a metaphor from the stage (Nipperdey). Cf. Hor., A. P. 2, varias indv^cere plumas. — detor- quens: misrepresenting. Cf. Livy, 42. 42. 5, calumniando detor- qy^ndoque. — recondebat: he would store up in memory. Cf. 1. 69. 7, quae reconderet auctaque promeret. 8. 1. per virgines Vestae : it was customary to deposit wills, treaties and other valuable documents in temples and especially with the vestal virgins, for safe keeping. Thus Caesar's will was deposited with the vestals (Suet., Jul. 83). Suetonius (Aug. 101) gives the will of Augustus with some variations, alleging that it was deposited in the temple of Vesta sixteen months before. — Liviam heredes: Suetonius (Aug. 101) says that Augustus's wife Livia inherited one third and Tiberius two thirds of the estate; and Dio (56. 10. 2) adds that a special decree of the senate was passed remov- ing Livia's disabilities to inherit according to the Lex Voconia. 2. Augustum: here used as an adjective as in mensis Augustus y forum Augustum, etc. From this time, however, Livia is invariably called Augusta in Tacitus. — in spem secundam: heirs in default {secundos heredes); i.e., in case the first heirs failed to qualify. Drusus, son of Tiberius, was to inherit one third, according to Suetonius, and Germanicus and his three sons, Drusus, Caligula and Nero, two thirds (ex partibus reliquis). — primores: sc quosdam. Suetonius adds propinquos amicos complures. — gloriaque i love of glory. 3. civilem: i.e., of an ordinary citizen. Cf. 3. 3. 5, civile ingenium, — populo et plebi, etc.: Suetonius (Aug. 101) mentions this as two separate bequests, — legavit populo Romano quadringenties tribubus tricies quinquies sestertium. This is usually explained as signifying that the former legacy, — quadringentiens {centena milia sestertium), a sum equivalent to $2,000,000, if we rate the sesterce at five cents, — 116 NOTES. found its way into the treasury, and the latter sum, — tridens guin- quiensy a sum equivalent to $175,000, — was distributed to the poorer members of each tribe. If this explanation is correct, why does Tacitus mention the entire sum as one legacy simply? Further- more, if we divide $175,000 among the 200,000 persons supposed to be entitled to a gratuity, each one^s share would be only about 87 cents. But Dio (57. 14. 2) informs us that the share of each recipient amounted to 260 sesterces, about $13. It follows that there is here a marked discrepancy which calls for a different expla- nation. We are forced therefore to assume with Marquardt (Rd- mische Staatsverwaltung II, 126) that the entire amount was dis- tributed viritim. On this assumption we must explain Suetonius's statement as to two distinct legacies as an error and interpret the words populo et plehi as signifying all those citizens who were entitled to share in the imperial bequests. — praetoriarum cohortium, etc. : Tacitus's statement as to the largess to the soldiers does not agree with the statements of Suetonius and Dio (56. 32), since Tacitus omits to mention the 500 sesterces apiece given to the soldiers of the city cohorts (urhanis g^zngrenos), enumerated by Dio and Suetonius. On the other hand, Tacitus mentions the cohorts of Roman citizens omitted by the other two. — urbanis quingenos : inserted in the text on the authority of Suetonius and Dio (Crit. App.). The city cohorts, three in number, aggregated 3,000 soldiers. They formed a part of the guard of the Capital, being designated X, XI and XII, and inasmuch as they did not strictly belong to the praetorian cohorts, they were imder the command of the prefect of the city, not the praetorian prefect. — cohortibus civium Romanorum : there were apparently thirty-two of these cohorts, who were volunteers, chiefly, from Italy. Though not assigned to any legion, these co- horts ranked with the legionaries cohorts, receiving the same dona- tion. Neither Dio nor Suetonius makes any mention of them, and even Tacitus omits them in his general smnmary (4. 5. 5). 4. qtiis: archaic for quihus. See Crit. App. — porta triumphali: this gate which perhaps was open only on occasion of a triumph is supposed by the best authorities to have stood between the " Porta Flumentana " and the " Porta Carmentalis." Nipperdey, follow- ing Jordan (Topographic derStadt Rom I, p. .240), takes it to mean simply an arch in the Campus Martius. See Middleton, Remains ANNALS, BOOK I. 117 of Ancient Rome I, p. 127; Plainer, Topography of Ancient RomCy p. 346. — Gallus Asinius : son of Asinius Pollio the orator. Note that in conformity to the custom under the empire, the cognomen is put before the nomen and the praenomen omitted. — L. Arruntius : a leading contemporary statesman who incurred the ill-will of Tiberius (1. 13. 1) and took his own Hfe to escape being put to death (6. 48. 2). 5. Messalla Valerius: son of Messalla Corvinus and consul b.c. 3. He won some military distinction in Pannonia for which he was voted a triumph. He was a friend of TibuUus and Ovid, and was himself known as a writer. The present reference (like that in 3. 18. 3) indicates that he was not a man of irreproachable char- acter. — renovandum: it had become the custom as early as a.d. 69 to renew the oath of allegiance (sacramentum) each year (Hist. 1. 55. 1). — interrogatusque : it was the practice of Tiberius, at least in the early part of his reign, to decUne adulatory honors. 6. umeris senatorum: Sulla is said to have been the first to receive this honor. — Remisit: excused, i.e., from the duty as the senators had themselves regarded it. Remittere sometimes has the meaning to excuse from a duty; e.g. 3. 55. 1, remissa cura. He did not prohibit it and therefore the body was borne by senators, ac- cording to Suetonius (Aug. 100). — turbassent: in allusion to the people's burning the body of Caesar in the Forum at the instigation of Mark Antony's impassioned funeral oration (Suet., Jul. 84; Dio 44. 36-50). See Plutarch, Caes. 68. — in campo Martis: Augustus built his mausoleum in the Campus Martins b.c. 28, and the lower part of this tomb {tumulus Av^usti) still remains. Suetonius describes it as a circular building with a kind of park surrounding it (Aug. 100). 7. occisus dictator: note the use of the participle for an abstract noun followed by a genitive (Introd. § 35 (d); Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 210). Cf. 1. 16. 1, mutatus princeps; 1. 59. 2, rapta uxor. — provisis . . . opibus : the heirs having been provided with resources against the commonwealth, i.e., to maintain their usurped authority. d. 1. idem dies: 19 August, the anniversary of his consulship, which began 19 August, b.c. 43. However, early in the same year, by a special vote of the senate, he had been invested with the im- perium propraetore (Mon. Anc. 1. 6). But this imperium was 118 NOTES. inferior to the consular imperium clothing him with full authority, as noted. See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 747. 2. Numerus . . . aequaverat: he had been consul thirteen times, which number equaled the sum of the consulships of Gains Marius (consul seven times) and Valerius Corvus (consul six times). — septem et triginta annos : to be accm-ate, it was thirty-six years and two months, from 27 June, b.c. 23. Tacitus is here speaking in round numbers. — nomen imperatoris : in reference to the custom, under the republic, when a commander was saluted by his soldiers as imperator, after a victory. These twenty-one victories of Augustus were for the most part won by his officers, of course, acting under his imperium. — honorum: a characteristic Tacitean use of the genitive of the neuter adjective used abstractly. Cf. 3. 35. 1, cuncta curarum; 4. 41. 1, tacita sus'picionum ; 4. 70. 1, ardvxi Alpium. See Introd. § 20 (c). — multiplicata: perhaps, as Fumeaux suggests, in reference to the repeatedly bestowed title of " pater patriae " and the periodically renewed imperium. See Mon. Anc. 2. 15-41 and 6. 16-21. 4. Hi: sc. dicebant, or some other verb of saying from extollehatur augv^haturve. Tacitus not infrequently omits a verb of saying or thinking when the thought or speech is indicated in the context (Introd. § 29). — parentem: i.e., Julius Caesar, his adoptive father whose death he avenged. — quae . . . per bonas artes : civil war which can neither he declared nor waged hy honorable practices. 5. concessisse : the inference is that the crimes of the triumvirate were not his own, but those of his colleagues, to whom he gave assistance only to gain his chief end. But Suetonius says that though he opposed for some time the plan of his colleagues for a proscription, still when once begun, he carried out the plan more vindictively even than they (Aug. 27, in quo restitit quidem aliquam- diu coUegiSy etc.) 6. principis: a civil title selected, no doubt, purposely because of its association with the repubHc, the title of king being notoriously odious to Roman ears. See note to nomine principis, 1. 1. 3. — Oceano: Tacitus, like Livy, is fond of using an adjectival substan- tive in apposition, a poetic usage (Introd. § 2). Cf. 3. 6. 2, imperator populiLs; 15. 34. 2, maris Hadriae. — amnibus longinquis: the Rhine, Danube and Euphrates. — saeptum: it was the policy of ANNALS, BOOK I. 119 Augustus to mark off the empire by established and natural bound- aries, such as rivers, seas and the like. — conexa: this would imply that the empire had an efficient postal system. — magnifico omatu: ablative of quahty. It is a well-established fact that Augustus greatly improved and adorned Rome by his extensive building operations. It was his famous boast that he found the city brick and left it marble (Suet., Aug. 28). lO. 1. Dicebatxir contra: from the fuller statement of this view some editors infer that Tacitus indicates his leaning to this as the correct view. — obtentui: as a pretext; dative of purpose or end, especially common with esse (Introd. § 14). — cetenim: =re vera autem, in reality, however. This use of ceterum repeatedly occurs in Tacitus, especially in the Annals" (d. 1. 3. 1). However, ceterum in this sense is not peculiar to Tacitus, being foimd also in Livy and Sallust. — per largitionem : a bribe of 500 denarii (about $100) offered in October, b.c. 44, to each of the veterans settled by the dictator at Calatia and Casilinum, to join Octavius. See Cic, Ad Att. 16. 8. 1, and Veil. Paterc. 2. 61. 1. — paratum . . . exercitum: see the statement of Augustus himself as recorded in the Monumentum Ancyranum (1. 1), annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata impensa comparavi. The force is estimated to have com- prised 10,000 men, poorly organized, and the event occurred just after the death of Caesar when Octavius first espoused the cause of the old Pompeian party. Later he went over to Antonyms side and by a coalition with him and Lepidus formed the second triumvirate. — consulis: i.e., Antonius, whose legions summoned from Mace- donia deserted to Octavian (Cic, Phil. 3. 3. 6). — simulatam . . . partium; noted by Draeger {Syntax und Stil § 223) as an exceptional rhetorical arrangement in Tacitus. Pompeianae partes signifies the " optimates." — ius praetoris : the praetorian imperium was conferred upon him by the senate on motion of Cicero (Phil. 5. 16. 45), 1 Janu-. ary, 43. Mommsen (Romisches Staatsrecht II, 781) regards the act as unconstitutional. — invaserit: this implies that the authority was usurped; the mood is subjunctive of oratio ohliqua. — caesis* Hirtius was killed at the battle of Mutina, B.C. 43; and Pansa, wounded in same battle, died a little later at Bononia. Suetonius (Aug. 11) indicates a suspicion of poison, — Pansae quidem adeo suspecta mors fuit ut Glyco m^dicus custoditus sit, qvxisi venenum 120 NOTES. vulneri indidisset — invito senatu: usually interpreted as a dative. Cf. 3. 30. 4, adflv£ntia luxu proprior; 3. 47. 1, ortum patratumque helium senatu. It was for the senator who held the comitia as interrex to decide whether he should allow him to stand for the consulship without being duly qualified. — abstulerat: Tacitus, after the example of Livy, not infrequently interposes a relative or an explanatory clause in the indicative in the midst of oratio ohliquay where model prose requires the subjunctive of attraction (Introd. § 33 (a)). Cf. 2. 81. 3; 3. 6. 5; 4. 25. 1, etc. — divisiones agrorum: in reference to the grant of land made to the veterans after the battle of Philippi, B.C. 42. Vergil refers to such a grant of land as this (Eel. 1.9), and both he and Horace perhaps lost their patrimony in this manner. 2. Sane: to he sure, it is true; concessive as in 3. 5. 4; 6. 14. 4; etc. — Brutorum: Marcus and Decimus. — quamquam: and yet; corrective. — sed . . . sed: anaphora; such rhetorical repetitions are employed for emphasis and are not infrequent, especially in the early works of Tacitus (Introd. § 39. 1). See Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 240. — imagine pacis : under a pretext of peace, in allusion to the terms of peace stipulated with Sextus Pompey at the treaty of Misenum, B.C. 39, which were not fulfilled. — specie amicitiae: in reference to no specific act of bad faith, but to the general treatment of Lepidus, whose authority as triumvir was equally disregarded. — post: adverb, to be taken only with poenas morte exsolvisse, since the treaties here referred to were executed before the overthrow of Pompey and Lepidus, which occurred in b.c. 36. The treaty of Brundisium was made in b.c. 40, that of Tarentum in b.c. 37. — nuptiis sororis : Antony married Octavia, sister of Octavianus, whom he later deserted for Cleopatra, the marriage being stipulated in the treaty of Brundisium (b.c. 40); and because of this association the mention of that treaty is put out of the chronological sequence, after the treaty of Tarentum (b.c. 37). 3. sine dubio: heyond a doubt; concessive as in 1. 6. 3, multa sine dvbio. — Lollianas Varianasque clades: the defeat of M. Lollius was administered by some German tribes in b.c. 16, that of Varus by the combined forces of the German tribes under Ihe leadership of Arminius in the Teutoburg Forest, in a.d. 9. The defeat of Varus was attended with terrific loss, proving a signal blow to the prestige ANNALS, BOOK I. 121 of the Roman arms in Germany. — Varrones Egnatios lulos: rhetorical plm*als after the analogy of Lollianas Varianasquej indi- cating only instances. Translate: Executions at Rome of men like Varro, Egnatiics and lulus, etc. L. Licinius Muraena, whose adopt- ive name was Terentius Varro Muraena, was executed with Fannius Caepio for conspiracy against the life of Augustus in b.c. 23. Eg- natius Rufus, aedile and twice praetor, was executed in b.c. 19 for having formed a plot to assassinate Augustus. lulus Antonius, son of Mark Antony by Fulvia, speedily rose to the highest dignity by the aid of Augustus and married Marcella, daughter of Octavia, but later committed adultery with Julia. This crime was regarded as treason, in consequence of which lulus was forced to take his own life, B.C. 2. 4. abducta . . . uxor: viz., Livia the mother of Tiberius and Drusus. The latter son who was the father of Germanicus was bom after her marriage to Caesar. From the preceding negative clause some verb of saying is clearly to be supplied. — Q. Pedii: great- nephew of Juhus Caesar, who named him in his will as one of his heirs. He served as legate under Caesar in Gaul in b.c. 57; praetor, B.C. 48; author of the Lex Pedia interdicting fire and water to the murderers of Caesar; consul with Octavius (Augustus) in b.c. 43, and died the same year. See Crit. App. — Vedii Pollionis: a friend of Augustus and a man of great wealth, but of low birth. He used to throw his condemned slaves to 'the lampreys in his fish ponds even in the presence of Augustus. Augustus inherited his extensive villa at Posilipo which he later had torn down because of its unsavory associations. See Ovid, Fasti 6. 639, and Seneca, De Ira 3. 40. — gravis . . . mater: Livia was called gravis mater because she im- posed her son Tiberius as ruler upon the state, and gravis nxyverca because, according to popular belief, she was suspected of causing the deaths of his competitors, the young princes Gains and Lucius. (Fumeaux.) 5. se . . . coli vellet: according to Suetonius (Aug. 52) and Dio (51. 20. 8), Augustus would not allow any temples to him to be erected in Rome during his lifetime. But he even authorized local worship of himself in some of the provincial towns before his death. Indeed, the worship of Augustus after his death became, with the well-organized Augustales (priests to his honor), the most widely 122 NOTES. diffused and popular cult within the boundaries of the empire. See Mommsen, Hermes XVII, 641, and Romisches Staatsrecht II, 757. — flamines: the flamen was a priest of a special cult, and the college of priests of Augustus's cult was called Augustales. 6. Ne Tiberiiim: though Tiberius furthered the worship of Augustus in many ways, still he would not tolerate any attempt to estabhsh a cult to his own honor (Suet., Tib. 21). — deterrima = cum deterrimx) homine (if expanded). 7. paucis annis : the last renewal of tribunician power was granted by Augustus to Tiberius perhaps for Hfe. This power was conferred upon Augustus by a vote of the people, on recommendation of the senate; but Augustus conferred it upon Tiberius directly, according to the rules of co-optation, probably after consultation with the senate (Suet., Aug. 27). See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 795, 869 foil. — habitu: deportment. Suetonius (Tib. 68) says of him, cervice rigida et ohstipa, odducto fere vultu, plerumque tadtus. — cultu: kind o/ dress, Cf. 2. 59. 3, Tiberius cultu hahituque. — institutis: ways, manners. 8. Cetenim: however; resumptive, after the digression from the main theme. — templum: erected by Livia and Tiberius upon the Palatine next the Forum. — caelestes religiones : the apotheosis of Augustus dates from 17 September, when the decree was passed by the senate. 11. 1. Versae, etc. : see Velleius Paterculus 2. 124, for a parallel account. 2. quam . . . onus: sc. esset. It is characteristic of Tacitus to omit the verb esse even in dependent clauses requiring the subjunc- tive. Cicero offers a few examples, but the usage is rare in prose. See Introd. § 29 (c). 3. non ad unum: note here the employment of non for ne, in order to place special emphasis on od unum, as well as to contrast it with the following plures. Cf . Vergil, Aen. 12. 78, non Teucros agat. 4. occuleret: subjunctive of repeated action (see Introd. § 34 (a)). See Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 159. — in incertum: this use of in with the accusative to express result is peculiar to Tacitus (Introd. §36 (c)). 5. metus si, etc. : whose reason for fear ijpas thaLthey might appear to be aware, implying that they feared the consequences of detection. ANNALS, BOOK I. 123 For the rare expression metus sij which may be after the analogy of miror and mirum est si, see 16. 5. 3, quippe gravior inerat metus si spectaculo defuissent, etc. See Introd. § 42. — libellum: this docu- ment was one of three deposited by Augustus, along with his will, with the vestal virgins (Suet., Aug. 101). The second docmnent contained directions for his funeral and the third a catalogue of his achievements, of which the Monumentum Ancyranum is a copy. Dio (56. 33. 3) informs us that there was also a fourth docimaent containing rules and directions of government, including a recom- mendation as to a division of functions. 6. regna: probably semi-independent kingdoms, such as Maure- tania, Cilicia, Cappadocia, etc., most of which were later incorporated into the empire. — tributa aut vectigalia: trihutum was a direct tax levied upon the provinces, while vectigal denoted an indirect tax like customs-duties, etc. See Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung II, 178, 269; Mommsen, History of Rome I, 109. — necessitates ac largitiones : i.e., regular expenses and donations which were volun- tary. Note that the two kinds of expenditures are closely coupled by ac, in contrast with the sources of revenues. For the asyndeton see Introd. § 37; also Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 140. 7. terminos: i.e., the existing boundaries. Dio mentions this rule of poHcy as being set forth in the fourth document filed in the temple of Vesta. — metu an per invidiam : note the variation of construc- tion for which Tacitus shows a marked predilection. On inconcin- nity in Tacitus see Introd. § 41. IS. 1. Inter quae: Nipperdey calls attention to Tacitus's fond- ness for this and similar expressions, as post quae (1. 13. 1), adversv^ quxie (3. 59. 1), oh quae (2. 30. 4), etc. — dixit forte: he happened to remark. — ut . . . ita: although . . . yet. Cf. 1. 42. 5; 3. 43. 4; 4. 33. 3; etc. — quaecumque pars: Dio (57. 2. 4) says that he ex- pressed his willingness to take any one of the three departments he suggested : — Rome and Italy, or the armies, or the prov- inces. 2. Asinius Gallus: son of Asinius PoUio, orator and man of let- ters, consul B.C. 8, and pro-consul of Asia B.C. 6. 3. collecto animo: having recovered his presence of mind. — nequa- quam . . . mallet: Dio (57. 2. 6) states that he replied that it was not proper for the man who made the division to select his share also, 124 NOTES. Kal ttCjs olbv t4 iaTL tov aXrrbv Kal vi/xeiv tl Kal aipeiadaL. — cui: dative after excusari; a very rare construction. 5. in toga: in times of peace; in contrast with times of war implied in victoriarum. The purpose of the reference to Augustus was to show the advantage of single rule, while that of the reference to Tiberius was to indicate his capacity. 6. idee: still for that. Cf. 1. 72. 3; 2. 42. 1; 3. 25. 2. — tamquam: on the ground thai; tamquam^ like qiuisi, velut and ut, is frequently employed to introduce an alleged reason. Cf. 1. 35. 4; 1. 47. 5; 2. 84. 3; 6. 50. 4; etc. — Vipsania: daughter of Agrippa by Pom- ponia who was the daughter of Atticus, Cicero's friend. After giving her in marriage to Tiberius, Augustus, for political reasons, forced him to divorce her, much against his will, in order to marry Julia. Vipsania afterwards married Asinius Gallus. She died a.d. 20. See Introd., art. Tiberius. — Pollionisque Asinii: the famous orator, poet and historian, bom b.c. 75 and died a.d. 4. — ferociam: high spirit. Pollio was never an enthusiastic supporter of the new order and was noted for his freedom of speech (Suet., Aug. 43). 13* 1. L. Amintius: a prominent statesman, consul a.d. 6, fre- quently mentioned. — divitem: as being rich; in agreement with the object of suspectabat. — artibus: accomplishments ^ not the least of which was his eloquence. 2. principem: first; adjective as in 3. 75. 1 and 4. 38. 1. — suffec- txui: though they would be competent; concessive future participle, to be taken absolutely. — vel: for aut. Cf. 13. 41. 3; 14. 35. 4. — idem: nominative plural. — M*. Lepidimi: it is uncertain whether this Lepidus who appears to have been consul a.d. 11 was the grand- son of the triumvir. Tacitus always refers to him in terms of re- spect, mentioning his death in 6. 27. 3. Cn. Pisonem: consul b.c. 7; appointed to the command of the province of Syria, it is alleged, to thwart and oppose Germanicus (Introd., art. Germanicus), whom he was . suspected of poisoning. When summoned before the senate on the charge of complicity in the death of Germanicus, Piso either took his own life or was dis- patched by the order of Tiberius (3. 15). Cf . 1. 74. 6 and 2. 43. 3. — omnesque : Tacitus appears here to speak without sufficient warrant. For while Tiberius may have had some part in- the death of Gallus, who was implicated in some way with the case of Sejanus, and while ANNALS, BOOK I. 125 Tiberius was only suspected of having had Piso put to death, Tacitus himself admits that Tiberius had no part in the death of Arnintius. Indeed, it is stated later on (6. 47. 4) that Tiberius was not probably- aware of the charge against Arruntius. It follows, therefore, that omnes here should not be made to apply to all of the four mentioned. 4. Q. Haterius: consul b.c. 9; a fluent speaker, but a man of mean disposition (4. 61. 2). — Mamercus Scaurus: consul a.d. 21; a character similar to the above. Cf. 6. 29. 4, Mamercus dein Scaurus rursum postulatur insignis nobilitate et orandis causis, vita prohrosus. — relationi : a technical term to describe the action of the magistrate in bringing business before the senate. The tribunes of course had the power of veto of such an act of a magistrate. How- ever, in this special case relatio has reference to a decree bestowing the dignity of princeps upon Tiberius, and since he already had the proconsular imperium and the tribunician potestas representing the military and civil authority of the government, the decree in ques- tion practically established his supremacy as head of the state. 5. implacabilius : inasmuch as Tiberius was offended at the speech of Scaurus, who insinuated that he was not sincere. 6. flexit: Suetonius (Tib. 24) states that he was reluctant to assume such a burden and only consented to do so till the evening of life, when he should desire peace and quiet. It^T. Constat Haterium: Suetonius (Tib. 27) records the same to indicate Tiberius's hatred of flattery, but does not name Haterius. — Palatixxm: the Palatine hill was the site of the imperial residence, and the emperor's palace built there came to be called " Palatium," from association of the name of the hill with the palace. — genua: the expression is borrowed from Sallust (Draeger, Syntax und Stil § 259). The usual construction requires the dative with advolvere (as 1. 23. 2), but the preposition ad in composition here furnishes the justification of the accusative. Cf. 6. 49. 3; 15. 71. 1. — an = aut after the ellipsis of dubium est utrum, as often in Tacitus. Cf . 1. 65. 3; 2. 38. 9; etc. — cura.tissiaiis = accuratissimis. Cf. 2. 27. 1; 14. 21. 2. 14. 2. parentem . . . matrem: on the titles bestowed upon the wife of the emperor by the Romans, see Mommsen, Romisches Staxitsrecht II, 821. Both Cicero and Caesar were hailed pater patriae and parens patriae. — alii . . . censebant: note the varia- 126 NOTES. tion of construction in this passage. Disregard of concinnity, bal- ance and parallelism is one of the most conspicuous features of Tacitus's style. — luliae filius: according to OreUi, it was wholly without precedent that Tiberius should have borne his mother's name in addition to the title Divi Augusti filiits which is regularly found in inscriptions. The custom was of Etruscan origin. 3. moderandos: Tiberius was, for the most part, firm in his resolution that he and not Livia, his ambitious mother, should keep control of the reins of government. See Suet., Tib. 50. — lictorem: Livia appears to have had a lictor in the performance of her duties as priestess of Augustus (Dio, 56. 46. 2). Two lictors were later granted to Agrippina by the senate, in the worship of Claudius 13. 2. 6). Such distinction was not granted to any private woman. Of course the vestal virgins were accorded the distinction of being attended in pubhc by lictors. — aram adoptionis : being a mere monument of her adoption by Augustus (1. 8. 2), such an altar did not imply any act of worship. Altars of this kind were often eet up, but were not regarded sacred. 4. Germanico Caesari: see Introd., art. Germanicus. — procbn- sulare imperium: this imperium granted by the senate, upon the death of Augustus, as a renewal of Tiberius's authority (which he received in a.d. 11) probably made him the colleague of the em- peror and designated him as successor to the throne. It is implied in 2. 43. 2 that he did not share with Tiberius equal authority as collega imperii. See Monmisen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 1151. 5. designatus consul: editors are not agreed as to the meaning of this passage. Most editors explain that as consul designatus he must have voted first in his case. Furneaux thinks that this ob- jection might have been obviated (3. 22. 6), and that the real reason was that the proconsular imperium which was valid only in the provinces {extra urhem) would not be suitable to one who was to hold an urban magistracy. See Mommsen, Romisches Staats- recht II, 1151 foil. 6. Candidatos . . . duodecim: the entire number of praetors to be elected was twelve. Since this nomination is contrasted with the right of appointing four praetors (described in chapter 15), it must have had only the force of testing qualifications and admitting to candidacy, as Allen holds. The presiding consul had the same ANNALS, BOOK I. 127 power of admitting to candidacy as the emperor (see 1. 81. 3). But nomination by the emperor, of course, was usually tantamount to election. So the senate's proposition that he should nominate more than twelve, as here implied (ut urgeret), would indicate that the emperor's power was to be hmited, inasmuch as there would result an actual election from among his candidates. Upon the death of Augustus the popular assembhes were practically abolished. From this time they simply registered their vote after a decree of the senate conferring tribunician power upon the princeps or his colleague ; in other elections, in a- perfunctory announcement (re- nuntiatio) of the selection made by the senate. See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 919. — obstrinxit: solemnly sworCy hound himself hy oath; used absolutely as in 4. 31. 5 and se is to be taken with excessurum. 15. 1. e campo comitia: reference is made here only to the election of the praetors. The consuls continued to be elected by the people in the customary manner till about a.d. 80 (Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 877). The popular assemblies were held in the Campus Martins. Cf . Veil. Paterc. 2. 126. — etsi potissima, etc. : though those of greatest importance were determined hy the decision of the princeps. It seems best to take this as referring to the choice of the consuls, which after Augustus's death was transferred from the people to the princeps. Even Augustus himself occasionally had recourse to nomination of candidates for this high office. 2. senatus largitionibus, etc.: the senators themselves stood as candidates for all the magistracies above the quaestorship and followed the time-honored custom of canvassing for votes and offer- ing bribes as a kind of necessary concomitant. — ne plures . . . commendaret: sc. praeturae. The formal written commendatio was established in a.d. 8, and such candidates as had this imperial endorsement were called candidati Caesaris. The proportion of such candidates was definitely fixed and, in the case of quaestors, mma- bered two out of twenty and, in the case of praetors, four out of twelve. In reference to this particular occasion Velleius Pater- culus (2. 124. 4) states that the two first candidati Caesaris were nohilissimi ac sacerdotales viri, while the other two were Velleius and his brother, and that Tiberius was only confirming a previous designation by Augustus. It need hardly be remarked that the 128 NOTES. commendatio was quite different from the nominatio of candidates by the princeps. The nominatio signified only that the candidates so enumerated were quahfied to receive votes, but the commendatio was tantamount to election {sine repulsu et amhitu). See Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II, 921 foil. 3. de nomine Augusti: named after Aitgustus; a poetical expres- sion. Cf. Verg., Aen. 1. 277, Romanosque suo de nomine dicet; ih. 367, facti de nomine Byrsam. — Augustales : these games — Ludi Augu^tales — were celebrated on 9 October, or the 12th, and from this time were established as an annual festival (see also chapter 54). The cult of Augustus in Rome was distinct from that in the prov- inces. Augustus would not permit any formal worship of himself in the city during his lifetime, whereas after his death his cult became well established and associated with the perpetuity of the empire. — vocarentur: subjunctive of attraction in oratio ohliqua. 4. decreta pecunia: the cost of the games was to be defrayed by the government either because it would entail too great expense on the functionaries, or more probably, as Allen suggests, because such a festival at their own expense would have gained them too much popularity. — utque : the ut clause depends upon decretum est im- plied in decreta. For a similar double construction with this verb, see 4. 16. 6, and 14. 12. 1. — triumphali veste: the triumphal robe meant the toga picta and the tunica palmataj both embroidered with gold. — curru: the honor of being borne in a chariot was reserved for the praetor or consul, not an inferior magistrate such as a tribune ordinarily (Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht I, 394). Of course the praetor celebrating the games had both the triumphal robe and the chariot. Cf . Pliny, N. H. 34. 5. 11. 20; Juv. 10. 36 and 11. 192. 5. praetorem: i.e., the praetor peregrinus who exercised juris- diction over cases involving foreigners and citizens. — evenisset? subjunctive of partial obUquity representing an original future perfect indicative. 16. 1. Pannonicas: Pannonia, or upper lUyricum, was among the most important Roman provinces, extending along the Danube from the Drave to the Save. The country was subjugated by Tiberius, b.c. 12-9, and later organized into a province. Rome always honored this province with a legoius of consular rank. At ANNALS, BOOK I. 129 the time of the mutiny there were three legions stationed there, as Tacitus here states (see further chapters 23 and 30). When the mutiny in Pannonia was followed by the mutiny of the eight legions in Raetia and Noricum, the German provinces, the only troops left to hold the Roman provinces along the entire northern frontier were a few feeble garrisons of auxiliaries. Suetonius (Tib. 25) says that the mutiny was already known to have broken out by 19 August, the date of Augustus's death. But this seems quite impossible, unless we assume that the emperor's death occurred before that date and that the news was dispatched to the armies before the announcement of his death in Rome. On the formation of Pan- nonia as a province, see Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung I, 292 foil.; Mommsen, Roman Provinces I, 25. — mutatus princeps: see Introd. § 35 (d). 2. Castris aestivis: it is not definitely determined where these summer quarters were located. Mommsen says that there was a castra stativa in the open coimtry about Poeto^-io (Pettau) on the Drave. (Provinces of the Roman Empire I, 2§.) — lunio Blaeso: praetor and afterwards proconsul of Sicily and Africa (3. 35 and 58 and 72), consul suffectus a.d. 10. He was an uncle of Sejanus, by whose influence he was made proconsul of Africa, where he gained a triumph and the title of " imperator." He perished in the down- fall of Sejanus (see 5. 7. 2). — iustitium: a public mourning. The word (