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 JAMES 
 
 AND 
 
 PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD 
 
 
 
 TWO EPISODES IN THE HISTORY OF THE 
 FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 BY JAMES HUTTON. 
 
 AVTHOR OF " A HUNDRED YEARS AOO," " MISSIONARY WORK IN THE SOUTHERN 
 
 S^AS," "CENTRAL ASIA : FROM THE ARYAN TO THE COSSACK," ETC., ETC. 
 
 LONDON : 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 1882. 
 
 [All lliyhts reserved.}
 
 LONDON I 
 BRADBURY, AGXEAV, & C'O., PRINTERS, WUITEFRIAR3. 
 
 c
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE purport of this volume is simply to place in 
 their true light, before English readers, the characters 
 and careers of two remarkable men, who, for the 
 space of well nigh six centuries, have been cruelly 
 misunderstood and misrepresented. It was, perhaps, 
 natural that the early chroniclers should mistake the 
 Van Artevelds, father and son, for mere blatant, self- 
 seeping demagogues. Connected for the most part 
 by birth, or association, with the feudal nobility of 
 the period, Froissart and his copyists learned from 
 their childhood to look down upon the commonalty 
 as an inferior race of mankind, brought into the 
 world to subserve the interests and pleasures of the 
 great lords. In their eyes there was no neutral, no 
 intermediate, ground between the patricians and the 
 plebeians. It was for the former to command, for 
 the latter to obey for the former to enjoy life, for 
 the latter to render life enjoyable. The upheaval of 
 the lower orders and the apparition of James van 
 Arteveld were phenomena unprecedented in their 
 
 2017310
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 experience, and therefore to be denounced as mon- 
 strous and diabolical. 
 
 Gilles li Muisis and Jehan le Bel were the first, 
 so far as I am aWare, to give a totally erroneous 
 interpretation to a movement which alarmed 
 (heir ignorance and confounded their sagacity. 
 Had the matter, however, rested in their hands 
 it is probable that posterity would have heard very 
 little either of the Communes of Flanders, or of 
 their two greatest captains. But in the hands of 
 Froissai't history became a lifelike romance, imbued 
 with personal interest, and glowing with brilliant 
 pictures of gallant feats of arms, of knightly enter- 
 prise and prowess, of the heroic courage and devcfiioii 
 of high-born dames and damsels, and also of the out- 
 rageous presumption of the baser sort, who actually 
 claimed a common humanity and put forth titles 
 and privileges of their own. It would be unfair to 
 accuse the Canon of Chimay of wilfully embellishing, 
 or distorting, the facts which came to his knowledge. 
 He lived in an age of memorable events, and moved 
 amongst the great men who were carving out history 
 with the sword, and who made free use of his pen 
 to record and emblazon their own achievements. He 
 belonged to a pre-critical era, and thought no harm 
 in repeating each tale as it was told to him. He 
 accepted, without hesitation, the evidence of eye- 
 witnesses, even when extolling their own successes
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 or glossing over their own failures. It was not for 
 him to cross-examine his munificent patrons, or even 
 the courteous knights who, in friendly converse, un- 
 rolled the sparkling narrative *f all that they had 
 heard, seen, or imagined, in the course of their ad- 
 venturous lives. To the inventive reminiscences of 
 Robert de Namur we are indebted for the charming, 
 if fictitious, episode of the surrender of Calais, and 
 for the vigorous delineation of the sea-fight off Win- 
 chelsea. To Froissart's own visit to Damme, Sluys, 
 Bruges, and Ghent, we owe the minute touches 
 which impart so much animation to his story of 
 Philip van Arteveld. From the lips of the very 
 actors in those troublous scenes he took dow r n the 
 details which came under the cognizance of each, or 
 w^ich each could repeat at direct second-hand. But 
 it^must not be forgotten that, although he made a 
 point of committing to paper, before he lay down to 
 rest, whatever he had learned during the daylight, 
 his labours usually began at a late hour, after a 
 joyous supper, when imagination is apt to come to 
 the aid of memory. In any case he failed to appre- 
 ciate the two episodes in the annals of the Flemish 
 Communes which this little volume is intended to 
 illustrate. 
 
 There may be a certain lack of reverence in 
 presuming to criticise the most fascinating of all 
 chronicles, but, after all, truth is more to be regarded
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 than sentiment, and the two great citizens of Ghent 
 have been suffered to remain much too long under 
 a cloud of misapprehension and obloquy. The late 
 Mr. Wm. Longman,* it is true, rendered full justice 
 to the noble aspirations of James van Arteveld, and 
 showed conclusively that what he aimed at was con- 
 stitutional government, though the form might be 
 democratic. But Philip van Arteveld has been less 
 fortunate, or, rather, he has been peculiarly unfortu- 
 nate in being made the hero of Sir Henry Taylor's 
 dramatised poem. Although adhering with won- 
 derful fidelity to Froissart's narrative, the English 
 poet has added an incident of remarkable beauty, 
 but which is painfully injurious to the moral cha- 
 racter of the victor of Beverhoutsveld. Not content 
 with bestowing upon Philip a beautiful, accomplished, 
 and virtuous wife in Adriana van Merestyn, ^ir 
 Henry Taylor links him at her death with the run- 
 away mistress of the Duke of Bourbon, idealised 
 into an abstract personification of love and purity. 
 Now, in the drama, Philip's marriage does not take 
 place till some time in May, 1382, and in six months 
 he buries and forgets his wife and becomes enthralled 
 
 by Elena della Torre, and all this because Frois- 
 
 sart mentions that a " damoiselle " had accompanied 
 him from Ghent to Hoosebeke, the " damoiselle " 
 being nq other than his wife, Yolande van den 
 
 * " History of the Life and Times of Edward III.," 1862.
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 Brouckc. Sir Henry Taylor, however, renders due 
 homage to the many great qualities which charac- 
 terised his hero, and which he sums up with much 
 force and feeling. The speaker is the king's uncle, 
 the Duke of Burgundy : 
 
 Dire rebel though he was, 
 Yet with a noble nature and great gifts 
 Was he endow'd courage, discretion, wit, 
 An equal temper and an ample soul, 
 Rock-bound and fortified against assaults 
 Of transitory passion, but below 
 Built on a surging subterranean fire 
 That stirr'd and lifted him to high attempts. 
 So prompt and capable and yet so calm, 
 He nothing lack'd in sovereignty biit the right, 
 Nothing in soldiership except good fortune. 
 
 With respect to James van Arteveld, in the absence 
 of ^,ny positive evidence one way or the other, I 
 ha*e not ventured to assert that he was neither 
 himself a brewer nor the husband of a " brewster," 
 whether widow or maiden ; but in my own mind I 
 have not the slightest doubt that the tradition is 
 entirely based upon his being admitted a member of 
 the Brewers'-Guild two years before his death. This 
 was one of the fifty-two minor crafts, and for that 
 reason was chosen by Van Arteveld, who, by birth, 
 belonged to the Weavers'-Guild, which stood at the 
 head of the industrial orders of Ghent. To the 
 wine-drinking knights and chroniclers a brewer of 
 the thick, muddy, ill-fermented beer of those times,
 
 x PREFACE. 
 
 which needed an admixture of honey to render it at 
 all palatable, may well have seemed a common 
 fellow of very plebeian origin. I have followed M. de 
 Lettenhove in giviig him to wife a daughter of 
 Sohier de Courtrai, in preference to adopting M. 
 Voisin's theory that he was a grandson of the vener- 
 able Lord of Dronghen, and that he married a 
 lady named Christine, of the illustrious house of 
 Baronaige ; but I confess that I can adduce no very 
 cogent reason for the faith that is in me. Except 
 to refute the misrepresentations of the ancient 
 chroniclers, and the careless repetitions of their blind 
 followers, it might have been wiser simply to ac- 
 knowledge that the youth and early manhood of 
 James van Arteveld are involved in so much ob- 
 scurity, that nothing certain is known either a, to 
 his pursuits and occupation, or as to the name of Jiis 
 wife. 
 
 For the rest, I cannot sufficiently acknowledge 
 my obligations to the admirable works produced by 
 M. de Lettenhove and Professor Vanderkindere. 
 In my list of authorities I have not mentioned 
 Froissart or a host of subsequent chroniclers whom 
 I have carefully consulted and collated. The occa- 
 sional passages from Froissart are either my own 
 version, or have been taken from Colonel Johnes' 
 translation.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PART f. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Flanders How Peopled Baldwin Bras-de-Fer The Minne, 
 
 or Ghiklc Rising Influence of the Counts Robert of 
 
 Flanders Charles of Denmark William Longsword 
 
 9 Thierry of Alsace Power of the Ghildes Foundation 
 
 of Damme Philip of Flanders and Philip Augustus 
 
 Baldwin, Emperor of Constantinople Battle of 
 
 Bouvines . 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Treaty of Melun The Thirty- Nine of Ghent The D'Avesnes 
 and. the Dumpierres Guy de Dampierre Development 
 of Civilization Prosperity of the Communes Tha Hanse 
 of London Destruction of the Bruges Charters Philip 
 the Fair of France His Ambitious Projects . . .16 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Imprisonment of Guy de Dampierre Philippine of Flanders 
 Philip favours the Communes Release of Guy de 
 Dampierre Alliance with Edward I. Battle of Bnis-
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 camp Edward I. lands atSluys; visits Ghent; returns to 
 England Guy de Dampierre imprisoned at Compiegne 
 Philip the Fair in Flanders Peter Coninck Outbreak in 
 Bruges John Breydel Bruges Matins Insurrection in 
 the Franc of Bruges uDay of the Golden Spurs Popular 
 Movements Robert de Bethune Treaty of Athies 
 Louis de Nevers Treaty of Pontoise Edward II. . . 27 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Louis X. invades Flanders Panic in his Army Philip the 
 Long Pope Arbitrates between France and Flanders 
 Robert de Bethune at Paris His death Charles tin- 
 Fair Louis de Crecy Arrests English Traders in Flan- 
 ders Disturbances Nicholas Zannequin Louis de 
 Cre"cy made prisoner in Courtrai Interdict against 
 Ghent Peace between Count and Communes Philip de 
 Valois Promises to restore Count of Flanders Battle < 
 of Cassel Punishment of the Insurgents Insurrection 
 in Maritime Flanders Birth of Louis de Maele Tempo- 
 rary lull - 44 
 
 PART II. 
 
 SOCIAL A T IEW OF FLANDERS IN THE X1VTH 
 CENTURY. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Rise of the Democracy Decline of Feudalism Municipal 
 Liberties Growth of the Communes Local Government 
 Magistrates Position of the Count The Clergy Mili- 
 tary Service The Artisans Trade Regulations Trade 
 Guilds Sufferings of the "\Voiking Classes .
 
 CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Artisans of Ghent Quarrels of the Guilds Upheaval of 
 the Industrial Classes Bruges Decline of Flemish 
 Manufactures The Rural Population Spade Husbandry 
 Agricultural Produce Condition of the Peasantry 
 Taxation Disunion of the Communes The Church in 
 Flanders 82 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Clerical Pretensions Superstition Excommunication Im- 
 morality of the Clergy Religious Sentiment The Men- 
 dicant Friars The Flagellants Houses Sanitation 
 The Women of Flanders Love of Dress Dissolute 
 Habit* Public Hot Baths General Laxity of Morals . 
 
 PART III. 
 
 
 
 JAMES VAX ARTEVELD. 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Accession of Philip the Fair Pretensions of Edward III. 
 Robert of Artois Commercial Relations of England and 
 Flanders Coalition of Edward III. with the German 
 Princes Louis de Crecy arrests Englishmen in Flanders 
 Reprisals by Edward III. Reconciliation between 
 England and the Communes English Envoys in Flanders 
 Arrest of Sohier de Courtrai Capture of Cadzand 
 Misery in Ghent James van Arteveld Misconceptions 
 as to his character and position 113
 
 xiv CONTEXTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Youth aud eaily manhood of James van Arteveld His 
 marriage The apocryphal Brewery Consulted by 
 Ghent artizans Advises a close alliance with England 
 Appointed Captaift of the City Convention signed at 
 Louvain Selfishness of the Communes Louis de Crecy 
 accused of seeking Van Arteveld's death The Count's 
 flight from Ghent The Count temporises Execution of 
 Sohier de Courtrai Philip de Valois excommunicates 
 Ghent French invade Flanders Louis de Maele driven 
 out of Bruges The Communes organise a Local Govern- 
 ment Reopen Trade with England . . . .1-26 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Edward III. appointed A r icar of the Holy Roman Empire 
 Popularity of the English in Brabant The Count's nar- 
 row escape at Dixmude Siege of Cambrai Edward III. ( 
 offers battle to Philip de Valois Both armies withdraw 
 into winter quarters Fighting on the Borders Barbarity 
 of mediaeval warfare Edward III. claims the Crown of 
 France Quarters the Fleurs-de Lys on his shield Grants 
 three Charters to the Communes Alliance between 
 Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault Papal intervention . 142 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Birth of John of Gaunt and of Philip van Arteveld Defeat 
 and capture of the Earl of Salisbury James van Arteveld 
 marches to the relief of the Count of Hainault Battle of 
 Sluys Van Arteveld joins Edward III. at Ardenburg 
 Accompanies him to Bruges The French and English 
 Kings issue proclamations Siege of Tournai Use of 
 Artillery Truce of Espleehin Armies] disbanded 
 Favourable terms granted to the Communes The Count 
 grants an amnesty Financial embarrassment of Edward 
 III. Obtains a loan through Van Arteveld Further 
 negotiations 156
 
 CONTENTS. xv 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Mission of Catherine van Arte veld Edward III. in Brittany 
 Truce of Malestroit Futile intrigues of Louis de Crecy 
 The Banner incident at Ardenburg Prosperity of 
 Flanders under Van Arteveld Afflay with John de 
 Steenbeke Revival of old institutions Fullers and 
 Weavers The monopoly of woollen fabrics "Den 
 Quaden Maendag "Edward III. at Sluys Unfounded 
 rumour Riot at Ghent Murder of James van Arteveld 
 His burial His true chai-acter 169 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 
 
 ^ 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Discomfiture of the Bruges Militia Death of Louis de Crecy 
 Succeeded by Louis de Maele His betrothal to 
 Isabella of England His flight into France Indecisive 
 engagements between French and Flemish troops Sur- 
 render of Calais to Edward III. Invasion of Flanders by 
 Philip The Communes disunited Disturbances at 
 Bruges Duplicity of Louis de Maele Massacre in 
 Ghent The Black Death The Flagellants . . .189 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Death of Philip de Valois Naval battle off Winchelsea The 
 Count and the Communes John de Valois Charles the 
 Bad Joseph and Walter d'Halewyn beheaded Riots in 
 Ghent Battle of Poitiers Death of the Countess of 
 Flanders Loyalty of Louis de Maele Marriage of Mar-
 
 xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 PAQE 
 
 garet of Flanders to Philip, Duke of Burgundy Death 
 of Edward III. Profligacy of Louis de Maele Stirs up 
 strife between Bruges and Ghent John Yoens and 
 Gilbert Mahieu Adoption of the White Hoods Murder 
 of the Count's bailiff at Ghent Wreckage of the Count's 
 chateau at WondelgWem 206 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Alliance between Bruges and Ghent Death of John Yoens 
 Communal militia befiege Oudenaerd Mediation of the 
 Duke of Burgundy A "double-faced" peace Count's 
 reception at Ghent Raises army of mercenaries Bar- 
 barous outrage Surprise of Oudenaerd Renewal of hosti- 
 lities Ghent militia repulsed at Bruges Fatal ambush 
 The Count's severity at Ypres Siege of Ghent The 
 Count grants an amnesty Attacks and defeats a detach- 
 ment of Ghent militia at Nevclc Capture of Grammont 
 by Walter d'Enghien His death . . . . .< 225 
 
 PART V. 
 
 PHILIP VAN ARTEVELI). 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Van den Bossche Philip van Arteveld appointed Captain of 
 the City His antecedents and character Execution of 
 two Leliaerds Philip's proclamation Francis Ackerman 
 obtains supplies Duplicity of the Count Misery at 
 Ghent Philip van Arteveld counsels action Marches 
 upon Bruges Rout of Beverhoutsveld Louis de Maele's 
 adventures and escape Submission of Bruges Ghent 
 revictualled . . 243
 
 CONTEXTS. xvii 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PAGH 
 
 Ta e rival Topes Wreckage of the Count's chateau at Maele 
 Magnificence of Philip van Arteveld Siege of Oude- 
 naerd Gallant defence Use of artil^ry Destitution of 
 the garrison The Flemish camp Louis de Maele appeals 
 to the Duke of Burgundy Charles VI. summons ban and 
 arriere-ban Philip van Arteveld claims the King's 
 mediation Flemish mission to Richard II. Charles VI. 
 takes nominal command of his army Passage of the 
 Lys Van den Bossche's position tinned His defeat . 262 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Charles VI. crosses the Lys Disturbances in Paris Louis de 
 Maele ignored by the King's uncles Devastation of the 
 Franc Van Arteveld takes post at Roosebeke Evil 
 auguries Battle of Roosebeke Death of Philip van 
 Arteveld Slaughter of the Flemings Destruction of 
 Courtrai Submission of Flanders Cruel ravages 
 Charles VI. returns to Paris Religious war between the 
 Count and his subjects The Bishop of Norwich invades 
 Flanders His successes Repulsed at Ypres Returns to 
 ^England Surprise of Oudenaerd by Ackerman Agita- 
 tion in France and Flanders Mysterious death of Louis 
 de Maele His obsequies Decay of Feudalism Growth 
 of Democracy A few last words 277 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 DECLINE AND FALL OF THE COMMUNES. 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Bruges under Philip the Bold Ghent Recovery of Oude- 
 naerd True meaning .of the Battle of Roosebeke" Les 
 
 b
 
 1 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Pourcelets de la Raspaille " Francis Ackerman 
 Heroism of the Flemish leaders Plot against Ghent 
 Tumult in Bruges^John the Fearless Philip the Good 
 Siege of Calais Philip's attempt upon Bruges 
 Treachery of the Men of Ghent Miserable condition 
 of Bruges Mournful Festivities 303 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Disputes between Philip and the town of Ghent Insur- 
 rectionDeath of ttfe Bastard of Burgundy Battle of 
 Gavre Treaty of Gavre Charles the Rash at Ghent 
 Mary of Burgundy Maximilian of Austria Philip 
 the Fair Charles-Quint Confiscation of the liberties 
 of Ghent Conclusion . . 319 
 
 INDEX . . 337
 
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Histoire de Flandrc. Par M. Kervyn*de Lettenhove. Bruges, 
 1874. 
 
 Jacques d'Arteveldc. Par M. Kervyu de Lettenhove. Gand- 
 1863. 
 
 Froissart. Etude Litteraire sur Ic XIV Siede. Par 1L 
 Kervyu de Lettenhove. Bruxelles. 1857. 
 
 Lc fieclc des A rtevclde. Par Leon Vanderkindere, Professeur a 
 rUuiversite de Bruxelles. Bruxelles. 1879. 
 
 Cronique dc Flandres, ancicnncmcnt composee par auleur incertain 
 el nouvcllemcnt mise en lumiere, par Denis Sauvagc, dc Fontenelles 
 en B^ic. Historiogi-aphe du Tres-clire'tien Roy Henry, second de ce- 
 nom. Lyon. 1572. 
 
 Lc Premier Lien des Chroniqucs dc Jean Froissart. Texte inedit, 
 publid d'apres un manuscrit de la bibliotheque du Vatican. Par 
 M. le Baron K. de Lettenhove. Bruxelles. 1863. 
 
 De I'Oriyine des Progres et de la Decadence des Chambrcs dc 
 FJittorique itahlies en Flandre: avec une notice historiqua sur J. 
 van Artcveldc. Par N. Cornelissen. Gand. 1812. 
 
 Recherche des Antiquitnz et Noblesse de Flandres. Par Philippe 
 de L'Espino}', Viscomte de Therouaune. Douay. 1632. 
 
 Annalcs de Flandre dc P. d'OudcgJicrst. Par M. Lesbroussart. 
 Gand. 1789. 
 
 Histoire de France, drjmis Faramond jusqifau rtgne de Louis h 
 Juslc. Par le Sieur F. de Mezeray. Paris. 1685.
 
 xx LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Kortc Lcvenssclwts van Jacob van Artevclde. Door Lieven 
 Everwyn. Gent. 1845. 
 
 Histoire des Francais. Par J. C. L. Simonde de Sismondi, 
 Paris. 1828. 
 
 Les Vrayes Chroniques de Mcssire Jean le Bel. Publics par M. 
 L. Polain. Bruxellcs. 1863. 
 
 Ckronica ^Egidii li Muisis. Bruxclles. 1 837. 
 
 Nouvelles Archives Historiqucs, Philosophiques, et Litterair s. 
 Revue trimestriclle. P. A, Lenz. Gaud. 1837. 
 
 Commcntarii sive Annales rerum Flandricarum. Auctorc Jacobo 
 Meyero, Baliolano. Antwerp. 1561. 
 
 Guide dc Gand. Par Auguste Voisin. Gand. 1843. 
 
 Continuatio chronici Guliclmi dc Nangis, ab anno 1301 ad 1368 
 (Paris ?). 1723. 
 
 Memoires sur la Villc de Gand. Par le Chevalier Charles .Louis 
 Diericx. Gand. 1814. 
 
 Cronijcke van den Landc cndc Gracfsccpe van Vlacndcren. , Ge- 
 maect door Jo" Nicolaes Despars. Te Brugge. 1839. 
 
 Memorie Bock der Stad Ghent. 13011 737. 
 
 Cours d'Histoire JSclgique. Par L. D. J. Dewez. Bruxelles. 
 1833. 
 
 Histoire Particulierc dcs Provinces Bdyiqucs. Par L. D. J. Dewez. 
 Bruxelles. 1816. 
 
 Cronica di Giovanni Villani. Firenze. 1845. 
 
 ffistoire d 1 Angletcrre, d'Ecosse, et d'lrlande. Par 51. de Larrey. 
 Rotterdam, 1707. 
 
 Die Historic van Belgis. Door Marcus van Yarnewyck. Ghent. 
 1784. 
 
 History of the Life and Times of Edward III. By Win. Long- 
 man. London. 1869.
 
 OF AUTHORITIES. xxi 
 
 (V.i/i f'jxfs de Flamlrcs. Par P. Wielant. Bruges. 1839. 
 
 L'J/i.ttiiii-'* dcs Pays-Bos, Par Emmanuel van Mcteren. La 
 Haye. 1618. 
 
 Essais sur VHistoire Politiquc dex Dcrniers Slides : Introduction. 
 Par Jules van Tract. Bruxelles. 
 
 History of the English People. By B. J. Green, M.A. London. 
 
 1879. 
 
 Histolrc dc la Fraiicc sous les C'inq Premiers Valois. Par P. C. 
 Levesqne. -Paris. 1788. 
 
 Histoire dc France. Par M. Michelet. Paris. 1837. 
 
 Ejcamcn Critique dcs Historicns de Jacques van Artevelde. Par 
 Augusta Voisin. Gand. 1841. 
 
 Gulielmi Brctonis-Armorici Pliilippidos Libri XII. slve Gesla 
 Pldlippi Augusti Francorutn Regis versibus Heroicis descripta. 
 Bouquet's Recucil des Historiens de la France, tome XVII.
 
 PAKT I. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS.
 
 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN 
 AKTEVELD. 
 
 PAET I. 1 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 How Peopled Baldwin Bras-de-Fer The Minne, or Ghilde 
 Rising Influence of the Counts Robert of Flanders Charles 
 of Denmark William Longsword Thierry of Alsace 
 Power of the Ghildes Foundation of Damme Philip of 
 Flanders and Philip Augustus Baldwin, Emperor of Con- 
 stantinople Battle of Bouvines. 
 
 THE name of Fleanderland, or the land of the 
 " flymings," or fugitives, was originally confined to a 
 hroad strip of territory along the sea-coast between 
 the country of the Gauls and Friesland. It was in 
 the fourth and fifth centuries that these fugitive, or 
 emigrant, Germans and Saxons established them- 
 selves on the coast of what is now called West 
 Flanders. They were known as Lacti, an appellation 
 afterwards corrupted into Laetcn (Colonus or Hospes), 
 and applied to freemen engaged in agricultural pur- 
 suits. In the Notitia Imperil of Theodosius the 
 region inhabited by them is described as the Littus 
 
 B
 
 2 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 Saxonicnm, but that epithet was more fully deserved 
 at a later period when Charlemagne forcibly planted 
 along this coast some thousands of Saxon colonists, 
 for the double purpose of repelling the incursions of 
 the Northmen, and of serving as hostages for the 
 orderly conduct of their barbarous kinsfolk beyond 
 the eastern borders of his Empire. Their descendants 
 long retained a savage craving for licence for of true 
 liberty they had not the faintest conception and 
 were unfavourably distinguished until a much later 
 period for their coarse manners and brutal dispo- 
 sition. 
 
 In the hope of maintaining a semblance of tran- 
 quillity among his Flemish subjects, Charlemagne 
 appointed a Forestier, whose duty it was to enforce 
 obedience to the law and collect imposts, as wetl as to 
 preserve as an Imperial Chase the extensive forests 
 which then covered the country, and to breed hawks 
 and falcons for the special use of the Emperor. This 
 arrangement was of very brief duration. In th^ reign 
 of Charles the Bald, a rude Flemish chieftain, Baldwin, 
 surnamed Bras-de-Fer, or Iron-arm, ran away with 
 the King's daughter Judith, but after experiencing 
 many vicissitudes of fortune, was pardoned and taken 
 into favour. Baldwin thereupon built a castle com- 
 manding a bridge over the little river Reye, with a 
 chapel to receive certain relics of St. Donatus sent to 
 him by the Archbishop of Eheims. Outside the walls 
 he erected houses for the reception of merchants and 
 itinerant traders, and laid out a mal-berg, or place of 
 meeting for freemen. A small town rose under the 
 protection of the castle walls, and was called Brugge
 
 CH. i.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 3 
 
 or Bruggenscle, from the bridge to which it primarily 
 owed its existence. After a time the toll house on 
 the Reye gradually developed into the renowned and 
 opulent city of Bruges, famous at a subsequent period 
 for the beauty of its women. The title of Markgraf, 
 or Warden of the Marches, was conferred upon the 
 successful adventurer, who suppressed the ravages of 
 the Northmen and extended his personal influence far 
 and wide. 
 
 His son, who married a daughter of Alfred the 
 Great, was cast in a different mould. Under his 
 comparatively feeble administration the Northmen en- 
 camped at the confluence of the Lys and the Scheldt, 
 a situation already marked as the cradle of the great 
 city of Ghent, whence they made frequent raids into 
 FranJfe, and depopulated the adjacent districts of 
 Brabant and Flanders. Though incapable of opposing 
 the Northern pirates, Baldwin the Bald as he loved 
 to call himself after his grandfather Charles was not 
 devoid of ambition. He accordingly made himself 
 master of Arras, and strengthened the fortifications of 
 St. Omer, Ypres, and Bergues. He was succeeded by 
 Arnulf, or Arnold the Great, who appears to have 
 been the first Count of Flanders, and to have lived at 
 a time of universal anarchy. The end of the world, 
 indeed, was commonly believed to be at hand, the 
 only difference of opinion arising from the computa- 
 tion of a period of one thousand years some reckon- 
 ing from the birth, others from the death of Jesus. 
 All alike threw off the restraints of religion and 
 morality, and did that which was good in their own 
 eyes. 
 
 n 2
 
 4 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. I. 
 
 In the course of the tenth, century Bruges had 
 waxed great and wealthy through its trade with 
 England, while the Ghent people constructed a port 
 at the junction of their two rivers. The Flemings, 
 nevertheless, were still noted for the hoorishness of 
 their demeanour, their addiction to intemperance, and 
 their excessive turbulence. Their pagan ancestors 
 had heen accustomed to form associations for their 
 mutual protection Against accidents by fire or water, 
 and similar misadventures. These unions were called 
 Minne, or Friendships an idea reproduced in the 
 Amicitia, to which allusion is so frequently made in 
 the deeds of ancient corporations. Gathered in a 
 circle round the sacrificial fire, the associates drained, 
 each in his turn, three horns of beer, or mead : the 
 first, in honour of the gods ; the second, in reverent 
 remembrance of the warriors of olden time deemed 
 worthy of a seat in the halls of Odin ; and the third, 
 in loving memory of friends and kinsmen, reposing in 
 the sleep of death beneath the mounds of turf in the 
 midst of which their survivors were seated. After a 
 time the name of Minne came to be supplanted by 
 that of Ghihk, meaning a feast at the common ex- 
 pense. Each ghilde was placed under the tutelage of 
 a departed hero, or demigod, and was managed by 
 officers elected by the members social equality being 
 the foundation of each fraternity. Subsequent to the 
 introduction of Christianity the demigod was replaced 
 by a saint, while the members were enjoined to practise 
 works of piety. The clergy, however, viewed these 
 associations with marked displeasure, on account of 
 the habitual intemperance by which they were cha-
 
 CH. i.j EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 5 
 
 racterised. The spirit of the Minne may neverthe- 
 less be traced in the fundamental rules and regula- 
 tions of all, or nearly all, the corporations of 
 Flanders. 
 
 Arnulf, or Arnold the Great, was succeeded by 
 Arnulf the Younger, after whom three Baldwins, 
 each in his turn, governed the county. Baldwin the 
 Bearded added Valenciennes and Walcheren to the 
 domains of his predecessors the, former being held 
 as a fief of the German Empire. lie was followed by 
 Baldwin the Pious, who proclaimed the Truce of God, 
 which limited bloodshed to three days in the week. 
 His piety, however, did not restrain him from laying 
 his hands upon the Imperial city of Ghent, or from 
 coercing Henry III. of Brabant to cede to him the 
 territory lying between Ghent and Alost. He further 
 increased his influence by obtaining for his eldest son 
 the hand of Pcichilda, Countess of Hainault, and by 
 marrying his daughter Matilda to William Duke of 
 Normandy. Another daughter, Judith, was given in 
 marriage to Tostig, son of Earl Godwin, who fell at 
 Stamford Bridge fighting against his brother Harold, 
 the last of the Saxon kings of England. A consider- 
 able number of Flemish knights joined Duke William's 
 expedition at St. Valery-sur-Somme, and greatly dis- 
 tinguished themselves at Senlac, winning their full 
 share of rewards and honours from the Conqueror. 
 It is recorded, however, that very many of them 
 perished miserably within a brief period, while the 
 commonalty of Flanders sympathised with the con- 
 quered Saxons, and accorded a hospitable reception to 
 the fugitives, not unmindful of their common origin,
 
 6 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i, 
 
 or of the hardships they themselves had had to endure 
 as exiles in hygone times. 
 
 During the minority of Philip I. of France, the 
 young prince and ^his dominions were confided to the 
 guardianship of Baldwin the Pious, as the premier 
 vassal of the French crown, and it is pleasant to know 
 that the delicate trust was discharged with equal pru- 
 dence and loyalty. The third of these Baldwins was 
 surnamed the Good,cbut his occupancy of the earldom 
 lasted only three years, when he was nominally suc- 
 ceeded by his son Arnold the Simple, though vir- 
 tually by his widow Kichilda of Hainault, who took for 
 her second husband William Fitz-Osborn, Count of 
 Breteuil in Normandy and Earl of Hereford in Eng- 
 land. The Flemings, however, rose against their 
 foreign ruler, and under the leadership of Robert of 
 Friesland, uncle to their Count, attacked and routed 
 on the 22nd of February, 1071, a French army 
 assembled at Mount Cassel under the personal pom- 
 mand of Philip the First. The French king and 
 Piichilda fled from the field, but Fitz-Osborn was slain, 
 as was also Arnold the Simple. A second defeat, a 
 few years later, induced Richilda to devote herself to a 
 religious life, upon which Robert of Friesland became 
 Robert of Flanders. 
 
 The new Count was continually at strife with the 
 Normans, and is represented as a man of violent 
 character and fond of adventurous enterprise. Under 
 his sway, though not by his example, the Flemings 
 became much softened and humanised by the assi- 
 duous efforts of the Bishop of Soissons to inculcate the 
 principles of Christianity, and to weld the rude bar-
 
 CH.I.] EAELY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 7 
 
 barians into the semblance of a civilised nation so 
 far as civilisation and nationality were understood in 
 those days. Towards the close of the century the 
 Count went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, leaving his 
 States in charge of his son Robert. On his return 
 from the Holy Land he stopped for a while at Con- 
 stantinople, and promised the Emperor Alexis Com- 
 nenus that he would bring to his aid five hundred 
 Flemish men-at-arms. The promise was fulfilled, and 
 for the space of four years these doughty warriors 
 were a terror to the Moslemin. As the Count tra- 
 versed France on his homeward journey, he was 
 everywhere treated with marked distinction as a 
 Soldier of Christ, and in the autumn of 1092 he 
 ended his warlike career in the castle of Wynendael, 
 neaiThorout* In the same year in which Robert II. 
 of Flanders passed away, Peter the Hermit stirred up 
 the nations of Christendom to rescue the Holy City 
 from the Saracens. The first crusade owed its success 
 in a great degree to the valour and prudence of a 
 Flemish knight, Godfrey de Bouillon, who was accom- 
 panied by Robert, Count of Flanders, and a gallant 
 band of stalwart Flemings. The Count returned to 
 his own dominions in safety, but only to fall in a petty 
 skirmish beneath the walls of Meaux, while fighting 
 for King Louis VI. His son, Baldwin VII., likewise 
 met with a violent death, being slain by an arrow shot 
 
 * The name of this picturesque little town, "Thor's Wood," 
 recalls to mind the Scandinavian origin of the people. Scarce any 
 traces remain of the old chateau of Wynendael, the favourite resi- 
 dence of the Counts of Flanders in their palmy days. Readers of 
 " Esmond" will not easily forget the battle so gallantly won, and 
 so often referred to, by General Webb in 1708.
 
 8 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 from the ramparts of the Castle of Eu, near Treport, 
 
 A.D. 1119. 
 
 The Earldom of Flanders then devolved on Charles 
 of Denmark, a near relative, who displayed great 
 vigour alike in repefiing aggression and in suppressing 
 intestine tumults. It is worthy of note, that a large 
 body of burghers under the banners of their respec- 
 tive parishes voluntarily marched under his command 
 to the French camp, in the war with the Emperor 
 Henry V. So genuine and widespread was the respect 
 inspired by Count Charles, that he was offered in 
 succession the Imperial crown, and that of Jerusalem, 
 both of which he had the good sense to refuse. His 
 attention and time were wholly devoted to an attempt 
 to humanise the Flemings settled along the sea-shore, 
 but his well-meant labours brought about a conspiracy 
 against himself, in which some of the principal in- 
 habitants of Bruges took an active part. He was 
 consequently stabbed to death while engaged in prayer 
 in the church of St. Donatus, and several of his 
 friends and advisers were brutally murdered about the 
 same time. The assassins, with the exception of a 
 few who temporarily escaped but who were sub- 
 sequently apprehended and put to death sustained a 
 regular siege in the tower of the church, and were 
 ultimately mastered with great difficulty. Many 
 miracles, of course, were performed at the tomb 
 of the martyred Count, and the tragic event was 
 turned to exceedingly profitable account by the local 
 clergy. 
 
 Notwithstanding his positive promise that the 
 Flemings should be allowed to proceed, without
 
 CH. I.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 9 
 
 molestation, to the election of a new Count, Louis 
 VI. compelled them to accept William of Normandy, 
 surnamed Long-Sword, grandson of Matilda. William 
 was worthy of his patron. He began by pledging 
 liimself to the abolition of the imposts which had been 
 arbitrarily levied by his predecessors, but he took no 
 steps to redeem his word. Insurrections thereupon 
 broke out in several places, the men of Ghent in 
 particular protesting against his^breach of faith. At 
 the suggestion of Henry I. of England, whose interest 
 it was to humble his nephew whose father he had 
 supplanted the Flemings made choice of Thierry of 
 Alsace as their Earl, and William only saved his life 
 by fleeing to Ypres, whence he forwarded an appeal 
 to the King of France. The citizens of Bruges also 
 addnlssed a memorial to Louis VI., but couched in 
 a different strain. They fearlessly reminded their 
 suzerain that he had nothing whatever to do with the 
 election of a Count of Flanders, which rested ex- 
 clusively with the nobles and burghers of the county, 
 and that the Count himself was only bound to furnish 
 a certain number of men-at-arms for the lands he 
 actually held of the King. To this outspoken document 
 Louis VI. returned no reply beyond laying siege to 
 Lille. A serious reverse sustained by his arms, and 
 the approach of the English monarch, constrained 
 him, however, to retire into his own territories and 
 to renounce the cause of William Longsword. That 
 brave young prince, thrown upon his own resources, 
 acquitted himself manfully. At Ruisselede he inflicted 
 a severe defeat upon his rival, and drove him in 
 headlong flight to Bruges, but failed to follow up
 
 10 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 his victory, and being shortly afterwards mortally 
 wounded, he died at the early age of twenty -seven. 
 
 Thierry of Alsace was now, A.D. 1128, acknow- 
 ledged by all his neighbours Count of Flanders. His 
 government was conducted upon popular principles. 
 Under his rule the Ghildes obtained great power, 
 founded on the election of their own headmen or 
 leaders, whence their regulations came to be called 
 cyr, eyre, gradually changing into Jceior and chora 
 signifying " free choice." The oath taken by members 
 was known as the cyre-ath, the headmen as cyre- 
 mannen kciiremannen and choremanni and the 
 associates as eyre or keure breeders. The Ghildes 
 were the base of the municipal administration, and 
 gradually assumed the government of the town, but 
 took another form and appellation. The word* -was 
 thenceforward applied, in its restricted sense of Guild, 
 as referring to trade corporations, while the previous 
 organisation came to be described in French and 
 Latin documents as Commune or Communia, and 
 embraced all who were entitled to gather together in 
 the canter, or public place, when the bell rang out the 
 summons from the town belfry. In Flanders the 
 Communes grew out of popular institutions of ancient 
 date, and, though, no doubt, their influence was 
 sensibly increased by their confirmation at the hands 
 of King or Count, they did not owe their origin to 
 royal or seigniorial charters. Under the Alsatian 
 dynasty Communes sprang up in all parts of Flanders, 
 and helped greatly to bring about the marvellous 
 prosperity enjoyed by that industrious if turbulent 
 population until it passed beneath the Spanish yoke.
 
 cu. I.] EARLY HISTORY OP FLANDERS. 11 
 
 It may be here parenthetically remarked that Thierry 
 brought back from Jerusalem a small vessel contain- 
 ing what he believed to be a few drops of the blood of 
 the Son of Man squeezed from the sponge used by 
 Joseph of Arimathea, which was reverently deposited 
 in the chapel of St. Basil, at Bruges, since known as 
 the Chapel of the Holy Blood. He died in the first 
 month of 1168, and was succeeded by his son Philip. 
 
 During his father's absence in, Palestine the govern- 
 ment of Flanders had been vigorously conducted by 
 Philip, whose principal military exploit was the signal 
 defeat of the Earl of Holland. The vanquished Count 
 was detained in honourable confinement for three 
 years, at the expiration of which he despatched, 
 according to agreement, a thousand skilled labourers 
 from his own territories to throw up embankments, 
 with a view to save Bruges from being overwhelmed 
 by the sea, at that time a real danger. Accustomed 
 to , daily and hourly struggle with the ocean, the 
 Hollanders built substantial embankments, on which 
 they erected houses and formed the nucleus of thriving 
 towns and hamlets. It was thus the once crowded 
 port of Damme rose out of the sandy swamp, and 
 became the entrepot of Western Europe. At the 
 beginning of the thirteenth century, "William of Brit- 
 tany, the poetic chaplain of Philip Augustus, was at a 
 loss for words to describe the grandeur and opulence 
 of that ephemeral seaport. In his glib doggerel he 
 wrote 
 
 Quo valde speciosus erat Dam nomine vicus 
 Lcnifluis jucundus aquis atque ubere glebaj, 
 Troximitate maris, portuque, situquc, superbus.
 
 12 JAMES AND PHILIP TAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 He goes on to say, "Here might be seen riches 
 from all parts of the world brought hither by ships in 
 such quantity as to exceed our utmost expectations ; 
 piles of silver ingots, gold dust, the tissues of Syria, 
 China, and the Cyclades, many-coloured skins from 
 Hungary, the veritable grains that give to scarlet its 
 brilliant hues,* argosies freighted with the wines of 
 Gascony or Rochelle, with iron and other metals, with 
 cloths and other merchandise accumulated by English 
 and Flemish merchants in this place for exportation 
 to the different regions of the earth, whence large 
 profits redound to their owners, who thus abandon 
 their wealth to the caprice of fortune, with a feeling 
 of hope not unmingled with anguish." 
 
 Philip of Alsace warmly espoused the cause of 
 Thomas a Becket, who took refuge for a time in Vhe 
 Count's chateau at Maele situated a short distance 
 beyond the Ste. Croix gate of Bruges and bestowed a 
 particular benediction upon the chapel. At the death 
 of Louis VII., the young prince Philip Augustus 
 was placed under the Count's protection, this being 
 the second time that a Count of Flanders had been 
 honoured with a similar trust. In this instance, the 
 Count proved more faithful to his suzerain than 
 to his own people. He spared no precautions, in- 
 deed, to strengthen his own position in the Yer- 
 mandois by fortifying Amiens, Nesle, and Peronne; 
 but, on the other hand, he prevailed upon his ward 
 
 i 
 
 * The worthy chaplain was evidently not aware that the colour 
 of cochineal is derived from the dried carcases of the female of the 
 coccus cacti. His actual words are : " Granaque vera quibus guadet 
 squarlatarubere."
 
 CH. I.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 13 
 
 to marry his niece, daughter of the Count of Hain- 
 ault, and settled the County of Artois upon her as 
 a dowery, including the towns of Arras, Aire, St. 
 Omer, Hesdin, and Bapaume. That ill-judged cession 
 was the source of unnumbered woes to Flanders. 
 The possession of Artois was the object of continual 
 wars, treachery, and violence, and was constantly 
 dangled before the eyes of the Flemings by every 
 aspirant to their sympathy and j support. 
 
 Philip Augustus soon wearied of the Count's tute- 
 lage', and at the early age of sixteen took the reins of 
 government into his own hands. Headstrong and 
 precipitate, he marked his accession to power by a 
 premature attempt to break down the independence 
 of his great vassals, and by his rashness united them 
 in 'fhe bonds of self-defence. Philip of Alsace or, as 
 he is also commonly called, Philip of Flanders in- 
 vaded France with a considerable army, and, laying 
 waste the country as he advanced, approached almost 
 within striking distance of Paris. His active energy, 
 however, was by that time exhausted, and he not 
 unwillingly agreed to a truce which ripened into a 
 treaty of peace. He afterwards joined the Third 
 Crusade and died under the walls of Ptolemais. His 
 widow, Matilda of Portugal, was constrained to con- 
 tent herself with her dower, "West Flanders, which 
 then included Lille, Cassel, Furnes, Bergues, and 
 Bourbourg, while East Flanders was seized by 
 Baldwin the Magnanimous, Count of Hainault, in 
 the name of his wife, Margaret of Alsace, sister of 
 the deceased Philip. On hearing of the death of the 
 Count of Flanders, Philip Augustus suddenly quitted
 
 14 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. I. 
 
 the Holy Land, and hurried back to France with the 
 intention of asserting his claims as husband of the 
 late Count's niece. But in those days either voyage 
 or journey from Syria to France was a serious under- 
 taking, and long before the French King reached his 
 own dominions the opportunity for peaceful appropria- 
 tion had slipped away. 
 
 The son of Baldwin the Magnanimous, who bore 
 his father's name, though without the honourable 
 epithet attached to it, commenced his government of 
 Flanders by the exhibition of much weakness and 
 timidity. Not satisfied with doing homage to Philip 
 Augustus, he surrendered to him the fiefs of Boulogne, 
 Guines, and Oisy, and invoked a sentence of excom- 
 munication upon himself if ever he failed in loyalty 
 to his suzerain. This same Baldwin, whom Gibbon 
 characterises as "valiant, pious, and chaste," was 
 chosen Emperor of Constantinople in 1204, in the 
 absence of any more eligible candidate. 
 
 His eldest daughter Joan married Ferdinand, son 
 of Sancho, King of Portugal, while her sister Margaret 
 was wedded to Bouchard d'Avesnes, High Bailiff of 
 Hainault. Believing that the time had now arrived 
 for gratifying the earth-hunger with which so many 
 French rulers have been afflicted, Philip Augustus 
 invaded Flanders by sea and by land, and speedily 
 made himself master of Bruges and Ghent. Moved 
 by a savage jealousy he wantonly set fire to Damme, 
 and reduced its well-stored magazines and warehouses 
 to ashes. To a certain extent this act of Vandalism 
 was fitly avenged, for an English fleet under the Earl 
 of Salisbury completely destroyed his ships shut up in
 
 CH. I.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 15 
 
 the harbour of Sluys, at that time a spacious arm of 
 the sea, known as the Zwyn, and to which access was 
 obtainable only through a comparatively narrow 
 entrance. At Bouvines Ferdinand was signally de- 
 feated and made prisoner, though* there is some reason 
 to believe that the result might have been very 
 different had he trusted more to his Flemish militia, 
 and less to his heavy-armed mercenaries. As it was, 
 Ferdinand was carried off to Paris and confined in 
 the newly erected tower of the Louvre, in which more 
 than one of his successors were destined to languish 
 and despair. Philip Augustus was now virtually in 
 possession of the county of Flanders, but took no 
 trouble to make his rule popular with the liberty- 
 loving Communes. A considerable body of Flemish 
 Knights crossed the Channel to England, and distin- 
 guished themselves in fighting for King John. They 
 even constituted a formidable portion of the army 
 which scoured the northern counties and entered 
 Berwick, and on their return to Flanders they left 
 behind them one of their number, Hugh de Bailleul, 
 as "Warden of the Marches a name afterwards famous 
 under its English corruption of Baliol.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Treaty of Melun The Thirty-Nine of Ghent The D'Avesnes and 
 the Dampierres Guy de Dampierre Development of Civilisa- 
 tion Prosperity of tfie Communes The Hanse of London 
 Destruction of the Bruges Charters Philip the Fail- of France 
 His Ambitious Projects. 
 
 AFTER her husband had suffered twelve years of 
 imprisonment, the Countess Joan, in order to obtain 
 his release, signed the fatal Treaty of Melun, in 1226, 
 which ceded Lille, Douai, and Sluys as material 
 guarantees for the ultimate payment of his ransom. 
 The Counts of Flanders were further bound not only 
 to take the oath of loyalty by which every great 
 vassal recognised his suzerain, but also to engage 
 themselves as liegemen to follow the French banners 
 in person during the continuance of war, and the 
 Flemish barons swore on their lealty to compel their 
 Count to fulfil this obligation. Two years previously 
 Pope Honorius III. had empowered the King of 
 France, at any time of recusancy, to require the 
 Archbishop of Rheims and the Bishop of Senlis to 
 issue an interdict over the whole or a portion of the 
 County of Flanders, which could only be raised by 
 the consent of the Court of Peers. Louis VIII. died 
 in that same year, and Louis IX. the St. Louis of 
 French chroniclers with characteristic generosity
 
 en. ii.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 17 
 
 remitted the towns of Lille and Sluys, but in sub- 
 sequent times this ill-omened treaty furnished 
 his successors, more than once, with a plausible excuse 
 for forcing a quarrel upon the Communes of Flanders. 
 
 The liberation of Ferdinand, though presumably 
 agreeable to the Countess, was not of any particular 
 advantage to her subjects, whom no alien ever rightly 
 understood or justly appreciated. For one thing, he 
 took upon himself to reorganise the government of 
 Ghent, which he confided to Thirty-nine magistrates, 
 divided into three categories dchevins, councillors, and 
 cayhes. The scepcnen or echerins, the scabini of Latin 
 writers and official documents, were municipal magis- 
 trates, who exercised both judicial and administrative 
 functions ; the councillors, or coremanni, were elected 
 by th'5 echcvins, into whose places they stepped in 
 the following year ; while the vaghes seem to have 
 been supernumeraries without any very definite 
 employment. There was thus an annual change in 
 the personalty of the administration, an arrangement 
 favourable to the Count rather than to the burghers 
 and artisans, but which nevertheless endured until the 
 opening of the fourteenth century. 
 
 Shortly after the demise of Ferdinand, in 1233, 
 Joan, Countess of Flanders, married Thomas of Savoy, 
 whose issue by Beatrice of Fresca became Kings of 
 Sardinia and finally of Italy. Her death took place 
 about the year 1240, when she was succeeded by her 
 sister Margaret, who had, in the first instance, married 
 Bouchard d'Avesnes. After the lapse of a good 
 many years it was discovered that Bouchard had once 
 been a deacon, and consequently incapable of entering
 
 18 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. r. 
 
 into matrimony. Separation was accordingly en- 
 joined by a Papal Bull, upon which Margaret sought 
 consolation in a legal marriage. Curiously enough, 
 very nearly the sqme objections might have been 
 urged against William de Dampierre, but, for one 
 reason or another, he was left in unmolested possession 
 of the Countess and her wide domain. Margaret thus 
 became the mother of two families who were con- 
 tinually at enmity vrith one another. In answer to 
 their double appeal, Louis IX. assigned Hainault to 
 John d'Avesnes and Flanders to "William de Dam- 
 pierre, and, with an inconsistency of which Papal In- 
 fallibility alone could be capable, the children of 
 Bouchard d'Avesnes were declared to be legitimate 
 while his marriage was still maintained to be sacri- 
 legious and invalid. In 1253 Guy and Jorm de 
 Dampierre were defeated by their half-brothers at 
 "West Capelle, and kept in nominal confinement for 
 three years. Guy married Matilda of Bethune, f who 
 bore him a son known to historians as Robert de 
 Bethune, and he, in his turn, espoused the daughter 
 of Charles Count of Anjou, brother of Louis IX., and 
 heiress of Nevers. As Austria is said to have re- 
 covered by her matrimonial alliances whatever terri- 
 tories or influence were wrested from her by force of 
 arms, so may the reverse be predicated of Flanders.* 
 
 * M. Michelet remarks : "La femiue flamande amena par 
 manage des maitres de toute nation, un Danois, un Alsacien, puis 
 un voisin de Hainaut, puis un prince de Portugal, puis des 
 Francis de di verses branches ; Dampierre (Bourbon), Louis de 
 Maele (Capet), Philippe le Hardi (Valois) ; enfin, Autriche, 
 Kspagne, Autriche encore. Voici maintenant la Flandre sous un 
 Saxon (Cobourg)." "Hist, de France," liv. v., ch. 11.
 
 CH. n.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 19 
 
 To the paltry and selfish ambition of her Counts may 
 be traced the long series of disasters which finally 
 broke down the independence of the Communes, and 
 diverted to other countries the* manufacturing and 
 commercial enterprise which can only flourish in the 
 spacious atmosphere of liberty. The Dampierres be- 
 longed to a poor, if noble, family of Champagne, and 
 were thoroughly French in tastes, feelings, and as- 
 pirations. To live at Court in close relationship with 
 the Royal Family seemed to them the height of 
 earthly happiness, and to gratify that pitiful craving 
 for personal consideration they sacrificed the indepen- 
 dence of Flanders, and the true interests of its in- 
 habitants. The French matrimonial alliances were 
 followed by those with the Ducal House of Burgundy, 
 which led to the Spanish marriages, and the practical 
 effacement of Flanders from the political map of Europe. 
 At the close of 1278 Margaret abdicated in favour 
 of hpr son Gruy, who united the county of Namur to 
 that of Flanders, and ruled from the river Meuse to 
 the sea. For the space of twenty years his Court was 
 renowned throughout* Europe for its brilliancy and 
 comparative refinement. He encouraged the Arts, 
 especially that of painting, and was a liberal patron of 
 poets who wrote in the French language. It was in 
 his time that William Uutenhove produced his famous 
 Reinart de Vos, which made the tour of Europe after 
 being softened down and somewhat expurgated by 
 German and French adapters. James van Maerlant, 
 author of the Spiegel Historiacl, or Mirror of History, 
 was a contemporary of Uutenhove, and his gravestone 
 might be seen until quite a recent date in the church- 
 
 c 2
 
 20 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. i. 
 
 yard at Damme. The thirteenth century was par- 
 ticularly illustrated by the erection of magnificent 
 churches, monasteries, and town halls unrivalled in 
 any other age or comitry. The theological seminaries 
 established at Bruges, Ghent, and Ypres turned out 
 many accomplished scholars in that peculiar and un- 
 lovely branch of literature, and in some towns we hear 
 of industrial schools for the sons of weavers. Even 
 agriculture was taugvtt in certain monasteries, more 
 especially as regards draining marsh lands and throw- 
 ing up embankments against river floods and encroach- 
 ments of the ocean. 
 
 The " good towns," as they were called, of Bruges, 
 Ghent, and Ypres were exceedingly prosperous. The 
 Communes renounced almost entirely the practices 
 and prejudices of feudalism. Arbitrary imposts were 
 prohibited, trials by ordeal were abolished, and even 
 duels were discountenanced. Artisans were protected 
 alike by their own particular guild and by the S{ate. 
 Public interest was taken in maintaining the character 
 of their workmanship. Salaries \\ ere regulated by the 
 skill and industry of the workman, who was carefully 
 provided with work suited to his capacity and tempera- 
 ment. On being admitted a member of his craft- 
 guild, every workman pledged himself by oath to 
 uphold Divine Worship, and to serve the Count 
 loyally and with all his might. For misconduct he 
 was liable to expulsion, while a pension rewarded an 
 upright and honourable career. Foreign traders 
 flocked to Flanders from all parts of Europe. From 
 the end of the twelfth century a considerable import- 
 ance was attached to the great fairs held at Thorout,
 
 cir.ii.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 21 
 
 Ypres, and Bruges, where stalls were supplied with the 
 varied products of the three continents. It was, in fact, 
 a land set apart for the observance of a benevolent 
 neutrality. Foreigners und natives of the country alike 
 claimed and obtained the equal protection of the laws. 
 When in 1272 Margaret adopted the high-handed 
 proceeding of confiscating all English wool warehoused 
 at Bruges and Damme, a Welsh trader unhesitatingly 
 went off to Lille and lodged an appeal with the King's 
 Court, which condemned the Countess to pay a heavy 
 indemnity. Two years later Charles of Anjou applied 
 to Guy, who was then governing in his mother's 
 name, to banish the Genoese from Flemish territory, 
 but the thing was found to be impracticable. Flemish 
 ships were met with in the Baltic, in the Medi- 
 ter Anean, and in the Straits of Constantinople, and in 
 every European country Flemish settlers were assured 
 a cordial welcome. 
 
 It was in the thirteenth century the different trade 
 guilds of Bruges, bearing in mind that union is 
 strength, established the "Hanse of London," so 
 called from ansa, a tie, or bond. Like mimic, the 
 word was sometimes applied to the goblet, or " loving- 
 cup," as we should say which circulated at the 
 banquets of the association. At first the Hanse was 
 confined to fourteen towns in Flanders and the North 
 of France, to wit Bruges, Ypres, Damme, Lille, 
 Bergues, Furnes, Orchies, Bailleul, Poperinghe, 
 Oudenburg, Yzendikc, Ardenburg, Oostburg, and Ter 
 Mude. A little later it was extended to St. Omer, 
 Arras, Douai, and Cambrai, and finally included 
 Valenciennes, Peronne, St. Quentin, Bcauvais,
 
 22 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [IT. r. 
 
 Abbeville, Amiens, Montreuil, Rheims, and Chalons. 
 The object of the Hanse of London was to monopolise 
 the trade with England, and especially the import of 
 English wool. A constant and abundant supply of 
 the raw material of English growth was indispensable 
 to the busy looms of Flanders, for the home-grown 
 article was wholly insufficient, even when supplemented 
 by the well-filled sacks received from the Cister- 
 cian monasteries in Champagne and Burgundy. The 
 governor, or, in modern parlance, the Chairman of 
 the Association, was necessarily a burgher, with the 
 title of Count of the Hanse. It was only in London 
 or at Bruges that membership could be obtained. The 
 entrance-fee was thirty sous three deniers sterling, or 
 five sous three deniers for the son of a member. 
 Certain persons were ineligible ; for instance, d} ers, 
 firemen, and all such as hawked wares in the streets 
 and thoroughfares, unless they had retired from their 
 respective callings at least twelve months previous to 
 their application for admission, and had actually been 
 received into a guild. Among other privileges, 
 members of the Hanse could be tried only by local 
 magistrates for misdeeds committed in the town where 
 they resided, while commercial disputes were submitted 
 to the arbitration of a Board chosen from the chief 
 towns of Flanders. 
 
 In the latter part of the thirteenth century a great 
 calamity befell the men of Bruges. Their ancient 
 Cloth-hall was burnt to the ground, and their muni- 
 cipal charters were consumed at the same time. In 
 spite of their earnest entreaties the Count refused to 
 renew these, or to grant them substitutes, and to evince
 
 en. ii.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 23 
 
 his disregard of their boasted freedom, he beheaded 
 five of their best-reputed citizens outside the Bouverie 
 gate. An appeal was accordingly made to Philip the 
 Bold, who forbade the Count to interfere with their 
 rightful resort to the Royal jurisdiction. In the fol- 
 lowing year Guy consented to grant a Charter, but, 
 instead of simply confirming the former privileges, he 
 introduced clauses which placed the rights of the 
 Communes in the hands of the Count, who was 
 further empowered to make * at any time what 
 modifications he pleased, to veto the decisions of the 
 magistrates, and to demand a yearly account of the 
 administration of the municipality. Violent tumults 
 consequently broke out both at Bruges and Ypres, 
 but, as usual, were easily appeased by the promise of 
 contessions backed by a demonstration of force, for 
 the Flemings lacked persistence and constancy, and 
 were ever too prone to act on the impulse of the 
 moment. 
 
 It was in a fitful, desultory way that the men of 
 Ghent, likewise, carried on an intermittent enmity 
 with the Count, who aimed at abolishing the govern- 
 ment of " The Thirty-nine," in order to replace it by 
 a Council of Thirty, more entirely devoted to his 
 personal interests. The French King took the part of 
 the Count in these frequent squabbles, and imposed 
 heavy fines, to be levied on the property of the Com- 
 mune. Guy's influence was increased and extended 
 through his skilful manipulation of matrimonial 
 alliances. He seems to have had a real talent for 
 match-making, for the exercise of which he enjoyed 
 exceptional opportunities in the possession of nine sons
 
 24 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. i. 
 
 and eight daughters, all of whom he married advan- 
 tageously, and when any one of them lost a husband 
 or a wife he at once set to work to make good the 
 deficiency. 
 
 If Philip the BoM had chastised the Flemings with 
 whips, his successor, Philip the Fair, chastised them 
 with scorpions. Devoured by avarice and cupidity, 
 vices shared by his Queen, Joan of Navarre, the new 
 King indulged also in dreams of absolute monarchy. 
 With this view he chose men of low origin to be his 
 ministers and favourites, an example imitated by 
 Louis XI. at a later period. The Rhine was the 
 frontier he coveted for his kingdom. To achieve that 
 purpose he applied himself with much subtlety to 
 the task of breaking down the power of the great 
 vassals of the Crown. By means of pensions and<gifts 
 of money he purchased the submission of Brabant, 
 Hainault, Namur, and the princely bishoprics of 
 Cologne and Liege. In France the Crown fiefs 
 were preferred to all others, as great and little 
 "seigneurs" alike were prone to exaction and to 
 acts of petty tyranny ; but the Flemings were more 
 than half German, and always distrusted the French 
 kings. It might have been supposed that the Bra- 
 ban 9ons, who were also of German extraction, would 
 have displayed the same instincts and prejudices, but 
 their jealousy of the commercial prosperity of their 
 Flemish neighbours and kinsfolk made them lean 
 towards the French alliance. Hainault, again, whose 
 traditions and feudal character were largely derived 
 from the Eoman Empire, was never friendly towards 
 Flanders, though twice subject to the same Count.
 
 CH. ii.j EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 25 
 
 Could these three Principalities have united their 
 power in defence of their common interests it would 
 have been impossible for the kings of France to ex- 
 tend their territories in that direction, but it was 
 reserved for James van Artevelcl to realise that 
 seemingly obvious truism, and to form an alliance 
 which only lacked durability to have raised up an 
 impassable barrier against French ambition. Having, 
 however, secured the neutrality of its neighbours, 
 Philip was able to carry out his designs against 
 Flanders without molestation. 
 
 His first step was to compel the Count and the 
 Communes to ratify anew the Treaty of Melun, 
 after which he steadily applied himself to foment- 
 ing mutual ill-feeling between Guy de Dampierre 
 and his ever-restless and inconstant subjects. In 
 order to weaken the Count's influence jn Ghent, 
 he affected to support the pretensions of the 
 Thirty- Nine, and was proportionately chagrined by 
 the advantage taken by Robert de Bethune of his 
 father's absence to effect a reconciliation with the 
 magistrates of that city by cancelling the arbitrary 
 imposts of which they justly complained. On his 
 return to Flanders, Guy found it expedient to sanction 
 all that had been done in his name, and even went so 
 far as to encourage the citizens of the three ' good 
 towns to restore their fortifications, though in direct 
 opposition to the stipulations of the Treaty of Melun. 
 For the moment the King judged it prudent to dis- 
 semble his displeasure, and even assumed a gentle 
 and facile disposition far remote from his real cha- 
 racter. There is nothing surprising in the ease with
 
 26 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 which he persuaded the feeble and self-indulgent Guy 
 de Dampierre that his best policy was to place himself 
 under the protection of France rather than lay himself 
 open to the insolence of the Communes; though it 
 is somewhat strange that he should have chosen such a 
 moment to propose to Adolphus of Nassau, the newly- 
 elected Emperor, the restitution of Valenciennes, a 
 German fief, but held by a Flemish garrison, and to 
 hand over Flanders to the Count of Hainault. In 
 those days the idea of nationality was as little appre- 
 ciated as that of patriotism.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Imprisonment of Guy de Dampierre Philippine of Flanders- 
 Philip favours tlie Communes Release of Guy de Dampierre 
 Alliance with Edward I. Battle of Bulscamp Edward I. 
 lands at Sluys ; visits Ghent ; returns to England Guy de 
 Dampierre imprisoned at Compiegne Philip the Fail- in 
 Flanders Peter Coninck Outbreak in Bruges John Brey- 
 del Bruges Matins Insurrection in the Franc of Bruges- 
 Day of the Golden Spurs Popular Movements Robert de 
 Bethune Treaty of Athies Louis de Nevers Treaty of 
 Pontoise Edward II. 
 
 
 WHATEVER may have been Philip's conduct towards 
 Flanders, it is impossible to feel any sympathy for 
 Guy de Dampierre, as false as he was fickle, and 
 intensely selfish. Relying upon the protection of 
 England, for he had now turned to Edward the 
 First, he imprisoned several magistrates of Ghent, 
 notwithstanding the direct intervention of Philip's 
 representative, and agreed to give his daughter, 
 Philippine, with a handsome dowery, to the son of 
 the English monarch, afterwards Edward the Second. 
 Though conducted with much secrecy, this negotiation 
 did not fail to reach the ears of Philip, who straight- 
 way invited the Count to Paris under the pretext of 
 consulting with the great vassals of the Crown as to 
 the condition of the realm. For a brief space Guy 
 hesitated, but, his habitual weakness gaining the
 
 28 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. i. 
 
 mastery, he at length obeyed the summons, and 
 added to his fatuity by taking with him his sous 
 John and Guy. With much humility he informed 
 his suzerain that he had betrothed his daughter to 
 the Prince of "Wales, and was overwhelmed with an 
 explosion of wrath. Philip charged him with dis- 
 loyalty to France, and produced some very com- 
 promising letters which Guy at once denounced as 
 forgeries. However that might be, the Count and 
 his two sons were lodged for six months in the same 
 tower of the Louvre which, for so many years, had 
 echoed the sighs of Ferdinand of Portugal, consort of 
 Joan, Countess of Flanders. In further testimony of 
 his deep resentment, the French King arrested the 
 English gentlemen in the suite of the Count, prohibited 
 the attendance of Flemish traders at the ftiirs of 
 Champagne, and seized upon Valenciennes. 
 
 Guy himself was brought to trial before the Royal 
 Court, but it was no part of Philip's policy to procure 
 his condemnation, which would simply have transierred 
 the earldom of Flanders to Robert de Bethune, at 
 that time supposed to be less manageable than he 
 afterwards proved to be.* He accordingly appeared 
 to be moved by the prayers of the Flemish deputies, 
 the representations of Amadeus of Savoy, and the 
 exhortations of Pope Boniface YIIL, and accepted 
 
 * It is to be regretted that Hendrick Conscience, the historical 
 novelist of Flanders, should have drawn such a nattering and 
 totally unreal portrait of Robert de Bethune, and, indeed, of all the 
 Dampierre family, in his otherwise spirited and vigorous novel of 
 "De Leeuw van Vlaenderen of De Slag der Golden Sporen." 
 Robert was neither a patriot nor a Richard Cceur de Lion. For the 
 rest, the Dampierres were thoroughly French.
 
 CH. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 29 
 
 the promise of Robert that his father should not con- 
 tract any alliance with England. The unfortunate 
 Philippine was sent as a hostage to Paris, where she 
 died in captivity not without suspicions of foul play 
 on the part of the Queen. Guy himself was released 
 and allowed to return to his own territories, a broken- 
 down, discredited old man, who possessed the Bourbon 
 faculty for learning nothing and forgetting nothing. 
 Notwithstanding his past experienjes, he lent himself to 
 the fulfilment of Philip's most odious and abominable 
 instructions. He agreed to the falsification of the 
 currency, to the prohibition of all exports of specie 
 and bullion, and to sumptuary laws which amounted 
 to the confiscation of one-third of all the gold and 
 silver plate of every Flemish landed proprietor whose 
 estates yielded less than 6000 livres a year. In 1295 
 recourse was had to the hateful impost known ' as 
 maltote an obvious corruption of maltolte by which 
 Guy Consented to the imposition of a tax of two per 
 cent, on all property, movable or immovable, pro- 
 vided that one-half of the proceeds should be paid to 
 himself, and that his own personal retainers should 
 be exempted from the tax. On the other hand, in 
 the hope of conciliating the Communes, Philip re- 
 mitted a heavy fine incurred by their opposition to 
 his ordinance respecting the falsification of the cur- 
 rency, and forbade the importation into France of any 
 description of cloth or cheese except from Flanders. 
 He also commanded the restitution of their property 
 in the case of the Lombard merchants residing in 
 that country, and gave orders that the King's officers 
 should produce their sealed letters whenever called
 
 30 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. i. 
 
 upon to do so. Guy, however, was empowered to do 
 as he pleased with the Thirty-Nine of Ghent, most of 
 whom incontinently fled to Holland, and all were 
 deprived of their office, and their goods declared for- 
 feited. Their successors were nominated from among 
 the Count's avowed adherents. 
 
 Following out his fixed policy of weakening his 
 most powerful vassals, Philip gave notice to the 
 townsmen of Valenciennes that they must be pre- 
 pared in two months to transfer their allegiance to 
 the Count of Hainault. Having no wish to change 
 masters, they appealed to Guy, who, with his custom- 
 ary levity, promised to afford them ample assistance. 
 Philip thereupon pronounced his disfeazance, and 
 summoned him to appear before his Royal Court at 
 Paris. At the same time he voluntarily pledged 
 himself to respect and safeguard the interests and 
 privileges of the Communes, and so far prevailed with 
 that unstable population that the gates of Douai were 
 closed against their Count's son, Robert de Bethune. It 
 is sad to tell that delegates were sent from Bruges and 
 Ghent to accuse their hapless Count of shedding in- 
 nocent blood, and of acting generally in a rapacious and 
 oppressive manner, as though similar charges might not 
 have been alleged against every great lord in the king- 
 dom of France. On being brought to trial, Guy pro- 
 tested against the King appearing as both accuser and 
 judge, and demanded to be tried by his peers ; but 
 Philip replied that the Royal Council exercised supreme 
 jurisdiction, and was the highest Court in the realm. 
 In the end Guy was condemned to restore the seal 
 and keys of the town of Ghent, and to surrender to
 
 CH. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 31 
 
 the King all rights of jurisdiction throughout Flanders, 
 together with absolute possession of Bruges, Ghent, 
 Ypres, Lille, and Douai. All these places, however, 
 were immediately given back to him with the ex- 
 ception of Ghent. 
 
 Untaught by bitter experience, no sooner had the 
 Count returned to his castle of Wynendael than he 
 confiscated the property of all Scottish merchants, 
 although Scotland was at the ti^ne in alliance with 
 France against England. This fresh act of contumacy 
 was punished by a sentence of forfeiture of his fief, 
 to which Guy replied by calling upon Edward I. to 
 avenge the insult offered to himself in the imprison- 
 ment of Philippine, in consequence of her betrothal 
 to his son the heir to the Crown of England. The 
 English monarch at once crossed the Channel, and 
 was met at Grammont by the Emperor Adolphus of 
 Nassau, the Duke of Brabant, and the Counts of 
 Juliers, Flanders, and Bar. These princes bound 
 themselves to make war in concert upon France, 
 and shortly afterwards ambassadors from Flanders 
 and Holland repaired to Ipswich, and signed a 
 treaty by which Edward gave his daughter Elizabeth 
 to the Count of Holland and betrothed Edward of 
 Carnarvon to Philippine's younger sister, Isabella. As 
 more immediate and substantial advantages, Edward 
 engaged to land an army on the French coast, to sub- 
 sidise the Count of Flanders with a considerable sum of 
 money, and to fix the wool-staple at Bruges. 
 
 At the opening of the year 1296, and only two days 
 .after affixing his signature to the treaty of Ipswich, 
 Guy de Dampierre renounced his allegiance to the
 
 32 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. i. 
 
 King of France, and drew up a prolix memorial of 
 the grievances of which he complained. Of this 
 pointless document Philip took no heed heyond 
 addressing a letter to " Guy de Dampierre, Marquis of 
 Namur, calling himself Count of Flanders," but he did 
 not omit to confer some fresh privileges upon the town 
 of Bruges. He also assembled a powerful army for 
 the invasion of Flanders, while the English barons 
 refused to serve in tlj.at country because their ancestors 
 had never been called upon to do so. At the same 
 time he incited a conspiracy in Germany against the 
 Emperor Adolphus, which cost the latter both his 
 crown and his life. The French army made at 
 first but little progress. The garrison in Lille was 
 encouraged by the presence of Kobert de Bethune, a 
 stout warrior, to make a gallant resistance, arid at 
 Bulscamp the fortune of arms seemed to favour the 
 Flemings until deserted by a body of their country- 
 men,* who had been induced to espouse the interests 
 of France. The consequences of this treachery were 
 most disastrous. No fewer than 16,000 Flemings are 
 reported to have perished on that fatal field or in the 
 subsequent flight ; the thriving little town of Furnes 
 was given to the flames, and Robert de Bethune was 
 compelled to surrender Lille, and retire to Ghent. 
 
 * The Battle of Bulscamp took place on the 20th August, 1297, 
 and \vas memorable for the first appearance in the Flemish annals 
 of the " Leliaerds," or French partisans, so called from Idle, the 
 Flemish for "lily," though the French lys is more correctly 
 applicable to the yellow Iris or Flag, plucked by the soldiers of 
 Clovis in crossing the river Lys. The Flemish patriots, on the 
 other hand, called themselves " Klauwaerds " from Klauwen, the 
 claws or paws of a lion that is, the Lion of Flanders.
 
 CH. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 33 
 
 Edward I. now made his appearance at Sluys at the 
 head of an ill- disciplined force, numerically weak, and 
 altogether incapable of making head against the com- 
 paratively well-organised army of the French King. 
 He had hardly landed, indeed, when a disturbance 
 arose between his sailors and the people of the place, 
 which ended in the total destruction by fire of twenty- 
 five of his ships. On his arrival at Bruges he found 
 the Count at cross purposes with the citizens, who 
 refused either to repair their fortifications or to take 
 up arms against their suzerain. In the meanwhile the 
 English men-at-arms, who had been left at Sluys, 
 fastened a quarrel upon the citizens, slew some two 
 hundred of them, and plundered their warehouses. 
 Edward, however, went on to Ghent in company with 
 the Qount, and there his Welsh archers became 
 embroiled with the townsfolk, and six hundred of the 
 former, it is said, were slain in a street fight. In the 
 end Edward became disgusted with his Flemish allies, 
 and returned to his own kingdom, after concluding a 
 truce for two years with Philip, and agreeing to marry 
 his son and heir to the Princess Isabella, the " she- 
 wolf of France," an arrangement which received the 
 ready sanction of Boniface VIII. In despair, Guy de 
 Dampierre implored aid from Albert of Austria, the 
 newly- elected Emperor of the ."West, but all in vain; 
 and by the close of 1298 Flanders had submitted to 
 the King's brother, Charles de Valois, who fixed his 
 residence at Bruges, and strengthened its fortifications. 
 Relying upon the safe-conduct rashly granted by 
 Charles de Valois, a loyal and chivalrous prince, Guy 
 de Dampierre resolved to throw himself on Philip's
 
 34 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. I. 
 
 mercy. He was accompanied by his two sons, Robert 
 and "William, the latter of whom had married the 
 daughter of Raoul de ISTesle, the King's Lieutenant 
 at Bruges. Philip, however, utterly repudiated his 
 brother's safe -conduct, and sent Gruy as a prisoner to 
 Compiegne, Robert to Chinon, and William to 
 Issoudun. The barons and knights in attendance upon 
 their Count were consigned to various castles, where 
 they were treated according to the temper and dis- 
 position of their keepers. Philip and his queen 
 shortly afterwards made a triumphal progress through 
 Flanders. At Ghent they were received with great 
 demonstrations of enthusiasm, but their entry into 
 Bruges was marked by a chilling silence, though the 
 streets had been profusely decorated, and the pavements 
 and windows were filled with the wives and daughters 
 t)f the citizens in such splendid apparel as to excite the 
 jealous envy of Joan of Navarre. 
 
 The costs of this unwelcome reception proved exces- 
 sively onerous, and created much angry feeling among 
 the lower classes of the community. At this crisis the 
 Man was called forth by the Hour. One Peter 
 Coninck, an old one-eyed man, a weaver, short of 
 stature, and insignificant in appearance, now came 
 forward to rouse his fellow-townsmen to action. 
 Though poor, and so far unlettered that he knew 
 nothing of the French language, he spoke the verna- 
 cular tongue with remarkable force and fluency. He 
 began by boldly accusing the local magistrates of being 
 actuated by selfish motives and a paltry ambition, and 
 in a short time gained over the heads of twenty-five 
 metiers, or trade guilds, all of whom were arrested, but
 
 cir. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 35 
 
 only to be liberated by the people. Raoul de Nesle, 
 whose leniency had endeared him to the Bruges folk, 
 had been succeeded by James de Chatillon, Count of 
 St. Pol, a typical Frenchman, vain, arrogant, and 
 intolerant, and who just then was absent from his post, 
 having accompanied his sovereign to Wynendael, 
 Ypres, and Bethune. No sooner, however, did tidings 
 of the riot reach him than he hastened back at the 
 head of 500 men-at-arms. Having a little distance 
 from the town, he awaited the tolling of a bell, which 
 was to announce that there was nothing to oppose his 
 entry. As it happened, the citizens had been informed 
 of the preconcerted signal, and at the first sound of the 
 bell ran to arms, chased the magistrates into the Bourg, 
 killed some of them, and made prisoners of the others. 
 Ohatfllon thereupon patiently awaited the reinforce- 
 ments with which his brother was rapidly advancing to 
 his aid. A compromise was then effected through the 
 influence of the Leliaerds, and it was agreed that all 
 concerned in the disturbance, including the ring- 
 leader, Peter Coninck, should be allowed to quit the 
 -town, on condition that they withdrew also from 
 Flanders. The fortifications were demolished, the 
 gates thrown down, the moat filled up, and the muni- 
 cipal rights entirely abrogated. A piteous appeal was 
 sent to the King who, caring nothing now for the 
 Communes, ratified the acts of his officer. 
 
 There was consequently a renewal of the only half- 
 appeased agitation. It seems to have been the normal 
 condition of the men of Bruges and Ghent especially, 
 to begin a new commotion almost before its predecessor 
 was suppressed. Nothing could exceed the rashness 
 
 D 2
 
 36 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 with which they entered upon a quarrel, unless it was 
 the fatuity with which they listened to promises never 
 intended to be fulfilled, or accepted terms which were 
 never carried out by either party. On this occasion 
 the tumult was more serious than usual. John de 
 Namur, his brother Guy, and "William de Severs 
 opened communications with their partisans among 
 the burghers and artisans. Peter Coninck, a host in 
 himself, also suddenly reappeared in Bruges, and 
 prevailed upon the people at once to repair the forti- 
 fications, and with such enthusiasm was this work 
 undertaken that the King's officers and magistrates 
 thought it prudent to consult their safety by flight. 
 
 The movement spread far and wide, and reached even 
 to Ghent, which had hitherto supported Philip in his 
 various contentions with their Count. William de 
 Juliers, Provost of Maestricht, a mere youth, and in 
 Holy Orders, donned a suit of mail-armour, and 
 hurried off to Bruges, where he was welcomed by 
 John Breydel, a man of great wealth and influence, 
 and doyen, or deken, of the butchers' guild. Damme 
 and the Chateau of Maele fell an easy prLze to the 
 martial ardour of the priestly warrior ; but at this 
 juncture the townsfolk of Bruges were seized with one 
 of their inexplicable fits of changeableness, and drove 
 Coninck out of their town. He did not, however, go 
 beyond reach of constant communication with his 
 friends within the walls. A proclamation had been 
 issued enjoining, or permitting, all who had anything 
 to fear from the King's officers to withdraw in peace, 
 and on the following evening 5,000 patriots had thus 
 gathered together at Damme, Ardenburg, and on the
 
 CH. in,] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 37 
 
 banks of the Zwyn. Among them were presently seen 
 Peter Coninck and John Breydel, giving confidence to 
 the waverers, and inspiring all with their own spirit of 
 enterprise and resolution. On the g next day Chatillon 
 rode into Bruges at the head of 1,700 men-at-arms, 
 followed by a multitude of foot soldiers and archers, 
 and refused to listen to any complaints. He had not 
 taken sufficient account, however, of the heroism of 
 free men fighting for their wives pjid little ones, and for 
 all they held most dear. Before dawn had broken the 
 Ste. Croix Gate was opened to Coninck at the head of 
 one division of the homeless patriots, while Breydel, 
 with his butchers and their friends, boldly forded the 
 moat and mounted the rampart, axe in hand. The 
 watchword was, "Schilt ende Yriendt" (Shields and 
 Friends), a shibboleth which cost the lives of many 
 Frenchmen, who would gladly have passed themselves 
 off for Flemings. Coninck marched straight upon the 
 market-place, while Breydel assaulted Chatillon's 
 house, and compelled the Governor to flee for his life. 
 On that day of revenge and carnage fully 1,500 
 Frenchmen are believed to have perished before the 
 sun was high. The " Bruges Matins," as the massacre 
 was called, took place on Friday, the 18th May, 1302, 
 and are still commemorated, with excusable fervour, 
 by modern historians. 
 
 For a brief space it seemed as if the men of Ghent 
 were about to follow the example of those of Bruges, 
 and rise upon their oppressors, but the ebullition 
 speedily subsided, for Philip was profuse in promises, 
 and an unhappy rivalry nearly always kept apart the 
 two cities, which, cordially united, would have served
 
 38 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 as a rallying- point to all Flanders, and might have 
 defied the utmost efforts of the France of those days. 
 The Bruges Matins, however, were better appreciated 
 at Furnes, Dixmu^e, Nieuport, and Bergues, whose 
 militia swelled the little army with which William de 
 Juliers appeared before Cassel. Early in June Guy de 
 Namur arrived in Bruges, and took upon himself the 
 government in the name of Guy de Dampierre. At 
 the head of a considerable force, estimated at 20,000 
 men, animated with the determination to conquer or 
 die, he encamped in the plain of Groeninghe under the 
 walls of Courtrai, which was stoutly defended by a 
 brave French knight named De Lens, until threatened 
 with starvation. Apprised of the straits to which this 
 gallant garrison was reduced, the Count of Artois 
 pushed forward from Arras in command of an army 
 largely composed of the flower of the French nobility, 
 attended by their personal retainers. On neither side 
 was much strategy displayed. The Flemings, indeed, 
 masked the hostile citadel of Courtrai, and took the 
 best advantage of the marshy ground in front of their 
 solid squares, as well as of a small stream easily 
 fordable by infantry, but the bed of which was soon 
 trampled into a quagmire by the heavily-weighted 
 cavalry of France. Nor, perhaps, was it in their 
 power to do much more, for, with the exception of 
 Breydel's corps, who carried pole-axes, almost their 
 only weapon was a long pike pointed with steel, called 
 with grim irony a Goedendag, or Good-day ! So long 
 as their solid squares remained unbroken, these pikes 
 formed an impenetrable chevaux-de-frise, but not 
 unfrequently the lances of the French knights were
 
 CH. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 39 
 
 longer than the goedendags, and whenever that was 
 the case the Flemish militia fell into disorder at the 
 first charge, and were ruthlessly massacred, their pikes 
 being dropped so as not to impede their flight. Under 
 the walls of Courtrai, however, they held their ground 
 with commendable tenacity, and all the more easily that 
 the French men-at-arms committed the same mistakes 
 that were repeated with similar consequences at Crecy, 
 Poitiers, and Agincourt. Despising their enemy, and 
 reckless of marsh and river, they soon became a dis- 
 orderly mob. Dashing onward in wild fury, or breaking 
 into separate groups, unable to render each other 
 mutual support, the valiant chivalry of France were 
 felled to the ground like cattle. So great was the 
 slaughter of belted knights, that Flemish chroniclers 
 love to style the llth July, 1302, as the Day of the 
 Golden Spurs. 
 
 The moral effects of the Battle of Courtrai were 
 more remarkable than its political fruits. For the 
 first time the feudal system had broken down on the 
 battle-field. Traders and artisans had overthrown the 
 splendid chivalry of the most warlike nation in Europe. 
 The glamour was dispelled. Knights and barons had 
 no longer a special faculty for winning battles. They 
 could be defeated and slain by ill-armed weavers and 
 butchers, if only these would stand firm and be staunch 
 to one another. It is true the result was not always the 
 same, as we shall presently see in what happened at 
 Cassel, and later on at Koosebeke ; but the beginning 
 of the end had been attained, the first step had been 
 taken towards the elevation of the masses. At 
 Toulouse and Bordeaux the citizens claimed their
 
 40 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. i. 
 
 independence, and expelled the officers and agents of 
 the Crown. The agitation spread even to Italy. 
 Florence was in a state of wild commotion, and a 
 federation was formed by several of the Italian Com- 
 munes in the NortL In Hainault, in the bishopric 
 of Liege, in Brabant, and in Zealand the popular 
 enthusiasm was for a time indescribable. Even Ghent, 
 which had been but poorly represented at Courtrai, 
 threw in its lot with the victorious party. 
 
 The first shock of the tidings of this terrible disaster 
 completely unnerved Philip the Fair. He sought an 
 unworthy revenge in abusing his aged captive, Guy de 
 Dampierre, and threw Robert de Bethune for six 
 weeks into a gloomy dungeon of the Castle of Chinon. 
 He then raised a numerous army, and marched 
 towards the Flemish frontier, but at the last moment 
 his courage failed him, and he hastily fell back upon 
 Arras, leaving Flanders in the hands of John de 
 Namur, whose brother Guy was elected Captain of 
 Bruges, a post similar to that which was subsequently 
 confided to the Van Artevelds at Ghent. In August, 
 1303, was fought the equivocal battle of Mont en 
 Pevele, both sides claiming the victory which fell to 
 neither, and on the 7th March, 1304, died Guy de 
 Dampierre after a rule of unusual length, as disastrous 
 to his people as it was discreditable to himself. 
 
 He was succeeded by his son, Robert de Bethune, 
 " the Lion of Flanders " according to Flemish romance- 
 writers, but, in truth, quite as self-seeking as his incon- 
 stant father. To obtain his liberty and that of his two 
 brothers, he signed the infamous treaty of Athies-sur- 
 Orge, by which he engaged to pay a heavy fine, to serve
 
 cu. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 41 
 
 the King with 600 men-at-arms whenever called upon 
 to do so, to destroy the fortifications of his five prin- 
 cipal towns, to exile 3,000 citizens of Bruges under the 
 pretext of sending them upon different pilgrimages, 
 and to surrender Cassel and Courtrai as material 
 guarantees. As soon as the terms of this shameful 
 compact came to be known, the Communes expressed 
 a very natural indignation, but Robert, who was now 
 advanced in years, cared only for, peace and personal 
 repose. He therefore confirmed the privileges of the 
 Bruges municipality, while secretly in correspondence 
 with the French King. The Communes accused the 
 Count and even John de JSTamur of being Leliaerds at 
 heart, and their suspicions were strengthened by the 
 action of the Count's bailiffs, who arrested twenty-five 
 of the most notable individuals in the Pays de Waes, 
 of whom several were crucified and the others sent 
 into banishment. The burgher aristocracy, for the 
 most part, sided with the Count, and furnished him 
 with a distinguished escort on his return to Paris, 
 where, early in 1308, they ratified the treaty of Athies 
 in the name of the Communes, though Bruges was not 
 represented. The Count thereupon despatched his son, 
 Robert de Cassel, to announce to the Communes the 
 ratification of the treaty, which the rich burghers 
 generally were willing to accept. Not so the working- 
 men, who denounced it as a "Pact of Iniquity," and 
 awaited their time for a more active expression of their 
 disapproval. The townsmen of Bruges alone refused 
 their assent, but were finally induced to despatch eight 
 delegates to Paris. Philip then made some handsome 
 concessions. He reduced the fine, sanctioned the
 
 42 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 retention of the fortifications, agreed to levy no taxes 
 in Flanders, and waived his claim to Cassel and 
 Courtrai. 
 
 It seemed, however, as though fate had decreed 
 that the King of France and his most powerful vassal 
 should always be at strife. "When it became apparent 
 that neither the Count nor his Communes had any 
 serious intention of executing the Treaty of Athies, 
 Philip seized the revenues of the counties of Nevers 
 and Rethel, which belonged to Robert's son, Louis de 
 Nevers. That ambitious and dissolute prince straight- 
 way urged his father to resist the encroachments of 
 Philip, and succeeded so well that the Count was cited 
 to appear before the Royal Court in Paris. The King 
 at the same time assured the Communes that all their 
 troubles originated in the selfishness of their Counts, 
 and promised many favours to those who adhered to 
 his interests, while threatening his enemies with wrath 
 and tribulation. He had the good fortune to get 
 possession of the sons of Louis de Nevers, who at once 
 proceeded to Paris to obtain their release. He him- 
 self was thrown into prison, charged with seditious 
 practices, and so evilly entreated that his spirit was 
 quite broken. 
 
 By the Treaty of Pontoise, July 11, 1312, Robert 
 de Bethune consented to cede Lille, Douai, and 
 Bethune as security for the due payment of the 
 fine Enguerrand de Marigny promising in the 
 King's name to return them immediately. The Count 
 further pledged himself to dismantle all the strong 
 places in Flanders, to appoint as magistrates only 
 those who were known to be well disposed towards
 
 CH. in.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 43 
 
 France, and to inflict punishment not only upon rebels 
 but upon all who should excite disaffection in their 
 neighbours. Under the impulse of a transitory fit of 
 energy, Louis de Nevers now escaped from prison and 
 fled to Ghent. Refusing to obey the summons to 
 return within six weeks, he was declared contumacious 
 and deprived of all his rights and expectations. He 
 thereupon appealed to the Pope and the Emperor of 
 the West, neither of whom shewed any inclination 
 to be drawn into a quarrel with France. 
 
 In the meantime Edward II. had ascended the 
 throne of England, and, in an evil hour, had married 
 Isabella of France. On the 19th June, 1313, he 
 ordered the arrest of all Flemish merchants in England, 
 excepting inhabitants of Ypres, and so terrified the 
 Communes with the apprehension of the loss of their 
 wool supply that they yielded to Philip at all points. 
 In the following year Philip sent his Serjeants into 
 Flanders to arrest Louis de JsTevers, but the Com- 
 munes rushed to arms in defence of their municipal 
 privileges, and drove the King's bailiff from Courtrai. 
 Four French armies were speedily organised and 
 marched towards the frontiers, when Enguerrand de 
 Marigny, in a moment of panic, stopped their advance 
 and signed a truce. A more formidable enemy than 
 Flanders had to be subdued or cajoled. The French 
 nobles and townsfolk, exasperated by Philip's never- 
 ceasing exactions, had at length protested against his 
 tyranny, and threatened to take up arms in their 
 self-defence. Philip surrendered at discretion, re- 
 voked all his maltotes and unjust imposts, and on the 
 29th November, 1314, was gathered to his fathers.
 
 CHAPTER IY. 
 
 Louis X. invades Flanders Panic in his Army Philip the Long 
 Pope arbitrates between France and Flanders Robert de 
 Bethune at Paris His death Charles the Fair Louis de 
 Crecy Arrests English Traders in Flanders Disturbances 
 Xicolas Zannequin Louis de Crecy made prisoner in 
 Courtrai Interdict against Ghent Peace between Count 
 and Communes Philip de Valois Promises to restore Count 
 of Flanders Battle of Cassel Punishment of the Insurgents 
 Insurrection in Maritime Flanders Birth of Louis de Maele 
 Temporary lull. 
 
 Louis X., surnamed U Hutin, began his reign on 
 what would now he called liberal principles. He 
 professed great regard for justice, and set himself 
 against corruption and malversation. The evil- 
 minded counsellors of Philip the Fair were disgraced 
 and punished, and Enguerrand de Marigny was 
 actually suspended from the gallows. For all that, 
 Louis X. was not a whit wiser or more reasonable 
 than his predecessors. Louis de Nevers, having re- 
 paired to Paris, was completely won over to the Royal 
 interests, and ever after hung about the French Court. 
 His aged father, Robert de Bethune, had in vain 
 pleaded his growing infirmities as an excuse for his 
 omission to proceed to Paris to take his oath of 
 allegiance to the new monarch, and was pronounced 
 guilty of contumacy. Throwing off the mask, the
 
 CH. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 45 
 
 French King forbade the exportation from France to 
 Flanders of all articles of food, and announced his 
 intention of starving the Communes into submission, 
 with the alternative of being exterminated by the 
 sword. To carry out these fierce* threats, he placed 
 himself at the head of a formidable army, and at last 
 pitched his camp on the plain of Groeninghe, already 
 so fatal to the chivalry of France. His further pro- 
 gress was stopped by torrential rains, which made the 
 roads impassable. His gallant array was seized with 
 a panic, and, abandoning their tents, the host broke 
 up in confusion, and took to a disorderly flight. The 
 King himself sought refuge within the walls of 
 Tournai, but the gates were shut against him and 
 his followers. As the day was closing, a solitary 
 fugitfte, exhausted and wayworn, begged and obtained 
 shelter from the monks of St. Martin's Abbey, and 
 was recognised as Louis X., that morning the com- 
 mander of a great army, which, in a few hours, had 
 melted away without discharge of bolt or arrow, 
 without a spear-thrust or sword-cut. A truce was 
 proclaimed till the 22nd of July, 1316, and, before it 
 had quite expired, Louis X. died almost suddenly at 
 Vincennes. 
 
 The deceased monarch left a daughter by his first 
 wife, Margaret of Burgundy ; but by the Salic Law the 
 throne of France, it was thought, could not be filled by a 
 female. The Queen, however, was believed to be preg- 
 nant, and in the meantime Philip the Long, Count of 
 Poitiers, was appointed Regent of the realm. One of 
 his first acts was to prolong the truce with Flanders, 
 and in the end he succeeded in imposing excessively
 
 46 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. I. 
 
 severe terms, which were never executed. The Queen 
 was delivered of a princess, who survived only a few 
 days, so that Philip the Long, after a brief though 
 vehement dispute with the Duke of Burgundy, became 
 King of France, and received the homage of Louis de 
 Nevers. Through the interposition of the Ambas- 
 sadors of England, Castile, Aragon, and Portugal, the 
 long-pending differences between France and Flanders 
 were now submitted to the arbitration of the Pope. 
 The Papal decision seems to have been entirely 
 equitable. His Holiness enjoined Philip to pledge 
 himself by oath to the observance of existing treaties, 
 and that his successors should likewise do so, on the 
 day following that on which the Counts of Flanders 
 rendered due homage to their suzerain. In the event 
 of the capricious violation of this oath, the Petrs of 
 France were absolved from their obligation to follow 
 the King to the field, while the Flemings, on their 
 part, were threatened with an interdict if they hesi- 
 tated to act up to those treaties. Above all,' the 
 princes of Christendom were exhorted to lay aside 
 their mutual jealousies, and unite in a crusade for the 
 recovery of the Holy Land. 
 
 With all their real influence, the Popes seldom, 
 succeeded in securing the acceptance of their arbitra- 
 tions unless one of the two parties was strong enough 
 to compel the acquiescence of the other. In the 
 present instance Robert de Bethune obstinately 
 refused to go to Paris, bearing in mind all that he 
 and his family had endured through the treachery of 
 Philip the Fair. The King's Chaplain thereupon 
 declared that it was as meritorious to bear arms
 
 en. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 47 
 
 against the Flemings as against the Saracens, and 
 issued an interdict against the County. The Pope 
 again intervened, not being disposed to adopt the 
 equivalent proposed by the French priest, and sent 
 three members of religious orders*to bring the people 
 of Flanders to a better frame of mind. Their ex- 
 hortations proving fruitless, Philip threatened coercive 
 measures, though for various reasons he found it 
 preferable to agree to a Conference at Compiegne 
 on the 7th October, 1318, But which produced 
 no tangible results. 
 
 Throughout these negotiations Louis de Nevers 
 played a most unworthy part. He did his best to 
 betray the cause of the Communes, who would have 
 laid down their lives in his defence. He would even 
 have* betrayed his own father had the aged prince 
 placed in him sufficient confidence to give him an 
 opportunity. So deeply rooted was Robert de 
 JBe'thune's distrust of the French character that he 
 ven broke the solemn promise he had made to 
 Cardinal Gosselin that he would visit the Court in 
 Mid-Lent ; but in 1320 he was constrained to accom- 
 pany the deputies despatched thither by the Com- 
 munes. The King met him outside the walls of 
 Paris, and received him with much courtesy and 
 honour. The oath of fealty was read aloud by Louis 
 de Nevers and repeated by the unfortunate Count, 
 but beyond that point he would not move. When 
 the treaty of the 1st September, 1316, was produced 
 for his signature, he positively refused to surrender 
 the towns of Lille, Douai, and Bethune, except as a 
 mere formality, and on that same night he secretly
 
 48 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. I. 
 
 started off for Flanders. He was overtaken, however, 
 by the deputies, and constrained to affix his signature. 
 A little later he was with difficulty prevented from 
 beheading his son, Louis de Nevers, who humbled 
 himself exceedingly to obtain forgiveness, and on 
 being liberated retired to Paris, where he died on the 
 6th July, 1322. On the 17th of the following Sep- 
 tember he was followed by his father at the ripe old 
 age of 82. According to common rumour both deaths 
 were attributable to poison, though no plausible reason 
 has ever been assigned for the vulgar belief. 
 
 Under Charles the Fair, who succeeded Philip 
 the Long, Philip de Cassel urged his claims to the 
 Earldom of Flanders as a son of Robert de Bethune, 
 but he had made himself odious to the Communes, 
 though supported by a majority of the feudal' 'aris- 
 tocracy. His friends, indeed, were so powerful, that 
 the King referred the question to the Court of Peers. 
 The burghers of Bruges and Ghent, however, anti- 
 cipated their decision by recognising as their Count 
 the son of Louis de Nevers, who during his lifetime 
 was also known by that title, though after his death 
 in the slaughter at Crecy, he was more commonly 
 called Louis de Crecy, by which name, to avoid con- 
 fusion, he will henceforth be described in this narra- 
 tive. The King, indignant at the presumption of the 
 Communes, threw the young Count into prison, and 
 detained him for a couple of months in the Tower of 
 the Louvre. But the Flemings held out with more 
 than their usual obstinacy, and on the 29th January, 
 1323, the Court of Peers ratified their election. 
 
 Much cannot be said in favour of their judgment
 
 CH. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 49 
 
 beyond the support it afforded to the pretensions of 
 hereditary descent. The new Count, from the com- 
 mencement of his agitated rule, showed small respect 
 for the wishes of the Communes, pne of his earliest 
 proceedings was to fit out some ships for the purpose 
 of making descents upon the coast of England, and 
 to arrest all English traders found within his terri- 
 tories. The Communes naturally took alarm at a 
 policy that threatened to depriv^ them of the raw 
 material indispensable to their industrial prosperity, 
 and in the hope of tranquilising them, Charles the 
 Fair bestirred himself, not in vain, to re-establish 
 commercial relations between Flanders and the adja- 
 cent counties of Hainault and Holland. On his part 
 Louis de Crecy laboured strenuously to efface all 
 umbrage from the mind of his uncle Robert de Cassel, 
 while he bestowed on John de Namur all the dues 
 and customs collected at Sluys, which had previously 
 belonged to Bruges and Damme. Though the first 
 to acclaim Louis as their lawful Count, the men of 
 Bruges were little disposed to suffer loss at his hands. 
 They accordingly hastened to Sluys, made John de 
 Namur their prisoner, and shut him up in the Steen, 
 whence he effected his escape after three months' 
 detention. The Count had prudently fled to Paris, 
 but was persuaded to return by the men of Ghent, 
 who seldom lost an opportunity of doing mischief to 
 their Bruges rivals and competitors. 
 
 It was in December, 1323, that Louis again 
 made his entry into Bruges, and allowed himself 
 to be guided by the pernicious counsels of William 
 Flotte, son of the notorious Peter Flotte, Philip the
 
 60 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 Fair's Chancellor, who fell at Courtrai. He himself re- 
 sided chiefly in his own county of Nevers, delighting in 
 low pastimes and in the society of unworthy associates, 
 while the government of Flanders was virtually con- 
 ducted hy the Sire d'Aspremont, a French Knight, 
 destitute of any special ability, and overweening in 
 his contempt of traders and artizans. The conduct of 
 the Leliaerds in the rural districts became intolerable, 
 and brought about an insurrection of the untamed 
 inhabitants of maritime Flanders, who, under their 
 leader, James Peyt, wrecked and burnt the chateaux 
 of the feudal lords. After a while these disturbances 
 were quelled, and the insurgents even paid the fine 
 that was imposed upon them, but preserved their or- 
 ganisation and watched events. The Count, indeed, 
 withdrew the Sire d'Aspremont, and nominated in his 
 stead a member of the Ghent commercial aristo- 
 cracy, named Philip d'Axel. The country, however, 
 still remained in a very disturbed condition, in a great 
 degree through Louis' propensity to consult individuals 
 quite incompetent to deal with affairs of State. 
 
 At that time there resided in Bruges a rich burgher 
 of Furnes, Nicholas Zannequin by name, a sturdy 
 patriot, and possessed of great local influence. Roused 
 by his denunciations of the tyranny practised by the 
 Leliaerds, the neighbouring Communes took up arms, 
 and daily drew together the disaffected from all parts. 
 Robert de Cassel retreated at their approach, not 
 without being suspected of sympathising with the 
 movement. The citizens of Ghent even wavered for 
 a brief space in their allegiance, but finally rallied 
 to the Count, who vented his impotent fury in re-
 
 CH. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 51 
 
 yoking the liberties of Bruges, though he dared not 
 approach the town. Feeling his inability to suppress 
 the insurrection by force, and hoping everything from 
 time, Louis proposed a treaty witlt his revolted sub- 
 jects, leaving to arbitration the adjustment of the 
 damages sustained by Leliaerds and Klauwaerds. At 
 this crisis Robert de Cassel no longer judged it neces- 
 sary to conceal his friendly disposition towards the 
 insurgents, and so openly did hfc display his senti- 
 ments that his nephew determined to assassinate him. 
 He received timely warning, however, from Louis' 
 Chancellor, who expressed himself anxious to " save 
 the honour of the Count of Flanders from shame, and 
 his soul from God's judgment." 
 
 Raising a body of 400 men-at-arms, Louis de Crecy 
 took heart to arrest six burghers of Bruges who 
 chanced to be in Courtrai. No sooner did the tidings 
 reach their native place than 5000 of their fellow- 
 citizens marched to liberate them. To delay their 
 arrival the Count broke down the bridge over the 
 Lys, and fired the suburbs on the further side of the 
 river. The wind, however, drove the blazing sparks 
 upon the thatched roofs of the town, and many houses 
 were reduced to ashes. At such a moment, when the 
 people of Courtrai were in terror and despair, the Count 
 was sufficiently rash or fatuous to ride into the market- 
 place, dragging along with him his six prisoners. By a 
 sudden impulse the men of Courtrai flung themselves 
 upon Louis and his companions, slew many knights 
 and nobles, and handed him over to the mercy of the 
 Bruges militia, who just then made their appearance. 
 The Count was placed on a sorry steed and led
 
 52 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 away a prisoner. His counsellors were thrown into 
 chains, and subsequently condemned to death. They 
 were accordingly pitched out of the prison windows 
 into the street ami murdered by the populace. This 
 tragedy was enacted on the 21st June, 1325, the 
 Count being held in safe custody in the Hallos. 
 
 Robert de Cassel, being chosen Rewaert, or Captain 
 General, of Flanders, though only by Bruges and a 
 few of the lesser Communes, conducted an expedition 
 against Ghent, and encountered the militia of that 
 town at Deynze. For a time victory seemed to 
 favour the latter, but in the end they broke, and 
 were hotly pursued to the foot of their ramparts. 
 Charles the Fair now thought it incumbent upon 
 him to interpose his good offices, which, however, 
 were very ungraciously received by the insurgents. 
 The Count of Namur, who was marching to Ghent, 
 to the assistance of Louis de Crecy, sustained a defeat 
 at the hands of the people of Grammont ; but, on the 
 other side, the weavers of Ghent were severely cut 
 up by the men-at-arms, and 3000 of their number 
 driven into exile to swell the ranks of the dis- 
 affected. As might have been expected, Robert de 
 Cassel refused obedience to the Royal summons to 
 repair to Paris to render an account of his conduct, 
 and little was gained by the King's appointment of 
 John de Namur to the post of Rewaert at the request 
 of the citizens of Ghent. A more potent instrument 
 of coercion was exercised by the Bishop of Senlis and 
 the Abbot of St. Denis, who proceeded respectively to 
 Tournai and Arras, and hurled a sentence of excom- 
 munication against the recalcitrant Communes. A great
 
 CH. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 53 
 
 terror now fell upon the town of Bruges, augmented 
 by an adverse encounter with the Ghent militia under 
 the command of Sohier de Courtrai and Hector 
 Yilain. The former of these two leaders was father- 
 in-law of James van Arteveld, aAd will again be 
 heard of at a later date. 
 
 Charles the Fair at length perceived the necessity 
 of summoning the Barons of France to the Royal 
 Standard, with the usual effect of bringing about a 
 more pacific tendency in the Bribes people. Peace 
 was accordingly concluded on the 18th February, 
 1326, and was ratified in the most sacred manner by 
 the Count, who went in state to the Chapel of St. 
 Basil and swore on the revered relic of the Holy 
 Blood to grant an universal amnesty. On the fol- 
 lowing 1 day he rode to Ghent, and thence travelled 
 to Paris, where he readily obtained from the King the 
 promise of a sufficient force to suppress all further 
 attempts at agitation. For the moment, however, 
 Charles was fully occupied with the distressed con- 
 dition of his sister Isabella, Queen of England, and 
 his death on the 1st February, 1327, deprived Louis 
 de Crecy of all hope of assistance from that quarter for 
 some time to come. 
 
 The recognition of Philip de Valois as successor to 
 Charles the Fair met with considerable opposition 
 from the French Communes, relying upon the sym- 
 pathy of the industrial population of Flanders. Ac- 
 cording to the Salic Law, indeed, there was little to 
 choose between the pretensions of Philip de Valois and 
 Edward of England, the former being the nephew, the 
 latter the grandson of Philip the Fair. The former,
 
 54 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i. 
 
 however, was a thorough Frenchman, while the 
 latter was as much an Englishman as was George III. 
 in the last century. Besides, Philip was consecrated 
 King of France in the Cathedral of Rheims on the 
 29th May, 1328, w-hile Edward III. was yet a lad of 
 seventeen, with probably no higher ambition than to 
 confirm his seat on the English throne, unless it were 
 to add Scotland to the lands already beneath his 
 sway. However that may be, no formal protest against 
 the coronation of PhVlip was made in his name. 
 
 At that august ceremony the Count of Flanders 
 should have borne the Sword of the Realm, but, 
 though thrice summoned by the heralds to come forth 
 and do his duty, he moved not from his place. In 
 real, or feigned, surprise Philip called upon him for 
 an explanation of his strange conduct. He replied 
 that it was the Count of Flanders and not Louis de 
 Nevers who had been summoned by the heralds. 
 " "What ! " exclaimed the king, " are you not the 
 Count of Flanders ? " Louis made answer : " Sire, it 
 is true that I bear the name, but I do not possess the 
 authority. The burghers of Bruges, Ypres, Poper- 
 inghe, and Cassel have driven me out of my lands, 
 and it is only in the town of Ghent that I dare show 
 myself." " Fair Cousin," said the king, " we swear 
 to you by the holy oil that has this day been poured 
 upon our head that we will not return to Paris until 
 we have established you in peaceful possession of the 
 county of Flanders." The rashness of this chivalrous 
 undertaking was so apparent that the barons and great 
 lords remonstrated with the king, but all to such little 
 purpose' that they were commanded to appear with
 
 OH. .iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLAXDERS. 55 
 
 their respective contingents at Arras at an early 
 date. 
 
 True to the shifty, selfish, unstable character of his 
 race, Robert de Cassel now abandoned the cause of 
 the Communes, and offered, with 2^0 men-at-arms, to 
 hold St. Omer for the king. At the head of an im- 
 mense army Philip took the road to Courtrai, but 
 suddenly turning to the left he crossed the Neuf- 
 Fosse near Boezeghem, and encamped at the foot of 
 Mount Cassel, which was held by Nicholas Zanne- 
 quin and 12,000 Flemish pikemen. The position 
 was inaccessible to heavy cavalry, and the French 
 infantry were foiled in every attempt to gain a foot- 
 ing. After waiting for three days in the hope of 
 discovering a vulnerable point, Philip moved his camp 
 to another side of the hill, whence he threatened the 
 towns of Bergues, Wormhout, and Bourbourg. He 
 also charged Robert de Cassel with the ungrateful 
 mission of plundering and laying waste the fertile 
 champaign country all around. The Flemings, how- 
 ever, remained immovable, though exasperated well- 
 nigh to madness by the sad spectacle of burning 
 villages and hamlets, their own homes and the home- 
 steads of their kinsmen. So matters stood in the 
 afternoon of St. Bartholomew's day, August 24, 1328, 
 when Zannequin's endurance was exhausted, and his 
 judgment deserted "him. Expecting nothing less than 
 an attack from the Flemish boors, the French knights 
 had taken off their armour, and were sitting or re- 
 clining in their tents, playing at chess or dice, when a 
 tremendous commotion was heard without, and their 
 varlets rushed in with the intelligence that the enemy
 
 56 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. r. 
 
 was upon them. Dividing his men into three nearly 
 equal bodies, Zannequin had given the signal for an 
 onslaught on the French camp : charging down hill 
 with irresistible fury, the Flemings at first overthrew 
 all who strove to bfcr their further progress. Already 
 Zannequin was within sight of the royal tent and 
 was pressing eagerly onwards, when the king's chap- 
 lain dashed in, and with terror in look and voice, 
 bade Philip flee for his life. " Propos de clerc qui a 
 peur ! " babble of a" frightened priest ! the king ex- 
 claimed ; but the warning came barely in time to save 
 him from death or captivity. The success of the 
 Flemings, however, was but short-lived. Breathless 
 from their unwonted exertions, outnumbered, and en- 
 cumbered by their heavy pikes, they were speedily 
 brought to a standstill, while the King of Bohemia, 
 the Count of Hainault, and Eobert de Cassel quickly 
 gathered together their retainers and rallied round 
 their over-lord. The Flemings stood firm, shoulder 
 to shoulder, and with their long pikes held the French 
 at bay for a brief space. The knights' lances, how- 
 ever, were longer and more manageable than the 
 clumsy " goedeudags," and wherever a breach was 
 effected, sword and battle-axe wrought a fearful car- 
 nage. In less than two hours Zannequin and his 
 twelve thousand brave associates lay on the field, 
 heaped one over the other, all dead or dying men, 
 and not one breathing a word of surrender. The 
 town of Cassel was committed to the flames, and the 
 French marched into Ypres while the artisans were 
 at strife with their magistrates. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Philip returned to his own ter-
 
 CH. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 57 
 
 ritories, dragging in his train 1500 hostages from 
 Bruges and Ypres. His parting words to Louis de 
 Crecy were a menace as well as a counsel. He bade 
 the Count govern his subjects with justice, for if ever 
 he had to come back to Flanders \t would be for his 
 own benefit. About justice Louis cared very little, 
 but he had no idea of being ousted from his pleasant 
 possessions. Conciliation and sincerity being foreign 
 to his nature he had recourse to violence, and is 
 reported to have put 10,000 of his reputed enemies to 
 death within three months. The town of Bruges was 
 divided into six sections, each of which was subjected 
 to a searching investigation. The condemned and 
 the strongly-suspected were marched out to Damme, 
 where the rack and the gallows awaited them. The 
 trade 'corporations of Ypres were literally decimated. 
 Several men of local distinction were broken upon the 
 wheel. The most atrocious case, perhaps, was that 
 of William Dedeken, formerly burgomaster of Bruges, 
 who had fled to Brabant as to a sure asylum. He was, 
 however, basely given np by the Duke to the King's 
 officers, by whom he was conveyed to Paris, where, 
 after his hands had been chopped off at the wrist, he 
 was placed in the pillory and subsequently bound on 
 the wheel. On the next day his limbs were attached 
 to four horses, which, pulling in different directions, 
 tore them out of their sockets, and his ghastly remains 
 were suspended from the gibbets on Montfaucon. 
 
 But Louis thirsted for gold more than for blood. 
 Of the spoils of the slain at Cassel the king demanded 
 two-thirds, leaving one-third to be divided between 
 the Count and his uncle Robert. The towns that
 
 58 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. i, 
 
 furnished contingents to Zannequin's hapless force were 
 fined so ruthlessly that the Klauwaerds were reduced 
 to poverty, and at Bruges the Count bestowed fine 
 houses upon his barber, his grooms, and valets. The 
 burghers of that toSvn had to go on their knees the 
 latter half of the two long miles' journey to Maele, 
 to implore his mercy. At Ypres the belfry bell was 
 broken, an act held to indicate the cancelment of all 
 charters and deeds of grace, and the fortifications of 
 Bruges, Ypres, and VJourtrai were completely demo- 
 lished. The country was silenced, if not pacified, 
 when suddenly a rumour spread abroad that Sohier 
 Janssone had landed near Ostend with a band of 
 200 exiles. The people of the coast, untaught by 
 misfortune, flocked to his banner, and the patriots 
 boldly advanced upon Bruges. The Count's bailiff, 
 however, was a man of action. Without waiting for 
 the militia, and possibly distrusting them, he set out 
 with a strong escort of knights and fell upon the 
 insurgents while weary with their march. The 
 greater number were put to the sword, but Janssone, 
 his son, and a score of their comrades, were led away 
 prisoners to Bruges. There they were conducted 
 through the streets in a state of nudity, burnt with a 
 hot iron in every square or market place, broken on 
 the wheel, and beheaded, and their lifeless remains 
 attached to lofty gallows. 
 
 During this incident Louis was absent in France. 
 He had gone to Paris to bring to Maele his wife 
 Margaret of France, to whom he had been married 
 eight years, but who had early fled from his ill-treat- 
 ment. Margaret consented to accompany him to
 
 CH. iv.] EARLY HISTORY OF FLANDERS. 5 
 
 Bruges, and on the 25th November, 1330, gave birth 
 to a son, named Louis de Maele, who was fated to 
 be the last Count of Flanders. In that same year 
 Louis banished from Ghent many of those whom he 
 believed to be unfavourable to Ms interests, and in 
 1333 he confiscated many rich estates. Two years 
 later the Bishop of Tournai succeeded in arranging 
 certain differences between the Count and the magis- 
 trates of Ghent, but a new phase of their mutual 
 relations was at hand, as yet unsuspected by either. 
 At Bruges, too, the Breydels reappeared, and public 
 succour was voted to the widow of Peter Coninck. 
 It is probable, however, that no material change in 
 the condition of Flanders would have come to pass, 
 had there not suddenly entered upon the scene a new 
 actor in the person of Edward III. of England.
 
 PAKT II. 
 
 A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS IN THE 
 XIVTH CENTURY.
 
 PAET II.' 
 
 A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS IN THE XIVTH 
 CENTURY. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Rise of the Democracy Decline of Feudalism Municipal 
 Liberties Growth of the Communes Local Government _ 
 Magistrates Position of the Count The Clergy Military 
 Service The Artisans Trade Regulations Trade Guilds- 
 Sufferings of the Working Classes. 
 
 PROPERLY to understand the two episodes repre- 
 sented by the name of Yan Arteveld, it is necessary 
 to form a definite idea of the social system which 
 prevailed in Flanders during the fourteenth century, 
 essentially a period of transition. Towards the close 
 of the previous century the commercial and industrial 
 classes had established themselves as a power in the 
 land. Impoverished by the crusades and by their 
 mostly passion for tournaments and pageants, the 
 nobles had been compelled to cede important rights 
 and franchises to the inhabitants of towns, in order to 
 obtain money to cover their wasteful expenditure. 
 For a while the civic population were somewhat dis- 
 tressed by the great efforts they had to make to supply 
 the prodigality of their feudal lords, but by means of 
 thrift and self-denial they were speedily enabled to 
 master the momentary embarrassment, and gradually
 
 64 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. n. 
 
 became enriched by the monopolies they had acquired. 
 Municipal governments were formed on principles 
 which argued the possession and appreciation of 
 political freedom, Chough it must be confessed that 
 the guilds were characterised by some of the worst 
 features of trades-unions. In the infancy of trade and 
 manufactures it was natural to seek exclusive privi- 
 leges, to the prejudice of consumers even more than 
 of possible rivals ajid competitors. The feudal, or 
 territorial, aristocracy soon took umbrage at the 
 growing power and independence of the Communes, 
 and assiduously strove to foster the mutual jealousies 
 of commercial communities, and under various pre- 
 texts to recall, or encroach upon, the liberties wrung 
 from their former necessities. The annals of the 
 fourteenth century are little else than the record of a 
 continuous struggle for supremacy between the Crown, 
 the Nobility, and the Democracy. Exasperated by 
 their virtual eclipse behind the practically irresponsible 
 autocracy of their great vassals, more than one of the 
 French Kings had sought to emerge from their com- 
 parative obscurity by seeming to make common cause 
 with the Communes, though always prepared at a 
 convenient moment to overthrow the ladder by means 
 of which they had attained the desired object. 
 
 The great battles of Courtrai, Crecy, and Poitiers 
 favoured the Royal pretensions by illustrating the in- 
 ability of the feudal chivalry to cope with a stout 
 yeomanry bravely led and skilfully handled. At 
 the same time the over-lord was not long in making 
 the discovery that the democratic element was still 
 more dangerous and intractable than the military
 
 CH. v.j A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 65 
 
 aristocracy, weakened by personal squabbles, and 
 seldom heartily united for a common purpose. It 
 must also be acknowledged that the frequent ex- 
 cesses to which the Communes folded in the hour 
 of triumph discredited the name of liberty and 
 shocked the conscience of humanity even in the 
 very rudimentary condition in which it then existed. 
 In the words of Hallam, "Liberty never wore a more 
 unamiable countenance than am/rag these burghers, 
 who abused the strength she gave them by cruelty 
 and insolence." That, however, is only partially 
 true, for it is but just to remember that "these 
 burghers " were never fully in possession of the liberty 
 they coveted. Their excesses were, in fact, reprisals 
 for the atrocities practised upon themselves. Their 
 position was never assured. They were engaged 
 throughout in a fierce contest with brutal power 
 brutally exercised, and they acted after the fashion 
 of the age in which they lived. Be that as it may, 
 liberal institutions were reduced to a hopeless con- 
 dition at the end of the fourteenth century, while 
 feudalism had received its death blow, and the rela- 
 tions between monarchs and their great vassals were 
 rapidly taking the form most strongly accentuated in 
 the reigns of Louis XL, Louis XIIL, and Louis XIV. 
 The feudal spirit was never so strong in Flanders 
 as in France. The artisans, though not personally 
 eligible for the municipal offices which were filled in 
 obedience to their votes, exercised immense local in- 
 fluence, and not unfrequently drove their Count into 
 exile, together with such of their magistrates as were 
 suspected of undue bias in his favour. It is worthy,
 
 <56 [JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. ir. 
 
 however, of remark that not only were the burgomaster 
 and the echevins chosen from the ranks of the wealthy 
 commercial aristocracy, but even the doyens or dckcns 
 of guilds were usually taken from the poortcrs, or 
 burghers who had retired from business perhaps in a 
 previous generation. It was thus more difficult for 
 the military aristocracy to coerce, or intimidate, the 
 operative classes, so long as the popular leaders were 
 true to those whom they represented, and had not 
 suffered themselves to be cajoled by courtly influences. 
 Unhappily, the Communes were usually at strife with 
 the rural population, because the wretched villagers 
 occasionally offered for sale the cloth they might have 
 .wrought in excess of their own humble wants a 
 practice directly opposed to the monopoly secured to 
 the " good towns " by charter from King or Count. 
 As Mr. Kirk justly remarks, in his "History of 
 Charles the Bold " " in the Middle Ages freedom 
 was nowhere claimed as a natural right, or regarded 
 as the common property of any nation. Its existence 
 was an artificial one. It was confined to a narrow 
 range. It seldom breathed the air of the hills or the 
 open fields, but was a denizen of the city, surrounding 
 itself with strong walls, wearing a gold chain and 
 gown of office, and holding in its hand the charters 
 from which it derived its origin, and which contained 
 the measure of its powers." These very charters were 
 purchased, or in some other way wrung from the need 
 of the sovereign, or the immedate lord, and were con- 
 tinually cancelled, or modified, after the suppression of 
 the frequent insurrections which constituted the pro- 
 test of the weak against the tyranny and oppression of
 
 en. v.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLAXJiKRX. 07 
 
 the powerful. As already stated, the Flemish terri- 
 torial nobles were generally on the French side even 
 against their own Count for the sake of the honours, 
 distinctions, and grants of land which monarchs in 
 those days lavished at their own caprice upon those 
 who served them without scruple. Not a few even of 
 the burgher aristocracy favoured the enemies of their 
 country, and thought less of patriotism than of royal 
 patronage. 
 
 According to Professor Yanderkindere, the four- 
 teenth century was chiefly distinguished by the pre- 
 ponderance acquired by the great Communes. The 
 nobility were thrown into the background ; the Count 
 was powerful and respected only so long as he acted 
 in concert with them ; while the rural population 
 laboured and suffered, and were looked upon as little 
 removed above a servile condition. In the beginning 
 it had been necessary to possess a plot of land and a 
 dwelling to become entitled to the benefits of a cor- 
 poration. These heritable burghers continued to 
 enjoy special advantages so late as the fourteenth 
 century. They constituted the nucleus of the poortcry, 
 which consisted of the great burghers who, for the 
 most part, had ceased to take an active part in the 
 management of a business. Actual residence in the 
 town was indispensable, and the duration of absence 
 was precisely regulated. The Commune rested on a 
 threefold base territorial, juridical, and economic. 
 The property held in common was the original bond of 
 union that kept together all the individual proprietors, 
 whose identity of interests pledged them to mutual 
 -defence and indemnification. The election of com- 
 
 F 2
 
 63 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. n. 
 
 munal magistrates and administrators grew naturally 
 out of this obligation to afford mutual aid to one 
 another, and this essential principle of communal 
 existence endured unto the end. The rural and terri- 
 torial germ was not long in developing itself into an 
 organised society governed by charters, or keures, ad- 
 ministered by magistrates endowed with judicial as 
 well as with administrative powers, so that a Commune 
 might be defined as t "a group of individuals estab- 
 lished on a territory in which they exercise rights in 
 common, and where they have to answer for their 
 conduct only before their own tribunal." At first, it 
 was an asylum rather than a power. Tillages had 
 not yet grown into towns. Industry was strictly 
 local. Commerce had not begun its beneficial mission 
 of exchanging the products of different localities one 
 against the other. A circulating medium can hardly 
 be said to have existed. It was not until the 
 eleventh century that any movement towards the 
 enlargement of social relations became perceptible, but 
 in the course of the next hundred years a notable 
 and abiding progress was made. With improved 
 security to person and property, markets sprang up in 
 many places. Travelling and transport became com- 
 paratively safe, and consequently a more sustained 
 intercourse arose between distant points of the terri- 
 tory, round which gathered an aggregation of producers 
 and traders, so that adjacent hamlets gradually merged 
 into considerable towns. 
 
 Equality and fraternity, of course, disappeared with 
 the advance of civilisation. The rich poorters aimed 
 at the exclusive direction of the affairs of the town or
 
 en. v.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 03 
 
 State, just as the more wealthy tradesmen and mer- 
 chants sought to monopolise the regulation of industry. 
 To obtain a share in the municipal government, it was 
 no longer necessary to possess a pl<|t of land, much less 
 a landed estate. It was enough to be rich, prosperous, 
 and influential in one's own guild. The deken or 
 doyen of a guild was a person of importance, whose 
 favour it was worth while to conciliate, though 
 a good deal depended upon the -relative strength and 
 opulence of the particular guild. On the creation of 
 the Hanse of London, in the thirteenth century, the 
 local guilds gained immense power by their association 
 under that collective name. This power, indeed, was 
 rather of a defensive than an aggressive character. 
 Though always ready to quarrel among themselves, 
 the "good towns " were averse from foreign war, and 
 clung to peace with a tenacity that was not un- 
 frequently ignoble. They gained, however, what they 
 coveted. They obtained the recognition of the rights 
 of labour. They were guaranteed, not always effi- 
 ciently, against arbitrary imposts at the caprice of the 
 Count or his representatives. Servitude under every 
 form, or pretext was absolutely abolished, trial by 
 ordeal disappeared, and the independence of the local 
 tribunals was generally acknowledged. The duties on 
 export, import, and transit were temporarily removed, 
 and the claim of levying new taxes was waived, if not 
 actually renounced. 
 
 At the close of the thirteenth century the poorer*, 
 if not lineally descended from the free men of former 
 times, who, in virtue of their landed property, were alono 
 eligible to the magistracy, at least realised all the
 
 70 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN AUTEVELD. [IT. ir, 
 
 advantages of such a position, and were distinguished 
 by the escutcheon over the door of their house, and 
 which was engraved on the seal that attested their 
 signature to important deeds. By degrees some of 
 these families usurped hereditary privileges, and were 
 known as " Geslachten" or "Lignages," though more 
 prominently in Brabant than in Flanders, where they 
 called themselves ledechgangen, lazy-goers, or persons 
 retired from business^ One of their privileges was to- 
 serve on horseback, otherwise the exclusive appanage 
 of knights and nobles. But their withdrawal from 
 commercial activity was fatal to their popularity, the- 
 more so that they were commonly suspected of being 
 Leliaerds, and it is certain that from among them were 
 taken " The Thirty-nine," who so long governed the 
 town of Ghent. In the other towns of Flanders 
 proper the echevins or Scepcncn held office only for 
 twelve months, though eligible for re-election after 
 intervals of three years. As their tenure of power 
 drew to a close they nominated a certain number of 
 candidates, from whom the Count, or his delegate, 
 chose their successors. Virtually, the burgher aris- 
 tocracy kept the administration in their own hands. 
 -Associated with them were inferior functionaries in- 
 differently known as coremanni, coratorcs, or Jures, 
 whose duties have not been very clearly defined, and 
 whose influence waxed or waned in various places- 
 according to circumstances, or the personal character 
 of themselves and the ichevim to whom they were 
 nominally subordinated. The chief officer of the 
 Commune was styled the Burgomaster, though his 
 office appears to have been rather honorary than sub-
 
 en. v.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 71 
 
 stantial. At Ghent, in default of an actual Burgo- 
 master, the first ec/ic-cin de ecrste scejien answered 
 the purpose, while at Bruges and many minor towns 
 there were two communal chiefs mayixtri communion 
 or rector es cicitatisvrho probably represented, the 
 one the echevins, the other the juris, or associated 
 councillors. Briefly, then, as Professor Vanderkindere 
 clearly indicates, the organisation of the aristocratic 
 Commune was founded on the maintenance of the 
 preponderant influence of the licjnayes, the tin probi, 
 the heritable burghers, the great leaders of the guilds, 
 while the artisans and common folk were practically 
 denied a voice in the management of their'own public 
 affairs. By the beginning, however, of the fourteenth 
 century the democratic element had begun to make it- 
 self felt, and to foreshadoAV the two remarkable episodes 
 which this little volume is intended to illustrate. 
 
 Personal and commercial liberty as understood in 
 Flanders in the Middle Ages might almost be summed 
 up in two guarantees, one of which secured a fair 
 trial before the local magistrates, while the other for- 
 bade the imposition of dues and charges likely to 
 interfere with the extension and profits of trade. A 
 poortcr could not be brought before any Court whose 
 competence he might think proper to challenge. It 
 was also the duty of the municipal magistrates to take 
 heed that no member of the Commune was subjected 
 to unjust treatment in any other land or city. The 
 local tribunal was further supposed to be entirely in- 
 dependent of Count or King, and to possess extraor- 
 dinary powers for insuring justice to the humblest 
 member of the Commune. In reality all this was
 
 72 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. n. 
 
 at least mythical, though modem writers may find a 
 pleasure in exaggerating the extent of the civic inde- 
 pendence enjoyed in those days. It is, of course, 
 possible that during the frequent, but brief, obscura- 
 tions of the power of the Count or his. over-lord, the 
 Communes may have blustered somewhat loudly, and 
 it is undeniable that great privileges were conferred, 
 both in charters, and by word of mouth, but it is 
 extremely improbable that the influence of local 
 magistrates ever extended much beyond the walls of 
 their town, or, except on rare occasions, came into 
 collision with the Count's representatives without 
 experiencing the fate of the earthen pipkin that was 
 dashed against the iron pot. For example, the 
 Communal magistrates claimed, and abused, the right 
 of banishing political partisans holding opinions con- 
 trary to their own, but no sooner was the Count's 
 authority restored than the exiles were recalled and 
 usually indemnified at the cost of their momentarily 
 successful opponents. No doubt, while negotiations 
 were still going on, the Count promised whatever was 
 asked of him, but, once more at his ease, he recanted 
 " vows made in pain, as violent and void." On the 
 other hand the legislative functions of the echevins 
 were faithfully and usefully discharged, and there can 
 be no question that they placed a strong restraint upon 
 the tyrannical impulses of their feudal superiors. 
 The police regulations were entirely within their pro- 
 vince, and it was by their constant supervision that 
 the pax civitatis was maintained. Fairs and markets, 
 and the manifold details of the commercial organisa- 
 tion, were also within the competence of the local
 
 CH. v.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 73 
 
 magistrates, though the sanction of the Count was in 
 many cases indispensable. To them likewise belonged 
 the construction and maintenance of public buildings, 
 such as town halls, belfries, bridges, canals, and s-> 
 forth. The direction of education, however, was 
 vested in the clergy, with the inevitable effect of 
 warping the judgment, narrowing the exercise of the 
 intellectual powers, and prohibiting the critical fac- 
 ulties. In some respects, however, the clergy were 
 subjected to wholesome restraints. In Ghent they 
 were compelled to pay taxes like the laity, and every- 
 where they were forbidden to lay in larger supplies of 
 wine and other articles of merchandise than were 
 wanted for their own use, and which they obtained 
 free of duty. 
 
 Education apart, so extensive was the influence 
 of the Communal magistrates, that members of the 
 territorial nobility were ambitious of being asso- 
 ciated with them in an honorary way under the title 
 of buyten-poorters or haghe-poorten, that is, bourgeois 
 forcfim outer-burghers. Against a foreign enemy 
 every citizen capable of bearing arms was bound to 
 follow the Count to the field. In the event of offensive 
 warfare, however, the Count could summon to his 
 banner only his own immediate vassals and retainers. 
 If any of the burghers consented to accompany him, it 
 was entirely a voluntary act, and in no way committed 
 the Commune. Not that the Flemish townsfolk wero 
 averse from warlike enterprises on their own account. 
 The chief towns were continually at strife with one 
 another, and not unfrequently they would bring to 
 reason a territorial magnate who might have infringed
 
 74 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEYELD. [PT. n. 
 
 their privileges, or been guilty of wrong-doing towards 
 a member of the Commune. At other times their 
 martial prowess was displayed on less excusable 
 grounds, as when ley punished a village for encroach- 
 ing upon a monopoly, by destroying all the looms it 
 contained, and even by demolishing the houses of 
 obnoxious individuals, and in case of resistance putting 
 them to death. 
 
 Towns were surrounded by walls, ramparts, and 
 moats, and were entered through massive gates, 
 sometimes furnished with portcullis and drawbridge, 
 and guarded by the civic militia. The possession 
 of fortifications was, however, hotly contested by 
 the French Kings, who availed themselves of 
 every success to enjoin their demolition and pro- 
 hibit their reconstruction. The streets were usually 
 tortuous, to lessen the advantages of archers and cross- 
 bowmen, and very many houses boasted of a circular 
 tower, the upper floor of which, accessible only by a 
 ladder, afforded a temporary retreat to the house- 
 hold when pursued by a victorious enemy, whether 
 foreigners or members of a rival guild. The com- 
 munal militia consisted of horse and foot. The cavalry 
 was the exclusive privilege of the commercial nobility, 
 supplemented by such of the neighbouring knights 
 and barons as had been enregistered among the buyten 
 poorfcrs. This arm of the service was always numeri- 
 cally weak, and totally unfit to cope with the French 
 men-at-arms. No citizen could join this aristocratic 
 corps unless his yearly income exceeded 300 livres. 
 The infantry comprised the whole body of townsmen 
 capable of military service, and heavy fines some-
 
 CH. v.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 75- 
 
 times confiscation of their whole property awaited 
 those who evaded this first duty of a citizen. Towns- 
 were divided into sections, each of which was placed 
 under its own captain, or hooftma^ and these, again, 
 while engaged on active service, received their orders 
 from a captain-general, or bclcedcr van de stad. At 
 Ghent this important personage was attended hy an 
 escort, or body-guard, distinguished by their white 
 hoods, to which is partly due the total misconception 
 of James van Arteveld's political position evinced by 
 Jehan le Bel, and still more so by his amplifier, the 
 Canon of Chimay. Wielding a military force, the 
 Communes gradually assumed the right to form 
 alliances, not only with one another, but even with 
 foreign States and Princes. This assumption was 
 tacitly condoned by the Counts of Flanders, the Dukes 
 of Brabant, and other petty potentates, who even in- 
 vited the Communes to affix their seal to treaty 
 engagements and other public documents in confirma- 
 tion of their own signature to those particular under- 
 takings. 
 
 At the end of the thirteenth century the artisans 
 were still destitute of political rights. They were 
 freemen, no doubt, and benefited by the privileges 
 conferred upon the town in which they earned their 
 livelihood, but they were never recognised as burghers,, 
 and occupied altogether a very inferior position. They 
 enjoyed a certain degree of personal comfort, and 
 from a material point of view they were well to do, 
 but they had no voice in the conduct of public affairs, 
 until the Van Artevelds raised them to a higher level, 
 more conformable to their industry, intelligence, and
 
 76 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. 11. 
 
 force of numbers. "With the advance of commerce, 
 manufacturing industry could not fail to make corres- 
 ponding progress. Flemish cloth had long been re- 
 nowned for its durability, but in the absence of markets, 
 fairs, roads, and safe transit, its use was inevitably 
 much circumscribed. But as the demand increased 
 the supply gradually augmented. The artisans flocked 
 to central points for the sake of mutual protection, 
 and of the outlet for their labour which was gradually 
 opening. Towns now took form and magnitude, and 
 capital came to the assistance of individual industry. 
 "Workmen organised themselves into separate bodies 
 or corporations, according to their respective callings, 
 and elected a head man, though seldom from their 
 own ranks. 
 
 "Within the metier, or guild, there reigned the most 
 perfect equality. Contrary to the spirit of modern 
 political economy, the individual was ignored so far as 
 his own particular tastes or wishes were concerned. 
 He was simply part of a piece of mechanism put to- 
 gether on the principle of extreme selfishness for the 
 benefit of the employers of labour. At the same time, 
 by a singular inconsistency, great care was taken to 
 secure a certain amount of well being to eveiy member 
 of the company. A master- workman could not, as a 
 rule, employ more than three journeymen, nor might he 
 lure from another master any one of his men. If any 
 one obtained a large order, he was bound to give notice 
 to the head-men of his craft-guild. To prevent the 
 undue coalition of capitalists, it was forbidden to place 
 more than a limited number of looms in a workshop, 
 or to throw two workshops into one. Competition
 
 CH. v.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLAXDERS. 77 
 
 was put down with a high hand, whether attempted 
 by foreigners or within the commune. Much coil 
 was made about receiving into a craft-guild a citizen 
 of another town, unless it could be shown that extra 
 hands were really wanted. Free trade was for the 
 most part interdicted. Neither English nor any other 
 kind of foreign cloth could be imported into Bruges 
 or Ghent, the former town being equally prohibitive 
 in the matter of shoes and boots, while other articles 
 were excluded from other places to the prejudice of 
 the consumer. Generally speaking, however, the 
 great markets and fairs were open to the merchandise 
 of every region of the globe. Unwearying attention 
 was paid to secure efficiency in the members of each 
 guild. For the most part, apprentices were expected 
 to have completed their twentieth year before they 
 could enter the service of a master-workman. The 
 period of apprenticeship depended, of course, upon 
 the nature of the industry, and usually lasted from 
 three to six years, at the end of which an apprentice 
 was*called a cnaep a knave or journeyman and for 
 the next year or two hired himself to an employer of 
 labour. After that, on payment of certain fees, he 
 was entitled to start in business on his own account, 
 but hampered by innumerable petty regulations which 
 left him no opportunity of availing himself of any 
 originality or particular talent he might possess. 
 The object seems to have been to maintain a general 
 average excellence. Although a man of exceptional 
 skill and ability had little advantage over his less 
 brilliant comrades, a really bad workman was a rarity, 
 and was liable to a fine for every mistake he made.
 
 78 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. ir. 
 
 The price of every kind of work was fixed by the 
 head-man of each craft. Butchers, bakers, barbers, 
 tradesmen of every denomination, had their prices so 
 regulated as to yield a small profit on every transac- 
 tion. The hours of labour were so precisely defined 
 that no master workman could steal a march upon his 
 neighbours by beginning at an earlier or leaving off 
 at a later hour. Workshops were opened and closed 
 at certain hours, with a rest at mid-day, nor was any 
 sort of labour allowed at night, or on Sundays and 
 saints' days, or on the eve of a festival of the Church, 
 or- on Saturday afternoon. Wages, too, were settled 
 according to a regular scale, either by the day or by 
 the job, and must be paid in hard cash. The cost 
 even of the raw material, where ife was not actually 
 fixed, must be made known to all who might care 
 to enquire, while wool was purchased by the guild 
 collectively, and distributed on terms of strict equality 
 to the weavers. Even the fashion of " dressing " a 
 stall was subjected to a certain standard. In short, 
 competition was sedulously crushed. To use a horAely 
 phrase, artisans and their employers were like toads 
 under a harrow. The idea was to maintain a fra- 
 ternal union, but the result must have been to create 
 a fraternal disgust and feeling of impatience, where 
 the race was not to the swift, nor the battle to the 
 strong. 
 
 The sentiment of solidarity was potent in these 
 trade companies, each of which had its own chapel, 
 and, generally, its own hospital, as well as its own 
 herlerg, or house of call, in which were preserved 
 its charters and other public documents. Any
 
 CH.V.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 79 
 
 glaring violation of morality, and every infraction of 
 the criminal laws sufficed for the expulsion of a mem- 
 ber. A craft-guild was something more than a trade- . 
 union. It made its own internal laws and regulations. 
 It discussed collectively its common interests. It was 
 presided over by a doyen or deken, elected by the 
 jurats or finders. It had its own cnacp, or usher. 
 It had its own tribunal, from whose decisions there 
 was no appeal. The number of metiers became very 
 considerable in the fourteenth century. At Bruges 
 there were 52 ; at least as many at Oudcnaerd ; and 
 59 at Ghent, in addition to many subdivisions or 
 sections. This multiplicity of callings was in itself 
 a weakness, as tending to foment petty jealousies 
 where the distinction was drawn too. fine. As already 
 remarked, there was no initiative possible to any 
 individual. Every member of a guild was, so to 
 speak, wound round with swaddling cloths, like an 
 Egyptian mummy or a Flemish baby. Everything was 
 done by rule and measure, and one event happened 
 to the wise man and to the fool. For all that, in- 
 dustry flourished to an amazing extent in the " good 
 towns." At the worst time, shortly after the battle 
 of Cassel, there were still 2000 looms at work in Ghent, 
 while Ypres annually turned out 89,000 pieces of 
 cloth. It is also clearly shown by M. Vanderkindere 
 that the purchasing power of an artisan's wages was 
 sufficiently great to command a large measure of well 
 being. He was in a position to provide his wife 
 and family with a suitable home, usually in the 
 suburbs, to clothe them decently and comfortably, 
 and to give them abundance of good, wholesome food.
 
 80 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. n. 
 
 Luxuries alone were expensive in the Middle Ages, 
 and about them working men seldom troubled them- 
 selves overmuch. 
 
 The medal hao^its reverse side also. So long as 
 the land was at peace without and within, all went 
 well with the artisans, but their condition was pitiable 
 in time of war or civil commotion. If the enemy 
 approached the town, they fled within the walls, and 
 beheld their habitations consigned to the flames. A 
 difference with France implied a scarcity of wine and 
 corn ; with England, a stoppage of the supply of the 
 raw material essential to their industry. Commerce 
 ceased at once, and every loom stood still. Neither 
 were there any savings-banks or workhouses in those 
 days. Working men lived well, but it was from hand 
 to mouth. What they received regularly, they spent 
 promptly, so that when bad times came they were 
 speedily reduced to abject destitution. Now and again 
 a pestilence, the direct consequence of the absence of 
 sanitation, made terrible ravages among the labouring 
 classes both of the rural and of the urban population. 
 And what rendered these misfortunes and calamities 
 less endurable was the comparative exemption of the 
 rich from suffering. The poor complained, too, that 
 the governing class squandered among themselves the 
 revenues derived from customs and duties on the 
 necessaries of life, that justice was venal, that public 
 offices were bought and sold, and that one law did not 
 protect the needy and the opulent. Whether these 
 opinions were well founded or exaggerated, they were 
 held with tenacity, and as a natural result violent 
 outbursts of popular indignation were of frequent
 
 CH.V.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 81 
 
 recurrence, and much bloodshed and misery inter- 
 vened before order could be restored, or the semblance 
 of a reconciliation brought about. And in the four- 
 teenth century it was the democracy that gained for a 
 time the upper hand.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Artisans of Ghent Quarrels of the Guilds Upheaval of the 
 Industrial Classes Bruges Decline of Flemish Manufactures 
 The Rural Population Spade Husbandry Agricultural 
 Produce Condition of the Peasantry Taxation Disunion 
 of the Communes The Church in Flanders. 
 
 THE artisans of Ghent, through whose zeal and 
 perseverance the temporary triumph of the democracy 
 was achieved, were the last to take an active part in 
 the popular insurrections against the selfishness of the 
 great, and especially of the Counts. The influence of 
 the Leliaerds availed to prevent the town militia from 
 joining their fellow-countrymen in their contests with 
 the French troops, though many of the weavers made 
 their way to share the victory of Courtrai and the 
 defeat of Cassel. The burgher aristocracy, however, 
 refused to serve against their over-lord, and thus drew 
 upon themselves the distrust and hatred of the demo- 
 cratic classes. The contumacy of the weavers was 
 punished by the victorious faction. For twelve years, 
 from 1325 to 1337, they were deprived of their deken, 
 and were subjected to various imposts, but under 
 James van Arteveld they became the most important 
 corporation in Ghent. For one thing, they were 
 usually played off against the fullers, with whom they
 
 CH. vi.l A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 83 
 
 were continually squabbling as to their respective 
 shares of the profits on cloth, and more often than not 
 the petits metiers, or inferior industries, made common 
 cause with the fullers. Terrible skeet-fights ensued, 
 and sometimes hundreds of artisans were slain out- 
 right. There is good reason to believe that about the 
 year 1326 the townsfolk of Ghent were divided into 
 three "members" or groups that of the weavers, 
 that of the fullers, and that of the minor associated 
 trades. Historians, however, usually ascribe this 
 threefold division to James van Arteveld, about the 
 year 1340 or 1341, only substituting the poortery, or 
 retired burghers, for the fullers ; but in this they 
 were probably mistaken. As a fact, Van Arteveld 
 avoided the introduction of innovations. He was 
 rather careful to revive and confirm the old order of 
 things, and thus re-established the political govern- 
 ment of the town in the hands of the weavers, fullers, 
 and minor corporations, leaving to the poortery the 
 exercise of the legitimate influence due to their wealth, 
 intelligence, and personal character. 
 
 A few years after the death of James van Arteveld, 
 Louis de Maele broke up the patriotic union of the 
 different guilds, and once more won over to his own 
 side the burgher aristocracy. At Bruges he succeeded 
 in crushing both the fullers and the weavers, and at 
 Ghent the latter were worsted in a street fight by the 
 poortery and their adherents. The weavers were again 
 deprived of their deken, and this time for ten years, 
 until, in 1359, they recovered their ascendency and 
 drove the fullers into the background, in which condi- 
 tion they remained to the end. It is, however, worthy 
 
 O 2
 
 S4 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. n. 
 
 of note that each time the weavers were left without 
 a head, mention is made of a doyen or deken of the 
 poortery. Thrice does the burgher nobility appear as 
 one of the three estates, or members, of the commune, 
 but on the third occasion, about 1380, it was at the 
 expense of the fullers. Briefly, then, the artisan 
 class forced its way to the front in the early part of 
 the fourteenth century, and under the sway of James 
 van Arteveld, the weavers, who formed the most 
 democratic portion of the population, were dominant 
 chiefly through their accord with the fullers. But 
 when the old discord was renewed, the latter reunited 
 themselves with the small trades, and the weavers lost 
 their preponderance. 
 
 Liberty was still unknown and unsought. Each 
 movement that had taken place was impelled by 
 purely selfish motives. It was a struggle of classes, 
 each striving to attain the highest rank. The wealthy 
 tradesmen, retired from business, gave themselves no 
 rest until they were recognised as the equals of the 
 heritable burghers. Then, the rural population mur- 
 mured against the privileges conferred upon, or pur- 
 chased by, the townsfolk, and gave much trouble until 
 they also were permitted, on certain conditions and on 
 payment of certain fees, to enjoy a share of these good 
 things. Finally, the working-men objected to their 
 political subordination, and strove fiercely to be as 
 their masters and employers. There were, however, 
 very real grievances, the removal of which should 
 have added to the stability of the State by insuring 
 the welfare and contentment of the entire community. 
 These wrongs, such as the mal- administration of justice,
 
 CH. vi.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 85 
 
 inequality before the law, the vicious mal-treatment of 
 the weak by the strong, of the friendless by the 
 powerful, the arbitrary imposition and unfair distribu- 
 tion of taxes, and the ruinous, Demoralising extra- 
 vagance of the rich, could only be redressed by throw- 
 ing open to all classes every public office hitherto 
 reserved for the poortcry. At Bruges this problem 
 was partially solved, though the actual power still 
 remained in the hands of the aristocracy. So long as 
 Flanders was a mere federation of Communes, more 
 frequently antagonistic than sympathetic towards 
 each other, it was impossible to organize a system of 
 administration for the whole country, and which all 
 should be equally interested in maintaining. In 
 default of any such co-operation, every Commune 
 swayed to and fro according as the aristocratic or the 
 democratic element obtained the mastery, and thus 
 the arrogance of the poortcry and the envious jealousy 
 of the artizan class went on counterbalancing each 
 other to the infinite prejudice of the whole country, 
 which became a sort of shuttlecock between the Count 
 and his over-lord, except when these two agreed to 
 assist one another in plundering the disaffected of all 
 classes. It is to the credit of the artisan class that 
 they appeared to understand and appreciate the policy 
 of James van Arteveld, first of all in breaking down 
 the barriers which separated Flanders from Brabant 
 and Hainault, and secondly in cementing a close 
 alliance between the three " good towns " of Bruges, 
 Ghent, and Ypres, Lille and Pouai having passed 
 irrecoverably under the power of France. To the 
 captain -general of each of those towns he confided the
 
 86 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. n. 
 
 command of the military forces of their respective 
 districts, and had further time been allotted to him 
 he would, doubtless, have built up a commercial 
 democracy againsj^ which, aided by England, the 
 chivalry of France would have idly hurled itself, to be 
 broken and scattered like a wave dashing against an 
 iron-bound coast. Nor would the democratic move- 
 ment have been confined to Flanders. Throughout 
 the fourteenth century an upheaval of the industrial 
 classes again and again shook and terrified society in 
 France and Italy, but all real progress was checked 
 by the violent excesses which disgraced every evanes- 
 cent period of success. 
 
 In those days Bruges was the commercial capital of 
 the western world. Its geographical position was 
 unrivalled, and made it the natural emporium of the 
 merchandise of every trading community on the face 
 of the globe. The Hanse, of which Bruges was the 
 vital point, extended from Novgorod to London, and 
 by the year 1330 had become a federation of flourish- 
 ing towns and cities, rather than a union of guilds. 
 Alliances were made on equal terms with princes and 
 potentates, who engaged to respect the privileges 
 claimed by the members of the Hanse within their 
 respective territories. The safe commodious harbour 
 of the Zwyn was crowded with vessels from the most 
 distant seas, laden with the products of every clime. 
 Every civilized language was spoken in the streets of 
 Bruges, though Ghent, under the Van Artevelds, 
 successfully disputed its supremacy, and by the end of 
 the century Antwerp usurped its place as one of the 
 most important entrepots of western commerce.
 
 en. YI.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 87 
 
 The brilliant epoch of Flemish prosperity was,indeed, 
 of brief duration. One political crisis folio wed so quickly 
 upon the heels of another that the country never com- 
 pletely settled down to industrial pursuits. Confidence 
 began to fade, and all too soon it was discovered that 
 the manufactures of Flanders could no longer be de- 
 pended upon. The materials were too often of inferior 
 quality, while the fabric had deteriorated through 
 careless and dishonest workmanship. Towns as well 
 as individuals became seriously burdened with debt. 
 Taxes had to be imposed to cover the interest. Life 
 was no longer so easy and comfortable as in the days 
 gone by. Commerce languished, the peculiar fabrics 
 of the country became discredited in foreign markets, 
 and the artisans fell into destitution. Complaints, 
 too, were made by other members of the Hanseatic 
 League that their privileges were no longer respected, 
 that justice was not equally administered to foreigners 
 and to Flemings, especially if natives of Bruges, that 
 faith was not kept in business matters, whether great 
 or small, and that no redress was attainable for wilful 
 damages and personal violence. Northern pirates 
 again appeared in the Channel, seized and plundered 
 defenceless vessels, and devastated the coasts. The 
 Flemings were finally expelled from the Hanse, and 
 for some years Flanders was placed beyond the pale 
 of international commerce. Then came the mortal 
 stroke. The Zwyn gradually filled up until there was 
 scarce water enough for decked fishing-boats. Bruges 
 ceased to be a port, and Sluys was practically inac- 
 cessible from the sea. Then Damme dwindled to the 
 proportions of a considerable hamlet ; its warehouses
 
 88 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [rr. IK 
 
 disappeared, and now the site of its ramparts is occu- 
 pied by a dangerous morass, and half a dozen instru- 
 ments of torture preserved in the quaint old town-hall 
 are the only attractions that remain to excite and 
 disappoint the curiosity of the tourist. 
 
 A few lines may be devoted to the rural population. 
 Less intelligent and vivacious than the inhabitants of 
 towns, the country folk were also less subjected to 
 political crises, and for the most part led an untroubled 
 life, unsweetened by much pleasure, but unembittered 
 by anxiety about daily bread. The agricultural 
 labourer naturally benefited by the growth and pro- 
 sperity of the neighbouring towns, and many a village 
 was better peopled in the fourteenth than in the 
 fifteenth or sixteenth century. In one respect, as is 
 clearly shown by Professor Yanderkindere, the posi- 
 tion of the peasant at that period would compare 
 favourably with that enjoyed by the same class in 
 these days. He was an hereditary tenant and could 
 not be evicted from his little plot of land, or subjected 
 to an annual or capricious increase of rent ; neither 
 could he be made to pay for the results of the improve- 
 ments introduced by himself. The form of servitude 
 known as main-morte had not, indeed, entirely died 
 out, but it had very generally been superseded by the 
 right to the meilleur cattel, which in its turn was in 
 an advanced stage of decadence. The main-morte 
 arose out of the want of capital on the part of the 
 peasantry, who were supplied with the necessary funds 
 by the landlord, who recouped himself as well as he 
 could on the demise of his debtor, by seizing whatever 
 he might be possessed of at his death. This usage,
 
 CH. vi.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 89- 
 
 however, became an anachronism when the relations 
 of landlord and tenant acquired a character of per- 
 petuity and were transmissible from father to son. 
 Instead, therefore, of claiming all, the landlord con- 
 tented himself with appropriating ^he meilleur cattel, 
 or the most valuable article possessed by the deceased,, 
 whether implement, animal, or furniture. This custom 
 also fell into desuetude in the latter part of the century 
 under review, and peasants developed into farmers 
 paying rent and finding their own capital. Large 
 holdings were consequently less numerous and less in 
 favour than small allotments, for comparatively few 
 agriculturists were monied men, and loans could only 
 be raised at an onerous rate of interest. Spade hus- 
 bandry was greatly affected and with so much success 
 that Flemish gardeners and cultivators were in much 
 request in all parts of Europe, though no foreign 
 country pleased them so well as the alluvial plains of 
 East Norfolk. A large portion of Flanders, however, 
 was still covered with marshes into which the sea 
 made frequent irruptions, or with forests infested by 
 wolves and other wild animals. Considerable tracts 
 of land, owing to the scarcity of farm-yard manure, 
 were necessarily withdrawn from annual cultivation 
 and left to lie fallow. 
 
 Flax and hemp were grown to a wide extent, but 
 it does not appear that wine was made in Flanders 
 proper, though the vineyards of Louvain enjoyed a 
 certain reputation. Winter roots were unknown. 
 Among cereal produce, rye was prominent, as it is at 
 the present day. Hops were appreciated by tho 
 larger brewers, though a great deal of beer was then
 
 90 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. n. 
 
 brewed for immediate consumption, and which needed 
 not the bitter preservative. Kitchen gardens supplied 
 peas, beans, vetches, onions, garlic, mustard, and, 
 above all, orache an old-fashioned pot-herb now 
 superseded by spinach. No mention is made of plums, 
 but apples, pears, and cherries were abundant. The 
 dairy produce and the poultry of Flanders were much 
 esteemed in France, though English cheeses were 
 coming into demand. Not that the peasants indulged 
 in these delicacies. Their ordinary fare consisted of 
 bread, curds, and cheese, with occasionally a piece of 
 salt pork a diet favourable for the production of 
 scorbutic complaints. The lodgments of the labourers 
 were open to improvement. They were for the most 
 part constructed of mud, and were much too small 
 for health or decency, besides being unprovided with 
 an escape for the smoke, except through the door, or, 
 it might be, through an unglazed window. Candles 
 being too costly for common use, the winter evenings 
 were spent in darkness, rendered visible by the 
 flickering light of the logs, or peat, smouldering on 
 the hearth. 
 
 Ecclesiastical or seignorial tithes were levied on all 
 kinds of produce, and on cattle. Military service could 
 usually be commuted by a money payment, but it was 
 less easy to compound for the obligation to find lodging 
 or transport for the Count or immediate lord and his 
 followers, to repair roads and fortifications, to mount 
 guard on certain occasions, and to serve in the land- 
 wehr. Besides these exceptional charges, the rural 
 population had to work gratuitously for their lords so 
 many days in the year, from 12 to 52, in addition to
 
 CH. vi.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 91 
 
 the various claims enforced by their immediate land- 
 lords, including offerings in kind, in the shape of eggs, 
 poultry, and so forth. On the occasion of a wedding 
 in the family of the lord, or to pay his ransom from 
 captivity, and on various other seignorial pretexts, 
 the savings of the peasant-farmer were expected to be 
 forthcoming, so that, upon the whole, it is not sur- 
 prising that rural charters came to be demanded with 
 as much vehemence as, and perhaps with more violence 
 than, dwellers in towns usually manifested. It does 
 not appear, however, that these charters availed to 
 restrain the feudal aristocracy from committing abo- 
 minable outrages on the honour of the wives and 
 daughters of their dependents. The right of might was 
 never more brutally exemplified than previous and sub- 
 sequent to the revolt of Zannequin and his comrades, 
 suppressed at the foot of Mount Cassel. The country 
 was laid waste, whole villages burnt to the ground, and 
 thousands of peasants and artizans cruelly butchered 
 to terrify the survivors into future submission. Nor 
 were the townsfolk more considerate. Within a cer- 
 tain distance, varying from three to five leagues, from 
 the "good towns," the villagers were strictly pro- 
 hibited from making more cloth than was absolutely 
 wanted for local purposes. Much cruelty and oppres- 
 sion were likewise exercised by the town militia when 
 traversing the open country, and at last the rural 
 population became so hostile to the burgher-folk that 
 they were nearly always ready to rally to the banner of 
 the King or Count when warring upon the Communes. 
 The power of the Communes rapidly declined after 
 the death of James van Arteveld, though it partially
 
 92 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. II, 
 
 revived during the brief leadership of his son Philip. 
 There had throughout heen a lamentable want of 
 concert. The great towns were] united only in 
 oppressing the small towns and the village population. 
 It was seldom tnat Bruges and Ghent came to a 
 common understanding, and the slightest cause suf- 
 ficed to rekindle their mutual jealousy, and to bring 
 about a coldness, if not a positive antagonism. Even 
 the guilds inhabiting the same town were continually 
 at strife one with the other, and more than once 
 the weavers and the fullers tried conclusions in the 
 streets and market-places, which were strewed with 
 the bodies of the slain. After every triumph of the 
 Count's adherents, the communal charters were shorn 
 of their most valued privileges. The municipal ma- 
 gistrates were at last required to render to the Count 
 an annual account of their stewardship, and their 
 authority was so diminished that only the Leliaerds 
 cared to hold office. The liberty of the citizen was 
 set at naught. The echevins themselves could be im- 
 prisoned, banished, and otherwise punished according 
 to the sole pleasure of the Count. The burghers were 
 even called upon to go on active service beyond the 
 frontiers of the county at the Count's bidding. The 
 administration of justice, corrupt and untrustworthy, 
 gradually passed out of the hands of the municipal 
 magistrates, and was entrusted to trained lawyers, 
 who substituted laws and statutes for civic cus- 
 toms and traditional usages. Unhappily, under Guy 
 de Dampierre recourse was had to torture, and 
 evidence was extorted from the delirium of pain and 
 terror.
 
 H.VI.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 93 
 
 A very bitter feeling towards the Papacy prevailed 
 in Flanders throughout the " Babylonian captivity " 
 of the Roman Pontiffs at Avignon. From Clement V. 
 to Urban Y. the expatriated Popes were the creatures 
 of the French Kings, and abused the spiritual influence 
 of the Church to support the encroachments of that 
 Crown. Following the example of Honorius III., 
 in the reign of Philip Augustus, the Avignon Popes 
 invested the Kings of France with the privilege of 
 deciding when an interdict should be launched against 
 the Flemings, and also when the awful sentence should 
 be annulled. On every occasion they showed them- 
 selves pitiless towards the Communes, and unscru- 
 pulous in confirming the usurpations of royalty. Ac- 
 cordingly, when the great schism of 1378 rent asunder 
 the Roman Catholic world, the Flemings declared for 
 Urban VI., and set at defiance the rival Court of 
 Clement VII. at Avignon. It is worthy of remark 
 that not a single bishop resided on Flemish territory. 
 A small tract of land lying in the diocese of Utrecht 
 belonged to the Archbishopric of Cologne, but the rest 
 of the country acknowledged as its immediate spiritual 
 head the Archbishop of Rheims, whose subordinates 
 were the Bishops of Arras, Terouanne, Tournai, and 
 Cambrai. The last-named diocese was, strictly 
 speaking, an Imperial See, but all the four prelates 
 were appointed from Avignon, and were, besides, as 
 large landed proprietors, naturally drawn to the 
 Crown. The two dioceses of Tournai and Terouanne, 
 both Flemish towns, comprised the greater portion 
 of Flanders, but their bishops were devoted to 
 the French interests, and were usually delegated to
 
 94 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. n. 
 
 pronounce the sentence of excommunication demanded 
 by the Kings of France. 
 
 The Cistercians and some other monastic orders 
 resisted the roya^ pretensions, not, indeed, from any 
 partiality for the Communes, but simply to shield 
 themselves against the payment of the tithes sanctioned 
 by Nicholas IY., at the solicitation of Philip the Fair. 
 The clergy in general were also for a time carried 
 away by the national movement excited by James 
 van Arteveld, and both then and on a few other 
 occasions, contributed liberally to the popular cause. 
 As a rule, however, the Communes and the clergy 
 were estranged from one another by conflicting in- 
 terests the one craving for liberty, the other opposed 
 to the progress of ideas, and bent only on the aggran- 
 disement of the Church and the accumulation of 
 riches for their own benefit.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Clerical Pretensions Superstition Excommunication Immo- 
 rality of the Clergy Religious Sentiment The Mendicant 
 Friars The Flagellants Houses Sanitation The Women 
 of Flanders Love of Dress Dissolute Habits Public Hot 
 Baths General Laxity of Morals. 
 
 ONE potent and unceasing cause of jealousy be- 
 tween the clergy and the Communes was the preten- 
 sion put forward by the former to be exempt from lay 
 jurisdiction. Misdemeanours, and even flagrant crimes 
 committed by clerks too often escaped punishment, and 
 not unfrequently guilty persons claimed and were al- 
 lowed the benefit of clergy without being at all entitled 
 to it. Even when the case was too bad to obtain 
 absolute impunity, clerical misdoers were dealt with 
 gently, " because of their dignity." The right of 
 asylum was shockingly abused, and was almost inva- 
 riably accorded for sordid reasons. The ecclesiastical 
 tribunals further arrogated to themselves the super- 
 vision of social manners and morality, and presumed 
 to interfere in civil causes. Evidence was an article of 
 sale, and the very judges, the Papal Court enjoying a 
 bad pre-eminence, expected valuable gifts and large 
 donations of money. Really atrocious offences against 
 society, and especially against the domestic circle, were 
 condoned on payment of a small fine to the Church.
 
 96 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. u. 
 
 Confession of guilt, followed by a pecuniary penance, 
 absolved offenders from the just consequences of their 
 evil doings, and thus the breach between the clergy 
 and the laity wen on, ever widening. Another cause 
 of contention was the question of education. In the 
 Middle Ages the clergy alone possessed any knowledge 
 of letters, and of course monopolised the direction of 
 schools and colleges, and gave to instruction the bias 
 most advantageous to their own interests. As time 
 went on the burghers demurred to the exclusive teach- 
 ing of the clerical order, and finally succeeded in ob- 
 taining private teachers for their children, who thus 
 remained under their own eye. This was the more 
 necessary because instances occurred of great brutality 
 being exercised upon pupils. 
 
 It has already been mentioned that the clergy were 
 forbidden to deal in wines and other articles liable to 
 duty, but they generally contrived to evade the pro- 
 hibition. Unburdened by taxes, they were enabled 
 to compete unfairly with the ordinary tradespeople, 
 heavily handicapped in that respect, and by the neces- 
 sity of maintaining a wife and family. The greatest 
 and most pernicious influence wielded by the clergy, 
 took its rise in the superstitious terrors of the sick and 
 dying. The hope of eternal beatitude was cheap at 
 the sacrifice of lands or other property, which must, in 
 any case, be abandoned. The sale of indulgences was 
 another fruitful source of income, and even Louis de 
 Maele was not above purchasing the prayers of the 
 Bruges clergy by a munificent present of generous 
 wine. Individuals, too, were sometimes overwhelmed 
 by a sentence of excommunication for quite venial
 
 cn. vir.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 97 
 
 offences, such as fishing in a pond belonging to an 
 abbey, or procrastination in handing over a legacy 
 bequeathed for so-called pious purposes. An interdict 
 to a Roman Catholic of the Middle Ages was more 
 terrible than is to a Hindoo expulsion from his caste. 
 The pleasures of earth and the joys of heaven were 
 alike withheld from the poor wretch who languished 
 under the ban of the Church. He could not marry, 
 for no priest would perform the ceremony. If he 
 became a father, his babe could not be admitted into 
 the Christian fold, so long as he remained contu- 
 macious. He dared not partake of the holy symbols 
 of his faith, or enter a place of worship while mass was 
 being celebrated. If he himself, or any member of his 
 household, near and dear to him, were lying on a sick 
 bed in hourly expectation of death, the consolations of 
 religion were withheld, and the last moments of life 
 were rendered inexpressibly awful by the belief that 
 the gates of heaven were closed against the impenitent 
 enemy of the Church. Many a will, too, was framed 
 under the terrifying exhortations of the attendant 
 priest, and the widow and her children were left to 
 struggle with poverty, while the Church appropriated 
 the savings of their late bread-winner and protector. 
 But as superstition subsided, monastic establishments 
 fell into debt, and, in their dire necessity, had recourse 
 to other expedients. They niched considerable estates 
 from their neighbours and from the State by the most 
 unjustifiable means. They were a law unto them- 
 selves, and scrupled at nothing that could add to 
 their wealth or power, and at times put forth their 
 hand to seize what belonged unto the Crown.
 
 98 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. ir. 
 
 Then, but not always then, they met with their 
 match. 
 
 Although it would be manifestly unjust to accept 
 as absolute truth the denunciations by contemporary 
 satirists of the lax morals of the clergy, there is much, 
 reason to believe that both priests and monks led, in 
 too many cases, a dissolute and profligate life. From 
 an early date their gross libertinism had been the 
 theme of ribald tales recited by the Trouveres of 
 Northern France and Flanders ; but there must also 
 have been much sterling piety, for otherwise religion 
 would have perished utterly, and the people, in their 
 righteous indignation, would have demolished the 
 churches, sacked the monasteries, and dispersed the 
 unfaithful shepherds. Still, it is abundantly evident 
 that disgraceful scandals were rife in the clerical body, 
 and that from the highest dignitaries of the Church 
 to the humblest village priests, a not inconsiderable 
 minority, at least, were tainted with a tendency to 
 coarse and vicious pleasures. The very prelates were 
 accused of practising usury, of exercising simony, of 
 frequenting taverns and houses of ill-fame, of joining 
 in the dance, of swearing round oaths, and of taking 
 bets and offering wagers. They were further charged 
 with yielding to reckless expenditure on dogs, horses, 
 and riotous living, which drove them to illegal exac- 
 tions and to robbing the poor. The monasteries were 
 depicted in the most revolting colours, nor did the nuns 
 escape the lash of satire. They were said to give 
 themselves up to all the vanities of the flesh, to adorn 
 themselves in gay apparel, and to indulge in every 
 luxury that wealth could purchase. The simple
 
 CH. vii.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 09 
 
 priests, who were unable to gratify their longings for 
 carnal enjoyments, were forced to content themselves 
 withjonc-u'icen, or temporary companions of the female 
 sex, of whom they could disembarrass themselves when 
 beauty waned or possession wearied. Their children 
 so it was asserted were brought up as ecclesiastics, 
 and not unfrequently attained comfortable prebends, 
 or made themselves useful to great princes and lords. 
 This picture must have been surcharged with glaring 
 colours, but that it was not altogether visionary is seen 
 from what happened in the fifteenth century, when it 
 was found necessary to forbid the canons of Antwerp 
 Cathedral and other ministers of religion to eat and 
 drink in taverns, and to keep mistresses. In rural 
 districts in France as well as in Flanders we hear 
 of clerici uzorati, of priests who had contracted a civil 
 marriage, and lived decently and soberly, though, as a 
 punishment for their contumacy, they were subjected 
 to the action of the laws, like the laity. 
 
 But there could be no greater mistake than to con- 
 clude that the religious sentiment had become extinct 
 through the misconduct of certain ministers of religion. 
 It is true that the ignorance of the laity with regard 
 to Biblical teachings was even greater than it is in our 
 own times, but they were not the less superstitious. 
 They attended the daily performance of the Mass. 
 They gave alms to the poor. They rested from their 
 labours on the Sabbath, and on Saturday afternoon 
 refrained from work in honour of the Mother of Jesus. 
 They went upon pilgrimages. They believed firmly 
 in the eternity of rewards and punishments in the 
 future life, which they wholly materialised. Religious 
 
 u 2
 
 100 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELI). [PT. ir. 
 
 processions were composed of the highest in the land, 
 relics of which may still occasionally be seen in 
 Flemish towns, and even in Brabant and Hainault. 
 Beelzebub and his demons were beings of hideous 
 forms, of inconceivable malignity, and possessed of 
 power scarce inferior to that of the Deity. The inter- 
 ference of the devil in human affairs was direct and 
 incessant, and could only be counteracted by offerings 
 to the Virgin. There was unquestioning faith in the 
 efficacy of charms, of the reiterated repetition of 
 certain forms of prayer, and of fragments of dead 
 men's bones. Signs and omens were recorded as 
 scrupulously as in the days of the Roman Republic/ 
 The most incredible things were accepted with the 
 greatest credulity. Superstition was everywhere ram- 
 pant, while religion was nowhere practised. Some of 
 the more enlightened moralists, indeed, began to let 
 in light upon the dreary darkness. "Words were 
 uttered, or at least written, in favour of religious 
 tolerance, and even Jews were declared to be human 
 beings. The value of image worship was called in 
 doubt. Inward purity was pronounced more important 
 than the observance of saints' days, and here and there 
 the idea was entertained that God was a Spirit, 
 and demanded spiritual devotion. These, however, 
 were exceptional cases. For the most part it was 
 deemed right and befitting that those who could not 
 believe all the articles of priestly faith should be 
 burned at the stake. The Inquisition answered 
 to all doubts "eloquently well." Sceptics were 
 tortured, and Jews were robbed, beaten, broken on 
 the wheel, or surrounded with blazing faggots.
 
 en. YJI.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 101 
 
 They were worse treated than in modern Russia or 
 Germany. 
 
 The mendicant friars, indeed, exerted themselves 
 nobly to stem the tide of open prjfligacy, but tolera- 
 tion was beyond their lights, nor were they able 
 to emancipate themselves from the slavery of ignor- 
 -ance. Sprung from the populace, they understood 
 the wants and feelings of the lower classes, and thus 
 acquired over them immense influence, which they 
 generally employed to good purpose. Politically, 
 >they were democrats, and entered heartily into all 
 ^movements directed against the absolutism of Counts 
 or Kings. They revived the almost obsolete practice 
 of delivering sermons, and made a point of addressing 
 their congregations in the vernacular tongue, and with 
 ^colloquial familiarity. The most popular of these orders 
 were the Franciscans, or Grey Friars, who entered 
 the most readily into the every-day life of the indus- 
 trial community. The Carmelites and Augustinian 
 Friars followed closely in their steps, but the Domi- 
 nicans took higher ground, and conducted the superior 
 schools. They also set great store by pulpit eloquence, 
 and from them were chosen the officers of the Inquisi- 
 tion. But, as already remarked, not one of these 
 -orders was so much beloved as the Franciscans, who 
 made common cause with the people, accompanied the 
 militia to the field of battle, and were often punished 
 for their sympathy with the vanquished. The secular 
 clergy were, of course, opposed to them, and taunted 
 them with their dependance for a livelihood on the 
 alms of the poor and ignorant. The Friars were also 
 accused of selling absolution for serious crimes, of
 
 102 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. n. 
 
 flattering evil passions, of hypocrisy and meanness, of 
 earning a living by glossing over vicious practices, and 
 closing their eyes and ears at the touch of money in 
 their palm. Nex^rtheless, a lay order grew out of 
 the followers of St. Francis, who, without renounc- 
 ing the world and its vanities, wore a particular 
 garb, fasted three days in the week, and gener- 
 ally comported themselves as ascetic devotees, 
 permitting themselves the trials and the joys of 
 wedlock. 
 
 A little later, when the spirit of mysticism was 
 roving abroad uncontrolled, the Flagellants made 
 their appearance, hoping to arrest the Black Death 
 by publicly scourging themselves with iron-tipped 
 thongs of leather, which drew blood at every stroke. 
 Twice a day, thrice on the Friday, they knelt 
 down in the streets, and flogged their bare shoulders, 
 intoning a dismal litany, and turning the heads 
 of weak-minded men and silly women. In Flan- 
 ders the Beguines and Begards, or religious beg- 
 gars, do not appear to have fallen into the 
 excesses which disgraced those orders in Germany and 
 in the neighbouring States. The Begards, indeed, 
 were hardly entitled to be regarded as a Christian 
 brotherhood. They belonged to the artisan class, and 
 professed a sort of pantheism, which, in their eyes, 
 justified the commission of every sin without incurring 
 sinfulness. There were, besides, free-thinkers, who 
 presumed to dream of a future when there should be 
 no longer a Pope or a Priesthood, and when mankind 
 should be content to serve the Creator with " upright 
 hearts and pure." These eccentric individuals were,
 
 CH. vii.j A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 103 
 
 naturally, punished with severity proportionate to the 
 danger of their heresy. 
 
 So early as the thirteenth century the principal 
 streets of Flemish towns were p|wed, and kept in 
 good order, though lighting at night was a much 
 later improvement. The industrial classes lodged in 
 miserable huts and cabins, and even rich burghers 
 not unfrequently dwelt in houses with timber fa9ades, 
 but most of those who could afford the luxury, built 
 commodious stone mansions, or stccnen, surrounded by 
 lofty walls, and a broad moat, and sometimes defended 
 by a couple of towers, though boasting only a single 
 chimney. The interior was occupied by a large hall, 
 into which opened the dwelling apartments. Houses 
 were not numbered, being mostly distinguished by 
 the escutcheon or emblem which was engraved on the 
 seal of the proprietor. Fires were of almost daily 
 occurrence, and in a few hours a whole street, or even 
 a quarter of the town, would be reduced to ashes. 
 Towards the end of the fourteenth century thatched 
 roofs were prohibited, and were replaced by tiles, by 
 which the danger from flying sparks was greatly 
 diminished. There is no means of arriving at an 
 accurate census of the population, but Professor Van- 
 derkindere is of opinion that in Flanders, as in 
 certain districts of France, it was not less in the 
 fourteenth than in the nineteenth century. Under 
 the Burgundian dynasty there was a marked and 
 even rapid decline emigration setting in towards 
 Brabant, and especially to Brussels, the seat of the 
 Ducal Court. 
 
 Sanitation was still in an embryotic condition. The
 
 104 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. 11. 
 
 inhabitants of towns were enjoined to clear away the 
 filth in front of their houses once a fortnight, and to 
 remove the dung-heaps at their doors every Monday. 
 Pigs were not allowed to wander about the streets 
 during certain hours of the day, and barber-surgeons 
 were forbidden to keep those animals, lest they should 
 be tempted to pour into their troughs the human blood 
 drawn from their patients. Cesspools too near the 
 town-ditch were liable to heavy fines, because from 
 the moat the citizens derived most of their drinking- 
 water. Even now in the low country the water 
 supply is execrable. Great care, however, was taken 
 to insure wholesome fish and meat, though the regula- 
 tions were so minute as to indicate much previous 
 shortcoming, and to leave the door open for their 
 violation. Public health suffered terribly from bad 
 drainage and imperfect ventilation, the causes of 
 destructive epidemics. The cattle, too, were subject 
 to diseases which carried off whole droves at a time, 
 while sudden inundations swept away or soddened the 
 kindly fruits of the earth. The constant presence of 
 leprosy attested alike the want of cleanliness, an un- 
 wholesome diet, and the absence of restraint upon the 
 afflicted. There was no absolute want of hospitals, 
 but great abuses prevailed until they were taken out 
 of the hands of the clergy and transferred to the civil 
 authorities. Idiots and the insane were cruelly 
 treated. The most dangerous were imprisoned, the 
 others being expelled from the town after being 
 flogged, or having their ears cut off, by the common 
 hangman. 
 
 The women of Flanders, we are assured, were
 
 en. vii.J A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 105 
 
 admired for the freshness and brilliancy of their com- 
 plexion, and were in great request in England for 
 immoral purposes. Golden hair was most in vogue, 
 very dark hair being regarded as f a trace of servile 
 origin. The sudden afflux of riches at the period 
 under notice enabled the commercial aristocracy to 
 indulge the taste of their wives and daughters for 
 showy jewellery and gorgeous raiment. Great atten- 
 tion was paid to bed linen, which was the more neces- 
 sary when men and women alike, even of the highest 
 rank, slept in a state of perfect nudity. The fourteenth 
 century, however, was remarkable, if for nothing else, 
 for the invention of the day-shirt and night-dress. 
 Precious stones, costly furs, rich Italian silks, and the 
 bright red cloth of the Flemish looms, combined to 
 impart a queenly magnificence to the fair dames and 
 damsels of the " good towns " of Flanders. Out of 
 doors it was their custom to wrap themselves up 
 closely and warmly, but at home, behind their thick 
 walls and within the influence of the glowing stove, 
 they loved to display the well-developed beauties of 
 their neck, the amplitude of their shoulders, and the 
 velvety softness of their skin. If they left little to 
 imagination, memory had no reason to complain. 
 Diaphanous gauze was a favourite substitute for 
 heavier and less generous stuffs. Fashions, however, 
 were not racy of the soil, but were imported from 
 France and Italy especially from the latter country. 
 It is not within the scope of this little work to illus- 
 trate the ever-changing forms of head-dress, or to 
 mark the passage from trains of stupendous length to 
 a dress so tightly fitting as to give the exact form of
 
 106 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. n. 
 
 every limb, and, in the words of a learned Professor, 
 " a accuser le plus possible la saillie du ventre par la 
 tension de la jupe." Men's dresses were not less 
 extravagant, but <may be here conveniently passed 
 over. 
 
 Unfortunately the lower classes strove to ape the 
 follies of the rich, and plunged into expenses which 
 led to ruin of purse and character. Even a German 
 contemporary writer complains that every young girl 
 expects to be called "Miss," thoughher mother may have 
 sold poultry or vegetables. Self-indulgence took the 
 place of honest industry. Many a good-looking girl 
 found a fortune in her face more easily than she would 
 have done at the distaff. Married women supplemented 
 their honourable gains by means concealed from their 
 husbands. The tavern became the Sunday resort of 
 both sexes, until the guilds were compelled to forbid 
 women from remaining in a tavern longer than was 
 necessary to drain one cup of liquor. But what avail 
 laws in opposition to the tone of society ? Teniers' 
 pictures only too faithfully delineate the observance 
 of the Sabbath afternoon in a Flemish village, and, 
 with a slight modification of costume, are correct 
 representations of a modern Kermesse. Eape and 
 abduction were common, for a gift in the hand per- 
 verted the integrity of the judge. Illegitimate 
 children were seen in almost every family rich enough 
 to maintain them, and were often brought up together 
 with the offspring of lawful wedlock. There was cer- 
 tainly much laxity of morals, all the more apparent 
 from the frequency and severity of the laws launched 
 by the municipal authorities against debauchery and
 
 cii. vii.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 107 
 
 looseness of deportment. In the larger towns the 
 onnutte or pcrsonncs inutiles, as they were euphe- 
 mistically designated were compelled to live in certain 
 streets; and in some places they, were forbidden to 
 remain within the walls after the evening bell had 
 tolled. It was all in vain. The inexorable law of 
 supply and demand laughs at moralists and sets the 
 legislature at defiance. Until men are content with 
 domestic purity, the personncs inutiles will always 
 find their market. 
 
 Among other institutions little conducive to morality 
 the public hot-baths played a prominent part. They 
 were designed somewhat after the fashion of the 
 original Turkish bath, except that men and women, 
 after undressing in a common room, were allowed 
 to bathe together, though at last the mixture of 
 the sexes was permitted only on Saturday. The 
 rubbing, kneading, and other essential operations 
 were performed by girls, whose dress consisted of a 
 simple night-dress reaching to the feet. These baths 
 were frequented by the best society of the place. A 
 host would invite his guests to take a warm bath, and 
 a marriage in high life would have been incomplete 
 without a visit to one of these establishments, where 
 repasts were provided, where rooms were set apart for 
 dancing, and where numerous bedchambers invited the 
 weary to rest and be thankful. It is unpleasant, how- 
 ever, to be reminded that frequent recourse to these 
 baths was necessitated by the prevalence of skin 
 diseases, and that a ladeychl was often given as a 
 trinljeld> or a poiir-boirc, would be in these days. 
 
 In the latter half of the century men's minds were
 
 108 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [PT. ir. 
 
 overmuch occupied with eating and drinking, with 
 dancing and gambling. Among the wealthy, costly 
 banquets were the order of the day, succeeded by balls, 
 at which the ladies displayed their personal charms 
 and great richness of apparel. A good dinner, or 
 supper, was a thing to be enjoyed and remembered, 
 unless, as in the case of a representative of the town 
 of Grhent, death followed upon a surfeit within twenty- 
 four hours. "Women as well as men rode to the chace 
 of the wild boar, though more generally they preferred 
 to fly hawk or falcon at hare or wild fowl. Both sexes 
 played for high stakes, and grievous scandal sometimes 
 resulted. Women also drank to excess, but presum- 
 ably in the lower classes, and not quite so regularly as 
 their male companions. The usual beverage was beer 
 or mead, though a good deal of imported wine was 
 consumed by those who were able to procure it. 
 Betrothal and wedding feasts among the burgher class 
 were wont to degenerate into orgies, and entailed a 
 ruinous expenditure, notwithstanding the promulgation 
 of sumptuary laws regulating the number of guests, of 
 minstrels, and of courses. So, likewise, for christen- 
 ings, churchings, and funerals. The vulgar tendency 
 to coarse superabundance had to be combated, not by 
 superior taste, but by a hard and fast legal line, which 
 was eitber treated as non-existent, or met by a fine 
 provided for in the previous calculation. And yet in 
 Germany the word flamisch was synonymous with 
 refinement and delicacy. But drunkenness and too 
 great fondness for dress were not the only blemishes 
 in the character of the Flemings in the Middle Ages. 
 In avenging their constant quarrels they were guilty
 
 CH. vii.] A SOCIAL VIEW OF FLANDERS. 10& 
 
 of the most horrible cruelty. They had no reverence 
 for human life, and had no scruples about shedding 
 human blood. In war they showed no mercy, and in 
 peace time were too apt to take thelaw into their own 
 hands. Possibly, they were in those respects no worse 
 than their contemporaries, and they had at least one 
 redeeming point in their love of art, just then beginning 
 to revive from its torpor of centuries.
 
 PAET III. 
 
 JAMES VAN ARTEVELD.
 
 PAET HI. * 
 
 JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Accession of Philip the Fair Pretensions of Edward III. 
 Robert of Artois Commercial Relations of England and 
 Flanders Coalition of Edward III. with the German Princes 
 Louis de Crecy arrests Englishmen in Flanders Reprisals 
 by Edward III. Reconciliation between England and the 
 Communes English Envoys in Flanders Arrest of Sohier 
 de Courtrai Capture of Cadzand Misery in Ghent James 
 Van Arteveld Misconceptions as to his character and 
 position. 
 
 PHILIP THE FAIR had three sons and one daughter, 
 Isabella, who married Edward II. of England, and 
 gave birth to Edward III. The three sons, each in 
 his turn, reigned over France by the respective titles 
 of Louis X., surnamed Hutin, Philip the Long, and 
 Charles the Fair, but all three died without leaving 
 heirs male, and according to Froissart, the twelve 
 Peers and Barons of France maintained that the 
 kingdom was too noble to descend to a female. It is 
 commonly supposed that the exclusion of " the distaff" 
 was by virtue of the Salic Law, but that law only 
 prohibited female succession to landed property, and 
 made no mention of grandsons. Edward III. was 
 therefore advised that, as the grandson of Philip the 
 Fair by that monarch's daughter, Isabella, he was the
 
 114 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. HI. 
 
 rightful heir to the Crown of France on the demise of 
 his uncle Charles the Fair, in default of the birth of 
 a posthumous prince, and he was further counselled to 
 put forward his claim to the Regency of France. As 
 he himself was then a minor, it is doubtful if this claim 
 would have been well received, even had Philip de 
 Yalois hesitated to make good his pretensions as 
 grandson of Philip the Bold and nephew of Philip 
 the Fair. Unlike Edward III., he derived his title 
 from his father, Charles of Valois, son of Philip the 
 Bold, and grandson of Louis IX., but, as a mere abstract 
 question, it is not easy to make the balance incline to 
 one rather than to the other claimant. But in the eyes 
 of the French nobles, Edward was only a vassal of the 
 French Crown like themselves, and shortly after his 
 accession to the throne he actually did homage to 
 Philip for the Duchy of Guyenne. He was, besides, 
 a foreigner and an unknown youth, whereas Philip 
 Tiad passed his life amongst them, and had always 
 l)een regarded as the possible heir to the kingdom. 
 Neither is it probable that Edward would have endea- 
 voured to enforce his pretensions at the point of the 
 sword, had his ear not been poisoned and his ambition 
 inflamed by the traitorous exhortations of Robert 
 Count of Artois, to whose selfish vindictiveness must 
 be primarily attributed all the horrors of the Hundred 
 Years' War, and the legacy of rancour bequeathed 
 through all these ages to two neighbouiing nations, 
 who might otherwise have lived on either side of the 
 Channel on terms of mutual respect and sympathy. 
 
 Count Robert of Artois was a gallant and accom- 
 plished knight, and had warmly espoused the cause of
 
 CH. viii.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 115 
 
 Philip, who was also his brother-in-law. Dispossessed 
 of his hereditary possessions by a seemingly unjust 
 judgment pronounced by Philip the Fair, Count Robert 
 had confidently expected to be reJtored to his estates 
 on the accession of Philip de Valois. For some years 
 he was in great favour at Court and, if we may 
 credit the Canon of Ghimay, " nothing was done 
 without his knowledge." But nothing is stronger 
 than its weakest point, and the flaw in Count Robert's 
 case was the absence of title deeds. After a time, 
 however, certain documents were produced which were 
 represented as the missing instruments, but which on 
 further examination were pronounced to be forgeries. 
 To escape the consequences of the King's resentment, 
 the Count fled for protection to his nephew John de 
 Namur, by whom he was hospitably received. In 
 1;hese untoward circumstances Philip de Valois acted 
 rashly and unadvisedly. He threw the Countess, his 
 own sister, and her two sons, into prison, and treated 
 them very rigorously, and, instead of leaving the 
 fugitive to outstay his welcome, he stirred up the 
 Prince Bishop of Liege to threaten Namur with inva- 
 sion unless the reputed criminal were driven forth 
 from his asylum. The Count therefore proceeded] to 
 the Court of his cousin, the Duke of Brabant, who also 
 showed him much kindness. But again the King 
 displayed his characteristic imperiousness, and let 
 loose upon Brabant the forces of the neighbouring 
 princes and great lords. The Duke was quickly com- 
 pelled to tender his submission, and Robert of Artois 
 crossed over to England, carrying with him a bitter 
 hatred of his persecutor. 
 
 I 2
 
 116 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. in. 
 
 By his representations, in a great degree, Edward 
 III. was encouraged to maintain his unwise pre- 
 tensions to the throne of France, and in the military 
 operations that eniued the Count greatly distinguished 
 himself, until he received a mortal wound in his 
 unsuccessful attempt to preserve Vannes for the 
 Countess of Montfort. It is well for England even 
 more than for France that the Count's wrongs, real 
 or imaginary, were never fully avenged either in his 
 own lifetime, or after his death. Had Edward III. 
 succeeded in compelling the French nation to accept 
 him as their sovereign, it is at Paris that he would 
 have chiefly resided, and England would have become 
 dependent on France, until a proud and virile race 
 once more achieved its severance, and pursued its 
 glorious career in its own orhit. 
 
 From the commencement of his reign Edward III. 
 had recognised the importance of cultivating friendly 
 relations with the Flemish Communes. The exporta- 
 tion of wool constituted the main branch of the foreign 
 commerce of the country, nor was it less essential to 
 the prosperity of Flanders to obtain a regular and 
 sufficient supply of the raw material. So jealous, 
 however, were English legislators on the subject of the 
 unrivalled excellence of the wool produced in their 
 country, that it was forbidden to send live rams out of 
 the kingdom, and in one year, at least, the duties on 
 wool exported to the Continent amounted to 80,000, 
 a matter of real moment to the limited revenues of 
 those days. At that time the manufacture of woollen 
 fabrics was almost unknown in England, notwithstand- 
 ing the inducements held out to Flemish immigrants,
 
 CH. VIH.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 117 
 
 colonies of whom were settled in the Eastern Counties, 
 and particularly in Norfolk. It is also worthy of 
 note that, although material interests so closely united 
 the wool-growers and staplers of tb^ one country with 
 the weavers and traders of the other, there was seldom 
 much good feeling between the two peoples. It has 
 already been shown what little harmony existed 
 between the soldiers of Edward I. and the citizens of 
 Sluys and Ghent, and Walsingham slyly remarks that 
 the Flemings had less regard for the English than for 
 their sacks of wool. The English men-at-arms, again, 
 had little sympathy with the Flemish burghers, ever 
 ready to dispute the lawful authority of their Count 
 and overlord. The instincts and prejudices of the 
 English knights and barons coincided with those of 
 their French kinsfolk, or, rather, Europe had arrived 
 at another phase of the probably eternal contest 
 between patricians and plebeians, between those of 
 gentle birth and their low-born competitors, between 
 the social classes comparatively conspicuous for intelli- 
 gence, stability, and various hereditary qualities and 
 qualifications, and those who are distinguished by 
 their discontent, their love of change, their ignorance 
 of political science, and their tendency to mistake 
 innovation for progress. 
 
 Philip de Valois had seen, with considerable appre- 
 hension, the strengthening of the commercial alliance 
 between the Flemish Communes and England, and 
 seized upon the first opportunity to create an estrange- 
 ment. It was impossible that subjects of disagree- 
 ment should not frequently occur between Philip and 
 his powerful vassal who, no longer content with the
 
 118 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [IT. nu 
 
 sovereignty of England, was meditating to stretch 
 forth his hand to clutch likewise the sceptre of 
 France. In a moment of enthusiasm the French 
 monarch had undertaken to lead a crusade across 
 the sea to the Holy Land, hut was deterred from that 
 romantic enterprise hy tidings which reached him of 
 the overtures that were heing made hy Edward to 
 certain Princes of the Empire to induce them to form 
 a league for the invasion of his dominions. Exposed 
 to a sudden attack on that side, against which England 
 was secured hy her insular position, the rulers of those 
 petty States hesitated to commit themselves unless 
 assured of the protection of the Holy Roman Empire. 
 Many, if not all of them, owed allegiance also to 
 Philip for fiefs within the French horders, and hy the 
 feudal laws were restrained from hearing arms against 
 their overlord within his own territories, though they 
 remained free to attempt the recovery of the town and 
 district of Camhrai which had been forcibly wrested 
 from the Empire. 
 
 Singular complications and incongruities frequently 
 resulted from a dual homage. The Counts of 
 Hainault and Namur, for example, after co-operating 
 with Edward III. before St. Quentin and Cambrai, 
 joined Philip de Valois as soon as the allied forces 
 reached the river Scheldt, which then constituted 
 the French frontier. It is true, they were afterwards 
 severely punished for their vacillation, for the feudal 
 law's, like all others, availed only to restrain the 
 weak, and were often evaded or set at defiance by 
 the strong. Be that as it may, a difference having 
 arisen between the French monarch and his vassal
 
 CH. vin.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 119 
 
 touching the Duchy of Guyennc, the former instructed 
 Louis de Crecy to arrest every Englishman "within his 
 territories. This proceeding naturally alarmed the 
 Communes, though some months elapsed before any 
 reprisals were made by the King of England, who was 
 willing to let the Communes understand that he was 
 reluctant to hold them responsible for the high-handed 
 proceedings of their Count. At last, as redress was 
 otherwise unobtainable, Edward caused the Flemings 
 within his kingdom to be arrested likewise, and pro- 
 hibited the further exportation of wool to Flanders. 
 This was in the autumn of 1336. 
 
 The looms were almost immediately thrown out of 
 work, for it does not appear that there were any 
 speculators, or middle-men, with capital enough to 
 enable them to lay in a stock of wool against adverse 
 contingencies. Within the space of a few days, how- 
 ever, Edward made advances to both the Count and 
 the Communes, and expressed his earnest wish to 
 forget what was disagreeable in the past, and to re- 
 establish their former friendly intercourse. These 
 overtures were rejected by Louis de Crecy, but to the 
 Communes were so eminently agreeable that, in the 
 following spring the States of Flanders, Brabant, and 
 Hainault agreed to an offensive and defensive alliance, 
 so that the enemies of one should be the enemies of all 
 three, and further bound themselves to refer all future 
 differences to arbitration. It was also decided to 
 renew the old relations with England, and to this 
 agreement Louis de Crecy was compelled to affix his 
 signature. As soon as this welcome news reached 
 Edward III. he deputed the Bishop of Lincoln, and
 
 120 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. in. 
 
 the Earls of Salisbury and Huntingdon to conclude a 
 treaty with those three States. Having landed at 
 Dunkirk, his Ambassadors hastened to Yalencienncs, 
 where they were . richly entertained by Edward's 
 father-in-law, the Count of Hainault, by whom they 
 were strongly advised to obtain the assistance of the 
 Flemish Communes if the King really intended to 
 prosecute his claims to the throne of France. As a 
 preliminary step, they appear to have succeeded in 
 subsidising the Duke of Brabant, the Count of Guelders, 
 the Marquis of Juliers, and other princes holding of 
 the Empire, though one and all showed themselves 
 more ready to receive English gold than to supply 
 their respective contingents. From Valenciennes the 
 King's agents proceeded separately to Bruges, Ypres, 
 and Ghent the Bishop of Lincoln reserving the last- 
 named town for the exercise of his own particular 
 diplomacy. The prelate and his suite were greeted 
 with extraordinary attentions, especially by Zegher or 
 Sohier de Courtrai, the father-in-law of James van 
 Arteveld, and a knight banneret * of great distinction. 
 The Englishmen are said, on their part, to have 
 
 * A footnote supplied by Colonel Johnes to Chap. XVIII. of his 
 translation of Froissart's " Chronicles," states that " Knights ban- 
 nerets were formerly gentlemen of great power by landed pos- 
 sessions and vassals, of whom they formed companies in times of 
 war ; they were called bannerets from their having the right of 
 bearing banners. It was necessary, in order to obtain the preroga- 
 tive, to be not only a gentleman by name and arms, but also to 
 have for vassals gentlemen who would follow their banners to the 
 wars under the command of the banneret. Ducange cites an 
 ancient manuscript ceremonial, which points out the manner of 
 making a knight banneret, and the number of men he was to have 
 follow him."
 
 en. via.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 121 
 
 displayed a profuse magnificence, and, in the words 
 of Froissart, to have spent such sums of money 
 that silver and gold seemed to fly out of their 
 hands. % 
 
 Sohier de Courtrai, Lord of Dronghen or Tronchi- 
 ennes, had proved himself a valiant knight, though he 
 belonged to the burgher and not to the baronial nobility. 
 In Flanders, as in Italy, not a few of the large land- 
 owners were descended from men who had been 
 successful in industrial, or commercial, pursuits, and 
 formed an intermediate class between the feudal aristo- 
 cracy and the bulk of the population, leaning, however, 
 for the most part, to the former, and usually siding 
 with the Count against the Communes. Sohier de 
 Courtrai was an exception to the rule, and was as 
 much trusted and beloved by the townsfolk as he was 
 respected by the territorial lords. As one of the 
 wealthiest and most influential citizens of Ghent, he 
 took a leading part in the negociations with the 
 Bishop of Lincoln, and openly avowed his predilection 
 for a close alliance with England. Such conduct 
 naturally gave umbrage to Louis de Crecy, who, dis- 
 sembling his resentment, invited the aged knight to 
 attend a meeting of deputies from the different Flemish 
 Communes that was about to be held at Bruges. On 
 his arrival in that town Sohier was immediately 
 arrested and conveyed to the castle of Rupelmonde, 
 where he was subsequently beheaded according to 
 common report, while confined to his bed by severe 
 illness. Great exertions had been made to obtain his 
 liberation from captivity, but the Count was obdurate, 
 and finally silenced these troublesome remonstrances
 
 122 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. in, 
 
 by the execution of his venerable prisoner. He also 
 planned the capture of the English envoys, but they 
 received timely warning and returned to their own 
 country by way of^ Holland, taking ship at Dordrecht, 
 A garrison had been placed by the Count in the 
 island of Cadzand, situated between the Zwyn and the 
 mouth of the Scheldt, whence armed vessels sallied 
 forth and did much damage to English shipping. 
 Justly offended by these hostile enterprises against the 
 commerce of his subjects, Edward fitted out an expedi- 
 tion under the command of the Earl of Derby, Sir 
 "Walter Manny, and other leaders of approved valour, 
 who routed the Flemings with great slaughter, and 
 made prisoner the Count's half-brother, " Sir Guy of 
 Flanders, a good knight, but a bastard." The town 
 was pillaged and burnt, and the English returned to 
 their own country with their prisoners and booty. 
 The Bruges militia, however, made such a stout 
 resistance that, as a reward for their courage and 
 loyalty, they were expressly permitted to repair their 
 fortifications, which had been dismantled after the 
 battle at Mont Cassel. A different fate, however, 
 awaited the inhabitants of Ghent, whose eagerness to- 
 negociate with the English was punished by the 
 imposition of a heavy fine. A deputation of the most 
 opulent burghers sought to mollify the Count by 
 throwing themselves at his feet, and praying for 
 mercy, but all to no purpose. Their supplications 
 were unheeded, and the exactions of the Count's 
 officers reduced the townspeople to despair. "Without 
 English wool there was no occupation for the weavers, 
 on whose industry the prosperity of Ghent was
 
 CH. vin.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 125 
 
 founded. Not a few of them escaped to England, and 
 were settled at Worstead, in East Norfolk, which 
 derived its name, indeed, from a particular kind of 
 yarn spun by them from combed f ool. The misery 
 of the artisans reached to such an extreme that 
 atrocious crimes were committed with impunity, and 
 the laws became inoperative. Bands of starving, 
 operatives paraded the streets, shouting "Vriheden 
 ende Neeringhen " our Franchises and Crafts but 
 for a while, no answer was vouchsafed to their voci- 
 ferations. The darkest hour, however, is that which 
 precedes the dawn. Deliverance was nearer than 
 they dared to anticipate. 
 
 At that time there dwelt in the Calanderberg, near 
 the Paddenhoek, or Toads-Corner, a wealthy poorter 
 named Jacob, or James, van Arteveld. Amplifying 
 the narrative of Jehan le Bel, who, in his turn, 
 derived his imperfect information from Gilles li 
 Muisis, abbot of St. Martin's monastery, near Tournai, 
 the most famous of all the mediaeval chroniclers, John 
 Froissart, canon of Chimay, portrays this remarkable 
 man as an audacious demagogue, who went about 
 with a body-guard of armed ruffians, and, by acts of 
 violence, imposed his will upon his fellow citizens. 
 He admits, indeed, that Van Arteveld possessed a 
 fascinating and commanding eloquence, that he ruled 
 the country with great vigour and sagacity, and 
 that he was greatly esteemed by Edward III. On 
 the other hand, he describes him as a brewer of 
 metheglin beer sweetened with honey and accuses 
 him of assassinating his opponents, and of applying the 
 revenues of the country to the gratification of his own
 
 124 JAMES AND {PHILIP VAN AP.TEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 caprice and pleasure. This delineation of Yan Arte- 
 veld's character has been repeated, with casual varia- 
 tions, by almost every historian of those times, from, 
 the days of Frqissart to our own. According to 
 Villani, he was a man of low origin and of an exceed- 
 ingly humble calling, who, by exercising the usual 
 arts of a demagogue, made himself master of the 
 Commune of Ghent. To the same effect wrote 
 Mezeray and Meyer, and the whole cohort of English 
 chroniclers, whether they expressed themselves in 
 Latin or in their own language. The more critical 
 and judicious writers of a later age were content to 
 found their narratives upon the unsifted hearsay 
 gossip of the early annalists, and thus a monstrous 
 error has been handed down from century to century. 
 It was natural enough that dignitaries of the Church, 
 cadets of noble families, should misunderstand and 
 misrepresent the policy which Van Arteveld steadily 
 pursued from first to last. Honestly espousing the 
 cause of the Count and his overlord, they looked upon 
 the refractory Communes as rebels, and their ring- 
 leader as a self-seeking tribune of the people, and 
 therefore low born and addicted to all manner of 
 excesses. It is little creditable, however, to modern 
 historians that these libellous fables should have been 
 accepted as truth, without hesitation or inquiry, and 
 again and again repeated even after their fallacy 
 had been demonstrated by M. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 
 M. Auguste Voisin, and other Flemish writers of 
 world-wide reputation.* In the History of Edward 
 
 * An attempt was made by the present writer so far back as the 
 year 1845 in the August number of the ffeafleman't Magazine
 
 CH. viri.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 125 
 
 III., by the late Mr. William Longman, James van 
 Arteveld was for the first time treated worthily by an 
 English historian, but subsequent writers have fallen 
 into the old grooves, and calumnis^ed a career which 
 they have totally misapprehended.* 
 
 to draw attention to the injustice that had been done to the memory 
 of the great Burgher of Ghent, but it was not successful. 
 
 * In the Edinburgh Review, No. 313 January, 1881 will be 
 found copious citations from a considerable number of writers 
 who have misunderstood the true position and character of James 
 van Arteveld.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Youth and early manhood of James van Arteveld His Marriage 
 The Apocryphal Brewery Consulted by Ghent artisans 
 Advises a close alliance with England Appointed Captain of 
 the City Convention signed at Louvain Selfishness of the 
 Communes Louis de Crecy accused of seeking Van Arteveld's 
 death The Count's flight from Ghent The Count tempo- 
 rises Execution of Sohier de Courtrai Philip de Valois 
 excommunicates Ghent French invade Flanders Louis de 
 Maele driven out of Bruges The Communes organise a local 
 government Re- open trade with England. 
 
 JAMES VAX ARTEVELD is supposed to have been 
 "born about the year 1285. The name of Arteveld 
 appears in the local annals as far back as the middle 
 of the twelfth century, and recurs on various occasions. 
 His father Jan, or John, was evidently held in con- 
 sideration by his fellow-townsmen, for in 1325 he was 
 sent on an embassage to the Duke of Brabant, and 
 thence proceeded to Bruges, where he took a leading 
 part in the negociations which brought about the 
 release of Louis de Crecy, who had passed eight 
 months in imprisonment at Bruges, almost within 
 sight of his own chateau. From Bruges John van 
 Arteveld repaired to Arques, where he gave his aid 
 to the conclusion of a treaty of peace, and was com- 
 missioned to present himself before Charles the Fair, 
 with instructions to swear to its due observance. The
 
 oir. ix.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 127 
 
 year previously his name had been inscribed in a list 
 of the wealthy burghers to whom the Count could 
 safely apply for involuntary loans, and he is repre- 
 sented to have advanced the sum o forty livres, or ten 
 more than were demanded of the head of the Vaerne- 
 wyck family, than whom none were more justly 
 reputed in Flanders. The father of his wife, Livine 
 de Groote, had been an echevin, and, like himself, was 
 allied Avith the highest branches of the commercial 
 nobility the miHtcs buryenses, as they were styled in 
 official documents. The appellation of Arteveld * was 
 derived from the village and fief of that name, which 
 included the fiefs of Triest and Mendonck, and com- 
 prised large tracts of wood and marsh, as well as a 
 goodly breadth of cultivable land. Indeed, the polders 
 were not so much marsh as land recently recovered 
 from the sea, and which rewarded the care bestowed 
 upon it by yielding luxuriant crops. To John and 
 Livine van Arteveld were born three sons, James, 
 John, and Francis, and two daughters, Mary and 
 Catherine. There is no doubt that John married 
 Christine, daughter of Sohier de Courtrai described 
 by Meyer as eques Flandrus nobilissimus and there 
 are good grounds for believing that her sister 
 Catherine, was the second, if not the first and only, 
 wife of James van Arteveld, after whose death she may 
 
 * After the defeat of the men of Ghent at Nevele in 1381, Louis 
 de Maele fell Lack upon the village or township of Arteveld. And in 
 1385, after ravaging the Pays de "VVaes, Charles VI. was stopped 
 on his march upon Ghent by sixteen citizens of that town, who 
 barricaded themselves in the tower of Arteveld Church, and 
 held his entire army at bay until battering eugines were brought 
 up and the walls demolished.
 
 128 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEYELD. [FT. HI. 
 
 have married into the house of Baronaige. At the same 
 time, properly to understand the influence wielded by 
 the great Flemish captain, especially in connection 
 with tne weavers' ^mild, it must he home in mind that 
 his father was actually engaged in husiness as a cloth- 
 merchant, and that hoth father and son were inscribed 
 in the registers of that craft. On the other hand, it is 
 stated that the Artevelds were descended from the 
 ancient chdtelains of Ghent, but in that case James van 
 Arteveld must have invented his own coat of arms, for 
 he bore three hoods or on a shield sable, or, in the 
 words of Meyer : " Insignia gessit scutum nigrum in 
 quo tria pilea aurea : pileum antiquitus libertatis sym- 
 bolum erat." 
 
 Although not absolutely certain, it is more than 
 probable that at the early age of fifteen, or sixteen, 
 James van Arteveld accompanied his uncle "Walter, 
 who was in the personal service of Robert de Bethune, 
 in the expedition conducted by Charles de Valois into 
 Sicily and Greece. It has already been stated that it 
 was in reliance upon a safe-conduct granted by that 
 chivalrous prince that Guy de Dampierre, with his 
 two sons Robert and "William, presented himself 
 before Philip the Fair after vainly courting the 
 alliance of Edward I. of England and of the newly- 
 elected Emperor of the "West, and that all three were 
 placed in rigorous confinement. Chafing under the 
 slur thus cast upon his honour, Charles de Valois 
 hastily withdrew from France and crossed the Alps 
 into Italy, with the intention of asserting his some- 
 what mythical rights to the throne of Constantinople. 
 These pretensions were solely based upon the fact that
 
 CH. ix.] JAXES VAN ARTEVELD. 129 
 
 he had lately married Catherine de Courtenay, niece 
 of Eobert de Bethune, and with the aid of the stout 
 heart and strong arm of his wife's uncle, Charles de 
 Valois hoped to make them goodt But Philip was 
 not at all minded to assist his brother's enterprise, and 
 positively refused to give liberty to his illustrious pri- 
 soners. It may well have happened, however, that 
 some of the Flemish knights and nobles in the suite of 
 Guy de Dampierre volunteered to join a prince who 
 had made himself so popular during the time he acted 
 as his brother's Lieutenant- General of Flanders, and 
 that among these was Walter van Arteveld, who might 
 naturally have taken with him his youthful nephew. 
 Assuming this to have been the case, James van 
 Arteveld must have visited Rome at the time Boniface 
 VIII. filled the Papal throne, and when the struggle 
 between the Guelphs and Ghibelins was at its height. 
 From Italy Charles of Valois passed over into Sicily, 
 and thence set sail for the island of Rhodes. 
 
 After the disastrous battle of Courtrai Philip recalled 
 his brother from Greece, and on the accession of Louis X. 
 James van Arteveld is said to have been appointed 
 Varlct de la Fruiterie to the king, a purely honorary 
 office, which could be held only by a youth of gentle 
 blood. His father is reported to have died in 1328, 
 at which time James van Arteveld is supposed to have 
 been engaged in cultivating his polders, or reclaimed 
 lands, at Basserode. It is unknown in what year ho 
 returned from his wanderings to his native town, nor 
 is there any certainty as to the truth of the legend 
 which gave him for wife a " brewster," not necessarily 
 the widow, though the inheritress, of a brewer of mead
 
 130 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. in. 
 
 or metheglin. The brewers' guild was one of the 
 fifty-two inferior craft-guilds, but there was nothing 
 discreditable in an opulent weaver, or cloth-merchant, 
 even though a member of the burgher nobility, marry- 
 ing into a minor guild, and common rumour ascribes 
 to this lady the possession of considerable riches. 
 However that may be, no mention is made of any 
 issue by that marriage, and in 1337 the actual wife 
 of James van Arteveld was, presumably, Catherine, 
 daughter of the gallant knight and respected citizen, 
 Sohier de Courtrai. 
 
 It was on a fete-day towards the close of December, 
 1337, that the artisans of Ghent, driven almost to 
 desperation by their involuntary idleness, were gathered 
 together in groups, bewailing their misery and vainly 
 seeking a remedy, when suddenly some one remem- 
 bered having heard a wise and discreet man make the 
 remark that, if the people of Flanders would follow 
 his advice, they would soon have all they desired 
 without giving umbrage to the King either of France 
 or of England. These words, passing from mouth to 
 mouth, ran rapidly through the crowd, and presently, 
 as by common consent, they were all shouting : "Alons, 
 afans oyr le Ion conseil du saige homme " Come along, 
 let us go and hear the good advice of the wise man. 
 He was found leaning against the door post of his own 
 house very likely attracted by the sound of the 
 hurried footsteps of a thousand eager and hungering 
 men. From afar, says Froissart, they began taking 
 off their caps and humbly saluting him and praying 
 him to tell them, in their sore distress, what it behoved 
 them to do. They received a kindly and sympathetic
 
 CH. ix.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 131 
 
 answer for the moment, and were invited to meet the 
 speaker on the morrow at the monastery of Biloke. 
 The interval not only enabled James van Arteveld to 
 arrange in his own mind how far if|might he prudent 
 to show his hand, but also gave time to his fellow- 
 citizens to consider the case under all its bearings and 
 to assemble in greater numbers, including the leaders 
 of the different craft-guilds. The monastery of Biloke 
 was under great obligations to Sohier de Courtrai, and 
 was originally founded by the patriotic Canon Fulk 
 Uutenhove, who, in his time, had stirred up the Flem- 
 ings to resist the usurpation of Philip Augustus. 
 
 Accordingly, on the morrow, which may have been 
 the 26th December, 1337, a goodly assemblage of the 
 citizens of Ghent was collected at the appointed hour. 
 To them James van Arteveld expounded, with manly 
 and convincing eloquence, his views on the policy that 
 was likely to be most beneficial to the material in- 
 terests of Flanders. A solid and substantial alliance 
 with the neighbouring States of Brabant, Hainault, 
 Holland, and Zealand, would enable the allied Com- 
 munes to maintain a strict neutrality between the 
 Kings of France and England, and would secure a 
 constant and sufficient supply of corn and wine from 
 the former country, and of wool from the latter. Such 
 was the simple and sensible programme sketched by 
 the man whose portraiture has been so unjustly handed 
 down to posterity as that of a self-seeking agitator of 
 the industrial classes. A few days later, on the 3rd 
 of January, 1338, there was a meeting of the Com- 
 munal magistrates, when it was resolved to revive the 
 old posts of Captains of parishes, which had fallen into
 
 132 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. ni- 
 
 desuetude, and that the Captain of St. John's parish 
 should, as in former times, be considered the President 
 or Beheder van de Stad. As might have been antici- 
 pated, James vanCArteveld was elected to this honor- 
 able office, while his four colleagues were William de 
 Yaernewyck, Gelnot van Leyns, William van Huse r 
 and Peter van den Hove. To each of these magistrates 
 was assigned a small bodyguard of cnacpcn or con- 
 stables, charged with the execution of their decrees 
 to Arteveld 21, to Vaernewyck 20, and to each of 
 the others 15. Two days afterwards Thomas de 
 Vaernewyck, the first echevin of the town, published 
 various police regulations, forbidding any one to leave- 
 his house after curfew, ordering all those who had 
 been banished by the magistracies of the good towns- 
 to leave the country within the space of three days r 
 and limiting the individual consumption of corn in 
 order to diminish the danger of famine in the event of 
 the Count laying siege to Ghent. A truce of fifty 
 days was also proclaimed, during which, it was hoped, 
 private quarrels might be arranged and the entire 
 community inspired with a feeling of mutual loyalty 
 and brotherhood. 
 
 Intelligence of these startling proceedings was not 
 long in reaching the ears of Philip, who resolved tc* 
 crush the seditious spirit in Ghent before it had time 
 to communicate itself to the other towns. Summon- 
 ing the vassals of the Crown to meet him with their 
 retainers at Amiens, in mid-Lent, he despatched, in the 
 meanwhile, the Bishop of Cambrai to Eecloo, to attend 
 a general assembly of the deputies of the Flemish 
 Communes. The threats, promises, and intrigues, of
 
 CH.IX.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 133 
 
 the prelate, though warmly seconded by Louis de 
 Crecy, were of no avail, for the destitution of the 
 working classes demanded other remedy than fair 
 words. The Communes had come |o understand that 
 ^their very existence depended upon the cultivation of 
 friendly relations with England, and on the 1st 
 February a deputation of the Ghent magistrates pro- 
 ceeded to Louvain to sign a convention with Edward's 
 plenipotentiary, the Count of Guelders, the immediate 
 result of which was a permission to obtain from Dor- 
 drecht a goodly supply of English wool. 
 
 According to a manuscript of Froissart's Chronicles 
 preserved in the Vatican Library and cited by M. Kervyn 
 de Lettenhove, James van Arteveld, accompanied by 
 deputies from the Communes, crossed over to England 
 in great state, and was entertained by the King and 
 Queen in the palace of Eltham with special honour 
 and consideration. The King's Council subsequently 
 met at Westminster and, after hearing what the 
 deputies had to urge on behalf of their fellow-citizens, 
 promised to comply with their various representations. 
 This incident, however, is omitted from all the other 
 manuscripts, and yet it is hard to imagine that it 
 should have been either invented by Froissart or 
 related to him by an inaccurate informant, though, 
 on the other hand, no notice of it appears in the 
 English narratives of Edward's reign. It is more to 
 the point to draw attention to the patient sagacity 
 with which the English monarch put up with the 
 intense selfishness of the Flemish deputies, who agreed 
 to only one condition imposed by the Count of Guel- 
 ders, and even that one they made advantageous to
 
 134 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 themselves. They had, in fact, only one object in 
 view. They cared nothing for the disputes of Kings 
 and princes, provided the raw material of their chief 
 industry arrived without let or hindrance, and equal 
 facility of transport was secured for the product of 
 their looms. They insisted, therefore, upon their 
 neutrality being respected and, as they dared not 
 refuse to sanction the march of English troops across 
 the territories of their Count, they stipulated that these 
 should pay in current coin for everything of which 
 they stood in need, and that they should conduct 
 themselves with as much restraint as if they were in 
 their own country. The rights of their Count were 
 specially reserved, and at that time they formally 
 recognised Philip de Valois as their overlord in virtue 
 of his royal prerogative as King of France. To a less 
 far-seeing prince than Edward III. such a treaty 
 would have appeared scarcely worth the parchment 
 upon which it was engrossed, but, for the moment, he 
 was only anxious to conciliate the good will of the 
 Communes, rightly judging that neither their Count 
 nor the French monarch would leave them in peace, 
 while the dread of their coasts being ravaged by his 
 fleets and of the prohibition of the export of wool to 
 Flanders would compel them to seek a closer alliance 
 on terms more favourable to himself. 
 
 Unable openly to oppose these proceedings, Louis- 
 de Crecy invited James van Arteveld to a private 
 conference, with the imputed intention of causing him 
 to be assassinated. According to the Valenciennes- 
 manuscript quoted by M. de Lettenhove the Count 
 was urged by his usual advisers to kill him " secretly
 
 CH. ix.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 135 
 
 or otherwise," while the Amiens manuscript asserts 
 that it was the King of France who " enjoined the 
 Count of Flanders not, on any account, to let this 
 Jacquemon Dartevelle act the parLof a King or even 
 live." In any case, Arteveld presented himself with 
 such a numerous accompaniment of the citizens of 
 Ghent that no opportunity was afforded for assassina- 
 tion, and if any act of violence was perpetrated it was 
 by the hand of Van Arteveld himself. Meyer dis- 
 tinctly affirms that in the presence of the Count he 
 slew one of his personal friends named Fulk, or 
 Folkard de Roden, but then he goes on to say that 
 Yan Arteveld blockaded the Count in a fortified house 
 known as the Steen in which prisoners were confined. 
 As the latter statement is incorrect, the former may be 
 so likewise, and Professor Lenz denies that Van 
 Arteveld was even in Ghent at the time the nobleman 
 in question was assassinated. The danger alleged to 
 have been incurred by their Captain-General moved 
 the magistrates of Ghent to increase his bodyguard to 
 the unprecedented number of twenty-eight cnacpcn, 
 and at the same time all the members of the Com- 
 mune assumed a white hood as was their wont in 
 times of trouble. The Count was weak enough to 
 follow their example, but, his sincerity being justly 
 suspected, his position became extremely uncomfortable 
 and even hazardous. Under these circumstances he 
 called to his aid his habitual dissimulation, and invited 
 the ladies of Ghent to a banquet that was spoken of 
 as likely to be very magnificent. On the day, how- 
 ever, that the entertainment was appointed to take 
 place, the Count, after hearing Mass, expressed a
 
 136 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. HI. 
 
 fancy to fly a hawk, and mounting his horse rode 
 away to Bruges, and left his guests to their dis- 
 appointment. 
 
 As Philip's preparations for an invasion were still 
 incomplete, Louis de Crecy affected to make light of 
 the constraint he had suffered at the hands of the 
 men of Ghent, and even ratified the Convention 
 arranged with the Count of Guelders. To foster the 
 jealousy that usually divided the citizens of Bruges 
 from those of Ghent, he lavished various privileges 
 upon the former, and generally comported himself 
 as though he desired nothing so much as to live on 
 good terms with his own people. The King of Bohe- 
 mia, however, who represented Philip de Valois at 
 Eecloo, had imprudently uttered some words which 
 caused his hearers much anxiety, so that two notable 
 personages of Ghent were deputed to wait upon the 
 King of France and assure him of the loyalty and 
 frank submission of its inhabitants. The deputies 
 were graciously received and were bidden to fear 
 nothing, for it was the King's pleasure to protect the 
 liberties and promote the interests of their town. 
 With this message they returned to those who sent 
 them, and the citizens of Ghent, relieved from all 
 misgivings, resigned themselves to the enjoyment of 
 the coarse pleasures of a Flemish kennesse, inten- 
 sified by the great fair held on Lcetare Sunday, which 
 was always marked by the presence cf a large number 
 of merchants and traders from foreign parts. 
 
 In the midst of their noisy gaiety a dreadful rumour 
 got abroad, and chilled every heart with horror and 
 consternation. In compliance with the mandate of the
 
 cir. ix.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 137 
 
 King of France, Louis de Crecy had given orders, 
 only too readily executed, that the venerable Sohier de 
 Courtrai should be put to death ; and his head was 
 cut off while he was lying in bed ^worn out by age, 
 grief, and bodily ailments. On the very day after his 
 execution, the 24th March, 1338, were received Royal 
 letters, dated a fortnight previously, enjoining the 
 inhabitants of Ghent to destroy their fortifications 
 with the greatest possible despatch in conformity with 
 the stipulations of the treaty of Athies, signed by 
 Robert de Bethune, at the instance of Philip the Fair, 
 and summoning the Count, nobles, and Communes of 
 Flanders to compel their obedience. On that same 
 day, likewise, the Bishop of Senlis and the Abbot of 
 St. Denis pronounced a sentence of excommunication in 
 the market place at Toumai, without waiting to learn 
 how far the citizens of Ghent might be disposed to 
 yield to the force of circumstances. Nor was Philip 
 contented with merely hurling the thunders of the 
 Church and terrifying the superstitious. By the 9th 
 April he had joined the Constable at Tournai, expect- 
 ing an easy victory over the townspeople deprived of 
 the religious functions pertaining to Passion Week, 
 and fearing the wrath of an offended Deity not less 
 than the outstretched arm of their aggrieved overlord. 
 But he had reckoned without taking into account the 
 moral ascendency already acquired by James van 
 Arteveld. As Bekeder van de Stad, his first step was 
 to appeal to the Pope against the interdict launched 
 by Philip on his own authority, and at the same time 
 to consult the high dignitaries of the Cathedral of 
 Liege as to the means to be adopted in mitigation of
 
 138 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 this dread calamity. Having done so much, to relieve 
 the affrighted consciences of the timid, he applied 
 himself to defensive preparations, and inspired the 
 townsfolk with s^nething of his own high courage 
 and tenacity of purpose. Towards evening on Holy 
 Thursday, April the llth, a straggling body of horse- 
 men were descried from the steeple of St. Nicholas' 
 Church, reconnoitring up to the very gates of the 
 town, and straightway the big bell, named Roelandt,* 
 rang out the tocsin from the belfry tower. 
 
 Irresolute at the moment of action, Philip hesitated 
 to set his army in motion, and allowed ten precious 
 days to elapse before he broke up his head-quarters 
 at Tournai. In the interval, Van Arteveld had de- 
 molished the bridge over the Lys at Deynze, and the 
 swollen river presented an impassable barrier. Avail- 
 ing himself of this respite the Captain of the City 
 suggested an expedition against Biervliet, where a 
 large body of Leliaerds had assembled after their 
 defeat at Cadzand, and were watching for an oppor- 
 tunity to co-operate with the French troops. The 
 proposition was joyfully accepted, and all day long 
 the spirit-stirring notes of the trumpet called out the 
 
 * On this bell were engraven the well-known Hues : 
 
 " Ik heete Roelandt ; als ik klippe (a) dan 1st brand ; 
 Als ik luye, dan ist sturm in 't Vlaenderland." 
 Eoland am I hight ; when I call out there is fire ; 
 AVhen I bellow there is storm in the Flanders-land. 
 
 (a) Compare, 
 
 " Clepe at his door, or knocke with a stone." 
 Again, 
 
 " Then will I clepe, How Alison ? How John ? " 
 
 The Miller's Tale.
 
 CH. ix.j JAMES VAN ARTE7ELD. 139 
 
 Ghent militia to gather together under the banners 
 of their respective parishes on the Cauter,* or 
 Place of Arms. On the following morning tho 
 chief magistrates and captains o parishes followed 
 the Beleeder van de Stad with a goodly band of 
 armed men, and with engines for battering the walls. 
 While the citizens of Ghent were engaged 
 on this expedition, Louis de Crecy imagined that 
 a good opportunity presented itself for subduing 
 to his will the town of Bruges, especially as many 
 of the more opulent burghers were well disposed 
 towards him. Accordingly, at the head of a consider- 
 able body of his retainers, he rode into Bruges and 
 planted his banner in the Market Place. Exasperated 
 by this encroachment on their Communal privileges, 
 the fullers rushed to arms, and being speedily joined 
 by the other guilds, the Count, after a slight skirmish, 
 was obliged to retire to Maele. Very shortly after his 
 expulsion, James van Arteveld arrived victorious from 
 his enterprise against Biervliet, and was welcomed 
 with acclamations. A meeting of deputies from 
 Bruges, Ghent, Ypres, and the Francf was held in 
 
 * The Cauter quasi, cuUuraw&s an open space, varying iu 
 extent, the last relic of the agricultural condition of Flanders 
 before the bulk of its most industrious inhabitants became agglo- 
 merated in towns. By the fourteenth century in most towns the 
 Cauter had been built over, but not so in Ghent." Le Siccle des 
 Artevelde," ch. x. p. 370. 
 
 f Colonel Johnes quotes as follows from Baudran's " Dictionnairo 
 Geographique " : " Le Franc, Franconattis, Terra Franca. It is 
 part of French Flanders, and was yielded to tho French l>y tho 
 peace of the Pyrenees ; it comprehends the bailiwicks of Bourbourg, 
 Bergues, St. "VVinox, and Fumes, and, besides the capital towns of 
 these bailiwicks, those of Dunkirk and Gnivt-lines. "
 
 140 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 the monastery of Eeckhout, at which it was agreed 
 that a permanent Commission, or Board, should be 
 appointed, consisting of three representatives of each 
 of the three good ^jowns, to whom should be confided 
 the general administration of the County of Flanders- 
 On the 29th April delegates from the different Com- 
 . munes waited upon the Count, and submitted for his 
 ratification the Resolutions that had been passed at 
 Eeckhout, to which, with characteristic insincerity, he 
 at once gave his assent, and he further swore to main- 
 tain the Communal liberties as they existed prior 
 to the treaty of Athies. In the course of the fol- 
 lowing month James van Arteveld and "William de 
 Yaernewyck, accompanied by deputies from Bruges 
 and Ypres, traversed Flanders in all directions, 
 labouring energetically, and not without success, to 
 appease local rivalries and ill-feeling, and to bring 
 about a thorough reconciliation between the Count 
 and his subjects. The Board also met frequently in 
 different places, striving earnestly to execute Van 
 Arteveld's programme of internal tranquillity, com- 
 bined with neutrality towards all foreign Powers. 
 
 With this arrangement Edward III. professed to be 
 perfectly contented, and wrote letters in that sense to 
 the municipal magistrates of the three good towns, 
 announcing at the same time the . departure of his 
 ambassadors, the Bishop of Lincoln and the Earls of 
 Northampton and Suffolk, for Brabant. These envoys 
 were met at Antwerp by the representatives of the 
 Communes, and on the 10th of June, 1338, a com- 
 mercial treaty was signed which fully recognised the 
 neutrality of Flanders, though English ships of war
 
 CH. ix.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 141 
 
 were permitted to anchor in Flemish waters during 
 the space of one tide, provided no armed men were 
 disembarked or allowed to land. The Flemish mer- 
 chants were empowered to purch^e English wools at 
 any accredited wool-staple in Brabant, Zealand, or 
 elsewhere, while the burghers of Ghent received 
 further permission to import their fabrics into England, 
 if impressed with the city seal, free of duty and ex- 
 amination. On the other hand, the Count of Flanders 
 retained his liberty to serve with his immediate 
 retainers in any country and against any enemy he 
 pleased. Not to be outbidden by the English 
 monarch, Philip de Yalois, acquiesced in this treaty, 
 and acquitted the Communes of the heavy fines which 
 had been imposed upon them under various pretexts. 
 He also addressed a letter to the magistrates of Ghent 
 in which he expressed much compassion for the suffer- 
 ings of the poor, and promised to forgive the ignorant 
 multitude the misdeeds and contemptuous language 
 into which they might have fallen through simplicity 
 or misguidance. As a conclusive test of his friendli- 
 ness, he despatched the Bishop of Senlis to Ghent, on 
 the 25th July, to raise the sentence of interdict, and a 
 few days later Louis de Crecy set out for Tournai, in 
 company with the Flemish deputies, to celebrate the 
 feast of the Assumption in that border town.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Edward III. appointed Vicar of the Holy Roman Empire Popularity 
 of the English in Brabant The Count's narrow escape at Dix- 
 inude Siege of Cambrai Edward III. offers battle to Philip 
 de Valois Both armies withdraw into winter quarters Fight- 
 ing on the borders Barbarity of mediaeval warfare Edward 
 III. claims the Crown of France Quarters the Fleurs-de-Lys 
 on his shield Grants three charters to the Communes 
 Alliance between Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault Papal 
 intervention. 
 
 IN the meantime Edward III. had wrung from the 
 English parliament a grant of 20,000 sacks of wool to 
 be delivered in Antwerp, and which were likely to be 
 more efficacious even than gold in quickening the slow 
 pulses of the peoples dwelling in the Low Countries. 
 On the 12th July he embarked with his Queen 
 Philippa, and a gallant suite of the noblest and 
 bravest knights of England, and a week afterwards 
 entered the spacious harbour of the Zwyn. James 
 van Arteveld and the other deputies of the Communes 
 awaited him at Sluys, and assured him of their good 
 faith and friendship. Forced to content himself with 
 empty -words, the King of England continued his 
 voyage to Antwerp, where he arrived earlier than the 
 sacks of wool. Without these sinews of war he was 
 powerless. His allies would do nothing unless their 
 subsidies were paid in advance. The Duke of Brabant,
 
 CH. x.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 143 
 
 who played fast and loose throughout, declined to 
 commit himself single-handed, while the Communes 
 persisted in their neutrality, and wanted nothing from 
 England but the wool of her s^eep. Roused to 
 greater activity by each fresh obstacle in his path, 
 Edward hastened into Germany, and by forcible im- 
 portunity extorted from his brother-in-law, Louis of 
 Bavaria, the designation of Vicar of the Empire.* 
 What chiefly prompted the Emperor to take this step 
 was his invincible indolence and consequent aversion 
 from war. The King of France had possessed himself 
 of Cambrai, an acknowledged fief of the Empire, and 
 refused to restore it except to superior force. To lose 
 such an important town without striking one blow, or 
 shivering a single lance, would have been an indelible 
 disgrace, and might have weakened the Imperial hold 
 on other outlying appanages. The application of the 
 English monarch was therefore opportune and agree- 
 able, as the consequence of failure would affect only 
 those who were actually engaged in hostilities. With 
 becoming pomp and ceremony Edward III. was pro- 
 claimed Vicar- General, and one of his first acts was to 
 summon the Count of Flanders to appear before him 
 to do homage for the lands he held of the Empire. 
 
 * It must be borne in mind that Flanders was then held under 
 three lords. There was Flanders soiibs V empire, or dependent on 
 the Emperor of the West, of which Cambrai was the principal city ; 
 secondly, Flanders souls la couronne, or dependent on the King 
 of France, which included all the free Communes under the Count ; 
 and thirdly, allodial Flanders, or the Count's personal military- 
 fief. Edward accordingly aimed at uniting under his own over- 
 lordship Imperial Flanders, in his capacity of Vicar-General of the 
 Empire, French Flanders as King of France, and allodial Flanders 
 as the Count's suzerain.
 
 144 JAMES AND PHILIP rAN ARTEVELD. [PT. in. 
 
 He also arranged with his German allies that they 
 should be prepared three weeks after the feast of St. 
 John Midsummer-day, 1339 to undertake the siege 
 of Cambrai. Thc^ winter was passed by the King of 
 England and his royal consort at Louvain, and so 
 nobly did the English knights conduct themselves 
 that, as Froissart tells us, "they were beloved by 
 those of both sexes, and even by the common people, 
 who were pleased with their state and magnificence." 
 The Communes, notwithstanding the most dazzling 
 offers, refused to betray their neutrality, though indi- 
 viduals the Bardi of Bruges, among others were 
 willing to advance large sums of money on the security 
 of the English Crown jewels. 
 
 "While Edward was wasting much valuable time in 
 Brabant, conformably with the old practice of sus- 
 pending military operations during the winter months, 
 Louis do Crecy formed a project for breaking the 
 power of the Communes before aid could be rendered 
 by their English and German allies. Organizing a 
 band of Leliaerds, he directed them to commence their 
 enterprise in the territory of the Franc, because 
 between that semi-rural population and the citizens of 
 the larger towns there had long existed a feeling of 
 jealous repulsion. His adherents accordingly began 
 by surprising Bergues, where they put to death 
 twenty-five of the principal inhabitants. Thence they 
 hastened to Dixmude, where they were joined by the 
 Count in person. Under the impression that the 
 Bruges militia were engaged under the walls of the 
 castle of Liedekerke on the frontiers of Brabant, into 
 which a party of Leliaerds had thrown themselves,
 
 en. x.J JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 145 
 
 the Count proposed to make a dash at that town, ana 
 seize upon it in the absence of its defenders. The 
 men of Bruges, however, were already on their return 
 to their homes, when they were qyprized of Louis' 
 intended treachery. While he and his knights were 
 buried in sleep, the alarm was given that the Bruges 
 militia were close at hand, and the Count and his 
 partisans had barely time to effect their escape by 
 forcing open one of the gates, and galloping off to St. 
 Omer. The magistrates of Bruges thereupon com- 
 plained to their over-lord of the disloyalty of his vassal, 
 their Count, and were promised ample protection and 
 the undisturbed enjoyment of their liberties, though 
 Philip only awaited a convenient season for depriving 
 them of all their privileges and of reducing them to 
 subjection. The apparent credulity with which the 
 Communes on all occasions accepted the fair words of 
 the Kings of France can only be compared with the 
 unscrupulous facility with which those kings violated 
 their engagements. 
 
 The summer season was well nigh over before 
 Edward's German allies were ready to take the field. 
 At last he was able to set his army in motion and to 
 lay siege to Cambrai. About the middle of October, 
 however, he received intelligence that Philip was 
 approaching with forces numerically superior to his 
 own. Nothing daunted, he at once broke up the 
 siege and advanced to give battle to the enemy, 
 though the Count of Hainault refused to serve against 
 his French over-lord in France, and actually ranged 
 his contingent under Philip's banner. On the 23rd 
 October, the allied army was drawn up in battle array
 
 146 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [rr. in. 
 
 on a wide plain between the villages of Vironfosse or 
 Buironfosse and La Flamengerie ; but Philip was 
 never anxious to engage unless morally certain of 
 victory. In the present instance he distrusted his 
 own French Communes, and may also have been 
 aware that the Flemish militia under James van 
 Arteveld and a son or grandson of John Breydel, the 
 Butcher of Bruges, were within striking distance. 
 He, therefore, prudently fell back under cover of night, 
 partly owing to a Jetter received from Robert King of 
 Sicily, an astrologer of great repute, who had cast 
 the nativities of the two rival monarchs and had dis- 
 covered through his knowledge of the heavenly bodies 
 that, if ever Philip encountered Edward in battle, he 
 would surely be defeated. Availing himself of this 
 excuse, he fell back to St. Quentin, and finally, dis- 
 banding his army at St. Omer, returned to Paris. 
 Instead of pressing upon his retreating enemy and 
 harassing his rear, the King of England and the 
 Duke of Brabant "packed up their baggage," says 
 Froissart, and took up their quarters in and around 
 Avesnes in Hainault, whence the former proceeded 
 to Brussels, and the Germans returned to their 
 homes. 
 
 As soon as the allied forces had sat down before 
 Cambrai, the Flemish militia took up an excellent 
 position between Menin and Deynze, with the inten- 
 tion of making a point at Douai, and subsequently at 
 Lille and Bethune. But once more they allowed 
 themselves to be cajoled by their Count, who invited 
 them to meet him at Courtrai and receive Philip's 
 assent to all their demands. "With characteristic
 
 CH. x.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 147 
 
 fickleness and narrow selfishness, they desisted from 
 active enterprise and suffered themselves to be 
 deluded with idle promises and professions, until news 
 arrived that Edward had gone irjto winter-quarters, 
 when the Count suddenly took his departure without 
 having committed himself to anything. The French 
 garrisons in the frontier towns amused themselves 
 thenceforth by making forays into Flemish territory, 
 killing the villagers, burning their hovels, and devas- 
 tating the country. 
 
 The horrors of war, as depicted by Froissart, 
 illustrate the inhumanity of the mediaeval ages, 
 despite their boasted chivalry. It is in these terms 
 the Canon of Chimay describes the results of an 
 excursion into Hainault hazarded by the garrison 
 of Cambrai, who made their first attack upon the open 
 unfortified town of Haspres. " The French, on enter- 
 ing the town, found everyone within doors. Having 
 iaken and pillaged what they pleased, they burnt the 
 town so completely that nothing but the walls re- 
 mained. In Haspres there was a priory of black 
 monks that was dependent on that of St. Waas, in 
 Arras ; the monastery was extensive, and had large 
 buildings belonging to it, which they also pillaged 
 and burnt most villainously." By way of reprisal the 
 Hainaulters consigned Auberton to the flames, after 
 making 2000 men prisoners and driving off many 
 cartloads of plundered property. At another time we 
 read that " the French made a great booty, and burnt 
 the town of Anich, one half of Escoux, Escaudain^, 
 Erin, Montigny, Sautain, Varlain, Vargny, Ambreti- 
 court, Laurchc, Sauch, Roelt, Neuvilc, Lieu St. 
 
 L i>
 
 148 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 Amand, and all the villages which were in that 
 country. They carried off with them immense riches." 
 During the siege of Tournai some soldiers surprised 
 the town of HasAbn " which belonged to Hainault, 
 burnt the town, violated the nunnery, destroyed the 
 monastery, and took with them all they could carry 
 off." Then the troops under the Duke of Normandy r 
 " burnt Main and Fontenelles, and also the convent 
 which belonged to Madame de Valois, sister-german 
 to the King of France. The Duke was much vexed 
 at this, and had those who set it on fire hanged " 
 not because of their barbarity, but because they had 
 impaired the revenues of his Royal aunt. So it is 
 throughout, without the slightest expression of horror 
 and disgust from the gentle historian, a poet as well 
 as a chronicler. No doubt, "it was a fine sight to see 
 the banners and pennons flying in the plain, the 
 barbed horses, the knights and esquires richly armed,"" 
 but how was it with the ill-fed, ill- armed, ill-clad, 
 and wholly unprotected men on foot, who had to- 
 march and fight and suffer without gain or glory ? 
 
 The treachery of Louis de Crecy at Courtraf r 
 followed by the ravages of the French garrisons, at 
 length opened the eyes of the Communes to the 
 hollowness of their neutrality and the danger of their 
 position between two rival monarchs, one of whom at 
 least was their implacable oppressor. But, as King- 
 of France, he was also their over-lord, and under the 
 most trying circumstances they strove to preserve 
 their loyalty. Man for man, they preferred Ed- 
 ward III. to Philip de Yalois, but before they could 
 transfer their allegiance to the former it was neces-
 
 CH. x.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 149 
 
 sary that he should be, or assume to be, king of 
 France. It is commonly affirmed, and probably with 
 truth, that it was at the suggestion of Van Arteveld 
 that he and certain other deputiesyvere instructed to 
 proceed to Brussels and there greet Edward as lord 
 of the two kingdoms. They appear to have expressed 
 their readiness to serve under him to the best of their 
 ability, provided he would quarter the arms of France 
 with those of England, and call himself King of that 
 country. Otherwise, however great their goodwill 
 towards him, they would forfeit the sum of two 
 millions of florins to the Apostolical Chamber, besides 
 incurring a sentence of excommunication, if they acted 
 offensively against the King of France for the time 
 .being. Edward is represented to have been somewhat 
 .startled at this proposition, seeing that " he had not 
 conquered any part of that kingdom, and it was un- 
 certain whether he ever should ; on the other hand, 
 he was unwilling to lose the aid and assistance of the 
 Flemings, who could be of greater service to him than 
 ; any others at that period." In the end, by the 
 advice of the lords of the Empire, Edward acceded to 
 this novel proposition and engaged to restore to 
 Flanders the bailiwicks of Lille, Douai, and Bethune, 
 provided they, on their parts, would render him sub- 
 stantial aid, in enforcing his claims to the throne of 
 France. 
 
 Early in November the King proceeded to 
 Ghent, where a great council was held of the Ger- 
 man feudatories and the representatives of the 
 Flemish Communes, and ever after Edward bore 
 the arms of France and the title of King of that
 
 150 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in, 
 
 country. Leaving Queen Philippa at Ghent, " where 
 she was often visited and comforted by Jacob van 
 Arteveld and other lords and ladies," Edward re- 
 paired to Antwerp*.- and shortly afterwards took ship 
 for London, " where he arrived about St. Andrew's 
 day, 1339, and was joyfully received by his subjects, 
 who were anxious for his return/' Previous to his 
 departure from Antwerp he commissioned certain lords 
 to negotiate the betrothal of his daughter, Isabella, 
 to the youthful Louis de Maele, but the Count 
 rejected his overtures and remained faithful to his 
 liege lord. 
 
 On the 23rd January, 1340, Edward was once 
 more in Ghent. His seal was now engraved with 
 the motto "Dieu et Mon Droit," and the fleurs de 
 lys of France were quartered on his shield with the 
 leopards of England. Three days later he began his 
 reign as King of France by granting a charter, " dat. 
 apud Gandavum vicesimo sexto die Januarii, anno 
 regni nostri Francise primo." The Flemings who had 
 been taken prisoners at Cadzand were set at liberty 
 without ransom, not excepting Louis' half brother,. 
 Guy, and three charters, or proclamations, were suc- 
 cessively issued by Edward. By the first he under- 
 took to protect the ships of the Flemish merchants, 
 to allow their fabrics free circulation in England, to 
 establish a permanent staple of wool in Flanders and 
 in Brabant, and to accept as obligatory in England 
 commercial conventions made in Flanders under the 
 seal of the good towns. He also promised to acquaint 
 the Communes with any negotiations that might be 
 set on foot by which their interests might be affected,
 
 CH. x.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 151 
 
 and not to conclude any treaty of peace with Philip 
 de Valois, unless with their cognizance and assent, 
 the Court of Flanders being at liberty to join them. 
 He further pledged himself and his successors to 
 succour and aid the Communes should their laws and 
 franchises ever chance to be endangered, and to fight 
 in their defence to the bitter end. 
 
 By the second instrument the English monarch 
 engaged to assemble his naval forces in such strength 
 that the navigation of the Channel should be secure 
 for the trading-vessels of all friendly nations. Two- 
 thirds of the fighting men on board his ships should be 
 men of Flanders and Brabant, but the entire charges 
 were, as usual, to be borne by England. Moreover, the 
 sum of 140,000 was to be paid in four instalments 
 to the Communes probably in payment of loans and 
 for the next fifteen years a wool-staple was to be 
 fixed at Bruges. The third proclamation was prac- 
 tically a charter conferred by the new self-styled 
 King of France upon his faithful feudatories the Com- 
 munes of Flanders. The privilege of excommunica- 
 tion without previous reference to the Papal See was 
 renounced for ever, and the Count and the inhabitants 
 of the country were declared to be thenceforth as free 
 as their predecessors before any such penalties and 
 servitudes were enjoined. The towns and bailiwicks 
 of Lille, Douai, Bethune, and Orchies were restored 
 to Flanders as an integral and inseparable portion of 
 Flemish territory. In like manner the county of 
 Artois and the town of Tournai were to be regarded 
 as a fief of the Court of Flanders. All privileges 
 granted by Robert de Bethune after the Battle of the
 
 152 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN AllTEVELD. [PT. in. 
 
 Spurs were confirmed. No taxes were to be imposed 
 on Flanders, nor could any duties be levied upon 
 goods imported from France into Flanders or Brabant. 
 Every Fleming had a right to be tried by Flemish 
 judges, nor could he be summoned to appear before 
 any French court. A good, loyal, and common gold 
 and silver currency of the same weight and alloy, \vas 
 to circulate in France, Flanders, and Brabant, and 
 was to be accepted in England, and it was never to be 
 changed or tampered with. 
 
 It is not surprising that modern Flemish writers 
 should give great credit to James van Arteveld for 
 obtaining such favourable terms from the new 
 claimant of the French Crown ; but it is extremely 
 unlikely that Edward, as King of France, would 
 have fulfilled the conditions he signed when simply 
 an aspirant to that high dignity. And he might 
 readily enough have found an excuse -in the stipula- 
 tions made by the men of Bruges, who reserved to 
 themselves liberty to change sides should any flaw 
 be discovered in Edward's pretensions the worst flaw, 
 of course, being inability to enforce his alleged rights. 
 They further insisted upon maintaining their feudal 
 position towards their Count, so long as he respected 
 their ancient franchises, for, they said, " it ever was, 
 is, and will be their intention to lend their aid to the 
 maintenance of peace and tranquillity, and to the lead- 
 ing of an honest life, injuring no one, but rendering to 
 each his due " and, they might have added, thinking 
 only of their own immediate commercial interests. 
 The gross selfishness and inconstancy of the Communes 
 completely alienated Edward after the death of his
 
 en. x.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 153 
 
 " gossip " Van Arteveld, and the woolstaple was after 
 a while taken from Bruges, while Flemish artizans 
 were lured to settle in England. 
 
 Through the intervention of Janys van Arteveld a 
 close alliance of friendship had been concluded be- 
 tween the Communes of Flanders and Brabant on the 
 3rd December, 1339, by which they promised each 
 other mutual support against all enemies, and engaged 
 their respective lords to abstain from all wars in the 
 future unless with the previous approval of the two 
 countries. Free trade and a common currency were 
 agreed upon ; and in the event of any disputes arising, 
 the matter at issue was to be referred in the first 
 instance to the local magistrates, and, if they failed to 
 render justice within the space of eight days, it was to 
 be laid before a Council of ten members, of whom four 
 were to be nominated by the Duke of Brabant and the 
 Count of Flanders, and the six others by the good 
 towns of Brabant and Flanders, namely, Louvain, 
 Brussels, and Antwerp in the one, and Ghent, Bruges, 
 and Ypres in the other. Finally, it was arranged 
 that the two princes and deputies from the above- 
 named six towns should meet in conference three 
 times in the year ; to wit, on the fourteenth day after 
 Candlemas at Ghent ; on the fourteenth day after the 
 Nativity of St. John the Baptist at Brussels ; and on 
 the fourteenth day after All Saints at Alost. This 
 important document, with which the Count and Com- 
 munes of Hainault shortly afterwards expressed their 
 concurrence, bore the signatures of eighty barons, 
 knights, and deputies, and had no other fault than its 
 dependence on the life of a single individual, for
 
 154 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELV. [IT. in. 
 
 shortly after the death of Van Arteveld the edifice he 
 had laboured to construct fell to the ground. It may 
 also have been due to his suggestion that, on the 8th 
 February, 1340, ^Edward published a Manifesto ad- 
 dressed to his French subjects, in which he promised 
 to restore their communal rights and privileges, 
 and to revive the laws and customs which had 
 existed in the time of his sainted ancestor King 
 Louis IX. 
 
 It would have been strange if the Papal See had 
 abstained from availing itself of this opportunity of 
 interfering in the temporal affairs of two such power- 
 ful monarchs as Philip and Edward. Letters were 
 accordingly addressed by Benedict XII. to the Com- 
 munes, reminding them that their prosperity greatly 
 depended upon the favour and protection of the King 
 of France, and that whenever they had presumed to 
 revolt from their over-lord their sufferings had been 
 very serious. These letters, however, arrived too late 
 to be of any use one way or the other, for Edward III. 
 had already been recognised as King of France. By 
 way of reply, therefore, Baldwin de Lisseweghe was 
 commissioned to proceed to Avignon, and demand the 
 rescission of the singular privilege accorded to the 
 French King of excommunicating the people of 
 Flanders without reference to the head of the Christian 
 Church. Edward had voluntarily renounced this 
 power, but Popes have usually paid more court to 
 Kings in esse than to those in posse, and Benedict XII. 
 acted after the manner of his predecessors and suc- 
 cessors. He hesitated to forward a safe conduct to 
 the Flemish deputation, nor is there anything to show
 
 CH. x.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 1.15- 
 
 that he ever accorded an interview to Baldwin de 
 Lisseweghe and his companions. To Edward himself, 
 indeed, he wrote a paternal letter, pointing out that 
 he could have no claim to the rown of Franca 
 through his mother, because women do not count in 
 the hereditary order of succession, and that France 
 was not a country to be conquered by force of arms. 
 No reliance should be placed upon the Flemings, a 
 fickle and unfaithful race, constantly at feud with 
 their natural lords, while the Germans would help him 
 only so long as there was money to be wrung from 
 him. Edward's justification of his conduct never 
 reached Avignon/Jbeing intercepted by Philip's agents, 
 but the quarrel between the two Kings had got far 
 beyond the sphere of argument, and both sides pre- 
 pared for a final appeal to arms. The English Par- 
 liament, indeed, and more particularly the Corporation 
 of London, demurred to the privileges conferred upon 
 the Flemings; but Edward, in his masterful way, 
 declared that he would sooner forfeit his Crown 
 and repudiate his royal birth, than be untrue to his 
 engagements. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen, find- 
 ing that nothing they could say would shake his re- 
 solution, wisely bowed to the force of circumstances.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Birth of John of Gaunt and of Philip van Arteveld Defeat and 
 capture of the Earl of SalisburyJames van Arteveld marches 
 to the relief of the Count of Hainault Battle of Sluys Van 
 Arteveld joins Edward III. at Ardenburg Accompanies him 
 to Bruges The French and English kings issue proclamations 
 Siege of Tournai Use of Artillery Truce of Esplechin 
 Annies disbanded Favourable terms granted to the Com- 
 munes The Count grants an amnesty Financial embarrass- 
 ment of Edward III. Obtains a loan through Van Arteveld 
 Further negotiations. 
 
 EDWARD had promised to return to Flanders not 
 later than midsummer. During his absence in Eng- 
 land Queen Philippa gave birth to a son, afterwards 
 known as John of Gaunt, " time-honour' d Lancaster," 
 and held at the baptismal font the eldest son of James 
 van Arteveld and Catherine of Courtrai, who was 
 named Philip, after his Royal sponsor. Of him more 
 will be heard hereafter in its proper place. 
 
 On his part Philip de Valois had not been idle. 
 An interdict was fulminated against the Flemish 
 Communes at Tournai, on the 4th April, by the Bishop 
 of Senlis and the Abbot of St. Denis; and in the 
 evening of the same day a detachment from the gar- 
 rison of that town went forth on a successful raid to 
 the very suburbs of Courtrai. A second incursion 
 narrowly escaped disaster, and on the Friday previous
 
 CH. xi.] JAMES VAN AETEVELD. 157 
 
 to Palm Sunday the Militia of the Communes, under 
 the personal command of the Captain-General of 
 Ghent, occupied the villages of Chin and Ramegnies, 
 in the immediate neighbourhood of Tournai. Van 
 Arteveld had formed the design of recovering that 
 town with the aid of a small body of English men-at- 
 arms whom Edward had left behind him at Ypres with 
 the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk. His request for their 
 co-operation obtained a ready assent, and the citizens 
 of Ypres, under their local magistrates, swelled the 
 contingent. Unhappily, the latter prevailed upon 
 their English comrades to assist them in expelling from 
 Annentieres a Genoese garrison who were in the 
 habit of plundering the surrounding country. The 
 Italians offered a gallant resistance, but the place was 
 at last carried by assault and burnt to the ground. 
 Emboldened by this prosperous commencement, the 
 victors conceived the mad project of making them- 
 selves masters of Lille. Instead, therefore, of prose- 
 cuting their march in security along the left bank of 
 the Lys, they pushed across country in disorder, and 
 were approaching the abbey of Marquette by a narrow 
 road between high hedges, when they were suddenly 
 attacked in front and on both flanks and speedily over- 
 powered. The Earl of Salisbury was taken prisoner 
 and conveyed to the Chatelet at Paris, while Van 
 Arteveld was compelled to raise the siege of Tournai 
 and return to Ghent. Shortly afterwards, however, 
 he proceeded at the head of 60,000 men to relieve 
 JKthvard's brother-in-law, the Count of Ilainault, whose 
 territories were being overrun and ravaged by Philip's 
 eldest son, the Duke of Normandy. Ilad it rested
 
 158 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. m. 
 
 with the Count and his gallant Flemish allies the 
 French army would have been attacked with great 
 advantage, but the Duke of Brabant, jealous of the 
 growing ascendency of Flanders and anxious to keep 
 on good terms with the French monarch, refused to 
 co-operate, and news arrived which prompted the 
 Duke of Normandy to beat a hasty retreat. 
 
 Aware that Edward had pledged his faith and 
 honour to be in Flanders on St. John's day, and that 
 he would redeem his word at any cost, Philip de 
 Valois collected a fleet of 800 sail to intercept him, 
 including 30 Genoese galleys under the command of 
 a Corsair named Barbavara, and 140 large vessels 
 equipped at Calais and in the ports of Normandy. 
 This formidable fleet carried on board 35,000 armed 
 men, but the supreme command had been intrusted to 
 Nicholas Behuchet, the King's treasurer, who had 
 expressed a wish to be present at a battle. On the 
 8th June the French fleet entered the Zwyn and took 
 up a position behind the dunes, or embankments of 
 sand which keep out the sea, in the hope that 
 Edward III. would make for Sluys without suspicion, 
 and would be surrounded by a greatly superior force 
 before he was prepared to defend himself. But Be- 
 huchet began with a fatal error. Landing a body of 
 troops on the island of Cadzand he set fire to all the 
 buildings it contained, and put even the unarmed 
 inhabitants to the sword. This barbarous act roused 
 the country against him, and the Bruges militia 
 hastened to protect Sluys against a similar outrage. 
 Two days afterwards the news reached the Orwell, 
 where the King of England was completing his pre-
 
 CH. XL] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 159 
 
 parations for his departure, which was fixed for the 
 12th June. At first he refused to credit the tidings 
 which were brought to him by the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, whom he rudely taunted with cowardice, 
 bidding him remain at home if he had any fear. The 
 unwelcome intelligence, however, was speedily corro- 
 borated by a pilot who had witnessed with his own 
 eyes the arrival of the French fleet. Even then 
 Edward withheld his belief, but when letters were 
 handed to him from the Count of Guelders, he con- 
 sented to postpone his departure for a few days until 
 a larger force could be assembled. As soon as 300 
 vessels, mostly inferior to the French ships, were 
 . collected at the mouth of the Orwell, he set sail for 
 Flanders, and on the following day, the 23rd June, 
 was off the Flemish coast. 
 
 At Blankenberghe three knights went ashore and 
 presently sighted a forest of masts in the arm of 
 the sea known as the Zwyn. On receiving this 
 information the English fleet anchored for the night, 
 but at daybreak on St. John's day, 1340, anchors 
 were raised and all sail set for the mouth of that 
 estuary. Both wind and tide, however, were adverse 
 and no progress could be made. All at once the 
 Genoese gallies were descried making for the open 
 sea. Having in vain pointed out to Nicholas 
 Behuchet that by being crowded up in such a narrow 
 space he lost the advantage of his numerical supe- 
 riority, Barbavara determined to consult his own 
 safety by securing ample sea-room, and sallying forth, 
 bravely attacked the English fleet. At first his 
 onslaught was successful, and he had already cap-
 
 160 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [PT. in. 
 
 tured a large ship, when the King rallied his broken 
 squadrons and speedily compelled the Genoese to take 
 to flight. By that time the tide had well turned, and on 
 the rising flood ^he English ships floated into the 
 Zwyn. With besotted self-confidence Behuchet now 
 gave orders to his captains to let go the chains by 
 which their vessels had previously been attached to 
 one another, and to fight every man for his own hand. 
 The French fleet thus became inextricably confused 
 and entangled. Two mighty ships, the Christopher 
 and the Edward, which had been captured from the 
 English while conveying cargoes of wool across the 
 Channel, were the first prizes of that glorious day, but 
 the heavy armed men on board were massacred by 
 the peasants as they strove to gain the shore. Pre- 
 sently, the loud braying of horns announced the arrival 
 of useful auxiliaries. A swarm of small vessels issued 
 from every creek, while the ports of Bruges and 
 Damme sent to the affray every ship not still encum- 
 bered with merchandise. The English monarch, in his 
 letter to the Prince of "Wales, gratefully acknowledged 
 the assistance rendered by the Flemings, who seem to 
 have given no quarter. Though wounded by an arrow 
 in the thigh, Edward bore himself like a valiant 
 knight, and was conspicuous among the flower of the 
 English chivalry. According to Froissart, none of the 
 French escaped the terrible slaughter that ensued, nor 
 does he, as usual, mention the names of any persons 
 who were made prisoners and held to ransom. On 
 the contrary, he explains as a reason for the greater 
 fury and loss of life that characterise naval combats as 
 compared with those on land, that there is no possi-
 
 OH. xi.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 161 
 
 bility of retreat every man must do or die. It is, 
 however, improbable that many nobles or knights of 
 high degree would have consented to serve under 
 Hugh Quieret, a simple knight of Jirtois, or under the 
 King's treasurer, a man of humble extraction raised to 
 eminence by his clerkly qualifications. The contest 
 lasted for several hours, from morn to noon, and as 
 the fighting was hand to hand on crowded decks, soon 
 slippery with human blood, the carnage may well have 
 been exceedingly great.* Hugh Quieret had the 
 good fortune to meet with a soldier's death, but Be- 
 huchet fell into the hands of the Flemish peasants 
 who hanged him from a masthead in revenge for the 
 devastation of Cadzand. 
 
 This was the first great naval battle won by the 
 English, and for a brief space it gave them the com- 
 mand of the Channel. On the morrow Queen Philippa 
 arrived from Ghent to congratulate and nurse her 
 wounded lord, who was unable for a few days to leave 
 his ship. It is reported that the king asked after his 
 " gossip," James van Arteveld, and was informed that 
 he was then at Thun-1'Eveque, at the head of 60,000 
 
 * In an article on " Jacob van Arteveld, the Brewer of Ghent, " 
 in the Edinburgh Review, No. 313, it is stated that "3,000 of the 
 enemy perished by the sword or by drowning," but this is, clearly, 
 a clerical error for 30,000. The loss of the victors has been esti- 
 mated at 4,000 ; though, of course, too great importance must not 
 be attached to the figured statements of the old chroniclers, any 
 more than to French or Russian bulletins in the present century. 
 In the " Cronique do Flandres," ch. Ixxviii., it is thus written: 
 " Laavoit tant de gens tuds quo la mer en estoit toute ensanglantee 
 en ce lez ; et estimoit on bien les mors a trente mille. " Mr. Long- 
 man is content with 25,000, but the ancient writers vary from 
 30, 000 to' 35, 000.
 
 162 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. nr. 
 
 Flemish militia, in defence of the territories of the 
 Count of Hainault. This answer, however, was not 
 strictly true, for he was then actually at Valenciennes, 
 in company of that Count and the double-faced Duke 
 of Brabant. Froissart, who appears to have been, 
 though quite a little child, an eye-witness of the scene, 
 describes how Arteveld mounted a platform in the 
 market-place, and expounded the right of Edward III. 
 to the crown of France, and also the common advan- 
 tages of a close alliance between Flanders, Brabant, 
 and Hainault, with such commanding eloquence that 
 those who heard him said one to another that he was 
 indeed worthy to govern the land. The two princes 
 then agreed to meet again at Grhent, and on the 30th 
 June Van Arteveld was at Ardenburg, whither the 
 King of England had gone on a pilgrimage to return 
 thanks for his great victory. Thence they proceeded 
 together to Bruges, where Edward received the free- 
 dom of the city. Deputies of the different Communes 
 also waited upon him, and urged him to under take* the 
 siege of Tournai and the recovery of the County of 
 Artois, promising on their part to furnish 100,000 
 men for the former enterprise, and 50,000 for the 
 latter. And so faithfully did they perform their part 
 of the engagement, that in the space of five days they 
 had 140,000 men under arms, all of them volunteers, 
 serving at their own charges. By the loth July the 
 militia of Bruges and Ghent were marching, some 
 towards Oudenaerd, some towards "West Flanders, 
 where they expected to form a junction with the con- 
 tingents from Ypres and the Franc. The newly-elected 
 Rewaert was Simon de Mirabel, lord of Beveren,
 
 <-H. xi.] JAMES VAN ARTS VELD. 163 
 
 Halle, and Perwez, whoso wife was Elizabeth of 
 Flanders, daughter of Louis de Nevers, and sister to 
 Louis de Crecy. 
 
 The defeat of his fleet at Sluyj caused Philip de 
 Valois to fall back upon Arras, after leaving a very 
 strong garrison in Tournai under the command of the 
 Constable of France, supported by many valiant 
 knights and lords. He also threw a considerable body 
 of troops, under experienced commanders, into St. 
 Orner, while he himself kept the field at the head of 
 70,000 men, encamped between Lens and Arras. Tho 
 campaign opened badly for both belligerents. The 
 Duke of Burgundy, having rashly attacked the 
 entrenched camp occupied by the Bruges militia 
 under Robert of Artois, was repulsed with heavy loss, 
 and pursued to the very gates of St. Omer, which the 
 victors proposed to carry by storm at dawn of the fol- 
 lowing day. The men of Ypres, however, had been 
 less successful than their comrades, and in their flight 
 had spread a panic through the ranks of the Franc 
 militia. Nothing, therefore, remained for the brave 
 citizens of Bruges but to follow the fugitives, while 
 the Count in disgust proceeded to the English camp, 
 which was then pitched under the walls of Tournai. 
 
 After the manner of those times Edward III. had 
 sent a personal challenge to the King of France, and 
 informed him that he had entered the County of 
 Flanders as its sovereign lord. To this Philip replied 
 that he relied upon the honour and loyalty of the 
 Flemish Communes, and that, if they had lately gone 
 astray, it was through the evil counsels of individuals 
 who cared more for their own than for the p
 
 164 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. in. 
 
 good. This answer was received on the 31st July, by 
 which date Edward had been joined by his German 
 allies, so that the army under his supreme command 
 amounted to 120,600 men. The town was imme- 
 diately surrounded on all sides, the Flemings, under 
 Arteveld, estimated at 40,000, occupying a range of 
 low hills, extending from the Lille road to the hamlet 
 of Sept-Fontaines. They appear to have made use of 
 a kind of mitrailleuse, called ribaudc, " jetant feu et 
 grands carreaux pour tout rompre," and Froissart 
 makes mention of cannons and bombards on the 
 ramparts of Quesnoy, " which flung large iron bolts 
 in such a manner as made the French afraid for their 
 horses," so that the idea is erroneous which dates the 
 employment of cannon from the battle of Crecy, 
 though they may then have been used for the first time 
 in the field. The garrison of Tournai made an obstinate 
 defence, and repulsed every assault, but the surround- 
 ing country and the neighbouring towns and hamlets 
 were cruelly plundered and laid waste. Famine at 
 length broke the proud spirit of the besieged, and a 
 capitulation was imminent. As a last resource, the 
 besieged contrived to apprise the King of their des- 
 perate situation, and demanded immediate relief. 
 Philip thereupon advanced to the bridge of Bouvines, 
 and took up a strong position. Instead, however, of 
 raising the siege, Edward placed his army between the 
 town and the French troops, in such a manner that the 
 blockade was continued as rigorously as before, while 
 his own position was practically inaccessible. 
 
 In any case, Philip w r as reluctant to give battle. King 
 Hobert of Sicily was again busy with his evil forebod-
 
 CH xi.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 165 
 
 ings, nor did Philip himself feel assured of the loyalty 
 of his own Communes. The English light horse mean- 
 while intercepted his supplies and cut off his foragers, 
 and the only alternative that appeQpred to present itself 
 was to attack the English army at a serious disadvant- 
 age, or to abandon Tournai to its fate. In this critical 
 state of affairs, Joan of Valois, mother of the Count 
 of Ilainault and sister to the King of France, who had 
 taken up her abode in the Abbey of Fontenelle, was 
 minded to bring about a cessation of hostilities in order 
 to stay the useless effusion of human blood. Joining 
 her entreaties to those of the two Cardinals despatched 
 by the Pope, with a view to mediate between Christian 
 princes who might be serving the Church in so many 
 better ways, the royal recluse easily prevailed upon 
 Philip to agree to a truce. Encouraged by her success 
 in this quarter, she next worked upon the feelings of 
 the Count of Hainault, the Duke of Brabant, and the 
 Marquis of Juliers, her son-in-law, who only asked for 
 an excuse to retire to their respective States. Even 
 Edward evinced an unwonted placability. He had 
 beleaguered Tournai for seventy-four days, and was in 
 sore straits for money to pay his German auxiliaries 
 and also his own troops. His presence in England 
 was, moreover, absolutely necessary to counteract the 
 intrigues of his enemies. On their part, the Com- 
 munal militia were anxious to return to their looms 
 and their daily labour, but only on conditions favour- 
 able to themselves. Conferences accordingly took 
 place in the village church of Esplechin, and resulted, 
 on the 25th September, in a truce, which was not to 
 expire until the 24th June, 1341. Excellent terms
 
 103 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. nr. 
 
 first day of that month, a conference took place at 
 Antoing, which was attended by the Cardinals of 
 Naples and Clermont in the name of Pope Clement 
 VI., and hy some of the most distinguished prelates 
 and nobles of England and France. The Flemish 
 Communes were also ably represented, but the pre- 
 tensions of the English monarch appeared so exor- 
 bitant to the French deputies that, after a brief 
 adjournment, it was agreed that the truce should 
 simply remain in force till midsummer-day, 1342. 
 In the mean time Philip de Valois intrigued so 
 successfully with the Emperor of the West that 
 Edward's mandate as Vicar General of the Empire 
 was cancelled, with the effect of making him more 
 than ever solicitous to keep on good terms with the 
 Communes of Flanders. He accordingly granted a 
 Charter to the citizens of Bruges, organising a wool 
 staple, and laying down certain rules for the guidance 
 of both sellers and purchasers, which are described as 
 being more conformable to commercial usage than to 
 statute law "secundum legem mercatoriam et non 
 secundum communem legem regni uostri." The 
 English marts for the sale of wool were fixed at 
 Newcastle, York, Lincoln, Norwich, Westminster, 
 Canterbury, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter, Bristol, 
 Carmarthen, Dublin, Waterford, Cork, and Drogheda. 
 The discontent expressed by the Corporation of 
 London is not surprising, when it is borne in mind 
 that wool for Flanders was exclusively conveyed in 
 Flemish bottoms.
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Mission of Catherine van Arteveld Edward III. in Brittany- 
 Truce of Malestroit Futile intrigues of Louis de Crecy The 
 Banner incident at Ardenburg Prosperity of Flanders under 
 Van Arteveld Affray with John de Steenbeke Revival of old 
 institutions Fullers and weavers The monopoly of woollen 
 fabrics" Den Quaden Maendag "Edward III. at Sluys 
 Unfounded rumour Riot at Ghent Murder of James van 
 Arteveld His burial His true character. 
 
 IN view of an early renewal of hostilities the 
 deputies of the allies assembled at Mechlin early in 
 May, when the Flemings again insisted that the 
 object of the campaign should be the recovery of 
 Artois. The conference, however, was interrupted 
 by a destructive conflagration, which consumed the 
 Cathedral, the Hotel de Ville a buiding of great 
 beauty and magnificence and 5000 houses. Although 
 the truce expired towards the end of June, 1342, it 
 was not until the 2nd August that the Flemish 
 militia were in a condition to take the field. Their 
 progress was soon stopped. On advancing towards 
 Gravel ines they suddenly found themselves in pre- 
 sence of a French army commanded by the Counts of 
 Eu and Valois. It was, therefore, considered prudent 
 to halt and await the arrival of their English allies. 
 As these delayed to appear, it was resolved to send 
 an embassy to London to quicken Edward's move-
 
 108 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. HI. 
 
 first day of that month a conference took place at 
 Antoing, which was attended by the Cardinals of 
 Naples and Clermont in the name of Pope Clement 
 VI., and by some of the most distinguished prelates 
 and nobles of England and France. The Flemish 
 Communes were also ably represented, but the pre- 
 tensions of the English monarch appeared so exor- 
 bitant to the French deputies that, after a brief 
 adjournment, it was agreed that the truce should 
 simply remain in force till midsummer-day, 1342. 
 In the mean time Philip de Valois intrigued so 
 successfully with the Emperor of the West that 
 Edward's mandate as Yicar General of the Empire 
 was cancelled, with the effect of making him more 
 than ever solicitous to keep on good terms with the 
 Communes of Flanders. He accordingly granted a 
 Charter to the citizens of Bruges, organising a wool 
 staple, and laying down certain rules for the guidance 
 of both sellers and purchasers, which are described as 
 being more conformable to commercial usage than to 
 statute law "secundum legem mercatoriam et non 
 secundum communem legem regni nostri." The 
 English marts for the sale of wool were fixed at 
 Newcastle, York, Lincoln, Norwich, Westminster, 
 Canterbury, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter, Bristol, 
 Carmarthen, Dublin, Waterford, Cork, and Drogheda. 
 The discontent expressed by the Corporation of 
 London is not surprising, when it is borne in mind 
 that wool for Flanders was exclusively conveyed in 
 Flemish bottoms.
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Mission of Catherine van Arteveld Edward III. in Brittany 
 
 Truce of Malestroit Futile intrigues of Louis de Crecy The 
 Banner incident at Ardenburg Prosperity of Flanders under 
 Van Arteveld Affray with John de Steeubeke Revival of old 
 institutions Fullers and weavers The monopoly of woollen 
 fabrics "Den Quaden Maendag" Edward III. at Sluys 
 Unfounded rumour Eiot at Ghent Murder of James van 
 Arteveld His burial His true character. 
 
 IN view of an early renewal of hostilities the 
 deputies of the allies assembled at Mechlin early in 
 May, when the Flemings again insisted that the 
 object of the campaign should be the recovery of 
 Artois. The conference, however, was interrupted 
 by a destructive conflagration, which consumed the 
 Cathedral, the Hotel de Ville a buiding of great 
 beauty and magnificence and 5000 houses. Although 
 the truce expired towards the end of June, 1342, it 
 was not until the 2nd August that the Flemish 
 militia were in a condition to take the field. Their 
 progress was soon stopped. On advancing towards 
 Gravelines they suddenly found themselves in pre- 
 sence of a French army commanded by the Counts of 
 Eu and Valois. It was, therefore, considered prudent 
 fo halt and await the arrival of their English allies. 
 As these delayed to appear, it was resolved to send 
 an embassy to London to quicken Edward's move-
 
 170 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. HI. 
 
 ments. The post of honour was assigned to Catherine 
 of Courtrai, wife of James van Arteveld, to whom 
 conspicuous honours were paid. Early every morning 
 minstrels stationed themselves beneath the ambassa- 
 dress's windows, and played various airs " in honour of 
 the land of Flanders." These courtesies, however 
 acceptable in themselves, failed to promote the object 
 of Catherine's mission. Edward III. had already 
 crossed the Channel, but, instead of disembarking at 
 Sluys, he had landed in Brittany to avenge the death 
 of Robert of Artois, mortally wounded at Vannes. 
 
 The war of succession was then raging in Brittany. 
 At the decease of the late Duke, his estates were 
 claimed by his brother, John de Montfort, and his 
 nephew, Charles de Blois, the former relying on the 
 aid of England, the latter on that of France. Joan, 
 Countess of Montfort, sister of Louis de Crecy, is 
 familiar to every reader of Froissart, who endows 
 her with " the courage of a man and the heart of a 
 lion." Her defence of the castle of Hennebon was 
 worthy of the most famous heroines of history. Her 
 fiery valour, combined with her misfortunes, pleaded 
 more effectually with Edward than any reasons of 
 State could have done. Throwing over his engage- 
 ment to invade the county of Artois, he set sail for 
 Brittany, captured Dinant, and laid siege to Vannes 
 and Rennes. Disappointed by the king's absence 
 from his own dominions, Catherine of Courtrai took 
 ship for France and was wrecked off the coast of 
 Brest. Conducted to the presence of the Countess of 
 Montfort, she was sent onward, with a small escort, 
 to_the English camp, and is supposed to have taken
 
 CH. xii.] JAMES VAN ARTEl'ELD. 171 
 
 part in the negotiations between the King of England 
 and the Duke of Normandy, which led to the truce of 
 Malestroit, concluded on the 19th January, 1343. 
 Through the intervention of the Cardinals a suspen- 
 sion of hostilities was agreed upon for three years, 
 " and the King of England and the duke swore, as is 
 customary, not to infringe it during that time." For 
 the rest, the terms were similar to those that had 
 formed the groundwork of the truce of Esplechin in 
 1340. 
 
 While the Flemish militia were preparing for the 
 invasion of Artois, the Count without having sent any 
 previous intimation of his intention, suddenly arrived at 
 Halewyn, near Menin. As soon as his return to his own 
 territories was noised abroad, deputies from the Com- 
 munes waited upon him, and escorted him to his chateau 
 at Maele in the neighbourhood of Bruges. Taking ad- 
 vantage of the general disappointment caused by 
 Edward's failure to fulfil his promises, Louis do Crecy 
 used every means in his power to win his subjects 
 from the English alliance. The knowledge of his 
 intrigues reached the English King when he was on 
 the point of embarking for Yannes, and in consequence 
 of these tidings a trustworthy envoy was despatched to 
 Flanders to counteract the mischievous activity of the 
 Count. On the 9th November the representatives of 
 the good towns met in a sort of Parliament, presided 
 over by the Count, at Damme, when it was resolved 
 to maintain every engagement entered into with the 
 King of England, and a letter in that sense was sub- 
 sequently addressed to Edward from Ghent. 
 
 Shortly afterwards an incident occurred which has
 
 172 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 been variously related. The true version was probably 
 to the following effect. The small towns had been 
 exasperated by certain exclusive privileges bestowed 
 by the Count upo$ the three good towns, which were 
 extremely prejudicial to the general interests of the 
 people at large. Some serious disturbances appear to 
 have arisen, especially at Ardenburg, whither James 
 van Arteveld promptly hastened at the head of the 
 Ghent militia, and where he is said to have slain one 
 Peter Lammens while standing at the door of his own 
 house. Some confusion followed upon this act of 
 violence, but order was restored on Van Arteveld 
 telling his fellow citizens that they would find within 
 proofs of the dead man's guilt. Presently a banner 
 was found and produced amid loud acclamations, and 
 in all likelihood it was similar to those borne by the 
 weavers' craft in Ghent. According to some writers 
 Lammens was a Leliaerd knight, to whom and to 
 many others the Count had given a banner to serve 
 as a rallying point whenever the season arrived for 
 attacking the Klauwaerds, while M. de Lettenhove 
 refuses to believe in the death of Peter Lammens, 
 because that name appears in a charter of the Abbey 
 of the Dunes, dated October, 1333, and again in a 
 charter of the Abbey of St. Bavon, dated in June, 
 1348 two years after the murder of Van Arteveld. 
 But there is no proof that these names belong to the 
 same individual. A son, nephew, or any other re- 
 lative, or even a total stranger might have borne 
 a name which is not at all uncommon. In any 
 case the Count perceived that nothing could be 
 done with the Communes in their present mood,
 
 CH. xii.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 173 
 
 and returned to France in the beginning of January, 
 1343. 
 
 Flanders now entered upon a career of great pro- 
 sperity, unhappily not destined to bj of long duration. 
 At the instigation of Van Arteveld, the bed of the 
 Licvo was widened and deepened in order to facilitate 
 communication between Ghent and the sea, compen- 
 sation being given to owners of land along the banks. 
 Political economy was not much studied in the four- 
 teenth century. Owing to the backwardness of agri- 
 culture the Flemish towns were largely dependent on 
 foreign countries for their supply of corn, and with a view 
 to secure permanent abundance every vessel freighted 
 with salt, wine, or other foreign produce, was obliged 
 to devote a certain tonnage to the transport of wheat. 
 Care, however, was taken to maintain the purity of 
 the currency, and generally to promote the success of 
 individuals and the public interest of the country as 
 then understood. While Van Arteveld was engaged 
 in these useful duties, he was suddenly threatened 
 with a great danger. He was accused by a rich and 
 influential citizen, named John de Steenbeke, of 
 aiming at a military dictatorship over Flanders, 
 and when he assayed to justify his conduct his oppo- 
 nent summoned his friends to arms, and for a moment 
 bloodshed seemed inevitable. The banners of at least 
 sixteen craft-guilds, however, speedily rallied round 
 the Captain of the City, and as the news spread to 
 Bruges, Ypres, and Courtrai, the citizens of those towns 
 hastened to Ghent to defend the liberties of the country 
 imperilled by Leliaerd machinations. The local magis- 
 trates seem to have acted with admirable vigour and
 
 174 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. nr. 
 
 impartiality. They at once arrested both disputants, 
 and confined Van Arteveld in the Gerard Dievels 
 steen or keep of Gerard the Devil while his accuser 
 was placed in thn Gravensteen, or Count's prison. 
 A formal investigation was then instituted into the 
 merits of the case, and in the end John de Steenbeke, 
 with a considerable number of his partisans, was sen- 
 tenced to banishment for fifty years. 
 
 Most of the innovations ascribed to Van Arteveld 
 were simply revivals of the old institutions formerly 
 enjoyed by the Communes, but which had been sus- 
 pended, or suppressed, by successive Counts aiming at 
 despotic power. The town of Ghent was thus marked 
 out into 250 districts, each under its own dcken or super- 
 intendent, and when the tocsin rang out, the citizens 
 quickly assembled at the rendezvous of their respective 
 sections. He is also credited with the division of the 
 citizens into three classes, or "members," namely, 
 poorters, weavers, and the minor crafts. The poorters 
 had the privilege of electing the first echeviti of the 
 Keure that is, the chief magistrate of the Communal 
 corporation who was attended by the icitle caprocncn 
 or white hoods. The weavers were the most numerous 
 and powerful of all the craft-guilds, and are believed 
 to have been about 40,000 strong at the period under 
 notice. The third class comprised the 52 minor 
 crafts, or ncringhen. The weavers formed the most 
 radical and independent portion of the town population, 
 and were in almost permanent antagonism with the 
 fullers, upon whom they looked down as their servants, 
 and who naturally resented the overweening arrogance 
 of their employers. The nennghcn usually sided with
 
 <n. xii.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 175 
 
 ihcpoortcry, and were rather Ldiacnh thsmKlauicaerds. 
 Perhaps, as a counterpoise to the weavers, Van 
 Arteveld laboured to improve the position of the 
 minor crafts, and caused his name jto be entered on 
 the register of the Brewers which may very likely 
 have originated the rumour that he was a brewer of 
 metheglin. Following his example, many other 
 persons of gentle birth and of noble extraction 
 sought to be admitted into one or other of these 
 crafts, in the hope of one day attaining the distinction 
 spontaneously conferred upon that great citizen. For, 
 no sooner was he admitted into the brewers' guild 
 than he was chosen their deken or doyen, and then by 
 common consent the 52 minor crafts elected him 
 souverainen deken. In this capacity he appears to 
 have been entitled to a body-guard of ziceerd-draegcrs, 
 or sword-bearers, clothed in red with striped sleeves. 
 It is clearly shown by Professor Vanderkindere that 
 from an old date the citizens had been similarly 
 divided, except that at times the fullers took the place 
 of the weavers, especially after some great commotion 
 when the latter had been more than half destroyed or 
 banished. 
 
 Another of the reforms attributed to James van 
 Arteveld was undoubtedly a revival. He is said 
 to have divided Flanders into three military circles, 
 or "members," each of which had as its capital, or 
 head- quarters, one of the three good towns of Bruges, 
 Ypres, and Ghent. In former times there had been 
 four "members," including the Franc, but as this 
 territory comprised several of the small towns which 
 were continually encroaching upon the privileges of
 
 176 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [FT. in. 
 
 the " good towns," it is not surprising that, when 
 these reached the zenith of their influence, they 
 should have excluded the Franc from their military 
 association. For t; it must be remembered that the 
 old chroniclers notwithstanding James Yan Arteveld 
 was by no means a dictator or an autocrat. What- 
 ever power he exercised, it was through the free choice 
 of his fellow citizens. His contention with John de 
 Steenbeke he submitted to the judgment of the local 
 magistrates, who decided in his favour because none 
 could know better than themselves that he had acted 
 throughout in obedience to the laws, and in conformity 
 with the usages, of the town of Ghent. In 1342 he 
 had tendered the resignation of his post as Hooftman, 
 and he was re-elected with three of his former col- 
 leagues. He was neither a usurper nor a revolutionist. 
 The real charge to be made against his policy is 
 based on its civic selfishness and commercial narrow- 
 ness of vision. He thought less of Flanders than of 
 Ghent, and less of Ghent than of the prosperity of the 
 woollen manufactures. He would not have hesitated 
 to slay with his own hand a respectable, industrious, 
 fellow countryman if he presumed to work a loom 
 without belonging to the weavers' guild in one of the 
 good towns. Nor would he have scrupled to raze to 
 the ground any town or hamlet that encroached upon, 
 the charters granted to Bruges, Ghent, and Ypres. 
 The monopoly of the fabric of woollen cloths for sale 
 claimed by the good towns had been confirmed by 
 Guy de Dampierre in 1296, and, though frequently 
 contested by artisans dwelling in smaller towns, had 
 been virtually enforced in the name of the Count, and
 
 en. xii.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 177 
 
 quite recently by Louis de Crecy himself. Louis is 
 accused, however, of having stirred up the rural 
 population to refuse the further recognition of these 
 privileges, and it is certain that in the year 1344 the 
 inhabitants of Poperinghe under the leadership of 
 one James Beyts, asserted their right to dispose of the 
 excess of their woollen fabrics after supplying their 
 own necessities. Thereupon the citizens of Ypres 
 took up arms and marched against their rivals. A 
 fierce and bloody affray took place, in which Beyts 
 and the majority of his followers were slain. The 
 victors then destroyed all the looms they could find, 
 not only in Poperinghe, but also in Bailleul, Langhe- 
 mark, and Reninghelst. 
 
 A more terrible commotion occurred in Ghent itself 
 on Monday, May 2nd, 1345 a day subsequently 
 marked in the local chronicles as den quadcn macndmj, 
 or Bad Monday. The fullers, it seems, had demanded 
 higher wages, which the weavers refused to give, but 
 the quarrel must have been something more than a 
 mere strike on the part of the former. Social and 
 semi-political causes probably combined with the pres- 
 sure of poverty to rouse their latent antagonism to a 
 feeling bordering on desperation. They had been 
 thrust into an inferior position by the overwhelming 
 numbers and influence of the weaver-guild, with 
 which James Van Arteveld openly sympathised, and 
 to which, indeed, he and his family originally belonged. 
 In any case fullers and weavers encountered each 
 other in the Friday market place, and fought with 
 sucli fury that the priests in vain intervened, carrying 
 aluft the consecrated wafer symbolising tho presence
 
 178 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 of the Founder of their Religion. Not until 500 of 
 their number lay stretched on the ground did the 
 fullers yield to the superior force of their enemies. 
 Oudegherst, indeed, swells the number of the slain to 
 1500, and remarks that the fullers were so com- 
 pletely crushed that even at the time he wrote A.D. 
 1571 they were still insignificant as a guild. The 
 weavers were commanded by their deken Gerard 
 Denys, by whose side Van Arteveld fought with 
 conspicuous bravery. 
 
 The Count Louis de Crecy is believed to have had a 
 hand in fomenting discontent, and in stimulating the 
 mutual jealouies of Communes as well as of crafts. 
 He was completely subservient to Philip de Yalois, 
 besides being strongly influenced by the selfseeking 
 Duke of Brabant, who placed his men and treasures 
 at the Count's disposal. Foiled in an attempt to sur- 
 prise Oudenaerd, Louis formed a design to possess 
 himself of Alost and Dendermonde, and with the 
 Duke's assistance he succeeded in establishing himself 
 in the latter fortress. The inhabitants of Ghent are 
 described as having grown weary of the English 
 alliance, or it might be more correct to say that the 
 Leliaerd faction had gained a temporary ascendency 
 the natural consequence of the deplorable disturb- 
 ances which had disgraced the rule of the democracy. 
 
 The truce of Malestroit had been violated by Philip 
 de Valois when he put to death Oliver de Clisson and 
 other noblemen whose loyalty he suspected, but it 
 was not until the 3rd July, 1345, that the King of 
 England was prepared to renew the struggle. His 
 first intention seems to have been to have landed in
 
 CH. xii. J JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 179 
 
 Brittany or Normandy, but the bad tidings which 
 reached him from Flanders induced him to change the 
 destination of his fleet. Accordingly, on the 5th 
 July, Edward anchored once mom in the harbour of 
 Sluys, and on the following day received in audience 
 twenty-one of the most illustrious citizens of Bruges, 
 who had been deputed to. congratulate him on his 
 return to Flanders. On the 7th a numerous deputa- 
 tion arrived from Ghent, headed by Van Arteveld, 
 who brought with him a hundred men-at-arms in the 
 hope of persuading the King to proceed to that city. 
 For one reason or another, Edward declined to take 
 that journey, and Van Arteveld returned for definite 
 instructions as to any further negotiations. Four 
 days afterwards he was again at Sluys, accompanied 
 ty Thomas de Yaernewyck and John Uutenhove, but 
 without the men-at-arms. Plenipotentiaries from 
 Bruges and Ypres had also arrived at Sluys, and a 
 conference was held on board the Katherine, described 
 as a ship of wondrous size and magnificence. 
 
 Of what passed on that occasion there are two versions. 
 Some will have it that Van Arteveld proposed, as a 
 corollary to the recognition of Edward III. as King 
 of France, that the Prince of Wales should be re- 
 cognised as Count of Flanders, if Louis de Crecy 
 persisted in refusing to accept Edward as his liege 
 lord. That is the story related by Froissart, by 
 Villani, and by many other copyists of the Canon of 
 Chimay. On the other hand, no allusion whatever to 
 such a scheme is to be found cither in the letters of 
 the English monarch, or in the archives of the 
 Flemish towns. It would, indeed, have been an ill- 
 s' 2
 
 180 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 opportune moment for such a proposition if it be true 
 that Van Arteveld's wife, Catherine of Courtrai, had 
 returned to Flanders on hoard the English fleet, 
 without having brought back so much as an instal- 
 ment of the various loans made to Edward by the 
 Flemish Communes, and especially by that of Ghent. 
 If we may believe the chronicles of the country " the 
 King of England was unwilling to permit that the 
 Count should be welcomed back by his own people, 
 until he had done homage to himself as to his over- 
 lord." * It is added that the plenipotentaries were 
 recommended to elect in the meanwhile a Resvaert, to 
 conduct the government of the county. On the 16th 
 July the plenipotentiaries held a council in Bruges, 
 and chose as Rewaert Sohier de Courtrai, brother-in- 
 law to Van Arteveld, and son of the venerable patriot 
 done to death at Rupelmonde. Under his command it 
 was agreed that the Communal militia should at once 
 proceed to expel the Leliaerds from Dendermonde or 
 Tennonde, for which purpose Edward detached a body 
 of "Welsh archers under Hugh de Maltravers. 
 Another, and more formidable, Flemish force was to 
 make a point at Cassel, to co-operate with the English 
 troops warring in Normandy. 
 
 A letter preserved in the Record Office shows the 
 fallacy of the rumour which ascribed to Edward III. 
 and James Van Arteveld the intention of transferring 
 the county of Flanders from Louis de Crecy to the 
 Black Prince. The letter-writer is the King himself, 
 who bids the Communes of Flanders to receive Louis 
 
 * Corp. Chron. Fland. i. p. 216.
 
 CH. xii.] JAMES VAN ARTEVELD. 
 
 131 
 
 as their Count, so soon as he shall have taken the oath 
 of allegiance to himself. In the event of Louis do 
 Crecy refusing to recognise Edward as his over-lord, 
 the door of reconciliation was stil[ to remain open to 
 his heirs, and there is absolutely no proof that 
 Edward desired any nearer connection with Flanders 
 than through the betrothal of his daughter to Louis 
 de Maele, son and heir to Louis de Crecy. In any 
 case, his final interview with the Communal repre- 
 sentatives took place on the 22nd July, and two days 
 afterwards he set sail for France, but was driven by a 
 terrible tempest out of his course, and was glad to run 
 for his own coasts, which he reached on the 26th. 
 
 According to Froissart, Van Arteveld, before re- 
 turning to Ghent, visited both Bruges and Ypres, so 
 that it was on Sunday, the 24th July, that he rode 
 into his native town. He had not gone far, however, 
 before he perceived that something was amiss. In- 
 stead of the hearty welcome which usually awaited 
 him, he noticed that the inhabitants turned their 
 backs upon him and went into their own houses. 
 Others formed into little groups, evidently hostile to 
 him, " putting their heads under one hood," and mur- 
 muring aloud, "Look you; there goes yonder the 
 great master who thinks to dispose of the land of 
 Flanders as it pleaseth him, which cannot bo suf- 
 fered." Observing these signs of popular disfavour, 
 Van Arteveld hastened towards his own mansion, 
 situated on the Calanderberg, and gave orders to 
 close and fasten the doors and windows, and prepare 
 for the coming attack. These instructions were 
 hardly executed, when a disorderly mob filled the
 
 182 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. m. 
 
 streets both in front and behind the house. With 
 loud outcries the assailants endeavoured to force an 
 entrance, but were held at bay by Van Arteveld's 
 friends and dependants. Finding it impossible to 
 hold out much longer, he attempted to parley with 
 the infuriated rioters, who refused to listen to him, 
 but went on shouting for an account of the revenues 
 he had appropriated. For in his absence the report 
 had been spread abroad that for seven years he had 
 rendered no account of the public moneys, but had 
 sent large sums to England. A considerable amount, 
 no doubt, had been lent to Edward III., but with the 
 knowledge and consent of the local magistrates, and 
 it is certain that, instead of having enriched himself, 
 the great citizen had really impoverished himself in 
 the service of his ungrateful townsmen. 
 
 The calumny may have originated with the double- 
 dealing Duke of Brabant, who was anxious to secure 
 the heir to the county for his own daughter, in which 
 he subsequently succeeded, but it may be assumed that 
 Van Arteveld's masterful ways had made him many 
 private enemies, who were joined by the dregs of the 
 populace, always eager to pull down those who are 
 set up above them, and inflamed by the hope of 
 plunder. It was in vain, therefore, that Van Arte- 
 veld pleaded for delay, that he asserted his innocence, 
 that he reminded them of what he had done for their 
 good. They would not hear him, and only raged the 
 more furiously against him. Stealing down to the 
 back of his premises, he sought to gain a neighbouring 
 church, but the mob had possession of the street, and 
 were even then breaking into his house. Making for
 
 CH. xii.] JAME3 VAX ARTEVELD. 183 
 
 the stables, perhaps with the desperate resolution of 
 cutting his way through his assailants on horseback, 
 he discovered that even that faint chance of escape 
 was lost to him. The rioters had broken into his 
 house on both sides, and one of tliem struck him down 
 with a hatchet or poleaxe. 
 
 By whose hand he fell is not distinctly known. 
 Froissart and Despars assign the guilt of his murder 
 to one Thomas Denys, indifferently described as a 
 saddler or a cobbler, while others probably deceived 
 by the similarity of the name ascribe the foul act 
 to Gerard Denys, the deken of the cloth-weavers, 
 who owed much to Van Arteveld's friendship. 
 That Gerard Denys was envious of Van Arteveld's 
 ascendency, and lent himself to unworthy manoeuvres 
 to effect his downfall, may be true, but he must be 
 acquitted of blood-guiltiness. Chosen to succeed to a 
 portion of the power exercised by the murdered 
 Captain of the Town, he continued on cordial terms 
 with Thomas de Vaernewyck, the friend and colleague 
 of Van Arteveld. He also caused a strict inquiry to 
 be made into the circumstances of the tumult, though 
 it does not appear that the actual criminals were 
 punished beyond being sentenced to pay the zocne, or 
 price of blood, to the nearest relatives of the deceased. 
 An expiatory lamp was moreover to burn for ever in 
 the chapel of the monastery of Notre Dame at Biloke, 
 at the expense of the families of Westluc, De Mey, 
 1'anneberg, and Pauwels, all of whom had private 
 feuds with Van Arteveld. No mention, however, is 
 made of Thomas Denys, the reputed murderer, an 
 omission that throws some doubt on the charge
 
 184 JAMES AND PHILIP VAX ART EV ELD. [IT. in. 
 
 alleged against him. The lamp is known to have 
 been still alight in 1375, but it does not again appear 
 in chronicle or mcmoric-bock. 
 
 The body of the dead man was deposited for that 
 night in the monastery of Biloke, and afterwards con- 
 veyed either to the Abbey of Tronchiennes, and buried 
 beside his father-in-law, Sohier de Courtrai, or to the 
 Carthusian monastery at Royghem, to which a legacy 
 was bequeathed, twelve years afterwards by his son 
 John. As Sohier's tomb was desecrated in the six- 
 teenth century by " Les Gueux," it is possible that 
 Van Arteveld's may have shared the same fate, if his 
 remains were really deposited in that graveyard. In 
 truth, the disposal of his mortal remains is a matter 
 of pure speculation, and of very little general interest 
 at this distance of time. Nor is it positively ascer- 
 tained whether his house was spared, or totally wrecked 
 and demolished. The latter account is the more com- 
 mon because the more likely, and likewise because 
 none of Van Arteveld's papers have been discovered. 
 On the other hand, the Chevalier Diericx states posi- 
 -tively that the house was standing in 1371, while 
 M. de Lettenhove asserts that it was still pointed out in 
 the fifteenth century. There is reason to believe that 
 the offices of the Beleeder van de Stad, known as 
 " de Cancellerie," adjoined his dwelling-house, and it is 
 natural to suppose that Van Arteveld, in expectation 
 of a tumult, would seek to draw away the mob from 
 the portion of the building occupied by his wife and 
 family, and that he would count upon finding at least 
 a portion of his bodyguard at his place of business. 
 As Edward III. had already put out to sea, it is im-
 
 
 JAMES VAX ARTEl'l-:iJ>. 185 
 
 possible that the bearers of these evil tidings found him, 
 as commonly reported, at Sluys. As a fact, it was 
 about, Michaelmas when deputies of all the chief Com- 
 munes, with the exception of (jhent, arrived at 
 Westminister to exonerate themselves from complicity 
 in the murder of his friend and "gossip." They 
 gratefully admitted that under James van Arteveld 
 the prosperity of Flanders had reached its highest 
 point. They protested that they would never forget 
 all that he had done for the Flemish people, nor 
 would they ever depart from the alliance with Eng- 
 land which he had so happily brought about. Their 
 soft words assuaged the anger of Edward, whose mind 
 was occupied with the preparations for his projected 
 invasion of France. And thns, says Froissart, the 
 death of the great citizen was, little by little, effaced 
 from men's memories. 
 
 Louis do Crecy was in Dendermonde when the 
 news arrived of Van Arte veld's death. Brief space, 
 however, was allowed him for exultation. The militia 
 of Ghent, supported by contingents from Bruges and 
 Ypres, carried by assault the two minor fortresses of 
 Hulst and Axel, and speedily reduced the garrison of 
 Dendermonde to capitulate. The Count made his 
 escape to France, while the Duke of Brabant used his 
 influence to obtain indulgent terms for the Leliaerd 
 knights. Through his intervention the fortifications 
 were left untouched, 'with the exception of three 
 breaches, forty feet wide, in the side towards Ghent. 
 
 Nothing, then, was changed save that Flanders had 
 lost her most notable citizen. This story has been 
 written in vain if the reader has failed to catch a
 
 186 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. in. 
 
 glimpse of the grand outline of the so-called Brewer 
 of Ghent. The early chroniclers are all agreed as to 
 his remarkable ability, his uncommon eloquence, and 
 his masterful for<je of character. Unhappily, they 
 are also agreed in describing him as a self-seeking 
 demagogue, as the enemy of established authority, as 
 a contemner of the Church, and as the champion of 
 the baser sort. To M. de Lettenhove, above all 
 others, is due the merit of having discovered his true 
 features, beneath the mask imposed by malice, envy, 
 and ignorance. If somewhat over careful of the 
 interests of his own town, and of his own particular 
 guild, James van Arteveld evinced a high order of 
 statesmanship in his sustained effort to found a nation, 
 through the close alliance of Brabant and Hainault 
 with Flanders. It could have been no ordinary man 
 who raised himself from the humble ranks of the 
 Ghent poorters to be courted and feared by kings and 
 princes. He was no vulgar tribune of the people, but 
 the First Citizen of Ghent.
 
 PART IV. 
 
 A TROUBLED INTERLUDE
 
 PART IV. 
 
 A TROUBLED INTERLUDE 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Discomfiture of the Bruges Militia Death of Louis de CnVy 
 Succeeded by Louis de Maele His betrothal to Isabella of 
 England His flight into France Indecisive engagements 
 between French and Flemish troops Surrender of Calais to 
 Edward III. Invasion of Flanders by Philip The Communes 
 disunited Disturbances at Bruges Duplicity of Louis de 
 Maele Massacre in Ghent The Black Death The Flagel- 
 lants. 
 
 DISAPPOINTED in the expectations he had entertained 
 in connection with the removal of James van Arteveld 
 from his path, Louis de Crecy applied himself to fresh 
 intrigues, and succeeded in creating a disturbance which 
 cost the life of Simon de Mirabel, elected Rewaert in 
 1340. This melancholy event happened on the 9th of 
 May, 134f>, within a year after the assassination of 
 that great man, but its only apparent result was a 
 meeting of Communal representatives at Ghent on the 
 24th of June, when it was agreed that Flanders should 
 remain faithful to her engagements towards Edward 
 III. That monarch was incessantly occupied with his 
 preparations for the invasion of France, and despatched 
 a small squadron, with 000 archers, to Flanders, to
 
 190 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 encourage the Communes to make a diversion in his 
 favour, while he laid waste the duchy of Normandy 
 and marched upon Paris. The communal militia 
 accordingly took ( the field under the command of 
 Henry of Flanders, and sat down before Bethune. 
 As usual, they displayed more courage than discipline, 
 and were completely baffled in a desperate attempt to 
 carry the place by assault. They were equally unsuc- 
 cessful in an expedition against Lillers, in which they 
 lost 500 men and 100 waggons. Shortly afterwards a 
 dispute arose between the Bruges militia and that of 
 the Franc, which enabled the French commander, 
 Godfrey d'Annequin, to surprise their camp and burn 
 their tents. Disheartened by these misadventures, 
 they destroyed their battering engines and fell back 
 upon Merville, where the Lys is crossed by a bridge. 
 
 In the meantime, Edward III. had won the battle 
 of Crecy, on the 26th August, and was pursuing 
 his march upon Calais. It is admitted even by his 
 enemies that Louis, Count of Flanders, acquitted him- 
 self gallantly in that terrible shock of arms. The 
 Counts of Alencon and Flanders greatly distinguished 
 themselves by turning the flank of the English archers, 
 and falling on the division commanded in person by 
 the Prince of Wales. Their banners were seen by 
 Philip de Yalois, who made a vigorous effort to join 
 them, but was unable to force a way through the 
 broken and disorganised ranks of his own men. His 
 charger, pierced by arrows, fell to the ground, but the 
 King was placed on another horse by John of Hai- 
 nault, who had been induced by false devices to 
 renounce the English alliance, and by him, with gentle
 
 <'H. xni'.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 1U1 
 
 violence, was led away out of the melee. The two 
 Counts were afterwards found among the slain, and 
 the suspicion lias been expressed that Louis de Crcy 
 fell by the hand of one of his own detainers. At the 
 same time perished his kinsman, the blind King of 
 Bohemia, who traced his descent from Margaret of 
 Constantinople, through Baldwin d'Avesnes, while 
 the ancestor of Louis was Guy de Dampierre. At 
 Amiens, on his flight to Paris, Philip de Yalois 
 received the homage of Louis de Macle. The young 
 Count was only sixteen years of age, but had borne 
 himself with conspicuous valour at Crecy, where he 
 won his spurs. He was also possessed of great manly 
 beauty, but his political views were inherited from his 
 father, and in thought and habit he was thoroughly 
 French. 
 
 While the communal levies were still in Artois, 
 news arrived that Edward had been completely 
 defeated and was hastily retreating towards the 
 frontiers of Flanders. The captains of the militia 
 never hesitated for a moment as to the conduct to be 
 pursued at that critical moment. Instead of sub- 
 mitting themselves to the supposed conqueror, they 
 pressed forward to the relief of the conquered, while 
 the magistrates of Ghent summoned all citizens 
 capable of bearing arms to hasten to the support of 
 their ally in his hour of need. Their loyalty was 
 warmly appreciated by the English monarch, who left 
 his camp before Calais in order to thank them in 
 person for their interest in his safety. In the first 
 instance he proceeded to Ypres, where (i'.n-ni I'liilippu 
 met her sister Margaret, consort of the Emperor
 
 192 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 Lewis of Bavaria, and who had lately inherited the 
 County of Hainault. Thence he hastened to Ghent, 
 and a few days later to Ath, where he was met by 
 the deputies of Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault, 
 who pledged their respective States to maintain the 
 engagements formed by James van Arteveld. Not- 
 withstanding all their past experiences of the dupli- 
 city and selfishness of their Counts, the Communes 
 testified their readiness to welcome Louis de Maele, 
 provided he solemnly promised to respect their charters 
 and ancient privileges. The young Count was ready 
 to make any promise that might be required of him, 
 and visited in succession the towns of Courtrai, Ypres, 
 Bruges, and Ghent. It was observed, however, that he 
 listened to the advice only of his father's most pernicious 
 counsellors, especially Roland de Poucke and Louis 
 van de Walle, and that he seemed particularly anxious 
 to separate the Communes from the cause of Edward 
 III. In this matter his motives were personal as well 
 as political. His own desire, subsequently gratified, 
 was to marry Margaret of Brabant, agreeably to the 
 arrangement made between her father and his own in 
 the autumn of 1345, whereas it was the wish of the 
 Communes that he should take to wife a princess of 
 England, with a view to strengthen the commercial 
 relations which so happily united the two countries. 
 The Count, on the other hand, protested that ho 
 would never marry a daughter of the man who had 
 caused the death of his father, and was accordingly 
 watched closely lest he should escape into France. At 
 the invitation of the Communes, Edward III. com- 
 missioned the Earls of Northampton and Arundel,
 
 i ir. xiii.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. l'J3 
 
 .and Lord Cobham, to adjust the preliminaries of a 
 matrimonial alliance, and his own brother-in-law, the 
 Marquis of Juliers, had already been appointed 
 Governor of the youthful Count* Weary of the 
 dulness of confinement and restraint, Louis de Maele 
 pretended to yield to the wishes of his subjects, 
 .and consented to marry Isabella of England. The 
 ceremony of betrothal took place in the Abbey of St. 
 Winoc, at Bergues, on the 14th of March, 1347, in 
 presence of the King and Queen of England. Edward 
 III. took the hand of the young Count with much 
 tenderness of manner, and assured him on his honour 
 that he was in no way privy to his father's death, 
 and that he did not even know that he was with the 
 French army. Louis appears to have made an 
 appropriate reply, and, kneeling at the altar, swore to 
 espouse the Princess Isabella there present by his side. 
 To mark his own satisfaction, the King announced 
 liis intention to establish an hospital for the poor, 
 and a church, with an endowment for a Carthusian 
 monastery, in the island of Cadzand, to efface the 
 unhappy reminiscences of bygone times. 
 
 A few days passed quietly away. The Communes 
 relaxed their vigilance, and the English Ambassadors 
 oven requested the Count to take the command of the 
 Flemish army that was about to invade Artois. He 
 expressed his ready acquiescence in every suggestion 
 that was made to him, but on the 27th March, barely 
 a fortnight before the day fixed upon for his marriage, 
 he rode out to fly a hawk in his domain at Murk-. 
 What next happened is thus related by Froissart : 
 " The falconer flew his hawk at a heron, and the Count
 
 191 JAMES AND PHILIP YAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv, 
 
 did the same with his. The two hawks chased their 
 quarry, and the Count galloped off as if following 
 them, crying, Hoy ! Hoy ! When he was at some 
 distance from his 'guards, and in the open fields, he- 
 drove his spurs into his horse, and made such speed' 
 that he was soon out- of sight ; nor did he stop till he 
 got into Artois, where he was safe." On recounting- 
 the adventure to King Philip and his courtiers he was 
 told that he had done wisely and well; "hut the- 
 English, on the contrary, accused him of betraying and 
 deceiving them." The Communes had little difficulty 
 in making their peace with Edward III., who, though 
 much exasperated hy the conduct of their recreant 
 Count, was too just to hold them answerable for an 
 offence in which they had no part. The Princess- 
 Isabella, however, is reported to have felt very keenly 
 the affront that had been passed upon her, and con- 
 tinued for long after to bear the arms of Flanders,, 
 protesting that his flight could not vitiate their mutual 
 vows taken at the altar. 
 
 The Flemish Communes, in order to vindicate them- 
 selves, lost no time in putting their militia in motion, 
 but the French were on their guard, and the usual cry 
 of Treachery ! was raised among those who were dis- 
 comfited. In the beginning of May, 1347, the King 
 of France fixed his headquarters at Arras. His army 
 was computed at 35,000 horse and 100,000 foot 
 soldiers, with whom he proposed to raise the siege of 
 Calais, and destroy, or take prisoners, the slender array 
 of the English monarch. To secure the neutrality of 
 the Flemings, he offered a complete amnesty for the 
 past ; to raise the interdict which he had just launched
 
 en. XIH.] A TROUBLED INTERU r l>H. 195 
 
 against them ; to supply them for six consecutive years 
 with wheat at four sous for a measure which was then 
 selling at twelve sous ; to grant them the monopoly of 
 all the wool grown in France, leaving it to themselves 
 to name the price and also that of furnishing his 
 subjects with woollen fabrics ; and, finally, to make 
 restitution of the towns and bailiwicks of Lille, Douai, 
 and Bethune, the defence of which, however, he would 
 for the present retain in his own hands. He was not 
 less profuse of money than of promises, but the Com- 
 munes had been so often deceived by Philip de Valois, 
 that they resolved to remain faithful to their engage- 
 ments with the King of England. 
 
 Enraged by their refusal of his overtures, Philip 
 ravaged their borders, and committed to the flames 
 several small towns and hamlets. The Bruges militia 
 thereupon marched upon Bergues and Bourbourg, 
 while the men of Grhent, under the Rewaert, Sohier de 
 Courtrai, hastened to Cassel, which they strengthened 
 with various outworks. If reliance may be placed on 
 Robert of Avesbury, the Duke of Normandy attacked 
 this position with 40,000 men with immense resolu- 
 tion, one assault lasting for two whole days, but in the 
 end was forced to retire, taking with him 280 waggons 
 filled with the dead and wounded. A second army, 
 70,000 strong, was despatched to avenge this disgrace, 
 and, crossing the Lys at Merville and Estaire, advanced 
 towards Messines and Bailleul. Driven to desperation 
 by the sight of their blazing homesteads, the villagers 
 armed themselves with sickles and pointed stakes, and 
 the tocsin rang out from every steeple. The valiant 
 burghers of Ypres, under the Sire d'Hautkerke, 
 
 o 2
 
 196 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. iv. 
 
 turned out in support of the peasants, and harassed the 
 enemy with such perseverance that he was constrained 
 to beat an ignominious retreat, by roads rendered 
 almost impassable fcy rain, and across a country reduced 
 to the condition of a morass. The repulse of these 
 minor expeditions did not prevent Philip from advanc- 
 ing to Sandgate, whence his camp was distinctly visible 
 to the famished garrison of Calais. A battle seemed 
 inevitable, when, suddenly on the night of the 18th 
 August, the French King set fire to his tents, and, 
 abandoning his baggage, took the road to Amiens, 
 where he disbanded his mighty host without having 
 struck a single blow on behalf of Sir John de Vienne 
 and his gallant comrades. The report had reached 
 him that 60,000 Flemings were close at hand under 
 the command of the Marquis of Juliers, and he feared 
 to be caught between the two armies. Forsaken by 
 their sovereign, the heroic garrison of Calais surren- 
 dered at discretion, nor had they any reason to 
 complain of Edward's lack of generosity. The 
 romantic episode so picturesquely described by Frois- 
 sart was unknown to his contemporaries, and was 
 long since shown by M. Levesque, in his history of 
 " France under the Five Valois," to be no more trust- 
 worthy than the story of the early Roman Kings, or 
 of the martyrdom of Joan of Arc. 
 
 Through the good offices of the Papal Legates a 
 truce was concluded on the 28th September, 1347, to 
 last until July of the ensuing year. Edward's allies 
 were included in this agreement, special favour being 
 shown to the Flemings. The truce seems to have 
 expired without any attempt being made to bring
 
 CH. xin.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 197 
 
 about its prolongation. Philip dc Yalois, however, 
 forbade the resumption of hostilities, and deluded the 
 Communes into an indolent belief in his pacific inten- 
 tions. A strong body of men-rearms nevertheless 
 sallied forth from Aire and St. Omer, and laid waste 
 the fertile valley of Cassel, driving off immense flocks 
 and herds of sheep and cattle. Deputies were accord- 
 ingly despatched to England to demand assistance 
 from Edward III. That monarch accorded them a 
 gracious reception, but his treasury was exhausted, nor 
 was he in a condition to go to war on their behalf. 
 He reminded them that he had paid them liberal sub- 
 sidies when, in past times, he had asked for their co- 
 operation, but it was their business to provide for 
 the defence of their own frontiers. A few days later 
 he informed them that the truce between France and 
 England had been prolonged, whereupon the Leliaerds 
 exclaimed that Flanders was betrayed by the King of 
 England, and raised the Count's banner at Alost. 
 The magistrates of Ghent hastened to repress the 
 movement, and the Count, being unprepared for 
 immediate action, proposed a conference, at which he 
 engaged to respect their ancient customs and fran- 
 chises, to condone the past, and for the future to govern 
 the country by the advice of the Communes. When 
 these fair words were repeated to the burghers and 
 craftsmen of Ghent, there arose a great tumult. Tho 
 inferior guilds were in favour of accepting the Count's 
 overtures, but the clothmakcrs refused to entertain any 
 proposition that ran counter to their engagements with 
 the King of England. In the end the disputants 
 appealed to arms, and, after much effusion of civic
 
 198 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 blood, the weavers were victorious. The Bruges men, 
 actuated by their ancient jealousy of their Ghent 
 rivals and also conciliated by a confirmation of their 
 charters, declared themselves for Louis de Macle, as 
 did likewise the towns of Courtrai, Dendermonde, 
 Grammont, and Oudenaerd. For all that, when it 
 was known that the Count had arrived at the Chateau 
 de Maele, accompanied by his evil counsellors, Roland 
 de Poucke and Louis van de Walle, the people of 
 Bruges were greatly agitated, nor was the commotion 
 appeased by the arrest of Giles de Coudebrouck, who 
 had for many years held the office of burgomaster, and 
 was considered the chief fomenter of discontent. To 
 effect his deliverance the weavers and fullers forgot 
 their differences and, gathered together in consider- 
 able numbers, gave battle to the Count's retainers and 
 partisans, by whom they were routed with great 
 slaughter and compelled to give up their arms. 
 
 Ghent and Ypres still held out. His specious pro- 
 mises having been taken at their true value, Louis de 
 Maele prepared to reduce his refractory subjects by 
 famine and the sword. On the 18th November, 1348, 
 he was joined at Dendermonde by the Dukes of 
 Brabant and Limburg, each at the head of a formid- 
 able force, which enabled him to cut off all supplies 
 and to destroy the commerce of those two important 
 towns. The sufferings of the poor were terribly 
 severe, though mitigated by the generosity and de- 
 votedness of the rich, who brought to the public 
 treasury whatever objects of value they chanced to 
 possess. The family of James van Arteveld came 
 forward with their offerings, headed by his widow
 
 'ii. xin.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 199 
 
 .clad in deep mourning, though her funereal garments, 
 if she really wore them, were scarcely in harmony 
 with her position as the wife of John Baronaige. 
 Within three years of the murder of her first hushand, 
 the foremost man in Flanders, she^iad consented, it is 
 said,though the mother of grown-up sons and daughters, 
 to change an historic and honoured name for that of 
 an ordinary pootier, though the mourning may have 
 Jbeen only a conventional idea on the part of the artist 
 who undertook to illustrate this incident. It is more 
 -agreeable to know that some English soldiers of for- 
 tune who had remained in Flanders after their sove- 
 reign's return to his dominions, bore themselves 
 bravely in repelling every assault delivered by the 
 (Count's followers and mercenaries. 
 
 Despairing of success by the employment of force 
 Louis de Maele had once more recourse to art and du- 
 plicity. He affected to separate himself from the cause 
 of Philip de Valois and to espouse that of Edward III. 
 He talked of regaining the bailiwicks of Lille, Douai, and 
 Bethune, wrongfully torn from Flanders, and begged 
 .the King of England to intercede for him with the Com- 
 munes. At that moment the Earls of Lancaster and 
 .Suffolk happened to be at Boulogne, charged with the 
 mission of making peace with France, and they now 
 received further authority and instructions to act as 
 mediators between the Count and his subjects. Nego- 
 tiations ensued, and on the 10th December were 
 ratified by Edward. The Count agreed to accord a 
 plenary amnesty to the burghers of Bruges, Ghent, 
 and Ypres, to confirm their charters, to fulfil the 
 engagements made between the King of England
 
 200 JAMES AND PHILIP VAX AHTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 and the Communes, and to compel the Leliaerd knights 
 and nobles to accept this adjustment of differences. 
 On the 13th December Louis de Maele solemnly 
 swore, at Dunkirk ^in presence of the Bishop of Nor- 
 wich and the Earls of Lancaster and Suffolk, faith- 
 fully to execute these conventions. This oath, how- 
 ever, he violated with as little scruple as the one by 
 which he bound himself, two years previously, to 
 marry Isabella of England. Some hitch having taken 
 place in the particular agreement tnat the Count was 
 endeavouring to make with the people of Ghent, John 
 Van de Yelde, the chief man among the weavers, 
 refused to trust himself to the Count, protesting that 
 he asked for no other tomb than the market place. 
 Louis acted with vigour at this critical moment. Two 
 of his captains fell with great fury upon the weavers, 
 who had been too much weakened by war and civil 
 discord to make a successful defence. A great number 
 were put to the sword, and not a few were drowned 
 in the Lys, while Van de Velde was dragged from 
 his hiding-place in a baker's shop, and slain on the 
 market place which he had himself designated his- 
 tomb. 
 
 At the same time, January 13th, 1348, perished 
 Gerard Denys, who had taken such an active part in 
 the fatal attack on James van Arteveld. Although 
 the gates of Ypres had been thrown open to Joseph 
 d'Halewyn, lord of Espierres, the clothmakers there 
 also rushed upon certain death, the survivors migrat- 
 ing to other towns, after seven of their leading men 
 had been publicly beheaded. There is nothing, how- 
 ever, more remarkable in the annals of the Flemish
 
 en. xm.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 
 
 201 
 
 Communes than their power of rapid recuperation. 
 Again and again we read of the weavers and fullers 
 being well nigh annihilated, and yet a few years later 
 their crafts are prosperous and the^r trade flourishing. 
 The explanation is probably simple enough. However 
 jealous the great towns might be of their exclusive 
 charters and monopolies so long as all went well with 
 them, they might be expected to relax something of 
 their severity in times of trouble, and to welcome an 
 accession of strength from the rural craftsmen, who 
 desired nothing more eagerly than to be admitted to 
 the privileges of the town guilds. 
 
 Never were these recuperative powers more needed 
 than about the middle of the fourteenth century. In 
 the latter part of the year 1348 a most destructive 
 pestilence, known as the Black .Death, was brought 
 into Europe from the eastern regions of Asia. It 
 appears to have arrived by way of Egypt, Armenia, 
 and Greece, and to have made its appearance at Pisa, 
 whence it crossed the Alps to Avignon and Montpel- 
 lier. After that, its course was rapid and uninter- 
 rupted. Not a single country escaped its ravages, the 
 germs of the disease being conveyed by ship even to 
 Iceland. The town or district that lost no more than 
 a fourth part of its population was deemed fortunate. 
 It is estimated that in Paris 50,000 persons perished, 
 while in London that number of dead bodies were 
 interred in trenches on the piece of ground given to 
 the City as a graveyard by Sir Walter Manny, the 
 brave knight of Ilainault, and which subsequently be- 
 came the site of the Charter House. In Norwich there 
 were 60,000 fatal cases, and in England generally the
 
 202 JAMES AND PHILIP VAX ARTEVELD. [PT. iv. 
 
 population is believed to have been reduced to two 
 million^, or little more than half of what it was pre- 
 vious to the outbreak of the plague. In Flanders the 
 port of entry was^Sluys, whence it spread all over 
 the country. A contemporary writer, Gilles li Muisis, 
 describes with painful minuteness the progress of the 
 pestilence at Tournai. A slight swelling under the arm- 
 pits was followed in a few days by death, and it was said 
 that it was sufficient to look upon a sick man to catch 
 the disease. The infection, no doubt, like that of cho- 
 lera in our own times, was conveyed by air and water, 
 while the danger was intensified by the absence of any 
 system of sewage and sanitation. In the little town 
 of Tournai there were 25,000 deaths, nor did the rich 
 escape any more than the poor, though a nutritious 
 and stimulating diet was recommended as the best 
 prophylactic. It was even remarked that the strong 
 and healthy were struck down rather than the weak 
 and sickly, and that, while hale and hearty men were 
 carried off by thousands, aged persons and little chil- 
 dren were passed over. The panic was so utterly 
 demoralising that the ties of affection were snapped 
 asunder. Mothers fled from their infants wives left 
 their husbands untended. It was reserved for the 
 ministers of religion to set an example of self-sacrifice. 
 While all others stood aloof, the priests splendidly 
 devoted themselves to the care of the sick and suffer- 
 ing, so that we learn without surprise that iu York- 
 shire their numbers were diminished by one-half, and 
 that in the eastern counties of England barely one- 
 third of the parish priests survived the ordeal. .Nor 
 were they found less true to their holy mission in
 
 OH; xiii.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 203 
 
 Tournai and the other towns of Flanders. The magis- 
 trates likewise strove to do their duty according to 
 their lights dimmed by superstition. They implored 
 the citizens of all ranks to lay.| aside their petty 
 squabbles and disputes, and to humble themselves 
 before the wrath of an offended heaven. No shops 
 were suffered to be opened on Sunday, nor was the 
 name of the Deity taken even to attest legal and 
 official acts. Dice were shorn of their angles and, 
 rounded into beads, were strung together as chaplets. 
 Social life ceased to be genial, though ten guests 
 were still allowed to sit down to table. To lessen the 
 excess of hysterical terror, mourning was forbidden to 
 be worn even for the nearest and dearest. Whole 
 streets were left without inhabitants, and in the coun- 
 try the fields were uncultivated, and the sheep and the 
 cattle wandered to and fro as they pleased, for there 
 was no one to look after them. The gloom of despair 
 brooded over the land. The glad sound of music was 
 heard nowhere. There was no singing or dancing, 
 and young and old alike seemed to have forgotten 
 how to smile. 
 
 Out of this horror there sprang up the crazy order 
 of Flagellants. The sect took its rise in Hungary, and, 
 passing through Germany, attained its fullest develop- 
 ment in Flanders. If Froissart may be credited, the 
 Flagellants did not enter France, " for the King had 
 strictly forbidden them, by desire of the Pope, who 
 disapproved of such conduct for sound and sensible 
 reasons. All clerks," he continues, " or persons hold- 
 ing livings, that countenanced them were excommuni- 
 cated, and several were forced to go to Rome to purge
 
 204 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [I-T. iv 
 
 themselves." The Flagellants themselves professed 
 to helieve that an angel had descended from Heaven 
 and alighted on the altar of St. Peter's Church at 
 Jerusalem, in vie^r of the Patriarch and the entire 
 congregation who, prostrating themselves hefore the 
 spiritual vision, repeatedly ejaculated "Kyrie ek'ison !'* 
 After placing on the altar a stone tablet similar to 
 those Moses had received on Mount Sinai, and which 
 bore the new law of expiation traced by the finger of 
 the Deity, the Angel vanished from their sight. To- 
 these fanatics the readiest form of expiation appeared 
 to be self-torture, and thus day after day they halted 
 thirty-three times on their march, in commemoration 
 of the thirty-three years of the life of Jesus, and 
 stripping themselves naked to the waist they scourged 
 their back and shoulders with cords terminating in 
 iron points. At the same time they chanted dismal 
 canticles in remembrance of Christ's nativity and 
 martyrdom, and believed that the blood which streamed 
 from their self-inflicted wounds became mingled in a 
 mystical manner with that of Him who died upon the 
 Cross to expiate the sins of mankind. Each company 
 remained only one night in the same place, nor did 
 any one of them ever indulge in a bed. They ad- 
 dressed each other as brother or sister, for many 
 women, and some of high rank, joined themselves to 
 the Flagellants, and thought it no shame to expose 
 their persons to the gaze of the rabble. At night- 
 time these companies traversed the country by torch- 
 light, the leaders bearing aloft a crucifix, and the 
 entire band chanting litanies and psalms. Whenever 
 they paused for the purpose of flagellation, they circled
 
 <:n. xiii.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 205 
 
 round the mendicant friars who accompanied them, 
 and threw themselves on the ground with their arms 
 stretched out in the form of a cross. Three times 
 they rose to scourge themselves* three times they 
 flung themselves down upon the ground. By way of 
 grace before meals they dropped upon their knees five 
 times. They were clad in long robes which reached 
 to their feet, and their cowls were embroidered with a 
 red cross. Some companies even crossed the Channel 
 to perform a pilgrimage to St. Paul's Church in Lon- 
 don. Though France is said to have escaped this folly 
 on the occasion under notice, at a later period that 
 country was less fortunate, for at the time of the 
 League the Flagellants were not unfrequently headed 
 by no less a personage than the King himself. So 
 long as the plague continued to rage, the Flagellants 
 are described as leading moral and even austere lives, 
 but when the panic abated fanaticism was replaced by 
 dissolute and disgraceful practices, till the magistrates 
 interfered and prohibited the nuisance.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Death of Philip de Valois Xaval battle off Winchelsea The 
 Count and the Communes John de Valois Charles the Bad 
 Joseph and Walter d'Halewyn beheaded Riots in Ghent 
 Battle of Poitiers Death of the Countess of Flanders Loyalty 
 of Louis de Maele Marriage of Margaret of Flanders to Philip 
 Duke of Burgundy Death of Edward III. Profligacy of Louis 
 de Maele Stirs up strife between Bruges and Ghent John 
 Yoeus and Gilbert Mahieu Adoption of the white hoods 
 Murder of the Count's bailiff at Ghent Wreckage of the 
 Count's chateau at Wondelghem. 
 
 TOWARDS the close of the summer of 1350, Philip 
 de Valois died at JSTogent-le-Boi. " His body," says 
 Froissart, "was buried at St. Denis, on the left hand 
 of the great altar; his bowels were interred at the 
 Jacobins in Paris, and his heart at the convent of the 
 Carthusians at Bourg-fontaines in Valois." He was 
 succeeded by his eldest son John, who was shortly 
 afterwards crowned at Rheims. The first public act 
 of the new monarch was to conclude an alliance with 
 Peter the Cruel, King of Castile, and the combined 
 fleets of France and Spain wrought great damage to 
 English commerce, capturing merchant vessels and 
 harassing the coast. Edward III. and the Prince of 
 Wales were cruising before Winchelsea, the King 
 amusing himself with a German dance- song lately 
 introduced by Sir John Chandos, when the look-out
 
 IT. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 207 
 
 man at the masthead cried out : " Ho, I spy a ship, 
 and it seems to me to be a Spaniard." The minstrels 
 were speedily disposed of, for the whole Spanish fleet, 
 after refitting in the Zwyn, speedily hove in sight. 
 Although inferior to the enemy in every respect save 
 courage, the King resolved to give battle. Drinking a 
 draught of wine, Edward and his knights fixed their 
 helmets on their heads, and made themselves ready. 
 The engagement was brief, but hotly contested on both 
 sides. Never were the King and the prince in greater 
 personal danger. In the end, however, they captured 
 fourteen big ships, and the Spaniards fled to the 
 friendly shelter of the coast of Flanders, for Louis de 
 Maele, notwithstanding the truce and in spite of the 
 remonstrances of the Communes, had again joined the 
 enemies of England. His character, indeed, was 
 eminently variable, inconsequent, and perfidious ; but, 
 on the other hand, it must not be forgotten that, from 
 the feudal point of view, he had much reason to com- 
 plain of the independent and unstable disposition 
 manifested by the Communes. They were willing to 
 recognise his prerogatives as their lord, but only on 
 conditions which reduced his authority to the mere 
 shadow of seignorial power. They had renounced 
 their allegiance to their overlord, and sought to compel 
 him also by some means or another to transfer his 
 fealty from the actual King of France to a pretender 
 to that title. Now, Louis de Maele was thoroughly a 
 Frenchman by birth, education, and life-long associa- 
 tions, while he looked upon Edward III. as the CHUM- 
 of his father's death at Cre*cy. Besides, the struggle 
 between the democracy and the ancient nobility was
 
 208 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ART EV ELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 "becoming greatly embittered on both sides. The Com- 
 munes remembered with scarcely suppressed indigna- 
 tion the wrongs and contumely they had suffered 
 through so many t generations at the hands of the 
 nobles, while the latter had not yet learned to respect, 
 or to fear, those whom they had been brought up to 
 regard as immeasurably their inferiors, and whose 
 mission it was to tremble and obey. 
 
 The naval victory over the Spaniards gained by the 
 English fleet was hailed by the Flemings with every 
 demonstration of public joy. They renewed their 
 assurances of unalterable attachment to the English 
 sovereign, who wrote a letter to the citizens of Ghent, 
 dated the 20th May, 1351, promising to forgive them 
 their recent backslidings in virtue of their former good 
 services, and to restore to them his favour, trusting 
 to their praiseworthy conduct in the future. Taking 
 advantage of the unsettled state of affairs in France, 
 Edward III. commissioned the Duke of Lancaster to 
 organize a European league against King John, begin- 
 ning with Flanders. The Duke was instructed to 
 propose to Louis de Maele that his only daughter 
 Margaret, then in the fifteenth month of her age, 
 should be affianced to one of the English princes, and 
 that a subsidy should be granted to the King of Eng- 
 land to enable him to invade France in concert with 
 the communal militia. 
 
 It must be confessed that John was quite unworthy 
 to wear a crown. He began by falsifying the currency, 
 and dissipated the public treasures on frivolous pleasures 
 and pursuits. His necessities compelled him to convoke 
 the States of the Provinces in the hope of obtaining a
 
 OH. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 20 
 
 grant of money, though with little success, for he 
 was met by murmurs from all sides. The com- 
 monalty wanted only a leader, and him they found 
 in a youth barely twenty years ol age, but daring, 
 eloquent, and popular, in Charles the Bad, King 
 of Navarre, and grandson, by the mother's side, 
 of Louis le Hutin. This prince proceeded to Ypres 
 to negotiate with the Flemish Communes and with 
 Edward's representative, Stephen of Kensington, 
 who, on the 18th August, 1351, engaged in that 
 monarch's name to bestow upon him the counties of 
 Champagne and Brie, with the city of Amiens, the 
 King reserving to himself " the Crown and the sur- 
 plus of the kingdom of France." 
 
 The Duke of Lancaster in the meanwhile had 
 induced Queen Philippa's sister, the Countess of 
 Hainault, to place her resources at the disposal 
 of her royal brother-in-law, and it was even re- 
 ported that she intended to abdicate in his favour. 
 King John, however, had not been totally neglect- 
 ful of his own interests. By a secret treaty, dated 
 from Fontainebleau, July 24th, 1351, he promised 
 Louis de Maele lands situated within his own 
 county yielding a yearly income of 10,000 livres. 
 He also undertook to defend his frontiers against 
 Edward III., and to furnish him with 200 men-at- 
 arms to garrison Gravelines, and with the means to 
 pay one thousand more. In the event of the Count 
 deeming it necessary to proceed against the Communes 
 with severity, the King engaged to waive all claim 
 to any share in confiscated property ; while, on the 
 other hand, should he judge it more expedient to
 
 210 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ART EV ELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 adopt conciliatory measures and to pledge himself to 
 the recover}' of the three bailiwicks which had con- 
 stituted the dowry of Margaret of France, consort of 
 Louis de Crecy, Jbhn agreed to offer no opposition. 
 Two months afterwards the Count broke off his nego- 
 tiations with Edward III., and on the 4th October 
 banished for life from Bruges 380 citizens accused of 
 having held communications with the English envoys. 
 A few days later he set out for Paris to do homage to 
 his overlord, John de Valois. 
 
 During the absence of the Count the magistrates of 
 the three good towns executed an act of justice with 
 a high hand. In the year 1328, at the time of the 
 destruction of the Flemish patriots at Cassel, Joseph 
 d'Halewyn, lord of Espierres, and his brother Walter, 
 forsook the cause of the Communes and went over to 
 the French. Their treachery was punished by the 
 men of Courtrai, who committed to the flames his 
 castle at Espierre ; but in those days one act of vio- 
 lence was promptly followed by another, by way of 
 reprisal. Accordingly, no long time elapsed before 
 Joseph d'Halewyn swooped down upon the territory 
 of Courtrai and carried off much booty ; and in the 
 following year his brother "Walter wellnigh exter- 
 minated the clothmakers of Ypres. Emboldened by 
 impunity these two lords fixed no bounds to their 
 cruelty. They arrested and held to ransom peaceful 
 traders and travellers, and in pure wantonness mal- 
 treated the very priests. One day a peasant from 
 Menin presented himself before the magistrates of 
 Courtrai, and deposed, that on the previous night the 
 Sire d'Espierres had broken open the doors and shutters
 
 A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 211 
 
 of his house, and had caused him, only half-dressed, 
 to be seized and wounded, and had only released him 
 after payment of a certain sum of money. The 
 matter was laid before the magistrates of the three 
 good towns, who summoned the two brothers to 
 appear before them and clear themselves of the serious 
 charges that had been alleged against them. Their 
 messenger, however, was beaten and forced to swallow 
 fthe summons of which he had been the bearer. A 
 few days barely elapsed before the two knights were 
 arrested, brought to trial, and publicly beheaded in 
 the market-place of Courtrai. This act of justice was 
 succeeded by an outrage. As the magistrates of 
 Ghent were on their way home, and had reached the 
 village of Yyve-Saint-Bavon, they were suddenly 
 attacked and murdered by a party of Leliaerds under 
 Gerard de Steenhuyze. An expiatory chapel was 
 subsequently erected on the spot. These tidings has- 
 tened the return of Louis de Maele, who entered 
 Ghent at the head of his armed retainers, and pre- 
 ceded by his banner. The weavers had collected in 
 the market-place, and, with loud outcries, demanded 
 the suppression of the burdens which had illegally 
 been imposed upon them. They were answered by 
 blows, and the open square was once more stained 
 with blood. 
 
 Again did the Duke of Lancaster, in the name of 
 his royal master, endeavour to open negotiations with 
 Louis de Maele. In that direction his success was 
 small, but in the embrasure of a certain window at 
 Damme he held a long and secret conversation with 
 ilie chancellor of the King of Navarre, who had jour-
 
 212 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 neyed to Bruges to raise money on the crown jewels. 
 As Charles the Bad possessed large estates in Nor- 
 mandy, it was in his power to open to the English a 
 way into France, Vand to that extent his enmity was 
 dangerous. King John, however, attached more im- 
 portance to the friendship of the Count of Flanders, 
 whom he sought to attach to the royal family of 
 France by arranging the union of Margaret of Maele- 
 with the young Duke of Burgundy, whose mother he 
 himself had lately married. He was also resolved to> 
 win the Communes from their alliance with England. 
 "With this view he renounced for himself and his suc- 
 cessors for ever the power of excommunication, and 
 this renunciation was ratified by a bull of Innocent V I. y 
 who formally revoked the licences granted by three 
 of his predecessors. The Communes appear to have 
 met these friendly overtures more than halfway, and 
 to have sensibly cooled in their attachment to Edward 
 III. In his own kingdom, however, fortune was un- 
 propitious to John de Valois. Notwithstanding the 
 general destitution of his subjects he found himself 
 under the necessity of imposing the galeUc, or tax 
 upon salt, and likewise a tax upon incomes, taking 
 one hundred livres per annum as the minimum. 
 But money was not alone wanting. The spirit of the 
 nation had deteriorated since the battle of Crecy to a 
 lamentable extent. That defeat was rather a mis- 
 fortune than a disgrace, for the knights and nobles 
 fell fighting to the last. It was otherwise at Poitiers, 
 where, on the 19th September, 1356, the King him- 
 self and his youngest son, as well as many lords and 
 knights of high degree, with 2000 men-at-arms, sur-
 
 <-H. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 213 
 
 rendered their swords to a handful of way-worn and 
 famishing Englishmen. 
 
 The death of James van Arteveld has been com- 
 monly attributed in the first instant to the Duke of 
 Brabant, who, in his anxiety to obtain for his daughter 
 the honour of being united in marriage to the future 
 Count of Flanders, had stirred up the craftsmen of 
 Ghent to murder their benefactor. His chief instru- 
 ment is said to have been Gerard Denys, whose base 
 (temperament was troubled with the remembrance of 
 the numerous obligations under which he had been 
 laid by the object of his miserable envy. Had he 
 remained contented with the subordinate position 
 which alone he was qualified to fill, the clear head, 
 stout heart, and strong hand of Van Arteveld might 
 have been trusted to counteract alike the intrigues 
 and the violence of Louis de Maele, and the deke n of 
 the cloth makers might have enjoyed many years of 
 happiness, and at length have died tranquilly in the 
 midst of his family and friends. As it was, he fell 
 beneath the weapons of the Count's adherents only 
 three years after the death of his victim. Neither 
 Jiad the Duke of Brabant much reason to boast of his 
 success in marrying his daughter to Louis de Maele. 
 The lady herself was confined in the dungeon of the 
 Count's chateau for having caused the death of a 
 rival,* but it is probable that the actual cause of 
 
 * Tradition, as revived by the late M. Delcpierrc, relates how, 
 in the Count's absence, Margaret of Hrabant caused a peasant girl, 
 .nuiiifil hose Hurcliarl, who, without being aware of her lover's 
 name and rank, was not far from her confinement, to be carried off 
 by night from her father's cottage, placed in a damp cell, and there
 
 214 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 hostilities was the duke's refusal to pay Margaret's 
 dower. The Flemish burghers, who had not yet for- 
 gotten the assistance rendered by the Brabant knights- 
 in starving out thV towns of Ghent and Ypres, eagerly 
 flocked to the Count's banner, and completely routed 
 the army of the duke, who fled into Germany, aban- 
 doning his territory and towns to the victor. Peace 
 was finally concluded on the 4th June, 1357, through 
 the intervention of the Count of Hainault. Mechlin 
 and Antwerp were ceded to Flanders in lieu of the 
 promised dowry, and the good towns of Brabant were 
 pledged to aid the Count in his military expeditions 
 with twenty-five men-at-arms for the space of six 
 weeks, while the nobility likewise engaged to send, 
 him two knights and two banners. 
 
 It is to the credit of Louis de Maele that he never 
 wavered in his allegiance to the King of France. 
 He is even said to have agreed to join a small band 
 of French nobles who had planned the deliverance of 
 John, though nothing came of it. By the peace of 
 Bretigny in 1360, Edward III. pledged himself to- 
 meddle no further with the Flemings provided the 
 King of France equally withdrew all aid from the 
 Scotch. The staple of wool had already been taken 
 away from Bruges and established in Westminster, 
 but not unmindful of the steadfast friendship of James 
 
 deprived of her nose and lips. A few days later the poor girl died 
 in the delirium of fever. On the Count's return from France, her 
 father complained to him of his daughter's violent abduction, and 
 the horrible story was brought to light. The Countess is reported 
 to have perished in a loathsome dungeon, destitute of window or fire- 
 place, and ventilated only by a small opening, through which her 
 daily portion of bread and water was passed to her.
 
 ![. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 15 
 
 van Arteveld the English monarch stipulated that, 
 before he set his royal prisoner at liberty, the Count 
 of Flanders should recal from banishment John 
 and James, the two younger soi^s of his murdered 
 "gossip." When Edward III. arrived in Calais 
 with King John, Louis de Maele suddenly made his 
 appearance on the 12th October, 1360, and bravely 
 knelt before his own sovereign alone, though still a 
 captive. 
 
 In the following year, in the month of July, 
 Margaret of Flanders was married at Oudenaerd, in 
 the twelfth year of her age, to Philip of Burgundy, 
 who died four months afterwards at Rouvre. The 
 duchy passed on his decease to the Crown of France, 
 but the hand of the heiress to the County of Flanders 
 was not the less coveted by Edward III. for his son 
 Edmund, Earl of Cambridge. The proposition was 
 at first scornfully rejected by the Count, but after the 
 death of King John he felt less secure of his ability to 
 make head against the Communes, who clamoured for 
 the alliance. An agreement was finally sealed and 
 ratified at Dover, on the 19th October, 1364, by 
 which it was arranged that the marriage should be 
 celebrated at Bruges, on the Tuesday following the next 
 festival of Candlemas. The King of England undertook 
 to settle upon his son the counties of Ponthieu and 
 Guines, the lands of Marc, the castle of Calais, and all 
 the rights possessed by the Queen over the counties of 
 Ilainault, Holland, Zealand, and the lordship of Fries- 
 land, besides an annual income of 6000 francs derived 
 from landed estates. In addition to all this, the sum of 
 100,000 francs was to be paid to Louis de Maele. A
 
 216 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. iv. 
 
 pontifical dispensation by reason of closeness of con- 
 sanguinity was, however, necessary, and on that rock 
 the negotiation was completely wrecked. Charles V. 
 exercised more influence than Edward III. at Avignon, 
 and at last prevailed upon Urban V. to refuse the 
 requisite dispensation. Not the less did Edward 
 strive to renew his old relations with the Communes, 
 and he evinced his sincerity by establishing a wool- 
 staple at Calais, as more convenient to them than at 
 Westminster. 
 
 It was, however, from the French King that 
 Flanders was led to expect the greatest advantages. 
 Charles Y. had formed the design of obtaining 
 Flanders for his brother Philip, Duke of Burgundy 
 afterwards known as Philip the Bold by marrying 
 him to Margaret. To gain the good will of the Com- 
 munes he engaged to restore the three bailiwicks of 
 Lille, Douai, and Orchies as a substitute for the ten 
 thousand livres a year promised to Louis do Maele 
 and his successors in 1351, as well as the towns of 
 Peronne, Crevecoour, Arleux, and Chateau-Chinon, 
 assigned to him in 1358. It is stated that while 
 Charles V. pledged himself to make these restitutions 
 " en bonne foy et loyalte et parolle de roy, sans 
 fraude," he had stipulated with his brother that they 
 should be returned to him on the death of Louis de 
 Maele, and also that the power to issue ecclesiastical 
 censures should again be a prerogative of the French 
 crown. But, to the general surprise, the Count of 
 Flanders refused to confirm this arrangement, though 
 offered 200,000 francs to do with as he pleased. Nor 
 did he relax his opposition until his mother, Margaret,
 
 A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 217 
 
 daughter of Philip the Long, threatened to disown 
 him by cutting off the breast at which he had been 
 suckled, and to bequeath to another the county of 
 Artois. To such arguments, especially the latter, 
 Louis de Maele had nothing to reply, and accordingly 
 set his seal to the articles of marriage. On the 13th 
 May, 1369, the " Lion of Flanders" once more floated, 
 after an interval of half a century, over the walls of 
 Lille, Douai, and Orchies, and at the same time Flemish 
 garrisons marched into St. Omer, Aire, Bethune, and 
 Hesdin. The marriage ceremony took place at 
 Ghent on the 19th June, but the liberality of the 
 bridegroom reduced him in a few days to the necessity 
 of borrowing money from three Bruges merchants, and 
 on the 29th of that month he proceeded with his 
 youthful bride to Lens and thence to Paris. 
 
 In consequence of this marriage Edward III. de- 
 clared that all engagements he had entered into with 
 France had ceased and determined, and he found the 
 Communes quite ready to renew friendly relations 
 with England. A temporary misunderstanding, in- 
 deed, arose through a fleet of Flemish merchantmen, 
 laden with the wines of La Rochelle, which had put 
 in at Torbay, being mistaken for French ships, and 
 after a vigorous resistance, being all taken or des- 
 troyed. Suitable redress, however, was immediately 
 tendered and accepted, and amity was restored in the 
 spring of 1371. Negotiations were also set on foot to 
 bring about peace between the Kings of France and 
 England, but without much effect, though hostilities 
 were suspended from time to time. The truce of 
 Bruges was prolonged more than once, but expired in
 
 218 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 April, 1377, by which time both* the Black Prince 
 and his illustrious father, Edward III., had departed 
 from the scene of strife and martial glory. 
 
 War would ha\e been infinitely preferable to the 
 peace which prevailed in Flanders. The Count gave 
 himself up entirely to dissolute enjoyments. His time 
 was spent in the society of minstrels and other low 
 born favourites, or in playing with his dogs, his hawks, 
 and his monkeys. The evil example was naturally 
 copied by all who wished to stand well in his sight. 
 Nobles, dignitaries of the church, wealthy burghers, and 
 impoverished artisans, each, according to their means, 
 abandoned the serious pursuits of life, and addicted 
 themselves to pleasure and frivolity. Extravagance 
 in dress was practised by both men and women. The 
 dice were invoked to repair the breaches made by 
 reckless expenditure, and augmented the dilapidation 
 of estates and capital. The poor entered into rivalry 
 with the rich, and these set no limits to their profusion. 
 Peasants and artisans alike were ground down to the 
 dust, to furnish their lords and employers with the 
 means of gratifying their sumptuous tastes and uncon- 
 trolled passions. 
 
 Towards the latter end of May, 1379, the Count 
 proceeded to Ghent to preside over certain jousts 
 to which had been invited many noble and gallant 
 knights from Brabant, Holland, and France, and while 
 the preparations were in progress he announced a 
 new tax he was about to impose. Against this 
 
 * In this, the last year of the reign of Edward III., Geoffrey 
 Chaucer was sent to Flanders with Sir Thomas Percy, afterwards 
 Earl of Worcester, to obtain a prolongation of the trace with France.
 
 CH. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 219 
 
 fresh exaction a burgher of Ghent, named Goswiu 
 Mulaert, lifted up his voice and cried aloud : " The 
 taxes paid by the people must not be squandered 
 upon the follies of princes, and the keep of actors and 
 buffoons," and the other citizens applauded what he 
 had said. The Count thereupon returned to Bruges, 
 and to mark his resentment at the conduct of the 
 inhabitants of Ghent, promised to do everything in his 
 power for their rivals. These listened rather to the 
 dictates of their narrow-minded jealousy than to the 
 generous promptings of patriotism, and conceived the 
 infamous design of diverting the waters of the Lys by 
 a canal to the Reye, so that the wheat market of 
 Artois should be removed from Ghent to Bruges. It 
 was, of course, soon known in the former town that 
 something was being done to the prejudice of their 
 interests, though of its precise nature they were 
 ignorant until a woman, in a soiled garment and all 
 travel-stained, sat down beside the cross in the 
 market-place. Replying to various questioners she 
 said that she was on her way home from a pilgrimage 
 to the shrine of Our Lady at Boulogne, and that she 
 had seen five hundred Bruges diggers working day 
 and night to change the course of the Lys. Her 
 words naturally created great excitement. A general 
 outcry arose that such proceedings should not be 
 tolerated, and by common consent the people turned 
 for advice and guidance to a burgher of repute, named 
 John Yoens. 
 
 In former times there lived at Damme two wealthy 
 families named Piet and Baert, who were opposed to 
 one another in all things, until such a hatred arose
 
 220 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 between them as is only possible in a small town, with 
 its narrow circle of backbiters, talebearers, and stirrers- 
 up of strife. Two branches of these ill-conditioned 
 houses became estafelished at Ghent ; to the one be- 
 longed John Yoens, to the other Gilbert Mahieu. The 
 ancient feud, however, seemed to have been forgotten 
 and put away. The Yoens and the Mahieus met at good 
 men's feasts, conversed together in a friendly manner, 
 and conducted themselves after a fashion becoming to 
 respectable and right-minded citizens. There is no 
 reason to suspect the sincerity of John Yoens, but 
 Gilbert Mahieu is described by Froissart as a man of 
 crafty devices, full of subtlety, and daring in enter- 
 prise. Determined to supplant Yoens in the favour 
 of the Count, by whom he was much cherished, and 
 through whose influence he had been appointed deken 
 of the mariners' guild, Mahieu remarked, as in a 
 casual manner, to one of the Count's chamberlains, 
 that nothing would be easier than to gather an income 
 of six to seven thousand florins a year, by imposing a 
 small duty upon the petty trade of the Scheldt and 
 the Lys. The chamberlain naturally repeated to the 
 Count what he had heard, and Mahieu was summoned 
 to his presence to explain his meaning. The latter 
 artfully threw upon Yoens the responsibility of accept- 
 ing or refusing this new impost, and the dcken, after 
 consulting the members of his craft, honestly endea- 
 voured to dissuade his lord from a measure certain to 
 be unpopular, and which was calculated to injure local 
 industry. Louis de Maele, however, was always 
 pressed for means to gratify his prodigality, and accord- 
 ingly disgraced his old adherent, John Yoens, and gave
 
 rii. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 221 
 
 his post to Gilbert Mahieu. The new impost was 
 levied, and a small sum of money was collected, but 
 the river trade was sensibly depressed, and great dis- 
 satisfaction prevailed among the inferior crafts. Yoens 
 held his peace and bided his time, nor had he to wait 
 very long. 
 
 The attempt made by the Bruges ditchers to divert 
 the channel of the Lys excited the inhabitants of 
 Ghent to the highest degree of indignation and dis- 
 may. In their trouble they betook themselves to 
 John Yoens, who, bethinking him of the example of 
 James van Arteveld, exhorted them to resume the 
 white hoods, as a symbol of union and fraternity. The 
 next step was to despatch a considerable body of 
 armed men, distinguished by these emblems, to put a 
 stop to the labours of the delvers. That operation was . 
 easily executed, for scarce any resistance was offered, 
 nor was the work ever again taken in hand. But as 
 the Ghent people were returning to their homes, one 
 of them seems to have fallen into the hands of the 
 Count's adherents, and was carried off to Eecloo. His 
 fellow- citizens demanded his release, but Roger de 
 Hauterive, the Count's bailiff, answered them roughly, 
 and threatened to deal in like manner with every one 
 who presumed to wear a hood. His reply was noised 
 abroad, and the burghers perceived that their fran- 
 chises were in danger of being set at naught. The 
 magistrates were, therefore, pressed to lay the matter 
 before the Count, and to obtain from him a satisfactory 
 recognition of their privileges. A certain number of 
 them immediately proceeded to Maele, and submitted 
 their complaints to the Count, who listened to them.
 
 222 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv- 
 
 graciously, and promised ample redress, but required 
 of them, in their turn, that they should lay aside their 
 white hoods. Gilbert Mahieu was one of those who 
 waited upon the Count on this occasion, and may very 
 likely have prompted the Count's answer, being con- 
 scious that he could work no further harm to his rival 
 so long as he was supported and surrounded by the 
 wearers of the witte caproenen. He is said at least to 
 have uttered a somewhat cynical remark that some of 
 those who now wore hoods would soon have no heads 
 to put into them " tels les portent maintenant qui 
 temprement n'auront que faire des chaperons." 
 
 John Yoens saw through the duplicity of the 
 Count and his counsellor, and with great earnestness 
 impressed upon his fellow-citizens the fatal conse- 
 quences of yielding to such suggestions. The sound- 
 ness of his advice was soon demonstrated. Roger 
 de Hauterive, acting upon the Count's instructions, 
 entered Ghent at the head of two hundred horse- 
 men, and penetrated to the corn market, where 
 lie was joined by Mahieu and his followers. The 
 other party, however, were on their guard. Yoens 
 had received timely intimation of the coming danger, 
 and had warned the White Hoods to hold them- 
 selves in readiness for sudden action. The signal, 
 therefore, was no sooner given than they hastened 
 to his house, their appointed rendezvous, and as 
 soon as some four hundred had come together, 
 Yoens placed himself at their head, and led them 
 straight on to the Com Market. The Mahieu faction 
 fled from the place, and abandoned the bailiff to his 
 fate. A few daring men at once rushed at him, pulled
 
 CH. xiv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 223 
 
 him off his horse, and murdered him. His adherents, 
 terrified by the boldness of the assault, broke and fled 
 in all directions, consulting only their own safety. 
 The Count's banner was dragged through the dirt, and 
 torn to rags ; and on that day, September 5th, 1376, 
 John Yoens was the master of Ghent. He is, of 
 course, painted by Froissart in the blackest colours, as 
 a revengeful and disappointed man, a mob orator and 
 tribune of the populace a bad copy, in short, of 
 James van Arteveld. That, however, is not the 
 character ascribed to him by impartial writers and 
 historical critics of modern times, who agree in 
 representing him as a prudent, sagacious citizen, loyal 
 to the Count so long as the municipal rights of the 
 Communes were properly respected. The death of 
 Roger de Hauterive must not be laid at his door. The 
 incident was occasioned by a blind access of fear and 
 fury. His followers got out of hand, and the bailiff 
 was a dead man before their leader could have inter- 
 posed to save him. 
 
 It was at the suggestion of Yoens that the magis- 
 trates deputed twelve of the most influential burghers 
 to proceed to Maele, to intreat the Count to forgive the 
 murder of his bailiff. This mission was on the point 
 of complete success when Louis received tidings which 
 drove him well-nigh mad with rage. If we adopt 
 Froissart's narrative and he may have been correctly 
 informed on this point Yoens had distrusted the 
 Count's leniency, and feared that he might delude tho 
 deputation with unmeaning promises, and in the mean- 
 while secretly despatch a force to surprise Ghent. Ho 
 therefore prevailed upon a body of nine to ten
 
 224 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELI). [PT. iv. 
 
 thousand men to accompany him to a point that com- 
 manded the road from Bruges. Unfortunately, Louis' 
 favourite country seat, the Chateau de Wondelghem, 
 was within an easy^iistance from that spot, and it came 
 to be reported that large stores of provisions and warlike 
 munitions were hidden away in the cellars, which might 
 at some future time be used to their prejudice. The 
 house was accordingly ransacked, and suddenly flames 
 burst out, and utterly consumed it. It was estimated 
 to have cost 200,000 francs, a very large sum in those 
 days, and it was greatly affected by the Count. 
 "When, therefore, he heard of its destruction, he raged 
 furiously against the deputies, and declared that if he 
 had not given them a safe-conduct, he would strike off 
 their heads. As it was, they might return to them 
 who sent them, and say that they must expect neither 
 peace nor mercy. With that message ringing in their 
 ears, they were driven out from the Count's presence.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Alliance between Bruges and Ghent Death of John Yoens Com- 
 munal Militia besiege Oudenaerd Mediation of the Duke of 
 Burgundy A "double-faced" peace Count's reception at 
 Ghent Eaises army of mercenaries Barbarous outrage Sur- 
 prise of Oudenaerd Kenewal of hostilities Ghent militia 
 repulsed at Bruges Fatal ambush The Count's severity at 
 Ypres Siege of Ghent The Count grants an amnesty- 
 Attacks and defeats a detachment of Ghent militia at Nevele 
 Capture of Grarnmont by Walter d'Enghien^His death. 
 
 Louis BE MAELE then proceeded to Lille, and 
 concerted ulterior measures with the leading men of 
 his party. Nor was Yoens inactive. Whilst the 
 Count was occupied in reinforcing the garrisons of 
 Courtrai, Oudenaerd, Dendermonde, Alost, and a few 
 other places, the Captain of Ghent visited in person 
 several of the adjacent towns, and strove to revive the 
 League, or Federation, accomplished by James van 
 Arteveld. He was aware, however, that nothing 
 could be done without the co-operation of Bruges, and 
 in that sense he harangued his fellow- citizens to such 
 good purpose that an expedition was fitted out to win 
 over that town by fair means or foul. Some ten 
 thousand men of Ghent thus arrived within sight of 
 the ramparts of Bruges, and a few of their leaders 
 boldly walked up to the gate to parley with the towns- 
 men. The guard sent for the burgomaster and magis-
 
 226 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 trates, by which time Yoens himself appeared upon 
 the scene. Assured that they had nothing to fear 
 unless, by opposition, they brought mischief upon 
 themselves, the Bulges people threw open the gate, 
 through which the Ghent militia denied in admirable 
 order, and were conducted to the Grande Place. The 
 most cordial relations were speedily established. The 
 citizens of Bruges welcomed the Ghent burghers as 
 friends and kinsfolk, and the latter paid liberally for 
 whatever they required to purchase. 
 
 From Bruges Yoens repaired to Damme, the head- 
 quarters of the Mahieu faction. He was welcomed in 
 the most demonstrative manner, but, after a joyous 
 supper "avecques damoiselles de la ville," his body 
 became suddenly swollen, and he was placed in a litter 
 in which to be carried back to Ghent. He died, how 
 ever, on the journey, under strong suspicion of poison, 
 to the great regret of his fellow-townsmen. His body 
 was conveyed into the town with great reverence, and 
 was finally buried in the church of St. Nicholas. The 
 Leliaerds, on their part, did not affect to disguise their 
 joy at the removal of their formidable opponent, 
 though, in truth, nothing for a time was changed, 
 except that Ghent had lost an honoured citizen. Four 
 new captains were elected Peter van den Bossche, 
 John Pruneel, John Bolle, and Rasse d'Herzeele, who 
 swore to maintain the liberties of the Commune. 
 Peter van den Bossche assumed, or was appointed to, 
 the leadership, and in that capacity marched at the 
 head of twelve thousand men towards Deynze and 
 Courtrai, in both of which towns he was welcomed 
 with acclamations. Ypres was the next place to join
 
 CH. xv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 227 
 
 the league, and when the Count was informed of its 
 defection, he is said to have exclaimed, " If we have 
 lost Ypres this time, we shall recover it another time 
 to their evil mischance, for I will cause so many heads 
 to be struck off there and elsewhere that the others 
 will be astonished." 
 
 In the meanwhile Louis applied himself to forti- 
 fying and garrisoning Oudenaerd, which commanded 
 the navigation of the Scheldt and dominated 
 Flanders. Upwards of eight hundred lances, re- 
 presenting the chivalry of Flanders, Hainault, and 
 Artois, undertook to hold the place against all comers, 
 .and looked forward to winning much distinction in the 
 defence of the place. By the 15th October, 1379, a 
 hundred thousand armed men belonging to the com- 
 munal militia of Flanders were encamped on the rich 
 meadows that surround the town. To deaden the 
 impact of the cannon balls which were poured into the 
 place, the citizens covered their houses with earth, 
 which also diminished the risk of a conflagration. On 
 both sides many gallant feats of arms were performed, 
 but in the end the beleaguered knights and their 
 retainers began to suffer from supplies running short. 
 Anticipating such a result, the Count was willing to 
 listen to any reasonable overtures, and was accordingly 
 much rejoiced when his mother, Margaret of Artois, 
 urged the Duke of Burgundy to mediate between Louis 
 and his rebellious subjects, if at least he ever expected 
 to succeed to his heritage. The Duke at once adopted 
 the most prudent measures to bring about a cessation 
 of hostilities, and after much hesitation on the part of 
 the Communes, he at last induced their deputies to
 
 223 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. iv, 
 
 partake of a grand banquet, at which terms of peace 
 were signed on both sides. The Count was pledged 
 to grant an amnesty to all his subjects without any 
 sort of mental reservation. He promised to respect 
 and maintain all charters and privileges which were- 
 in force at his accession to the county. He agreed 
 that whosoever had incurred the displeasure or distrust 
 of the Communes should be compelled to submit to a 
 judicial inquiry into their conduct ; and in like manner 
 with his bailiffs and guardians of castle wicks. In 
 return for these concessions, the people of Ghent seem, 
 to have undertaken to rebuild within twelve months- 
 the Chateau de Wondelghem, "which report said they 
 had burnt." 
 
 This agreement was ratified by the Count at Malines 
 on the 1st December, 1379, and he further promised 
 to reside for a while in the town of Ghent to prove 
 that he bore no malice for their past misdeeds. On 
 their part they forbore to demolish the fortifications of 
 Oudenaerd, and their representative, John Pruneel, 
 was magnificently entertained at Tournai by the Duke 
 of Burgundy. The Count thereupon dismissed his- 
 adherents, and the communal militia returned to their 
 respective homes. Nevertheless, the peace was gene- 
 rally and justly spoken of as " double faced," and it 
 was safely predicted that it would not be of long 
 duration. Neither, indeed, did Louis make any secret 
 of his intention to adhere to his engagements only so 
 far as it might be convenient to himself. Instead of 
 fixing his residence in Ghent, as he had agreed to do, 
 he declared that he would not enter that town until 
 the principal ringleaders of the rebellion were de-
 
 .CH. xv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. >j 
 
 livercd up to him. He even reproached the Bruges 
 people with having allied themselves with his enemies ; 
 but, not wishing to alienate them altogether, he 
 accepted their excuse that " the sfiiall handicrafts of 
 the town " had got the mastery over them, and forced 
 them to do their bidding. He also judged it expe- 
 dient not to go too far with the men of Ghent. The 
 magistrates had deputed twenty-four burghers of good 
 repute to remind him of his promise, but they had 
 journeyed little further than Deynze when they heard 
 that he was already close at hand. Dividing into two 
 lines, they formed a lane through which the Count 
 and his knights rode superciliously. Notwithstanding 
 their lowly obeisance and abject reverence, he scarcely 
 deigned to notice them beyond slightly touching his 
 -cap. At Deynze the Count stopped to dinner. While 
 he was still seated at table, the deputies entered the 
 room and threw themselves on their knees before him, 
 assuring him of the affection to his person borne by 
 the inhabitants of Ghent, who had warned them that 
 they need not think of returning unless they brought 
 back their Count with them. The Count sternly 
 recapitulated all the misdoings of their fellow-towns- 
 men, which, he said, he would gladly forget if he 
 .could, but he could not. They then reminded him 
 that he had given his word to condone the past, which 
 lie acknowledged, and, rising up, called for wine, which 
 was handed round to the deputies. 
 
 On the morrow they all rode together to Ghent, and 
 were met by a vast concourse of the wealthier citixcns 
 on horseback, who had gone forth to do honour to 
 their Count. But he would hardly look at them, and
 
 230 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [IT. iv, 
 
 merely inclined his head from time to time. In this- 
 way he arrived at his house called " The Postern," 
 which had been considerably damaged at the time that 
 the Chateau de "VV'bndelghem was burnt down. He 
 there told the magistrates that he purposed to keep 
 the peace, but that he insisted upon the suppression of 
 the White Hoods. He further demanded compensa- 
 tion, or blood money, on behalf of the family of his 
 murdered bailiff, Roger de Hauterive. The next 
 morning the Count rode into the Friday market-place- 
 at an early hour, and found it already filled with 
 White Hoods, a sight that filled him with apprehen- 
 sion as well as with anger. Dismounting from his 
 horse, he appeared on a balcony handsomely hung 
 with crimson cloth, and spoke at great length and 
 with much force and dignity. He was listened to with 
 respectful silence until he expressed his aversion for 
 the white hoods, and desired that they might be worn 
 no more. Then murmurs arose on all sides, in the 
 midst of which he remounted his horse and rode to his- 
 house, remarking on the way that he feared he would 
 never get the better of those White Hoods, a wicked 
 and accursed race. Three days later he was on the 
 road to Paris, where his mother had undertaken to- 
 effect a reconciliation between him and Charles V. r 
 surnamed The Wise. 
 
 The Count remained but a short time in the French 
 capital, and was soon once more on the Flemish 
 frontiers, where he engaged a large army of merce- 
 naries. Emboldened by these proceedings the Leliaerds 
 adopted red hoods and embroidered their robes with 
 fleurs-de-lis, while the Klauwaerds, with equal childish-
 
 en. xv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 231 
 
 ness, worked into their surcoats three lion's claws. 
 Hostilities commenced with a horrible outrage. To 
 avenge the death of the Bailiff of Ghent, some 
 knights, headed by Oliver de HcJhterive, seized forty 
 or fifty vessels on the Scheldt, and put out the eyes of 
 the mariners, whom they sent in this miserable con- 
 dition to Ghent. The horrible spectacle filled the 
 citizens with pity and indignation. Froissart expresses 
 his astonishment that they should have dissembled 
 towards their Count, and affected attachment whilst 
 they were ever thinking how they could exercise their 
 wicked and rebellious spirit. On this occasion, they 
 surely did well to be angry, and the old chronicler 
 admits that they cared little about personal disputes, 
 but were so steadfastly united on the point of main- 
 taining their franchises that they endured a seven 
 years' war without flinching, and for the whole of 
 that period put aside all private quarrels and 
 jealousies. John Pruneel, the captain of the city, 
 lost no time in striking a counter blow. Collecting in 
 haste a small body of White Hoods he marched upon 
 Oudenaerd, and surprised the garrison while engaged 
 in the sports and pastimes incidental to mid-Lent. 
 Two gates and a portion of the curtain facing the 
 Ghent road were partially demolished, but through 
 the treacherous intervention of three rich burghers, 
 Simon Bette, Gilbert de Gruutere, and John van der 
 Zichele, who secretly belonged to the Leliaerd 
 faction, Pruneel and his companions were recalled on 
 the 12th March, 1380. No sooner had they evacuated 
 Oudenaerd than the fortifications were restored, iind 
 a better look-out maintained for the future. Tho
 
 232 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAX ARTEVELl). [IT. iv. 
 
 knights who had so cruelly ill-used the mariners 
 were banished from Flanders, a sentence which was 
 extended to John Pruneel on the ground that he had 
 engaged in hostilities before war was declared. One 
 of the caitiff knights Sir Philip de Masmiiics sought 
 to fix his abode at Valenciennes, but was driven 
 out by the Communal authorities. A worse fate 
 awaited Pruneel. Ho had retired to Ath in Bra- 
 bant, where he was seized by some men-at-arms 
 with the Duke's connivance, if we may believe Froissart 
 and carried off to Lille, where by the Count's orders 
 he was beheaded. 
 
 Hostile operations now began in good earnest. On 
 the 7th April Louis de Maele crossed the Lys, and 
 with wanton cruelty put to death the peasants whom 
 he found working in the fields, to prevent them from 
 conveying tidings of his approach to the inhabitants 
 of Ypres, as though the same end would not have 
 been gained by making prisoners of them for a time. 
 He did, however, march into Ypres before any danger 
 was apprehended, and it is stated that he slew seven 
 hundred of the unresisting citizens before he returned 
 to Lille, to await the arrival of the mercenary bauds 
 from Germany, Burgundy, and Picardy. The Ghent 
 militia, under their captains, Peter van den Bossche, 
 John Bolle, Arnold Declercq, Peter de Wintere, John 
 de Lannoy, and liasse d'Herzeele, immediately took 
 the field and destroyed the chateaux of the Count's 
 partisans for many a league round the town. On their 
 part the Leliaerds raised the Count's banner and 
 ranged themselves under Gerard de Steenhuyze, 
 the avenger of \Valter d'Halewyn, Herve d'Antoing
 
 en. xv.J A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 233 
 
 and Walter d'Enghien, great grandson of Hobert de 
 Bethune, a fiery youth impatient to win his spurs and 
 entertaining an arrogant contempt for civic corpora- 
 tions and their militia. The first struggle took place 
 at Ypres, where the union of the minor crafts with 
 the weavers and fullers was fatal to the Leliaerds. 
 Bruges was the next to declare for the common cause, 
 but an untoward incident occurred, which might have 
 proved very disastrous to that town. Confiding in 
 the loyalty of the Bruges people, a small party of the 
 men of Ghent entered the place as allies, but were 
 unexpectedly assailed on all sides by the Leliaerds, 
 who circulated a rumour that the Commune of Ghent 
 had resolved to destroy Bruges entirely, to do away, 
 once for all, with any further rivalry. Overpowered 
 by numbers, the Ghent detachment was forced to 
 retire, leaving behind them their dead and wounded 
 comrades, and early in June the Count appeared in the 
 market-place at Bruges, and congratulated the towns- 
 men on their victory. But, for their part, they were 
 so alarmed on hearing that the Ghent militia were at 
 hand, after having recovered Dendermonde, that they 
 constrained the Count to sue for peace, which was 
 concluded on the 19th June, and broken on the 8th 
 August, 1380. 
 
 The weavers of Bruges appealed for succour to their 
 brother-craftsmen throughout Flanders. The Count 
 had laid a heavy hand upon them, for having taken 
 the part of the Ghent men who were so disloyally 
 driven out of the town on the 13th May. He was 
 then at Dixmude, whither he had gone to rally the 
 population of the Franc, envious of the .superior
 
 234 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 prosperity of the great towns. The magistrates of 
 Ypres, divining that the storm would burst in the first 
 instance over their town, despatched a body of armed 
 men to form a carfip at Woumen to check the progress 
 of the Leliacrds, while another detachment, co-operat- 
 ing with the Ghent militia, should intercept the 
 Bruges Leliaerds who had taken the road to Dixmude. 
 Peter van den Bossche was known to have left Ghent 
 with about 9,000 men, and in order to effect a junc- 
 tion with him John Bolle and Arnold Declercq, who 
 had four to five thousand men under their joint com- 
 mand, hastened from Ypres in company with a strong 
 contingent of the militia of that town. Coming to two 
 cross-roads the leaders had a difference of opinion, but 
 John Bolle carried the point, and after a weary and 
 disorderly march of two leagues or thereabout his 
 party fell into an ambush, the enemy being also 
 numerically superior. The cry, " We are betrayed J> 
 went up as it always does when men are led by over- 
 weening confidence in themselves to become involved 
 in difficulties which might easily have been foreseen. 
 " No people," says Froissart, " ever made so poor a 
 defence as these did : they saved themselves as fast as 
 they could, some returning to Ypres, others flying 
 over the fields, without any sort of order." Had the 
 men in ambush followed up their victory, scarce a 
 single citizen of Ghent or Ypres would have seen the 
 sun go down. As it was, no fewer than 2,400 men, 
 equally divided between the two contingents, are 
 believed to have perished. The survivors were finally 
 rescued by Peter van den Bossche, but, as the run- 
 aways were in no heart to renew the combat, it was
 
 CH. xv.J A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 
 
 judged more prudent to fall back upon Courtrai. 
 John Bolle, conscious of his innocence, returned to 
 Ghent, where he was accused of treason, dragged out 
 of his house into the street, and literally torn to pieces, 
 the townsmen disputing with one another for morsels 
 of his quivering flesh. 
 
 The camp at Woumen was incontinently broken 
 up, and the Count entered Ypres without striking a 
 blow. He had promised to deal mercifully with the 
 insurgents, but his first step was to arrest and place in 
 fetters three hundred of the most notable burghers. 
 Seven hundred members of the weavers' guild were 
 next beheaded, and the same sentence was executed 
 on fourteen hundred citizens who had been carried oft' 
 to Bruges, while four hundred were banished to Douai 
 and Orchies. The most troublesome quarter of the 
 town was then set on fire, and in this manner Louis 
 de Maele thought to win the love and obedience of 
 his subjects. Awed by this terrible example, Courtrai 
 submitted while he was yet afar off, but had neverthe- 
 less to give up three hundred hostages, men of local 
 influence and consideration. 
 
 On the 2nd September the Count sat down before 
 Ghent, at the head of a truly formidable army. He 
 was unable, however, to effect a complete investment 
 of the place, or to prevent the arrival of reinforce- 
 ments and convoys. The Communes of Brabant 
 resolutely refused to have a hand in destroying the 
 liberties of a town that had made so many and such 
 great sacrifices for the common advantage. Frum 
 Liege came words of sympathy and encouragement, 
 and if it be true, as Froissart affirms, that Ghent con-
 
 23<> JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [I>T. iv. 
 
 tained eighty thousand men fit to bear arms, it can 
 hardly be said that their case was at all desperate. 
 Besides, on two sides which were bound by the 
 Scheldt and Lys Vhat is, towards Brussels and the 
 country of the Quatre Metiers, then belonging to the 
 Bishop of Utrecht it was impossible to blockade the 
 town, which was thus continually fresh provisioned. 
 Several attempts made to get possession of Langer- 
 brugge.or Lougpont, were repulsed by Van den Bossche, 
 nor did better fortune crown the skirmishes and 
 assaults by which the Count hoped to wear out the 
 patience of the townspeople though on one occasion, 
 October 23rd, 1-380, Arnold Declercq was surrounded 
 and slain, together with a considerable number of 
 citizens. On the other hand, Gerard de Steenhuyse 
 was taken and put to death in remembrance of his 
 former cruelties, and several of the smaller towns 
 opened their gates to James van der Beerst and a 
 party of Klauwaerds from Ypres. Despairing of 
 success Louis de Maele offered an entire amnesty for 
 all past transgressions, and again pledged himself to 
 respect the franchises of the Communes of Flanders. 
 Peace was concluded, and the siege raised on the 
 llth .November, 1380. 
 
 The Count's insincerity was, however, manifested in 
 the instructions he gave to Walter d'Enghien, the last 
 Duke of Athens, to garrison Oudenaerd with a strong 
 force, including two hundred English archers, " on 
 whom great dependence was placed " for during the 
 reign of the feeble Richard II., the old relations 
 between England and the " good towns " had become 
 changed for the worse. Skirmishing went on through-
 
 en. xv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. -j:',7 
 
 out the winter season, as though the Count and his 
 subjects were still at open war with one another, and 
 as soon as the roads were once more passable, Louis 
 de Maele set out from Bruges at Ahe head of twenty 
 thousand men with the avowed intention of breaking 
 the stubborn spirit of the Ghent burghers. A little 
 way from Nevele, he encountered a small force of 
 their militia under the gallant Rasse d'Herzeele * and. 
 John de Lannoy, who would have done wisely to have 
 deferred the contest until a junction could be effected 
 with a much larger body of their fellow-townsmen 
 commanded by Peter van den Bossche. The latter 
 was prevented by impracticable marshes from lending 
 any assistance, though he was not the less accused 
 afterwards of treachery by the Leliaerd burghers, 
 Gilbert de Gruutere and Simon Bette. The Count's 
 army consisted chiefly of his partisans from Bruges, 
 Ypres, Courtrai, Oudenaerd, and the Franc, and were 
 immensely superior in numbers to their adversaries. 
 The battle was nevertheless long doubtful, for Rasso 
 d'Herzeele was a doughty and experienced warrior, 
 and encouraged his men to fight valiantly. They 
 were, however, broken and routed, and fled in con- 
 fusion into the little town of Nevele. There they 
 partially rallied round the church and prepared to 
 defend themselves in the tower, which had been hastily 
 barricaded. But before they could reform their ranks 
 
 * After distinguishing himself as a courageous enemy of the 
 Leliacnls, his sou refused to follow Philip van Art.-vi-M to 
 Koosebeke, and joined Charles VI. and the Duke of Burgundy in 
 laying waste Fhinders in 1385. Jealousy of Francis Acker-man is 
 .supposed to have caused his defection from the popular party.
 
 238 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. iv. 
 
 d'Herzeele was slain, and the Count's men lighted 
 a great fire in front of the church door. In a vain 
 endeavour to cut their way through, John de Lannoy 
 and his brave companions were nearly all put to the 
 sword. 
 
 Instead of following up his success, the Count 
 returned to Bruges, for his losses had been severe, and 
 he may well have doubted of his ability to reduce the 
 great and well-peopled city of Ghent, when a fraction 
 of its militia had given him so much trouble. The 
 magistrates of Ghent replied to the recent disaster by 
 equipping five armies, one of which recovered the town 
 of Grammont, though for a brief space. The spirited 
 young squire Walter d'Enghien hurriedly collected 
 some four thousand men, and carried Grammont by 
 storm, but stained his victory by atrocious cruelties. 
 He gave no quarter, and many old men, women, and 
 children perished in the flames of their burning home- 
 steads. A terrible reprisal awaited him. Louis de 
 Maele had again marched against Ghent, where he 
 was joined by the Duke of Athens, flushed with 
 victory. The daring spirit of this youth speedily led 
 him into an ambush, laid by the men of Grammont, 
 whose wives, parents, and children he had caused to 
 be massacred. Surrounded by pikes, he asked counsel 
 of Eustace de Montigny, a gallant knight. " Counsel ! " 
 replied the other, " it is too late for counsel. Let us 
 sell our lives as dearly as we can, for there is no 
 question here of ransom." Numbers prevailed over 
 knightly valour and prowess. The days of feudalism 
 were numbered. Burghers and artisans were becoming 
 more than a match for mail-clad warriors, their lords
 
 <'H. xv.] A TROUBLED INTERLUDE. 239 
 
 and oppressors. Louis de Maele, who had been wont 
 to address Walter d'Enghien as " fail- son," instead of 
 more formally saluting him as "cousin," is said to 
 have shed tears over the untimely fate of the too 
 daring youth. The siege of Ghent was raised after 
 this melancholy event, and a suspension of arms was 
 arranged at Harlebeke through the good offices of 
 Albert of Bavaria, though the Count desired nothing 
 more than a little breathing time to enable him to 
 resume hostilities at a more convenient moment.* 
 
 * Froissart places the death of Walter d'Enghicu after the acces- 
 sion to power of Philip van Arteveld, but in this he was mistaken.
 
 PAKT V. 
 
 PHILIP VAN ABTEVELD.
 
 PAET V. 
 
 PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Van den Bossche Philip van Arteveld appointed Captain of the 
 City His antecedents and character Execution of two 
 Leliaerds Philip's proclamation Francis Ackennan obtains 
 supplies Duplicity of the Count Misery at Ghent Philip 
 van Arteveld counsels action Marches upon Bruges Rout of 
 Beverhoutsveld Louis de Maele's adventures and escape 
 Submission of Bruges Ghent revictualled. 
 
 ANARCHY reigned in Gheni The citizens were 
 -divided amongst themselves, not merely by the old 
 antagonism which separated the adherents of the 
 Communes from those of the Count, but by petty 
 jealousies between different guilds and crafts, and, 
 above all, by distrust of one another. The population 
 of Ghent had become utterly demoralised by the 
 scenes of violence they had, of late, so frequently 
 witnessed, and by the cruel sufferings they had so long 
 endured. Hope seemed to have abandoned them. 
 In their misery, looking back to the brief period of 
 prosperity that had brightened their youthful days, 
 old men recalled to mind the manly presence of the 
 valiant leader murdered by the people he had loved 
 so well, and were heard to murmur, " Ah, if James
 
 244 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [rr. v, 
 
 van Arteveld were now alive things would not be in 
 this state, and we should have peace when it pleased 
 us." These words reached the ears of Peter van den 
 Bossche, who hatf many a time heard John Yoens 
 speak of the good old times when Van Arteveld was- 
 governor of the town. The suggestion was, therefore, 
 not lost upon him. There was a great meeting of 
 citizens on the 25th January, 1381, for the purpose of 
 choosing a successor to Giles de Meulenaire, Captain 
 of Ghent, who had been treacherously slain a few 
 weeks previously by some members of the Count's 
 faction. Several names were mentioned, but not one 
 commanded a sufficient number of suffrages to justify 
 his election to a post of such extreme peril and re- 
 sponsibility. At last, Yan den Bossche stepped forward 
 and, while acknowledging the merits of those who 
 had been proposed, declared that there was, neverthe- 
 less, one who had been passed over whose claims far 
 surpassed all the others. He referred to Philip van 
 Arteveld, who had been held at the font, in St. Peter's 
 Church, by the Queen of England, whilst his father 
 was warring against Tournai. He reminded his hearers- 
 that never had the town of Ghent and the country of 
 Flanders been so well governed as during the time 
 James van Arteveld was at the head of affairs. The 
 country, indeed, was at the point of ruin when he 
 came forward and restored it to prosperity. What 
 could they do better, then, than have recourse to the 
 issue of that valiant ruler? With one accord the 
 assembled multitude shouted that it should be so 
 they would have no other leader and they demanded 
 that he should be sent for. They were persuaded,
 
 CH. xvi.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 243 
 
 however, to proceed in person to Philip van Arteveld's 
 house, and entreat him to he their governor. The 
 task was more difficult than they had imagined, for 
 Philip had not forgotten their 'ingratitude to his 
 father, nor does he appear to have been of an am- 
 bitious disposition. In the end, however, he con- 
 sented to do what they desired, and being straightway 
 conducted to the Town-hall, was at once sworn in as 
 chief Captain of Grhent. 
 
 tip to this date Philip van Arteveld appears to 
 liave led an obscure and tranquil life. He was 
 evidently a dreamer, and little fitted to cope with 
 stern realities. Whether or not he was, as reported, 
 addicted to angling in the Lys or the Scheldt, while 
 Tiis country and native town were in the throes of 
 dissolution, he was certainly more prone to habits of 
 quietude and seclusion than to frequenting " the busy 
 taunts of men," and taking an active interest in the 
 turmoil of public affairs. He is depicted as a tall, 
 handsome man, of pleasant address, and gifted with 
 much of his father's eloquence. He was also just and 
 equitable, and more ready to listen to the promptings 
 of mercy than was common in those times. Neither 
 was he devoid of courage, though less fond of martial 
 exercises than his illustrious father. His head, too, if 
 we may credit Froissart, was more easily affected by 
 the power and popularity which so suddenly passed 
 into his possession. He is represented as surrounding 
 himself with pomp and magnificence, and apeing the 
 semblance of royalty ; but it may well be that all this 
 was as much an invention of the enemy as the previous 
 fiction which portrayed his father as a man of plebeian
 
 246 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [ir.Y, 
 
 origin, engaged in the business of one of the minor 
 crafts, and as seeking self-aggrandizement at the cost 
 of his country's loyalty and welfare. The ensuing 
 narrative will show that Philip van Arteveld was- 
 great neither as a general nor as a statesman. What- 
 ever greatness he had was thrust upon him chiefly 
 through the accident of his birth. It is true that for an 
 exceeding brief space he succeeded in rescuing Ghent 
 from imminent destruction, and also in raising it 
 to a degree of opulence and grandeur unattained even 
 under his father's abler administration ; but the glint 
 of sunshine was too speedily dimmed by a total eclipse- 
 in which the liberties of Flanders well-nigh perished, 
 and during which unutterable misery overwhelmed 
 the entire population. Philip van Arteveld, however, 
 was more unfortunate in his biographers than even his 
 greatly maligned predecessor. He was at least sus- 
 pected of being a Lollard at heart, while still 
 conforming to the rites of the established religion. It 
 may be that he was only a visionary, given to self-com- 
 muning, for which purpose his love of angling may have- 
 been assumed, and that he occasionally sought to fathom 
 ecclesiastical questions which were not intended to be- 
 plumbed by the laity. In any case, suspicions were- 
 entertained of his orthodoxy, a circumstance that would 
 suffice to prejudice against him the minds of writers in 
 any way connected with the Church. Impartiality was- 
 not to be expected from either the Canon of Chimay 
 or the monkish chronicler of the abbey of St. Denis- 
 whom M. do Lettenhove would identify with one- 
 George de Mare, or de Meire, a monk of that 
 abbey, and who also acted as secretary and notary to-
 
 CH. xvi.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVEL1). 247 
 
 Charles VI. The numerous plagiarists of those con- 
 temporary chroniclers were only careful to exaggerate 
 and embellish the facts and fictions they found ready 
 made to their hands, and the falie bias given at the 
 start sent the bowl rolling on ever farther and farther 
 from the right line. 
 
 As in the old time, four other captains were nomi- 
 nated to co-operate with Philip van Arteveld, though 
 in a slightly subordinate capacity. They were named 
 Peter van den Bossche, Rasse van de Voorde, James 
 Derycke, and John d'Heyst. Fortunately, these were 
 all good men and true, and served loyally under their 
 new chief. Their tenure of office narrowly escaped 
 ending almost as soon as it began. On their return 
 from Harlebeke the two Leliaerd burghers, Simon Bette 
 and Gilbert de Gruutere, had found themselves in a 
 false position through the election of Van Arteveld 
 and his colleagues, but, with admirable courage, they 
 resolved to stake their lives upon a final appeal to 
 the people. Very likely, as Froissart affirms, they 
 and their friends went about among the minor crafts- 
 men, poisoning their minds against the" Communal 
 leaders, and exhorting them to submit themselves to 
 the clemency of their natural lord. Be that as it 
 might, an immense crowd gathered together in the 
 market-place to hear the message of peace they 
 brought from the Count. The messengers are credited 
 with very ingenious speeches in praise of the Count's 
 magnanimity, who was willing to pardon all their 
 manifold misdeeds and acts of rebellion, provided 
 they surrendered into his hands two hundred citi/cns 
 to be named by himself. The proposition was re-
 
 248 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. v. 
 
 jected with scorn and indignation, as the Klauwaerds 
 were for the moment the dominant faction, and the 
 Count's representatives were arrested as traitors. 
 Froissart pretends tiiat they were stabbed to death on 
 the spot by Van den Bossche and Van Arteveld, but 
 there is reason to believe that they wore brought to 
 trial before the Communal magistrates, and, being 
 convicted, were publicly beheaded the one on the 
 2nd the other on the 4th February. A brother of 
 Gilbert Mahieu was executed at the same time. 
 
 Judged by the laws and usages of modern civiliza- 
 tion, these three men were not liable to death. Their 
 offence consisted in placing their oath of allegiance to 
 their Count above their loyalty to their fellow-towns- 
 men. It is true, Louis de Maele paid scanty respect 
 to the ancient privileges of the three good towns, and 
 would have cancelled the monopolies which gave them 
 an unfair advantage over his other subjects. On one 
 occasion, besides, his bailiff had arrested a burgess, 
 and had refused to surrender him to the local court of 
 justice. But surely these differences might have been 
 adjusted without recourse to arms, and in all proba- 
 bility there were other and stronger causes at work 
 in the background. The commonalty were every- 
 where rising in insurrection against the nobles. In 
 England, the throne itself was momentarily shaken by 
 Wat Tyler and his associates, while in France the 
 capital city was twice in the hands of the populace 
 the first time under Stephen Marcel, and afterwards 
 under the Maillotins. The contest was premature. 
 Both sides made a cruel abuse of every temporary 
 advantage that fell to their lot, but it was inevitable
 
 OH. xvi.] PHILIP VAN AIITEVELD. 245* 
 
 that in the long run victory should remain with the 
 mail-clad warriors, familiar with some sort of or- 
 ganization and discipline, and who fought, besides, in 
 the open, while their adversaries *were for the most 
 part shut up within their walls always a dishearten- 
 ing position. 
 
 Philip van Arteveld celebrated his election to the 
 leadership of the city by a proclamation which enjoined 
 the suppression of all private hatreds until the four- 
 teenth day after the conclusion of peace. It declared 
 that whoso took a man's life should lose his head, and 
 that a rigorous imprisonment for forty days should be 
 awarded to combatants, even though they parted with- 
 out giving or receiving a wound. A similar punish- 
 ment awaited those who blasphemed and frequented 
 houses of ill-fame, who played with dice, or stirred up 
 sedition among the people. An account of public 
 receipts and expenditure was to be made out every 
 month. The Communal magistrates were to sit with 
 open doors. Finally, every inhabitant of Ghent was 
 to wear a white sleeve inscribed with the words: 
 "Godt helpt my." The greatest and most urgent 
 necessity, however, was to secure an adequate and 
 permanent supply of provisions. A fleet had been 
 despatched to Holland and Zealand to procure the 
 necessaries of life, while Francis Ackerman, a patriot 
 who afterwards took a prominent part in public affairs, 
 conducted a body of armed men, whose numbers have 
 been variously computed from three to twelve thousand, 
 into Brabant and up to the very gates of Brussels. 
 The Duke had forbidden his subjects to carry food 
 supplies to Ghent, but permitted - them to deal with
 
 250 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. [i-r. v. 
 
 any persons who came to purchase and fetch away 
 their superfluities. The magistrates of Brussels caused 
 the gates to be closed, as it seemed a hazardous pro- 
 ceeding to admit s&ine thousands of hungry men fur- 
 nished with weapons of war, hut Ackerinan sent an 
 unarmed deputation to offer to pay for provisions for 
 the sake of their townsmen famishing at home. They 
 were allowed to remain and recruit their strength and 
 to advance as far as Louvain. 
 
 From that town Ackerman, accompanied by twelve 
 citizens of repute, proceeded to Liege and made such a 
 favourable impression upon the Bishop that he promised 
 to intercede with the Count on their behalf. The magis- 
 trates even expressed great sympathy with their suffer- 
 ings in the common cause of all Communes, and said 
 that were their country as near as that of Brabant or 
 Hainault they would gladly assist them. Under existing 
 circumstances, they could do no more than give them 
 every facility for the purchase of five or six hundred 
 cart-loads of corn and flour. In the space of forty- 
 eight hours Ackerman and his companions collected 
 six hundred carts on hire, with which they set out on 
 their homeward journey. On rejoining his people 
 under the walls of Brussels, Ackerman and two of his- 
 friends waited upon the Duchess, in the absence of the 
 Duke, and implored her intercession, which she 
 graciously promised to employ. As the convoy 
 approached Ghent the inhabitants poured out through 
 the gates to meet them, and immense rejoicing ensued, 
 though for a very little while. The provisions thus 
 obtained were sufficient for only fifteen days, but, as 
 the old chronicler remarks, " to those who are without
 
 CB. xvi.] PHILIP VAN ARTKVK1.1'. 2.M 
 
 comfort a little thing gives hope." The carts were 
 carefully taken back to their owners, after their con- 
 tents had been equitably divided among the citizens. 
 
 The Bishop of Liege and the Duchess of Brabant 
 faithfully executed their engagements, and besought 
 the Count to be merciful to his subjects. Unwilling 
 to offend such powerful personages, Louis de Maele 
 consented to convene a Council to be held at Tournai 
 at the end of Easter, 1382. Deputies from Liege, 
 Brabant, and Hainault accordingly proceeded to that 
 town, where they were met by twelve deputies from 
 Ghent headed by Van Arteveld, who were instructed 
 to accept any terms however harsh, provided that no 
 one was to be put to death. And Froissart states 
 that " Philip van Arteveld was willing, if he should 
 have angered the earl ever so little, during the time he 
 was governor of Ghent, to be one of the banished men 
 for life, out of the regard he had for the lower ranks of 
 the people." No one, however, appeared on the part 
 of the Count until the deputies from the three States 
 despatched some of their number to Bruges to ask for 
 an explanation. Four of the most distinguished of 
 his adherents were then sent to Tournai to excuse the 
 Count's absence, and to state his decision with regard 
 to Ghent. He required all the inhabitants of that 
 town, from the age of fifteen to that of sixty, to come 
 forth, bare-headed, in their shirts, with halters round 
 their necks, as far as Buscampveld, half-way between 
 Bruges and Ghent, where he would meet them and 
 determine how many he would pardon, how many he 
 would put to death. The Ghent deputies were over- 
 whelmed with dismay on receivifig this ruthless it Hi-
 
 252 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 matum, but reserved their answer until the matter 
 had been submitted to their fellow-townsmen. The 
 meeting then broke up after an interchange of good 
 wishes, and Philip Van Arteveld and his companions 
 returned home in sadness, after discharging their 
 hotel bills, as Froissart takes care to mention. " The 
 Count of Flanders," he continues, " never made an in- 
 quiry what was the answer of the Ghent deputies, so 
 very cheap did he hold them." He believed, indeed, 
 that the town could not hold out many days longer, 
 and in that prevision had summoned his vassals from 
 all parts to join him at Bruges at the festival of the 
 Holy Blood, when, after walking in that solemn pro- 
 cession, they would set out together "to destroy" 
 those troublesome burghers. 
 
 It was on the 29th April, 1382, that the deputies 
 made their melancholy entry into Ghent. The people 
 crowded around their leader, and entreated him to 
 give them a word of hope and encouragement, but he 
 rode on in silence, holding down his head. At length 
 he bade them go home, and rest in peace until the 
 morrow, when at nine in the morning he would be in 
 the market-place, and would tell them all he knew. 
 They obeyed with sorrowful forebodings, but to Peter 
 van den Bossche the whole truth was told as soon as 
 the crowd had dispersed. " In a few days," replied 
 that doughty soldier, " the town of Ghent shall be the 
 most honoured town in Christendom, or the most 
 humbled." 
 
 On the morrow, at the appointed hour, the market- 
 place was thronged with an anxious multitude, 
 craving to know their fate. Briefly as circum-
 
 CH. xvi.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. W 
 
 stances would permit, Philip van Arteveld reported 
 what had been done at Tournai, and rehearsed the 
 Count's message. When he had done speaking, there 
 burst forth a tumult of lamentatiofc, men, women, and 
 children shrieking, sobbing, and bewailing aloud their 
 own and their neighbours' misery. After the first 
 demonstrations of despair had somewhat subsided, 
 their captain again addressed them. He pointed out 
 to his hearers that there was no time to waste. Some 
 sort of decision must be arrived at without delay, if 
 they would live, and not die of hunger. Thirty 
 thousand human beings within the walls of Ghent, he 
 said, had not tasted bread for a fortnight. Three 
 courses only were open to them. The first was to shut 
 themselves in, and bank up the gates of the town with 
 earth. Then confess themselves humbly and peni- 
 tently, and filling the churches and monasteries pass 
 away with resignation. God would have mercy upon 
 their souls, and wherever their piteous story was told 
 men would say that they had perished with courage 
 and loyalty. Or they might act in a different way. 
 They might go forth, with bare heads and feet, and a 
 rope round their necks, and ask mercy of the Count. 
 He could not be so hard-hearted, or so lifted up with 
 pride, as not to be softened by such a spectacle and 
 moved to compassion. For his own part, he would be 
 the first to offer the sacrifice of his own head, ;iml 
 would gladly die for the love he bore to his fellow- 
 townsmen. There was, however, yet another alterna- 
 tive. They might pick out five thousand of the most 
 helpful and best armed citizens, and march out to 
 Bruges and give battle to the Count. If they fell in
 
 254 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 this enterprise, it would be with honour, and God 
 would have mercy upon them. Men, too, would say 
 that they had upheld, and maintained, their quarrel 
 right valiantly. And if God, who in ancient times 
 strengthened the hand of Judith to slay Holofernes, 
 should take the like pity on them, they would be the 
 most honoured of all peoples since the days of the 
 Romans. 
 
 The citizens listened in silence, and then, after a 
 moment's pause, voices were heard imploring the 
 leader of the town to decide for them. This he did 
 without hesitation, and pronounced in favour of the 
 third course as the safest as well as the most worthy 
 of freemen. Then they shouted as one man, that this 
 was their will likewise, and in no other way would 
 they act. They were accordingly bidden to repair to 
 their homes, and await the visit of the officers in- 
 structed to select five thousand of the bravest and 
 most capable men. The gates were immediately closed, 
 and no one was allowed to leave the town under any 
 pretext, so that no tidings should be carried to Bruges 
 of the desperate resolution taken b} r the men of Ghent. 
 The town, it will be observed, was not, strictly speak- 
 ing, besieged. It was blockaded within a circle of 
 considerable circumference, but the larger the inclosed 
 territory the greater was the difficulty of rinding food for 
 the people. Agriculture had been too much neglected 
 and despised even by the rural population, and the 
 country itself had of late been so frequently devas- 
 tated, that no supplies could be obtained except from 
 a distance, and those sources had been cut off by the 
 Count's allies or by his own partisans. Neither does
 
 xvi.J I'll 1 LIP VAN ARTEVELD. 
 
 255 
 
 it appear that capital was employed, to any sensible 
 extent, in laying up corn and flour against seasons of 
 danger and scarcity, and thus it came to pass that 
 within an exceedingly brief space of time the populous 
 town of Ghent more than once passed from the un- 
 rcstrairfed enjoyment of luxuries to the absolute want 
 of the commonest necessaries of life. But never had 
 the people been reduced to such positive destitution as 
 on this occasion. When the small army of fighting 
 men was declared ready to take the field, it was found 
 that no more provisions could be scraped together for 
 their sustenance than could be put into five carts, 
 while two more were devoted to the transport of two 
 pipes of wine, all that remained within the town. 
 Two hundred carts, however, were loaded with cannon 
 and with machines for hurling projectiles. As the 
 host defiled through the gate, priests with uplifted 
 hands blessed them in the name of the God of Battles, 
 and bade them go forth with brave hearts, for Heaven 
 was on their side ; while the people told them they need 
 not return if discomfited, for they would only find 
 their families buried beneath the ruins of their homes. 
 Towards the close of the first day halt was made 
 near the village of Somerghem, but on the following 
 day the men of Ghent pushed on to Oedelem, where 
 they suddenly turned aside and took up a position on 
 the extensive Common of Beverhoutsveld. In front 
 they were protected by a wide and impracticable marsh, 
 and on their flanks they made a sort of laager of their 
 carts, besides driving in long stakes and digging en- 
 trenchments, to check the onslaught of the men-at- 
 arms. During their march they had contented them-
 
 256 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 selves with such provisions as they had succeeded in 
 obtaining from the fields and villages, for they desired 
 to hushand for the last effort the scanty store they 
 had brought withshem. After despatching another 
 message to the Count praying for pardon, they laid 
 themselves down in their ranks and sought in* sleep a 
 respite from care and hunger. At dawn on Saturday, 
 May 3rd, 1382, Van Arteveld and the other captains 
 went round the camp, exhorting every man to do his 
 duty, for as they acquitted themselves that day so 
 would it fare with their aged parents, their wives and 
 little ones, already at the point of starvation. Seven 
 Grey Friars, who had accompanied the militia, 
 celebrated mass, and preached at great length to 
 inspire them with the courage of faith. Yery many 
 confessed themselves and received the Sacrament, in the 
 firm resolution to win or die. The provision carts 
 were then unloaded, and a frugal breakfast was 
 provided for each and each knew that it was his last 
 meal unless victory was on their side that day. 
 
 Meanwhile the minor crafts of Bruges gave them- 
 selves up to feasting and drinking, and, blinded by 
 their miserable jealousy, hoped to make an end of the 
 rivalry of Ghent. Heated with wine and beer, they 
 suddenly sallied out of the gate leading to Beverhouts- 
 veld in a broken disorderly mass, shouting and singing, 
 and already imagining themselves the conquerors. In 
 vain the Count and his war-trained knights and 
 barons strove to restore order, and to persuade the 
 citizens to wait yet another day, by which time their 
 enemies would be too exhausted by hunger to offer 
 any serious resistance. The presumptuous and intoxi-
 
 en. xvi.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 257 
 
 catcd mob would listen to neither advice nor com- 
 mands. They still pressed onward, their confusion 
 increasing as they rolled and staggered along the 
 league of sandy road that led to the enemy's position. 
 Confronted by the marsh, they turned aside and were 
 dazzled by the rays of the setting sun shining on their 
 eyes. At the same time, the Ghent artillery opened at 
 close quarters a heavy fire of iron and stone balls upon 
 their exposed flank, while, with ringing shouts of 
 -" Ghent ! Ghent ! " the militia of that town sprang 
 out of their entrenchments and fell upon their assail- 
 ants sword in hand. The shock was irresistible. 
 Terror took the place of arrogance, and the un- 
 organised mob fled for their lives. Trampling upon one 
 another as they fell in their headlong route, and never 
 pausing to strike a single blow in self defence, they 
 were struck down, stabbed, and speared by the pursuers, 
 to whom their unexpected victory had imparted a 
 feverish strength and fury. After a feeble attempt to 
 rally the fugitives at Assebroucke, the Count's officers 
 were swept away by the panic-stricken crowd, and at 
 last, when the sun had gone down, Louis de Maele, at 
 the head of a small band of men-at-arms, galloped into 
 the town and sought safety in his palace. 
 
 His first step was to send orders to the guards at the 
 gates of the town to close them alike upon friends and 
 foes, but it was already too late, for the enemy had made 
 good their entrance and were advancing in excellent 
 order to the market-place. Meanwhile the Count had 
 sent messengers throughout the town, summoning the 
 inhabitants to meet him in front of the Town-hall, 
 whither he himself proceeded with as many armed
 
 258 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v, 
 
 retainers as he had been able to collect, and lighted 
 by torches. On the way he was met by a knight named 
 Robert Maerschalck, the husband of one of his ille- 
 gitimate daughters! who warned him that the Ghent 
 men were in possession of the market-place. He was 
 in no mood, however, to listen to words of caution r 
 and pushed forward till he perceived the banner of 
 Ghent where he had intended to plant his own. 
 Awakening to a sense of his supreme peril, he instantly 
 ordered the torches to be extinguished, and told his 
 followers to shift every man for himself. Concealing 
 himself for a moment behind the chapel of St. Amand r 
 he borrowed a cloak from a valet to throw over his- 
 armour, and stole away into the darkness, for it was- 
 then midnight. 
 
 Presently he encountered a citizen of Ghent, named 
 Hegnier Campioen, who at once recognised him, but 
 compassionating his mischance, helped him to gain a 
 hovel, the door of which was half open. An elderly 
 woman was seated in front of a few pieces of smoulder- 
 ing peat, the smoke from which hung heavy in the 
 scantily furnished room, from which a ladder com- 
 municated with the loft in which her children were 
 asleep. The woman was naturally startled on seeing 
 two men walk in at that hour, but the Count ex- 
 claimed : " Save me, I am thy lord, the Count of 
 Flanders." Happily, she knew him by sight, for she 
 had many a time received alms and doles of broken 
 meat from his steward. Forgetful of herself, she 
 hastened to entreat him to mount the ladder, and 
 hide beneath the wretched bed in which her children 
 were laid. Campioen, after seeing that Louis was
 
 CH. xvi.] PHILIP VAN AIlTEl'ELD. 259 
 
 safe for the moment, returned into the street and fell 
 in with a party of men who were looking for the 
 Count. Joining himself to them he again entered the 
 hovel, where the woman was founcP seated by the fire, 
 nursing her youngest child. Anticipating his com- 
 panions, Campioen mounted the ladder, and affected to 
 search about the loft, of which he made a good report 
 to those below. A few minutes afterwards they 
 retired, and the Count was left to meditate on the con- 
 sequences of his misrule. 
 
 During the darkness of the night many scenes of 
 violence inevitably occurred. The weavers and fullers 
 had united themselves to the men of Ghent as soon as 
 they entered the market-place, but several of the 
 smaller crafts, such as the butchers, fishermen, jerkin- 
 makers, and furriers* remained faithful to the Count, 
 and prepared to renew the struggle. They were, how- 
 ever, easily overpowered, and not a few of them were 
 put to the sword. It may also have happened, as 
 Froissart affirms, that there was a good deal of pil- 
 laging, and that women were occasionally ill-treated ; 
 but he also admits that never was a captured town 
 more leniently dealt with, and that only those suffered 
 against whom strong evidence was forthcoming. In 
 reality, the only offence of which the Bruges men had 
 been guilty was that of loyalty to the Count, and of 
 thinking more of their own immediate material inte- 
 rests than of those of their neighbours. This was the 
 case with each of the good towns, which in many 
 
 * Colonel Johnes renders "miners" into "glassmen," after the 
 fashion of those who gave Cinderella a glass slipper instead of a 
 slipper lined with miniver mistaking " vair" for "verre." 
 
 I
 
 260 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 respects, and especially in selfishness, resembled the 
 ancient Greek and more modern Italian Republics. 
 Against a foreign enemy they were capable of a tem- 
 porary coalition, tfut in ordinary times they were 
 divided by mutual rivalries and internecine contests. 
 When daylight returned, Philip van Arteveld and 
 Peter van den Bossche applied themselves vigorously 
 to the restoration of order. Prompt measures were 
 taken to provide for the safety of foreign traders, and 
 particularly of Englishmen. All rioting and plun- 
 dering were strictly prohibited. Solemn thanksgivings 
 were offered up in the different churches. Long trains 
 of carts and waggons, laden with wine and provisions, 
 were hastily despatched to Ghent from Bruges, 
 Damme, and Sluys, so that plenty took the place of 
 privation. Business was everywhere re-established. 
 Confidence revived, and the people acknowledged that 
 Van Arteveld was worthy to rule them. No traces, 
 however, could be discovered of the Count. The 4th 
 of May was spent by him in his humble asylum, but 
 at night he contrived, dressed like a labourer, to cross 
 the town moat in a small boat. He knew nothing of 
 the country, and, after wandering about for some time 
 at random, the sound of human voices made him 
 crouch behind some bushes. Presently he recognised 
 the voice of Sir Robert Maerschalk, his own son-in- 
 law, who naively asked him by what means he had 
 got away from Bruges. " Come, come, Robert," cried 
 the Count, with some humour, " Is this a time to be 
 tolling one's adventures ? Try to get me a horse, for 
 I am tired of walking, and put me on the road to 
 Lille if you know the way." This happened at St.
 
 PHILIP VAN AHTl-:\'l-:i.l). 261 
 
 Michael's, near Crrcnenberg, but it was easier to 
 for a mount than to obtain one. At last, a peasant 
 was persuaded to part with his mare, and without 
 saddle or pad Louis de Maele jogged on till he reached 
 Roulers, where he alighted at a humble hostelry, and 
 threw himself on the loyalty of the innkeeper. 
 " Save me," he again cried, " I am thy lord, the Count 
 of Flanders ; " and again the Flemish sentiment of 
 fidelity was his safeguard. The good man furnished 
 him with the best horse in his stables, and accompa- 
 nied him to Lille, where many Leliaerds speedily 
 assembled, and where ho heard of the death of his 
 mother, who bequeathed to him the County of Artois. 
 The inheritance came at an opportune moment, for hi.s 
 treasures were exhausted. But the lessons of adver- 
 sity were thrown away upon his light and heedless 
 disposition. He had learnt nothing and forgotten 
 nothing, and was only solicitous to master his rebel- 
 lious subjects, and punish them without mercy.
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The rival Popes Wreckage of the Count's chateau at Maele 
 Magnificence of Philip van Arteveld Siege of Oudenaerd 
 Gallant defence Use of artillery Destitution of the garrison 
 The Flemish camp Louis de Maele appeals to the Ihtke of 
 Burgundy Charles VI. summons ban and arriere-ban Philip 
 van Arteveld claims the king's mediation Flemish mission to 
 Kichard II. Charles VI. takes nominal command of his army 
 Passage of the Lys Van den Bossche's position turned 
 His defeat. 
 
 THE task was every day growing more difficult. 
 The effect produced by the rout of Beverhoutsveld 
 was far greater than the nature of the disaster merited. 
 It was everywhere represented as the victory of the 
 commonalty over the nobles, whereas it was simply the 
 discomfiture of a drunken, disorderly rabble by a 
 handful of desperate men, to whom defeat would have 
 been synonymous with death and the destruction of all 
 that was dear to them. The Roman Pope, Urban 
 VI., rejoiced that his adherents had triumphed over 
 those of Pope Clement VII. at Avignon, though in his 
 heart he must have sympathised with the Count, 
 driven from his territories by a noisy democracy. In 
 France and in England the plebeians were stimulated 
 to cherish hopes doomed to early disappointment, 
 while throughout Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault the 
 utmost enthusiasm was exhibited. The Ghent leaders,
 
 <-H. xvii.] PHILIP V<AN ARTEVELD. 263 
 
 however, were not disposed to loosen their hold upon 
 the faithless and inconstant inhabitants of Bruges. 
 They resolved to demolish two gates and a consider- 
 able extent of curtain on the sif^e facing the Ghent 
 a-oad, and to fill up the moat with the materials and 
 rubbish. Philip van Arteveld is described by Froissart 
 .as living in great state and splendour, occupying the 
 Count's town residence, and being served with lordly 
 magnificence. In this description there is probably 
 rsome exaggeration, though it cannot be denied that he 
 was much more addicted to pomp and pleasure than his 
 more earnest and statesmanlike father. A detachment 
 of the men of Ghent, it is added, repaired to the Count's 
 country house at Maele, about two English miles 
 beyond the walls, and carried off everything that was 
 portable. An immense quantity of booty, including 
 the Gilded Dragon* that now surmounts the belfry at 
 Ghent, was removed to that city, whose inhabitants 
 Avere soon taught the wholesome, if bitter lesson, that 
 no town or country that abuses victory will long escape 
 defeat. Two hundred hostages were likewise selected 
 from among the most respectable of the Count's par- 
 tisans, and marched off into a sort of honourable 
 .exile. 
 
 From Bruges- Van Arteveld proceeded to Ypres, 
 where he was received with joyous acclamations. 
 From that town he returned to Ghent, which he 
 
 * According to M. Delepierre, this famous dragon, which was 
 .made of copper gilt, originally surmounted the done of St. Sophia 
 :;it Constantinople, and was sent by the Emperor Baldwin, Count of 
 
 Flanders, to Bruges, where it was placed over the Cloth-hall tower. 
 
 1 ts removal to Ghent produced bad blood between the two quarrel- 
 .some towns.
 
 .264 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEl'ELD. 
 
 entered in triumph. Even his partial historian, M. 
 Kervyn de Lettenhove, is compelled to confess that 
 success had thrust aside simplicity and moderation, 
 and that the Cou^it himself would have displayed 
 less prodigality. The new Belieder van de Stad 
 had as many valets in hourly attendance, and as- 
 many noble coursers in his stables, as if he had been 
 some mighty potentate. Every day trumpets sounded 
 at the gates of his lordly mansion, in which, dressed 
 in scarlet robes, lined with miniver, he entertained the 
 fairest ladies of the land at sumptuous banquets. It 
 may here be noted that James van Arteveld was never 
 as is generally stated appointed Rewaerd of Flanders. 
 He was never more than the Belieder van de Stad r 
 nor was his authority so unconstitutionally despotic 
 as the power assumed by his son. By virtue of his- 
 assumed leadership, Philip van Arteveld summoned 
 the' towns of Flanders to send their militia to 
 combat the common enemy. The summons was 
 obeyed with such alacrity that, in the early days of' 
 June, 100,000 armed men were encamped on the banks 
 of the Scheldt. The point of attack was Oudenaerd, 
 garrisoned by a valiant body of knights under the 
 command of Sir Daniel d'Halewyn, an intrepid and 
 experienced captain, who had pledged his word to- 
 Louis de Maele that he would hold out to the last 
 extremity, and nobly did he redeem his pledge. 
 
 Louis himself had quitted Lille as too exposed to a 
 sudden surprise, and had withdrawn first to Hesdin, and 
 then to Bapaume. In the town last named he was guiltv 
 of the unpardonable cowardice and cruelty of striking off 
 the heads of his hostages from Courtrai, on the ground
 
 CH. xvii.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 265 
 
 that their townsmen had leagued themselves with the 
 inhabitants of Ghent. But, however personally 
 unworthy may have been the Count, too much praise 
 cannot be awarded to the devoted courage of his 
 adherents. Their knightly valour, indeed, would have 
 availed them but little, had Yan Arteveld listened to 
 the enthusiastic counsels of his companions. One and 
 all demanded the signal for the assault, the success of 
 which was a certainty, though it might be at the cost 
 of many valuable lives. At that supreme moment, 
 Philip van Arteveld was wanting alike to himself and 
 to his country. Whether he shrank from "blood- 
 guiltiness" an idea conceived in a degenerate age 
 or whether, which is more probable, he affected the 
 sustained exhibition of supreme power, the result was 
 the same. He refused to give the signal, and declared 
 his intention of reducing the place without the effusion 
 of a single drop of blood. He put his faith in his 
 multitudinous artillery of all sizes, shapes, and deno- 
 minations ; and, had the art of making gunpowder 
 attained its present excellence, the monstrous projec- 
 tiles of those days must speedily have battered a breach 
 in stone-built walls, unless, indeed, a greater explosive 
 power had proved fatal to the machines themselves. 
 
 According to Froissart, an enormous engine, forty 
 feet in length and twenty wide, was erected on the 
 summit of a low hill overlooking the town. It was 
 called a Sheep,* and cast huge stones and beams of 
 
 * The " Truye, " or Sow, was a more formidable engine even than 
 the "Mouton,"or Sheep, for it not only cast stones 200 Ibs. in 
 weight, but could be wheeled close up to the battered walls. Its 
 name was derived from the number of soldiers it was capable of
 
 266 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 wood that crushed everything they struck. An im- 
 mense mortar, fifty feet in length, was also employed 
 to "alarm the garrison," the report of which " was so 
 loud that it seemeM as if all the devils in hell had 
 broken loose." The detonation " might be heard five 
 leagues off in the daytime and ten at night," but 
 nothing is said about the damage it inflicted. 
 Christine de Pisan, quoted by M. de Lettenhove, 
 makes mention of 248 pieces of artillery of iron or 
 copper, designed for recovering Calais from the English 
 in 1377, some of which were capable of discharging 
 stones four to five hundred pounds in weight. The 
 largest was called the Montfort, for which 150 bits of 
 rock were provided by way of ammunition ; but these 
 monstrous machines were seldom fired more than half- 
 a-dozen times in a day, and not often with much 
 effect. The smaller pieces, called ribaude in French 
 i-ibaudcquins which were used at Tournai and else- 
 where, consisted of several barrels bound together by 
 a band of iron, but they do not appear to have wrought 
 much mischief to the walls. 
 
 The blockade was more efficacious than the uproar of 
 -the artillery. The commander of the garrison had at an 
 early period turned out of the town the greater part of 
 the population, and those w r ho remained were locked 
 up in the churches and monasteries, so that their cries 
 and lamentations should not unnerve the fighting men. 
 
 containing when run up to the foot of a breach. There was also 
 another engine employed in this siege, the missiles from which were 
 large bars and bolts of hot copper. These various machines appear 
 to have been full of sound and fury, but were of very little actual 
 efficiency.
 
 CH. xvii.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 267 
 
 Nevertheless, they had to be fed as well as the 
 soldiers, and, although they were put on short rations, 
 (they helped to diminish the small store of provisions. 
 Disaffection, however, first showed itself among the 
 regular troops, whose pay had fallen into arrears, and 
 who could only be silenced by a burgher offering to 
 advance six thousand francs, provided that sum were 
 iodged by the Count in the hands of a certain money- 
 changer at Valenciennes. A serving man undertook 
 to notify this arrangement to Louis de Maele, who was 
 then idling away his time at Hesdin. The brave 
 fellow succeeded in crossing the Scheldt at night and 
 in making his way through the camp of the besiegers, 
 and the Count was roused from his shameless indo- 
 lence to make an appeal to his son-in-law, the Duke of 
 Burgundy, one of the uncles of the weak-minded boy- 
 king, Charles VI. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the Flemish leaguer resembled a 
 fair rather than a camp. Van Arteveld had caused 
 piles to be driven into the bed of the river to impede 
 navigation, but this did not prevent the ample pro- 
 visionment of his own mighty host. Wooden buildings 
 were constructed for the display of. cloths, furs, and 
 merceries. A regular market was held every Saturday, 
 which was frequented by dealers in agricultural pro- 
 duce for miles round, while taverns for the sale of 
 French and Khenish wines were as plentiful as in 
 Brussels. Frenchmen alone were denied access to 
 this gathering of festive warriors ; but from Brabant, 
 Ilainault, Liege, and even Germany traders and 
 visitors were continually going to and fro. All this 
 ill-timed luxury was, however, injurious to discipline
 
 268 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 
 
 always difficult to be maintained in an army of civic 
 volunteers. A band of marauders, for they cannot be 
 called soldiers, detached themselves from the host with 
 the avowed purpose' of plundering and destroying the 
 country houses of the great Leliaerd lords, who- 
 favoured the Count. In the course of their ravages- 
 they arrived at Maele, where "they found the silver 
 cradle in which he (the Count) had been nursed, and 
 the bathing-tub in which he had been washed, both 
 of which they entirely demolished " the font in which 
 he was baptised had been broken to pieces immediately 
 after the Count's flight from Bruges. The chapel was 
 now pulled down by these sacrilegious vagabonds, who 
 carried the bell to the governors of Bruges, and were 
 thanked for their services. From Bruges they wandered 
 away to the environs of Lille, where they fired some 
 windmills and burnt some villages, but this time they 
 did not escape with perfect impunity, for some of the 
 inhabitants sallied forth and attacked them with so 
 much spirit that a considerable number were slain on 
 the spot, and others, being made prisoners and carried 
 into Lille, had their heads struck off. The survivors, 
 however, took their way to Tournai, and set fire to 
 Seclin and some other places situated in French 
 territory. 
 
 The Count of Flanders had now a decent pretext 
 for claiming the aid of France. He accordingly set 
 out for Bapaume, where he laid before the Duke of 
 Burgundy a piteous account of the straits to which he 
 was reduced. The Duke naturally compassionated 
 one of his own order who had suffered so much at the 
 hands of the baser sort, nor was he less anxious to
 
 < ii. xvn.J PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 269 
 
 restore peace and tranquillity to the noble territory 
 which would one day devolve upon himself and his 
 heirs. His cause, moreover, had become the King's 
 also, in consequence of the fooliSh incursion of the 
 Flemings into France. He therefore hastened to 
 Senlis, where the Court then resided, and was en- 
 gaged in consultation with his brother, the Duke do 
 Berri, when the young King sauntered into the room, 
 hawk on wrist, and demanded to know what they 
 were talking about. He was then told how Philip van 
 Arteveld was besieging Oudenaerd after driving the 
 Count of Flanders out of his own land, and how, not 
 content with defying his own lord, he had sent his 
 troops to burn and ravage the frontiers of France. 
 Charles VI. had long indulged in silly dreams derived 
 from listening to the romances of chivalry, and had 
 vainly fancied that he too could be a hero. He easily 
 lent himself, therefore, to the interested designs of his 
 uncles, for a brief space living in harmony and working 
 in unison, and when the Duke do Bourbon added his 
 influence to that of his brothers, the King issued 
 orders to summon the ban and arriere-ban of the realm 
 to meet him at Arras. 
 
 Philip van Arteveld seems to have been under the 
 impression that the youthful monarch would side with 
 the Communes against their Count, and had therefore 
 delayed making overtures to the King of England, 
 lie still adhered to his design of reducing the garri- 
 sons of Oudenaerd and Dendermonde by famine, and 
 in the long run he would, of course, have succeeded. 
 Frequent sallies were made with varying fortune, but 
 no perceptible progress had been achieved by the
 
 270 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. v, 
 
 besiegers when Philip resolved to appeal to Charles VI. 
 to mediate between the Communes and their liege 
 lord. A humble and respectful letter was accordingly 
 addressed to the Eing, setting forth the wrongs and 
 grievances of which the people of Flanders justly com- 
 plained, and entreating his gracious intercession. The 
 letter was read aloud at the Council Board, and 
 greeted with derisive laughter. The bearer of it was 
 even thrown into prison for presuming to approach 
 the Court without a safe-conduct, nor was he liberated 
 for three weeks. The King's uncles were nevertheless 
 reluctant to drive the Flemings to despair. It seemed 
 a safer course to create disunion among them by 
 reviving their ancient jealousies of one another, and 
 by promising to these the privileges which were denied 
 to those. Certain knights and bishops were therefore 
 instructed to repair to Tournai as if to open negotia- 
 tions, but the Communes demanded, as a preliminary, 
 the evacuation of Dendermonde and Oudenaerd. The 
 envoys were consequently compelled to content them- 
 selves with writing identical notes to the magistrates 
 of the three good towns, in which they expressed their 
 readiness to open direct communications with them. 
 If their intention was to act secretly without Van 
 Arteveld's knowledge, the envoys were doomed to 
 disappointment. Philip chanced to be in Ghent when 
 the letter for that town arrived, and it was imme- 
 diately placed in his hands ; those directed to Bruges 
 and Ypres were also forwarded to him. On the 20th 
 October, 1382, he brought these irregular proceedings 
 to a close by publishing a manifesto in which he 
 reviewed and justified the conduct of the Communes,
 
 CH. xvii.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 271 
 
 and held Charles VI. responsible for whatever might 
 ensue if he refused to mediate between the Count 
 and his subjects. As for his armies and the puis- 
 sance of his kingdom, nothing, h% added, was to bo 
 apprehended from that quarter. The King's uncles 
 were not unreasonably angered by the tone of this 
 remonstrance, and applied themselves seriously to the 
 equipment of a force which should bear down every- 
 thing before it. 
 
 Philip van Arteveld, convinced too late that nothing 
 was to be expected from Royal mediation, persuaded 
 the Communal magistrates to send envoys to London 
 to solicit the alliance and protection of Richard II. 
 Among them were Francis Ackerman, Rasse van de 
 Voorde, and John de West, a learned theologian who 
 had made himself of some importance in the papal 
 schism. On their safe arrival in London they were 
 admitted to audience of the King, in presence of the 
 Duke of Lancaster, and of the Earls of Buckingham, 
 Kent, and Salisbury. They were received with much 
 kindness, and the English commonalty even mani- 
 fested great sympathy for those of their order in 
 Flanders who stood in such peril of their lives and 
 liberties. But it must be confessed that the Flemish 
 envoys exhibited little tact or knowledge of the world, 
 if it be true that they required of Richard the prompt 
 payment of 200,000 old crowns each worth seven 
 shillings and sixpence alleged to have been borrowed 
 by his grandfather, Edward III. Had they withheld 
 that impracticable demand, it seemed to Froissart not 
 improbable that the King would have crossed the 
 Channel to their assistance at the head of a powerful
 
 272 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 army. As it was, the Lords of the Council " looked 
 on the Flemings as proud and presumptuous, in thus 
 demanding a debt of 200,000 old crowns of so very 
 ancient a date as foVty years." 
 
 Notwithstanding the great exertions made by the 
 King's uncles to assemble an army before the season 
 for warlike operations had closed, it was the 4th 
 November before Charles VI. arrived at Arras. He 
 had previously received the homage of the Count of 
 Flanders, and had promised to make his quarrel his 
 own, but it was still undecided at what point the 
 invasion of Flanders could be safely attempted. With 
 ordinary vigilance and promptitude of action on the 
 part of the Flemings, it would have been impossible 
 to cross the Lys. On that head no blame can be 
 attached to Philip van Arteveld. He had done all 
 that a prudent commander could be expected to do. 
 He had instructed Peter van den Bossche to repair to 
 Comines, to break down the bridge, and hold the 
 post against all comers. To Peter de Wintere, one of 
 his best captains, he had assigned the bridge at 
 "VVarneton, and the charge of breaking down all the 
 bridges on either side of that hamlet, while he himself 
 proceeded to Ypres to rouse the citizens to a courageous 
 defence of their liberties. 
 
 Much diversity of opinion prevailed in the French 
 camp. Some were in favour of ascending the Lys to 
 its source, but to this it was objected that owing to the 
 heavy rains the surrounding country must be a morass 
 impassable for men-at-arms. Others proposed to cross 
 the Scheldt at Tournai, and march direct upon Oude- 
 naerd. But the constable, Oliver de Clisson, insisted
 
 CH. xvn. ] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 273 
 
 that they must cross the Lys somehow at .the nearest 
 point, and give battle to the Flemings before they 
 were joined by their English auxiKaries. For it had 
 been given out by Van Arteveld that an English fleet, 
 impelled by a westerly breeze, was making for Calais, 
 whence powerful reinforcements would speedily march 
 to his aid. These vain boastings may have encou- 
 raged his own men, but they had likewise the effect 
 of hastening the movements of the French army. A 
 Flemish knight, a partisan of the Count, served as the 
 Constable's guide, and undertook with a body of 1,800 
 labourers to repair the roads and facilitate the advance 
 of the van-guard, which consisted of 6,400 men-at- 
 arms, 14,000 crossbow men, and 5,000 foot soldiers 
 recruited in Artois, and of much the same type as the 
 Communal militia. The Count of Flanders had raised 
 some 16,000 men to ravage his own territory, and it 
 is estimated that the entire army, nominally com- 
 manded by Charles VI. in person, amounted to 80,000 
 men, including a large number of undisciplined Bretons, 
 good for mere fighting, but hard to hold in hand, and 
 grievously addicted to plundering. 
 
 It had been planned that the Lys should be crossed 
 at Comines, but on arriving opposite that little 
 town, it was discovered that the bridge was partially 
 destroyed. The art of reconnoitering a country about 
 to be traversed appears to have been unknown in 
 those days. Armies inarched straight forward till 
 they were pulled up by an unfordable river, a fortified 
 town, or an enemy in battle array. On this occasion, 
 the van-guard halted on the right bank of the Lys, 
 and looking across beheld Peter van den Bossche,
 
 274 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. v. 
 
 armed with an axe, in front of a body of nine to ten 
 thousand Flemings. There was no ford on either side 
 of Comines, and ^the Constable was constrained to 
 acknowledge the necessity of ascending the course of 
 the river to Aire, where a bridge still existed. The 
 wisdom of the veteran was, however, outrun by the 
 happy audacity of a few young lords, to whom a 
 retreat was an unacceptable operation. It happened 
 that three small boats had been brought from Lille, 
 which were now secretly launched at some little 
 distance below the town. Posts were driven into the 
 bank on either side as soon as these boats had made 
 their first passage, and strong ropes were carried 
 across to work the ferry. By this means, the lords of 
 Saimpy, Enghien, Vertaing, and some other knights 
 established themselves on the other side behind the 
 shelter of a belt of alders. Marshal de Sancerre 
 presently joined them with 400 mail-clad warriors, on 
 foot, but armed with long lances, against which the 
 Flemish pikes were futile. The Constable was almost 
 driven to despair when he heard of this rash proceed- 
 ing, and indulged for a while in vain exclamations.* 
 But " Oliver, the Butcher," was a thorough soldier, 
 and quickly conformed his plans to the exigencies of 
 the moment. While his bravest knights continued to 
 make good the passage of the river, he occupied the 
 
 * "Ah, St. Ives ! ha, St. George ! ha, Our Lady ! what do I 
 see there ? . . . Ah, Rohan ! ah, Laval ! ah, Rieux ! ah, Beau- 
 raanoir ! ah, Longueville ! ah, Rochefort ! ah, Mauny ! ah, Males- 
 troit ! ah, Conversant ! ah, such a one and such a one, how afflicted 
 am I for you all ! when, without consulting me, you have run into 
 .such imminent danger. And why am I Constable of France ? " 
 &c., &c. Johnes' "Froissart," vol. vi., ch. xxxv. Edit. 1808.
 
 CM. xvii.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 275 
 
 attention of the Flemings by a furious discharge of 
 artillery, as though he were determined to gain pos- 
 session of the ruined bridge. ^Towards nightfall, 
 Peter van den Bossche discovered to his dismay that 
 his flank was turned, but rejected the advice of those 
 who urged an immediate attack upon the Frenchmen 
 before they could be further reinforced. 
 
 It was a terrible night for the brave De Saimpy and 
 his adventurous comrades. The wind blew cold and 
 shrill, rain, mingled with sleet, fell without cessation, 
 and a thick, slabby mud was their only couch. Pro- 
 visions had they none, and sleep came to few. With 
 the -earliest dawn, the Flemings advanced confidently 
 to the attack of these wearied, frozen, hall-famished 
 Frenchmen, who stood firm, and with their long 
 lances and well-tempered Bordeaux blades made 
 terrible havoc in the ranks of their assailants. These 
 presently fell into disorder disheartened by the death 
 of " a wise woman," who had predicted that she 
 would be the first to shed the enemy's blood as the 
 signal of victory, whereas she herself was the first to 
 ML. At this critical moment, Peter van den Bossche 
 was disabled by two severe wounds, one through the 
 shoulder, and one on the head, while his brother was 
 slain in attempting to defend him. He was, however, 
 extricated and borne to the rear, and his followers had 
 begun to rally and show a bold front, when shrieks of 
 despair were heard from the ramparts of Comines. 
 In the general confusion, the Constable had sufficiently 
 repaired the bridge to render it passable, and the 
 entire van-guard, supported by the Count's contingent, 
 defiled across and gained the left bank of the Lys. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 JAMES AND PHILIP I'AN AETEVELD. [FT. v. 
 
 The town was sacked, and the inhabitants were cut 
 down even at the foot of the altar. The flames of the 
 blazing houses wei^ soon rivalled and surpassed by the 
 conflagration of the opulent town of Wervicq, the 
 plunder of which enriched the barbarous Bretons- 
 beyond their most covetous dreams.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Charles VI. crosses the Lys Disturbances in Paris Louis de 
 Maele ignored by the King's uncles Devastation of the Franc 
 Van Arteveld takes post at Roosebeke Evil auguries 
 Battle of Roosebeke Death of Philip van Arteveld Slaughter 
 of the Flemings Destruction of Courtrai Submission of 
 Flanders Cruel ravages Charles VI. returns to Paris Re- 
 ligious war between the Count and his subjects The bishop of 
 Norwich invades Flanders His successes Repulsed at Ypres 
 Returns to England Surprise of Oudenaerd by Ackerman 
 Agitation in France and Flanders Mysterious death of Louis 
 de Maele His obsequies Decay of Feudalism Growth of 
 democracy A few last words. 
 
 CHARLES VI. was at the abbey of Marquette when 
 the news arrived of the forcing of the pass of Coni- 
 ines, and that the vanguard had crossed the Lys. 
 Having heard mass and drained a cup of wine, the 
 King rapidly followed, rode over the bridge, and 
 lodged for that Tuesday night amid the smouldering 
 ruins of the town. On the morrow, the camp was 
 pitched on Mount St. Eloi, barely a league from 
 Ypres, whence the foragers ravaged the country far 
 and wide. The French camp resembled a fair even 
 more closely than did the Flemish camp before Oude- 
 naerd, except that articles of great value were sold 
 for ridiculously low prices. The Bretons were not 
 disposed to encumber themselves with furs or richly 
 embroidered cloths and brocades. They even despised
 
 278 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. A-. 
 
 jewels, and cared only for silver and gold. Discipline 
 was fatally loosened. It was impossible to keep the 
 soldiers with, their colours. Many went off to their 
 distant homes loa&ed with booty. Disquieting news 
 also arrived from Paris. The commonalty had 
 broken out in a truly Parisian fashion. They had 
 stopped the convoy of provisions intended for the 
 army, and threatened to destroy the Louvre and the 
 other royal castles and residences in the city and 
 suburbs. They were fortunately restrained from the 
 work of destruction by Nicholas the Fleming, who 
 advised them not to commit themselves too far until 
 they heard the result of the operations against the 
 men of Ghent. They went on, however, forging and 
 purchasing armour and weapons, and preparing for 
 the defence of their ancient privileges, which they 
 knew to be in danger from the headstrong wilfulness 
 of the half-mad young King. Everything depended 
 upon the success of the Royal army in Flanders. A 
 defeat would have been followed by a general rising of 
 the peasantry throughout France, and by the massacre 
 of the nobility. That disaster, at least, was averted 
 by the devastation of Flanders and the complete over- 
 throw of the Flemish militia. 
 
 The approach of the French army could not fail to 
 raise the courage of the Leliaerd faction in Ypres. 
 A tumult accordingly ensued, in which the Count's 
 partisans gained the mastery. Communication was 
 then opened with the camp, and in the end Van 
 Arteveld's governor, Peter van den Broucke was 
 delivered over to the French, and a fine of 40,000 
 francs paid by way of indemnifying in part the costs
 
 CH. xvin.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 279 
 
 of the expedition. The inhabitants of the towns of 
 the Franc, after being cruelly plundered, saved them- 
 selves from extermination by paying a fine of 60,000 
 francs, and by surrendering their fespective governors, 
 all of whom were beheaded on the bridge of Ypres. 
 In all these proceedings Louis de Maele was abso- 
 lutely ignored. His advice was neither asked nor 
 adopted. His own contingent were forbidden to 
 speak Flemish, or to carry the national scharmsax, or 
 sharp-pointed iron-bound stave, somewhat similar to 
 the Indian lathee. The untranslatable war-cry of his 
 race, rendered by the French " Flandre au Lion," 
 was prohibited, and in its place French and Flemings 
 alike were required to shout " Montjoye ! Saint 
 Denis ! " The Count submitted in silence. He was 
 gathering the fruit of his own misconduct, though 
 that reflection could have been no consolation. 
 
 As for Philip van Arteveld, adversity revealed the 
 noble qualities of the man, and showed that he had 
 inherited from his father something more than a great 
 name. The passage of the Lys at Comines was a 
 great disappointment, and at such a time he could 
 little spare the services of Peter van den Bossche, his 
 most valiant captain. Peter de Wintere had also 
 been compelled to abandon his post at Warneton, but 
 Van Arteveld had reason to expect that Ypres and the 
 Franc would hold out until reinforcements could reach 
 them from Ghent and Oudenaerd. A still greater 
 discouragement was the arrival of envoys from Eng- 
 land, requiring his ratification of the agreement that 
 had at last been made with his indiscreet representa- 
 tions, before any succours could be despatched to his
 
 280 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 aid. His position, however, was by no means des- 
 perate. By avoiding a general action, and confining 
 himself to watching and harassing the enemy, he 
 would have gainecK time for the arrival of a more 
 potent ally than even the King of England. A 
 northern winter was close at hand. In a few weeks, 
 it might be in a few days, the roads would be imprac- 
 ticable for men-at-arms and wheeled vehicles heavily 
 laden. The ill-drained fields would become a swamp, 
 and every rivulet would swell into a river. So wanton, 
 besides, had been the ravages of the Bretons, that the 
 French must soon have been straitened for provisions, 
 especially since the convoys ordered from Paris had 
 been prevented from starting. By prosecuting the 
 blockade of Oudenaerd, he would have compelled the 
 enemy to attack under great disadvantages, or from 
 Courtrai he might have threatened the flank of the 
 French army, which could not have molested him 
 without again forcing the passage of the Lys in pre- 
 sence of a powerful enemy. But M. de Lettenhove 
 is probably correct in supposing that Van Arteveld 
 was moved by the necessity of protecting Bruges not 
 only from the French, but also from the Leliaerds, 
 who were always formidable in that town. The 
 leaguer before Oudenaerd was therefore maintained, 
 but 20,000 of the best men marched under Van Arte- 
 velde to Roosebeke, where he was shortly afterwards 
 joined by some 40,000 militia from Damme, Sluys, 
 and the district known as the Quatre Metiers. His 
 camp was pitched on the brow of a small hill covered 
 with brushwood, at the foot of which ran a brook 
 swollen by the recent heavy rains. The position was
 
 CH. XVIIL] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 281 
 
 inaccessible to the heavy cavalry of those days, and 
 dismounted knights were incapable of sustained exer- 
 tion over unfavourable ground. What alone was 
 wanting was the fixed resolve to $ct solely on the de- 
 fensive, and guard the road from Ypres to Bruges. 
 
 The French army, which had been largely rein- 
 forced by the Duke de Bern, halted on the heights 
 of Passchendael. Eight knights, renowned for their 
 prowess, were selected as the personal bodyguard of 
 the King, who was impatient to distinguish himself by 
 some brilliant feat of arms on a field of battle. Mes- 
 sengers were then sent to Philip van Arteveld to offer 
 peace, on condition that he and his associates threw 
 themselves upon the Count's mercy, and engaged to 
 furnish six months' pay to the French soldiers. These 
 terms, however, were without hesitation rejected by 
 the leaders of the Communes, who refused to recognise 
 the authority of the Count until he restored and ratified 
 the privileges accorded by Robert de Bethune after 
 the battle of Courtrai the day of the Golden Spurs. 
 
 The victory at Beverhoutsveld was in part the 
 cause of the defeat at Roosebeke. Van Arteveld 
 and his captains had formed an inflated opinion of 
 their own skill and valour, and foolishly underrated 
 the difference between an ill-armed and undisciplined 
 civic militia and the mail-clad chivalry of France, 
 trained to martial exploits from their boyhood. Frois- 
 sart is, therefore, justified in deeming it "highly pre- 
 sumptuous in Philip van Arteveld and the Flemings 
 to think of fighting with them." In fact, many of 
 Philip's captains were averse from acting aggressively. 
 They were in favour of standing on the defensive and
 
 282 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. v. 
 
 waiting for the arrival of their two allies, the English 
 and winter weather. It was all in vain. On the 26th 
 November Van Arteveld entertained his chief officers- 
 at a sumptuous banquet, and informed them of his 
 intention to give battle on the morrow. He pointed 
 out to each his particular duty, and exhorted all to 
 acquit themselves as brave soldiers and loyal Flem- 
 ings. So confident was he of victory, that he had 
 brought with him his wife, Yolande van den Broucke, 
 sister of the unfortunate governor of Ypres, beheaded 
 only a few days previously by command of Charles YI. 
 A great injustice has been done to the memory of this 
 remarkable man by Froissart, who speaks of "a 
 damsel" who had accompanied Philip from Ghent as 
 his paramour. The lady, however, was no " light o' 
 love," but his lawfully wedded wife, and she, unable 
 to sleep from over-excitement, is said about midnight 
 to have stepped out from the tent to cool her heated 
 brow. Looking straight before her, she beheld on the 
 opposite hill the camp fires of the French. Presently 
 she heard, or thought she heard, the war-cries of the 
 enemy, as though they were advancing to attack the 
 Flemish position under cover of the night. Under 
 this impression, she hastily roused her husband, and 
 bid him arm for instant battle for the enemy was close 
 at hand. Listening for a moment at the tent door, he 
 too fancied that he heard the shouts of warriors and 
 the clash of arms. So convinced was he of the reality 
 of those imaginary sounds, that he caused his trum- 
 peter to sound the alarm. His captains, who had 
 noticed the phenomenon sometime previously, hastened 
 to his tent and assured him that they had already
 
 'ii. xviu. J PHILIP VAN ARTEl'ELl). 283 
 
 sent out scouts, who reported that all was still in the 
 hostile camp. " Some said," remarks the chronicler, 
 " it was the devils of hell running and dancing ahout 
 the place where the battle was tft be, because of the 
 great prey they expected there." 
 
 An alarm of this kind is never construed as a good 
 omen, but as dawn was approaching the Flemings 
 took their arms and fell in at their appointed places, 
 after making a substantial breakfast for, like the 
 English, they do not affect fighting on an empty 
 stomach. In the front line were placed the men of 
 Ghent, Alost, and Grammont ; in the second those of 
 Bruges, Damme, and Sluys ; while the militia of the 
 Franc were posted as a reserve a little in the rear. 
 They had stout hearts and strong arms, but their 
 weapons were unsuited for a combat at close quarters 
 with the flower of the French chivalry. Many of 
 them had neither helmet nor cuirass, and still more 
 were armed only with stakes pointed with iron, or 
 with iron-bound cudgels, or with sledge-hammers,, 
 though most of them carried a sort of hunting-knife 
 suspended from their girdles. A small body of Eng- 
 lish archers had found their way from Calais, and 
 might have been eminently useful had the Flemings 
 awaited the enemy. Their costumes were not less 
 varied than their weapons, but that, under the circum- 
 stances, was matter of quite secondary importance. 
 
 The Count's contingent had kept watch and ward 
 throughout the night. He had the bad taste to be 
 accompanied by his executioner and his sixteen assist- 
 ants, which seems to have disgusted the French 
 knights. In any case, he was instructed at daybreak
 
 284 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. 
 
 to withdraw his " battle," or division, because, as the 
 Count and his retainers held by the Pope of Rome, it 
 was impossible to fight by the side of heretics. Louis 
 de Maele accepted ftie insult without a murmur, but 
 many of the Leliaerd knights were greatly pained, 
 and, it is said, secretly warned the Flemings that 
 they were about to be attacked. Such .a dense mist, 
 however, covered the country that neither side could 
 tell what was going on in the opposite camp. Three 
 or four knights accordingly volunteered to reconnoitre 
 the Flemish position, and approached so near that 
 they were seen, and taken for the forerunners of the 
 advanced guard. It was then about eight o'clock, 
 and the militia were growing impatient. Van Arte- 
 veld was no more self-possessed than his comrades. 
 He forgot his duty as the general, and descended to 
 the level of a mere fighting man. He bade the 
 Flemings to stand shoulder to shoulder, their arms 
 even intertwined, and their schannsttx held firmly 
 before them, and by sheer weight of numbers force 
 back and break up the enemy's ranks. To do this, 
 however, it was necessary to leave the entrenchments 
 and abandon the advantages of their splendid position. 
 They had besides to defile along a comparatively 
 narrow road winding through a peat moss, and then 
 to ascend a considerable hill, called the Goudberg or 
 Mont d'Or, on which the Royal army was drawn up 
 in order of battle. 
 
 The old chronicler relates how the fog lifted as 
 soon as the oriflamme* was displayed, and how a 
 
 * The Oriflamme is thus described in an ancient inventory of the 
 treasury of St. Denis, Avhere it was religiously preserved a copy
 
 en. xvin.] PHILIP VAN AETErELV. 285 
 
 white dove wheeled round and round over the 
 King's battalion, and finally alighted on one of his 
 banners. " It was a fine sight to view those banners, 
 helmets, and beautiful emblazoned arms : the army 
 kept a dead silence, not uttering a sound, but eyed the 
 heavy ' battle ' of Flemings before them, who were 
 marching in a compact body, with their staves ad- 
 vanced in the air, which looked like spears, and so 
 great were their numbers, they had the appearance of 
 a wood." As the Flemings pressed onward, their 
 archers and crossbowmen galled the French knights, 
 while a certain number of "bombardiers" flung 
 " bombardes," or hand-grenades, which made the 
 horses restive, and occasionally killed their riders. 
 There were also larger pieces of artillery which dis- 
 charged bars of iron, and several distinguished knights 
 were killed or disabled. The first shock of that 
 mighty host was irresistible. The French vanguard 
 were borne backwards, and with loud shouts the 
 Flemings possessed themselves of the Royal Standard, 
 but it was not the genuine oriflamme, for that never 
 left the Abbey of St. Denis. The wary old Constable, 
 Oliver de Clisson, had foreseen this moment and pro- 
 vided against it. He had extended his two wings, 
 under the respective commands of the Dukes de Berri 
 
 nlone being exposed to the danger of capture by an enemy : 
 " Etendart d'un cendal fort e*pais, fendu par le milieu, en forme do 
 <ronfanon, fort caduque, enveloppe d'un baton convert de cuivre 
 lore", et un fer longuet et aigu au bout." 
 
 Oriflamme est une banniere 
 
 Ancien, poi plus forte que guimplo, 
 
 De cendal rougeiant et simple, 
 
 Sans pourtraiture d'autre affaire. Guyart.
 
 286 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 and de Bourbon, and had enjoined the knights to send 
 their horses to the rear while they used their long 
 lances as they did at Comines. The manoeuvre was 
 completely successful. Those long lances, tipped with 
 heads of Bordeaux steel, impaled the helpless Flem- 
 ings, ripping up their armour as though it were tinsel. 
 The ironbound scJiarmsnx was useless in such an en- 
 counter, for the militia was pressed so close together 
 that they could not use their staves as cudgels. 
 Assailed in front and on either flank, they were forced 
 more and more closely upon one another, till the 
 weaker men were stifled and sank unwounded to the 
 ground. It was butchery, not a battle. 
 
 The famous Bourcicault here witnessed his first 
 stricken field. He was barely twenty years of age, and 
 slightly built. A burly Fleming, despising his apparent 
 insignificance, told him mockingly to go home to his 
 mother. "Are these," cried Bourcicault, as he buried 
 his dagger in the giant's side, "Are these the children's 
 sports in your country ? " Now and again the Flemings, 
 still preserving their serried ranks, would stand at bay, 
 and several knights would bite the dust ; but they were 
 again driven back, until they had almost reached the 
 stream at the foot of the hill they had so foolishly 
 quitted. In the wet mud they began to slip and 
 flounder about, and suddenly fell into irreparable dis- 
 order. The men-at-arms had battle-axes, which cleft 
 right through the Flemish helmets, and heavy leaden 
 maces which crashed through helmet and skull. Philip 
 van Arteveld had not spared himself that wretched 
 morning. Fighting in the foremost ranks, he had 
 received several wounds, but none very serious. He
 
 CH. xvin.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 287 
 
 now strove to the utmost to rally the fugitives, but his 
 voice had lost its charm. He talked of honour, while 
 they thought only of life. He was borne backward by 
 the throng, and at last was beaten aown by the fugitives 
 and trampled under foot in a deep narrow road, over- 
 shadowed by the boughs of trees, which wound round 
 the foot of a gravelly hillock, thence named Keyaerts- 
 berg, and which leads to Staden and Thorout. 
 
 Nine thousand men, says Froissart, were left dead 
 on the field of battle, and for one who died of honour- 
 able wounds nine were suffocated. The dead men 
 lay in a heap, one upon the other all struck down 
 in less than one hour. A body of some 3000 citizens 
 of Ghent made a brief stand on a common covered 
 with brushwood, and hastily threw up entrenchments, 
 but being surrounded and attacked on all sides, they 
 broke and ran, and were terribly cut up. According 
 to the lowest estimate, upwards of 25,000 men fell in 
 battle and the pursuit. No quarter seems to have 
 been given or asked. The young King was taken by 
 his uncles over the field thickly strewed with corpses, 
 and deluged with blood. He demanded the body of 
 Philip van Arteveld. It was believed that he was 
 among the slain, though nothing certain was known 
 at that point. The promise, however, of a reward of 
 one hundred francs caused a close search to be made, 
 and the body of the dead leader was at length dis- 
 covered in the hollow way, buried beneath a heap of 
 the slain. No fatal or serious wounds were found 
 on his person, and it was judged that he had been 
 smothered to death. After surveying the body for a 
 little while perhaps with the same feelings that
 
 288 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. v, 
 
 moved Henry III. to gaze on the giant form of the 
 murdered Duke de Guise the King commanded that 
 it should be hanged from the bough of a tree, and 
 prohibited the rites of sepulture to the slain, who for 
 many a day furnished an ample feast to beasts and 
 birds of prey. " This battle on Mont d'Or took place 
 the 27th day of November, on the Thursday before 
 Advent, in the year of Grace, 1382 ; and at that time 
 the King of France was fourteen years of age." 
 
 On the following day the King marched to Courtrai, 
 which was plundered by the Bretons. No mercy 
 was shown to the Flemings concealed in the town, 
 for Charles VI. hoped in that way to avenge the 
 defeat of the French army in 1302. He had also 
 heard that five hundred golden spurs were hung up 
 in the church of Our Lady, and that a festival was 
 held every year in celebration of the Battle of the 
 Spurs. On his return to France, therefore, a few 
 days later, he ordered the town to be committed to the 
 flames, though Louis de Maele went down on his 
 knees to pray him to forego that dreadful resolution. 
 The Duke of Burgundy also interceded in vain, and 
 only succeeded in saving from the universal destruc- 
 tion a clock with a curious piece of mechanism, which he 
 had conveyed to Dijon, but " many knights, squires, 
 men-at-arms, fine children, both girls and boys, were 
 carried away captive, to be ransomed." At Courtrai 
 the King received with much honour the gallant 
 knight, Sir Daniel d'Halewyn, who had so bravely 
 defended Oudenaerd. 
 
 As soon as the rout at Roosebeke was known 
 in the Flemish camp before that town, the leaders
 
 CH. xviii.] PHILIP VAX ARTETELD. 289 
 
 hastily broke up the siege, and retired with the 
 greater part of their men to Ghent, where they 
 were soon afterwards joined by the stout Peter 
 van den Bossche, who, with his wounds still un- 
 healed, inspired something of his own indomitable 
 spirit into the hearts of the trembling citizens. Had 
 the French army marched from Roosebeke straight 
 upon Ghent, the gates would have been thrown open 
 and no resistance offered. The great riches and 
 defenceless condition of Bruges were, however, a 
 temptation not to be overcome, and Charles VI. lost 
 his only chance of gratifying his mad fury amid the 
 smoking ruins of that turbulent city. 
 
 At Thorout deputies from Bruges, including two 
 Grey Friars, were introduced into the Royal presence. 
 They had come to sue for mercy and to offer a heavy 
 ransom, and they found powerful intercessors in the 
 Duke of Burgundy, Marshal de Sancerre, the Con- 
 stable, and many other noble knights who had deigned 
 to accept their gifts of great price. Charles VI., 
 however, was for a time obdurate, and only gave way 
 at last on the citizens engaging to indemnify the 
 Bretons for their disappointment. The sum of 60,000 
 francs was accordingly paid down at once, and the 
 like amount was agreed to be paid at Candlemas. 
 The inhabitants of Bruges then did homage as liege 
 men, not to their own Count but to the King of 
 France. They consequently swore to renounce all 
 alliances made with the English by James or Philip 
 van Arteveld, and acknowledged Pope Clement VII. 
 to be the supreme pontiff of Christendom. The 
 country around was, nevertheless, cruelly devastated
 
 290 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 by the Bretons, Burgundians, and Savoyards, to the 
 number of 1200 spears, who are described as sparing 
 neither rank, age, nor sex. The widow and the 
 orphan, the young 1 man and the maiden, the babe at 
 the breast, and its aged grandsire, were massacred 
 without mercy. Even the Count no longer pleaded 
 for clemency. He surrendered his lands, his towns, 
 and his people, to his sovereign lord, and begged him 
 to do with them according to his will. But Charles VI. 
 had had enough of Flanders, and was eager to return 
 to Paris to punish the rebellion of its citizens. His 
 royal uncle was also anxious to remove him from the 
 frequent scenes of bloodshed and conflagration, which 
 excited him to frenzy, and made of him for the time 
 a raging maniac. He went at first no further than 
 Tournai, where he celebrated Christmas, and that 
 town was compelled to pay the enormous ransom of 
 1,200,000 crowns, because the inhabitants had refused 
 to accept the Pope of Avignon. The Bretons con- 
 tinued to lay waste the country as the army slowly 
 marched towards the capital, but it is not the pro- 
 vince of this little volume to speak of the reduction 
 of Paris, or of the monstrous excesses which marked 
 the restoration of the Eoyal power. 
 
 Louis de Maele walked in the steps of Charles VI., 
 though in his case the plea of madness cannot be 
 urged in extenuation of his wanton barbarity. His 
 executioners had no respite from their labours. The 
 estates of the partisans of the Communes were con- 
 fiscated entirely, or redeemed only by a ruinous fine. 
 Bartholomew Coolman, Philip van Arteveld's admiral 
 of the fleet, was hanged from a gibbet in sight of the
 
 CH. xvi ii.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 291 
 
 shipping in Slays harbour. Great numbers of artisans, 
 though promised an amnesty, preferred to seek their 
 fortune in England. Every town was summoned to 
 surrender its charters, and in almost every instance 
 they were destroyed, together with the treaties made 
 by the Communes either with one another or with 
 Edward III. of England. But the men of Ghent 
 still remained in rebellion. Their three captains, 
 Peter van den Bossche, Peter de AVintere, and Francis 
 Ackerman, inspired them with an invincible deter- 
 mination to defend their rights and privileges. On 
 the 27th January, 1383, Ackerman stormed the for- 
 tified town of Ardenburg, expelled the garrison of 
 Bretons and Burgundians, and ran up the banner of 
 Pope Urban VI. 
 
 The contention between the Count and his re- 
 fractory subjects now became a religious war. 
 Urban VI. proclaimed a crusade against the schisma- 
 tics who supported Clement VII. Henry Spencer, 
 bishop of Norwich, more famous as a warrior than 
 as a theologian, was enjoined to appeal to the 
 people of his diocese to enrol themselves under his 
 banner. A large sum of money was collected fur 
 the purposes of this holy war, and towards the end 
 of April the bishop landed at Calais, eager for martial 
 glory. Impatient to commence operations on his own 
 account, he refused to wait any longer for Sir William 
 Beauchamp, the marshal of the projected expedition, 
 and, setting out at the head of 3000 English soldiers, 
 speedily made himself master of Gravelines. Shortly 
 afterwards he received reinforcements, which raised 
 his little army to a considerable force. Near Dunkirk 
 
 u 2
 
 2&2 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ART EV ELD. [PT. v. 
 
 he encountered the Haze of Flanders, one of Louis' 
 illegitimate offspring, and totally defeated him. The 
 towns of Bergucs, Cassel, and Bourbourg then threw 
 open their gates, as did also Saint-Yenant, Bailleul 
 Poperinghe, and all the seaboard towns from Furnes 
 to Blankenberghe. Early in June Francis Ackerman, 
 with 20,000 of the Ghent militia, effected a junction 
 with the Bishop, and their united forces marched 
 against Ypres. The garrison of that important 
 frontier town happened just then to be unusually 
 weak in numbers, but it included the valiant knights 
 who had successfully defended Oudenaerd against the 
 communal militia of all Flanders, wielded at will by 
 Philip van Arteveld. The Bishop of Norwich had 
 been led to believe by the men of Ghent that the 
 place would be yielded in three days, instead of which 
 he found himself reduced to the necessity of besieging 
 it in regular form. His movements were further 
 hampered by the arrival of a mob of priests and 
 fanatics from England, who seemed to imagine that 
 the miracle of Jericho would be repeated for their 
 sake, and that the name of Urban VI. would suffice 
 to cast down the walls of Ypres. More useful auxili- 
 aries came from Ghent, under the command of Peter 
 van den Bossche and Peter de Wintere, but at the 
 same time it was reported that Louis de Maele had 
 again stooped to implore aid from the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, and that a powerful French army was already 
 on the march. The garrison, however, was reduced 
 to extremities. A party of Bretons, hurrying forward 
 to the relief of the besieged, were surprised and cut 
 to pieces, and the Count is said to have offered to
 
 CH. xvni.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 203 
 
 join the Bishop of Norwich with five hundred lances, 
 provided he would lead his troops into some other 
 country. The proposition was a rejected through 
 distrust of Louis' sincerity, and the Bishop adopted 
 the extraordinary measure of excommunicating 
 the garrison as schismatics. For a moment the 
 sentence of interdict filled those good churchmen 
 with dismay, until it was pointed out to them that 
 an appeal lay from the Bishop to Urban VI., whom 
 they also recognised as the only infallible Pontiff. 
 
 The quarrel was not to be decided by churchmen. 
 A final and most resolute assault was given early in 
 August, but was repulsed at every point. After which 
 Ackerman and his friends withdrew their contingent 
 to Ghent, while the English slowly retraced their steps 
 to Gravelines. The French army was already on the 
 frontiers, when news arrived at headquarters that, on 
 the 17th September, Francis Ackerman had surprised 
 and carried the fortress of Oudenaerd, which secured 
 for the Ghent people the navigation of the Scheldt. 
 The King's uncles, moreover, were already at strife. 
 Each sought for himself ascendency in the troubled 
 kingdom. The French army melted away. The 
 Duke of Burgundy alone remained at St. Omer with 
 a small party of knights, negotiating with the English 
 for the surrender of Gravelines. Guided by the im- 
 pulse of the moment, the Bishop of Norwich suddenly 
 wrote to Richard II. that never would there be a more 
 favourable opportunity for the invasion of France. 
 Equally reckless, the young King galloped at headlong 
 .speed from Daventry, in Northamptonshire, to West- 
 minster, where he as quickly renounced his project of
 
 294 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 breaking the French power. The Duke of Lancaster, 
 however, seriously applied himself to the task of fitting 
 out an expedition i proportioned to the end in view, 
 but on reaching the coast was doomed to view 
 with unavailing disgust the disembarkment of 
 the troops commanded by the Bishop of Norwich, 
 who, disheartened by the non- arrival of the pro- 
 mised succours, had surrendered Qravelines to the 
 enemy. 
 
 Louis de Maele now persuaded the King's uncles to 
 authorise him to open negotiations with Richard II., 
 pointing out that, if peace were established between 
 the two kingdoms, the Flemish Communes would be 
 left to their own resources. The plenipotentiaries of 
 France and England accordingly met at Lelinghen, 
 near "Wissant, through the Count's mediation, but 
 neither treaty nor truce seemed likely to be concluded, 
 because the English insisted that it should be extended 
 likewise to the Flemish Communes. While matters 
 were in this unsatisfactory condition, their aspect was 
 changed by the audacity of the men of Ghent, who 
 crossed the Lys and threatened Lille, while the militia 
 of some other towns advanced towards Calais. At the 
 same time a sympathetic agitation pervaded the com- 
 monalty of France, which so alarmed the Duke de 
 Bern that he at once consented to include the county 
 of Flanders within the provisions of the truce. Louis 
 de Maele opposed all concessions to the utmost of his 
 power, until the Duke de Berri harshly remarked : 
 " Cousin, since your imprudence has brought upon 
 you so much shame and misfortune, it is time to re- 
 nounce your furious projects and to follow wiser
 
 CH. xviii.] PHILIP VAN AUTEVELD. 295 
 
 counsels." The Count thereupon withdrew to St. 
 Omer, where he learnt that on the 26th January, 
 1383, a truce had been concluded to last till the 
 following Michaelmas. 
 
 Only three days later Louis de Maele summoned to 
 his presence the most valiant and discreet leaders of 
 his adherents, and when they were gathered round 
 his sick couch, the Duke of Brittany being also pre- 
 sent, he took leave of them for ever in kindly and 
 gracious terms, and said : " I make known to all that 
 I, considering the great honours, goods, and posses- 
 sions which our Saviour Jesus Christ, of his pure grace, 
 without desert on my part, hath given to me in this 
 world, which I have never used or converted to His 
 service and honour, as I ought to have done, but in 
 vain glory, commend my poor sinful sotfl, as humbly 
 as I may, to Our Lord Jesus Christ, to the blessed 
 Virgin Mary, fountain of mercy, and to all the saints 
 of paradise, whom I humbly supplicate to obtain 
 pardon and remission of my sins, more numerous and 
 greater than I can describe." He then wrote, or 
 dictated, a few lines in which he besought the Duke of 
 Burgundy to govern his people better than he had 
 done, and to repair the breaches made by his misrule. 
 On the morrow he expired, and the old chroniclers 
 affirm that on the night of his death a terrible hurri- 
 cane swept over the County of Flanders without bend- 
 ing a single tree or doing the slightest damage, and 
 that the bodies hanging from gibbets shook and twisted 
 about, for the demons of hell were hurrying past 
 clutching the soul of the last Count of Flanders. A 
 rumour, perhaps not equally groundless, ascribed his
 
 296 JAMES AND PHILIP VAX AllTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 death to a more material cause than the insulting 
 words addressed to him by the Duke de Berri.* In 
 those days it was the custom to assign a sudden ill- 
 ness, followed rapioJy by death, to poison or the 
 poniard, and too often with good reason. The mortal 
 remains of the unfortunate Count were conveyed 
 to the abbey of Looz, and finally interred with 
 great pomp and state in the church of St. Peter 
 in Lille. The body of the Countess, who had died 
 and been buried a few years previously at Bethel, 
 was laid by his side, and, if often separated in life, 
 they were at last united in death. Nearly all the 
 great lords of Flanders were present at the obsequies 
 of the Count, to whom they had ever been loyal and 
 true. 
 
 Modern historians, judging the past by the present, 
 are too fond of accusing the Leliaerd knights of a 
 want of patriotism, forgetting that, in those times, 
 the idea or sentiment of nationality had not been de- 
 veloped. Patriotism, indeed, was incompatible with 
 feudal institutions. A vassal followed his lord to the 
 field, indifferent as to the cause of quarrel or the 
 nationality of the enemy. The only thing to be 
 avoided was to bear arms against a prince or noble to 
 whom the vassal of another lord might owe fealty for 
 an estate or pension. It has been narrated how the 
 Earl of Hainault, in his character of a vassal of the 
 Emperor of the West, served under Edward III. until 
 
 * Mezeray states that the Duke de Berri and the Count of 
 Flanders each claimed Boulogne as his' appanage, and that in the 
 course of a hot dispute the Duke, losing his temper, "jetta sa 
 dague contre le Comte qui mourut trois jours apres de sa blessure.' 
 " Hist, de France," vol. ii., ch. lii., p. 518.
 
 c u. xvi ii.] PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. 207 
 
 the army crossed the Scheldt and entered French 
 territory, when he at once went over to Philip de 
 Valois as his liege lord for lands situated within the 
 kingdom of France. Edward Il was his brother-in- 
 law and Philip his uncle, but family ties were no more 
 considered than those of nationality when they clashed 
 with feudal obligations. In those days every civilized 
 country in Europe may be said to have been divided 
 into two nations, the nobility and the commonalty. 
 Between these there existed no sort of sympathy. 
 The knights and nobles of France sympathised with 
 those of England and Flanders, just as the French 
 and English commonalties were deeply interested in 
 the struggles of their order in Flanders. But in all 
 these countries the nobles in the fourteenth century 
 had learned to fear, as well as despise, the lower orders, 
 who could at least set fire to their proud castles and 
 lordly mansions, however incapable they might yet be 
 of withstanding the shock of mail-clad men-at-arms. 
 And in Flanders, as in Italy, the nobles of the sword 
 were confronted with the nobles of commerce, with the 
 militcs buryenses, who had the martial qualities of 
 knights while they sprang from and sided with the 
 commons. These men were peculiarly hateful to the 
 feudal lords, whose excesses they repressed with a 
 strong hand, and against whom they so frequently 
 led the civic militia not without honour. But the 
 Leliaerds were not necessarily nobles. In Bruges 
 especially many of the most opulent burghers favoured 
 the Count, as against their rivals and competitors in 
 Ghent. The minor crafts, again, in all the three 
 good towns were driven by the tyranny of the superior
 
 298 JAMES AND PHILIP FAN ARTEVELD. [FT. v. 
 
 guilds to look to the Count for protection, and this 
 feeling extended in some measure to all the small 
 towns whose prosperity was hindered by the exclusive 
 privileges and monopolies conferred by particular 
 charters upon Bruges, Ghent, and Ypres. With the 
 death of Louis de Maele a new era may be said to 
 have begun. The Counts of Flanders made way for 
 the Dukes of Burgundy princes who cared nothing 
 for civic rights and charters, and who favoured com- 
 merce as subservient to their luxury, but disliked the 
 Communes as so many hot-beds of insubordination and 
 tumult. 
 
 If it be asked how far James and Philip van 
 Arteveld may be regarded as benefactors of their 
 country, the answer must be unsatisfactory. James 
 was undoubtedly a greater statesman than his son. 
 He had formed a policy calculated to benefit his 
 countrymen in the highest degree had they been true 
 to him and to their own interests. The close .alliance 
 of Brabant, Hainault, and Flanders, cemented by 
 commercial relations with England, would have made 
 those States thoroughly independent of France, and 
 would have secured their material prosperity. Un- 
 fortunately, however, James van Arteveld inscribed, 
 as it were, two lesser circles within this larger one. 
 He wished his native town to be dominant in Flanders, 
 and he further desired that his own, and his fore- 
 fathers', guild should be dominant in his native town. 
 Upon that sharp rock and in that narrow channel the 
 vessel of his main policy was wrecked. 
 
 With regard to Philip van Arteveld it is less 
 easy to summarise. He does not appear to have
 
 C-H. xvm.J PHILIP VAN AETEVELD. 299 
 
 possessed any originality, or any very marked indi- 
 viduality. The master mind was Peter van den 
 Bossche, who at a critical moment had the sagacity 
 to divine that Van Arteveld was a good name to 
 conjure with. Peter stood, head and shoulders, 
 above the men of Ghent after Philip's death, as 
 well as during his lifetime, and at all times of diffi- 
 culty and danger he occupied the foremost position. 
 He was probably not an orator, and was therefore 
 glad to make use of Philip's ready eloquence. At 
 Comines, indeed, he suffered himself to be surprised, 
 but it may be doubted if he would have committed the 
 unpardonable blunder of quitting a practically impreg- 
 nable position, to grope his way through a dense fog 
 in search of an enemy strongly posted, infinitely better 
 armed and disciplined, and to whom fighting was as 
 the breath of their nostrils. At the same time it will 
 hardly be disputed that Philip van Arteveld was a 
 man of high courage and constancy, who scorned to 
 despair of his countrymen or of himself, and who in 
 the hour of action was intrepid and self-possessed. 
 But, on the other hand, he appears to have been 
 naturally indolent and self-indulgent, and rather 
 speculative than energetic. His father's fate may well 
 have given him a distaste for public life ; and if it be 
 true that he was wont to pass much of his time in 
 angling in the two rivers which bathed his native 
 town, it is not fanciful to suppose that his object may 
 have been to escape the notice of his towns-folk, and 
 to pass among them as a careless, easy-going burgher, 
 content to fish for gudgeons while others were battling 
 for monopolies. That he was, however, made of
 
 300 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. v. 
 
 sterling stuff is apparent from the ease and complete- 
 ness with which he assumed the part suddenly thrust 
 upon him by Peter van den Bossche. In fine, it must 
 be conceded that both father and son stand out con- 
 spicuous in an age that produced many men of master- 
 ful minds and virile qualities; but it may still be 
 questioned if Flanders would not have suffered less 
 had neither the one nor the other come to the front. 
 That country might, perchance, have fallen a little 
 short of the surprising commercial wealth, and in- 
 dustrial prosperity, it enjoyed for a few years, but 
 neither would it have been brought so low, nor would 
 it have undergone such terrible calamities, as con- 
 temporary writers have picturesquely chronicled. And 
 it should not be lost sight of, that neither Philip nor 
 his father appears to have understood the importance 
 of raising and strengthening the rural population, the 
 true backbone of every country that is subjected to 
 severe trials. It is, however, somewhat unfair to 
 demand that statesmen of the fourteenth century 
 should have been wise with the experience of the 
 five centuries that separate them from our own 
 times.
 
 PAET VI. 
 
 DECLINE AND FALL OF THE COMMUNES.
 
 PAET VI. 
 
 DECLINE AND FALL OF THE COMMUNES. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Bruges under Philip the Bold Ghent Recovery of Oudenaerd 
 True meaning of the Battle of Roosebeke " Les Pourcelets de 
 la Raspaille" Francis Ackerman Heroism of the Flemish 
 leaders Plot against Ghent Tumult in Bruges John the 
 Fearless Philip the Good Siege of Calais Philip's attempt 
 upon Bruges Treachery of the Men of Ghent Miserable 
 Condition of Bruges Mournful Festivities. 
 
 UNDER' the dominion of the Dukes of Burgundy it 
 was in the power of the Flemish Communes to have 
 attained a degree of commercial prosperity hitherto 
 unprecedented in their past history. This splendid 
 opportunity, however, they recklessly flung away with 
 characteristic levity and short-sightedness. Towards 
 the end of April, 1384, Philip the Bold (fe Hardi), 
 Duke of Burgundy, made a state entry into Bruges, 
 for the purpose of receiving the homage of the muni- 
 cipal magistrates. He was particularly gracious and 
 conciliatory, and appeared sincerely disposed to efface 
 the unpleasant memories of former dissensions he- 
 tween the gflod towns and his predecessors. At that 
 time, as we learn from the picturesque memoirs of
 
 304 JAMES AND PHILIP TAX ARTEVELV. [PT. vi. 
 
 Philip de Comines, Bruges was an immense emporium 
 of commerce, and the most frequented resort of foreign 
 merchants. More business was probably transacted 
 in that " quaint old\Flemish city," than in any other 
 town in Europe. The destruction of such a place, 
 the philosophic chronicler remarks, would have been 
 an irreparable loss, though he seems disposed to look 
 upon Ghent in a very different light. He marvels, 
 indeed, that its very existence had been so long 
 tolerated by the Deity, in view of the evil it had 
 so often caused, and seeing that it was of such little 
 utility to the kingdom, or to the country in which it 
 was situated, and still less to its immediate prince. 
 The citizens of Bruges being more sober-minded, would 
 possibly have been inclined to set an example of 
 orderly obedience to their Count, had they not been 
 so easily led astray by the mischievous counsels of the 
 other good towns, and especially of Ghent. And yet 
 even the Ghent folk are acknowledged by De Comines 
 to have had some good points. Their town, for one 
 thing, was favourably situated at the confluence of 
 two considerable rivers. Then, the citizens, though 
 addicted to pleasure, pomp, and luxury, were good 
 Christians, and served and honoured the Deity in a 
 becoming manner. His wrath, indeed, burnt most 
 fiercely against them because they were unable to 
 cope in subtilty with Louis XI. He laughs to scorn 
 their clumsy, blundering attempts at diplomacy, and 
 says, truly enough, that they had no experience of 
 the management of great public affairs. He admits 
 that they always began by being well disposed to 
 their Counts, especially while these were minors, but
 
 CH. xix.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUNES. 305 
 
 they could brook no contradiction, and thought only 
 of what was immediately good for themselves. In 
 short, the deputies who waited upo^n the French King 
 at that time " n'estaient que bestes et gens de ville la 
 plus part." 
 
 The new Count was destined to have an early 
 opportunity of testing the impracticable character of 
 the townsmen of Ghent. In the temporary absence 
 of Francis Ackerman the Atremen, or Aterman of 
 Froissart and his copyists the important fortress of 
 Oudenaerd was surprised by the Sire d'Escomay, and 
 when deputies from Ghent pointed out to Philip that 
 such an outrage was a violation of the existing truce, 
 he curtly replied that he was not answerable for the 
 martial enterprises of individual knights. It was, 
 indeed, impossible that a Seigneur should long submit 
 to the exigencies of a truce between himself and his 
 vassals. Such an engagement was an admission of 
 their right to take up arms against their lord and 
 resist his authority. Oudenaerd was clearly a fief of 
 the County of Flanders, and had been forcibly captured 
 and retained by the men of Ghent, contrary to the 
 laws and usages of feudalism. During the continu- 
 ance of an arrangement which recognised the posses- 
 sion of Oudenaerd by the citizens of Ghent, Philip 
 was clearly debarred from marching against the place 
 in person, but, in view of the confusion and lawless- 
 ness that still prevailed in France and Flanders, he 
 may be pardoned for conniving at acts of violence 
 which tended to restore his own authority and to 
 diminish the influence of the Communes. It must 
 not be forgotten that the affair at Roosebeke was not
 
 306 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 merely the outcome of a contest between a somewhat 
 capricious and arbitrary Seigneur and his refractory 
 vassals. Upon the fate of that battle had depended 
 the very existence of the French monarchy, and the 
 continuance of the feudal system in opposition to the 
 French and Flemish Communes. These latter insti- 
 tutions may not have been republican in the begin- 
 ning, but their tendency was throughout towards 
 republicanism. They bore with the lordship of their 
 Count and the over-lordship of the King of France, 
 because they were more jealous of one another than 
 they were of their seigneur and suzerain, and because 
 this jealousy prevented them from putting forth their 
 united strength to cast off a yoke which restrained the 
 freedom of their commercial relations. But whenever 
 victory, no matter in how fugitive a fashion, crowned 
 the arms of either the Ghent or the Bruges militia, 
 both France and Italy were for a time stirred from 
 their lowest depths, and the principle of democracy 
 seemed on the point of a signal and disastrous triumph. 
 Had James van Arteveld been allowed more time in 
 Flanders, had Bienzi been spared a little longer in 
 Rome, democracy might have emerged from its normal 
 chaotic condition, though only to develop into an 
 oligarchy as the transition to monarchical power". 
 But, as it happened, the successes of the Communes 
 were written in blood, which could only be effaced by 
 their own. Their own inconstancy was their worst 
 enemy. They were never true to themselves. While 
 the slightest affront to their selfish monopolies and 
 mischievous privileges sufficed to throw them into the 
 wildest state of agitation, when they ran a-mok
 
 en. xix.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUNES. 307 
 
 against all who strove to moderate and guide their 
 frenzy, they were at once quieted by a few plausible 
 promises from their Count, and quietly looked on 
 while their late leaders were banished, or tortured and 
 beheaded. 
 
 The recovery of Oudenaerd by a vassal of Philip 
 Duke of Burgundy, now Count of Flanders, excited 
 the citizens of Ghent to such a degree, that nothing 
 would satisfy them but recourse to arms. A Burgun- 
 dian knight, the Sire de Jumont, who had quite 
 recently been appointed Grand Bailiff of Flanders, is 
 described by Froissart as increasing their exaspera- 
 tion, by his excessive severity towards prisoners taken 
 with arms in their hands. He would accept no ran- 
 som, and if he did not straightway put them to death, 
 he would deprive them of eyesight, or cut off their 
 hands, ears, or feet, " et puis les laissoit aler en eel 
 etat pour exemplier les autres." These cruelties 
 brought about terrible reprisals. The thickets of La 
 Raspaille, between Renaix and Grammont, swarmed 
 with peasants driven from their homes, who massacred 
 the Burgundians without ' pity, whenever they came 
 upon them singly or in small detachments. These 
 " franc- tireurs," as they would now be called, were held 
 in contempt by the Burgundian knights, who spoke of 
 them as " les pourcelets (porkers) de la Raspaille," 
 but who nevertheless suffered fearfully from their 
 despair. But Philip's ambition soared far beyond the 
 woods of La Raspaille and the blood-stained streets of 
 Ghent. He aimed at the supremo direction of the 
 kingdom of France, and at the invasion, if not the con- 
 quest, of England. To carry out this double project, 
 
 x 2
 
 308 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 he strengthened his own position by marrying his 
 daughter Margaret to "William of Bavaria, heir to 
 the county of Hajnault, and by accepting for his 
 eldest son, John de Nevers, the hand of Margaret 
 of Bavaria, while, a few months later, he persuaded 
 Charles VI. to espouse another daughter of the Duke 
 of Bavaria. 
 
 Heedless of the manosuvres and intrigues of this 
 " haute politique," Francis Ackerman dreamed of re- 
 calling the days of James van Arteveld. He renewed 
 the alliance with England, and received a welcome 
 supply of provisions, together with a reinforcement of 
 a thousand English archers and a handful of men-at- 
 arms, but he soon learned to his cost that Richard II. 
 had not inherited the martial character of his grand- 
 father. It does not, however, enter into the pro- 
 vince of these supplementary chapters to recount 
 the varying incidents of the desultory warfare 
 which ensued. Francis Ackerman acquitted himself 
 alike as a daring partizan and a skilful general, 
 and for awhile made head against the superior dis- 
 cipline and numbers of the Franco - Burgundian 
 armies, assisted by the militia of Bruges and other 
 Flemish towns, more careful of their own safety than 
 emulous to imitate the spasmodic heroism of their 
 fellow-countrymen in Ghent. But it was easier to 
 devastate the country than to conquer its inhabi- 
 tants. Sixteen men of Ghent, barricaded in the 
 church-tower at Arteveld, held at bay the entire 
 army of Charles VI. until the walls were demolished 
 by engines of war. The highest order of courage 
 and self-devotion was, moreover, manifested by the
 
 oji. xix.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUNES. 30D 
 
 wealthiest burghers and land -owners of the Pays 
 de Wacs. That fertile district had been barbar- 
 ously wasted by the French troyps, who even fired 
 the woods to which the women and children had 
 fled for refuge from their brutality. A consider- 
 able number of prisoners whose easy circumstances 
 seemed to promise a generous ransom, were brought 
 to the camp of Charles VI., but were immediately 
 ordered out to execution by the King's uncles. At 
 last, there remained only twenty-four, all kinsmen 
 one of the other, and all of good family and great 
 local influence. Some of the French knights inter- 
 ceded on their behalf, and their lives would have 
 been spared had they exhibited any signs of yield- 
 ing. Not one of them would purchase life by a 
 meanness. Their senior said with a firm voice that, 
 although the power of the King might prevail over 
 the resistance of brave men, he could not make them 
 change their opinions. Even, he continued, if the 
 King were to put to death every Fleming then alive, 
 their dry bones would rise up again to combat him. 
 He and his gallant comrades perished, one after the 
 other, without a murmur, without the movement of a 
 muscle. With unflinching eyes and unaltered brow 
 they met death calmly and serenely, as it behoves free 
 men ever to do. They died not in vain, for their 
 heroic demeanour, while it inspired the French knights 
 with admiration, filled the heart of the King with 
 terror, and a few days later Charles VI. and his army 
 returned to France. 
 
 By the truly patriotic exertions of three citizens of 
 Ghent, ultimately supported by Francis Ackerman, a
 
 310 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN AUTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 treaty of peace was concluded at Tournai on the 18th 
 December, 1385, which secured the privileges of that 
 opulent city, and ajso those of its allied towns, and 
 pledged the Duke's favour to all law-abiding subjects. 
 On their part the Ghent burghers renounced the 
 English alliance, repudiated their homage to the King 
 of England, and engaged themselves for ever to render 
 due obedience to the King of France, and to the 
 Duke and Duchess of Burgundy, so long as their 
 privileges and franchises remained untouched. 
 Peter van den Bossche, however, distrusted Philip, 
 and took refuge in England, in company of the 
 archers and men - at - arms commanded by John 
 Bourchier. 
 
 In the following year vast preparations were made 
 for the invasion of England. A large army and an 
 immense fleet were collected at Sluys, and had the 
 King's uncles acted in unison much mischief might 
 have been wrought in the eastern counties, against 
 which the expedition was particularly directed. For- 
 tunately the Duke de Berri loitered on the way till 
 the season was too far advanced for maritime opersf- 
 tions, and the mighty host melted away. The Duke 
 of Burgundy was for awhile furious at being baulked 
 of his revenge, for he had never forgotten or forgiven 
 his imprisonment in England. But he suddenly re- 
 covered his composure. The Duke de Berri had 
 pointed out to him a surer and safer gratification. 
 Charles VJ. gave out that, in token of his kindly 
 feelings towards the citizens of Ghent, he intended to 
 celebrate the Christmas festival in that town. He 
 was preceded by a long train of waggons loaded, appa-
 
 en. xix.] DECLINE OF THE COMm'XKX. 311 
 
 rently, with casks of wine, in charge of 800 servants 
 and drivers. Suspicions were excited. The wooden 
 horse was once more being led into Troy. A 
 burgher, more audacious than* bis fellows, struck 
 one of the casks, and stoutly averred that its contents 
 were not liquid. His fellow-townsmen gathered 
 around, mastered all opposition, and broke open the 
 casks, which were filled with weapons. The King's 
 servants were publicly beheaded, after confessing that 
 they had been charged to open the gates to the royal 
 troops, and that it was intended to destroy the town 
 and massacre the inhabitants. The conduct of the 
 irregular levies from Picardy seemed to confirm this 
 strange tale. They pillaged the .town of Sluys, out- 
 raged wives and maidens, and attempted to act after 
 the same manner in Bruges, but the townsfolk took 
 to their arms, struck down the Duke de Berri, and 
 chased the French knights to their lodgings. It 
 seemed as if the ''Bruges Matins" were about to be 
 repeated, and Froissart acknowledges that, had not 
 the Sire de Ghistelles interposed his powerful local 
 influence, not a French knight or squire would have 
 escaped death. 
 
 Under John, nicknamed, rather than surnamed, the 
 Fearless, the Flemish Communes recovered a large 
 portion of their ancient influence. The nobility and 
 clergy thought it no shame to sit in council with the 
 Communal magistrates, under the title of the " States 
 of Flanders." To secure their personal safety they 
 caused the fortifications of Ghent, for it was in that 
 town they held their meetings, to be greatly strength- 
 ened, and in times of trouble they made their voice
 
 312 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. vi. 
 
 to be heard and respected even in Paris. But their 
 influence was, after all, factitious. During the frightful 
 anarchy which marked the internecine strife of the 
 Burgundians and Af magnacs, there was no supreme 
 constituted authority to inspire either terror or con- 
 fidence. Those who were able to do so protected 
 themselves the defenceless were pillaged alike by 
 friend and foe. Had a James van Arteveld appeared 
 at this juncture, the independence and union of Flan- 
 ders might have been attained without bloodshed ; 
 but no one arose to serve as a cloud by day and as a 
 pillar of fire by night, and the opportunity was lost for 
 ever. 
 
 John sans Peur, though certainly not sans Reproclic, 
 was succeeded by his son Philip, miscalled the Good. 
 The most extravagant magnificence prevailed at the 
 Court of Duke Philip. Medieval pageantries, jousts, 
 and knight errantry, flickered their last feeble flamo 
 before they finally expired. At times the Flemish 
 Communes were in profound repose, and enjoyed ma- 
 terial prosperity to a demoralizing extent. At other 
 times, however, they cried havoc ! and let loose the. 
 dogs of civil war. Now it was Bruges that raised its 
 standard against that of the Duke, and clamoured for 
 privileges which it invariably abused. Now it was 
 Ghent that, for sheer jealousy, turned upon its sister 
 town, or with loud uproar and some bloodshed de- 
 manded the immediate redress of apocryphal griev- 
 ances. Things were in much the same state as in 
 Northern France in the twelfth century, when a 
 contemporary writer complained, in his barbarous 
 Latin,
 
 en. xix.] DECLINE OF THE COMMl'XES. 313 
 
 Discordant omnes, praesul, conies, atque phalanges, 
 
 Pugnant inter se concives, contribulesque, 
 
 Urbica turba strepit, machiuantur ct oppida bellum. 
 
 In the beginning of his reign, Philip the Good was 
 too much occupied with the affairs of France to pay 
 much attention to the wants and wishes of his Flemish 
 subjects. It was in 1436 that he first thought of 
 utilising them in the great work of expelling the 
 English from that kingdom. "With some trouble, and 
 by the exhibition of much tact and forbearance, he at 
 length prevailed upon the Communes to place at his 
 disposal a considerable force of their militia for the 
 purpose of besieging Calais. The English garrison, 
 however, offered a determined resistance, and was 
 revictualled and reinforced, while the Burgundian 
 Admiral, John de Homes, did not venture to put out 
 from the Zwyn. Discouraged by frequent reverses, 
 the militia suddenly raised the fatal cry of treachery. 
 Striking their tents, and loading their waggons, they 
 started off for Flanders during the night, shouting to 
 one another, "Go, go, icy z//n al rerraden !" let us be 
 off, let us be off! we are all betrayed! The Duke 
 followed them to Gravelines, but his entreaties and 
 promises were alike disregarded, and he became pain- 
 fully aware of the danger of placing reliance upon 
 such wayward and inconstant supporters. 
 
 In the following year a serious disturbance occurred 
 at Ghent, and two influential citizens were put to 
 death. Tranquillity, however, was soon restored, but 
 the evil spirit of sedition reappeared only three days 
 later, though this time at Bruges, where both the 
 burgomaster and his brother were cruelly murdered.
 
 314 JAMES ASD PHILIP J'AX ARTEl'ELD. [i-r. vi. 
 
 A deputation was promptly despatched to Arras, to 
 solicit forgiveness from the Duke, who carelessly re- 
 plied that matters o moment required his immediate 
 presence in Holland. Under this pretence he col- 
 lected a considerable army, and marched at the head 
 of his troops to Roulers. Thence he wrote to the 
 magistrates of Bruges that he proposed to pass through 
 their town, but with a very limited number of fol- 
 lowers, and that not a single common soldier should be 
 suffered to enter within their wails. In the afternoon 
 of the 23rd May, Philip stopped at the village of 
 St. Michael, but his army continued to advance, and 
 halted only at the Bouverie Gate. Thereupon the 
 chief magistrates hastened to St. Michael's, and in- 
 sisted that the Duke should fulfil his engagements. 
 Equivocal answers were all they could obtain, until 
 tidings came that the gate was in possession of the 
 Burgundians, when Philip exclaimed, " I will not 
 separate from my men-at-arms," and turning to his 
 knights and officers, he added, " This is the Holland 
 I mean to subdue." Refusing to listen to the clergy, 
 who boldly protested against the infamy of delivering 
 up to his soldiery such a town as Bruges, Philip rode 
 a little way beyond the gate, but the populace looked 
 so threatening that he slowly retreated to the Friday 
 market-place the site of the present railway station. 
 His archers were commanded to sweep the streets, 
 and their arrows pierced the women at the windows, 
 and the old people and children at a distance. The 
 Duke, drawing his sword, so far forgot himself as to 
 cut down a citizen who was standing quietly by his 
 side. An immense tumult arose. The tocsin rang
 
 CH. xix.] DECLINE OF THE COMMl'XI'.s. 315 
 
 out furiously. Armed men came running to the spot 
 from all quarters. The archers were struck down and 
 trampled under foot. The ligljt-armed pillagers fled 
 to the city gate, and regained the country. The 
 people then closed in upon the men-at-arms with pike 
 and knife. Many were unhorsed, and speedily de- 
 spatched. The Duke himself was in imminent danger. 
 In vain the burgomaster, Louis van de Walle, called 
 upon the citizens to respect their Seigneur. They 
 were maddened by Philip's duplicity, by the uproar 
 and the bloodshed, and would listen to no remon- 
 strances. With the aid of a journeyman blacksmith, 
 the burgomaster burst open the nearest city gate, and 
 Philip escaped to Roulers, while Louis van de Walle 
 lived to repent of his devoted loyalty. 
 
 The Bruges militia, confiding in the dispersion of 
 the Duke's army, surprised Ardenburg, and carried 
 oft' a rich and welcome booty in corn and wine. They 
 next proceeded to attack Sluys, though held by a 
 stout garrison, and had already effected a breach, 
 when deputies arrived from Ghent, and entreated 
 them to stay their hand, as the Duke was willing to 
 concede all that they could reasonably desire. With 
 characteristic fatuity the militia immediately re- 
 turned to Bruges, and, as they withdrew, the Bur- 
 gundians sallied forth and pillaged all the surround- 
 ing villages and hamlets, until one of their bravest 
 captains was defeated under the Avails of Bruges 
 by an inferior force, and narrowly escaped with 
 his life. 
 
 This success emboldened the men of Ghent to 
 venture forth beyond their walls. They even advanced
 
 316 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. vr. 
 
 as far as Mariakcrke, and summoned to their camp 
 the militia of their military circle.* But while await- 
 ing the arrival of l^hese reinforcements they were 
 joined by one Rasse Onredene, who was secretly in 
 the service of the Duke, but who so worked upon the 
 silly burghers that they elected him their Captain. 
 He then easily persuaded them that their wisest 
 course was to avoid violence, and to offer their media- 
 tion. Delegates from Bruges hastened to join the 
 proposed conference at Eecloo, and were astonished 
 at finding the Ghent army prepared to compel their 
 acceptance of the Duke's terms. For awhile they 
 refused all submission, but an epidemic suddenly broke 
 out and carried off upwards of 20,000 victims. A 
 great scarcity of food ensued upon a winter of extreme 
 rigour, and an attack of leprosy was added to their 
 other miseries. Peace was now demanded on alt 
 sides. Deputies were sent to Arras to pray for 
 pardon, and were kept for three months in horrible 
 suspense. At length the Duke was pleased to spare 
 the town, but imposed the most humiliating and re- 
 volting conditions. Not a few of the wealthy burghers 
 left their homes, under pretext of making pilgrimages 
 to distant shrines, but even this means of escape was 
 speedily cut off, as the penalty of death was pro- 
 nounced against all pilgrims from that town. The 
 executioners had enough to do just then. Even 
 women of good social position were subjected to tor- 
 ture, and among them was the wife of the burgo- 
 master who had saved Philip's life. His son was one 
 
 * See p. 175.
 
 CH. xix.] DECLIXE OP THE COMMUNES. 317 
 
 of those who were beheaded, and he himself and his 
 tortured wife had already ascended the scaffold, when 
 a joyful peal of bells announced the arrival of the 
 Duchess. The further effusion of innocent blood was 
 stopped, and Louis van de Walle and his wife were 
 sentenced to imprisonment for life in the chateau of 
 Wynendael. 
 
 Chiefly through the remonstrances of the foreign 
 merchants, commercial relations were at length re- 
 stored between Flanders and England, and by degrees 
 industry revived. In December, 1440, Philip con- 
 sented once more to visit his "good town " of Bruges, 
 and was welcomed with the most fulsome and abject 
 demonstrations of submission. Scriptural pageants 
 and devices represented the Duke as the Saviour of 
 his people. Tournaments were held, minstrels pa- 
 raded the streets singing the praises of the Duke, as 
 though he were the Deity incarnate, stately banquets 
 were offered by the magistrates, lengthened, if not 
 enlivened, by the ponderous conceits which still sur- 
 vived in Flanders, the darkness of the coming night 
 was made resplendent with thousands of torches, and 
 the church-bells rang their loudest and most musical 
 peals. The lesson, however, was not forgotten. 
 "Remember Bruges!" said Philip to the citizens of 
 Ypres, when they at one time seemed on the point of 
 a tumult. They did remember, and there was peace 
 in the land for ten years. Industry and commerce 
 made rapid strides. The arts began to be understood 
 and admired. Literature was esteemed, but luxury 
 \vas never more rampant. For corruption was pre- 
 ceding death, and the funeral baked meats had already
 
 318 JAMES AXD PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. vr. 
 
 been served up in Bruges. And it was the treachery 
 of the men of Ghent that had hastened this decay. 
 We shall presently see how their children's teeth 
 were set on edge, because of the sour grapes their 
 fathers had eaten. 

 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Disputes between Philip and the town of Client Insurrection 
 Death of the Bastard of Burgundy Battle of Gavre Treaty 
 of Gavre Charles the Rash at Ghent Mary of Burgundy- 
 Maximilian of Austria Philip the Fair Charles Quint- 
 Confiscation of the liberties of Ghent Conclusion. 
 
 FOR a time the power and riches of Ghent were 
 aggrandized by the obscuration of Bruges. It be- 
 came the chief city in all Flanders, and consequently 
 an object of jealousy to the Duke, who removed the 
 sessions of the Grand Council to Ypres, and shortly 
 afterwards to Dendermonde. The Bruges people 
 had for some years past submitted to the gabrlle, 
 or duty upon salt, and in 1447 Philip attempted 
 to impose it upon the citizens of Ghent, promising 
 various concessions in return for this subvention, 
 but his application was promptly and energetically 
 refused, and, as a mark of his resentment, for the 
 three following years he absented himself entirely 
 from that town. The inhabitants desired nothing 
 better, and would have been quite contented to be 
 abandoned to their own devices for ever. That was 
 precisely what the Duke had no intention of doing. 
 He first tried, though unsuccessfully, to influence the 
 municipal elections, and when foiled in that effort, he 
 refused to recognise Daniel Sersanders as one of the
 
 320 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AHTEVELD. [PT. vi. 
 
 echcvins, on the ground that he was one of those who 
 had opposed the tax upon salt. The States of Flan- 
 ders then proffered their mediation, and the Ghent 
 hurghers finally consented to cancel the previous elec- 
 tion and to choose another set of magistrates. En- 
 couraged hy their yielding on this point, the Duke 
 made further demands, which were rejected as being 
 contrary to their rights and privileges. He even went 
 so far as to summon to his presence the magistrates 
 whose election had been annulled, and declared that 
 he would never enter the town so long as there was 
 any chance of encountering Daniel Sersanders, Lievin 
 Potter, or Lieven Sneevoet. These three citizens 
 forthwith resolved to sacrifice themselves for their 
 fellow-townsfolk, and proceeded, under protest, to 
 place themselves at the Duke's disposal. Untouched 
 by their self-abnegation, he compelled them to appear 
 before him in the attitude of supplicants, bareheaded 
 and barefooted, and sentenced all three to banishment 
 from Flanders for periods varying from ten to twenty 
 years. They were then escorted to the frontier, and 
 there turned adrift upon the world. 
 
 When it was known in Ghent that the Duke had 
 thus violated their privileges, the people gathered 
 together in the market-places, and implored Heaven 
 to send them another James van Arteveld. Two 
 Burgundian agents, Peter Tincke and Louis Dhamere, 
 endeavoured to direct this agitation in such a manner 
 as should favour the revival of the Ducal influence, but 
 they only succeeded in creating a wild disturbance 
 and in bringing their own heads to the block. The 
 Duke's officers were at the same time constrained to
 
 CH. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMIXES. 321 
 
 leave the town, and the magistrates let it be clearly 
 understood that it might become their duty to appeal 
 to Charles VII., whose enmity ty wards Philip was of 
 long standing. The banished echevins were straight- 
 way recalled from exile, and were entreated to use 
 their utmost efforts to restore tranquillity. But mat- 
 ters had gone too far to leave the door open to persua- 
 sion. The populace had gained the upper hand, and 
 had chosen as their leaders three men totally unworthy 
 of their confidence. A fruitless expedition against 
 Biervliet drove them to cover their incompetence by 
 acts of violence and bloodshed. The more moderate 
 and respectable citizens vainly struggled against the 
 surging waves of anarchy, and sought to effect a 
 reconciliation with their liege lord. 
 
 So long as military operations were prevented by 
 the winter season Philip temporised, and affected to 
 lend a willing ear to their representations, which were 
 warmly supported by the States and by the Count de 
 St. Pol. But on the 15th March, 1452, the mask 
 was dropped, and war was formally declared against 
 the good town of Ghent. Imprisonment in irons was 
 to be the punishment of those who supplied the rebels 
 with corn. The bravest captains, and among them 
 were the three Lalaings, were appointed to the chief 
 commands. The other Communes, with the noble 
 exception of the comparatively weak and exposed 
 town of Ninove, declared themselves against their 
 fellow countrymen and espoused the Burgundian 
 cause. The Bruges citizens, indeed, were so far ex- 
 cusable that their own ruin was the handiwork of 
 their Ghent rivals, but they might have taken a
 
 322 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 nobler revenge by wiping out the past and striking 
 one more blow for the independence of Flanders. 
 Had they boldly pronounced in favour of Ghent, not 
 (TIG Flemish Commune would have stood aloof. 
 United, they might have braved and baffled the 
 utmost might of Burgundy, Brabant, and Hainault, nor 
 would Philip have ventured all upon such a perilous 
 cast. But, as it has been so often remarked, the 
 ideas of nationality and patriotism were not as yet 
 understood by the traders and artizans of Flanders. 
 Each Commune thought only of its own particular 
 interests, and took its separate course without regard 
 to the fate of its neighbours. The result of such 
 selfish shortsightedness may be briefly set forth. 
 
 In Ghent itself the citizens began by squabbling 
 with one another. Some were beheaded, others were 
 banished, others, again, fled from a city that knew 
 neither how to make war, nor how to live in peace. A 
 few half-hearted negotiations having failed, the tocsin 
 was rung out from the belfry, a icapcninghe or arma- 
 ment was proclaimed, and some 20,000 armed men, 
 with a fine park of artillery, took the road to Oude- 
 naerd. But that important post was held by Simon 
 de Lalaing, whose renowned nephew, James de La- 
 laing, performed prodigies of valour to be the first to 
 succour his almost equally redoubtable uncle. The 
 militia of Ghent fought with desperate courage, but 
 without discipline or concerted purpose, and more 
 than once, when at the very point of victory, they fell 
 into disorder, and were ruthlessly massacred by the 
 heavy-armed Burgundians, supported by the militia of 
 the other Flemish Communes. The struggle was long
 
 cir. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUXES. 323 
 
 and splendidly sustained. The men of Ghent were 
 desperate. Their own lives and all that was dear to 
 them were at stake, and they felV in their close ranks, 
 without yielding an inch of ground. It was all in 
 vain. Philip's captains hemmed them in on all sides. 
 There was no hope of succour, though at one time 
 Henry VI. promised to send 7000 men to their assist-, 
 ance. Charles VII. also interposed his good offices, 
 but without enforcing his mediation by the approach 
 of an army. The death of James de Lalaing was 
 regretted even by his enemies, but Philip was 'carried 
 beyond his usual accesses of ungovernable fury 
 when he heard that his favourite illegitimate son, 
 Corneille, Bastard of Burgundy, had fallen on the 
 well-stricken field of E-upelmonde. In his first out- 
 burst of grief he hanged from a tree Walter Leen- 
 knecht, the leader of the Ghent militia, already 
 grievously wounded, nor did he find much greater 
 consolation in the magnificent obsequies celebrated by 
 the .Duchess, forgetful of her own wrongs. The dead 
 body was laid in the tomb sacred to the allied Houses 
 of Brabant and Burgundy, and with it were interred 
 his banner, his standard, and his pennon, as was usual 
 with knights who died sword in hand. 
 
 For a brief space a truce was concluded, but it was 
 only a breathing time, during which both parties pre- 
 pared for the last and conclusive struggle. The kings 
 of France and England were alike too much occupied 
 with their own. affairs to do more than offer useless 
 counsels. Unhappily for themselves, the Ghent 
 militia had learnt nothing from the terrible experience 
 of past reverses and defeats. They were always 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 JAMES AND THILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [FT. vi. 
 
 ready to force the fighting, but took no thought about 
 protecting their flanks or covering their retreat. They 
 fought on stolidly apd stupidly, shoulder to shoulder, 
 but without developing the most rudimentary strategy, 
 and seemingly only anxious to slay and be slain. In 
 that respect they they were amply gratified at Gavre. 
 It is said that they were betrayed by an Englishman, 
 named John Fox, who commanded a small body of 
 archers. This miscreant led their army straight to 
 the Burguudian camp, when he galloped over to the 
 enemy. For all that, the battle was for some time 
 doubtful. The position of the Ghent militia was de- 
 fective at every point, and they were destitute of 
 cavalry, though they possessed a formidable artillery. 
 But their powder barrels blew up early in the day, 
 and fatal disorder ensued. They were, besides, 
 formed in three large divisions so badly handled that 
 they gave no support to one another. At one moment 
 Philip himself was surrounded and in great danger, 
 from which he was rescued by his son, the Count do 
 Charolais, afterwards Charles the Rash. In the end, 
 however, 20,000 citizens of Ghent were either slain in 
 fair fight or drowned in the Scheldt, and so piteous 
 was the spectacle of the scene of slaughter that even 
 Philip exclaimed, " "Whoever may be the victor my 
 loss is great, for it is my people who have perished." 
 Nevertheless, he desired to push forward and finish 
 the war at a blow. But no one knew the road across 
 the marshes, and through the woods, which at that 
 time stretched between Gavre and Ghent. Just then 
 a peasant came up, and was commanded, at the peril 
 of his life, to lead the army by the straightest road to
 
 cu. xx.] DECLIXE OF THE COMMUTES. 325 
 
 the foot of the walls. He placed himself at the head 
 of the advanced guard, and, by a circuitous route, 
 conducted it to the camp from w^ich it had originally 
 started. "How is this?" cried Philip; "I ordered 
 you to guide me straight to Ghent, and you have 
 brought me back to my own quarters." The guide, 
 however, had disappeared in the thickening shades, 
 and the city was spared the horrors of a storm and 
 sack by night. 
 
 Among the slain were eight magistrates and t\vo 
 hundred monks in their sad-coloured garments. Early 
 next day, however, the ramparts were manned by 
 the citizens, resolved to die at their posts, when a 
 herald came in sight and proposed a suspension of 
 hostilities. A few of the burghers still insisted on 
 fighting on to the bitter end ; but wiser counsels ulti- 
 mately prevailed, and on the morrow, July 23rd, 
 1453, was concluded the Treaty of Gavre. The terms 
 accorded to the insurgents were severe, but not more 
 so than they must fairly have expected. The muni- 
 cipal magistrates were naturally shorn of much of 
 their local influence, the white hoods were suppressed 
 and prohibited, the banners of the guilds were sur- 
 rendered and deposited, some in the church of 
 Notre Dame at Halle, and some in the church of 
 Notre Dame at Boulogne ; a heavy fine was imposed, 
 and the magistrates, accompanied by 2000 burghers, 
 were required to meet the Duke half a league from 
 the town, bareheaded and barefooted, and with other 
 tokens of humility, and there on their bended knees 
 and in the French language to confess their delin- 
 quencies and pray for mercy. On the other hand, their
 
 326 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [PT. vi. 
 
 most useful privileges were reserved to them, personal 
 liberty was assured to all, the salt tax was remitted, 
 and the fine was afterwards considerably diminished. 
 Finally, Peter Baudins, whose double-dealing had 
 excited the citizens against the Duke, and the Duke 
 against the citizens, was closely imprisoned in the 
 castle of Rupelmonde. On the 30th July, Philip rode 
 at the head of his army to Ledeberg, situated a short 
 distance from the St. Lievin Gate, and was there met 
 by the magistrates and burghers of Ghent in abject 
 attire and suppliant attitude. In answer to their 
 appeal for mercy, Duke Philip replied : "Be to us 
 henceforth good subjects we will be to you a good 
 and loyal lord." * He did not, however, enter the 
 city, but turned his charger's head and took the road 
 to Oudenaerd. 
 
 Philip had no further trouble with the Communes of 
 Flanders. He 1 had crushed the spirit, as well as the 
 power, of the citizens of Bruges and of those of Ghent. 
 There was nothing to fear from that generation, but 
 the boys of 1453 had become strong men in 1467, the 
 year of his death, and had ceased to remember the 
 terrors of their childhood. It was reserved for his 
 son, Charles the Rash, to discover that the scotch'd 
 snake had still strength to bite. After solemnizing 
 with great pomp his father's obsequies at Bruges, the 
 young Duke proceeded to Ghent to receive from his 
 subjects their oath of allegiance. At first he was wel- 
 comed with respect, if not with much rejoicing, but no 
 sooner had he entered the Friday market than he was 
 
 * "Soyez -nons doresnavant bon.s sujets, nous vous serous bon 
 et "loyal seigneur."
 
 CH. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUXES. 327 
 
 petitioned by the principal burghers, on their knees, 
 to restore the ancient rights and privileges of the 
 Commune. In reply, and probably to gain time, he 
 desired them to make their wisfles known in writing, 
 and promised to give an answer in three days. But 
 in the interval a terrible commotion was raised by the 
 dregs of the populace, and in the end almost the 
 entire population was carried away by the vehemence 
 of their improvised leaders. Charles was at one time 
 in danger of his life, and, through his own rashness, 
 would certainly have been massacred but for the 
 courage and popularity of the Sire de la Gruuthuse. 
 The presence of his little daughter Mary, however, 
 constrained him to control his fur}*, and on the follow- 
 ing day he virtually cancelled the most objectionable 
 articles of the Treaty of Gavre. That he would have 
 fulfilled these engagements had his hands been free is 
 at least problematical, but his brief reign was too 
 fully occupied with his disputes with Louis XI. and 
 the Swiss Cantons to allow any leisure for the punish- 
 ment of Ghent. 
 
 During the whole course of their tumultuous career 
 the inhabitants of Ghent never appeared in a worse 
 light than through their treatment of Mary of Bur- 
 gundy. They took the most cruel advantage of her 
 youth, innocence, and natural timidity. They seemed 
 to derive a thoroughly savage gratification from work- 
 ing upon her fears for her own safety, and for that 
 of her attached friends and faithful counsellors. They 
 put to death under the most revolting circumstances 
 her devoted adherents, Guy d'Humbercourt, John de 
 Melle, and the Chancellor Hugonet. They struck off
 
 328 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN AllTEVELD. [IT. vr. 
 
 the heads of several notable citizens on frivolous pre- 
 texts. They extorted from the Princess the formal 
 renunciation of the Treaty of Gavre, and of all imposts 
 levied since the year 1450, and compelled her to 
 swear to the maintenance of all charters, franchises, 
 and privileges enjoyed by the Commune previous to 
 that date. The same coarse selfishness and barbarity 
 were displayed at Bruges. Though clamorous for 
 their own licentious independence, the citizens of that 
 town gave themselves no rest until they had con- 
 strained their hapless Princess to suppress the fourth 
 "member," and again subject the Franc to the juris- 
 diction of Bruges. On the day of her betrothal to 
 the Archduke Maximilian of Austria a new charter 
 was promulgated, confirming and enlarging the most 
 favourable concessions of former times, and practically 
 recognising the pretensions to self-government so often 
 put forward by that inconstant and restless Commune. 
 She was suffered, indeed, by the population of both 
 Bruges and Ghent to marry the husband of her choice, 
 but her brief wedded life was embittered by their 
 rancorous jealousies and low-born arrogance. 
 
 Maximilian's personal experiences after the death 
 of his ill-fated Consort were of the most poignant and 
 humiliating character. He was incessantly embroiled 
 in hostilities against his own subjects. At Bruges he 
 was imprisoned for some days in the Craenenburg, 
 the largest house overlooking the Grande Place, and 
 which remains to the present day, a melancholy me- 
 morial of the former greatness of that decayed city. 
 Many of his personal friends and adherents were 
 executed almost under his very eyes, and when he
 
 CH. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUNES, 329 
 
 was subsequently removed to a more stately mansion 
 between St. James' Church and the Ezel-brugge, 
 executions were still more frequent. The fear of the 
 speedy approach of a German army at length wrought 
 his deliverance; but even then the short-sighted 
 populace, instead of setting him unconditionally at 
 liberty, and trusting to his generosity for their for- 
 giveness, wrung from his necessities all manner of 
 stipulations which he was not, in the least, likely to 
 respect on escaping from duress. On both sides much 
 duplicity and an insatiable vindictiveness were exhi- 
 bited, by which the country was brought to the verge 
 of ruin. Maximilian himself was unstable as water. 
 He was of a kindly, indolent disposition, and in an 
 humbler sphere of life might have passed through a 
 harmless and irreproachable existence. His personal 
 bravery was beyond all doubt, but it was the animal 
 courage of a common soldier. Through his own skill 
 he never gained a victory, and if perchance a battle 
 was won without his aid as a general he knew not 
 what to do with his unexpected good fortune. As 
 mainboury, or Regent, of Flanders, he was never in 
 harmony with the Communes, and his military opera- 
 tions were conducted as in an enemy's country, and it 
 must be acknowledged that the resentment he bore 
 towards the Flemings was not without cause. 
 
 His son Philip the Fair was proclaimed Count of 
 Plunders on the 26th December, 1494. He had 
 shortly before completed the sixteenth year of his 
 age, and two years later he married Joan of Aragon. 
 From this union proceeded great issues, which 
 changed the political aspect of Europe. On the 24th
 
 330 JAMES AND PHILIP VAX ARTEVELD. [IT. vr. 
 
 February, 1500, was born in Ghent a prince, who 
 became known in the fulness of time as Charles-Quint, 
 for a while the most powerful monarch the world had 
 seen since the days of Charlemagne. At the death 
 of Isabella, of Castile, her crown descended to the 
 youthful Count of Flanders, who enjoyed this new 
 honour for less than two years. His death occurred 
 at Bruges on the 25th September, 1506, and the 
 Emperor Maximilian was declared guardian of his 
 grandson, Charles, Prince of Castile, and heir to all 
 the States that had nominally paid allegiance to 
 Mary of Burgundy. At the age of nineteen, Charles, 
 now King of Aragon and Castile, was elected Emperor 
 of the Holy Roman Empire, and by virtue of his 
 being the fourth Emperor since the death of Charle- 
 magne who bore the name of Charles, he assumed the 
 title of Charles- Quint. 
 
 It does not, however, lie within the scope of this 
 little work to trace, even in outline, the history of 
 that remarkable monarch. The Communes of Flanders 
 had ceased to exercise any appreciable influence on the 
 politics of Europe. What was more to be regretted, 
 was the decay of Flemish industry. The gradual, but 
 rapid, silting up of the Zwyn had deprived Bruges of 
 its importance as a maritime port. Its traffic had 
 passed to Antwerp. Foreign merchants, with the 
 exception of a few Spaniards, removed from a town 
 that had lost its commercial advantages. Agriculture 
 was in so elementary a condition that the soil of 
 Flanders was pronounced too sterile, and the climate 
 too cold, to produce cereal crops, and, consequently, 
 wheat, as well as wine, was imported from France.
 
 in. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMl'XI-X. 331 
 
 l>ut when the great rivalry commenced between 
 Charles-Quint and Francis I., the Flemish Communes 
 were reduced to sore straits. ,They could neither 
 dispose of their manufactures and merchandize, nor 
 procure the necessaries of life for their own consump- 
 tion. Spanish wool now supplanted wool from Eng- 
 land, but there was no corresponding demand for the 
 produce of the Flemish looms. Ghent, however, had 
 to a certain extent profited by the misfortunes of its 
 rival. It was the largest, the richest, and the most 
 densely peopled city in Europe. It covered a larger 
 area even than Paris, a statement confirmed by 
 the bon mot, attributed to Charles- Quint, who once 
 facetiously remarked : " Je mcttrais tout Paris clans 
 mon Gaud (grinf)" Unhappily for themselves the 
 Ghent burghers never understood the virtues of 
 patience and forbearance. They were in a state of 
 chronic feverishness as to their franchises. In the 
 time of Charles-Quint the citizens were accused of 
 being as unfaithful to their God as to their seigneur. 
 They were prone to heresy and schism as well as to 
 tumult and strife. They had, moreover, grown disso- 
 lute and corrupt, and were eager to acquire wealth by 
 other means than honest industry. A sect arose, called 
 the Crccsers, who aimed at making Ghent a free and 
 independent city, owing allegiance to neither King 
 nor Kaiser. Their ambition was unimpeachable, but 
 they sought to gratify it through the aid of Francis I. 
 To emancipate themselves from the German yoke, they 
 proposed to acknowledge the King of France as their 
 liege lord. At that moment 1538-39 Francis I. 
 wa- in no condition to break with Charles-Quint, and
 
 332 JAMES AND PHILIP VAX AHTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 accordingly declined the overtures of the good towns 
 of Flanders. 
 
 The pooi-tcrs and +he craftsmen were divided on 
 this point. The former were content to rest and be 
 thankful the latter desired nothing so much as a 
 change. An insurrection was on the point of break- 
 ing out the Crecsers relying on the immediate sym- 
 pathy of the German Protestants, and on the ultimate 
 assistance of the French monarch. But Francis I. 
 was just then affected by one of his chivalrous fits of 
 generosity, and in that mood invited Charles -Quint 
 to pass through France as the most direct route from 
 Spain to Flanders. In this way, the Emperor was 
 enabled to make his entry into Ghent before the in- 
 surgents had made any preparations for resistance. 
 The streets and open spaces were promptly occupied 
 by his troops, and the citizens awaited their fate with 
 dismal forebodings. The first measures were severe. 
 Three of the most influential citizens were executed 
 in front of the Gravesteen, while a considerable number 
 of scarcely less note were fined or banished. The 
 next step was to raise a citadel on the site of the 
 church and monastery of St. Bavon, which should bo 
 as a curb iu the mouths of the Ghent men for all 
 future time though no fortifications of any kind 
 now remain to provoke an attack which they could 
 not repel. The charters, franchises, privileges, and 
 particular jurisdiction of the Commune were then 
 declared forfeited for ever. The houses, chattels, 
 revenues, guns, and munitions of war belonging to the 
 Corporation were seized, and even the bell RocJandt 
 was confiscated. A heavy fine was further imposed,
 
 CH. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUNES. 333 
 
 and the municipal magistrates, the dckenen of guilds, 
 representatives of the different crafts, and fifty of the 
 Creesers, were compelled to apjpear before the Em- 
 peror in penitential garb, and, with humble voice, to 
 implore his mercy. The number of trade-guilds was 
 reduced to twenty-one. The dekcncn, for the future, 
 were to be burghers retired from business. The pro- 
 cession of the precious casket containing the .sacred 
 relics of St. Lievin, which had so often preluded 
 scenes of strife and uproar, was prohibited, as well as 
 several other gatherings of citizens under pious pre- 
 texts. In short, as M. Jules van Praet succinctly 
 remarks, "After having finished with the men, 
 Charles-Quint addressed himself to the institutions, 
 and replaced the Communal privileges of which the 
 Ghent population had made such a dangerous use, by 
 a celebrated law which aimed at providing for the 
 future, as well as for the present, and at definitively 
 subjecting to the monarchical system a city which 
 had grown into the possession of a republican govern- 
 ment. The ground-work of the innovation was, that 
 the elective magistrates of the people became, through 
 the working of the new institution, officers of the 
 Empire."* 
 
 Now, we are invited by Mr. Motley to admire the 
 "violent little commonwealths" of Holland and Flan- 
 ders. He affirms, perhaps with reason, that "the 
 most sanguinary tumults which they ever enacted in 
 the face of day were better than the order and 
 
 * "Essais sur 1'Histoire Tolitique des Derniers Sifccles." Par 
 Jules van Pract, p. 164.
 
 334 JAMES AXD PHILIP FAX ARTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 silence born of the midnight darkness of despotism" 
 but was there no middle course ? M. de Lainartinc 
 somewhere observes, that revolutions begin from 
 above it is only seditions that spring from below. 
 Surely, that is the experience of our own history. 
 The Magna Charta was wrung from the sovereign by 
 the great lords and barons, and -not by the common- 
 alty. No doubt, those barons thought chiefly of their 
 own interests in the first instance, but they also stipu- 
 lated that the ancient customs and liberties of cities 
 and boroughs should be secured to them, that justice 
 should be equally administered to all men, that- every 
 freeman should be tried by his peers, and they even 
 demanded in the original rough draft that no " talli- 
 ages and aids " should be exacted from the city of 
 London and other cities, without the consent of the 
 general council of the nation. Simon de Moiitfort, 
 again, who restored the Saxon Witangemote, though 
 Sir Edward Creasy prefers to found the English Par- 
 liament upon the political constitutions of Spain 
 was a nobleman of the highest rank, and neither a 
 rich burgher nor the ambitious headman of a guild. 
 Had the French nobility at the close of the last cen- 
 tury been less frivolous and self-indulgent, had they 
 frankly placed themselves at the head of the popular 
 movement, a revolution might have been effected 
 without the shedding of innocent blood, and without 
 the permanent demoralization and degeneracy of a 
 great people. The mediaeval aristocracy of Flanders 
 were in many respects similar to the French nobles in 
 the eighteenth century, except that they were actually 
 the proprietors of their ancestral estates, and exercised
 
 rn. xx.] DECLINE OF THE COMMUXEX. 335 
 
 a proportionate influence over their vassals and de- 
 pendents. They had, however, an equal contempt 
 for commerce and industry, and^ided with their liege 
 lord in all his disputes with the democracy of the 
 Communes. 
 
 Mr. Motley's error, however, consists in coupling 
 Flanders with Holland. There was, in fact, no 
 analogy between the conditions of the two kindred 
 peoples. The Hollanders were primarily addicted to 
 agriculture, to which they subsequently added com- 
 merce, but the feudal institutions never struck root 
 in their country. They were essentially republicans, 
 and were united as a nation in a far higher degree 
 than the Flemings attained until comparatively recent 
 times. Their love of liberty was an instinct, and not 
 a spasmodic sentiment. At times, indeed, their 
 normal tranquillity was vexed by tumults and even by 
 massacre, but the disturbing causes were never so 
 mean and narrow as sufficed to excite the citizens of 
 Bruges or of Ghent to ac!s of madness. The Hol- 
 landers found their reward in the possession of free- 
 dom and in the enjoyment of great material prosperity, 
 gilded with the universal respect of mankind ; while 
 the Netherlands passed under the yoke of Austria, of 
 Spain, and of France, and were never really free 
 until the Revolution of 1830 31. At the same 
 time the study of Flemish history in the middle ages 
 is not without interest at the passing moment, when 
 the flood of democracy in our own country threatens 
 to submerge the ancient landmarks. As it was in 
 the Flemish Communes, as it is in the United States, 
 so will it be in the British Isles should the populace
 
 336 JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTEVELD. [IT. vi. 
 
 succeed in gaining the upper hand. Men of birth, 
 position, and mental culture will withdraw from the 
 management of public affairs, and will abandon the 
 arena to men of the baser sort, pushing, pretentious, 
 and self-sufficient. The prospect is not pleasant to 
 contemplate, nor is there much reason to expect that 
 the experiences of past ages will avail to check or 
 modify the downward tendency of the present gene- 
 ration.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ACKEKMAX. 
 
 A. 
 
 ACKEHMAX, Francis, 249, 250 ; en- 
 voy to Richarl II., 270; storms 
 Ardenburg. 291 ; joins Henry 
 Spencer, 292-93 ; surprises Oa- 
 danaerd, 233 ; agrees to peace, 
 309 
 
 Adolphus of Nassau, 26, 31, 32 
 
 Agriculture, 89, 90, 173 
 
 Albert of Austria. 33 ; of Bavaria, 
 239 
 
 Alfred the Great, 3 
 
 Alsace, Margaret of, 13 ; Thierry 
 of, 9, 10 
 
 Amadens of Savoy, 28 
 
 " Amicitiae," 4 
 
 Anjou, Charles of, 18, 21 
 
 Antoing, conference at, 168 ; Hen-t- 
 il", 232 
 
 Antwerp, convention of, 140-41 ; 
 Edward III. at, 142; ceded* to 
 Flanders. 214 ; supplants Bruges. 
 330 
 
 A rag- .n. Joan of, 329 
 
 Anh-nburg, Edward III. nt, 1G2 ; 
 riot at. 172 ; stormeJ, 2'J1 ; sur- 
 prised. 315 
 
 ABTEVELP. 
 
 j Arimathea, Joseph of, 11 
 
 Aristocracy, The Burgher, 67, 70, 
 84, 334-33 
 
 Armentieres stormed, 157 
 | Arnold Declercq, 232, 234, 236 
 
 Arnulf, or Arnold, the Great, 3, 5 ; 
 the Simple, 6 ; the Younger, 5 
 
 Arteveld, James van, 25, 53, 75 ; 
 favours the weavers, 82, 83, 84 ; 
 his policy approved by artisans, 
 85 ; moves the clergy, 94 ; mis- 
 represented, 123, 124 ; birth and 
 parentage, 1 26 ; coat of arms, 
 128 ; accompanies Charles de 
 Valuis to Rhodes, 128, 129 ; at 
 the Court of Louis X., 129 ; as 
 an agriculturist, 129 : the Brewer 
 tradition, 129, 130 ; marries 
 Catherine de Courtrai, 130 ; ap- 
 pealed to by the citizens. 130. 
 
 131 ; propounds his policy, 131 ; 
 chosen "Beleeder van de ."-tad," 
 
 132 ; reported mission to Eng- 
 land, 133 ; alleged murder of 
 Fulk de Roden, 135 ; body-guard 
 increased, 135 ; counteracts ex- 
 communication, 137; conducts 
 expedition against BisrrlicMSS ;
 
 1SDEX. 
 
 holds an assembly at Bruges, 
 139, 140 ; meets Edward III. at 
 Sluys, 142 ; urges Edwaii to 
 quarter arms of France. 149 ; 
 entertains Queen Philippa. 150 ; j 
 concludes alliance with Brabant j 
 and Hainault, 133; his son Philip : 
 named after Queen Philippa, j 
 156; threatens Tournai. 157: 
 marches to relief of Count of 
 Hainault. 157 : at Valenciennes, 
 162 ; meets Edward III. at Ar- 
 denburg. 162 ; commands Flem- 
 ings at Tournai, 164 ; returns 
 to Ghent, 166 ; procures loan 
 for Edward III.. 167 ; slays 
 Peter Lammens at Ardenburg, 
 172 ; embroiled with J. de Steen- : 
 beke, 173, 174 ; revives old insti- 
 tutions. 174-176 ; enrolled in 
 Brewers' guild, 17 5 ; elected 
 "souverainen deken," 175; his' 
 policy, 176 ; takes part with the 
 weavers on Bad Monday, 177 ; 
 accused of desiring to supplant 
 Louis de Crecy by Prince of 
 Wales, 179 ; rumour refuted, 180, 
 181 ; returns to Ghent, 181 ; slain 
 by rioters, 181-183 ; his burial, 
 184; his character, 186, 298; 
 his widow, 198, 199 
 Arteveld, John van, 126, 127 
 Arteveld, Philip van. 156; chosen 
 Captain of Ghent. 245 ; his cha- 
 racter, 245, 246. 298-300 ; issues 
 proclamation. 24!) ; attends Coun- 
 cil at Tournai. 251 ; returns to 
 Ghent, 252 ; addresses the peo- 
 ple. 253, 254 ; encamps at Bever- 
 houtsveld, 255, 256 ; defeats 
 
 BAILLEUL. 
 
 Louis de Mcale, 257 ; at Bruges, 
 260, 263 ; proceeds to Ypres, 263 ; 
 lives in great state, 264 ; sum- 
 mons Communal militia. 264 ; 
 besieges Oudenaerd. 265 ; turns 
 siege into blockade. 266 ; block- 
 ades Dendermonde, 269 ; appeals 
 in vain to Charles VI., 270; 
 sends envoys to Richard II., 271, 
 272 ; makes suitable prepara- 
 tions, 272 ; great in adversity, 
 
 279 ; takes post at Roosebeke, 
 
 280 ; accompanied by his wife, 
 282; his death, 287; hanged 
 after death, 288 
 
 Arteveld, village of, 127. 308 
 
 Arteveld, Walter van, 128, 129 
 
 Artevelds, The van, 39. 40, 75, 127 
 
 Artillery, use of, 164, 265, 266, 
 285 
 
 Artisans, The, 65, 75-78, 80. 85 
 
 Artois, Robert of (Sec Robert of 
 Artois) 
 
 Arundel, Earl of, 192 
 
 Aspremont, Sire d', 50 
 
 Athies-sur-Orge, treaty of, 40-42 
 
 Avesbury, Robert of, 195 
 
 Avesnes, Bouchard d', 14. 17, 18 ; 
 John d', 18 
 
 Austria, Albert of, 33 ; Maximi- 
 lian of, 328 
 
 Axel, Philip d', 50 
 
 B. 
 
 " BABYLONIAN Captivity," The, 93 
 "Bad Monday,'' 177 
 Baert. family of Damme. 219 
 Bailleul, 21 ; Hugh de, 15
 
 339 
 
 Baldwin, the Bald, 3 ; the Bearded, 
 5 ; Bras de Fcr, 2 ; Emperor 
 of Constantinople, 14, 263 ; the 
 Good, 6 ; the Magnanimous, 13, 
 14 ; the Pious, 5, 6 ; the Seventh, 7 
 
 Bar, Count of, at Grammont, 31 
 
 Barbavara, corsair, at Sluys, 158. 
 159 
 
 Bardi of Bruges, The, 144 
 
 Baronaigc, House of, 128 ; John, 
 19!) 
 
 Bartholomew Coolman hanged, 290 
 
 Basserode, J. van Arteveld at, 129 
 
 Baths, public hot, 107 
 
 Battle of Beverhoutsvcld, 257; 
 Bouvincs, 15 ; Bulscamp, 82 ; 
 Cadzand. 132 ; Comincs, 274-75 ; 
 Courtrai, 38, 39 ; Deynzc, 52 ; 
 Grammont, 52 ; Gavrc, 324 ; 
 Mont-en-Pevele, 40 ; Mount Cas- 
 sel, 6, 55, 56 ; Nevele, 237 ; Poi- 
 tiers, 212 ; Rooscbeke, 280-287 ; 
 Kuisselede, 9 ; Rupelmonde, 323; 
 Sluys, 158-1GO ; West Capelle, 
 18 ; Winchclsca, 206-7 
 
 Bavaria, alliance with Burgundy 
 and France, 308 
 
 Baudins. Peter, 326 
 
 Beatrice of Fresca, 17 
 
 Beauchamp, Sir William, 29? 
 
 Becket, Thomas-si-, 12 
 
 Bcgards. Tlie, 102 
 
 Beguiiies, The, 102 
 
 Behuchet, Nicholas, 158-161 
 
 - Beleedur van de Stad.'' 75, 137, 
 139, 184.264 
 
 Benedict XII., Pope, and Edward 
 III. and the Communes, 151. I.V, 
 
 IVrgm.'s. surprisi-d. 144 
 
 Berii, Duke de, urges war against 
 
 BOURCICAULT. 
 
 Communes, 269 ; at Roosebcke, 
 285 ; accused of the death of I.. 
 de*Maele, 294-296 ; prevents in- 
 vasion of England, 310; struck 
 down in Bruges. 311 
 Bethune, 42, 47 ; Matilda of, 18 ; 
 Robert of, 18, 25; idealised by 
 H. Conscience, 28 ; shut out from 
 Douai. 30 ; defends and surren- 
 ders Lille, 32 ; imprisoned at 
 Chinon. 34 ; succeeds his father. 
 40 ; signs Treaty of Athies, 40, 
 41; signs Treaty of Pontoisr. l~2 : 
 guilty of contumacy. 44 ; refuses 
 to go to Paris. 46 ; does homage 
 to Philip the Long. 47 ; death 
 of. 1S 
 
 Bette, Simon, 231, 237, 247 248 
 Beverhoutsveld, Battle of, 2.V. 257 
 Beyts, James, slain in a riot, 177 
 Biervliet. taken by J. van Arteveld, 
 
 138, 139 
 Biloke, monastery of, 131, 183, 
 
 184 
 
 Black Death. The, 102. 201-203 
 Black Prince. The. 179. 206, 218 
 Blois, Charles de. 1 70 
 Bohemia. King of. 56. 136. 191 
 Bolle, John. 226. 232. 284, 235 
 Boniface VII I.. Pope, 28, 33, 129 
 Bordeaux, agitation at. 39 
 Bosschc, P. van den (,SVr Peter van 
 
 den Bosschc) 
 
 Bouchard <!'.\vr-ncs 14, 17 
 Bouillon. Codfivy de, 7 
 Bourlion. Ihike do. favours wnr 
 
 n'_r:iinst Communes Ji'i'.i : ;it 
 
 Mourrliicr. .lohn, 310 
 Bourcicault, Marslial, 280 
 
 / 2
 
 340 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 BOUVIXES. 
 
 Bouvines, Battle of, 15 
 
 Brabant, submits to Philip the 
 Bold, 24 ; alliance with Flauders 
 and Hainault, 119 
 
 Brabant, Duchess of, assists Ghent, 
 250-251 
 
 Brabant, Duke of, at Grammont, 
 31 ; harbours Kobert d'Artois, 
 115 ; subsidized by Edward III., 
 120 ; double-dealing, 142, 158 ; 
 at Tournai, 165 ; excited jealousy 
 of J. van Arteveld, 182 ; fate of 
 his daughter, 213 ; defeated by 
 Flemings, 214 
 
 Breteuil, Count of, G 
 
 Bretigny, Treaty of, 214 
 
 Brewer's Guild, 175 
 
 Breydel, John, 36, 37, 38 
 
 Breydels, The, 59 
 
 Brittany, Wiliam of, 1 1 
 
 Brittany, War of Succession in, 
 170 
 
 Broucke, Peter van den, 278 ; Yo- 
 lande van den, 282 
 
 Bruges, foundation of, 3 ; rise of, 
 4 ; Charles of Denmark mur- 
 dered in, 8 ; memorialises Louis 
 VI., 9 ; theological seminaries 
 at, 20 ; fairs at, 21 ; " Hanse of 
 London " founded at, 21 ; cloth- 
 hall burnt, 22 ; riots in, 23 ; '. 
 wool-staple promised, 31 ; Ed- | 
 ward I. at. 33 ; Philip Augustus 
 at, 34 ; disturbance in. 35 ; 
 Matins, 37, 38 ; citizens exiled, 
 41 ; citizens imprison John de 
 Namur, 49 ; militia arrest Louis 
 de Crecy, 51 ; cruelties of Louis 
 de Crecy at, 57, 58 ; in the 
 XIYth century, 8G ; decline of, 
 
 BURGUNDY. 
 
 87 ; militia at Cadzand, 122 ; 
 Louis de Crecy driven out, 139 ; 
 militia chase Count from Dix- 
 mude, 145 ; selfishness of citi- 
 zens, 152 ; Edward III. at, 162 ; 
 militia before St. Omer, 163 ; de- 
 puties to Edward III. at Sluys, 
 179 ; militia repulse Duke of 
 Normandy, 195 ; divert waters 
 of the Lys. 219 ; welcomes John 
 Yoens. 226 ; massacre of Ghent 
 militia in, 233 ; rout of Bever- 
 houtsveld, 256, 257 ; surprised 
 by Ghent militia, 259, 260; 
 Philip van Arteveld at, 263 ; 
 submits to Charles VI., 289 ; 
 under Philip of Burgundy, 303 ; 
 Duke de Berri attacked, 311; 
 great commotion, 313-315 ; be- 
 trayed by Ghent, 316 ; submits 
 to Philip the Good, 316 ; enter- 
 tains Philip the Good, 317 ; de- 
 clares against Ghent, 321 ; ex- 
 torts concessions from Mary of 
 Burgundy, 328 ; decline of, 330 
 
 Brugge, 2 
 
 Bruggensele, 3 
 
 Brussels, Edward III. at, 146; 
 sends food to Ghent, 250 
 
 Buironfosse, 146 
 
 Bulscamp, Battle of, 32 
 
 Burchard, Rose, 213 
 
 Burgher aristocracy, 67, 70, 84 r 
 334-35 
 
 Burgomaster, 70 
 
 Burgundy, Charles the Rash (See 
 Charles the Rash) 
 
 Burgundy. Duke of, claims crown 
 of France. 4(> ; duke repulsed at 
 St. Omer, 163
 
 INDEX. 
 
 341 
 
 BURGUNDY. 
 
 Burgundy, John the Fearless (See 
 
 John the Fearless) 
 Burgundy. Margaret of, 45 
 Burgundy, Philip of, married to 
 
 Margaret de Maele, 215 ; his 
 
 death, 216 
 Burgundy, Philip the Bold (See 
 
 Philip the Bold) 
 Burgundy, Philip the Good (See 
 
 Philip the Good) 
 " Buyten-Poorters," 73, 74 
 
 C. 
 
 CADZAND, Island of, 122, 158, 193 
 Calais, taken by Edward III., 196 
 Calanderberg, 123, 181 
 Cambrai, fief of Empire, 143 ; siege 
 
 of, 145, 146 ; Bishop of, at 
 
 Eecloo, 132 
 Campioen, Regnicr, saves Count's 
 
 life, 258 259 
 
 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 159 
 Cassel, burnt, 56; Battles of Mount, 
 
 6, 55, 56 
 
 Casse'l, Philip de, 48 
 Cassel, Robert de, 41, 49 ; sympa- j 
 
 thises with Communes, 50 ; es- ! 
 
 capes assassination, 51 ; chosen i 
 
 llewaert, 52 ; joins Philip de Va- ! 
 
 lois, 55 ; at Mount Cassel, 56 
 Cardinal Gosselin, 47 
 Carmelites, The, 101 
 Castile, Charles of, 330 ; Isabella 
 
 of, 330 
 
 Catherine de Courtcnay, 129 
 Catherine de Courtrai, 156 ; sent to 
 
 England, 170; wrecked off Brest. | 
 
 CTAKLEP. 
 
 170 ; concerned in truce of Mal- 
 estroit, 171 ; returns to Flau- 
 d(*s, 180 
 
 Cauter, The, 139 
 
 Charlemagne, 2, 330 
 
 Charles the Fair, 48 ; restores com- 
 merce, 49 ; internes between 
 Count and Communes, 52 ; suc- 
 ceeded by Philip de Valois, 
 53 
 
 Charles V. marries his brother 
 Philip to Margaret of Maele, 
 216 ; reconciled to Louis de 
 Maele, 230 
 
 Charles VI. proclaims war against 
 Flanders. 269 ; rejects Philip van 
 Arteveld's ap}>eal, 270 ; arrives at 
 Arras, 272; invades Flanders,273 ; 
 at Comines, 277 ; at Roosebeke, 
 287, 288 ; at Courtrai, 288 ; at 
 Bruges, 289 ; returns to France, 
 290 ; executes burghers of the 
 Pays de Waes, 309 
 
 Charles VII. opposed to Philip the 
 Good, 321 
 
 Charles, Count of Anjou, 18, 21 
 
 Charles de Blois, 170 
 
 Charles the Bold, 2 
 
 Charles of Denmark, 8 
 
 Charles, King of Navarre, 209,211, 
 212 
 
 Charles de Valois, 33. 114 ; rlaim 
 throne of Constantinople, 128, 
 129 
 
 Charles the Rash of Burgundy. Hi' I , 
 proceeds to Glu-nt. I5J6 : in JK.T- 
 sonal danger, 327 ; makes con- 
 cessions, 327 
 
 Charles-Quint, elected Emperor 
 330 ; crushes insurrection in
 
 342 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 CHATILLOX. 
 
 Ghent, 332. 333 ; confiscates all 
 charters. 333 
 
 Chatillon, James de. 35, 37 * 
 
 Chaucer, Geoff rev. in Flanders. 218 
 
 Chinon, 34. 40 
 
 Choremanni. or Coremanni. 10.17. 
 70 
 
 Cistercians, The. 94 
 
 Clement V., Pope. 98 
 
 Clement VI., Pope, 1(58 
 
 Clement VII., 93. 262, 289, 291 
 
 Clergy, The. 73. 94, 100 
 
 " Clerici uxorati." 9 
 
 Clisson, Oliver dc. 272. 274. 285 
 
 " Cnaep," 77, 132. 135 
 
 Cobham, Lord, 193 
 
 Comines, 273-276 
 
 Communes, rise of the. 10; pros- 
 perity of, 20 ; courted by Philip 
 Augustus, 29 ; slighted by Robert 
 de Bethnne, 41 ; excesses of, 65 ; 
 character, 67, 68 ; privileges, 
 73 ; military power, 74, 75 ; de- 
 cline of, 87, 91 ; disunion of, 92, 
 297 ; assembly at Eecloo, 132, 
 133 ; convention with Edward 
 III., 134 ; represented at Eeck- 
 hout, 140 ; accept Edward IK. 
 as overlord, 149 ; receive from 
 him three charters, 150-152 ; 
 Pope Benedict XII., 154, 155 ; 
 send Catherine of Courtrai 
 to England, 170 ; adhere at 
 Damme to English alliance, 171; 
 renovated by James van Arteveld, 
 174-176 ; represented at Sluys, 
 179, 180; excuse themselves to 
 Edward III., 185 ; adhei-e to 
 English alliance, 189, 191 ; de- 
 feated by Godfrey d'Anuequin, 
 
 CRAEXEXBURG. 
 
 190 ; welcome Louis de Maele. 
 192 ; favour marriage with Isa- 
 bella of England, 193 ; courted 
 by Philip de Valois, 194. 1!).") ; 
 
 ' apply in vain to Edward III., 
 197; congratulate Edward III., 
 
 I 208 ; alienated from England, 
 212 ; besiege Oudeuaerd. 227 ; 
 accept leadership of Philip van 
 Arteveld, 264 ; blockade Oude- 
 naerd, 266, 267 ; refuse to sub- 
 mit to Charles VI., 281; defeated 
 at Roosebeke, 283-287; oppressed 
 by Louis de Maele, 290, 291 ; 
 pass under Philip of Burgundy, 
 303 ; recover influence under 
 John the Fearless, 311 ; under 
 Philip the Good, 312 ; desert 
 Ghent, 321 ; decline of, 330, 
 331 
 
 Comnenus, Alexis, 7 
 Compiegne, Guy de Dampierre at. 
 
 34 ; conference at, 47 
 Coninck, Peter (See Peter Coninck) 
 
 I Conscience, Hendrick. 28 
 Constantinople. Robert of Flanders- 
 at, 7 ; Charles de Valois claims 
 throne of, 128 ; Baldwin. Em- 
 peror of, 14, 263 
 Coolman, Bartholomew, 290 
 Corneille, Bastaixl of Burgundy. 
 
 i 323 
 
 ' Corporation of London and Edward 
 III., 155 
 
 ! Coudebrouck, Giles de, 198 
 Courtrai, Battle of, 38 ; riots in, 
 43,51 ; fortifications demolished, 
 58 ; execution of the d'Halewyns, 
 211 ; burnt by Charles VI., 288 
 Craenenburg, The, 328
 
 143 
 
 Crecy, Battle of, 190, 11)1 ; Lou:> 
 
 de (See Louis de Crecy). 
 " Creesers," The, 331-33 
 " Cyre, Cyre-ath," 10 
 
 D. 
 
 DAMME, foundation of, 11 ; burnt 
 
 by Philip Augustus, 14 ; member 
 
 of the Hanse of London, 21 ; 
 
 taken by William de Juliers, 315 ; 
 
 executions at, 57 : decline of, 87 ; 
 
 Communes meet at, 171 ; John 
 
 Yoens dies at, 226 
 Dampierrc. Guy de (Sec Guy de 
 
 Dampierre) 
 
 Dampierre, John de, 18, 28 
 Dampierrc, William de, 18, 34 
 Dampierres, The, 19 
 Daniel d'Halewyn defends Oude- 
 
 naerd, 2G4, 288 ; Scrsanders. 319. 
 
 320 
 
 " Day of the Golden Spurs." 39 
 Death, The Black (&< The Black 
 
 Death) 
 
 Deelercq, Arnold, 232. 234 
 Dedeken, William. .17 
 ' Dekens," <;r,. C-'.i, 7'.* 
 Dolepierre, M., 213. 2(!3 
 Democracy, The. 30(i. 335 
 Dendermonde blockaded by Philip 
 
 van Arteveld. 2C9 
 Denmark, Charles of. 8 
 Den vs. (S.'ranl. 17*. 188, 200, 213 
 Denys. Thomas. \*'.'< 
 Derby, Earl of, pillages Cad/and. 
 
 122; ai rested for kind's debt. 
 
 1.17 
 Derycke, James, 247 
 
 EOWABD. 
 
 Deynze. Battle of, 52; Louis dc 
 
 Maele at. 229 
 Dha^icre. Louis. 320 
 Dieriex, Chcralicr, 184 
 Dixmude. Louis do Crecy cscajKis 
 
 from, 145 
 
 j Domestic comforts, 103 
 Dominican Friars, The, 101 
 Dordrecht, 122. 133 
 Douai, Kobert dc Bethune shut out 
 ; from. 30 
 " Doyens." Cd, <;'.. 7!> 
 Dragon. Tlie (iilded, 263 
 , 121 
 
 E. 
 
 Kchevins. 17, 15(5. 70-72, 92 
 
 Education. 73, 9ii 
 
 Edward I.. 27, 31, 33 
 
 Edward II.. 27. 31, 43, 113. 
 
 Edward III., 53, 54, 59 ; claim to 
 French Crown, 113, 114 ; friendly 
 to the Flemish Communes, 116 ; 
 makes overtures, 119, 120 ; sends 
 amba>sadors to Antwerp, 140; 
 proceeds to .Sluys and Antwerp, 
 142: appointed Vicar-General, 
 143; passes winter at Louvaiu, 
 144 : assumes arms of France, 
 149 ; leaves the Queen at Ghent, 
 150; returns to Ghent, l.lu ; 
 issues three charters, 150: issues 
 manifesto, 154 : receives letter 
 from Pope P.enediet XII. 15.1 ; 
 overrules ( 'orporation of London, 
 15.1 ; destroys French fleet at 
 Sluys. 15S-IU1 ; receives freedom 
 , 1(52; challenges Philip
 
 344 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of Valois, 163; besieges Tournai. 
 164 ; agrees to truce of Esple- 
 chin, 165 ; raises a loaji at 
 Ghent, 167 ; returns to Lon- 
 don, 167 ; mandate as Vicar- 
 General recalled. 168 ; grants 
 a charter to Bruges, 168 ; in- 
 vades Brittany. 170 ; revisits 
 Sluys, 179 ; confers with depu- 
 ties, 179, 180 ; returns to Eng- 
 land, 181 ; pardons the Com- 
 munes, 185 ; invades France, 190, 
 wins battle of Crecy, 190 ; visits 
 Flanders, 191, 192 ; betrothes 
 Isabella to Louis de Maele, 193 ; 
 acquits the Communes, 194 ; re- 
 fuses aid to the Communes, 197 ; 
 intercession asked by Louis de 
 Maele, 199 ; wins battle off Win- 
 chelsea, 206, 207 ; tries to or- 
 ganise a league, 208 ; concludes 
 Treaty of Bretigny, 214, 215 ; 
 demands Margaret for Edmund, 
 Earl of Cambridge, 215 ; his 
 death, 218 
 
 Eeckhout, monastery of, 140 
 Eecloo, assembly at, 132, 136 ; con- 
 ference at, 316 
 Elizabeth of England, 31 
 Elizabeth of Flanders, 163 
 Eltham Palace, 133 
 Enghien, Walter d', 233, 236, 237. 
 
 238 
 Enguerrand de Marigny, 42, 43, 
 
 44 
 
 Episcopacy, Flemish, 93 
 Escornay, Sire d', 305 
 Esplechin, Truce of, 165, 167 
 Eu, Baldwin VII., killed at, 8 
 Eustace de Montigny, 238 
 
 F. 
 
 FERDINAND of Portugal* 14, 15, 
 17 
 
 Feudal incongruities, 118, 296, 297 
 
 Fitz-Osborn, William, 6 
 
 Flagellants, The, 102, 203-205 
 
 Flamangerie, La. 146 
 
 " Flamisch," 108 
 
 Flanders, first Count of, 3 ; East, 
 13 ; election of Count of, 9 ; 
 Lion of, 40 ; social view of, 
 63-109 ; all'.ed with Brabant 
 and Hainault, 119 ; feudal re- 
 lations of. 143 : prosperity of, 
 173 ; profligacy in, 218 : devas- 
 tation of, 289, 290 ; decline 
 of, 330 ; different from Holland, 
 334, 335 
 
 Flanders, Robert of, 6, 7, 13 
 
 Flanders, West, 13 
 \ Fleanderland, 1 
 , Florence, agitation in, 40 
 
 Flotte, Peter, 49 
 
 Flotte, William, 49 
 
 Flymings, 1 
 
 Fontainebleau, secret treaty of, 
 209 
 
 Fontenelle, abbey of, 165 
 
 Forestier, 2 
 
 Fox, John, 324 
 
 Franc, The, 139, 279. 328 
 i Francis I. and Charles-Quint, 321, 
 I 322 
 
 Franciscans, The, 101 
 
 Fresca, Beatrice of, 17 
 
 Friesland, 1 
 
 Friesland, Robert of, 6 
 
 Fullers, The, 82, 83, 84, 177 
 ; Fumes, 13, 21, 32, 38, 50
 
 IXVEX. 
 
 GABELLE. 
 
 G. 
 
 " GABELLE,'' The, 212, 219 
 
 Gavre, battle of, 324 ; treaty of, 
 323, 327, 328 
 
 Genoese traders, 21 
 
 Geoffrey Chaucer, 218 
 
 Gerard Denys, 178, 183, 200, 213 
 
 Gerard de Steenhuyze, 211, 232, 23(5 
 
 " Geslachten," 70 
 
 Client, cradle of, 3 ; port of, 4 ; 
 seized by Baldwin the Pious, 5 ; 
 complains of William Long 
 Sword, 9 ; thirty-nine magis- 
 trates, 17 ; theological semi- 
 naries, 20 ; Council of Thirty, 
 23 ; conciliated by Robert 
 <le Bethune, 25 ; magistrates 
 imprisoned by Count, 27; alli- 
 ance with Edward I., 31 ; Ed- 
 ward I. at, 33 ; Philip Augustus 
 fit, 34 ; citizens banished by I 
 Louis de Crecy, 59 ; looms, I 
 79 ; distress, 122, 123, 130 ; 
 appeal to James van Artevekl. 
 130, 131 ; James van Artcveld j 
 chosen Captain-General, 132 ; 
 excommunicated, 137 ; Queen 
 Philippa at, 150; Edward III. 
 issued three charters at, 150 ; 
 after siege of Tournai, 106 : ' 
 under James van Artevekl, 174 j 
 177; "den quaden maemlng,'' 
 177 ; adheres to English alii- , 
 ance, 197 ; distress of the poor, j 
 198 ; serious disturbance, 200 ; I 
 massacre, 211 ; attack on Bruges 
 diggers, 219 ; Yocns and Ma- 
 hieu factions, 222, 223 ; Mis- j 
 sion rated by the Count, 224 ; | 
 
 GILES. 
 
 visited by Louis de Maelc, 229, 
 230 ; cruelty of Oliver de Haute- 
 riv, 231 ; militia attacked in 
 Bruges, 233 ; besieged by Louis 
 de Maele, 235, 23(5 ; militia de- 
 feated at Kevcle, 237 ; equips 
 five armies, 238 ; anarchy in, 
 243 ; Philip van Artevekl ap- 
 pointed Captain. 245 : execution 
 of Leliaerds, 247, 248 ; in great 
 distress, 249-254 ; militia march 
 against Bruges, 255, 256 ; battle 
 of Beverhoutsveld, 256, 257 ; 
 militia occupy Bruges, 259, 260 ; 
 battle of lloosebeke, 280-287 ; 
 refuses to submit, 291 ; accord- 
 ing to Philip de Comines, 304 ; 
 at war with Philip the Bold, 
 307-310 ; plot to seize, 311 ; com- 
 motion in, 313 ; treachery to- 
 wards Bruges, 316 ; refuses to 
 pay salt-tax, 319 ; great disturb- 
 ance, 320, 321 ; war declared 
 against, 321 ; battle of Gavre, 
 324 ; treaty of Gavre, 325 ; ex- 
 torts concessions from Charles 
 the Rash, 327; cruel treatment 
 of Mary of Burgundy, 327, 328 ; 
 prosperous and profligate, 331 ; 
 agitated by the " Creesers." 331- 
 333 ; crushed by Charles-Quint, 
 332, 3:!3 ; charters confiscated, 
 333. 
 
 Ghilde, 4, 10 
 Gilbert de Gruutere, 231, 237, 247, 
 
 248 
 
 Gilbert Mnhieu (fre Mahicu) 
 " Gilded Dragon," The, 263 
 Giles de Coudebrouck, arrest of 
 198
 
 346 
 
 1XDF.X. 
 
 GILES. 
 
 Giles de Meulenaire, 244 
 
 GillesliMuisis, 123,202 
 
 Godfrey de Bouillon, 7 c 
 
 Godwin, Earl, 5 
 
 " Goedendag," 38, 39, 56 
 
 Golden Spurs, Day of the, 39 
 
 " Good Towns," The, 20, 66, 69, 85, 
 176 
 
 Gosselin, Cardinal, 47 
 
 Goswin Mulaert at Ghent, 219 
 
 Goudberg, The, 284 
 
 Grammout, 31, 52, 238 
 
 Gravelines, 291. 293, 313 
 
 Grey Friars, The, 101 
 
 Groeninghe, 38, 45 
 
 Gruutere, Gilbert de,231, 237, 247, 
 248 
 
 Guelders, Count of. 120, 133. 136. 
 159 
 
 Guild, 10, 76 
 
 Guines, 14 
 
 -Guy de Dampierre, defeated at 
 West Capelle, 18 ; marries Ma- 
 tilda of Bethune. 18 ; his Court. 
 19 ; grants a charter to Bruges, 
 22 ; a match-maker. 23 : con- 
 ciliates the Communes. 25 ; 
 makes overtures to Edward I., 
 
 27 ; imprisoned in the Louvre. 
 
 28 ; returns to Flanders, 29 ; 
 punishes the Thirty-nine, 30; 
 tried before Royal Court at Paris, 
 30 ; Flemings defeated at Buls- 
 camp, 37 ; applies to Albert of 
 Austria, 33 ; imprisoned at Com- 
 piegne, 34 ; death of, 40 
 
 Guy, Bastard of Flanders. 122, 150 
 Guy d'Humbercourt, 327 
 Guy de Namur, 36, 38 
 Guyenne. Duchy of, 114. 119 
 
 HOLY LAN'D. 
 
 H. 
 
 " HAGHE-POORTERS," 73 
 
 Haiiiault, excitement in, 40 ; alli- 
 ance with Flanders. 119 
 
 Hainault, Count of, at Mount 
 Cassel, 56 ; counsels Edward 111.. 
 120 ; deserts Edward III., 14.% 
 296 ; relieved by James van 
 Arteveld, 157 ; at Tournai, 165 
 
 Hainault, Kichilda of. 51! 
 
 Halewyn, Daniel d', 264, 288 
 
 Halewyn, Joseph d - , 200, 210, 211 
 
 Halewyn, Walter d', 210, 211 
 
 "Hanse" of London, 21. 22. (;<> r 
 86, 87 
 
 Harold of England, 5 
 
 Hautekerke, Sire de, !!)."> 
 
 Hauterive, Oliver de, 231 - 
 
 Hauterive, Eoger de, 221, 223, 230- 
 
 Haze of Flanders, The, 291 
 
 Hector Vilaiu, 53 
 
 Henry ITI. of Brabant. 5 
 
 Henry V., Emperor, 8 
 
 Henry I. of England, 9 
 
 Henry of Flanders, 190 
 
 Henry Spencer, 291-294 
 
 ' Herberg," 78 
 
 Herve d'Antoing, 232 
 
 Herzeele, Easse d', 226, 232, 237. 
 238 
 
 Heyst, John d', 247 
 
 ' Histoiiael Spiegel,'' 19 
 
 Holland, alliance with England 
 and Flanders, 31 ; not analogous 
 with Flanders, 335 
 
 Holland, Count of, at Bruges, 11 
 
 Holy Blood. The, 11, 53, 252 
 
 Holy Land, The, 7, 14. 46, 118
 
 INDEX. 
 
 347 
 
 Honorius III., Pope, 16, 93 
 "Hooftman," 75, 17t> 
 Homes, John de. 313 
 Hove, Peter van den. 132 
 Hugh Quieret, 161 
 Hugonet, Chancellor. 327 
 Humbercourt, Guy d', 327 
 Huntingdon, Earl of, 120 
 Huse, William van, 132 
 " Hutin," Louis le. 44. 4:,. 111! 
 
 I. 
 
 INIQUITY. Pact of, 41 
 
 Innocent VI.. Pope, 212 
 
 Interdict, 16, 52, 93, 97, 137 
 
 Ipswich, Treaty of, 31 
 
 Isabella, daughter of Edward III., 
 
 150, 193, 194 
 Isabella of Castile, 330 
 Isabella of England. 31 
 Isabella of France, 33, 43. 53. 113, 
 
 114 
 
 Issoudun, 34 
 Italy, 17, 40 
 
 .1. 
 
 JAMES van Arteveld (See Arteveld) 
 
 James Beyts, slain in a riot, 177 
 
 James de Chatillon, 35 
 
 James Derycke, 247 
 
 James van Maerlant, 19 
 
 James Peyt, heads a revolt, 50 
 
 Jansonne, Sohier, 58 
 
 Jehan le Bel, 123 
 
 Jerusalem, 7, 8 
 
 Jews, Treatment of, 100 
 
 Joan of Aragon, 329 
 
 Joan of Flanders, her first hus- 
 band, 14 ; signs Treaty of Melun, 
 16 ; her second husband, 17 
 
 Joan. Countess of Montfort, 11< 
 170 
 
 Joan of Navarre, 24, 34 
 
 John Baronaige, 199 
 
 John Bolle (See Bolle) 
 
 John Bourchier, 310 
 
 John Breydel, 36, 37, 38 
 
 John de Dampierre, 18 
 
 John, King of England, 15 
 
 John the Fearless, 311, 312 
 
 John Fox, 324 
 
 John d'Heyst, 247 
 
 John de Lannoy (Sec Lannoy) 
 
 John de Melle, 327 
 
 John de Namur in the Louvre, 28 ; 
 at Bruges, 36 ; after Courtrai, 
 40; suspected by Communes. 41 ; 
 courted by Louis de ^recy. t'.i : 
 defeated at Grammont, 52 ; har- 
 bours llobert d'Artois, 115 
 
 John Pruned (.Sec Pruned) 
 
 John de Valois succeeds Philip, 
 206 ; frivolous and oppressive. 
 208 ; secret treaty with Louis de 
 Made, 20!) ; defeated at Poitiers, 
 212 : at Calais, 215 
 
 John van de Velde, 200 
 
 John de West, 271 
 
 Jolin Voens (ti-c Yoens) 
 
 John van der Zichele. 231 
 I " Jonc-wivcn," 99 
 
 Joseph of Arimathea, 11 
 
 Joseph d'Halewyn, 200, 210, 211 
 I Judith of Flanders. 5 
 
 Judith of France, 2 
 I Ji.licrs, Marquis of, 31, 120, 165
 
 348 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 Juliers, William de, 36, 38 
 Jumont. cruelty of Sire de, 307 
 
 KEURES," 10, 68, 174 
 Klauwaerd." meaning of, 32 
 Katherine," The, at Sluys, 179 
 
 "L.ETARE" Sunday, 136 
 
 " Laeten," or " Lseti,' 1 1 
 
 Lalaing, James de, 322, 323 ; Simon 
 
 de, 322 
 
 Lamartine, M. de, 334 
 Lammens, Peter, 172 
 Lancaster, Earl of, 199, 208, 209, 
 
 211, 271, 293 
 
 Lannoy, John de, 232, 237, 238 
 *' Ledechgangers," 70 
 Leenknecht, Walter, 323 
 * Leliaerd," meaning of, 32 
 Lens, de, defends Courtrai, 38 
 Lenz, Gelnot van, 132 ; Professor, 
 
 135 
 
 Lettenhove, M. Kervyn de, 124 
 Liege, excitement in, 40 ; Bishop 
 
 of, 115, 137,250,251 
 Lieve, The, widened, 173 
 Lievin, Potter, 320 ; Sneevoet, 320 
 " Lignages," The, 70, 71 
 Lille, defended by R. de Bethune, 
 
 32 ; John Pruneel beheaded at, 
 
 232 ; plunderers attacked near. 
 
 268 ; Louis de Maele buried at, 296 
 Lincoln, Bishop of, 119, 121, 140 
 " Lion of Flanders," 40 
 Lisseweghe, Baldwin de, 154 
 
 Louie. 
 
 Littus Saxonicum," 1 
 
 London, Hanse of, 21, 22, 69 
 
 Longman, Mr. William, i25 
 
 Looz, Abbey of, 296 
 
 Louis VI., 7, 9 
 
 Louis VII., 12 
 
 Louis VIII., 16 
 
 Louis IX., 16, 48,114 
 
 Louis X., 44, 45, 113 
 
 Louis of Bavaria, 143 
 
 Louis de Crecy recognised by the 
 Communes, 48 ; imprisoned iu 
 the Louvre, 48 ; flees to Paris, 
 49 ; returns to Bruges, 49 ; mis- 
 governs Flanders, 50 ; arrested 
 at Courtrai, 51 ; promises am- 
 nesty, 53 ; at Kheims, 54 ; after 
 Mount Cassel, 57 ; brings home 
 the Countess, 58 ; banishes citi- 
 zens of Ghent, 59 ; arrests Eng- 
 lish traders, 119 ; signs allianco 
 with Brabant and Hainault, 
 119 ; arrests Sohier de Courtrai, 
 121 ; invites James van Arteveld 
 to a private conference, 134 ; 
 adopts white hood, 135 ; flees to 
 Bruges, 136 ; ratines convention 
 with England, 136 ; beheads 
 Sohier de Courtrai, 137 ; driven 
 out of Bruges, 139 ; ratifies Re- 
 solutions of Eeckhout, 140 ; pro- 
 ceeds to Tournai, 141 ; escapes 
 from Dixmude, 144 ; deceives 
 the deputies at Courtrai, 146, 
 147 ; confirms Truce of Esple- 
 chin, 166 ; courts the Communes, 
 171; stimulates rivalries, 178; 
 escapes to France, 185 ; causes 
 death of Simon de Mirabel, 189; 
 slain at Crecy, 190, 191
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 349 
 
 Louis Dhamere, 320 
 
 Louis de Maele, birth of, 59 ; 
 breaks up union of Guilds, 83 ; 
 propitiates the clergy, 96 ; Ed- 
 ward III. desires to betroth him 
 to his daughter Isabella, 150, 
 181 ; does homage to Philip de 
 Valois, 191 ; refuses to marry a 
 (laughter of Edward III., 192 ; j 
 betrothed to Isabella of England, j 
 193 ; escapes to Paris, 194 ; re- 
 turns to Bruges, 198 ; marches 
 against Ghent, 198 ; grants an 
 amnesty, 199 ; violates his en- 
 gagements, 200 ; true to his alle- 
 giance, 207, 208, 214 ; secret 
 treaty with John de Valois, 209 ; 
 reported death of his Countess, \ 
 214 ; defeats Duke of Brabant, 
 214 ; does homage to John de 
 Valois, 215 ; agrees to marry 
 Margaret to Edmund, Earl of 
 Cambridge, 215 ; engagement 
 annulled by Pope, 216 ; gives 
 Margaret to Philip le Hardi, 217 ; 
 dissolute life, 218 ; creates dis- 
 turbance in Ghent, 218; dis- 
 misses John Yoens, 220 ; mission 
 from Ghent, 223 ; chateau de 
 Wondelghcm burnt, 224 ; accepts 
 mediation of Philip the Bold, 
 228 ; proceeds to Ghent, 229 ; 
 escapes to Paris. 230 ; cruelty at 
 Ypres, 232 ; makes and breaks 
 ]>eacc, 233 ; makes terrible ex- 
 ample of Ypres, 235 ; besieges 
 Ghent, 235 ; grants amnesty, 
 23tt ; defi-ats Ghent militia at 
 Ncvelc, 237 ; marches against 
 Ghent, 238 ; suspension of arms, [ 
 
 MAGISTRI. 
 
 239 ; offers intolerable terms to 
 Ghent, 251 ; defeated at Bever- 
 houfcveld, 256 ; personal adven- 
 tures, 258, 259 ; escapes to Lille, 
 260, 261 ; beheads hostages, 264 ; 
 appeals to Duke of Burgundy, 
 267. 268 ; joins army of Charles 
 VI., 273 ; insulted by the French, 
 279 ; at Roosebeke, 283, 284 ; 
 vainly intercedes for Courtrni, 
 288 ; oppresses the Communes, 
 290 ; insulted by Duke de Berri, 
 294 ; his death, 295 ; his burial, 
 296 
 
 Louis de Nevers imprisoned, 42 ; 
 escapes to Ghent, 43 ; resides in 
 Paris, 44 ; does homage to Philip 
 the Long, 46 ; administers oath 
 to his father, 47 ; his death, 48 
 Louis van de Walle, 198, 315, 317 
 Lou vain, Convention of, 133 ; Ed- 
 ward III. winters at, 144 
 Louvre, Tower of the, 15. 28 
 Lys, passage of the, 274, 275 
 
 M. 
 
 MAELE, Chateau de, 12 ; taken by 
 Bruges militia, 36 ; birth-place 
 of Louis de Maele, 59 ; Louis de 
 Crecy retires to, 139 ; sacked by 
 Ghent militia. 263, 268 
 
 Maele. Louis de (-See Louis de 
 Maelc) 
 
 Macndag, don quaden, 177 
 
 Maerlant, James van, 19 
 
 Maerschalk, Sir Robert, 2fiO 
 
 Maestricht. Provost of, 3(5 
 
 " Magistri Communiae," 71
 
 350 
 
 IXDBX. 
 
 MAHIEU. 
 Mahieu, Giltort, supplants Yoens, 
 
 220 ; driven from Ghent, 223 ; : 
 
 his brother beheaded, 248^ 
 ' Mainbourg." or llegent, 329 
 " Mainmorte," 88 
 Malestroit, Truce of, 171, 178 
 Maltote, The, 29, 43 
 Maltravers, Hugh de, 180 
 Manny, Sir Walter, 122, 201 
 Mare, George de, 246 
 Margaret of Alsace, 13 
 Margaret of Brabant, 192. 213 
 Margaret of Burgundy, 45 
 Margaret of Flanders, her first 
 
 marriage, 14 ; marriage annulled, 
 
 18 ; her second marriage, 18 ; 
 
 abdicates, 19 ; confiscates Eng- j 
 
 lish wool, 21 
 Margaret of France, 58, 216, 227, ' 
 
 296 
 Margaret de Maelc. 208, 212 ; her j 
 
 first marriage, 215 ; her second j 
 
 marriage, 217 
 
 Marigny, Enguerrand de, 42-44 
 Markgraf , 3 
 
 Marquette, Abbey of", 157, 277 
 Mary of Burgundy, 328, 329 
 Masmines, Sir Philip de, 232 
 Matilda of Bethune, 18 
 Matilda of Flanders. 5, 9 
 Matins, Bruges, 37, 38 
 Maximilian of Austria. 328-330 
 Mechlin, conflagration at, 169. 214 
 Mediaeval warfare, 147, 148 
 " Meilleur cattel," 88, 89 
 Meire, George de. 246 
 Melle, John de, 327 
 Melun, Treaty of, 16, 25 
 " Monitors," The three, 83, 174, 
 
 175 
 
 NICHOLAS. 
 
 Mendicant Friars, The, 101 
 
 " Metiers," 7(i, 7!) 
 
 Meulenaire. Giles dc, 244 
 
 Meyer, 124, 127, 128, 135 
 
 Mezeray, 124 
 
 Michelet (footnote), 18 
 
 " Milites burgenses," 127, 297 
 
 ' Minne," 4, 21 
 
 Mirabel, Simon de, 162, 166, 189 
 
 Mount Cassel, battles of, 6, 55, 5 j 
 
 Mont d'Or, 284, 288 
 
 Mont-en- Pevele, Battle of, 40 
 
 Montford, Countess of, 116, 170 
 
 Montigny. Eustace de, 238 
 
 Morals, 106-108 
 
 Motley, Mr.. 333-335 
 
 Muisis, Gilles li, 123, 202 
 
 Mulaert, Goswin, 219 
 
 NAMUB. united to Flanders, IS) ; 
 
 submits to Philip the Bold, 24 
 Xaniur. Guy de, 36, 38, 40 
 Xaniur, John de (Sre John de 
 
 Xaniur) 
 
 Nassau. Adolphus of. 26, 31. 32 
 Xavarre. Charles the Bad, King of, 
 
 209, 211, 212 
 Xavarre. Joan of. 26, 34 
 Neeringhen." The, 53, 174 
 Xesle, Raoul de, 34, 35 
 Xevele, Battle of, 237 
 Xevers. Louis de (See Louis dc 
 
 Nereis) 
 
 Xevers. William de. 36 
 Nicholas IV., Pope, 94 
 Nicholas Behuchet, 158-160
 
 351 
 
 Nicholas the Fleming, 278 
 Nicholas Zannequiii (Sec Zannc- 
 
 quin) 
 Xopcnt-lc-Roi, Philip de Valois dies 
 
 at. 206 
 
 Northampton, Earl of, 140. 1.2 
 Norwich, Bishop of, 291-2H4 
 -Xotitia Imperii," 1 
 
 0. 
 
 OLIVER de Clisson (,SVr Clisson) 
 
 Oliver de Hauterive, 231 
 
 " Onnutte," 107 
 
 Onredene, Basse, 31(5 , 
 
 Oriflamme, The, 284 
 
 Orwell, The, 158, 159 
 
 Ostend, 58 
 
 Oudenaerd, 79 ; siege of, 227 ; sur- 
 prised by Pruned, 231 ; besieged 
 by Philip van Arteveld. 201 
 280 ; surprised by Ackerman, 
 293 ; recovered by D'Escornay, 
 305 
 
 P, 
 
 " PACT of Iniquity," Tlie, 41 
 Paddenhock. The' 1 23 
 Palestine, 11 
 Papal schism, 93 
 Paris, oommotion in, 278 
 PaMChendael, French army at, 281 
 " Pax civitatis," 72 
 Percy. Sir Thomas. 218 
 
 Peter isaudins. 32; 
 
 Peter van den Bosschc. 22l> ; lakes 
 the field, 232 ; rescues Yprcs 
 militia, 234 ; defends I. :i !)_' r- 
 l>ruggc, 23(J ; accused of trca- 
 
 chery,237 ; brings forward Philip 
 van Arteveld, 244 ; serves under 
 Phili|) van Arteveld, 247 ; his 
 high courage, 252 ; at Bruges, 
 2UU; at Comincs,272, 274; posi- 
 tion turned, 275 ; defeated and 
 wounded. 275 ; encourages the ci- 
 tizens of Ghent, 289 ; joins Henry 
 Spencer, 292 ; his character, 298, 
 i-".'!' : escapes to England, 310 
 
 Peter van den Broucke, 278 
 
 Peter Coninck, his character, 34 ; 
 quits Bruges, 35 : returns to 
 Bruges, 36 ; with John Brcydcl, 
 37 ; his widow pensioned, 59 
 
 Peter the Cruel. 20(5 
 
 Peter Flotte. 4!> 
 
 Peter the Hermit. 7 
 1 Peter Lammens. 1 72 
 i Peter Tinckc. 32<> 
 ; Peter de Winterc, 232, 272, 279, 
 292 
 
 Pevele, Mont-en-, 40 
 
 Peyt, James, heads a revolt, 50 
 
 Philip van Arteveld (,*r Arteveld) 
 
 Philip d'Axel, 50 
 
 Philip of Burgundy, married and 
 dies, 215 
 
 Philip de Casscl, 48 
 
 Philip deConriiu's. :{o| 
 
 Philip I. of France, 6 
 
 Philip Augustus, ward of Flanders, 
 12 ; assumes the government, 13 ; 
 sets fire to Damme. 14 : defeats 
 FK'inings at Itouvincs, 15 
 
 Philip the Bold, 23, 24. Ill 
 
 Philip the Fair. 24 : imprisons Guy 
 de Dampierre, 2H : ivlra-.^ ih.- 
 Count. 2'.i : summons the fount. 
 to Paris, 30 ; invades Flanders,
 
 352 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 32 ; betrothes Isabella of France 
 to Edward of Carnarvon, 33 ; 
 his progress through Flknders, 
 34 ; after battle of Courtrai, 40 ; 
 arrests Louis de Nevers. 42 ; his 
 death, 43; his issue, 113 
 Philip the Long, regent, 45 : king, 
 
 46 
 
 Philip de Valois ascends the throne 
 53 ; consecration of, 54 ; at 
 Mount Cassel, 55, 56 ; his title 
 disputed by Edward III., 114 
 persecutes Robert of Artois, 115 
 prepares for war, 118 ; summons 
 his vassals. 132 ; receives depu- 
 ties from Ghent. 136 ; sanctions 
 Convention of Antwerp, 141 ; 
 raises interdict, 141 ; declines 
 battle at Cambrai, 145 ; launches 
 an interdict, 156 ; sends a fleet 
 to Sluys, 158 ; retires to Arras, 
 163 ; challenged by Edward III., 
 163 ; makes peace with Com- 
 munes, 166 ; at Crecy, 190 ; re- 
 ceives homage of Lcuis de Maele, 
 191 ; makes overtures to the 
 Communes, 194, 195 ; invades 
 Flanders, 195 : advances to Sand- 
 gate, 196 ; disbands his army, 
 196 ; devastates Cassel, 197 ; 
 his death and burial, 206 
 Philip the Bold of Burgundy, 
 marries Margaret de Maele, 216, 
 217 ; mediates between Count 
 and Communes, 227 ; incites 
 Charles VI. to war, 269 ; inter- 
 cedes for Courtrai and Bruges, 
 
 288, 289 ; succeeds Louis de 
 Maele, 303 ; forms matrimonial 
 
 POUBCELETS. 
 
 around Ghent, 308 ; makes peace 
 with Ghent, 310 
 
 Philip the Fair of Burgundy, suc- 
 ceeds Mary of Burgundy, 329 ; 
 marries Joan of Aragon, 329 ; 
 succeeds Isabella of Castile, 330 ; 
 his death, 330 
 
 Philip the Good of Burgundy, 
 magnificence of his court, 312 ; 
 besieges Calais, 313 ; deserted by 
 the Flemings, 313 ; marches 
 upon Bruges, 314 ; escapes with 
 difficulty, 315 ; imposes harsh 
 terms on Bruges, 316.317 ; mag- 
 nificently entertained in Bruges, 
 317 ; tries to levy the gabelle in 
 Ghent, 319 ; a great commotion 
 arises, 320 ; declares war against 
 Ghent, 322 ; infuriated by death 
 of illegitimate son, 323 ; battle 
 of Gavre, 324 ; concludes Treaty 
 of Gavre, 325 ; overawes the 
 Communes, 326 
 
 Philippa, Queen, 142, 144; at 
 Ghent, 156 ; at Sluys, 161 ; at 
 Ypres, 191 
 
 Philippine of Flanders, 29, 31 
 
 Piet, family of Damme, 219 
 
 Poitiers, battle of, 212 
 
 ' Polders," 129 
 
 'ontoise, Treaty of, 42 
 
 'Poorters," The, 6!!, 68, 69, 71, S3, 
 174, 332 
 
 'operinghe, tumult in. 177 
 Portugal, Ferdinand of, 14, 15, 17 ; 
 
 Matilda of, 13 
 " Postern," The. 230 
 
 Potter, Lievin, 320 
 Poucke, Roland de, 198 
 
 alliances, 308; devastates country I " Pourcelets de la Raspaille," 307
 
 ISDEX. 
 
 353 
 
 PR A EX. 
 
 Praet, M. Jules van, 333 
 Prince of Wales, 28, 179, 206, 218 
 Pruned, John, 220, 228, 231, 232 
 Ptolemais, Philip of Alsace dies at, 
 
 13 
 Public Hot Baths, 107 
 
 Q. 
 
 QUIKUET, Hugh, 
 
 PV. 
 
 RAOUL DE NESLE, 34, 35 
 
 Raspaille, les Pourcelets de la, 307 
 
 Rasse d'Herzeele (Sen Herzeele) ; 
 Onredene, 310 ; van de Voorde, 
 247,271 
 
 " Rectores civitatis," 71 
 
 Regnier Campioen, 258, 259 
 
 " Reinart de Vos," 19 
 
 " Rewaerd," or " Rewaert," 52, 1G2, 
 180, 195, 264 
 
 Reye, the river, 2, 3, 219 
 
 Rheims, Philip de Valois at, 54 : 
 Archbishop of, 2, 16, 93 
 
 Rhine, The, coveted by Philip 
 Augustus, 54 
 
 Rhodes, 129 
 
 ; Ribaude," 164, 266 
 
 ' Ribaudequins," 266 
 
 Richard II., 270, 293 
 
 Richilda of Haiuault, 5, 6 
 
 Robert of Artois at Mt. Cassel, 38 ; 
 the forged deeds, 114, 115 ; re- 
 pulses Duke of Burgundy, 163 ; 
 killed at Vnnnes, 116, 170 
 
 Robert of Avesbury, 195 
 
 Robert of Bethune (See Bethunc) 
 
 Robert of Cassel (Sec Cassel) 
 
 SCAB INI. 
 
 Robert of Flanders, 6, 7 
 Robert of Fricsland, 6 
 Robert, King of Sicily, 140, 164 
 Roden, Fulke de, 135 
 " Roclandt," The bell, 138, 332 
 Roger de Hauterive, 221, 223, 230 
 luiland do Poucke, 198 
 Roosebeke, Battle of, 280, 287, 300 
 Rose Burchard, story of, 213 
 Royghem, monastery at, 184 
 Ruisselede, Battle of, 9 
 Rupelmonde, Sohier de Court rai at, 
 
 121, 137 ; Bastard of Burgundy 
 
 slain, 323 
 Rural population, 88-91 
 
 S. 
 
 SAIMPY, DE. 274-275 
 
 St. Uasil, 11, 53 
 
 St. Bavon at Ghent, 332 
 
 St. Denis, Abbot of, 52, 137, 156 
 
 St. Donatus, 2, 8 
 
 St. Lieven, relics of, 333 
 
 St. Martin's Abbey. 4.1 
 
 St. Omer, 55, 145, 146, 295 
 
 St. Pol, Count of, 35 
 
 St. Quentin, 146 
 
 St. Valery-sur-Somme, 5 
 
 St. Winoc, Abbey of, 193 
 
 Salic Law, 45, 53, 113 
 
 Salisbury, Earl of, destroys French 
 fleet, 14 ; Ambassador to Com- 
 munes, 120 ; taken prisoner. M7 
 
 San.-erre, Marshal dc, 274,289 
 
 Sancho, King of Portugal, 14 
 
 Sanitation. 103, 104 
 
 Savoy. Amadeus of, 28 ; Thomas 
 of, 17 
 
 "Scabini,"Thc, 17
 
 354 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 SCEPENEX. 
 
 " Scepcnen," The, 17, 70 
 " Scharmsax," The, 279, 284, 286 
 " Schilt ende Vrieudt," 37 y 
 Senlis, Bishop of, 16, 52, 137, 143, 
 
 156 
 
 Sersanders, Daniel, 319, 320 
 Shirts, introduction of, 105 
 Sicily, Robert, King of, 146, 164 
 Simon Bette, 231, 237, 247-248 
 Simon de Mirabel, 162, 166 
 Sluys, 15-17, 49 ; Edward I. at, 33; 
 decline of, 87 ; Edward III. at, 
 142, 179 ; naval battle at, 158- 
 161 ; the Black Death intro- 
 duced at, 202; expedition against 
 England, 310 ; attacked by 
 Bruges militia, 315 
 Sneevoet, Lievin, 320 
 Sohier de Courtrai, 53 ; favours 
 English alliance, 120 ; arrested, 
 121 ; father-in-law of J. van 
 Arteveld, 127; beheaded, 137; 
 his son chosen Rewaert, 180, 195 ; 
 his grave desecrated, 184 
 Sohier Janssone heads a revolt, 58 
 Soissons, Bishop of, 6 
 " Souverainen deken," 175 
 Spencer, Henry, 291-294 
 '' Spiegel Historiael," 19 
 Spurs, Day of the Golden, 39 
 " States of Flanders," The, 311, 319 
 Steenbeke, John de, 173, 174 
 Steenhuyze, Gerard de, 211, 232, 
 
 2ae 
 
 Suffolk, Earl of, 140, 157, 199 
 Superstition, 96-100 
 
 T. 
 
 TtfBOUANXE, Bishop of, 93 
 Theodosius, Notitia Imperil of, 1 
 
 VAEHNEWYCK. 
 
 Thierry of Alsace, 9, 10, 11 
 
 Thirty-nine, The, 17, 23, 25, 30, 7O 
 
 Thomas-a-Becket, 12 
 
 Thomas Denys, 183 
 
 Thomas of Savoy, 17 
 
 Thorout, meaning of, 7 ; fairs held 1 
 at, 20 
 
 Tincke, Peter, 320 
 
 Torbay, Flemish ships destroyed 
 in, 217 
 
 Tostig, the Saxon, 5 
 
 Toulouse, agitation in, 39 
 
 Tournai, Louis X. refused shelter 
 in, 45 ; interdict launched from, 
 52 ; council held at, 251 ; ar- 
 tillery used at, 164 ; Charles VI, 
 at, 290 
 
 Towns, The Good (See The Good 
 Towns) 
 
 Treaty of Melun, 16, 25 ; Ipswich,. 
 31 ; Athies-sur-Orge, 40-42, 137 ; 
 Bretigny, 214 ; Pontoise, 42 ;. 
 Gavre, 325, 327, 328 
 
 Tronchiennes, 121, 184 
 
 Truce of Esplechin, 165 ; of God, 
 5 ; Malestroit, 171 
 
 U. 
 
 URBAN V., 93, 216 
 Urban VI., 93, 262, 291 
 Utrecht, 93 
 Uutenhove, Fulk, 131 
 Uutenhove, John, 179 
 Uutenhove, William, 16 
 
 VAERNEWYCK, 127 
 Vaernewyck, Thomas de, 132, 277, 
 183
 
 INDEX. 
 
 355 
 
 VAERXEWYCK. 
 
 Vaernewyck, William de, 132, HO 
 
 " Vaghes," The, 17 
 
 " Vairiers," 259 
 
 Valenciennes, English envoys at, 
 
 120 ; James van Arteveld at 
 
 lf>2 
 Valois, Charles de, 33, 114. 123, 
 
 129 
 
 Valois, Joan de. 1G5 
 Valois, John de (See John de 
 
 Valois) 
 Valois, Philip de (See Philip de 
 
 Valois) 
 
 Velde, John van de, 200 
 Vienne, Sir John de, at Calais, 19G 
 Vilain, Hector, 53 
 Villani. 120 
 
 Vincennes, Louis X. dies at. 45 
 " Vinders," 79 
 " Viri probi," 71 
 Vironfosse, 146 
 Voisin, M. Auguste, 124 
 Voorde, Rasse van de, 247. 271 
 Vriendt, Schilt ende, 27 
 " Vriheden ende Neeringhen." 123 
 Vyre-Saint-Bavon, massacre at, 
 
 211 * 
 
 W. 
 
 WAES, heroism of burghers of the 
 
 Pays de, 309 
 
 Walle, Louis van de, 198, 313, 317 
 Walsingham, 117 
 Walter d'Enghien (secEnghien) 
 Walter Leenknecht, 323 
 Walter Manny, Sir, 122, 201 
 Warfare, mediaeval, 147, 148 
 Weavers, The, 82, 83, 84, 174. 177 
 Wervicq, burnt, 276 
 
 TPRES. 
 
 \Vest Capelle, Battle of, 18 
 
 West Flanders, 1, 13 
 
 Wesf, John de, 271 
 
 White Hoods, 135, 221, 222, 230- 
 
 231 
 
 iVilliam of Brittany, 11 
 William dc Dampierre, 18, 34 
 William Dedeken, 57 
 William Fitz-Osborn, 6 
 William Flottc, 49 
 William de Juliers, 36. 38 
 William Long Sword, 9, 10 
 William de Nevers, 81; 
 William of Normandy, 5 
 William Uutenhove. 19 
 Winchelsea, Battle off. 206-207 
 Wintere, Peter de, 232, 272, 279, 
 
 292 
 
 Witte Caproenen," 174, 222 
 Women of Flanders, The, 105-108 
 Wondelghem, chateau de, burnt, 
 
 224, 228 
 
 Worcester, Earl of, 218 
 Worst ead, 123 
 Woumen. camp at, 234, 235 
 Wyuendael, 7, 31,35 
 
 YOEXS, John, consulted by citizens, 
 219 ; disgraced by L. de Sfaele, 
 220 ; restores the White Hoods, 
 221 ; expels Mahieu faction, 222, 
 223 ; proceeds to Bruges, 225 ; 
 his death at Damme, 226 
 Yolande van den Broucke, 282 
 Ypres, 9, 35, 43, 54, 56 ; Theologi- 
 cal Seminaries at, 20 ; Fairs at, 
 21 ; member of the Hanse of
 
 356 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 YZENDIKE. 
 
 London, 21 ; riots at, 23 ; deci- 
 mated by Louis de Crecy. 67, 
 58 ; woollen manufactures in, 
 79 ; affray with citizens of the 
 Franc, 177; Edward III. at, 
 191 ; massacre, 200 ; unites with 
 Ghent, 226 ; surprised by Louis 
 de Maele, 232 ; militia cut to 
 pieces, 234 ; cruelly punished by 
 Louis de Maele, 235 ; Philip van 
 Arteveld at, 263 ; yields to 
 Charles VI., 278 ; repulses Henry 
 Spencer, 292-293 
 Yzendike, 21 
 
 ZANXEQUIN, Nicholas, 50; defeated 
 at Mt. Cassel, 55-56 ; conse- 
 quences of defeat, 58, 91 
 Zichele. John van der, 231 
 " Zoene," The, for J. van Arteveld, 
 
 183 
 
 " Zweerd-draegers," The, 175 
 Zwyn, The, 15, 37, 86-87, 122, 
 207 ; Edward III. enters, 142 ; 
 French fleet moored in, 158 ; 
 silting up of, 330 
 
 THE END. 
 
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 22 LIST OF WORKS 
 
 MOTLEY (J. L.). History of the United Netherlands : from the 
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 4 Vols. Post 8vo. 6s. each. 
 
 - Life and Death of John of Barnereld, 
 Advocate of Holland. With a View of the Primary Causes and 
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 MURCHISON (SiR RODERICK). Siluria j or, a History of the 
 
 Oldest Rocks containing Organic Remains. Map and Plates. Svo. 18s. 
 
 Memoirs. With Notices of his Contemporaries, 
 
 and Rise and Progress of Palaeozoic Geology. By ABCUIBALD GKIKIK. 
 Portraits. 2 Vols. Svo. 30*. 
 
 MURRAY (A. S.). A History of Greek Sculpture, from the Earliest 
 
 Times down to the Age of Pheidias. With Illustrations. Roy. Svo. 21s. 
 MUSTERS' (CAPT.) Patagonians; a Year's Wanderings over 
 
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 NAPIER (SiR WM.). English Battles and Sieges of the Peninsular 
 
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 NAPOLEON AT FONTAINEBLEAU AND ELBA. Journal of 
 
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 Mathematical Examples. A Graduated Series 
 
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 NICOLAS (SiR HARRIS). Historic Peerage of England. Exhi- 
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 WILLIAM COURTHOPB. 8vo. 80s. 
 
 NILE GLEANINGS. See STUART. 
 
 N1MROD, On the Chace Turf and Road. With Portrait and 
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 NORDHOFF (CHAS.). Communistic Societies of the United 
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 PUBLISHED Bf MR. MURRAY. 23 
 
 OWEN (LiEDT.-CoL.). Principles and Practice of Modern Artillery, 
 including Artillery Maleiial, Gunnery, and Organisation and Use of 
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 OXENHAM (REV. W.). English Notes for Latin Elegiacs ; designed 
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 llulea of Composition in Elegiac Metre. 12mo. 3*. Bd. 
 
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 the Kola Peninsula. With Map and Illustration". Crovn 8vo. 15s. 
 
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 REJECTED ADDRESSES (THE). By JAMES AND HORAOE SMITH. 
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 ROBERTSON (CANON). History of the Christian Church, from the 
 
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 ROME (HISTORY OP). See GIBBON LIDDELL SMITH STUDENTS'. 
 ROYAL SOCIETY CATALOGUE OF SCIENTIFIC PAPERS. 
 
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 RUXTON (GEO. F.). Travels inMexico; with Adventures among Wild 
 
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 ST. HUGH OF AVALON, Bishop of Lincoln; his Life by G. G. 
 
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 PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 25 
 
 SCHLIEM ANN (DR. HENRY). Troy and Its Remains. A Narra- 
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 Siberia in Asia. Travels, Adventure* ana Ornitho- 
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 SHADOWS OP A SICK ROOM. Preface by Canon LIDDON. 
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 26 LIST OF WORKS 
 
 SMITH (Da. GEORGE) Student's Manual of the Geography of India. 
 
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 Life of John Wihon, D.D. (Bombay), Missionary and 
 
 Philanthropist. Portrait. Post Svo. 9s. 
 (PHILIP). History of the Ancient World, from the Creation 
 
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 SMITH'S (DR. WM.) ENGLISH COURSE : 
 
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 SMITH'S (DR. WM.) FRENCH COURSE : 
 
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 APPENDIX TO FRENCH PRINCIPIA. Part I. Containing ad- 
 ditional Exercises, with Examination Papers. 12mo. 2.. 6c/.
 
 PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 27 
 
 SMITH'S (De. WM.) FRENCH COURSE continued. 
 
 FRENCH PRINCIPIA. Part IF. A Reading Book, containing 
 
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 GERMAN PRINCIPIA. Part II. A Reading Book ; containing 
 
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 tionary. 12mo. 3s. 6d. 
 
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 SMITH'S (DR. WM.) ITALIAN COURSE: 
 
 ITALIAN PRINCIPIA. An Italian Course, containing a Grammar, 
 
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 SMITH'S (DR. WM.) LATIN COURSE: 
 
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 PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 29 
 
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