THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE GIFT OF Carnegie Inst. V'Dftif 2\0<^%15 ,1.'»> .'.I'SffJi?^^^^^'"" THE ISLAND OF MINDANAO PHILIPPINE ISLANDS Scale SiGNOS J c THE SUBANU Studies OF A SuB-VisAYAN Mountain Folk OF Mindanao Part I. Ethnographical and Geographical Sketch of Land and People By LIEUT.-COL. JOHN PARK FINLEY, U. S. A. Part II. Discussion of the Linguistic Material By WILLIAM CHURCHILL Part III. Vocabularies WASHINGTON, D. C. PtJBLISHED BY THE CaRNEGIE INSTITUTION OP WASHINGTON 1913 >5'^^? CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON Publication No. 184 PRESS OF GIBSON BROTHERS, INC. WASHINGTON, D. C. CONTENTS. Part I. A Brief History of the Subanu. Page. Tribal Designation i The Home Land 4 Population 8 Discovery History 8 Slow Modification of Culture 12 The Industrial Life 15 Construction and Location of Houses 21 Manufactures 23 Characteristics and Habits 26 Religion 32 Burial Customs 38 Marriage and Divorce 39 Part II. Discussion of the Linguistic Material. Chapter I. Pitfalls of the Vocabulist 45 Chapter II. Subanu Phonetics and Composition Members 55 Chapter III. Subanu- Visayan Filiation 77 Chapter IV. Polynesian and Malayan 99 Part III. Subanu-English Vocabulary 179 Engli.sh-Subanu Vocabulary 217 Bibliography 230 ILLUSTRATIONS. Map of the Island of Mindanao Frontispiece Map of Sub-District of Dapitan. District of Zamboanga 236 THE SUBANU Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk OF Mindanao Part I. Ethnographical and Geographical Sketch of Land and People By JOHN PARK FINLEY Lieutenant-Colonel of Infantry, U. S. A., Governor of Xamboanga THE SUBANU. A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SUBANU. TRIBAL DESIGNATION. The term Subanun (Subanon) is of Moro (Sulu) origin and signifies a man or people of the river or, more exactly, a man or people from up the river. The Sulu equivalent of the word river is soba; of the phrase up the river, the equivalent is sumud ha soba. The suffix nun denotes locality or place of habitation. The suffix non has a similar significa- tion in Visayan. The suffixes num and nom possess similar meanings in the dialects of Ilocano, Lepanto, and Bontoc, and in some of the Formosan dialects. According to the Spanish nomenclature this term is written Subano. When these people are interrogated, those living near the coast call themselves Subanu or Subano ; those Hving near the headwaters of the rivers and in the mountains call themselves tan bukid or tan buid, meaning, respectively, man of the hills or hill-man, or man of the fields. The word bukid in Visayan means hill or mountain, in Tagalog it means field or country. Christie says: The name Subanun means river dweller, from the word suba river, common to Philippine dialects, including Sulu and Visaya. This term was applied to the tribe because its members are met with in going up the river from the coast, in contradistinction to the Mores and Christians of the Zamboanga Peninsula, who are coast dwellers. Probably the term was first applied by these people to themselves.* The habitat of these people is confined to the interior and moun- tainous portions of the Zamboanga district of the great island of Min- danao. In his history of Mindanao and Sulu, published in 1667, Father Francisco Combes calls the Subanu the "fourth nation of Mindanao" and refers to them as the inhabitants of the rivers, to which they owe their name, as the radical suba is the "word used by the nations (tribes) of Mindanao for river." The names of tribes, of persons, of titles, of places, and of natural features in the PhiUppines have been subject to much irregularity and confusion in their orthographical presentation. This is due to the absence of an estabUshed orthographic system, the neglect of such a system when properly authorized, ignorance of or indifference to the *Emerson Brewer Christie: The Subanuns of Sindangan Bay. Manila, 1909: Bureau of Science, Division of Ethnology; Publications, vol. vi, part i, pp. 121, chart, 29 illustrations. 1 2 THS SUBANU. application of any system, and attempts at individual phonetics. Thus great diversity appears in official reports, both civil and military, and in the construction of maps of the islands. An example is given in the spelhng of the Sulu term datu (chief), a Moro designation of rank, variously written as: datoh, datto, dattu, dato, datoo, dattoh, and datu, the last being the best form, according to Saleeby's system of trans- literation, described briefly as follows in his Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion (Ethnological Survey of the Philippine Islands) : In translating the tarsila (original manuscripts) such a large number of words have to be transHterated that it is deemed necessary to adopt a system of transUteration which can be easily understood by every English reader and which is more adequate to express Magindanao sounds than either Spanish or English. With the exception of ng and sh the characters used in this system represent simple sounds only. Every radical modification of a certain simple sound is regarded as a different simple sound and is represented by a separate and distinct character. Every compound sound is represented by those char- acters that express its simple constituent sounds. It is an unvarying rule in this system that every character represents an invariable sound and every sound has only one invariable character. We have already observed a considerable variation in the orthog- raphy of the tribal name of the Subanuns, which in that form has the sanction of the Phihppine Bureau of Science. If the word is spelled as generally pronounced by the members of the tribe, and applying the principles of the Saleeby system, it would be written Subanu.* Concerning this question of orthography and nomenclature, Blu- mentrit said in 1 890 : Notwithstanding the rich literature concerning the peoples and languages of the Phihppine Archipelago, there is no book or publication in which are catalogued the names of the tribes and the languages, and this appears the more inexcusable since both Spanish and Philippine writers, with few excep- tions, handle these names very carelessly, so that great confusion must ensue. The prevailing bad form in the PhiUppines of transferring the name of one people or family to another, who possess similarities of any kind with the first, either in manner or life, or even only in culture grade in the widest sense of the term, has its counterpart in a second bad fashion of making several peoples out of one by replacing the folk name with the tribal names. Only with the greatest pains and thought is it possible to extricate one's self from this laby- rinth of nomenclature. After thorough search I am convinced that many names reported to me must be eliminated, since they owe their existence to mistakes in penmanship or printing, to ridicule, misunderstanding, or to error, as I have proved in single instances. *For the reasons stated in the preceding sentence it has seemed preferable to adopt for this work the designation Subanu and to employ it indeclinably. The derivation proposed by the several authorities cited in the preceding pages is in violation of the principles of composition employed in the language. Thus suba is river, -nan is locative; observe in the vocabulary sinbaan, a church as the place (locative -an) in which worship {sinba) is per- formed; accordingly, subanun would not mean people of rivers, but a place where rivers are. Furthermore, in the language, -an is the locative suffix, -nan is restricted to the value of forming nouns of quality from adjectives. The suffix -n is employed to form collective plurals, therefore Subanun means only all the Subanu. Following the best modern usage we shall employ Subanu for singular and pliu-al, as noun and adjective. — W. C. TRIBAL DESIGNATION. 3 Dr. Barrows, in his paper on the non-Christian tribes of Mindanao, pubHshed in the Census of the PhiHppine Islands, 1903, states: The word Subanon is derived from the very common Malayan word suba, meaning river, and the suffix non, meaning people of. It is a good tribal desig- nation, is in general use, and has been recorded a long while. The Subanons are the only Pagan people of Mindanao among which I have spent sufficient time to judge somewhat of the type, the language, and culture. They appear to be a representative type of the primitive Malayan race widely distributed through the Malayan archipelago, who have been forced back from the sea in the interior by the arrival and persecutions of the sea-faring Malays, both previous and subsequent to the latter's conversion to Mohammedanism. Mason, in his introduction to Blumentrit's work on the native tribes and languages of the Philippines, says : To unravel the mysteries set forth by the foregoing is the opportunity of the ethnologist. It needs only to look back upon the bloody horrors enacted in our own history through lack of knowledge concerning the social organi- zation and prejudices of the Indians, to awaken the liveliest sympathies and cooperation of the statesmen and philanthropists in the ethnology of the Philippines. Since the above criticisms were published much has been accom- plished to correct the evils complained of. Labors to this end have been unremitting by the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Depart- ment and by the Bureau of Science of the Philippine government at Manila. Much yet remains to be done, and the field for faithful and patient research is a large one, offering rich rewards to ethnologists of the highest ability ; private munificence has an unusual opportunity in promoting this most important survey of primitive people, including Indonesians, Malayans, and European and Asiatic mestizos. Blumentrit in "Native Tribes of the PhiHppines" mentions "the Subanos (Subanon, river people) as a heathen people of Malay extrac- tion who occupy the entire peninsula of Sibuguey (west Mindanao) with the exception of a single strip on the south coast." On a chart of the Philippine Islands and China Sea, engraved in Manila in 1734, from data obtained from Spanish and British naviga- tors, the native inhabitants of the Zamboanga and Dapitan districts are referred to as "Subanirs" and "Solocos," and the territory as a part of the great island of "Majindanao," as it was then written. Along the western shore of lUana Bay (then called Bongo Bay) the inhabitants are referred to as "Moors," a translation of the Spanish designation for the Alohammedan tribes, Moros. In the record of his voyages (i 774-1 775) Captain Forrest uses the terms "Haraforas, Sunabos, Kanakan and Oran Manubo" as applied to the Subanu of Mindanao. He describes them as — the vassals of the Sultan and of others who possess great estates. Those vas- sals are sometimes Mahometans, though mostly Haraforas (heathen). The latter only may be sold w^th the lands, but can not be sold off the lands. 4 THE SUBANU. The Haraforas are more opprest than the former. The Mahometan vassals are bound to accompany their lords on any sudden expedition, but the Hara- foras, being in a great measure excused from such attendance, pay yearly taxes which are not expected from the Mahometan vassals. They pay a boiss or land tax. Those vassals at Magindano (Kutabatu Valley) have what land they please, and the Mahometans on the seacoast, whether free or Kanakan (slaves), live mostly by trading with the Haraforas (heathen), while their own gardens produce them betel nuts, coconuts, and greens. Forrest evidently used the term "Haraforas" in a generic sense as pertaining to Pagan peons wherever found. He writes of the "Hara- foras" of New Guinea as subject to the control of their overlords. Blair and Robertson comment on this term as follows : Crawfurd in his Dictionary Ind. Islands explains this name as a corrup- tion of Alf oras ; it is not a native word at all, nor is it the generic name of any people whatsoever. It is a word of the Portuguese language, apparently derived from the Arabic article al and the preposition for a (without) . The Indian Portuguese applied it to all people beyond their own authority or who were not subdued by them, and consequently to the wild races of the interior. It would seem to be equivalent to the "Indios bravos" of the Spaniards, as applied to the wild and unconquered tribes of America and the Philippines. THE HOME LAND. From the published records of the early Spanish discoveries, more especially from the writings of Father Francisco Combes (1667), in his History of Mindanao and Sulu, there is good reason to believe that the Subanu were the aborigines* of western Mindanao, viz : that portion of the great island lying west of the Isthmus of Tukuran, separating the bays of Iligan and Illana. It was over this isthmus that the Spanish General Weyler (governor-general of the Philippines, 1 889-1 891) com- pleted, in 1890, a military trocha or line of fortified stations, named after members of the Spanish royal family, as Fort Cristina, Fort Isabel, and Fort Alfonso. In his plans for the subjugation of Mindanao, General Weyler constructed this trocha for the purpose of shutting out the Malanao Moros (Moros of the lake region) from the Subanu country (western Mindanao) and preventing further destructive raids upon the peaceful and industrious peasants of these hills. In further- ance of this project he proposed to the Spanish Cortes the granting of an appropriation for the construction of a canal across this isthmus, which he estimated could be accomplished with native labor at mod- erate expense, by following and improving the course of the Tukuran River and of the Lintogud stream connecting with Pangil Bay on the north, a branch of the much larger Iligan Bay. The miUtary preparations at the Tukuran (south) end of the trocha consisted of a stone blockhouse at the mouth of the Tukuran River; *The term is properly used only as relative to later and dominant Malay races. We shall see that the Subanu are an older stock of the Visayan family, therefore Malays and comparatively late comers. They have nothing in common with the persistent pygmy race of autochthons of whom the Aeta stand as type specimens — W. C. THE HOME LAND. 5 earthworks on the high bluffs above the river on the east side ; a stone fort on a knoll about lOO yards further east; another stone blockhouse about a quarter of a mile east of the river and on a knoll overlooking the sea, and guarding the water supply for the post. In connection with the earthworks on the bluffs the Spaniards constructed quarters, barracks, storehouses, hospital, and magazines for the use of infantry and artillery. A good wagon-road was built from Tukuran to Lintogud, connecting the fortified stations of Cristina, Isabel, and Alfonso. Tele- graphic communication was established between Tukuran and these stations, and thence to Misamis, at the head of Pangil Bay. Thus it will be seen that extensive preparations were made by the Spanish government to prevent Moro raids across the Tukuran isthmus against the Subanu of the Zamboanga and Dapitan districts. The government appreciated the peaceful attitude of the Subanu and their industrious habits as the native farmers of the hills, and General Weyler displayed a fine sense of justice and high quaUties as a governor by zealously engaging with generous plans for the protection of a people who pre- ferred peace and agricultural development to piracy and war. In a review of the plans of General Weyler for the subjugation of the Mindanao Moros and for guarding the interests of the Subanu, Retana writes in 1896 as follows: Uno de sus primeros cuidados du^ la construcci6n del camino militar de Tucuran a Misamis, para establecer una comunicaci6n de N. a S., que no la habia en el interior de la isla, am^n de defender a los subanos, gente pacifica, de las agresiones de los moros, que solian secuestrarlos para reducirlos a la mas infamante esclavitud. El trazado de esta trocha, justo es decirlo, era obra enterior a la posesion de Weyler; pero adolecia de grandisimos defectos, y de Weyler es la gloria de la rectificacci6n, asi como la construccion, que se di6 poer terminada el 12 deMarzo del '90. Mide la trocha 28 kilometros de larga,y en ella se establecieron los fuertes de Tucuran 6 Alfonso XIII, Infanta Isabel 6 Lubig, y Lintogut, en el fondo de la bahia de Pangil. Desde este ultimo punto no fu^ posible continuar el camino a Misamis, a causa de ser el terreno panta- noso; pero se hace por mar a Balatacan, continuandose el camino a Tangot, y desde aqui a Misamis. Tambi^n en estos puntos se pusieron fuertes. Prac- ticaronse reconocimientos, de orden del General, para ver si era posible abrir un camino desde Lintogut 6 Lubig hacia la punta de Binuni; pero huba de desis- tirse por lo mucho que hubiera costado su construcci6n. Con todo, una vez establecida la linea de fuertes de la trocha de Tucuran, habia mucho granado para ir dominando de una manera efectiva la parte mas importante de la isla ; y despues de situar destacamentos en los puntos mencionados, piisose otro en Margo-sa-Tubig, en la bahia de Dumanquilas, a mas de que dicto disposi- ciones para tener en frecuente relaci6n por mar los principales puntos que existen desde Dapitan a Cagayan de Misamis, y restablecer el serv^icio mari- time de guerra en la costa Sur de la isla para impedir expediciones piraticas. After American occupation Tukuran was garrisoned by United States troops, and telegraphic connection by cable was established with Zamboanga and Jolo to the south and west, and with Misamis and Manila to the north. Troops occupied the old Spanish fort at Misamis 6 THE SUBANU. and the military trocha was maintained in fairly good condition until the latter part of 1902, when regular troops were removed and the whole trocha left to the control of the Masibai Moros, under the leader- ship of Datu Maminton. The Moros took advantage of this absence of troops to resume their raids upon the Subanu and made it necessary to reestablish the garrison at Tukuran in January, 1903, and to cause the trocha to be patrolled from Tukuran to Misamis. When the regular troops were again withdrawn they were replaced by native troops, constabulary at first, succeeded in 1908 by Philippine scouts, which continue to garrison the trocha. When the Spanish military occupation of the Tukuran-Lintogud- Misamis trocha ceased, in 1899, by the withdrawal of the troops of Spain, in accordance with the terms of the treaty of Paris, the Masibai Moros fell again into control and resumed their depredations against the Subanu in the Zamboanga district and against the Filipinos and Subanu in the Misamis district. These raids involved the destruction of life and property and the carrying of many people into bondage. A Moro village was reopened at Tukuran on each side of the river; and the military buildings, together with a Moro kota (fort) on the west side of the river, were occupied by Moros until they were forced to abandon the situation by the appearance of American troops on October 15, 1900. Telegraphic communication was then established with the north coast at Misamis in time to connect with the Manila cable on January i, 1901, Father Pablo Pastell, writing of the native people of Mindanao, under date of April 20, 1887, says of the Subanu: The Subanuns are a tribe that has become degenerate because of the per- secutions which they have had to endure from the Moros, who collect large tributes from them. They are husbandmen, but the Moros gain the benefit of their sweat. They are long-suffering and pacific, for they are not accustomed to the handling of arms. They are also superstitious and ignorant. Their docility would render their complete reduction very easy. They occupy almost all the peninsula of Sibuguey and are contiguous to the Moros of Lanao and of the bay of Illana. The latter make use of them, for they enslave them in order to make them work their fields. The military road from Tucuran to Maranding, on the way to Misamis, will destroy the dominion exercised by the Illanos Moros and those of Lanao over the Subanos, for it will destroy the piracy and captivity, because of the impossibility of communication across the trocha. At the same time it will facilitate the action of the missionaries in the reduction of the said heathens. As one of the primitive tribes of Mindanao, the Subanu quite naturally covered that portion (panhandle) of the great island lying west of the isthmus of Tukuran, this territory being of uniform topog- raphy, the interior capable of intercommunication by trails, the streams small and at frequent intervals, and the soil and timber well adapted to rude methods of cultivation. Father Combes says that he found a few Negritos (Aetas) in the Misamis strip, but Barrows, in his chart THE HOME LAND. of the races and tribes, shows that they were confined to Surigao in extreme northeast Mindanao. If these dwarfs ever inhabited any por- tion of the Zamboanga and Dapitan districts, every trace has long ago disappeared. These districts, from an aboriginal viewpoint, form the Subanu country, which has been held by them exclusively, especially the mountain areas, from the earliest times. The Subanu have never left their home country (the panhandle of Mindanao) except as they have been carried away in involuntary ser- vitude by Moros and Filipinos. Originally occupying the entire land area to the coast line, they have been gradually driven back into the most inaccessible portions of the mountainous interior by the raids and exploitation of their long-time enemies, the Moros and Filipinos. There is a legend among the Subanu that their first chief was a giant by the name of Tabunaway; that he lived and ruled over his people before the appearance of the Moros and therefore before the coming of the Spaniards; that his residence was near the place now called Zamboanga, then known as Nawang; that when the first Moros (about the year 1380) came, they wanted to exchange their fish for the fruit of the land and guided their boat up a river into the hills for the purpose ; the fish were placed on the rocks at the landing-place and the Moros retired to await the coming of the hill people who, when they came down the trail and saw the strange fish, tried them for food and were pleased; so they gave of their own food (rice, sugar-cane, and ubi) and placed it on the stones from which the fish were taken. Thus began, several centuries ago, the exchange of products between the hill people and the coast or sea people. The industrial significance of this primitive trade relation, as a factor in the political and commercial development of these natives, was not appreciated by the Spanish. After American occupation in 1 899 the writer began the study of these trade relations between the hill people and the coast people, which in 1904 resulted in the development of the Moro Exchange system of markets, trading stores and tribal ward farms, which by June 30, 191 1, were turning out a business of 1,000,000 pesos annually. So much for the controlled productive development of a savage people which pro- vides for honest living and moral responsibility while industrial uplift is being promoted. Localities and association with other people affect the Subanu to some extent, more especially in dialect, in dress, and in methods of agriculture. According to locality these people may be designated as follows : 1. Subanu of Dapitan (Illaya valley). 2. Subanu of the Dipolog valley. 3. Subanu of Bukidnon, Misarais strip. 4. Subanu of Manukan valley. 5. Subanu of Sindangan Bay. 6. Subanu of Panganuran and Coronado. 7. Subanu of Siukun (Sicogon, Siocon). 8. Subanu of Kipit (modem Spanish, Quipit; old Spanish, by Pigafetta, Chipit, Chippit, Cippit; by the Ro- teiro, Capyam, Quype; by Peter Martyr, Chipico; in Transylvanus, Gibity; and in Barros, Quepindo). 9. Subanu of Malayal and Patalun. 8 THE SUBANU. 10. Subanu of Belong valley. i6. Subanu of Dipolo valley. 11. Subanu of Tupilak valley. 17. Subanu of Dinas valley. 12. Subanu of Bakalan valley. 18. Subanu of Lubukan valley. 13. Subanu of Lei-Batu valley. 19. Subanu of Labangan valley. 14. Subanu of Sibugai-Sei valley. 20. Subanu of Mipangi valley. 15. Subanu of Dumankilas Bay. The above localities of Subanu culture are in juxtaposition to a variety of other native cultures; the following gives their designations and the dialects they use : 5. Samales, Samal-Sulu-Moro dialect. 6. Magindanaos, Magindanao-Moro dialect. 7. Kalibugans, Kalibugan-Moro dialect. 8. Illanos, lUano-Ranao-Moro dialect closely allied to Magindanao dialect. 1. Dapitanos, Cebuan-Visaya dialect. 2. Boholanos, Boholan-Visaya dialect. 3. Joloanos, Sulu-Moro dialect. 4. Zamboangans, Zamboangueno or Taga- log-Visaya dialect. POPULATION. No accurate census of the Subanu people has ever been taken. The American census of 1903 conducted by General Sanger, U. S. Army, under the direction of the Philippine Commission, furnished the fol- lowing data for a portion of the Subanu country, the panhandle of Mindanao: The sub-district of Dapitan 5,995 The Misamis strip 3,4i 8 The Zamboanga settlements 13.170 Total 22,583 The following estimate for 191 2 is taken from the records of the ofl&ce of the governor of the District of Zamboanga : Municipality of Zamboanga 362 Municipality of Dapitan 696 Tribal Ward No. 2 10,895 Tribal Ward No. 3 Tribal Ward No. 4 Tribal Ward No. 5 Tribal Ward No. 6 Tribal Ward No. 7 Bukidnon-Misamis strip , 7.636 9.954 4.447 8,521 2,875 4.778 Total 47.164 In 1897 the Spanish general and governor of Mindanao, Gonzalez Parado, submitted an official estimate of the tribal population of Min- danao, in which he classifies 16 different tribes of non- Christians and places the Subanu population at 70,000. It has been found, however, that the Spanish records of population were not prepared with sufficient care to insure accuracy, especially in the making of estimates. The tendency seemed to be in the direction of exaggeration. DISCOVERY HISTORY. The first contact of white men with the Subanu was on the north coast of Mindanao, near what is now Dapitan, by the Magellan expedi- tion on its way southward from Cebu about May 6, 152 1, and described by Pigafetta as follows: DISCOVERY HISTORY. 9 After coasting along the island of Panilongon (Panglao, off S. E. coast of Bohol) where black men like those in Ethiopia live, we then came to a large island (Mindanao) whose king, in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand, marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore with the king in order to see that island. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king's house, two leguas from the beginning of the river. The king's name is Raia Calanao. The harbor is an excellent one and is called Chipit. By some writers this word "Chipit" is interrupted as "Quipit," a Moro rancheria on the northwest coast of the Zamboanga peninsula, about 45 miles south of Dapitan, but without a harbor, and where ships can not lie with safety during the southwest monsoon. In 1656 Father Francisco Colin, in writing of the Subanu of the Dapitan district, describes them as "the nation of Subanos, which is the most numerous in the island of Mindanao and well disposed toward evangelical instruction, as they are heathens and not Mahometans, as are the Mindanaos." In Pigafetta's account of the voyages of Magellan, 1519 to 1522, he refers to the journey from Jolo along the west coast of the Zamboanga Peninsula as follows : Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called ISIonoripa, located about ten leguas from the reefs. The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cauit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Laying our course to the northeast, we sailed to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Maluco. The identification of this part of the voyage north and east from Jolo (written Zolo by Pigafetta) is very much involved when it is com- pared with existing conditions and nomenclature. The Cauit referred to may be the rancheria of Kauit located in Kauit Bay on the west coast of the Zamboanga Peninsula, about 30 miles north of the town of Zamboanga, the present capital of the Moro Province. There is a small island in Kauit Bay, about one-fourth mile from the submerged reefs at the coast line, but this island does not answer to Pigafetta's description of Butuan. The cave of Kaua Kaua, near the western extremity of the town of Zamboanga, is the location of a very old settle- ment of non-Christians, which may have been visited by Pigafetta. The settlement of Subanin might have been a rancheria of Subanu located near Kaua Kaua. Off to the southeast of Kaua Kaua, about two miles, lie the islands of Santa Cruz small and Santa Cruz large. Farther to the east in Basilan Straits are the islands of Coco, Sibago, Lanhil, Tiktaban, Bilang Bilang, and Sakol, the latter being the largest of the group — all at the entrance to Sibugay Bay. If Pigafetta entered this bay on his way south to Sarangani Bay and the Moluccas (October 152 1), he may have seen and visited the island of Buluan with its 10 THE SUBANU. Subanu settlements, as well as the much larger island of Olutanga at the entrance to Dumankilas Bay, also in the possession of the Subanu. But Pigafetta did not tarry long at these places, as he was anxious to reach the Moluccas to obtain treasure and food. After leaving Maingdanao, where they laid hold of the brother of the king of that place, because he could pilot the ships of the fleet to the Moluccas, the captains changed their course to the southeast and arrived at Tidor in the Moluccas on Friday, November 8, 152 1 . None of the fleet returned to the Philippines. The voyage through the archi- pelagos of Sulu, Basilan, and Mindanao, governed as it was by the ever-present desire to reach the Moluccas, afforded httle opportunity to study the islands or their inhabitants. The information is indefinite and subject to much corruption by the transcriptions of many authors from the original manuscripts of Pigafetta. Blair and Robertson have exhibited rare skill and the utmost patience and fidelity in present- ing an English translation and the original Italian, publishing them together and rigidly preserving the peculiarities of the original text. Pigafetta may have met some of the Subanu on the north coast of Mindanao when the fleet stopped near Dapitan, and again on the south coast, as the ships passed through Sibugay Bay, but the details will always remain a matter of conjecture whereby the value of the infor- mation is obscured. Professor Hirth, the Chinese scholar, thinks that the first observa- tions upon the Philippines are to be found in the work of Chao- Jukua, inspector of foreign shipping at Fu-Kien, between the years of 12 10 and 1240. In this work, the Chu-Fanchi or "Description of outside bar- barians," he speaks of the islands of Po-ni (Borneo), Ma-i (Mindanao or Panay), and of the Pi-Sho-ye of Taiwan (Formosa). This latter name sounds something Hke "Bisaya, " the native designation for Visaya. The book mentions also the San-su or "Three Islands." Book 325 of the History of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1634) of China, as abstracted by Groeneveldt, refers to the kings (sultans) of Sulu as attacking Puni (Borneo) in 1638, and of the King of Sulu, Paduka (Japanese "lord") Pahala, as dying while on a visit to the Emperor of China at Te-Chou on the Grand Canal (Shantung Province). The Emperor then recognized his eldest son, Tumohan, as Sultan of Sulu, in 141 7. The brother of King Pahala, who was named Suli, made a visit to China in 142 1 . From this and other extracts it appears that the Chinese knew of the Mohammedan settlements at Manila and Tondo prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, and must have carried on a lucrative trade with them; otherwise the pirate Li-Ma-Hong would not have made such a desperate attempt to take Manila so soon after its foundation in 157 1. Saleeby quotes Captain Forrest (English navigator, 1 774-1 775) as authority for the statement that the first Mohammedan priest arrived in Mindanao (Kutabatu valley) in a. d. 1475. Father Combes in 1645 DISCOVERY HISTORY. 11 found the natives (Boholano Filipinos) of southwestern Bohol and of Panglao Hving on the northwest coast of Mindanao at Dapitan. He calls them "the noble and brave nation of the Dapitans," and refers to the village of Dapitan as being small at present, but as having been "one of the most densely populated in the past, the one most respected for its power, and in our times the whole, both of these conquests and of their Christian churches." He states: In a small number reduced to one single village, there is inclosed a nation apart from all the others and superior to all those discovered in nobility, valor, fidelity, and Catholicism. They are descended from the island of Bool (Bohol), where they anciently occupied the strait made by that island and the island of Panglao. They occupied both shores and the entire island of Panglao. [Visited by Pigafetta about May 3, 152 1, where he found "black men like those in Ethiopia live."] War exiled the Dapitans from their country, a proof of their valor and the unforeseen accidents of their misfortunes. Among the Subanos their valor is so accredited that a Dapitan has nothing to fear among a hundred of them. For if they see him ready for them they do not dare to attack him, however thirsty for his blood their hatred makes them. The Subanos are all the triumphs of the arms of the Dapitans of which the sound and vigorous execution has drawn the former from their mountains and made settlements of men from savages scattered among the thickets, who are reduced to more civilized life. It was on the island of Bohol that the Spanish navigator, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, about March 15, 1565, entered into a blood compact with Sicatuna, the Fihpino chief of that island. He found Moros from Borneo trading with the Boholanos and also with the Subanu in northern Mindanao. The distance from Bohol to Dapitan is about 60 miles and easily covered by native sailing craft. The Boholanos still con- tinue to trade with the Subanu at points along the west coast of the Zamboanga peninsula from Dapitan to Sindangan, and along the north coast from Langaran to Dapitan. Many of the Boholanos are expert fishermen and sailors, and some of these people bring their fleets of fishing boats into Subanu waters and gather large quantities of certain kinds of fish known as hagon and culasi, which are cured and packed in salt in large jars called tinajas. As the Subanu generally do not own boats and are not accustomed to the sea, they do not know how to fish, and as they greatly enjoy this class of food they find it convenient to barter with the Boholanos for both fresh and cured fish. The mixture of Visayan words with Moro and Subanu is due to the migration of the Visayans to the shores of northern Mindanao, begin- ning about 1600. Pigafetta, with the Magellan expedition in 152 1, refers to the Moros and Visayans as engaged in trade between Cebu and Mindanao. Mackinlay, in his Hand-book and Grammar of the Tagalog Lan- guage, says that "the Arabic words in Tagalog, which are hardly more than a dozen in number, evidently came in with the Mohammedan 12 THE SUBANU. religion, and upon the extinction of that faith around the mouth of the Pasig at Manila, all but a few words fell into disuse. Mohammedanism could hardly have become established in the Tagalog region before 1450 to 1500, as it came very slowly from India or Arabia to Java, and thence by way of Borneo and Sulu to the Bay of Manila and the Pasig valley. Some Arabic words were adopted by the Spanish and thus brought into the vocabulary of the Tagalog." SLOW MODIFICATION OF CULTURE. Accustomed as they are by nature or forced by necessity to occupy the isolated interior of the country, Combes observed their cultural backwardness by referring to the — natural barbarism of the Subanuns, living, as they do, in high, wild country, with as little sociability as animals, and having their houses placed a league apart, wherever one of them may be pleased to make himself a settlement. They lack ci\dlization as well as human intercourse, for they are so opposed by nature to intercommunication that they grow old in their rancherias without being drawn by curiosity from their settlements, or seeing the sea, although some of them live within sound of its waves ; and if necessity or gain does bring them in sight of its shores, they are contented with that, without seeking to attempt fortune through its dangers. This lack of inquisitiveness by the Subanu as noted by Combes is not peculiar to them, for the writer has had occasion to observe a marked indifference on the part of members of other non- Christian tribes in Mindanao (Kalibugans, Samal Lutangans, Illanuns, and Magin- danaos) to passing events of a novel nature. The well-known custom of Americans and Europeans of the rustic and middle classes to view strange sights with ignorant wonder and prolonged attention is mark- edly absent from the characteristics of the wild people of Mindanao, and especially from the Subanu. Even when temporarily visiting the larger coast towns, the Subanu give strict attention to the business that brings them there and usually, after its completion, make early departure for their homes. As late as August, 191 1, the writer observed Subanu (men of adult age) visiting the rancheria of Sindangan, on the west coast of the Zam- boanga peninsula, viewing the sea, for the first time in their existence, with considerable equanimity. Finally one of the men rushed forward into the gentle surf and caught up with his two hands a quantity of the sea water, carrying it to his mouth, for the purpose of drinking to quench thirst, when he was seen to spit it out and to back away from the surf. When his companions advanced to learn the cause they were informed by him that the water was umpet (bitter) and unfit to drink. There was a general exclamation of surprise and disappoint- ment that such a vast body of water as Sindangan Bay, evidently clean and pure, could not be used for drinking and cooking. It was explained to them that the alleged bitterness was due to the presence of salt held SLOW MODIFICATION OF CULTURE. 13 in solution and in such a way that they could not see it but could taste it. The explanation was continued further to show the Subanu how the salt cakes were made by the Kalibugans, at certain of their coast rancherias, by the artificial evaporation of sea water. For years these Subanu had been trading vegetables, mountain rice, and corn in exchange for salt cakes, but had not the slightest idea how the cakes were made and no curiosity to find the source of supply. The Kalibugans had learned from the Chinese traders the process of making salt cakes from sea water. The Subanu are very fond of this salt {masin) to use with their food and are always ready to make a trade for it. In spite of continued contact with these ahen influences, the Subanu have preserved their tribal unity, their distinct customs, their dialect, and their rehgion. The situation is a remarkable one, consider- ing their simple patriarchal form of government and lack of warlike instincts, and probably they could not have withstood the aggressive control of outside forces but for the fact that as this pressure became more and more persistent the Subanu moved farther and farther into the inaccessible interior. Here they found vast areas of rich virgin soil, wild fruits and vegetables in abundance, together with wild fowl and swine, and an abundance of fresh-water streams. The strongest external influence has been that exerted by the Moros (Mohammedans) , far exceeding the powerful efforts made by the Catholic Church through its zealous missionaries, backed up by gov- ernment forces. As a result of the Moro influence, a new tribal name was long ago given those Subanu who became converts to Moham- medanism; such converts are KaUbugans (Kalibogans). The word is made up of the Visaya radical lihug or lihog, and the Magindanao-Sulu prefix ka and suffix an. The radical signifies "of mixed blood" or "of mixed faith" and may be appUed to persons and animals; thus, the offspring of a free person and a slave; of one race with another; of a wild animal with a domesticated one; of one tribe with another; or a marriage between persons of different rehgious beliefs, as a Subanu with a Moro, or a Spaniard with a native. The particles ka and an are used to form derivative nouns, and in this construction the name Kali- bugan signifies a person of mixed Subanu and Moro blood. In marriages of this combination the Subanu invariably becomes a convert to Islam- ism; the reverse has never been reported. Once a Mohammedan, always so, is the historical record of this faith throughout the world. The Subanu who becomes a Kalibugan is at once freed from the stigma of being considered an infidel and is established upon a footing of friendliness and of freedom from many annoyances and burdens which the Moros have always placed upon the Subanu, including peon- age and slavery. Having become a KaUbugan, the Subanu usually abandons the hills and becomes a coast dweller. Therefore the Kali- bugan villages are found on the coast line of the Subanu country. 14 THEJ SUBANU. Christie says (1909) of the KaHbugans: As a matter of fact, many of the people included under this name are of pure Subanu blood (converts to Mohammedanism). Personal observation of many of them has convinced me that in most of them the Subanun strain is much stronger than the Samal, the Ilanun, or the Magindanan. Indeed the majority of Kalibugan settlements are of Subanun speech, though close inter- course with Moro groups has led to the adoption of some foreign words; the economic life is Subanun, the Kalibugan making a living by agriculture of the Kaingin or forest-clearing type. Many Kalibugans in fact are merely Suban- uns converted to Mohammedanism and mark the line of contact of Subanun culture with Islam, just as the "new Christians" mark that with Christianity. Kalibugan settlements are started usually by the marriage of some Samal, Ilanun, or Magindanao fisherman or trader with one or more Subanu girls. This necessitates conversion on their part, and the family or families, if there are several Moros, serve as the nucleus of a Mohammedan community. Mohammedanism presents itself to the Subanu with the prestige of a superior civilization, and first the relatives of the Subanu wives of Moros and then other neighboring Subanu are attracted to the Mohammedan religion and culture. For a long time the customs and beliefs of such a community are mixed (the writer has seen Pagan religious ceremonies performed in Kalibugan villages), but the drift is constantly toward complete assimilation by the Moro cul- ture. In the Kalibugan settlements of to-day we see going on before our eyes the process which constituted the various Moro tribes of Min- danao. An account of the origin and growth of the Kalibugan villages of the peninsula (Subanu country) might correctly be entitled, "How a Moro tribe is made." I have often asked the natives, both Christian and non-Christian, to explain the difference between a Kalibugan and a Subanu. A native of the latter tribe has generally avoided a reply, conveying an impres- sion to me that he strongly disapproved of the apostasy of his fellow tribesman. When an explanation came it was usually attended with a contemptuous expression of countenance or of words. I have observed instances of this contempt exhibited by Moros, in place of satisfaction and pleasure that a convert had been gained to Islam. Even among these savage people a backslider loses caste and seldom regains his former status among the members of his new organization and faith. From a respected Subanu the backslider does not become an equally respected Moro or Mohammedan. He is suspected by the Moros as not being sincere, and is an outcast from his maternal tribe, the Subanu. Therefore these people, these apostates, have gathered together in separate villages where they have gradually acquired the distinctive name of Kalibugans. The name is sometimes used as a term of reproach when referring to bad conduct or the commission of a crim- inal act. Kalibugans generally lead a wretched existence and their settlements are usually the abode of poverty, distress, and illness. THE INDUSTRIAI, LIFE). 15 The nearest relatives among the Subanu sometimes come to the reUef of their apostate KaUbugans when death is about to claim them, or some enemy is seeking their undoing, or the strong arm of the law is reaching out to inflict punishment for misdeeds. A Kalibugan carries his record with him in his name and in his affiliations. Among the various Pagan and Moro tribes of the pan- handle of Mindanao, in the Sulu Archipelago and in the Basilan group, the Kalibugan is generally a vagabond ; the door of welcome and pros- perity seems closed to him among all classes of the native people. The Moros having general supervision over Kalibugan settlements provide for the maintenance of the Mohammedan hierarchy therein and thus hold these apostate Subanu in subjection and in obedience to the faith. Religious appointments are therefore held by Kalibugans, and in this manner they can be employed to proselytize among the heathen Subanu. THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE. The very name Subanu constitutes the possessor thereof a farmer.* His life is spent in the fields and forests. His sustenance is drawn from the earth by primitive agricultural methods. He seeks the isolated and wildest portions of the interior and relies upon his strength and native ingenuity to cope with nature and wring from it a means of living for himself and his family. The method of cultivation pursued by the Subanu is known as the kaingin system. It consists of clearing a piece of forest and planting the land by the use of a sharpened stick to make holes in the ground to receive the seed. The ground is not plowed, spaded, or harrowed, and after the second season is usually abandoned for a new clearing. Agri- cultural development is seriously retarded by want of proper methods, the lack of efficient labor, and the varying prices of the staple products. The native planter can contend with low prices and insufficient and inefficient labor with much better success than can the Americans and Europeans likewise engaged. The latter have not only more expensive methods of living, but their cost of operating plantations is much greater. The kaingin method of farming involves a great waste of labor and materials and must be eventually interdicted by appropriate laws, rigidly enforced. Under section 25 of Act No. 1 148 of the Philip- pine Commission: The cutting, clearing, or destroying of the public forests or the forest reserves, or any part thereof, for the purpose of making kaingins, without lawful authority, is hereby prohibited. And whoever, in violation of this pro- vision, shall cut, clear, or destroy the same, for such purpose, or shall wilfully or negligently set fire thereto, shall, upon conviction by a court of competent jurisdiction, be punished by a fine not exceeding a sum equivalent to twice the regular government charge upon the timber so cut, cleared, or destroyed, and, *The sole instance of the word in the accompanying vocabulary is somoctoloan noc subanon, with the definition "peasant." — W. C. 16 THE SUBANU. in addition thereto by imprisonment not exceeding thirty days, in the dis- cretion of the court. The author has held many meetings with the mountain people, including both Christians and non-Christians, and has explained to them the great waste attendant upon the practice of the kaingin method of agriculture. The cleared land is not cultivated in any sense, but only planted between the stumps. This method may be briefly described in its regular order of development as follows : 1. Ruthless cutting of timber, saving not even desirable trees for shade. 2. Leaving the timber, good and bad, where it falls until dry enough to burn. 3. Indiscriminate burning of all fallen timber, with no effort to preserve any portion of it for lumber or for building purposes. 4. No efforts to improve the land by removing stumps, partially bimied timber, or stones. 5. The land thus cleared is planted to rice, corn, camotes, ubi, gabi, tobacco, vegetables, buyo, and occasionally some fruit like bananas and papayas. Seed is placed in small holes made with sharpened sticks; tubers, cuttings, and young plants are transplanted. 6. The soil is moist, covered with rich humus, very fertile and easily cultivated, but soon dries out by reason of the absence of all shade, although the ashes and humus afford considerable protection from the burning rays of the sun and the drying effect of the winds. 7. After planting, the clearing is generally neglected. If the seeds germi- nate, the plants take care of themselves. The weeds and second tree growth have an equal chance with the crops. 8. The crops receive attention only to prevent their destruction by monkeys, rats, mice, wild hogs, wild fowl, deer, and insect pests. 9. Crops are harvested when mature and the surplus, over and above that required for daily consumption, is stored in large cylindrical baskets, in size about 5 by 10 feet, open at both ends, the lower end resting on a platform raised about 4 feet above the ground. These granaries are called lulu tongalang and consist of several baskets placed side by side and covered over with a grass or nipa shed. The baskets are usually made from the split stalks of the bagaki rattan, woven into a large mat of little squares; when of the required dimen- sions, this is rolled into the cylindrical basket and the two ends fastened together with strips of bejuco rattan. These baskets are sometimes made from the inner bark of the bakmvan tree or from the dried fronds of the areca palm. 10. This terminates the first year of the kaingin method of agriculture as followed by the Subanu. In beginning the second year an effort is made to burn off the grass, weeds, and second tree growth that have made great head- way during the progress of the first year's crops. The burning must be done during the dry period and is generally only partially successful, but the ashes mulch the soil and preserve the moisture therein. 1 1 . There is no plowing or other form of upturning of the soil. The seeds are placed in holes made by a sharpened stick, as at the beginning of the first year, but they do not germinate as successfully as when the land is cleaner and more moist. The refuse growth of the first year has diminished the fertility of the soil. 12. It now becomes a question of the survival of the strongest — crops, weeds, or second tree growth. The same protection as during the first year must be exercised against monkeys, wild hogs, rats, mice, deer, and insects. THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE. 17 13. If the crops survive against all obstacles, harvesting follows, but with greater difl5culty than in the first year, owing to the established headway of the grass, weeds, and second growth. The surplus crops are stored at the close of the second year of the kaingin cultivation. 14. At the beginning of the third year the old kaingin is abandoned if the cogon grass shows strong development and the second tree growth has made vigorous headway. A new kaingin is now sought, the forest cut down and burned, and the same process of cultivation and harvesting followed as in the first and second years. 15. If the old kaingin is cultivated for the third and fourth years the same method is observed as in the first and second years, but with diminishing suc- cess, by reason of the lack of proper tillage. 16. The Subanu justifies the kaingin method of agriculture on the basis of ignorance, poverty, lack of proper implements, and the absence of working animals. There must also be added the lack of incentive to improve, because of the exploitation of these hill people by the coast dwellers. Whenever the former gave signs of prosperity, the latter formed and finally executed schemes to gain the entire surplus of the hill people. To rid themselves, as far as pos- sible, from these parasites, the Subanu moved farther inland and sought the most inaccessible places for their temporary houses. 17. The kaingin farmer can not successfully develop the cogon clearing, his only implements being the pes (chopping knife), with a blade about 14 inches long and with a round or square head; the hilamon (digging knife), smaller than the pes; the gwasay (grubbing knife and adze), a sort of axe with a blade about 13 inches long and about 5 inches wide at the cutting edge, and tapering back to about an inch at the head. This knife is fastened in a handle corresponding in form and size to that used with the American axe. For har- vesting rice and digging roots and tubers smaller knives of various shapes are used. 18. Cogon grass is a rapidly growing plant of tough fiber and sometimes reaches a height of 10 to 12 feet. When thrown down by the wind and rain it forms an impenetrable, tangled mass which will yield only to the knife and fire. When young and about 10 inches high the grass is tender and excellent for grazing. When 18 inches to 2 feet it may be cut for cattle fodder. When 5 to 8 feet in height the grass is cut for thatching, especially when the nipa palm can not be obtained. The kaingin method of farming has deforested many thousands of acres of the finest timber in the Subanu country and has been very destructive of such natural resources. The practice still prevails to a large extent, both in and out of the Subanu territory. The law pro- hibiting the system is inefiective for want of sufficient forestry inspectors and lack of funds to employ them. It is evident that this system is not profitable either to the government or to the hill people, nor is it the best that can be done by the government for the welfare of these people. The Public Law Act No. 926, as amended by No. 979 of the Philippine Commission, provides a homestead (free land) of 40 acres for natives of the islands. The conditions under which this presentation is made by the government involve many complications and delays connected with the cadastral survey of the land, in order to secure a reliable title in the name of the native, who stands in urgent need of a permanent home and a greater degree of prosperity than he has ever before possessed. 18 THE SUBANU. Placing the wandering Christians, Moros, and Pagans permanently upon homesteads by the government will do more to civilize them and add to their prosperity and that of the government than any other measure that can be undertaken for the development of these dependent people. The best method for this work requires most careful study and due consideration of all of the factors entering into the solution of the problem — such, for example, are the tribal relations, tribal customs, religious peculiarities, prescriptive land titles, acquired rights, surrender of weapons and interdiction of their use, the improvement of trails, the establishment of government exchanges and trading stores, the opera- tion of model tribal ward farms, and the harmonizing of all differences between the hill people and the coast dwellers or shore people. The dependent peoples of the various Moro and Pagan tribes are wards of the government and must receive instruction and supervision carried out by government officials in the most faithful and patient manner. They must be taught the advantages of a permanent home, the benefits to be derived from the legal possession of land, its proper cultivation, the maintenance and education of a family, the making of an honest living, respect for the rights of others, and obedience to the law. As these people must be developed along industrial lines, even before school training is provided for to any considerable extent, it is imperative that the government devise ways and means for promoting and maintaining agriculture, trade, and commerce among them, thus bringing their labor and the products of their labor to the markets of the world. To this end the writer has great faith in the exchanges, trading stores, and tribal ward farms organized by him in 1904 and 1906, while governor of the District of Zamboanga. _ The Subanu cultivate principally mountain rice, corn, camote, and tobacco. Next to rice their main dependence for food is upon the camote (sweet potato or yam). Two other tubers or esculent roots are grown for food, known as gabi (gabe) and ubi (ube).* Both are cultivated like the potato and must be thoroughly boiled in order to destroy their poisonous constituent before being used for food. The camote, gabi, and ubi are also made into preserves and sweetmeats; they are roasted as well as boiled. Gabi and ubi throw up stalks with large leaves, while the native camote produces a running vine that *Lack of botanical identification of these vegetables is quite sufficient complication in itself; the confusion is increased by the doubtful English names of camote. The yam is properly one of several species of Dioscorea, the sweet potato Batatas edulis; the two articles of food are in no likelihood of being confused. But in the United States, more particularly in the South, yam is frequently applied to the sweet potato. I infer that here we are under the influence of this dialectic usage. The camote, so far as the philological record may instruct us, is clearly Batatas. The name was transported by the galleons from Acapulco to Manila, for it is the Aztec camotl ibericized; the possibility that in yet more distant and far less readily comprehensible transport camotl of Mexico has become kumara of Polynesia is attractive but wide of the present inquiry. The true Dioscorea yam is here identifiable as uhi, the Polynesian ufi. ' The gabi of this text is undoubtedly the Polynesian kape, the bitter giant taro, Colocasia. — W. C. THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE. 19 covers the ground with a mass of leaves that are sometimes boiled and used as greens. The Subanu occasionally cultivate a tuber called camote-cahoy (camoting-cahoy, guccu or cassava), whose fecula is known as tapioca. In preparing the root for food it is necessary to grate, wash, and press it so as to express the juice. The remaining material is the flour or tapioca, which is white or yellowish-white in color, sweetish in taste, and somewhat insipid. It is much valued in medicine on account of its digestibility and is often used as food for children and sick people. Camote-cahoy grows above ground as a shrub, having a single stalk 4 to 6 feet in height, with a tuft of succulent leaves at the top. When the rice crop fails the Subanu make use of buri and lumbia or lumbay. Both belong to the palm family and grow to trees of large size, topped with large fan-like leaves, all gathered at the apex of the tree, like the coconut palm. The interior of the entire trunk of these trees forms a starchy flour which is used for food and is of great nutri- tive value. The bagsang palm is used in a similar manner, and also the pagahan and canong palms, each of which supplies a starchy flour or kind of sago that forms an excellent article of food. The Subanu do not cultivate any of these sago palms, but search for them in the forests, especially along the streams, and mark the localities so that when this class of food is required the trees can be found and converted into flour. When cultivated crops entirely fail because of droughts and the ravages of insect pests, the Subanu must resort to the several varieties of the sago palm and to certain wild edible roots for food. In some localities they cultivate an excellent squash, egg-plant, and melon. To some extent bananas, papayas, pineapples, nangcas, and lanzones are cultivated for fruit. There are several varieties of bananas in the Subanu country, some of which are eaten raw, while others must be cooked to prepare them for food. Pedro Delgado enumerates and describes 57 varieties of bananas grown in the Philippine Islands, vary- ing greatly in form and taste, and all available for food. Fences are made of split bamboo and small poles about the size of the thumb. The poles are set upright in the ground and fastened together at the top and midway by interlacing of tough roots (baging) or with whole bejuco rattans. The bamboo fences are flimsily made; sometimes only rattan strands are used with neither posts nor other sup- ports. The more civilized Subanu employ fence-like hedges of a rapidly growing tree, set in the ground as stakes as close together as possible ; these stakes never fail to take root. When 6 to 8 feet high they are lopped off and interlaced with split rattans. To a limited extent the Subanu cultivate coconuts and employ the nuts for food and for trade. Hemp (abaca) is grown and the fiber used for rope and for weaving cloth, the surplus being exchanged in the mar- kets for manufactured articles. From the forests the Subanu gather gutta-percha, almaciga, bulitic, and beeswax, all used in trade. 20 THE SUBANU. As might be expected, these people are expert woodsmen and pos- sess an acute sense of locaUty, which enables them to travel the trackless forests and thick swamps of the tropical jungles without losing their way. They are therefore trustworthy and tireless guides and, being accustomed to Hving on wild fruit and roots, in emergency can endure long journeys with the minimum food supply. To supplement the use of tobacco and for chewing purposes the Subanu cultivate the areca palm which produces the favorite betel nut, the pit of which is overlaid with a thick greenish-colored meat that is spHt into sections for chewing. The nut is somewhat smaller than the pecan and retains its green color when mature. In connection with this nut there is used the buyo leaf, taken from the buyo plant cultivated like hops and trained upon poles or low-growing trees. The entire chewing quid is composed of a small leaf of tobacco, a section of betel- nut, one buyo leaf, and a small quantity of paste made of shell lime and ginger root mixed sometimes with coconut oil and sometimes with water. Women generally omit the tobacco, as do the Christian FiU- pinos. The Moros and Pagans always use the tobacco in this combina- tion. This root gives the dark-red color to the spittle, lips, and teeth while chewing, which makes the habit so disgusting to foreigners. When he can afford it the Subanu purchases, usually from the Chinese trader, a few pieces (squares about the size of loaf sugar) of gambler (terra japonica) for mixture with the other parts of the chewing quid. Gam- bier acts as an astringent, heals mouth sores, reduces the sensitiveness of filed teeth, and heightens the dark-red color of the spittle. This remarkable combination for chewing is placed in a betel-nut box, which may be suspended from the shoulder, carried in a bag or basket at the side, Hke a haversack, or in a belt or sash tied about the waist. The betel-nut quid is considered more useful than food when severe exertion becomes necessary, and all classes of natives resort to its use. The habit when once formed is difficult to abandon, and in that respect is akin to the opium habit, but is not by any means so deleterious and degrading to the human system. The Subanu cultivate the areca palm, the buyo plant, tobacco, and ginger root. The lime is obtained from the burning of sea shells, which is generally done by Kalibugans and Moros, and therefore must be obtained from them as a matter of trading. When for any purpose it is desired to employ Subanu as guides or for other form of labor, their attitude toward the work and their cheerfulness and efficiency in per- forming it will be greatly improved and enhanced by supplying them beforehand with mountain rice and the materials for the betel-nut chewing quid. Subanu are very fond of smoking a sort of cigarette made of native leaf-tobacco and the soft inner husk of the corn. The tobacco is wrapped within this husk and the whole is so folded as to take the shape CONSTRUCTION AND LOCATION OF HOUSES. 21 of a cornucopia; the small end is placed in the mouth when smoking. In the absence of corn husks, dried banana leaves or the nipa frond are used as wrappers for cigarette smoking. When out of native leaf-tobacco, if they can afford the luxury, Subanu will purchase, from abulante traders, the famous Chinese him tobacco that so delights the palate of the non-Christians of the ISIoro Province. In order properly to control the importation of this tobacco in that province and prevent smuggling, the Legislative Council enacted two laws in March and April, 1906, which provide that "each distrib- uting agent shall sell the tobacco delivered to him to Moros and Pagans, in quantities of not to exceed ten pounds, to any individual during a calendar month for cash, at a price fixed by the District Secretary." The Subanu are neither boatmen nor fishermen, and whenever it becomes necessary for them to make journeys by water they seek the assistance of their Kalibugan relatives who have become coast dwellers, or of some friendly Moros or Filipinos. These sea trips are very seldom taken and only resorted to in case of emergency or when travel by land is impossible. Although vegetarians in their diet, Subanu will eat fish, fowl, and the meat of the wild hog and deer when their crops have failed or the supplies stored have run low; in some locaUties in recent years they have raised goats and cattle for food, using the latter for work also. CONSTRUCTION AND LOCATION OF HOUSES. With few exceptions the houses of the Subanu are of temporary construction, due to their wandering habits, to the kaingin farming, and to raids and exploitation by the shore people. Native materials are used with no attempt at ornamentation and very little regard for personal comfort. No matter what the size, the house consists of but one room which may be temporarily subdivided into apartments by hanging mats and screens. There are no windows as such. Light is admitted by the one or more doorways and through numerous openings in the imperfect walls and roof. The floor is elevated above the ground from 3 to 30 feet, according to the nature of the soil, the kind of building material available, the danger from predatory animals, and the near- ness and character of the shore people. The building is supported upon numerous poles of varying size, according to the convenience of obtain- ing the material. Where a more permanent structure is desired, heavy logs are used for uprights. No matter how many doorways may be provided, entrance to the house is restricted to one only. This is a matter of precaution. Sometimes a pole stairway with steps is provided, but usually only a single pole with notches cut in it, which can be used conveniently and safely only by a person with bare feet. Boys and girls run freely up and down these notched poles ; older persons support themselves by their hands when on the ladders. Men and women 22 THE SUBANU. alike enter the house from the ladders facing inward; they come out backward and descend the notched pole in the same position; but where the house has a ladder with treads they come out and descend forward. The Subanu seldom build their houses in trees, except in the case of small watch towers used by guards for protecting the crops from wild animals and birds. The materials for thatching are the leaves of the nipa palm, the coconut palm, and cogon grass. For the walls, bagaki rattan is used when available and in its absence any of the thatch materials are employed. The floor is always open; that is, composed of strips of palma brava, split bamboo, or small tangal poles, laid about an inch apart and bound to the stringers or joists with split bejuco rattan. The open floor permits of the free circulation of air and of the passing of all refuse to the ground below. This open floor is of great economic importance to the Subanu and is generally used by all classes of Moros and Pagans and by many Filipinos. The ground underneath the house becomes a refuse heap where the domestic animals of the owner search for food and find a place of refuge from the sun and rain. When in the course of time this pile of waste rises near the floor, the Subanu owner may abandon his house and erect another or, if not already at a consider- able height, decide to raise the building some 5 feet or more. It never occurs to this child of the forest and hills that the refuse can be removed \ from time to time and destroyed by fire, as an economic and sanitary \ project of the first importance. Houses are built near fresh water if ^ possible, provided isolation and security can be obtained. The Subanu are a peace-loving people. They love the solitude and quiet of undisturbed natural surroundings. So long and persist- ently have they been hunted by the raiding Moros and FiHpinos that they seek seclusion and usually estabUsh their houses where it is most difficult to gain an approach to them — for example, near the bottom of a deep gulch or upon the projecting point of some hill or on some moun- tain peak. From a nearby elevation one may catch a glimpse of the shack through the swaying foliage and then search for hours to find the blind trail leading to it. The safe placing of the home is of prime importance and after that comes the location of the kaingin farm. They are not often near together, since fertile land does not always coincide with a favorable spot for the protection of the house. In the event of a wide distance between the house and the farm the Subanu usually makes a small planting about the former; about the more or less permanent home he may erect small shacks for the storage of harvested crops, although in most instances some portion of the house is used for that purpose. If the granary is placed under the house that section is protected from the receipt of waste material passed through the open floor. MANUFACTURES. 23 The furnishings of the house are usually of the barest necessities, especially where the building has been placed in an exposed location and the occupants may be interrupted by visits from strangers. The cook- ing may be done on the ground and the food carried into the house for eating, or the women may employ the small burned-clay stove in the house and prepare the food on the floor. No chairs or stools are used. When resting the members of the family squat upon their haunches and can easily maintain this position for hours. The posture in sitting is that of a squat on the full soles with the buttocks just clear of the ground or floor, knees and calves apart and the arms resting on the knees. When the buttocks rest upon the floor the calves are approximated to the thighs and the arms are brought forward over the knees. When the posture is free and there is no rest for the back the body incUnes forward on the knees. This posture is the same for men, women, and children. In general it is observed that the women maintain a wider angle between the legs when sitting and more frequently support the back. The family sleep on the floor, using grass or rattan mats and pillows made from tree cotton (kapok). The women boil rice between banana leaves in an earthenware vessel, or in an iron pot when it can be obtained. One leaf section is placed at the bottom and the other is used as a cover. When the water boils away, more is added until the rice is thoroughly cooked. MANUFACTURES. The women excel in the making of pottery and in the weaving of cloth. Both men and women engage in the construction of mats, baskets, hats, and screens from grass, bejuco, bamboo, bagaki (reed), and palma hrava. These mats are colored by dyeing and by burning. The grass mats are colored with native dyes, and those made from heavier materials of bejuco, bamboo, bagaki, and palma brava are burned. Sev- eral colors (principally shades of red, yellow, and green) are produced with dyes, but these colors will fade in the sun and when washed. Both the coloring and burning are sometimes arranged so as to produce vari- ous designs and even to represent animals and birds which the people are accustomed to see. Light materials, such as leaves and cornhusks, are fastened to the mats in forms to represent the designs, and when dry are carefully burned off. To deepen the color, more material is laid on and greater heat produced. Cloth is made from the fiber of hemp, banana stalks, and the leaves of the pineapple. Baskets are made from the leaves of the pandan grass, of the buri palm, and of the nitu. Pillows are made from kapok (tree cotton) and from the catkins or fruit of a species of wild hop that grows as a low bush. Dyes are obtained from the leaves and roots of herbs and from the bark and leaves of trees. Safflower or alazor produces both red 24 THE SUBANU. and yellow colors. The balanti tree supplies a black coloring matter. The roots of hancuro afford a red color. The bagolibas tree yields a dye of yellowish-brown. The sibucao r altar tree furnishes a red coloring matter and is very abundant in the forests. The bacauan tree, found in all mangrove swamps, yields a reddish coloring matter. In most of the Subanu settlements men may be found who are fairly good wood-carvers and others who are capable of fashioning from steel, brass, and iron the various implements used in agriculture and in household work and hunting. The men prepare various forms of nets or snares from bejuco, bamboo, and hemp fiber for the capture of wild fowl and wild pigs. A bellows is constructed from bamboo and bejuco for blacksmith work. Wild Subanu and other pagan tribes make fire by rubbing dry sticks in either the plow or the drill method. The sticks are well seasoned and are kept in the shelter of the house until needed; in journeys they are carried on the person in baskets. The spark of fire developed by the friction is caught in a nest of dry grass or dry bamboo scrapings. The fireplace is a sand box within the house, commonly in a small room which serves as kitchen, but if in the living room it is set in a corner. The smoke escapes as best it may through the window and door open- ings and the house is generally much smoked. In boats a small baked clay stove is used; this has scalloped sides, is some i8 inches long by 6 inches wide and 5 inches deep. Those open at the bottom are set within a sand box when in use ; those closed with an earthenware bottom receive the fire without the sand box. In the open country, fires when used outside of the houses are made in a pit in the ground, kindled with grass and leaves, and brought to heat with dry fagots and limbs ; the food is roasted above the flame. Sometimes fires are built under the houses for the purpose of smoking the interior. SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. So far as known the Subanu have never congregated into villages, as do the Moros and Filipinos. Their tribal government is patriarchal and each chief governs by paternal right, subject to the will of the people. Such communal chief has the title of t muai and holds it only while acting as headman of the community. The term timuai {timu- way or timway) is a Magindanao Moro word meaning chief or leader, adopted by the Subanu and by some other hill tribes in Mindanao to designate their headmen. The title was first used by Tabunaway, ruler of Magindanao (Kutu Watu, Kota Batu, Cotabato) about a. d. 1470. Tabunaway was succeeded by Sharif Mohamad Kabungsuwan, about A. D. 1475, from whom all present-day Moros profess their descent. The Moro title of datu is sometimes taken by Subanu in addition to the Subanu title of timuai. Both signify chief, but the latter con- veys greater power in that it combines in one person both civil and SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. 25 religious authority. The title datu conveys only civil authority. The old Subanu title of panungo signifies "chief of chiefs" and ceases upon the death of the man upon whom the unusual honor has been conferred by a council of iimuai. No young man can hold the title of panungo, as it is reserved for men of age, long experience, popularity, and success. When superseded by another headman the title of timuai becomes honorary until the late incumbent may again be called to assume the direction of his community. Once a timuai, the recipient of the honor is Uable at any time during his life to further active service as headman (especially if he has been faithful in the discharge of pubhc duty), when not prevented by physical infirmities. In some cases where such head- men have been notably efficient in leadership and very popular with the people, the commonalty have insisted upon his remaining in office until the very moment of his death. Among the Subanu the family is the governmental unit. The father is the head of the family and its abso- lute ruler. He holds the power of Hfe and death. An association or confederation of famiHes forms a community under the leadership of a timuai. Family rights are supreme and therefore the right of secession from the community inheres in the head of the family. When a family becomes dissatisfied with the conduct and control of a headman the father secedes and places his family under the domination of some other timuai. This does not always involve a change of residence but more often only a change of allegiance. Under these conditions the family becomes sufficient unto itself as an independent governing unit in all matters except those pertaining to its relation with other families in the same class. The tribal government of the Subanu has evolved the exec- utive timuai and clothed that official with the necessary authority to adjust the relations between the families of a confederation or com- munity. The size of such a community depends upon the ability and popularity of the timuai in charge. Families go and come and give the headman due notice of the change. In this respect perfect freedom is accorded the families. Recognizing the independence of the families as a fundamental principle of Subanu social order, these people have thus far resisted all appeals and efforts by the Spanish and American governments to gather them into towns. The Subanu dearly cherish the independence and freedom of the family unit and look with suspicion and even fear upon the many restrictions that must of necessity be imposed upon people when they are closely associated in communities. As soon as the young men take to themselves wives they break away from the old family home and estabhsh new family units at remote points, where they can enjoy all the freedom of their peculiar nomadic hfe. At various times the Jesuit priests have made strenuous and per- sistent efforts to estabhsh village hfe among the Subanu, especially in the sub-district of Dapitan, but the plan was not successful. 26 THE SUBANU. CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS. The Subanu are lighter in color than either the Moros or the Fili- pinos who surround them. They have high foreheads, but rather flat noses; mild countenances, with well-set and expressive eyes. The hair is long, straight, and jet-black. While these people are not wholly beardless, usually very little hair appears upon the face. The head is covered with a heavy mat that is coarse and refractory. When the men permit the hair to grow long, they fold and tie it in a knot at the back of the head, as do the women. The latter do not approve of the men wearing long hair, looking upon it as a mark of weakness. The women use their turban or head-cloth to hold the hair in place. They sometimes do up with the hair a braid of hemp or banana fiber dyed of a color to match the hair. This fiber braid is used as a switch of false hair to augment the mass where the natural hair is thin and insufficient from any cause. Sometimes a small tuft of hair grows upon the chin of the males, and the possessor favors and protects it with much patience and pride. The Hmbs are well rounded, clean, and supple. The whole form is attractive in youth and in middle age, because of fine muscular develop- ment, light color, and general freedom from deformities. The young women are graceful in form, of pleasing countenance, modest and indus- trious. All native women in the tropics lose their attractive features early in life, owing to the climate, the severities of motherhood, and the burdensome life of the wife. No form of labor is too severe for a Subanu woman to undertake. The men are fairly industrious as a class and, besides preparing their kaingins for seeding and following later with the harvest and storage of crops, they make long journeys on foot in search of forest products (wax, copal, nuts, and gutta-percha) which they may exchange for cloth, beads, wire, iron, and steel at the markets or with passing traders. The large toe of many males is turned inward to a marked degree, giving the appearance of abnormally projecting away from the other toes and beyond them. This peculiar development suggests a prehen- sory employment of the member. The big toe is used frequently for holding fiber and bejuco while braiding them into rope and for other purposes. Men do not use bows and arrows ; children employ them as toys. The first clothing of a boy is a loin cloth ; that of a girl a petticoat. Children go naked until the age of puberty. The facts of sexual life are not hidden from the children ; they grow up with them as a matter of course. Marriageable young men and maidens are not segregated in separate houses, as with some tribes. The family is held intact with the father as absolute ruler. Girls have little or no recreation, but are occupied with household duties from a tender age. Boys play and hunt. CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS. 27 The Subanu do not tattoo, but they have a name for the practice, putik or lulik, derived from the Visayans, who are very freely tattooed. A pecuHar attitude of the males when resting is to lean against some support and then raise one foot and place it against the knee of the other leg ; this position is changed from one leg to the other, so as to rest both feet. Circumcision, freely practised by the Moros as a religious rite of Semitic origin, is rare among the Subanu and is not practised at all by the wildest of these tribesmen. Where circumcision is in use among the pagan tribes of Mindanao incision is equally in use. Instead of cutting the preputium transversely this consists of slitting it longitudinally and allowing the skin to fall away on each side and to heal in that position. There is no circumcision of women. When on land the Subanu always retire from view when defecating and are sedulous to bury the excreta, with the idea that the bodily refuse is morbific and must be avoided, but with no thought of scato- mantic possibility or sympathetic magic. In micturition the squatting posture is the rule and girls and adults screen themselves with the cloth- ing or retire from view; they wash after the operation. The Moros observe the same posture, as do all of their religion; the Christian Fili- pino men stand. Cleanliness of body is not a pronounced virtue of the Subanu. They do not bathe as do the Moros. The latter, as a tenet of their religion, cleanse the body more frequently than any other of the inhabi- tants of the southern islands, including the Chinese, Europeans, and Americans. While much attention is given by the Moros to bathing the body, and especially to certain portions of it, like the Subanu they are very neglectful of their clothing, which in many instances is never washed. The garments are worn without cleansing until they fall to pieces. In this connection it is necessary to keep in mind that, usually, the garments used by both Moros and Pagans are few and simple, and generally the same for both males and females. The children go naked until about ten years of age. The garments of the adult males and females consist of trousers, petticoat, jacket, and turban or head-cloth. The youth of both sexes wear the same article of dress and, as before stated, the children are generally not provided with clothes. The women also wear ear ornaments, long strings of colored beads about the neck, and brass rings on the lower arms and on the legs below the knee. The ears are pierced when children are young, and the hole enlarged gradually by wearing a small coil of spHt bejuco rattan, which tends to open out and increase the size of the opening until it will receive a circu- lar piece of wood about an inch in diameter. The opening is now allowed to collapse and when not used for ornaments is employed to hold a newly rolled or partly smoked cigarette or cigar, or some small article of frequent use. 28 THE SUBANU. The Subanu are fond of bright colors in clothing and jewelry. The more grotesque the variety and arrangement the better are they pleased. This fondness for adornment among the women and young men leads often to the undoing of the family by reason of the fact that the ornaments (always of brass, copper, and colored glass) are sold to them by Filipino, Chinese, and Moro traders at prices outrageously above the true value. The writer has investigated many such cases of swindling and fraud and has brought to justice some of the perpe- trators of such acts. One instance may be cited to show the artlessness and folly of a Subanu who was persuaded to exchange a full-grown ox for a brass ring with a colored-glass setting. The animal was worth not less than 70 pesos and the ring much less than i peso. To save these hill people from much suffering through the operations of defraud- ing traders, the writer devised and organized the Moro exchange system of pubUc markets and trading stores in the early part of 1904, and opened the first establishment at Zamboanga on September i of that year. Since then more than thirty such trading stations have been opened in the District of Zamboanga, where the hill people have gathered by thousands and ascertained and obtained the highest current market value, through the government superintendent, for the products of their labor, and made purchases of necessary manufactured articles at the lowest current market price. Various methods are resorted to in counting, such as tying knots in a strip of split hejuco; arranging objects in a line, such as shells, small stones, kernels of corn or rice. In some instances the fingers are used or a combination of the fingers and small objects. For example, the shells, stones or kernels are arranged in groups of five, corresponding to the fingers of one hand. These groups are counted up to ten, corre- sponding to the number of fingers on both hands. In some cases count- ing is accomplished by cutting notches on a stick and these notches may be cut in groups of five or arranged consecutively, according to the fancy of the person thus engaged. Counting by use of objects arranged in fines and groups may have been acquired from the Chinese traders who have worked over the islands for centuries. Upon arriving at the age of puberty many of the men and women grind and blacken their teeth. This practice is not only very painful, but greatly detracts from their personal appearance and leads to diges- tive troubles through want of proper mastication of food. Sometimes the teeth are ground down to the gums and the stumps fall out and painful ulcers ensue. The writer has persistently followed a course of constant opposition to this pernicious habit with rather small but en- couraging success. The practice is not of religious origin, but appears to have been resorted to many years ago by reason of the belief that pearly- white teeth belonged to animals like dogs and cats, of which the Subanu have many, and that man, as a superior animal, must CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS. 29 change the color of his teeth if he wished to maintain his supremacy over the lower animals. The writer has discussed this question with many Moros and Pagans who follow the practice and has pointed out to them the fact that the colored races, generally throughout the world, consider the white man as of a superior race and seek in various ways to modify the color of their skin by bleaching it and by marriage with the white races; that in preparation for marriage many Moro and Pagan women resort to a slow and rather painful process to whiten the skin, even though only temporary results are attained; that the white races highly prize white teeth as a sign of cleanliness, good health, intelligence, and civilization; that therefore the Moros and Pagans should aspire to follow the habits of the white man regarding his teeth and avoid much suffering, as well as vastly improve their appearance. Some success has attended this effort to improve sanitary conditions among the hill people and the shore people. In some cases the men have brought their wives and children to the governor to show him the progress made in the proper preservation of their teeth. The superstitious nature of the Subanu and Moros is also illus- trated by their refusal to give their names except through a third party. The interrogator should always ask an acquaintance, friend, or some member of the family of the person questioned, for information as to his name, and the reply must come from such third party without inquiry of the second party. The reason assigned is that these people do not wish to be considered like the egotistic crow who cries about and incessantly calls his name. The natives throughout the Philippines, where crows abound, have named the bird according to their interpreta- tion of its well-known call, for example : in Subanu, qnak ; in Visayan, awak; in Magindano Moro, knak; in Sulu Moro, wak; in Tagalog, wak; in Malay, gagak; in Yakan, uwak* The Subanu practice polygamy, but not as extensively as the Moros. They have a high regard for the marriage bond and are faith- ful in the marital relation. Polyandry is occasionally resorted to where men are too poor to provide the laxa (dowry) required to secure a wife, and two of them join in the purchase of one woman. The laxa is paid to the father of the bride. In some Subanu communities the women are considerably in excess of the men, but even under such circum- stances and the ignominy of remaining celibate, these native women are opposed to the practice of polyandry. Marriages are performed by the iimuai or chief of a settlement, and he may be rewarded for his *The custom is of wide extent among primitive people in many widely scattered regions, and, so far as we have been able to collate the reasons assigned, this objection of the Subanu is but a pretext. In general the name is so much a part of the spiritual essence of the man that the man hesitates to give it over to the possible thaumaturgj' of a stranger. In the Semitic system and in later developments therefrom the highest observance of religion involves the avoidance of the ineffable name, the employment of substitutes, and in the highest act of worship the utterance of the name indistinguishable in the din of the temple instruments of music. — W. C. 30 THE SUBANU. services if the groom is able to make a gift. The dowry is generally paid in the form of cloth, Chinese jars, and brass gongs. The payment may be made in any article of value agreed upon between the father of the bride and the groom. Actual money is rarely used for this purpose, as it is possessed in very limited amount, if at all, by these people; those of the far interior never handle money, but gain a few manufactured articles through the process of bartering raw products for them, and always thereby suffer loss in deaUng with the wandering traders. The Subanu possess a rich folk-lore which they are not altogether averse to make known to the stranger, especially if he comes equipped with the sanction and interposition of the timuai. Their short tales generally seem vulgar to the Christian and are indulged in as stories to create a laugh and make the narrator appear as a "good fellow." Their legends are prolonged and serious accounts of the alleged experi- ences of imaginary persons, gods, and mythical headmen. The details of these experiences are given in a natural and easy manner and by the use of terms and relations that are common to the daily life of the people. The narration is given usually in an ordinary tone of voice, but may be recited in a sort of singing tone that produces a weird effect at night in the forest when the face of the chanter is lighted by the glare of the torches. In the course of such narratives mention has been made of the following characters of pure myth or of dim history, in the present stage of our knowledge it being quite impossible to reach a definite determination : Datu nong Mitom Gawasa nong Medendum, Timuai Dogbuluan Getunan, Timuai Datu Lumugun, Timuai Datu Magutanga, these being men- tioned as chiefs in the myths. Bai Binubung and Bai Punbenua, mythical princesses. Datu Magujabang Pungobii Megligat Dali Ondao, characterized as the chief of the land of the setting sun. Timuai Datu Magbayaja, spoken of as a great halian and one of the most potent of the diuata. Timuai Datu Pogowanen, whose residence is in the sky. Timuai Datu Menelenga, a battle spirit in command of the sea depths. Timuai Datu Menelengman, also in the sea. Timuai Datu Gunlu or Munlu or Makaayaga, the chief of the manamat or evil spirits of the body. Timuai Datu Magaboligan, chief of the evil spirits of the rivers. According to the Subanu cult all dreams are under the control of the spirits who thereby express their will; all the Subanu dream, there- fore each person is considered to have a sentient soul within his body and a corresponding spirit somewhere external. Dreams are the com- munion of soul and spirit, but they are not of private interpretation. It is the province to the halian to read the visions of the night and to explain their purport with the assistance of the lines in the palm of CHARACTERISTICS AND HABITS. 31 the hand. The spirits may come upon earth in a form resembling that of the person who has the counterpart soul. The Subanu have so long been in subjection to the Mohammedans and Christians who siu-round them, and have been compelled to pay tribute and obey the commands of such self-appointed rulers, that they have become timid, unwarlike, and non-progressive. To escape menial service and tribute they have acquired deceptive and lying traits of character, so that they are denounced as untrustworthy and as devoid of the characteristics which tend to develop a strong and prosperous people. At times, when driven into a corner and brutally imposed upon, they have resisted their persecutors with ferocity. They can and will fight when exposed to repeated indignities and to the violation of their homes; but many instances could be given to illustrate how they have been cut to pieces and robbed of everything by marauding bands of Moros, even while extending the hand of friendship and hospitaUty to their treacherous visitors. This was the penalty for having acquired some comforts and surplus products, over and above the barest neces- sities of maintaining life, thus exciting the cupidity of their persistent enemies. Continuing for several centuries, these methods have devel- oped an inveterately hostile relation between the hill people and the shore people. Following in the wake of the Moros, the Christians have ruthlessly applied to the hill people a raiding system that has kept the Subanu in ignorance and poverty, seriously retarding the development of the coun- try. Naturally, under such blighting influences, the Subanu are cowed, suspicious, and superstitious. Having withstood every form of adver- sity and preserved their dialect, religion, customs, and industries, these people now deserve patient, strong, and continued support. Their bad habits must be borne with, their virtues commended, and the way of advancement made easy under protection and supervision. They are the natural farmers of the country they inhabit, and only their adapta- bility to the cultivation of the soil, with its inherent richness, has saved them from extermination by the rapacity of the Mohammedans and Christians. It is no mean record that they have made the soil support both the hill people and the shore people for about three centuries. In contending against the difficulties of their settlement life the Subanu have gradually adopted an effective quarantine service against the spread of infectious diseases like smallpox, measles, and cholera. Upon the appearance of the first case among any of the settlement fami- Hes the iimuai orders the establishment of the signals of quarantine and these are quickly provided. Fences of poles and split bamboo or bejtico are erected across the main trails leading to the houses of the settlement. On these fences are placed, in fixed positions, carved imitations of war weapons, such as spears, kampilans, harongs, a.nd piras, pointed outward to warn the approaching stranger or visitor to remain away. It is a 32 THE SUBANU. notice that death will be visited upon the person who attempts to enter the settlement while the scourge of disease prevails. The victims of the disease are segregated in isolated houses, supplied with food and water, and then abandoned by friends and relatives when recovery seems impossible. If death ensues, the bodies may be buried later by the relatives, and if any of the afflicted recover they are aided to rejoin their families. Near the signal fences are erected light wooden stands with offerings of various articles of food to appease the wrath of the gods and cause them to assist in extirpating the disease. Small sheds are also sometimes erected near the stands, under which guards may be stationed to prevent the food from being taken by wild animals, birds, and mischievous persons. But the guards go to sleep and the food (cooked rice, boiled eggs, fruit, tobacco, betel-nut, cooked chicken, etc.) disappears, whereupon the guards report that diuata (god) has accepted the gifts and will drive away the disease. Superstition and good sense are strangely but effectively mingled in this scheme of practical and effi- cacious quarantine, and the Subanu stand alone among all the tribes and peoples of Mindanao in devising and operating such protective measures. The attempt in 1904-05 to induce Subanu to enUst in the Philip- pine Constabulary was abandoned as impracticable, after a trial of a few months, during which every man induced to enter had deserted. These people have no desire to become soldiers or policemen, or to seek employment far from their homes. A hard and bitter life has taught them to place no confidence in the stranger and very little in any form of government but their own. RELIGION. The Subanu are nature worshipers and believe that the spirits of their gods dwell in some of the most striking natural features of the land ; for example, in an unusually large tree, in a huge rock balanced on a small base, in a peculiarly shaped mound of earth, in an isolated cave, in a mountain top difficult of ascent, and the like. The gods or spirits are called diuata. The Subanu or his balian realizes that no man or woman on the earth can build these trees, the great rocks and the mountains, and believes they must therefore be the handiwork of the gods and the abode of their spirits. In the presence of these evidences of the great power of the gods, the Subanu finds his opportunity for communion with the diuata. At these places he prays to the spirits for good crops, freedom from disease, a safe journey, the recovery of a member of his family from disease or injury, for rain to break a protracted period of drought, and the like. He likewise argues that no person could make the sea and that therefore the spirit of one of the diuata must reside therein, and to that spirit he prays for a safe journey upon it. The spirits or diuata are beheved to possess the power of producing conception without human agency, and the progeny of such unions RELIGION. 33 become the most efficient balian; they may visit the sky to attend the g^eat assembUes (bichara) of the diuata, and upon earth they have power to raise the dead. Observances of a religious character, either informal or with the assistance of the balian, are frequent in all the affairs of life, the clearing of a new plantation, the building of a house, the hunting of the wild hog, the search for wild honey, the snaring of feathered game, the beginning of a journey by sea or by land, the harvesting of the crops. Such ceremonies are accompanied by offerings proportionate to the wealth of the worshiper. In general, all spirits (even such as are popularly considered benevolent) must be propitiated by food-offerings. These sacrifices comprise betel-nuts, tobacco and cigarettes and cigars, boiled eggs, cooked rice, young fowl, the meat of a young pig, and the burning of incense in the form of the resin of the nibung tree. Festivals {buklug) are held to propitiate the diuata or to celebrate some event in which an entire settlement is interested. The principal features of a buklug are religious ceremonies, feasting, drinking, dancing, and singing. The religious ceremonies are performed exclusively by the medicine men and the medicine woman, called balian or belian. The men rise to greater prominence and power in this profession than the women. Occasionally some strong-minded woman attains great power in a settlement. At a buklug the balian conduct their ceremonies independently of the other people, who never interfere with these professional duties and go about their feasting, drinking, and dancing as if their very lives depended upon getting the most out of all these enjoyments. The balian are entitled to receive fees for their services at buklugs and are usually paid in cotton cloth, tobacco, rice, or palay. The functions of a balian may be classified as those of a medium, direct intercourse with spirits, the conduct of sacrifices, and the healing of the sick. Prayers to the spirits or diuata are offered in the posture most convenient to the occasion, standing, sitting, or kneeling. The prayers may be chanted in a monotone, delivered by a silent motion of the lips or indicated by the bowed head. Adjoining the house of a balian is sometimes placed a small struc- ture resembUng a dove-cote, erected on a pole or stand, in which the spirits with which the balian is accustomed to commune are beheved to reside temporarily during such communion. In these spirit houses are placed articles of food for the refreshment of the spirits. Sometimes spirits are represented by rough wooden images and they may have attached to them, by wooden pegs or strands of split bejuco, representa- tions in carved wood of various weapons, such as barong and kampilan. It is supposed that the spirits may require weapons for self -protection. Wooden altars (small, rough tables or stands) are erected at various places, on the banks of streams and occasionally on the sea beach, 34 THE SUBANU. where communion is held with the spirits or diuata and where they may receive food. Every large collection of Subanu usually contains representatives of their halian or priestly fraternity. These wizards, both men and women, have mysterious association with the spirits or diuata and are beUeved to possess the power of discerning the cause of all forms of illness and of applying the proper remedies to effect satisfactory cures. If restoration to health is not effected through the intervention of a medicine man or a medicine woman, then the sins of the patient have been too great for the spirits or diuata to forgive, and the offerings made by the family and friends of the sufferer have proved too unimportant to merit more powerful intervention by the halian with the diuata. Failure to satisfy the demands of the gods as interpreted by the halian may lead to extreme measures on the part of the relatives and friends of the patient, especially if the illness can be connected with some affair of general importance to the Subanu people or to any settle- ment. Under such conditions greater offerings must be made if pos- sible and resort may be had to human sacrifices. That such sacrifices have been made in times past is acknowledged by trustworthy Subanu, although these people are averse to talking about their religious prac- tices. To their minds the subject is fraught with many portentous consequences. By unguarded words they might incur the enmity of some of the gods and then untold injury would come upon them per- sonally or upon some of their relatives and friends. Human sacrifice has been resorted to by the Bagobos (hill people) of eastern Mindanao and probably by other hill tribes in that great island. The last recorded case was reported on January 3, 1908, by the district governor of Davao (southern Mindanao), who states that the sacrifice was made by Bagobos at the rancheria of Talon near Digos on December 9, 1907. The following is extracted from the report : The headman Datu Ansig said that a sacrifice had been held and that both he and his people were ready to tell all about it, as to the best of their belief they had committed no crime, but only followed out a religious custom practiced by themselves and their ancestors from time immemorial. The Datu and his followers say that the Bagobos have several gods : Bacalad, god of the spirits ; Agpanmole Manobo, god of good, and his wife, the goddess Dewata; Mandarangan, the god of evil, to whom sacrifice is made in order to appease his wrath, which is shown by misfortune, years of drought, or of evil befalling the tribe or its members. Also, it is at times necessary to offer him human sacrifice so that he will allow the spirits of the deceased to rest. In case a Bagobo of rank or great influence dies and his widow is unable to secure another husband, it becomes necessary for her to offer sacrifice to appease the spirit of her departed husband in order that she may obtain another. To provide that these sacrifices be not made too frequently, it is custo- mary for the old men of the town to gather once each year, during the time when a collection of seven stars, three at right angles to the other four, are seen in the heavens to the east at seven o'clock in the evening, which is said to occur once each year, during the first part of December. This collection of RELIGION. 35 Stars is called by the Bagabos "Balatic" and is the sign of the sacrifice; that is, if a sacrifice is to occur it must take place during the period when the stars are in this position. The old men meet and decide if enough misfortime has overtaken the tribe or village during the period since the last sacrifice to render necessary another tribute to the god of evil. It is not necessary to offer a sacrifice for each evil, but when the misfortunes amount to considerable a sacrifice is held to cover the entire lot. In this case it appears that two widows, Addy and Obby, went to Datu Ansig and requested that he arrange a sacrifice to appease the spirits of their departed husbands, which were bothering them. Ansig called a meeting of the old men at which were present, besides himself, Bagobos Oling, Pandaya, and Ansing, and these four decided that, as they had not had a sacrifice since the great drought (about three years ago) , and that since that time many evils had befallen them, it would be well to offer a sacrifice. These four men sent out to find a slave for sacrifice, the finder becoming the chief of the sacrifice. Ongon, a henchman of Datu Ansig, purchased from Bagobo Ido a Bilan slave boy, named Sacum, about eight years old, and who was deaf and cross- eyed and had other defects of vision, making him of little or no value as a laborer. Ido originally received this slave from Duon, a Bilan, as a wedding present when he married Duon's daughter about a year ago. Ongon agreed to pay Ido five gongs for the boy and took him to the house of Ansig, where arrangements were made for the sacrifice by calling on all who for any reason had need to appease the evil spirits to come and take part. Three days after the slave was brought to the house of Ansig the people met at Talon near the river Inoli, a short distance from Ansig's house, this being the regular place of sacrifice. Leaving the house of Ansig, the boy, Sacum, was seated upon the ground near the place of sacrifice. He was naked, but no other preparation was made with regard to his person. Upon a platform or bench of bamboo about two feet high and a foot or two square was placed a small basket or receptacle made of the bark of the bonga tree; in this each person present and taking part in the sacrifice placed a piece of betel-nut; over this the men placed their head kerchiefs, and over them the women laid strips of the bark of the palma tree. Upon this the men laid their bolos, and spears were then stuck in the ground in a circle around the platform. Next Datu Ansig, as chief of the sacrifice, made an oration, which was about as follows: " Oh! Mandarangan, chief of evil spirits and all the other spirits, come to our feast and accept our sacrifice. Let this sacrifice appease your wrath and take from us our misfortunes, granting us better times." After this the boy, Sacum, was brought forward by Ongon, placed against a small tree about six feet high, his hands tied above his head and his body tied to the tree with bejuco strips at the waist and knees. Ansig then placed a spear at the child's right side at a point below the right arm and above the margin of the ribs. The lance was grasped by the widows, Addy and Obby, who at a signal from Ansig forced it through the child's body, it coming out at the other side. It was immediately withdrawn and the body cut in two at the waist by bolos in the hands of Modesto Barrero and Ola, after which the body was cut down and chopped into bits by the people present, each of whom was allowed to take a small portion as a memento of the occasion, the remainder of the body being buried in a hole prepared for it. Datu Ansig, a man about sixty years of age, says that in his life he has attended or officiated at fifty human sacrifices, more or less, both among the Bagobos and the Bilanes; and that human sacrifice is also a practice among 36 THE SUBANU. the Tagacolos, although he has never been present at one held by that tribe. The Bagobos sacrifice none but old and decrepit or useless slaves captured from other tribes, but the Bilanes sacrifice even their own people. Being asked if it was customary to eat any portion of the body sacrificed, Ansig said it was not customary, nor did he know of any case where such had occurred. The last sacrifice before this was held at Talon during the year of the drought (about 1905), when a Bilan slave, an old man who was paralyzed in one arm, was sacrificed by Datu Oling, his master. Asked if the sacrifice of an animal would not do as well as that of a human being, they said no, better to have no sacrifice at all. They appeared utterly unconscious of having committed any crime, told their story with frankness, said it was a matter not talked about among their own people ; but that if we wanted to know the facts they would give them to the authorities. They claimed the offering of human sacrifices by their tribe to be an old custom, and as far as they knew the only way to appease the wrath of the evil spirits, but said if ordered to give the custom up they would do so, even if the Devil got them all. Near the rancheria of Ley (Lai), in Sibugai Bay, the Subanu of that region possess a tradition concerning a great chief who frequently sought relief from physical exhaustion by the sacrifice of one of his slaves, whose blood and heart he consumed while these parts were still warm. A mound on a steep blufif overlooking the river at Ley is claimed to be the sepulcher of the famous and greatly feared Subanu chief. In the Philippine Journal of Science for 1908 the subject of human sacrifices in the Philippines is presented with a list of cases reported by the Spanish missionaries. The Subanu are very reticent about divulging any detailed infor- mation as to the occurrence of human sacrifices among their people. In the absence of a decided negative to a direct inquiry, it may be safely asserted that such practice was rather common among them before the American occupation, especially in the secluded mountain areas of the upper Dapitan and Malindang country. During the great buklug or religious festivals of the Subanu excite- ment runs high, and sometimes it is hard for the more conservative head- men to keep the younger element under control. Unscrupulous and vicious Moros and Filipinos take advantage of the extreme agitation attending these festivals, impose upon the credulous balian, debauch them with visions of exercising extraordinary power over their fellows, stir up unusual religious fervor through alleged spirit manifestations from the diuata, and appeal to the passions of the lowest members of the tribe for sordid gain. Under such circumstances the ignorant and credulous hill people are willing to desert their homes, abandon their crops and personal property, and give themselves over to the depraved control of their self-constituted leaders. The Jesuits first arrived in the Philippines in June, 1595, with Gov- ernor Don Antonio de Morga, and in the following year two of these missionaries entered the island of Mindanao with the ill-fated expedi- tion under the command of Captain Rodriguez de Figueroa. After his RELIGION. 37 death in 1596 at the hands of Moros, near the mouth of the Rio Grande River, in the Coto Bato Valley, the expedition, under its new com- mander, General Juan Ronquillo, retired to Caldora Bay, 10 miles west of Zamboanga, and constructed a presidio, which was garrisoned by 100 Spanish soldiers. Here the Jesuit missionaries, including Father Juan del Campo, assisted by Brother Gaspar Gomez, began work among the Subanu and the Lutaos (Samales). In 1 63 1 St. Francis Xavier began work among the Subanu near Dapitan. He was preceded in 1626 by Fathers Juan Lopez, Fabricio Sarsali, and Francisco de Otazo. In the year 1629 the missionary work in the Subanu country was placed in charge of the Bishop of Cebu, Fray Don Pedro de Arze. Missions were established by Father Pedro Gutierrez in 1631 and 1632 along the west coast of the peninsula, from Dapitan to Zamboanga. The permanent mission of Dapitan was estab- lished in 1 63 1 and Father Gutierrez was made the rector. The first Catholic priest to minister to the spiritual needs of the Subanu near Dapitan was Father Pasqual de Acuna in 1607. It is stated that he preached among these people with great success and bap- tized 200 of them. Missions were established by Fathers Lopez, Campo, and Gutierrez at Dipolog,Duhinog,Dicayo,Disakang,Sindangan,Mucas, TeUnga, Quipit, Siocong, Sibuku, La Caldera, Malandi, Baldasan, and Bocot, all situated on the coast. Later, Fathers Francisco Combes, Francisco Paliola, Pedro Tellez, and Adolfo de Pedrosa labored among the Subanu. Father PaUola was killed by the islanders in 1648 and Father Campo on January 7, 1650, at the Mission of Siocong (now written Siukun). The early missionaries suffered many hardships in trying to con- vert the Subanu to Christianity. They applied themselves with great courage and fidelity to the difficult task and succeeded in Uberating slaves, aiding the sick, diminishing barbarous practices, and bringing a few of the more tractable under the spiritual instruction of the church. Commendable effort was made to instruct the children in the art of reading and writing by using the pubHcations of the church. Solemn services were held for the dead, and the natives were taught to march in funeral processions and to carry with them candles, rice, and other offerings, as suffrages by the faithful for the peace and safety of the souls of the departed. From 1596 to 191 2 these missionary labors, both Catholic and Protestant, have penetrated from the coast but a few miles inland. The vast interior of the Subanu country has remained untouched by missionary effort. The writer in 1904 and 1905 traveled about 2,000 miles on foot through this country and found at Sianib, about 10 miles inland on the Dipolog River, a partially constructed building of poles and grass, which the Subanu informed him had been built at the behest of the Catholic priests at Dipolog and Dapitan. These Subanu made 38 THE SUBANU. early inquiry of the writer as to the attitude of the new government (American) relative to religious matters, and whether or not they must forego their native worship and take up some new doctrine. They were informed that the government of the United States made no attempt to control a man's conscience and that therefore all people under the new management were at liberty to hold any religious beUef they chose to follow; that any and all religious observances and doc- trines were to be permitted where and in what manner their advocates desired, provided such action did not contravene the law of the land. This announcement was greeted with smiles, gesticulations of joy, and much excited conversation among the men and women. The meeting was held in the incompleted church building, and the Subanu were advised to finish the structure and that it could be used for reHgious and secular instruction. But on the occasion of the writer's next visit, some weeks later, it was found that the building had been destroyed by fire, whether accidental or not was never fully ascertained. At the present time CathoUc mission work among the Subanu has practically ceased. The American government has accompHshed practically nothing in the way of extending the pubhc school system to the Subanu. This has been due in part to lack of pubhc funds and in part to the extreme isolation of the people. The Catholic missionaries at Dapitan and Dipolog, on the west coast of the Subanu country, still maintain paro- chial schools at the rancherias of Toocan, Matam, Barcelona, Langa- tian, Dohinob, Ilaya, and Polanco, and on the north coast at Sauang, L-ibay, and Baliangao. The missionaries on the east coast at Langaran, Oroquieta, and Misamis maintain parochial schools for the Christian Filipinos, but the Subanu children do not attend, largely because it is impracticable for them to make the long journey from the hills to the coast, and, finally, the question of association with a race of heathen regarded as inferior would introduce serious elements of discord. In those schools referred to as being established on the north and west coasts the attendance is restricted to children whose parents are mem- bers in good standing of the Catholic church. All the towns mentioned are within 3 miles of the coast. The Subanu are hill people, usually residing much further inland and in any event debarred from the parochial schools because of religious disquali- fication, and prevented from entering the government free pubhc schools because such schools are confined to the largest Christian towns and are out of reach and still more out of sympathy with Pagan surroundings and customs. BURIAL CUSTOMS. Where death results from ordinary causes the body is usually buried in a grove of trees which serves as a cemetery for several families. During epidemics of smallpox and cholera the bodies are frequently MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. 39 left in the abandoned houses and may be consumed by the hordes of starveling dogs and cats that always infest Subanu settlements. The balian, man or woman, is called in to minister to the sick, and entire reliance is placed upon his judgment in the employment of herbs and prayers to drive away the evil spirits which are believed to produce the illness. Medicine and religion are so closely allied in daily life that the herbs used in medication are considered quite ineffective unless administered by the balian. If the deceased is a male adult the women of his family engage in wild lamentations while others prepare the body for burial. The body may be encased in a wooden receptacle hollowed out from a tree, or wrapped up in mats securely bound about with strips of bejuco or bamboo. The graves are marked by carved pieces of wood and deco- rated by a varied arrangement of stones and shells. Bodies are some- times placed for burial in natural caves where available, and in the hollow trunks of large trees. When corpses are interred the pits are always shallow, for they must be scooped out with knives and the hands. Therefore the graves are often dug open by wild hogs and dogs and the bodies devoured. To avoid such unearthing the dead from isolated families are buried near the house and sometimes under the house, especially in the case of children. In some cases shelters are erected over the graves and the spot is inclosed with a fence of split bamboo or of poles. During epidemics the dead are sometimes cast into the rivers and the sea in order to destroy, if possible, the cause of the contagion. The Subanu do not practise cremation in disposing of the dead. They have a horror of thus disposing of a body and fear the condemnation which may follow from the spirits or diuaia. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. Subanu women usually marry upon arriving at the age of puberty (about 13 years), while young men are often restricted beyond the age of puberty by the necessity of providing for the dowry, which must be paid to the father of the bride before she can engage in the marriage ceremony. The Subanu do not know their ages, as no record of the date of birth is ever kept and they are unable to read or write. They appre- ciate the succession of day and night and count a period of days by tying knots in a string of split bejuco, each knot representing a day of light and a day of darkness. In some instances a separate knot is made for each. Marriage among the Subanu is brought about through the efforts of relatives of the young people, especially the parents. The fathers, as absolute heads of their families, control the disposition of the brides. They fix the marriage portion and determine the time of payment, 40 THE SUBANU. together with the character and value of the articles composing it. They may consist of rice, palay, cloth, Chinese jars, articles of brass, weapons, gongs, and domestic animals. Maidens bring a better price than widows or divorced women. ^ ' The father of the bride may condition his acceptance upon a period .^f personal service by the young man in the bride's family, the length of such service to be fixed by the father of the young woman, subject to modification through conferences between the two famiUes. A plurality of wives is permissible but not common, mostly for want of sufiicient means for the marriage portion and to pay for the ceremony and the usual feast provided for relatives and friends. Other restrictions upon marriage arise from the observances of consanguinity and affinity. Kinship nearer than first cousins constitutes a bar and usually this degree of relationship is prohibitive. Step-relationship is usually a bar to marriage, although marriages between step-daughters and own sons of the same family are sometimes permitted. A man may marry more than one daughter from the same family, and cases are known of his also marrying the mother of the daughters. A more extraordinary feature of the Subanu marriage customs is exhibited where a man marries his mother-in-law who is divorced or widowed, even while the daughter is hving as his wife. These exhibi- tions of variations from the normal customs of the people are controlled by personal or family considerations, present at the time, and are not generally followed or approved of. Violation of the marriage laws is punishable by fines paid to the timuai or headman of each Subanu settlement, and these laws are quite rigidly enforced through pubHc sentiment and good faith. Neither a pregnant woman nor her husband will go down the house steps and turn back before reaching the ground. A pregnant woman must not remove a pot from the fire and then put it on again. Neither a pregnant woman nor her husband may tie anything about the neck before the birth of the child. Pregnant women are enjoined by the balian from covering their breasts during pregnancy. If during preg- nancy the husband ties or binds up things in the house where his wife remains, such action may result in fastening the child to the mother and destroy its life. Some few days before the birth of the child the father must refrain from all excitement in order not to attract the attention of evil spirits. Any difficulty attending birth is ascribed to the intervention of evil spirits. A short time before the birth of the child the mother is placed in a little house by herself; this house is called gosina and is temporarily erected for the purpose. After child- birth the mother submits to a baking process by lying close to a hot fire, exposing alternately the stomach and the buttocks, until the womb is said to dry up and there is no more discharge. Diuing the pains of MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. 41 childbirth the midwife presses hard upon the chest and stomach of the mother, with her hands and sometimes her knees, to prevent the child escaping from the mouth of the mother. In the event of a very diffi- cult childbirth a balian is called in to determine what particular spirit or diuata is angry or annoyed by the approaching birth and how such spirit may be appeased. Christie records the note that in punishment of incest the culprit is set in a wicker cage with his hands tied and thrown into a stream. This note of an isolated fact is valuable but obscure. We comprehend it only through recognition of the same manner of punishment for marriage within the forbidden degrees practised by the Kayan of North Borneo, also a fluviatile people. The Kayan inflict this death penalty without spilling blood in order to avoid the necessity of paying the blood atonement. Our notes lack detail upon this point among the Subanu, but the occurrence in the vocabulary of hangon in the sense of blood money shows the custom to be operative here also. As the father is the absolute ruler of his family, so he may put away his wife by divorce for good and sufficient cause, in accordance with the customary law. The headman sits in judgment upon the application for divorce, which may be made by either party. Violations of the law and con- tumacy in respect of the decision of the headman are punished by fine. Public sentiment is against divorce, especially if there are children. The usual causes for divorce are steriUty, adultery, desertion, and incompatibiUty of temper. The dowry can not be recovered unless the woman secures the divorce. Under the general designation liingan are grouped certain customs which are the rule of Hfe for widows and widowers. After the death of husband or wife the surviving partner must wear plain clothing of white or black, must refrain from all dances and other festivities, avoid the transaction of all business, and generally keep as far as possible within the seclusion of the house. An unkempt appearance is the out- ward and visible sign of grief, at least of mourning, and to attain this lugubrious appearance the reUct must take no baths and wash no clothes. The period of this mourning is set by the performance of the two funerary celebrations, the buklug timala and the btiklug puluntu. THE SUBANU Studies of a Sub Visa yan Mountain Folk OF Mindanao Part II. Discussion of the Linguistic Material By WILLIAM CHURCHILL Honorary Member of the Polynesian Society, Corresponding Member of the Haivaiian Historical Society, Member of the American Philological Association, Felloav of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland CHAPTER I. PITFALLS OF THE VOCABULIST. The material upon which has been based this study of the Subanu speech was collected partly by Colonel Finley himself during the active and somewhat militant years of his term as governor of Zamboanga and partly at his order and under his direction by such assistants as he could spare from the exacting details of his administration. The exten- sion of the American system to dominions oversea, the adjustment of American polity to the at present unassimilable and non-homogeneous peoples of a distinctly lower culture plane, the inopine and lightly assumed administration of an empire through the machinery of a loqua- cious democracy — all these things at the beginning of but their second decade are yet so new that our people who stay at home in ease have no slightest conception of the character and the mass of administrative details which are laid upon our new proconsulars. It so happens that I know, because it has been given to me to pass through the experience. Designated to the administration of one of the weak kingdoms of the Pacific, primus inter pares in a board of three consulars, each of whom had the absolute right of veto, sworn to admin- ister the Berlin General Act, which was fatally defective from the very beginning, I have known the trials of ruling the kingdom of Samoa. It has fallen to my lot to face the hostile front of war with no greater show of force than the American ensign hoisted aboard a 21 -foot rowboat, where my British and German colleagues could back their authority with steel cruisers. I know through experience the hours and days of talk, the tangle of plot and counterplot, the reams of paper covered with reports never to be comprehended in Washington, time working into overtime just to keep the peace. I can sympathize with the effort which it has cost my collaborator, the sacrifice which it has meant to him of rest and relaxation, to compile this material which he has put into my hands for study. Better than others, I can count the cost of such work as this, done under trying military and civil conditions, work in a field which lies wholly outside his professional duty. Therefore I, at least, know that such material must be approached with sympathy as well as reverence. It is only after full and cordial conference with him upon the subject that I venture upon the criticism of the material. I found my collaborator anxious that the data should be discussed solely upon their own showing and without consideration of the circum- stances under which they had been collected. When I pointed out to him that other vocabulists had been confronted with the same unrecog- nized difficulties, I found him not only willing but enthusiastic that, in 45 46 THE SUBANU. connection with the critical discussion of his material, I should write a further note upon the general theme of the pitfalls which beset the first vocabulist when he essays the task of collecting the words of a speech hitherto unrecorded. So far as I have been able to discover, this is a chapter of practical psychology which has never been written. As it must serve as an apology for some of Colonel Finley's work in the field, so must it serve quite as much for errors into which later students of this material, now for the first time presented, will discover that I have fallen, and with less excuse, since my work has been prose- cuted with assistance of library facilities and in conditions which better make for effective research. These data have been presented for my study in three parcels, each of which has entailed a somewhat different method of examination. 1. The text of Colonel Finley's geographical and ethnographical account of the Subanu, which forms Part I of this work. In this I have had to do no more than glean the vocables incidentally occurring in the narrative and to check them into their proper places in the vocab- ularies already compiled from the two parcels next to be mentioned. 2. A collection of Subanu words with their English translations, written with the pen and covering 27 foolscap folios. This record is of the first order, for it is an original record and presents the words just as they impressed Colonel Finley's ear when he collected them from his Subanu informants. In several particulars the spelling differs con- siderably from that which obtains in the third item and which I have, for reasons later to be noted, adopted as the preliminary standard. Where this manuscript duplicates an entry in the other record I have harmonized the spelling; in all other cases, because of the great value which the original record will have for phonetic study, I have refrained from altering the spelling. From this source the alphabet acquires the letter k, which sound in the other source is uniformly represented by C (qu before e and i) . Similarly this collection of words employs g before e and i where the other collection, following the usage of written Visa- yan (in which the Spanish influence of the friars is manifest), employs gu. These points will be more fully discussed in the chapter on Subanu phonetics; they are mentioned here solely as characterizing this material. This manuscript is not continuous ; several periods of activity are indicated. a. The first 148 entries are words and phrases collected at random, measures of capacity, names of gods and heroes, a wealth of ethno- graphic material which has been transferred to appropriate places in Part I, where it more properly belongs than in the vocabulary. h. This section is based upon a number of English words arranged in alphabetical order with Subanu entries, amounting to 380 items; the strict alphabetization is interrupted after the word egg by the interpola- tion of 48 items of numeration. This is found to be a standardization PITFALLS OF THE VOCABULIST. 47 of Christie's vocabulary of the Sindangan river mouth with many additions. c. Without mark of division begins a second Enghsh alphabetiza- tion of common vocables amounting to 206 items. This is based on Christie's vocabulary of Nueva Reus. d. In the same abrupt fashion begins yet a third English alpha- betization amounting to 88 items. e. A brief supplement of 1 1 entries without order. The sum of the items contained in this material is 881 . 3. A collection of Subanu words typed on 28 folios closely spaced. Each folio has four columns, respectively Subanu, Visayan, Spanish, and English. This collection also exhibits two efforts. a. The earlier 8 folios are words and phrases chosen at random, 301 word items, 47 phrases ranging in relative utility from "give me a drink" to the ultimate theology of "good and wicked people will be well distinguished on the day of judgment." b. Beginning at the top of the ninth folio the material is alpha- betized by the Spanish column of equivalents. This alphabetization goes only as far as the Spanish initial m and but briefly into that section, for the last entry is under malgastar. In each initial the colla- tion has been done very lazily. For example, the entries under a cease at actwitdar, 65 entries in all. Turning next to b, the compiler has entered 43 items, under c 44, under d 46, under e 67, under f 39, under g 43, under h 44, under i 86, under j 22, under 1 47, under m 24. The sum of this section is 570 entries and the sum of the whole collection is 918 items. Including the sum of the manuscript material with that which has been typed, we have 1,799 items, many of the items contain- ing four or more Subanu vocables. It is this third group of Subanu material which makes it pertinent to give here some detailed attention to the pitfalls which lie in wait for the unwary and the untrained vocabulist. These pitfalls are many and well hidden; it is not until a language has become well studied that its terrain becomes free of such dangers, and even then it is but a small group of the persons born to any speech who may be trusted to employ it without risk to themselves and to their hearers. Far worse, then, is the plight of the one who, without a safe guide, endeavors to thread the way of reason through an ill-comprehended speech. Here we must take under consideration the problem of what trans- lation really is. Is it sufficient to take this or any sentence, to seek in the French, the German, the Ural-Altaic dictionary, as you will, the recorded equivalent of each word in turn? Have we done all when we have associated these equivalent vocables in accordance with the syntax of the language into which we are supposably translating? Who eats cherries? It will make a large Teutonic difference whether one translates wer isst or wer frisst. 48 THE SUBANU. Thus we see that there is something more than mere extraction from a dictionary and the appUcation of rules of grammar. The essence of translation is the portage from one mind to another of a certain defi- nite idea ; the form of words is but the least of the agency to be employed. The schoolboy construes CcBsar venit in Galliam summa diligentia beau- tifully, as coming to France on top of a diligence, and is sure that he has rendered unto Caesar as by law required. So long as mere words out- rank sense we may all do much the same thing; if only the words be sufiiciently sonorous we call it oratory. With pains, with the skill which comes from use, we may succeed in expressing our thoughts in alien speech with certainty, provided we have the same sort of thought as that which our hearer possesses. It is the portage of the thought which alone can be called translation. But sup- pose the hearer has no such thought as ours ; suppose his mind is wholly incapable of such thought. Suppose he be one of our own rude folk or one of a folk all rude. In that case what does translation become? On the path toward the lower culture planes with which we shall be engaged in these studies I may cite an instance in which defective trans- lation led to war with its train of death. After years of distress in Samoa, three great nations undertook to bring the blessings of peace, and the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, of the United States, and of Germany met in Berlin. After long deliberation, indeed after many really generous sacrifices of national ambitions which each nation con- tributed in the hope of peace, there was formulated a constituent treaty known as the Berlin General Act. In this document it was provided that Malietoa Laupepa should be king of Samoa. The plenipotentiaries understood the word, king, k"nig; there could be no manner of doubt, even the American member had some recollection of George III, quite sufficient to fix and define the idea to his comprehension. Then came the translation whereby this great document should be made effective for the waiting Samoans. In this one point the plenipotentiaries had not compared their faculties ; they had not thought to examine whether they had the faculty of translation. To put the accepted text into Samoan words was not difficult ; the English masters of the island tongue declared that English king is Samoan tupu; the Germans who had equal facility with that tongue agreed that German konig is Samoan tupu. Thus, then, it came into Samoan ; peace was to rule at the behest of the great powers of the earth and Malietoa Laupepa was to be Samoa's tupu. The word had been translated, the thought had failed of portage. The brown islander under his palms had no memory of Georgius Tertius to help him to comprehension. At times I was almost moved to salute that quiet and lovable man Laupepa in the phrase "O king, live for- ever," for I knew the trouble which had been provided for the succes- sion. But his own tupu trouble came to harass his days while yet he sat upon the throne. For the Samoan tupu is he who rules over all PITFALLS OF the: VOCABULIST. 49 Samoa; first must come the right to rule, then follows the title. The right inheres in the possession of four names of might conferred after a rather compHcated system based on traditional custom which in another connection I shall have to present at length. Here it suffices briefly to say that one petty village community has the right to confer — and to withdraw — the name of Tui-Atua and with it the right to rule the district of Atua and its family dependencies; another has the right to confer the name of Tui-'A'ana, yet others the names of Tamasoali'i and Natoaitele respectively. In each case the right to withdraw accompa- nies the right to confer. Who holds all four names is the ruler of all Samoa, its tupu, for the period of possession of the four names as much a king as the Samoans can imagine, but always subject to inopportune subtraction. And because the high plenipotentiaries translated their king and konig with all the connotation of right divine and constitu- tional checks into this temporary and amorphous tupu of the South Sea, Samoa knew no peace; first one and then another of the royal names was retracted and war followed. We may find the same sort of thing much nearer home. Popularly it is supposed that we speak the same language in America and in parts of Great Britain; when hands are across the sea we try to glow with after-dinner satisfaction that our mother tongue is our common heri- tage. But when it comes to the usufruct we are not without evidence that need exists for true translation. From John S. Farmer's Ameri- canisms, Old and New I extract this instance : Jag. A slang term for an umbrella, possibly from the article being so constantly carried. He came in very late (after an unsuccessful effort to unlock the front door with his umbrella) through an unfastened coal hole in the sidewalk. Coming to himself toward dayUght, he found himself — spring overcoat, silk hat, jag and all — stretched out in the bath tub. — Albany Journal, 1888. Yet another and later recorder, J. Redding Ware, in Passing Eng- lish of the Victorian Era, clearly stands without the interpreter's house: Yaller dog (American). Yellow is the tint of most dogs in America; hence it is the most searching term of ordinary contempt. If there can be such pitfalls in a speech supposedly common, think what must be awaiting the men who make the first record of newly dis- covered tongues. One such error has become classic in all the lan- guages of civilization; its error has almost faded from memory; our most recent authorities now essay to believe that it was no error at all. When Captain Cook discovered the coast of Australia at the spot where now stands a thriving city bearing his name, his naturalist, later to become the great Sir Joseph Banks of the Royal Society, was at once attracted by the great marsupials hopping over the landscape. The conditions were ideal for error. Just that day discovered, the aborigi- nes knew no English, Banks had not a word of the Australian speech, 50 THE SUBANU. the means of intercommunication were wholly blocked. Yet still the marsupials hopped hke giant grasshoppers, a sight to attract any- naturalist with the prospect of annexing to the name of the animal nov. gen. et nov. sp. But first to know the name. One may readily imagine the naturaHst inquiring in some manner of broken English, for Beach- la-Mar was not for a generation to be invented, "and now, my dear man, what may be the name of that most extraordinary animal ?" To which the answer Ka anguru. And by others confirmed on repeated ques- tioning, Ka anguru. Thence comes into our languages kangaroo. It is only long afterward, when men have settled the Australian wild and some knowledge of the speech is acquired, that it is learned that the answer was no name at all, but simply "I do not understand." Very similar to the instance of the kangaroo is an item in the Subanu material which I have been elaborating. In one of the manu- scripts which have come to me (3-6) is the entry : bicho a small grub or insect mananap nong mica daay ngalan. It is only when the language is worked out that we find even this scanty vocabulary quite sufficient to show us that the Subanu words mean only "animal without a name." Elsewhere in my studies upon the primitive languages of the Pacific {The Polynesian Wanderings, page 365, and with greater fulness in Easter Island, page 166), I have remarked upon another pitfall of the vocabulary. This was the case of the acquisition of the numerals by means of the finger count. It was shown that (by reason of the fact that we are in the habit of counting the fingers which we stick up to view and that several savage races count the fingers which are flexed upon the palm) it has more than once happened that early collectors of speech have inverted the order of the first four numerals and have reg- istered the further note that the savages under their examination were found unable to count as high as five. Here, too, belongs the story of the Island of Yesindeed. Three names of European shipmen are associated with the discovery of Samoa. The first was Roggeveen, who happened upon the group in 1722 and conferred upon 'Upolu a name out of the United Netherlands. Second came Bougainville in 1768 and designated the archipelago the lies des Navigateurs. In 1 787, La Perouse entered the group from the eastward and found no difficulty in obtaining the name of Manu'a. When he reached Tutuila he was misled by the name Maunga, which is titular for the chief of Pagopago, or else by the same word used as a common noun to designate a mountain, for he charted the island as Maouna. Stretch- ing westward across the strait which now parts German from American Samoa, he named 'Upolu Oyolava, a name which has not entirely dis- appeared from the charts and which commonly persists on the larger globes, cartographic material less frequently subject to revision. We PITFALLS OF THE VOCABULIST. 51 can readily reconstruct in imagination the question which La Perouse put to his Samoan informant from whom he derived what he took to be the name of the island. Less readily can we reconstruct what the polite and always suave Samoan thought that the Frenchman was ask- ing him, but it is quite clear that even though he did not understand the French the Samoan was filled with sufficient bonhomie to reply ioe lava. Down it went into the navigator's notebook as the name of the land. We who understand the Samoan smile at the incident, for ioe lava means "yes, indeed." Such considerations as these, and I have but skimmed the surface of a most interesting chapter of practical philology, should make it quite clear that it is the part of wisdom to approach the original record of a newly discovered speech with fear and trembling. Into my hands have been placed the field notes of discovery ; their immense value must be recognized, but in their original state they are immense in the sense in which the Romans used the term, great but lacking order. With an eye for the pitfalls I have sought to clear the path whereupon others may safely tread. Many errors have I rectified; that many more still remain is undoubted. It is sufficient satisfaction for the present to feel that the beginning has been made, that a convenient handbook may be offered to those whose duty may engage them in this field. Thus will the errors be cor- rected and additions will surely accrue for the improvement of our knowledge. Best of all, this small vocabulary will serve the end of social betterment and help to a poor folk who from their own kind have met with nothing but rapine and toward whom we have assumed a duty of protection for the present until they may be raised to the point where they may accept the good we offer them. It has proved of interest to work out the perturbation factors which affect the Subanu source designated as 3 in the foregoing account. From my collaborator I learn that the work was done by two collectors. The former list (3-a) was collected through a partially tamed Subanu who had a knowledge of Visayan, a bilingual assistant. With this information it is possible to follow out his method. Against such Subanu words as he saw fit to record he set the Visayan equivalent. In further development by another hand it was possible from the Visayan vocable to pass to the Spanish and thence eventually to the English, The collector of the larger part of this material is described by Colonel Finley as a rather bright Visayan who was employed as a mu- chacho by one of the Spanish mission priests. He was trilingual; in addition to his proper Visayan he comprehended the Subanu in one direction and to a certain extent the Spanish in the other. Here enters yet another factor, one which has been of great assistance to me in making determinations whereby I might correct the errors of the original text. This is the Visayan dictionary of Fray Juan FeUx, a really com- 52 THE SUBANU. mendable piece of lexicography to have been accompUshed by one quite ignorant of the science of language. The edition which has been placed at my service by the Librarian of Congress is entitled: "Diccionario Bisaya-Espanol (Espafiol-Bisaya) compuesto por el R. P. Fr. Juan FeUx de la Encamacion . . . tercera edicion aumentada con mas de tres mil voces por el R. P. Fr. Jose Sanchez; Manila, 1885." The Visayan vocabulary contains some 12,000 items. In my earlier characterization of this section of the material, I pointed out that the collector had based his work upon a Spanish word- list which he had followed somewhat irregularly. Upon my first inspec- tion of the Visayan dictionary I discovered that the muchacho had saved himself much trouble by following the Spanish- Visayan of Fray Juan Felix. This suspicion was fully confirmed when I made the discovery that his following had been so uninspired that he had followed even the typographical errors. The only difference noted is that he seems to have used a dialectic form of the Visayan slightly variant (particularly in the use of the vowels a and u) from the standard of the dictionary. This is matter of less moment when we find that the reverend lexi- cographer is not consistent with himself, that many words in the Spanish- Visayan vary, not only in vowels but in consonants as well, from the forms recorded in Visayan-Spanish. The original entries seem to have been written by hand with pen or pencil, for there appears a constant perturbation factor of imperfectly legible chirography. This has produced a most irregular treatment of the composition members; at times they are united with the stems to which they apply, at other times they stand apart, in the end it is by no means certain that this type of error has been wholly corrected. In like manner such independent members of the sentence as conjunctions are found joined with more important vocables ; where the equivalent in Visayan has not been discovered it has proved impossible to assort these to their proper places. With considerable experience of the haste and the bad pen of unready writers, I find that I have visualized a chir- ography for this stage of the notes and have had to exercise my wits in detecting error attributable to bad writing. As a single instance from many I cite the entry "patoel, brother." When the Visayan gives us patod we may readily see that we are not dealing with an anomalous mutation, but that a loosely penned d has been misread el by the transcriber. The material reached its second stage when the written notes were transcribed upon the typewriter by some clerical assistant. We assume that he was quite ignorant of Subanu, scantily acquainted with the Visayan, and imperfectly acquainted with Spanish, as is the wont of the enHsted man on foreign service. At this stage was added the fourth column of text ; against the triple entry of Subanu-Visayan-Spanish is now set the English equivalent. Here again I have had the fortune to PITFALLS OF THE VOCABULIST. 53 identify the manual in use, Appleton's Spanish dictionary of 1872, Seoane's Neuman and Barretti by Velazquez. In adjusting this mate- rial to the growing vocabulary the clerk has followed consistently an easily identifiable method. In all cases where Seoane renders a Spanish word by two English words the clerk has used the former. The result is odd, but easily corrigible when we hold his manual. Of this class of error I cite the definition of gocsip through Spanish Jalca by the former of Seoane's renderings "washboard;" of course the washboard is yet a distant culture plane above the laundry requirements of these savages, and apart from this a priori reasoning the Visayan homologue sipsip enables us to discover, with the assistance of Fray Juan Felix, that the object is really a wedge. In this stage of the text appears yet another perturbation factor, the errors of the typewriter. Here a revising hand has made with the pen such corrections as seemed necessary. I instance the definition of meaon through Visayan mayahon and Spanish enano "dwarfish" by the typed word Awarfish; here the corrector, recognizing that there was no such word, has drawn his pen to part the initial A from warfish and has added the explicative note "fighting fish." It was no more than a slip of the finger, the a key was hit when reaching for d. I have corrected all such errors as the use of the method of com- parative study has shown me. I can not feel sure that I have cleared the text of all error, that would be too much to expect ; but I have per- formed the task of emendation with the utmost sympathy, for I have had abundant experience of the difiiculty which attends the student of a new-found speech. CHAPTER II. SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. The alphabetical system employed in this work is neither consistent nor particularly to be commended. Its variety has indeed arisen in the variety of the sources from which the vocabulary has been derived and is conditioned by the various influences which have afifected the col- lectors. It would be far preferable to present the results in some more acceptable alphabet ; in view of the fact that print has either not at all as yet, or only very slightly, reached these Pagan tribes of Mindanao, it would have been well to employ the scientific alphabet. But in these studies, conducted at a distance, it has been found impracticable to make any change in the field notes as provided. We are grateful to Cadmus for the gift of letters, but gratitude toward a figure dimly seen in the dawn of culture can not blot out the sense of the unfitness of these things which must come over us in the attempt to represent new languages by the alphabetic system of our own. Letters are indeed a great gift; without them it is hard to con- ceive of civiUzation making headway. Cadmus wedded Harmony, but the inheritance comes not from the distaff side, rather the seed of the dragon's teeth with strife — and spelling. Scant wonder is it that the marks, whatever they may have been, which Bellerophon bore were described as ar^iiaza hjypd. Indeed it is a dismal task to seek to apply the six and twenty signs of our alphabet to the needs of a foreign speech, to employ but two dozen (bakers' tale) symbols in representing to the eye a series of sounds which fall but little short of four score. In this work upon which we are entering we shall have to recognize that we can have no more than an approximation. Recorded in the Roman alphabet with no suggestion of diacritical marks the words in this vocabulary must be regarded as but sketches, not working plans drawn to scale; the whole topic of pronunciation, directions whereby this material might be placed to speech use, must necessarily be omitted. The influences affecting the collectors of this Subanu material vary in terms of European speech. All that part of the field notes which is in Colonel Finley's manuscript is naturally reduced to conformity with the usage of the English alphabet, and doubtfully placed sounds are reproduced by the proximate English sound most familiar upon an American ear. It is thus that we owe to this influence the employment of k in some few vocables where the other collectors employ C, and qu before e and i. 55 56 THE SUBANU. That somewhat larger part of the vocabulary which rests upon the efforts, such as they are, of the Subanu informant and the Visayan muchacho has been brought into conformity with written Visayan. That speech was reduced to writing by Spanish missionaries ; therefore in the dictionary of Fray Juan Felix we find the custom of the Spanish alphabet. It is unfortunate that we miss the opportunity to correct the variety and to present this newly recorded speech in better guise. Yet it is really less to be regretted, for in the ordering of this wild community it is likely that for a long time to come intercourse with the shy moun- taineers will most commonly be conducted through Hispanized Visayan intermediaries. The following notes upon the phonetics of the Subanu are supplied by my collaborator and are presented without change, for their impor- tance is that they are a record at first hand : The vowels have generally the Continental value. The doublet oo corresponds to Visayan U. The value of y is always consonantal. The c is always hard. The g is always hard. a has the broad sound as in mar. The frequent termination aan is a dissyllable. aay is a syllable and diphthong. gu is used before e and i to preserve the hard sound of g as in Spanish. o is sounded as in move. gua as in guano. au as ou in house. ao as ow in how. ay has the diphthongal sound of i in pine. With these notes from the field to guide us and with the assistance of the vocabulary it is practicable to construct the alphabetic scheme of Subanu as shown upon the following table : qu before e and i has the value of k as in Spanish. ng has the sound of ng in singer. fig has the doublet (ngg) sound of «g in finger. ua has the value of wa in water. h as in English. The vowels e and i are difficult to distinguish in Subanu pronunciation. Sometimes the same difficulty is experienced with the vowels o and u. These four vowels are not always used in the same manner by the same speaker at different times. gh and kh are harsh guttural sounds some- times heard in Subanu speech; the sounds are not found in English. y r,l w semivowels ng n m nasals h aspiration sonant — surd — s 1 J > sibilant sonant gh siu-d kh "~" — 1 —J > spirant sonant g surd k d t b1 PJ • mute palatal lingual labi al series series serie -S. I fiind that this is the 107th time I have published the alphabetic diagram for languages of my study. Out of this frequency of use has grown famiUarity and fulness of comprehension. I regard the diagram as far more than a convenience in the presentation of the alphabetic scheme of any speech; to me it is a language picture by which it is SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 57 possible to trace the family resemblance of a language and from the resemblance to recognize its affiUation. We shall now advance to the interpretation of this picture of the Subanu. The vowel uncertainty will recur in the last chapter, where we shall have occasion to discuss its critical value in the solution of the major problem which we develop in these studies. The outhne of the consonant supply upon this diagram surely has a deep linguistic signification — one, we feel confident, not beyond our powers of interpreting. A lineal presentation of the consonant element of the foregoing tabulation would consist of a square lacking its east side. The upper and the lower bounding lines would be indicated by heavier lines as showing that along those lines there is a double supply of material; the west boundary would be lighter, yet distinct and almost complete. Within the area of the square would be set a dot to represent that a single effort has been made to fill up the vacancy. Before we dismiss the Subanu we shall find that the simplicity of such a graphic method as this will faciUtate the comparison with other languages and speech famihes which exhibit diagrams of different construction. These forms are not without meaning in the history of speech development; they call for study along that line of examination. It will be granted that the use of the vowel possibility is a common possession of the higher orders of animal life; for convenience we may regard it as colimital with vertebrate life. By vowel possibiUty we designate such arrangement of an air-sack and resonating chamber as will admit of the formation of sounds which may be noise when pro- duced without sentient direction and which may become musical tones when formed by more or less purposeful attention to the method of pro- duction. The vowels, open-throated sounds, are the product of vibra- tion within an unstopped column of air. They vary according as one position or another within the air-column is selected as the point of pro- duction ; they vary in quality according as these soft-walled resonating columns differ in texture. But the vowel possibility man has because he has the acoustic equipment of the air-breathing vertebrate. That he has it in higher degree and under more perfect control of modulation we may ascribe to epochal development of the possibility through exer- cise in purposeful employment, the epochs being marked along the biologic side, of which the possibilities may readily be seen to be limit- less, by evolution into new species and genera. Whereas the vowel is of the type of vibration in an open air-pipe, the consonant is dependent wholly upon the employment of stops and closures in the pipe which contains the vibrant column of air, and in certain of its features it depends upon the added fact that the vibrant air is likewise in motion of progression outward and therefore exerts a 58 THE SUBANU. certain pressure upon the point of stoppage. Consonant possibility is a late acquisition in the course of vertebrate history. We are in a posi- tion to say positively that it is limited to the primates. An effort is making to establish the possession of at least the beginning of consonant possibility in certain of the apes. Just in passing, entering the note of recognition that this question is yet sub jiidice, we may properly say that the power to make the closures of the vocal organism whence con- sonants come into speech is the peculiar possession of the present type of man. The qualification is forced upon us by the recent discovery of human remains in England, to which has been given the name Eoan- thropos, for if we may rely upon the collation of skull fragments upon which the genus has been erected we find abundant anatomical reason to believe that this was man who was speechless. It is an early postulate that speech makes the man. He who has the form and stature of a man but speaks not, he is an idiot and he gibbers. He who is but the beginning of a man and can not yet speak, he is an infant, infans because he can not speak, vi^mo^ since he has no words, the vr^rua rsKva of Homer come to mind. It is only in the Semitic system that out of the mouths of babes and sucklings is strength established, and that is the imagery of revelation rather than the keen sense of primal observation. This is not merely a postulate of the classical tongues of our own high race. I find it in the use of an African folk with scarcely more than an entering foot over the threshold of human culture, as we may read in EHenberger's History of the Basuto, ancient and modern'' at page XXI. Bantu is the plural of Muntu, the Kaffir and Zulu word for a human being. The equivalent in Sesuto is motho with the letter h to accentuate the intonation. But the word muntu or rtiotho means more than that: it indicates the power of speech as well, a speaking being as distinct from monkeys or baboons, who have something like a human shape but can not speak. A child before it has learned to speak is ngoana, that is, a little being; mo, the prefix denoting being, being changed into ngo for the sake of euphony; and the diminutive suffix ana. But as soon as the child has learned to speak, the tho, denoting speech, is placed between prefix and suffix, and the little being becomes mothoana, a little being which can talk. Here we have two instances : one is derived from the childish estate of a culture which has come to high maturity, the other is drawn from a low culture plane where man is all child; the two are in accord. Who speaks, he is man. Nor is the possession of the consonants evenly divided among man- kind. There are races which have but a few of the speech consonants in possession. There are races, and in this category we are numbered, which have through disuse lost the power of forming certain consonants which once were in possession. We shall soon have to examine the con- SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 59 sonant scale of the Subanu in order to see where they He in relation to neighboring speech-families. Because of the structure of the vocal organs we shall follow a natu- ral method of study of this consonant diagram if in certain areas we deal with its horizontal members, in other areas if we direct the attention more particularly upon its vertical columns. At three distinct points near the outer end of the vibrant column of air we possess organs whereby closures may be made and from these closures consonants may be produced. These are the palate in the rear of the mouth-cavity, the tongue centrally situated within the cavity, the lips at the front of the cavity. Furthermore, at each of these closure-points the closure may be of any degree of completeness, and from this arises variety of sound there produced. Our first horizontal member includes the semivowels. These are practically universal in human speech; upon a priori grounds we should expect so to find them; their general presence is confirmatory of the view that they represent the beginning of the acquisition of consonant power. All the vowels are formed with open throat ; the true consonants are made with closures by palate, tongue and lips. It will be seen by simple experiment how these semivowels are formed. A light applica- tion of the fingers to the throat and lips will readily enable any one to identify the position in which any given sound is made. Thus we are able to discover that the y semivowel is formed near the palate, the r and the 1 in slightly different forms near the center of the cavity where the tongue is dominant, the W near the lips. The same digital exami- nation will show after what manner they differ from the vowels proxi- mate to those positions, how i and y are not quite the same, a slightly varies from r and 1, u and w differ. It will be seen that the semivowels vary from the vowels in one direction, from the consonants in the other, in this important particular that the vibrant air-column is less open than in the case of the vowels, less closed than in the case of the conso- nants. In other words there is a constriction instead of a closure; the sounding pipe is not closed but it is constricted. Because this effect is an incomplete exercise of the power of each of these speech organs these semivowels are set upon our diagram not exactly in the palatal, Hngual, and labial columns, but proximate thereto. The next horizontal member is a triplet of consonants denominated the nasals. Here we should pause for a moment in order to avoid con- fusion with an idea subsisting in our common speech and likely to lead us astray. Of certain individuals in all our Enghsh societies, even of certain groups of individuals where the blemish in speech is so frequent that we incline to consider it a dialectic character, we commonly say that they speak through the nose. We use this expression quia nemo scit; for the briefest examination of this speech-fault will convince U3 that "speaking through the nose" is really speech with the nasal cavity 60 THE SUBANU. shut off, it is objectionable to our educated ears simply for the reason that we miss the supporting tones which have their origin in the upper air-passage. The nasal consonants are really formed by dropping the veil of the palate and thereby opening to the passage of sound vibrations the nasal cavity with its twin exits. While the passage of the sound is thus diverted in a high degree (for we must not lose sight of the fact that this diversion is always present in a minor degree), the distinctive character of the sound is formed by the adjustment of the three consonant- producing organs to their peculiar positions of control. Here, also, digital examination will readily disclose the positions within the mouth- cavity out of which arise these three consonants, and the attention directed to the perception of the vibration of the air-column will soon discover the course of the vibrations through the upper cavity. The possession and employment of the three nasals vary Vvddely in the languages of men. The labial nasal m appears to be everywhere present in speech. This universality is not difficult to comprehend. While the consonants producible by the lips may require such precision in positioning the organs and such a fine sense of synchronization with the outward impulse of the air as to lie wholly outside the possibilities of many, if not most, of the more primitive languages, the m position is the simplest exercise of speech mechanism. Assuming the dropping of the veil of the palate and the quiescence of the two rearward speech- organs when the sound vibrations are about to issue, the result depends upon the position of the upper and nether lip relative to themselves and therefore to the sound-pipe. So long as the lips are not in contact with one another, the sound which issues is vocaUc, and this holds equally true whether the lips are wide apart (as in the vociferous shout) or closely approximated (as in the production of the French vowel u) . But if the lips come together in any one individual for but the briefest touch, we find that we have passed from vowel to consonant, the m is produced. There is abundant reason to regard this consonant as the earliest acquisition of man and the foundation of human speech as consciously differentiated from the animal cry wholly vocalic. It is so light a difference that we incline to delude ourselves that some at least of the animals possess this or the lingual or the palatal nasals. This is evidenced by our onomatopoetic names for common animal cries, the bovine "moo," the "neigh" of the horse, the "cock-a-doodle-doo" of the barnyard fowl, even one slight step further in consonant development in the Cockney cry of the burro "hee-haw. ' ' A careful ear will soon dis- cover that none of these animals shares our consonant possibilities ; the effect is an error of interpretation in the human ear ; what is really heard when these familiar animals vocalize is the appulse, the abrupt incep- tion of the sound. This confusion all the more readily arises since the SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 61 nasals are of the class of consonants denominated sonant — that is to say, the sound is produced just before the closure is applied to the vibrant column. It will be understood that no consonant is a sound in itself; it is only a modulant of the sonorous vibrating medium which, without such modulant, would produce no more than a vocalic sound. The nasals are therefore terminal of the sound. This is readily seen in what we know as mumbling, a name in which the use of the labial nasal plainly appears. With the lips wholly closed we find it possible to hear our- selves say "um-um," but we find it wholly impossible to produce that primitive consonant in the closed mouth if we attempt it in the initial position as "mu-mu.'' The lingual nasal n is also a common property of most speech. It is frequently subject to mutation along the vertical column of the pos- sibilities of tongue positioning within the buccal cavity; less frequently it tends to undergo an exchange with the palatal nasal ; but in the main we are justified in regarding it as among the more permanent posses- sions of speech equipment. The palatal nasal ng is in a marked degree less general and less permanent. To many languages it is missing; few of those which pos- sess it can employ it in the initial position. We may see this in our own speech. We find a marked difficulty in using it as an initial when we attempt to acquire facility in languages which employ it at the begin- ning of words. Even in the final position it is subject to alteration along two distinct lines. In Oxford English of the present time speakers who profess their good taste say "comin" and "goin" and the like in the common present participle termination. Those who employ this manner of speech write the words, when they wish to indicate their pronunciation, as "comin' " and "goin' " and would describe the event as dropping the g. This is an absurd misconception of the mutation which takes place ; in ng there is no g to drop except in so far as to the eye we use n and g in juxtaposition to serve as the symbol of a simple consonant which in the scientific alphabet and in any other reasonable alphabetic system is represented by a single character. What really happens is this : the palate, a peculiarly blunt and coarse organ of speech, being insufficiently under the fine control needed to give its nasal the true value, the more facile tongue is employed instead and we thus find n in the place of ng. The second mutation, a pecuHarly vulgar error, is based upon the same inabiHty to adjust the palate to its true position for this modulant. After taking the proper position at the beginning of the sound the palate gUdes into its ultimate position, which is more easily held. TheTesult is that instead of a clear ng we have a double sound in which the nasal serves but as preface to the mute, ng termin- ated by g as a sonant, ng terminated by k as a surd. This is found in several of the vulgar dialects of England and is beginning to find a place 62 THE SUBANU. in the careless and uneducated speech of our own recent immigrants. In a recent circular of instructions issued by the school department of New York City it was considered proper to advise teachers to observe and to try to correct such pronunciations as "sing-ging" and "anythingk." So far we have passed under review the heavy outline at the top of the incomplete square which we observe in the diagram of the Subanu consonant scheme. Having discussed the individual consonants which make up that heavy line in detail, we may now sum up the underlying principle. We find that the Subanu have acquired the constrictions at each of the three consonant-producing positions which are the semi- vowel bridges over which development passes through practice to the exertion of the true consonant-forming closures. We further find that the Subanu have acquired the closures of each of the three speech- organs in their lightest force. Now we shall pass to the heavy outline which forms the bottom of the incomplete square ; we distinguish it as heavy for the reason that we have a double equipment in all the mutes, the sonant as well as the surd. When we come to the comparison of the Subanu with certain other languages with which it has been sought to associate the Malayan languages, we shall note that many languages lack this double equip- ment and we shall find therein a critical character. It is a long leap from the top of the square to its bottom. Yet in making it we are not carried away by the enticing force of an illustra- tion, great and misleading though such enticement might prove. It is just that long leap which is taken in the development of speech facility. In another connection {Easter Island, page i8) I have discussed this matter at greater length than here seems necessary. It suffices to note that next after the easy nasals the speech-power passes to the utmost attainment of the mutes. This we find to be the case in the Subanu. It would be idle to attempt to calculate the number of positions which may be taken by any one of the speech-organs. Undoubtedly between the limiting positions which establish the nasal and the mute each organ may assume a great many positions, but we need concern ourselves with but two or three or four positions at most. These serve to establish the different classes of consonants which have been found sufficiently distinct to serve the ends of clearly articulated speech. They do not exactly correspond in all languages. In any language they do not exactly correspond for all speakers ; it is that quality which gives to human speech characters whereby we may, though tone deaf, identify our friends in the darkest night if they will but speak to us, or by modem miracle (now become a necessity of life) we may distinguish a familiar voice over miles of copper wire or when ground out from a wax cylinder or composition disk, so that even the dogs may sit up and take notice. In our own English we have adopted four distinctive positions for the palate and the tongue and three for the lips ; in each case two of SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 63 these positions are limiting, two and two and one are intermediate. It is in regard of these intermediate positions that we estimate the devel- opment of languages as a matter of evolutionary history and that we evaluate their orthoepic richness as determining their flexibility and beauty of efficiency as a means of communicating thought. We have already spoken of the palate as a blunt organ. It is so seen to be on anatomic examination. Its movements and practical positions relative to the column of vibrant air are few. It is just such a coarse speech-organ as would serve the uses of a people to whom nice- ties of pronunciation remain yet needless. The tongue we see to be far other. In its speech use it has two forms of activity which operate singly or in conjunction : by changes in the form of its thicker body it is able to alter the shape of the central cavity of the mouth; by the pre- cision with which its flexible tip may be applied to one point or other of the containing walls it may produce almost an infinitude of consonant modulants ; at one extremity of its applicability it may compose with certain palatal positions to produce linguo-palatal sounds ; at the other extremity it may compose with the inner aspect of the lips to produce linguo-labial sounds and in the same region with the teeth and gums to produce yet other sounds. In the arts the finer tools of precision are useless in prentice hands; training and skill are required before they can be economically employed. So with men to whom speech is yet an early and imperfect acquisition we should expect to find, we do in fact find, that the prodigious flexibility of the tongue is used in its least degree. The lips again are extremely mobile organs. These "leaves of the mouth," as the Polynesian people denominate them, are capable of a great variety of closure which may impose upon the issuing vibrations of sound the last determining modification. The essential character of the tongue is its great flexibility ; the essential character of the lips is their applicability to great refinements of precision. The positioning of the lips plays a part so large in our own speech that it has been found possible to teach the deaf to see speech by reading the lips. It would be interesting to learn to what extent lip-reading might apply to the case of the ruder folk who have not yet acquired distinct control of these organs. In a computation of the frequency of sounds in English and in vSamoan I have shown that in speech involving i ,000 occurrences of the most frequent vowel sound the English employs the labials 908 times, the Samoan but 378. The labials are the last possession to be added to man's speech equipment, just as the lips are the last to come under control of their fine musculature. We employ but one of the possible intermediate closures of the lips in its dual phase of V sonant and f surd ; some other languages make better use of the paired organs ; many languages there are which have either not attained at all to any but the limiting Hp closures or, if they have found the possibility of 64 THE^SUBANU. intermediate closures, have not yet attained to precision in their use. The Subanu have not attained them at all. It is for that reason that the typical square of their consonant scheme is left open on that side. On the other side, the bounding line of the palatal series is as com- plete as in English, though in a slightly different sense. Of the two principal and generally occurring intermediate closures we have per- mitted disuse to overcome the spirants gh and kh ; the latter we seem to have rejected early in our speech history and to have selected the sonant in preference over the surd ; the former yet remains present to the eye and a torment to our conservative orthography, as in " neighbor, "which also exhibits the passage from the kh of nachbar to the sonant, yet in sound it has vanished. The Subanu have attained to the use of the pal- atal spirant in both its phases ; our palatal sibilants, zh and sh, have not yet been acquired. In the lingual series the Subanu has estabhshed the Umiting clos- ures — at the hither end the semivowel in its double phase, the nasal ; at the distal end the mute in its two phases ; in the intermediate space we employ with beautiful accuracy the spirant and the sibilant, each in its two phases ; the Subanu has acquired no more than a single one of these four possible consonants, the surd lingual sibilant S. There remains now for consideration the aspiration, an activity of speech so anomalous that in our diagram we set it to one side and on the margin, because it does not seem possible to associate it with any of the speech-organs. It is present in Subanu, but its use appears scanty in this vocabulary material ; it is frequently dropped from situations where the intimately allied Visayan shows that it might be employed except for dialectic preference. There is really in this material so little bearing upon its phonetic place that I have been content to make but a single entry upon the diagram. In other studies based upon richer material I have shown that there is an aspiration proximate to the palate, an aspi- ration proximate to the tongue, and an aspiration proximate to the lips. In speech sounds are employed singly or in combination. Thus we arrive at the need to study the syllable as a secondary unit of the spoken word. The sounds which may be employed singly are the vowels ; their number is but small. Bach vowel may enter into composition with one or more consonants in two positions, in either one or both. Conven- ience in study has led to the classification of these secondary units as open or closed syllables, according as the vowel sound is final or is closed by consonant modulation. There is more than convenience in this classification; languages fall into two primordial classes according as the syllables are of open or closed type. We then have the following varieties of syllables, two for each type: open syllables, vowel alone, consonant-vowel ; closed syllables, vowel-consonant, consonant-vowel- consonant. The Subanu exhibits all four varieties of syllables; it is therefore a language of the closed type. To such an extent does the SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 65 disposition toward this character hold that we shall soon have occasion to note the somewhat frequent assumption of a final consonant by stems which the Subanu have taken on loan from languages of the open type. Premising that the data upon which we are working lack much in the matter of extent, and that final accuracy of form is too much to expect in the conditions in which this Philippine speech finds its intro- duction to science, we shall find an interest in examining some of the distinctive characters of these vocables. First we shall pay attention to the duplication phenomena. A characteristic of many languages of the primitive type, dupUcation so strongly marks the speech of Polynesia that it has been possible to study out its form varieties and to assign to the varying usage a value almost syntactical. For the fuller consideration of this mechanism of word-formation and word-employment I invite attention to my mono- graph upon "Duplication Mechanics in Samoan and their Functional Values" (1908) in "The American Journal of Philology," vol. xxix, page 33. In the Subanu this mechanism is far less frequent than in Polynesian speech and its syntactical value less apparent. All the instances which are found in this vocabulary are here presented, together with the estimate of their functions in the scanty number of cases where that is deducible. As expressive of the diminutive sense, Subanu duplication gives us the following batabata,gibasgibas,manocmanoc,sapasapa and sibulansibulan. To express a plural or general collective, duplication here gives us leenleen. The cognate sense of plurahty of action (verb) which inheres in reciprocal action, movement back and forth, is found in gocabgocab and poc-sindilsindil. The intensive sense, really a protraction of the idea of plurality, is found in the following: boangboang, cotecote, dayandayan, gonagona, libaliba, lingalinga, mog-langlaang. Owing to the paucity of our information, the remaining instances of duplication must remain unclassed as to the inner nature of their employ- ment. These are the following: conotconot, cotooto, dubdub, gwakgwak, ganiingganting, gibrisibus, limalima, linguUngu, maomao, ningniug, pondopondo, porongporong, so-ganagana. The foregoing instances are of the simplest type of duplication ; the word as a whole is doubled. In the Polynesian languages, where this formation method reaches its highest development, the frequency of such simple duplication is so great as to establish a superficial character of the speech ; in Subanu we have been able to discover, in so much of its vocabulary as is here contained, certainly a most considerable part, no more than the foregoing 28 instances, a percentage so small as not to be worth the arithmetic which it would require to determine it. In the Polynesian languages, again, a very beautiful and flexible system has developed in the duplication mechanics to form a specific 66 THE SUBANU. type to which I have given the designation predupHcation. This con- sists in dupHcating the first syllable of a polysyllable; in the scheme which I have formulated for convenience in classifying duplications, the letters b, c, d, and so on, standing for the syllables of the word in order, preduplication is expressed by the formula bbc, or bbcd. Thus is created a very pretty system whereby syntactical differences may be expressed in languages far anterior to the mechanism of inflection. While preduplication is quite frequent in Polynesian we are able to discover but five instances in which its occurrence in Subanu is satis- factorily established and one in which some uncertainty holds. The five undoubted instances of preduplication occur in words compounded by the addition of prefixes. Of these, four duplicate an open initial syllable of the stem, namely sogmog-sosiilat, sogmog-dadao, po-gogovitan, a-lalaat. In the fifth instance we have the duplication of a closed initial sylla- ble, poc-agagom . The doubtful instance is the word gagun; deriving this from the Malay gong, as seems probable, we may class this as predupli- cative. The chief objection, for vowel variety may here be neglected, is that gong appears to be a monosyllable and our studies of duplication up to the present have afiforded us no cases in which the duplication has dealt with anything less than the syllable as a unit, none which seems to split the syllable. On the other hand, the length of the vowel in gong suggests a primitive goong, a dissyllable with two short vowels in time reduced to a monosyllable by crasis, yet retaining sufficient of the past life of the word to allow the resolution of the long vowel in the employ- ment of duplication. Likewise, our future studies upon composition of words by formative members applied interiorly will indicate very clearly that there is here no disposition to regard the syllable unit as a thing so fixed as to preclude its separability. Before we proceed to the details of composition in the Subanu words, we note a case where composition involves the loss of a stem vowel. The instances are few and curious. The loss of stem vowel is unmis- takable in pic-nogan from inog, mog-langlaang from laang, quina-anglan from angol as we establish from its Visayan relative hangol. In lack of definite information upon the point, I include herewith guiadman from doma and poalat from laat; it is quite possible that adman and alat derive from doma and laat through inversion of the former syllables. While this may seem to us a brutal treatment of the syllable, we shall find in the comparison of the Subanu with the Visayan, in the next chap- ter, so many instances explicable only as inverts that we may anticipate that etymological mechanism in this case. The word pogugba remains ; this composite is pog-ugba; the stem seems (the sense supporting) to be associable with gapog. It does no violence to the genius of the language to excise the final g, which is no more than a suffix establishing the noun character of the attributive vocable, and therefore is properly dismissed SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 67 when the attributive passes into verb sense. Next, inversion of the former syllable in the resultant gapo gives us agpo; it is very simple and general phonetics to find the sonant g attracting its neighbor p from surd to sonant in its own series; therefore agpo becomes agbo, and lack of vowel fixity is so characteristic of this rude speech that ugba is quite explicable. We are next to examine a phonetic usage which is not properly to be dealt with as a case of consonant mutation, for it affects certain con- sonants, the two palatal mutes, positionally ; that is to say, only when they are used as the initial consonant of the vocable. It will be seen in the vocabulary that many vocables which begin with the syllable ca are duphcated by forms which lack the C and that to a lesser extent this double form is true of vocables with ga initial. Even where the double form does not appear in the Subanu vocabulary, a reference to the Visayan affiliates will show that the uncertainty exists. There are three seeming exceptions to this principle of uncertainty as restricted to the beginning of words, cotooto, gibusibtis, and gonauna. It will be seen that while the loss appears to have taken place in a position inner with respect of the vocable, it is initial with respect of the stem duplicated. To a certain extent it has been possible to associate these variant forms with the several sources of the vocabulary material. Yet after all that leads nowhere, for there is no uniformity; the source which affords us the abraded form in one vocable may yield the full form in another and precisely similar vocable, and each in turn applies or neglects the initial palatal mute in the case of vocables for which we have a Visayan or even Spanish original. Thus from the Spanish caballo the Subanu borrows the transliteration cabayo and parallels it with an abraded form abayo. It will not be difficult in scanning the vocabulary under these initials to find a sufficiency of instances to show that the Subanu abrades the mute initial in words which clearly pos- sessed it in the source of the loan. On the other hand there are quite as many instances to show that Subanu, through some principle in its own phonetics, assumes C or g as initial to words which in the Visayan are devoid thereof; for instance gama is Visayan amah an. In our later examination of the exterior relations of both Subanu and Visayan we shall observe this word in its proper class and shall discover that the g is really a Subanu assumption upon a stem which in its genesis began with a consonant wholly distinct in series and in the speech-organ em- ployed. We are warranted in the statement that the Subanu assumed an initial consonant and that this assumed consonant tends to disappear. I have had a sense that this matter of the assumed initial palatal mute represented a senior and a junior stage of the language ; that it was an ancient Subanu character to assume the mute, and that in the more recent stage it was being dropped in avoidance of dialectic rude- ness, as intercourse became more free with more advanced Visayan 68 THE SUBANU. neighbors. Against this provisionally formed impression militate two important facts; the former is that we have no data, other than infer- ence wholly from outside, upon which to base a valuation of relative age in the vocabulary which now for the first time comes to us in a very disheveled mass, but all essentially modern; the latter is that the his- toric record, as presented by Colonel Finley in Part I of this volume, makes it plain that the Subanu shrank, and with the best of good reason, from intercourse with their more advanced neighbors. This impression may therefore, and quite properly, be dismissed. I believe that we have here a far more interesting and philologi- cally important principle at work ; that we are not dealing with a later and refining process of speech, but with a rude and primitive principle effecting word formation at a stage when words are things to be created by evolution of speech power. This apparently anomalous assumption of initial affects the palatal mute. In terms of speech evolution we see that this is an activity of the first of the speech-organs to come under control and that so far as relates to that organ it is the result of the maximum speech effort; for the variety of C and g is here negligible, since it amounts to a mere shading of the manner of vibration at the exit time and place of the sound formed by the particular closure. In this view I regard the assumed initial as appulse. I have employed this term in connection with the explanation of our BngUsh onomatopees formed in the effort to create words to denom- inate descriptively the familiar cries of our domestic companions to whom true speech has not yet come in facilitation of the small ideas which they try so hard to communicate to us. Appulse is the initial of all sound, the beginning of the characteristic vibration from a state of rest. It does not exist in sound; it is an interpretation through the ear and in the auditory centers of the brain of the suddenness of existence of a sound out of stillness. Here I credit it to the interpretation of a very rude human speech. Hitherto I have credited it to the interpretation of the cries of barnyard animals. It is yet more general, for as it does not qualify sound in itself, but does qualify aural interpretation of sound, we may sense appulse even in mechanically produced vibrations. In littoral conditions of abode I am well within the range of a steam siren, say at a distance of four miles. During still winter nights, when falling snow draws a curtain against the harbor mouth, I can hear the blast of that instrument whose monotone is more prophylactic than musically pleasing. Four times in each minute the air is filled with a wailing sound which is essentially vocalic, yet four times in each minute my sensorium reads into it an initial consonant, the maximum effort of the labials. I hear Pooo-Pooo. Nor am I singular in this; it is not a matter of the personal equation of the observer; it has gone into our speech in the onomatopee "pufi'." Thus the appulse is our misread- ing of the change from silence to sound ; we go a trifle too far and read a SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 69 consonant in onr audition where no consonant exists. To vocalize that audition we must employ a consonant and thus we take a mere ghost of speech and materialize it. If we, long culture ages higher in develop- ment with wit and ability (sometimes put to use) of knowing what we are talking about, do this in our common speech, think how more potent this must be with the rude savages remote in their mountains. It is their nature, as it is the nature of most rude folk in the higher cultures, to be strong in their speech, and this is most manifest at the beginnings and endings of words. We shall examine in another connection the mutation of d, a firm and strong consonant when at the end of the word, reducible to the weaker lingual effort in medial r when the word receives a formative sufhx. This principle of strength at either end of the word tends to build up the appulse into a true consonant. Such examination as at this point we may give to the characteristic consonant mutations in Subanu is confined to those few instances in which we find two forms in use. There are but few more than a dozen cases in which mutation is discoverable within Subanu itself, but these will prove valuable as establishing an introduction to the larger mass of phonetic material which will become available when we discuss this inner speech in its relation to exterior cognate languages and particularly to its immediate neighbor the Visayan. At present we register a note of a distinctive phenomenon which not yet are we prepared to comprehend : every single instance of muta- tion which we may establish upon purely Subanu material is found in connection with the tongue, with two exceptions. These two are wholly anomalous; the former is daromog as a variant of domomog, mutation from labial nasal to lingual semivowel ; the latter is palad as a variant of palag, mutation from surd lingual mute to sonant palatal mute. It will be observed that in each of these instances the mutation is extra seriem and that there is movement out of class, nasal to semivowel in one case, surd to sonant in the other. Those who have accompanied me in my studies of the Polynesian phonetic will have no difficulty in finding in the mutation of palad to palag an instance, solitary in Subanu, of the kappation of t which is so marked a present character of many languages in the central and eastern region of the Pacific. The lingual mutations which we have been able to segregate for study are most frequently from the mute, the maximum speech effort of the tongue, clear across the whole range of its activity to the minimum effort in the liquid semivowel. The surd lingual mute t affords one instance: in posoloron, from the stem solot, we find the mutation t-r. This is the weakening of a consonant strong when final into the liquid when it ceases to be final upon the addition of a formative suffix. The same principle is active in the case of the sonant lingual mute d as a final with mutation to r in the following instances : guicoran and poguingcora, from the stem cod; linonsoran, from the stem lonsod; pego- 70 THE SUBANU. taraii, from the stem gatad; and tobora from the stem tobod. I have already directed attention upon the fact that rude speakers give par- ticular force to the beginnings and endings of words; this weakening mutation is in itself confirmatory. In the three following instances we shall observe the d-r mutation applied to the initial d when it is buried under a formative prefix: maralag, from stem dalag; corala, from stem dala; marope, from stem dope. In the sole instance of batasan from stem batad, we find a mutation that stops midway : instead of upon the semivowel, the weakening mute rests at the sibilant. We lack data for the determination whether the variants boid and buis represent the same halfway mutation or whether this is an example of an S-d mutation not elsewhere discovered. If this inversion of mutation movement remains in doubt in the matter of s-d, we may regard it as definitely settled in the case of r-d in two instances: the variants danao and lanao and dongog and rongog. The proof is external to Subanu, external in fact to all Indonesian speech, yet we are justified in advancing it from its proper later place in order to settle this matter of phonetics. The parent of rongog is certainly the Polynesian longo (rongo) ; thus it is clear that this is really a case of r-d mutation. The other word, lanao, is not quite so clear; it appears associable with two Polynesian words, lano sweet water and lanu a lake, these two being probably a divaricated stem. If this be indeed the source of lanao, the r-d mutation, already once established, receives confirmation. In the Bontoc Igorot we find tjenum, danum, denom, all in the sense of potable water. This series, so fortunately^ preserved, gives us both lano and lanu derivatives in the signification of sweet water, and goes far toward establishing the original unity of the divari- cated vocables. The uncertainty which I have manifested in the discussion of lanao rests not only upon the diversity of sense but rather more upon the lack of acquaintance with the phenomenon of ao employed in dipthong value as representative of an earlier source vowel. The collation of the Bontoc Igorot upon which I engaged after the foregoing note had been written has given a satisfactory suite of instances in which this dipthong appears as the mutation product of the vowel O. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. j Subanu. Bontoc. boligan gayo faolengan kayao goloan linao olaoan alinoao 1 tao toon takao taaowin This does not exhaust the source of this dipthong. From a we have balin-gawa-kaaowa, from e goyamet-komaot, from u pusu-baosig. This discovery applies particularly to the etymology of lanao. We see here abundant evidence that lano and lanao are homogenetic; we have an item of confirmation of a possible lanu-lanao association. SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION ME^rBERS. 71 Finally, we are to note one more phonetic principle of great interest. This is the speech necessity of supporting or prefacing the mutes with the nasal of their own proper series. I have already dwelt at some length upon my belief that the nasal, as the easiest and least forceful exercise of the speech activity of any organ of speech, is the earliest acquired, and that from the weakest exercise of the speech activity the man in his acquisition of control of the new power leaps next to the strongest exercise of that power. This case of the prefaced mutes fits naturally into such an explanation. The particular organ (palate, tongue, or lips) to be used is naturally put into its most familiar posi- tion as a preliminary to the passage toward the more difficult. This preliminary position encourages a light vocalization which appears just prior to the enunciation of the more difficult sound, a principle which is entirely accepted as causative of the differentiation of sonant and surd. The prefaced palatal mute, ngg or ngk, undoubtedly occurs in Subanu as in the Visayan, although our vocabulary does not make its existence clear. Of the prefaced lingual mute nd and the prefaced labial mutes mp and mb we note that the occurrence is most marked when the mute which has been able to hold its own when in the forceful initial position becomes weakened by the employment of a prefix. Thus, from da ay, daapa, and di we derive by composition gondaay, ondaapa, and ondi; from pia, poti and pulo we derive supported forms gompia, gompoti, gompulo. Similarly, bagol, baya, and bata provide the prefaced forms gombagol, sogombaya, and gombata. We may see a reason underlying all these instances if we look back to the alphabetic diagram. It will be noticed that the vowel o — and it will undoubtedly have been noticed already that each one of the pre- faced mutes is introduced by this vowel — is set upon the diagram in a position midway between the region controlled by the tongue in speech and that regulated by the lips. When one is sounding o the Hps and the forward cavity of the mouth are in position to pass to a lingual or to a labial consonant with equal ease. But when speech is yet a new art the speaker must, with more or less of design, pass to the first position which shall determine lingual or labial, namely, the nasal position. The very slightest vocalization of this position will exhibit to our compre- hension how it comes to pass that each mute is prefaced by the nasal proper to the organ wherewith it is formed. In all Subanu there is but one instance of a prefaced mute which does not represent the weakening of a strong initial, yet that one involves the same use of o : this is sogmogombal, from stem gobal; yet on better acquaintance with the language this exception may prove more appar- ent than real. The general form of the prefix is sogmog, although sogmo occurs; the stem appears in our vocabulary as gobal, yet the abra- sion of initial palatal mutes is so frequent that it may very well be that 72 THE SUBANU. this composite is sogmog-obal, and thus the b may be brought so close to the initial position as to be governed by the general rule. This system of prefaced mutes is found somewhat widely spread, in whole or in part, in the tangle of languages which we denominate Mela- nesian. In Fiji it has become an invariable rule; that speech has no sonant mutes which can stand alone of their own power; the preface of the nasal of the series is required and we hear ngg, nd, and mb. Great variety of form is given to the Subanu vocables by the free employment of formative members. We lack the data whereupon to work out the syntactical value of these accessories of speech, but we can arrange our material to prove the existence of the following types of word composition: i, prefix alone; 2, suffix alone; 3, infix alone; 4, pre- fix-suffix; 5, infix-suffix. I. The following are the prefixes employed in composition without accessory formative members ; in the cases of those less frequently used the instances of occurrence are noted; where this reference is not made, the words are readily found in the vocabulary order under the par- ticular prefix. a duplicating the initial syllable, alalaat. ba hasulan, baton. be belema, belintis. ca cu cutao. di probably of prepositional value, dialum, dibaban, dien, dipag, diselum, ditaas. In the Malay (/i is distinctly a preposition. do dosop. em (ma variant) embais, ? empetek. g (ca, ga variant) gayac. go godaay, gondaay, gondi, gompia, gompoh, gompulo, gopia, gotao. ig (probably a ga variant, as em of ma), ma (variant forms me, mi, mo, mu). maca (variant forms maa, maga). mail mi milipay. mig mo molonio, moloto. moc (variant form mog). mu musop. negmeg (variant of nogmog). noc (secondary forms are nocmaca, noc- pig, nocpog, nocti). nog (secondary forms are nogma, nogmig). nong (nog variant). pa (variant form pe). paca (variant form paa, as maca of maa). pac (variant form pag). pala (variant form palo). palalabiaii, pa- laminis, palapa, palobaya. pic (variant forms pig, ping), ping (pig variant), pingoctuban, pingon- dian. po (pa variant; alternative and secondary forms poc, poca, pocca, poco, pog, pogli, poglo). poglo (secondary po form), socalpoglogo- mutan. quina (kina). sa (variant forms are sac, sag, soc, sog). so (secondary forms are sopoc, sopoglo). soc (secondary forms are socmec, socmi, socmica, socmo, socmoc, socmog, socpo, socpog, socsocal). socal (secondary form is socsocal). sog (soc variant; secondary forms are sog- maca, sogmag, sogme, sogmi, sog- mica, sogmig, sogmo, sogmoc, sogmog, sogpaca, sogpig, sogpo, sogsocal). 2. The following are the suffixes which are used with no earlier formative element; more properly it is a list of the suffixes when used alone, for we shall find most of them in use in combination with prior prefix or infix. -an antosan, balidyaan, batasan, begyaan, boocan, bootan, donggoan, gaitan, gaoman, labanan, lintisan, lo- bungan, pandayan, pintasan, sala- pian, sinbaan, sindepan, tabian, togotan. -en pimolaen. -han ulihan. -1 bonoal. -nen panganen. -non pomolanon. -on baloson, gantoson, motaon, saboton. SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 73 3. In this list are gathered the infixes in their employment without other formative elements. -al- -eng- -li- dalomdom, logalin. bengawan. binaal, binutong, linagami, lines, quinaan, sinonan, tinalicala, tin- ingog, tinongol. golitao. -n- laronon. -om- domangop, gomolang, soinaloy, soma- ma, somacay, somocol. -on- tinongol. -uk- gimnkud. -ul- bulud. 4. In this Hst are entered the instances in which prefix and suffix appear simultaneously. ci-, -n cisabaon. ga-, -an gabuludan. ga-, -nen gabilunen, galonaoncn, gapel- nen, gapulonen, gasalag- nen, gataluknen. ge-, -an gedungusan. ge-, -nen gemisnen, getomnen. go-, -nen gosotnnen. gi-, -nan gipianan. gui-, -an guibogan, guicoran. 5. Here we list the instances taneously appUed to stems. -al-, -an dalinduman. -en-, -an beninalan, benoiran, senombagun. ka-, -nen kagobolnen. ma-, -on malalison. ma-, -ot rnalipotol. pe-, -an pegotaran, pegoyonan. pic-, -an picnogatt, pictoonan. pic-, -nan picpongonnan. pig-, -an pigbuatan, pigdaoan. poc-, -on poctoboson. sogme-, -an sogmebagolan. sogmi-, -an sogmigagoyan. in which infix and sufiix are simul- -im-, -an timondoan. -in-, -an linonsoran, linitnbogan, binalan. We need not now give particular attention to prefixes and suffixes beyond the mere listing of their occurrence. They appear to be gov- erned by rules sufficiently familiar in the science of speech. The infixes, however, are worth all the study Vv^hich we can put upon them in this place, for the use of infixes is not only a distinctive character of Indo- nesian languages, but is a diagnostic and critical character. In the material which we have here collated it is clear, upon the first inspection, that the infix is almost always appHed to the initial syllable of the word-stem.* But four exceptions are noted and it will be proper to submit these exceptional uses to examination before advancing upon the general theme. The instance of log-a/-in offers no explanation. We find variant forms of one stem, guimukud and guimud; super- ficially this appears an infixature, guim-w^-ud. The two forms are *From Dr. Seidenadel's Language of the Bontoc Igorot I extxact the following memo- randa upon the structural use of infixature, the references being to the sections of his essay on the grammar: 68. The part of the body which is wounded, hit, struck, etc., is expressed by the infix -in- placed into the reduplication of substantives with initial consonants; to those with an initial vowel in- is prefixed and the initial vowel is doubled. 119. Progressive quality, or transition of a quality into a higher degree, is expressed by adding to these verbalized forms the particle um as prefix before an initial vowel; but as infix if the adjective begins with a consonant. As infix -um- is placed between the initial consonant and the first vowel. 170. Um- is used exclusively with personal verbs. Um- is prefixed to initial vowels; if there is an initial consonant -um- enters the root and takes its place between the initial consonant and the vowel of the first syllable. 23 1 . But -in- is infixed, or placed between the initial consonant and the following vowel pf verbs beginning with a consonant. 74 THE SUBANU. merely variants, we have no other evidence that -uk- is used as an infix ; it produces no change of meaning, and all our well-established infixes function in value, though not in position, as inflectional. In view of the fact that elsewhere we note the tendency of palatal mutes to vanish, it is quite possible that guimukud is the true form of the vocable, that it becomes guimnud by loss of the palatal, then by crasis guimnd. In laro-;?-on, as an infixature from laroou, the infix -n- seems associable with the well-established infixes -en-, -in-, -on-; further- more, its presence changes an adjective into a noun, a proper function of this composition member. In tin-o«-gol, as an infixature from tingol, we encounter yet another anomaly. In all the other instances the infix is applied between consonant and vowel; here it seems to be applied between two con- sonants. It is more remarkable than it seems. In Subanu ng is not a compound consonant, it is as individual a consonant as n or m of the class to which it belongs or as g and k of the series in which it occurs. Accordingly we are at a loss to comprehend this severing of a consonant by the insertion of a formative element. In the regular infixatures the introduced element falls into two types according as the consonant is Hquid or nasal. We note, but with- out full comprehension of the significance of the fact, that these are the weakest of consonant possibiHties. The liquid we find as -al- and -li-. The nasal infix appears most frequently as -in- and -en-. The soli- tary instance of -eng- in the infixature h-eng-SLWSin from bawang sug- gests a leaping interchange of n and ng which is familiar in the general study of phonetics. A second place is occupied by the labial nasal in -im- and -om-. At this point it will be proper to introduce the loan material which the Subanu has assumed from the Spanish. From this material, scanty though it be, we shall be able to derive a few principles upon which the mountaineers deal with speech acquisitions which for various reasons they may desire to incorporate in their own language. The considera- tions thus based upon a language with which we are famiHar will enable us to make a better start in the next chapter, where we shall consider the relation of Subanu with its congener Visayan. The Spanish loans are set down in the following table: Subanu. Spanish. Subanu. Spanish. Subanu. Spanish. aao cacao camote camote paldon padron abayo caballo capote capote pares par antocos anteojos compinsal confesar sarol azada apote capote daro arar sengguil senor bandela bandera gasol azul sondalo soldado bino vino gobcdnarol gobernador tacho tacho bobo bobo laguas enaguas i viste vestc cabayo caballo locao lugar SUBANU PHONETICS AND COMPOSITION MEMBERS. 75 The abrasion of an initial mute {aao, abayo, apote) has akeady been discussed at length ; it calls for less attention here since for the second and third of these instances we have unabraded forms as well. The assumption of an initial palatal mute is exhibited in gasol. The Spanish r becomes 1 except in daro, pares. That hino shows a change of Spanish V to b while viste retains it unaltered, although this labial spirant is not included in the proper alphabet, is easily explicable. The Tagalog, with whom the Spaniards came first into contact, made the mutation to hino; thence, as the knowledge of vinous and distilled Uquors spread in advance of the Span- ish culture and through purely Philippine exchanges, the different lan- guages encountered in this very intoxicating course adopted the Tagalog word long before the original Spanish form came within their knowledge. The interior change whereby confesar becomes compinsal is of pecu- Har interest and will not be difficult of comprehension if we approach it simply. In the f the Subanu finds a consonant modulant to which his Ups are not trained, and it must equally be understood that his ear is undoubtedly as yet dull to its nicety of position and vibration. He does the best he can; he hits the ultimate labial possibility p, and because he has been making a particular effort to employ an unfamiHar labial he is easily led to attract the preceding nasal from n of the lingual series to m of the labial series. In gohernador and padron he hears the r grasseye, a variant of the liquid which is beyond his practice. That in gohednarol and paldon he has reproduced this byd, the ultimate possibiHtyof lingual effort, is yet one more instance that when for any reason he has to pass beyond the minimum consonant activity there is nothing to check his effort before reaching the maximum activity. Yet in each of these words a d which is easy for him to produce goes back to the Hquid, r and 1 respectively. This is a secondary result of the particular effort already made which has produced a mutation d and therefore renders necessary some variant in the simple d. In sondalo, from soldado, the mutation from the lingual semivowel to the nasal of its own series is a passage through the least possible dis- tance. That it has been made in this case I incline to attribute to the Subanu tendency when d in an interior position is preceded by O to employ the preface of the nasal of its own series, as we have seen in gondaay and gondi. These words sondalo and sarol and gohednarol show an r or 1 deriva- tive from d, a tendency which we have already seen operative in the case of a truly Subanu d when in an inner position. CHAPTER III. SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. Geographically, the Subanu occupy a position within the region of their Visayan neighbors, unneighborly foes as appears distinctly in Colonel Finley's sketch of their Ufe. In comparison of culture the Subanu are on a plane far lower than the Visayans ; yet so large an ele- ment of Subanu speech is found in the Visayan that we must recognize that some manner of relationship exists. Of what manner this relation- ship is, whether the Subanu is an archetypal speech from which the Visayan has evolved through more active use in better culture condi- tions, whether the common element in Subanu has been absorbed by the mountain folk from their keener neighbors, or whether each draws its descent from a common source — these are problems which naturally suggest themselves and to which we shall direct attention in this chapter. The proportion which this common stock of Subanu- Visayan bears to the vocabulary of the Subanu here assembled is so large that the theory of absorption is scarcely tenable. Such absorption of more cultured speech by a lower race becomes possible only when there is long-continued association in conditions where it is either convement or necessary for the lower race to adopt the readiest means of communi- cation with the superior. In the general field of language growth through environment we may readily pick examples of the limiting cases of this absorption pos- sibility. Where the association of higher and lower is most largely a matter of the adoption, voluntarily on either side, of a modus vivendi, and where the questions of civic domination are negligible, we find the jargon type of speech, the Pidgin, the lingua franca. How scanty such a trade speech need be and yet serve all the ends of intercommunication, may be estimated from the jargon of the western Pacific, culturally more fairly comparable with Mindanao conditions than would be the Pidgin- EngUsh of the China coast. I have presented the results of such study in a monograph on the "Beach-la-Mar." Referred to the base of any one of the rude island tongues which have contributed to this speech magma, the Beach-la-Mar represents about one per cent of the speech equipment of the lower folk; relative to the superior English, it is infinitesimal. To this type we assign the Pidgin of China, for it has been volun- tarily assumed under the attraction of trade chances and is not at all to be regarded as forced upon its users by a conquering people. Here, too, we place the Chinook of the northwest coast of America. It may 77 78 THE SUBANU. appear inconsistent that we place the white-red Chinook jargon in a different class from the white-black Krooboy, but personal experience has shown me conclusively that the attitude of the white man to the red and of the red man to the white in the Puget Sound artificial speech is that of partnership and voluntary contribution to the capital stock. On the other hand the relation of white and black on the African beaches is essentially that of master and servant, even if the law pre- vents the name of slave. At the other limit of such possibility we have the frequent cases in which an inferior race stands to the dominant superior in the ser- vile relation. The history of African slavery gives us a considerable range of the speech possibiHties which result. In the West Indies we encounter certain jargons which yet await philological examination; such are the Papimiento of Curasao and the Negro EngHsh of the Guianas; to these we add the Krooboy of the African west coast as genetically associable. We are sufficiently acquainted with these and others of the type to recognize that they form but a small part of the vernacular, that they are regarded by their users as a foreign language ; in fact the cannibals of the western Pacific refer to the Beach-la-Mar as "speak English." On the other hand, in our own land the Africans have undergone a loss of their widely varying vernaculars; their con- tribution to even our lowest speech is practically negUgible. Yet the element common to Visayan and Subanu is all of half of the latter, a fact in itself which argues that it is not to be associated with trade jargon or servile speech. On other than Unguistic grounds Colonel Finley 's narrative contraindicates any such possibility of absorp- tion. He has made it satisfactorily clear that there was no freedom of intercourse in trade of Visayans with Subanu; that the shy Subanu withdrew to the mountains and thereby avoided the chance of slavery; that the slight mixed element, despite the catholicity of the Moham- medan faith in absorbing inferior races, forms but a despised element under equal contempt of the Moro and of the hill tribe. We might multiply considerations to show that Subanu absorption of Visayan material is out of the question, but the foregoing will surely suffice. What, then, is the source of this very extensive speech community amounting to 463 items? Before we can pass intelligently upon the problem here involved, we shall proceed in the more orderly course by collating the common mate- rial in the several classes into which it proves associable and thus study the types of variety in this community. In the first group, very nearly half the material (226 items), we shall collect the common element where the two languages differ in this record only by means of formative elements (which for convenience we indicate by type differentiation) or in regard of the vowels. It has SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 79 already been noted that in Subanu there is such uncertainty in vowel employment as to remove that element of speech wholly from a critical position. The same is true of the Visayan. Therefore we are under double necessity to disregard vowel mutations in this record, for we have no certain base upon which to erect a critical structure. Words common to Subanu and Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. aba abaa dalan dalan mata mata agom agom dali dali matay matay a/alaat alaot daoa daoa mis /amis ambit ambit dapig dapig fwonoog naog antosan antos daro daro moo moo ang ang dato dato mota niota asoaag asoang dila dUa motood niatood atop atop dilo dili name namo ba ba dogo dog6 napo napo baal baol domangop dangop nepes nipis baba baba donggoan donggo ngalan ngalan baboy baboy dongog dongog obos obos baga baga doso doso ogboc ogboc balagon balagon gasa gasa clang olang balani balani gatas gatas osa osa balay balay gaui gaol paa paa balbal balbal gobii gabii palongan palongan balibad balibad gobot gobot palos palos baling baling gua goa panday panday balod balod gubat gobat panilong panilong balon balon gulang golang pasaylo pasaylo bangot bangot init init pat opat basa basa inom inom patay patay basulan basol labian labi patod patod bata bata labon labon pili pili batasan batasan laen lain pinilian pinilian batirol batirol lalis lalis pintas pintas bato bat6 lanao lanao pitu pito batog batog lansang lansang pofoloya pagcaloya baton baton langan langan polos polos bilin bilin langit lingit pono pono biling biling latin 1 ma tin ponoan ponoan binocot binnocot lauas laoas ponooc naog bisan bisan layo layo pongol pongol boangboang boangboang Iceg liog posinao pasinao boaya boaya leenleen lainlain poti poti bolit bolit libac libac potol potol bonal bonal libang libang ptiasa poasa bono bono libot libot pulo pola bonoa banoa ligo ligo sa osa boot boot lima lima sabay sabay botang botang limbong limbong sabot sabot butasan botasan linao linao sacay sacay bulac bolac linganay linganay saguing saguing bulan bolAn lingin lingin sal a sala bunga bonga lioat lioat salapi salapi buot boot lipay lipay sama sama butang botang lisod lisod sambag sambag caban caban lobung lobong samoc samoc cahoy cahoy lolan lolan sapauan sapao calauat calaoat lolid lolid sayop sayop cana canon loon loon siam si&m 80 THE SUBANU. Words common to Subanu and Visayan — Continued. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. conot conot lopa lopa siclat siclit cota cota lotao lotao silong silong cotecote coticoti loto loto sipoon sipon daag daog loya loya sobo sobo dacsoc dtnasoc maligon maligon sogo sogo dagat dagat managat mananagat sogpaon sagpa dala dala mananap mananap somocol socol dalaga dalaga manoc manoc sompoyon sompay sontoc sontoc tapus tapos tolod tolod sopang sopang teguib tigib tolog tolog suba soba tian tian tonaoan tonao sulat solat tibooc tibooc too too sulu solo ticas ticas toon toon taab taob tigom tigom tuba toba taas taas tina tina tubig tobig tabian tabi tjwalicala talicala tuman toman tagana tagana tingala tingala tumbaga tombaga tago tago tingog tingog tuyo toyo talao talao tobang tabang ulimo oli tampalasan tampalasan tobe tabi walu oalo tampoling tampaling tobod tobod ya ya tao taoo togot togot yaua yaoa tapis tapis tolo tolo tapolan tapolan tolo tolo We shall next follow out the examination of such fihation as may- subsist between the Subanu and the Visayan, progressing from the vowel area by the naturally developing series of consonant classes. In this examination I have set the Subanu form in the former position and have compared the Visayan therewith; it should be made clear that until the data have been assembled we leave in suspense the ques- tion as to which language occupies the prior position, for the settle- ment of this and alUed questions must rest upon our reading of the collated data. In the first order we undertake the comparison of the Hquids and begin with r. In the three words, arunaan, gare, and its variant lare, T is common to the two languages ; it will be observed that it lies in an inner position. In type r-d the Subanu r represents a Visayan d in the nine instances it is medial in its occurrence. The irregular filiation of sora- isda will find its explanation later under the theme of inversion. Subanu. Visayan. Type r-d. gare guicoran laraban Type r-I Type r-w hadi lingcodan ladaoan Subanu. Visayan. f>oraigon padayigon porong podong sayoro» sayod marongot maligotgoton morala oala Subanu. Visayan. sora isda taron tadong torong tadong Pporang bolad. SUBANU-VISAYAN FIIvIATlON. 81 In the collation of the other liquid, 1, we shall find these types and certain others which do not appear in the paucity of the r material. Type l-l, that is the community of the letter: balidya donlag guilat logalin lotang sapulu binal ?dula guilid logoc lua solog boclag gaclop laang logong lugbas solot bolaan galad lagi logud magalin sool bolao goles lagoy lolat maloot talinga bolig golitao lee lonao moIi6 tolisan cogool golo lines lonsod morala ixlatay dala gonlo linga lood palon ulihan debaloy guil logan loop puli When we compare type 1-d with the parallel type r-d we see that, whereas that appears only medial, this is found initial, medial, and final. We anticipate the explanation of luma-odma as an invert. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type 1-d. Pguilos iding loon daghan ponicol panicad laat daot luma odma sicol sicad h'nagami dagami Type 1-t. lopong topong Type d-I. ?good dool ■ Type t-1. lompoc tapoc Type I-g(c). lamo camo sindil indig Type g-I. guingcod lingcod Type n-l. mguan ligoan Type 1 vanished. bUa abian daan dalan Type 1-h. lare hari Type I-s. Uga siga Type nd-dl. ondao adlao ondoc hadloc tondo todlo Type pl-mp. sopla sompa Atypical monlogos mamomogos litobong hagbong libongan iftobongan llayan caoayan Progressing to the nasal class we collate first the palatal ng. the following vocables it is common to the two languages : In anding gabang guingcod lopong panga sopingi bangitao gangay libongan mopong pongong tobang bencong gatbang linga ngisi porong torong bogguiong gongog litobong osisang sansang tungdong Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type ng-n. logong logon lotang lothan pongo» «pon posong togtpos6on Type n-ng. atandanan catongdanan palon palong sinbaan singbahan bencong bingcong sansang sangsang taron tadong lonsod longsod Type ng-t. bingcon botcon laang lacat Type ng-d. porang bolad Type ng-g. marongot maligotogoton pongong pogong Type ng vanished. atodanan buta catongdanan botang guicoran lingcodan Atypical: guilos iring talinga dalonggan tonggab tongab impit hingpit tondong tongod 82 THE SUBANU. The lingual nasal n affords us a far briefer record of variability as between the two languages, for it is not necessary to repeat in this posi- tion the n-ng variety since it has already been listed. The list of vocables in which this nasal is common is here given: anding donaan gonom guinom maranaya ponopoton arunaan donot gonos guinonosola masm poporenion atandanan doon gonto inog meaon poraigon atodanan gaan goyon laraban mogonao puonan bingcon gantoson guicoran libongan nano sindil bolaan gasintos guien Uayan niguan tioan bondyag gina guilan logalin panas tocsocan bone gonagona guinaoa loon peen tolisan daan gonas guindog magalin ponicol ulihan deni gonlo guinocsip There are really so few instances of variation that they may properly be grouped in a single table ; only the first and second show any relation one to another. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. donot lonao nonot lodhao nano donlag cano damlag niguan monlogos ligoan mamomogos class. The labial nasal m is appreciably less in use than the others of this Its community in the two languages is as follows : gamo gomot lamo marongot amo dagom gampo gonom linagami dalinduman gaom guinom luma gama gomog itom meaon monlogos ocom pogliquimo timod In the following series the presence of m in Subanu and absence in Visayan is not to be treated as phonetic; it is rather the presence of the ma prefix of condition: Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. magalin maimo maloot balhin himo lolot maranaya matugas mogonao hanayhay tiga bognao molio momoc morala balico homoc oala In two instances Subanu maintains an initial m lacking to the Vis- ayan ; in the latter case we shall have occasion to observe that this is a stem letter: Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. In the following group of instances the presence of the m in one or other of the languages suggests its employment for some not well-com- 3rehended reason as a pre! ace to th( I mute 01 it s proper series : Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. impit lompoc Atypical. hingpit tapoc sombag sopla donlag mita tobag sompa damlag quita tolisan mopong tamisac tampalasan topong pisac The aspiration is very scantily employed by the Subanu. In the vocabulary will be found but three instances in which it appears as an SUB ANU- VISA YAN FILIATION. 83 initial, hilamon, huopongon, hatud which is given as a variant of atud. There are no instances of community of use. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type an-han. arunaan arunahan gina inah4n sinbaan singbahan gama amahan meaon mayahon ulihan oalihan gapo apohan Type h initial. aoid haoid inog hinog ondoc badloc atud hatod hwes hilis poquicot hocot gutnaoa. guinhaoa. waimo himo ulatay holat impit hingpit ocom hocom Type g-h initial. gaclop haclop gonas bonis guinonsola hinolsol gangay hangay gongog hongog pogliquimo paghimo gare hari goot hacot 1 quipos hipos gonagona honahona gosay hosay 1 Type h medial. 1 baa baha gaitaw gahit ! puonan poh6nan biag bihag gaom gahom saa saha boi bohi lood lohod i sool sahol booc bohoc lua luha taap tahap doon dahon peen baihon 1 taod tahod dua doha t 1 We next segregate a puzzHng group in which the Visayan employs aspiration where it is not present in Subanu and apparently combines it with other consonants. Where we have the forms gh, dh, th we might be tempted to class them as spirants if it were not for the fact that we have similar combinations with liquids and nasals where that explanation would be impossible. It seems more reasonable to account for this aspiration as initial to the syllable following the consonant. Subanu. Visayan. magalin bangitao bone Atypical: baga gayo litobong balhin balanghitao binhi pagcahobag cahoy hagbong Subanu. Visayan. deni dinhi poporenion paanhion loon daghan log lihoc lolat holat maranaya hanayhay Subanu. Visayan. lonao lotang potao lodhao lothan pothao momoc homoc panas hilanat tocsocan tohogan The sibilant S in the two languages is remarkably free from modifi- cation. The vocables which show community of use are the following : Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. casit saquit 1 lines hilis 1 sicol sicad gantoson antos lonsod longsod sinbaan singbahan gasintos asintos lugbas lapos soay asaoa gasoy asoy masin asin : socog cosog gocsip sipsip monlogos mamomogos soggo sodoc goguis ogis ocsop sopsop j sogod sooc goles balas osisang cosisang solog solod gonas honas pasagdan pasagad solot solod gonos onos posong tagiposoon sool sahol gosay hosay quipos hipos sopla sompa gosig osig saa saha sora isda gosod sogot saac socna tamisac pisac guinocsip sinapsap sacog sacop 1 tobos tapos guinonsola hinolsol sansang sangsang | toUsan tampalasan guisip isip sayoron sayod 84 THE SUBANU. The most frequent mutation of the sibilant in the greater number of languages is to the aspiration ; therefore it is noteworthy that we find but one trace in the Visayan-Subanu, namely tocsocan-iohogan. The instances in which s is present in one language and absent in the other number five. Subanu. Visayan. doque matugas Atypical: guilos liga ngisi sontoc tiga iring siga ngipon Subanu. Visayan. puli sindil panas panga balos indig hil&nat sanga Subanu. Visayan. sopingi sapulu sombag aping nap61o tobag The first and most casual inspection of the vocabulary makes mani- fest mutation variety in the mutes so great and seemingly so intricate that it will be necessary to subject these ultimate consonants to a more minute classification in subdivision than the earlier consonants have called for. Following the natural evolutionary order we shall first con- sider the palatal mutes and in this pair the surd will first engage our attention. It will be well to order the instances in accordance with their position as initial, medial, and final. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type k (c, qu) initial common. caya cana gMicoran lingcodan casit saquit cotooto cot6cot6 guingcod lingcod Type k initial (Subanu). cogool olol poquicot hocot quipos hipos pogHqnixao /?aghimo Type k initial (Visayan). amo camo atandanan catongdanan osisang cosisang anding canding atodanan catongdanan Type k initial atypical. lamo camo mita quita nano cano Type k medial common. bencong bingcong ocdoc docdoc sacog sacop bingcon botcon ocom hocom sicol sicad gaclop haclop ponicol panicad socog cosog gaco aco Type k-g medial. tocsocan tohogan Type k medial (Subanu). boclag bolag ocsop sopsop Type k medial (Visayan). bolaan bolacan laang lacat moli6 balico bui boquid lee lalaqui tioan potiocan goot hacot loop locop Type g final common. bocbaac baqui logoc looc ondoc hadloc booc bohoc lompoc tapoc saac socna doque sontoc momoc homoc tamisac pisac Type k-g final. atoc tagno tauac taoag Type k-d. loletoec toadtoad (dao caoat) Type g initial common. gaitan gahit gont6 gonto guien guini gaom gahom gosod sogot guinaoa guinhaoa gonlo onglo Type g-k initial. gaan caon gomog camot guilat quilat gam6 cam6 gomot camot guilid quilid gayo cahoy SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 85 (Continued from p. 84.) Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type g-h initial. gaclop haclop gonagona honahona goot hacot gangay hangay gonas bonds gosay hosay gare hari gongog hongog guinonsola hinolsol Type g initial (Subanu). gabo abo gasoy asoy gopao opao gaco aco gatop atop gosig osig gagda agda gina inahan goyon oyon galad alad goguis ogis guibid ibid gama amahan golitao olitao guibog ibog gampo ampo golo olo guilan ila gantoson antos gonom on6m guilos iring gangay angay gonos onos guinom inom gapo apohan gooay ooay guisip isip gapog apog gopa opa guito ido gasintos asintos Type g medial common. dagom tagom logong logon niguan ligoan lagoy laguio matugas tiga pasagdan pasagad liga siga mogonao bognao poraigon padayigon linagami dagami monlogos mamomogos Type g-k medial. lagi lalaqui logud licod Type g medial (Subanu). logalin lain lugbas lapos sogod sooc logoc looc magalin balhin Type g medial (Visayan). loon daghan Type g final common. baga pagcahobag bondyag bonyag inog hinog blag bihag daig dayig sombag tobag boclag bolag donlag damlag Type g-k final. dipag taboc log lihoc Type g final (Subanu). bolig bala Type g-d final. solog solod timod tigom (timog) Atypical : bogguiong bodyong gocsip sipsip guingcod lingcod goles balas goles balas litobong hagbong gomot domot guicoran lingcodan sacog sacop . good dool guindog tindog sindil indig gabang tabang guinocsip sinapsap soggo sodoc gatbang tobang Of the lingual mutes the surd t displays very slight mutability. We shall first list the common instances arrayed according to position. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type t common initial. ctandanan catongdanan taron tadong tolisan tampalasan ctoc tagna tauac taoay tom itom ctodanan catongdanan tee tai tondo todlo gatbang tobang timod tigom tondong tongod loletoec toadtoad tioan /)otiocan tonggab tongab matugas tiga tobang atobang torong tadong taap tahap tobos tapos tungdong tongod taod tahod tocsocan tohogan Type t medial common. atud hatod gantoson antos lotang lothan bangitao balanghitao gasintos asintos marongot maligotogoton binutong ibotang gatop atop mita quita buta botang golitao olitaoo ponopoton panapton cotooto cot6cot6 goto gont6 potao pothao Type t final common. casit saquit goot hacot lolat holat gaitan gahit guilat quilat maloot lolot gomot camot impit hingpit poquicot hocot gomot domot laat daot ulatay holat 86 THH SUBANU. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type lingual mutation. lompoc tapoc sombag tobag solot solod lopong topong guito ido talinga dalonggan panas hilanat Type linguo-palatal mutation. bingcon botcon gabang tabang guindog tindog laang lacat gomog camot Type linguo-labial mutation. mopong topong In an interesting and probably important contrast the lingual surd mute d is far less constant, a difference which comparison with the immediately foregoing tabulation will show to the glance. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type d initial common. daan dalan deni dinhi doon dona daig dayig donlag damlag dua doha dalinduman domdom doon dahon ocdoc docdoc Type d medial common. anding canding gagda agda ondoc hadloc atandanan catongdanan guindog tindog sindil indig atodanan catongdanan ondao adlao tondo todlo Type d final common. aoid haoid guilid quilid lood lohod atod hatud guingcod lingcod pasagdan pasagad galad alad logud licod taod tahod guibid ibid lonsod longsod Type linguo-palatal mutation. porang bolad good dool dao caoat balidya baligya soggo sodoc loletoec toadtoad bogguiong bodyong solog solod sogod sooc gomot domot timod tigom (timog) Type lingual mutation. dula loa poraigon padayigon lonao lodhao guilos iding porong podong dagom tagom laat daot sayoron sayod dipag taboc loon daghan sora isda donaan toton ponicol panicad taron tadong doque 50MtOC gare hadi torong tadong gosod sogot laraban ladaoan donot non6t solot solod Atypical. bondyag bonyag dala oala tungdong tongod bui boquid tondong tongod Last of all we reach the labial mutes, the strongest expression of the consonant modulation power of this organ. The surd p is almost Dositive, so very scanty are its variants. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Type p common. gaclop haclop loop locop poporenion paanhion gampo ampo lopong topong poraigon padayigon gapo apohan mopong topong porong podong gapog apog ocsop sopsop posong tagipos6on gatop atop pasagdan pasagad potao pothao gocsip sipsip palon palong puonan pohonan gopa opa pogliquimo paghimo quipos hipos gopao opao ponicol panicad sapulu nap61o gumocsip sinapsap ponopoton pandpton sopmgi apmg guisip isip pongon ipon sopla sorapa impit hingpit pongong pogong taap tahap lompoc tapoc SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 87 (Continued from p. 86.) Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan. Subanu. Visayan, Type p-b. dipag taboc porang bolad puli balos peen baihon Atypical. panas hilanat sacog sacop tamisac pisac panga sanga Type b common. baa baha bocbaac baqui gabo abo baga pagcahobag boclag bolag gatbang tobang balidya baligya bogguiong bodyong guibid ibid bangitao balanghitao boi bohi guibog ibog bencong bingcong bolaan bolacan libongan ibobongan biag bihag bolig bala litobong hagbong bila abian bone binhi sinbaan singbahan binal baol booc bohoc sombag tobag binutong ibotang buta botang tobang atobang bingcon botcon gabang tabang tonggab tongab Type b-p. bolao paolao lugbas lapos tobos tapes From our comparison of Subanu and Visayan we shall properly omit the many instances in the foregoing tabulation where community of consonants is manifest, for these instances lack critical value. In the residue of differences we are struck at once by the fact that practically every difference is double ; that as soon as we have established it as sub- sisting between Subanu and Visayan we discover its converse existence as between Visayan and Subanu. This is typically instanced in the second table on page 8i in the case of the vanished 1: Subanu bila is Visayan abian; on the other hand we are estopped from the behef that Visayan drops an 1 present in Subanu, for we find immediately Subanu daan and Visayan dalan in a case where we have positive knowledge that the 1 pertains to the stem. This tells a tale. No such interplay of differences can hold between a parent and a daughter speech, but it can hold between languages descending from a common parent. We shall find more to the same point in the examination of what may readily be designated speech biology. These languages are of the agglutinative type, a stage in advance of the isolating class, yet still in the development stages of consonant acquisition. We see that the greatest fixity of the consonants holds in the mutes, the most forceful expression of consonant possibiUty; and within the class of the mutes we observe that fluctuation is most noted in the sonants, essentially a less precise result of the positioning of the speech organs than the surds of the same series. The maximum variety (equally the maximum range of variation), lies in the region where are formed the semivowels, the nasals, the aspiration, and the sibilant. These are all sounds produced by the less forceful exercise of consonant-forming power ; therefore, where the differences in position of the appropriate closures is but sUght, it is natural for men to whom precise speech is not yet an art fully acquired, or even needed, to fall far short of precision in sound formation. 88 THE SUBANU. The examination of the variety by reference to the speech-organs employed points in the same direction. The least variously utiUzed organ is the Ups : only two closures have been taken into speech use, the minimum and the maximum ; here we find almost no variety in the com- parison of Subanu and Visayan. The palate, the speech-organ which first came under control, is the least flexible of the speech-organs and is commonly established in the primitive languages in but two closures, the minimum and the maximum. Here again, although the variety is somewhat greater than in the labials, it amounts to Uttle in the sum. But when we give our attention to the hngual series we are filled with amazement at the amount and extent of the mutation -variety. Its mutes are fixed ; that is to say, the speakers of these languages are able to attain the maximum of the speech effort to which the tongue lends itself; beyond that maximum it is in essence impossible to go; therefore the mutes must be a fixed quality. KarUer in this chapter I have pointed out the character of force in speech : how that initials and finals are more forcible, and that weaker forms supervene when either is brought within the interior of the word. Those of us who have had much intercourse with the inferior races of mankind have recognized in the declamation of their speech this quality of word force. We employ it ourselves in speaking to children and foreigners and other unfortu- nates not fully in possession of their wits ; we aim to speak distinctly in order to make comprehension sure. The primitive races are all children together, and we need go no further than the next school-yard at recess time to appreciate the dynamic force with which children converse among themselves. Omitting, then, the Hngual mutes as under the dominance of another set of influences, we find that in Subanu and Visayan the tongue is a most uncertain member. It is within the power of these speakers to put the tongue in all but one of its standard closures, yet the positioning is so insecure that we have seen in the tabulation (pages 85 and 86) that any closture may and does slip in to any other closiu"e of the same organ. More than that, we find that the duty of the tongue is not infrequently deHvered over to the palate to perform, a return from the imperfectly mastered organ to one whose control is more sure and whose use is directed by longer famiharity of habit. Thus far we have considered Subanu and Visayan together, as in some as yet undetermined relation of fiUation. The phonetic variety will not lead us directly to the determination of the nature of this fiHa- tion, for the mutation is by no means in a single direction. We are not able to assume, for example, that the Visayan is the source speech and that Subanu diverges therefrom by dialectic variety exhibited in a certain array of mutation instances ; for in fact we find that for every mutation in one direction between Visayan and Subanu there is its converse in the other direction between Subanu and Visayan. SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 89 Yet we are not without data which may be applied toward the solu- tion of the problem. The formative elements tell a tale of importance. In general we observe that the Visayan employs all the composition members which are in Subanu use. From the dictionary of Fray Juan FeUx we find that the Visayan has in use a considerable number of such members which the Subanu lacks. This is particularly to be noticed in the matter of the infixes, those puzzUng yet very convenient marks of a word-treatment which is just beginning to reach out toward inflectional value. From this we begin to form the impression that the Subanu represents an earUer phase of a common speech ; that it has not under- gone the development which accession of higher culture has induced among the Visayans. The geography of the culture site of the Subanu leads us in the same direction. On the ethnographic chart in Father Algue's "Atlas de Filipinas" the Visayans are indicated as occupying a somewhat compact area in the mid PhiHppines. Their settlements are principally found on Negros, Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor, Leyte, Samar. North of this center the islands of Panay, Masbate, Tablas, Rombl6n, and Sibuyan show more or less extended occupation by this stock. Toward the south they are found in settlement at spots upon the north coast of Mindanao, on the east shore of the Bay of lUgan, on its west shore as far as Dapitan, on the northeast coast from Surigao toLianga, and upon the outlying islands of Dinagat and Siargao. This plot shows distinctly the movement of the Visayans in their advance upon the archipelago, for it is indisputable that they are a Malayan race both Unguistically and ethnologically. From the tip of Borneo two well-marked Unes He before the coast- wise seamen of the prahu. The northern fine leads from the north shore of Borneo by Balbac, Paragua, and Busuanga direct to Mindoro, with not a trace of Visayans along the Une. The southern Une of approach, after leaving the south coast of Borneo, leads by Tawitawi, Jolo, Basilan, and Zamboanga directly to the abodes of the Subanu and to the center of Visayan Ufe and settlement spread over the area from Negros to Samar. The position in which the Subanu lie relative to this broad avenue of Visayan migration indicates for them an early asso- ciation with the main body of migrants. Having taken possession of this region north of Zamboanga, they withdrew to the interior of the country for the usual protection of weak peoples by evasion. Thus they lost touch with the greater members of their race ; they remained undeveloped in their inland seclusion and now present an earher type, perhaps the earliest type of the race which with greater freedom of development under better settlement conditions has marched forward to such progress as now marks the Visayan culture. By combination of all these considerations we reach the conclusion that the Subanu are of the Visayan race, that their language represents an early phase of the Visayan, and that future investigation may bring 90 THE SUBANU. to light the fact that its vocabulary preserves many vocables which in the general Visayan are but rarely encountered. It is wide of the purpose of this work to point out in the vocabulary the Malay affiliates. We do not need them for proof that the language is Malayan, and it would do no more than duphcate work already familiar. The only exception which I have made is in the case of a few vocables for which I have noted affihations in several languages in the Celebes waters. These were collated in Dr. Elbert's Sunda Expedi- tion, while the study of Subanu was in progress, and are therefore quite new and undoubtedly welcome additions to the stock of Malay com- parative material. There remain for our consideration a double-handful of examples of a mutation which is certainly anomalous, for it does not fall within the ordinarily estabUshed categories of phonetic variabihty. Absolutely these examples are few, yet it is clear from their repetition for so many as are here shown that they represent a speech principle. Therefore they are worthy of our examination in order that we may discover the principle which is operative. So far, when it has been necessary to refer to any of these vocables in passing, I have classed them as inversion; now we shall see of what nature they really are. For readier vision, let us first see what would be the result if the principle were a part of our own speech equipment, since it is much easier to study it when applied to vocables more familiar than any which may be drawn from the distant Subanu. From the Latin ruga we derive the adjective rugose; if this principle were at work in oiu* hnguistics we should have gurose or urgose; from the German heten we should have tehe or edhe in place of hede as in bederoU. These illustra- tions in famiUar material, so far as they have true apphcabiUty to the matter, will show us that there are two possible forms ; that there is an interchange of consonants between the second and first syllables ; that the syllable itself is inverted and its initial consonant is made final. In our Subanu material we must discover which of these takes place. Omitting here all consideration of the usual phonetic variation which may or may not affect the form of the compared vocables, we present the examples in similar groups : Subanu Visayan casit saquit gosod sogot socog cosog In these the change has afifected the initial syllable Twe^find the same number of instances in which it has been appHed to the final syl- lable. Subanu timod Visayan tigom tondong tongod tungdong tongod SUBANU-VISAYAN FlUATlON. 91 So far as relates to the former group, we might conclude that the process was an interchange of the initial consonants of the former and the latter syllables, regarding the initial syllable in each case as open, that is, consisting of consonant and vowel. In the second group we should have, in continuation of the theory that the interchange is between one syllable and another, to regard each syllable as closed and that the movement applied to final consonants. This is by no means satisfactory ; it involves a comphcation which is foreign to language of so elemental a type. Our next group of three will afford us a better view of the process. Subanu Visayan gonlo onglo luma odma sora isda Here we have no difficulty in seeing that the syllabification is gon-lo, lu-ma, so-ra. This makes clear what has happened, the initial syllable has been inverted without any doubt in luma and sora, lu-ma-ul- nta-od-ma, so-ra-os-ra-is-da. In the first group of three we find the same syllable inversion in all three cases ; gos-od-sog-od-sog-ot. In the second group it holds; H-mod-ti-dom-ti-gom. There remain now three apparent anomaUes, gonlo, tondong, tung- dong. Instead of nog-lo we find ong-lo; instead of ton-ngod ton-god; instead of tung-ngod ton-god. Since all involve the palatal nasal we may safely conclude that the same principle of inversion of syllables is operative, but that the result is subjected to perturbation produced by some attractive quality in the palatal nasal, a closure which we have estabHshed as among the first of the consonant possibiHties to be developed. Our material affords us a group of four vocables, in which at first sight there appears to exist a different type of inversion, the interchange of consonants concurrently brought together. They are these: Subanu Visayan ondao adlao ondoc hadloc sopla sompa tondo todlo As these have arisen for consideration in the foregoing text I have indicated a more satisfactory explanation, that when for any reason a liquid is assumed by the stem the preface of the series nasal is dropped by the stem mute ; or, that when a stem Hquid is dropped the mute is prefaced by way of compensation. Just which of these two statements is the proper view must await the determination of the true stem in these words and that can be accomplished only by following them through their various occurrences in Indonesia. The Bontoc Igorot affords us three instances of inversion which may properly be adduced for comparison. Subanu Bontoc gosa ogsa lipay paley niug inyog 92 THE SUBANU. These are confirmatory of the deductions which have been drawn from the Subanu material ; in the first and third of these inverts there can be no doubt whatever that the initial syllable is inverted as a unit, in the second invert we shall find justification in regarding the inversion as of the same type. This theory of inversion as dealing with syllable units comports with our broader comprehension of languages so primitive as are these of agglutination. While the word-stem is frequently dissyllabic we must regard it as compact of monosyllabic roots. In the languages of isolation the two roots which enter the stem are capable of independent existence and most commonly are found free in the same speech. In agglutination the secondary root has in most cases ceased its free exist- ence and in the process of such disuse has undergone more or less of form-change, so that it has become merely a composition member. The principal root remains susceptible of necessary modification as a speedi unit. I may note the occurrence of this type of inversion, though infrequent, in the isolating languages of Melanesia. It was not within my original plans for the scope of this work that the collation of the Subanu afi&liation should extend beyond the im- mediately circumjacent Visayan. It was easy to recognize that in the many languages of the Philippines many interesting discoveries might be made and that more extended study must be fruitful in valu- able results. After due consideration I determined to relinquish this study to those whose concern is more specifically directed to Philippine linguistics and to those masters of Malay philology who may be ex- pected to deal with the new material which has been given me to arrange and to order for their examination. It will be understood that my particular object has been to sift this Subanu for such data as might be found to bear upon my own specific study of the early phases of the Poljmesian speech. With that I am quite content. But it chanced that while these pages were being put into type my attention was somewhat fortuitously directed to Dr. Seidenadel's study of the language of the Bontoc Igorot. Immediately I recognized a marked similarity in parts of the vocabularies of the two races. They are widely separated; almost the whole length of the archipelago lies between the Igorot of Bontoc in the northern tip of I^uzon and the Subanu of the southern extremity of Mindanao. Despite the dis- tance which parts them they have one condition in common: each is interiorly situated with reference to a Malayan people of more advanced culture and richer development; the Subanu an inclusion within the Visayan area, the Bontoc Igorot within the Tagalog region of predominance. Despite linguistic differences, this condition is readily compre- hensible in our acquaintance with the Philippines . The Aet as and others of the true negritos represent the survivors of a primitive autochtho- SUB ANU- VISA YAN FILIATION. 93 nous people who were feebly in possession of the islands at the time of the coming of the first wave of Malay migration. Unfit to make a successful stand against the better-equipped invaders these almost pygmy people withdrew to the mountains where they could preserve in uninterrupted simplicity their rude life but little advanced above the plane of social animals. In the same manner the earliest Malayan settlers were dealt with by later swarms of their own race; before the better fighters they, too, withdrew from the coasts and found a refuge in the seclusion of the mountains. This we may readily comprehend in the case of the Subanu shyly retreating before their Visayan kinsmen. I think that further study will establish this as fact in the case of the Bontoc Igorot, that they are in some sense poor and primitive relations of the Tagals who have established themselves as the dominant race of the northern area of the Philippines. At the present time there is marked difference between the Tagals of the north and the Visayans of the south. This difference is nowhere more marked than in speech; mutually incomprehensible they would not be identified as of the same stock save upon philological investi- gation. This diversity of settlement is an afifair of somewhat modern times ; at least it has been formed in the last wave of migration which established the settlement of the Philippines as we now see it. It is not in the least necessary to postulate the same diversity for the earUer migration wave out of western Malaysia, it is quite possible that the first settlers were far more homogeneous. Therefore it need cause us no surprise should we discover a relation between Subanu and Bontoc Igorot of the earher migration which may imply community of origin. In the collation of Seidenadel's vocabulary of the Bontoc Igorot I have succeeded in identifying 90 affiliates which may be recognized in the Subanu with no great difficulty. A very considerable number of these affiUates he within the element common to Malayan and Poly- nesian ; therefore they add their confirmation to the conclusions which I base upon the similar element of the Subanu. These affiUates I shall list in tables based upon the several phonetic elements involved in order to facilitate our topical consideration of the material. The Uquid 1 is practically common to Subanu and Bontoc Igorot as shown in this table : Subanu. Bontoc. 1 Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. dalan djalan 1 lima lima \ salamin salming dila djila linao alinoao salapi salapi galad alad lipay paley sapulu polo golo olo lua lua sulat suladak goloan olaoan lusung luson sulu sillu gulungan kolong palad talad tolo tolo laga lago palay palay tolod itoludko lagi lalaki pilak bilak tongalang alang laneg lanib pili pili walu walo lasag kalasay 94 THE SUBANU. The only instances of 1-mutation are these • Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. bulan buan sapulu po'o lanao tjanaom ngalan ngatjan ngalan gare ngadan ali The loss of 1 is found within the Subanu, as, for instance, the alternative forms dalan and daan. The interchange of r-l in gare-ali is so sUght and so familiar as to attract no attention. The mutation 1-d and the slight variant 1-tj is mutation in series, therefore readily to be comprehended, it is passage from the weaker effort of Ungual closure to the most forceful efifort in 1-d or stopping in 1-tj just short of that Hmit. The palatal nasal ng is found for the most part unchanged; the only instances of variety are ng-n in liisung-luson and the dropping of the sound in posong-poso. The instances where this consonant remains unaltered are the following : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. gulungan ngalan panga kolong ngadan panga payung saguing sising payong saking singsing sopingi tongalang iping alang The lingual nasal n exhibits a minimum of mutation. The stems in which it appears unchanged in the two languages afford us this table : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. bulan buan. lanao tjanaom niug niyog cana kanek laneg lanib ngalan ngadan goloan olaoan linao alinoao pono punek gonom mim manoc monok sigupan songyopan ina ma masm asm sinbaan simfan inom inumek mmsan mammgsan toon taaowin The recessive inter-organic mutation from Ungual to palatal, n-ng, is found in the three instances cana-mangan, minsan-mamingsan, salamin-salming; the progressive mutation ng-n has been noted in a single instance. The progressive inter-organic mutation from Ungual to labial, n-m, is found in the single instance of sinbaan-simfan; this is readily expUcable by attraction to the labial tract in the effort to produce the surd spirant f in an intermediate lip closure not yet fully in the habit of the speech. We note such attraction in the Subanu itself. Quite as we should expect from our acquaintance with languages of this type, the labial nasal m exhibits no mutation phases in this material ; the occurrences of its community are noted in the following table: Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. gama gonom inom lima ama inim inumek lima manoc mata minsan monok mata mamingsan salamin siam sombag salming siam samfad SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 95 We note two instances which suggest the abrasion of m-initial, masin-asin, matay-idoy. Each will receive more full discussion in the next chapter ; in the latter case it is clear that we are not concerned with frontal abrasion, but that the Bontoc stem is a primitive while the Subanu has arrived at secondary development by the appUcation of the ma prefix of condition. The examination of the palatal mutes shows us a considerable play of mutation of the sonant g. Numerically the largest group consists of the instances in which an initial g exists in Subanu and is absent from the Bontoc, as set forth in this table : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. galad gama gapid gapoy gare alad araa apik apuy ali gatai gatop golo goloan gonom atoy atep olo olaoan inim gooay gugat gutek gwasay wue uad utek wasay The question of the g-initial is discussed in the study of the Subanu phonetic and need not be taken up here. The single instance in which this assumption or dropping of g affects the letter in other than the initial position is to be seen in gugai-uad. We have four instances in which the g is common to the two languages : geeg-alogoog, laga-lago, niug-^iyog, gosa-ogsa. The very simple mutation from sonant to surd, g-k, appears well established in the following instances : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. baga balin-gawa gayo poko kaaowa kayao goyamet gulungan komaot kolong lagi saguing lalaki saking Recessive mutation, that is upward in the series and from forceful toward weaker expression, occurs twice in the type g-ng: boligan- faolengan, sigupan-songyopan. We may be justified in the interpre- tation of lasag-kalasay as a recessive mutation yet further continued past the nasal as the first of the true consonants and clear over to the semivowel proximate to the speech organ involved in g; this explana- tion, which at this point can be no more than tentative, will need addi- tional data for its determination We find the more violent mutation out of series, palatal to lingual in two instances, gabo-tjapo and sombag- sumjad; and palatal even to labial in laneg-lanib. The surd palatal mute k undergoes little mutation, quite as we should expect after observing with what frequency the sonant comes to rest upon it ; the community is observed in these instances : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. bocbaac booc cana fakfak fook makan gutek kanuku manoc utek koko monok patik pilak fatek bilak 96 THE SUBAJIU. In a single case, cana-mangan, we have recessive mutation from mute to nasal. In three cases we find a k in Bontoc which is absent in Subanu ; basa-fasaek, siyu-siko, tao-takao. Passing now to the Unguals we find no more than one instance of a mutation affecting the sibilant. This occurs in sopingi-iping, and we are unable to determine if it is a Subanu assumption or a Bontoc abra- sion, except in so far as the Visayan aping is indicative. The instances where s is common are set forth in this table : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. basa buis fasaek fuys posong pusu poso baosig sigupan sinbaan songyopan simfan gwasay lasag lusung masin wasay kalasay luson asin sa saguing salamin salapi isa saking salming salapi sismg siyu sombag sulat - singsing siko sumfad suladak minsan mamingsan sawa asawa sulu siUu gosa ogsa siam siam We find the sonant lingual mute d unaltered in four instances: di-adi, galad-alad, palad-talad, tolod-itoludko. In three vocables we encounter the shght recessive mutation d-t j ; dalan-tjalan, dila-tjila, and d-dj in dua-djua, as to which we note that each is initial. In gapid-apik we meet a mutation out of series, from Ungual backward to palatal; it is suggestive of the kappation of modem Polynesian. The surd Ungual mute t remains commonly without mutation, as shown in this table : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. bato gatai gatop goyamet gutek bato atoy atep komaot utek mata pat patik pito mata ipat fatek pito tao tee tolo toon takao tae tolo taaowin The mutation from siu-d to sonant, t-d, occurs in three stems; gugat-uad, matay-idoy, sulat-suladak. In the course of these studies based upon extended research in the phonetics of primitive speech I have sufficiently estabUshed the fact that when the Ups are brought into use m, almost unalterable, is the weakest type of expression and b-p the most forceful. While m is fixed, positive, an unchanging modulant, we find in these languages the greatest play of variety in the consonants which depend for their formation upon the positioning of the Ups. The sonant labial mute b scarcely exists in the Bontoc; even that name is uniformly spelled Fontoc by Dr. Seidenadel ; it appears in no more than two vocables, bato-bato and bulan-buan, and for the latter we find the alternative fuan. In two instances we find mutation from sonant to surd, b-p; baga-poko, gabo-tjapo. In all other cases the SUBANU-VISAYAN FILIATION. 97 sonant mute passes to the surd spirant, b-f, in a class of consonant which the Subanu lacks. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. baboy basa boaya bocbaac fafuy fasaek fuaya fakfak boligan booc buis faolengan fook fuys bulan sinbaan sombag fuan simfan sumfad The mutations of the surd labial mute p are very infrequent. Two vocables afford us the p-b mutation from surd to sonant ; pilak- bilak, pusu-haosig. In the single instance of patik-fatek the mutation is yet one step more in recession, from surd mute to surd spirant. There is but a single case of mutation extra seriem, backward from lips to tongue, p-t, in palad-talad. The instances where p is common to the two languages are listed in this table : Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. Subanu. Bontoc. gapid apik pat ipat posong poso gapoy apuy payung payong salapi salapi gatop atep pili pili sapulu polo lipay paley pito pito sigupan songyopan palay palay pono punek sopingi iping panga panga I have presented this material in the form of the adjustment of the Bontoc Igorot upon the Subanu base, and for the reason that in this work the Subanu is the norm from which we measure divergence in cognate languages. To prevent the chance of error which might naturally arise in this manner of presentation it will be necessary to employ a few words in the explanation of the true fact in the case. It is not to be understood that the Bontoc mutation is any sort of a divergence from a Subanu standard or the Subanu a variation upon the Bontoc base, and the cases in which the two languages agree upon the employment of a common consonant are not at all indicative that we have established in such concord a primeval stem of any given vocable. There is a tertium quid to which each language must be referred inde- pendently. Mutation variety as between Subanu and Bontoc may be divergent variation from a primeval type, or one of the languages may preserve the primal type and the other exhibit mutation there- from. When Subanu and Bontoc are in accord it may be that they are also in accord with this third member of the problem; it may be equally the case that they accord in variation from that third member. The tertium quid is the stock speech from which Subanu and Bon- toc have derived this common element amounting to 90 items. It is a possibility that the Bontoc Igorot and the Subanu are widely sun- dered remnants of a common migration wave of closely related folk. This would be difficult to establish in view of the wide diversity of the 98 THE SUBANU. vocabularies in all but this community of 90 vocables, still more diffi- cult in view of the essentially different method of grammatical treat- ment. It is far more reasonable to consider that this community of vocables is the residuum of the draft made independently by Subanu and Bontoc, at some remote period of time and in some remote dis- tributing point of migration, upon the common stock of archetypal Malayan speech. That the source language of this community was already in possession of archetypal Polynesian elements is made clear by the further and most important fact that in this community of 90 vocables preserved at the far north of Luzon and at the far south of Mindanao, separated by ten degrees of latitude, no less than 55 are identifiable as in Polynesian possession at the present day. Much of this Subanu-Bontoc community in the possession of the common element of Malayan and Polynesian is identifiable with the Proto- Samoan and not with the Tongafiti migration of the Polynesians into the Pacific. What bearing this may have upon the problem of the great equa- torial archipelago I leave contentedly to the students of Malayan Un- guistics. Its bearing upon my own theme of Polynesian speech is clear. In the advance of the first Malayu migrants upon the primal Polyne- sians settled in the Java seas there was a mixing period during which the Malayan language was enriched by the assumption of Polynesian vocables, evidence of which admixture survives in some 250 vocables which we identify as common to the two language families. Further- more in this mixing period the interchange of speech material was almost wholly one-sided, assumption by the Malay from the Poly- nesian. This is established by the fact that there is not a single item in this community for which a Malayan source may be exclusively proved, and in but one doubtful case (tinae) is there a single suggestion that a secondary Malayan form is discoverable in the Polynesian, This mixing period was succeeded by an accession of new Malayan strength as new hordes poured in upon the archipelago. In this more violent stage the Polynesian ancestors began their first flight into the safety of the empty Pacific, the earliest Malays either fled to yet more remote islands, a movement in which we believe the Subanu in one flight and the Bontoc in another to have participated; or else they remained at the spots of their first settlement and welcomed their kins- men, thereby carrying over to the later comers more or less of the new vocabulary stock which they had acquired and thus securing its very uneven distribution throughout Malaysia as now within our study. CHAPTER IV. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. We are now brought to that division of the theme whose particular interest I freely confess was most largely operative in inducing me to accept the not inconsiderable task of preparing this Subanu material for publication. Indeed it is a great pleasure to be intimately asso- ciated with the introduction to scientific philology of a speech hitherto unrecorded, to array its vocables and the machinery of their sense- differentiation in such order as to facilitate the work of other students. It has been a rare delight and I would not seem to suggest anything which might in any way belittle the importance of such work. Yet I recognized in this employment the opportunity to make a fresh ap- proach upon the problem of the Malayo-Polynesian as a speech family; upon this base of absolutely new material to recompute the particular element upon which that family has been erected; from the Malayan side, as already I have done from the Polynesian side, to seek to render the family into its units. I consider that the unquestioning acceptance of this Malayo-Poly- nesian family has operated to prevent inquiry into the most promising source of linguistic knowledge . I believe the Malayo-Polynesian family to rest upon wholly false grounds. I know there is not, there can not be, a family of speech which shall include the Malayan with the Polynesian. Therefore I shall assemble the data which the Subanu and its kindred Visayan provide and shall let them prove these contentions. No material could be better for the purpose, for it is acknowledged by all authorities upon the Indonesian that the Philippine Malay pre- serves the most pure and uncontaminated type of the speech which holds throughout the Malay Sea. In the whole of the vast Malayo-Polynesian domain, extending from Madagascar to the Sandwich Islands in one direction, and in another to New Zealand, passing by the Sunda Islands, a common speech reigns, of which the groups and subgroups not only belong to the same class, but possess the ele- ments of the same vocabulary. Thus Andre Lefevre, at the beginning of the fourth chapter of his " Race and Language," and at the end of the chapter: The Malay family of languages is one of the simplest and most convenient of the agglutinative idioms, as it is the most extensive and the most clearly defined ; it constitutes a perfectly independent group, or at least its relationship to any other has not been discovered. 99 100 THE SUBANU. Upon what authority does the professor of anthropology at Paris issue these statements so positively and without qualification? Let us look at similar pronouncements by an even greater master of systematic philology : On the islands, however, which lie off the southeastern part of the conti- nent of Asia, and through most of the groups and isolated islets that dot the Pacific, north to Formosa, east to Easter Island, south to New Zealand, and west even to Madagascar on the very border of Africa, are found the scattered members of a vast and perfectly well-developed family, the Malay-Polynesian. Thus William Dwight Whitney at page 241 of "The Life and Growth of Language," and he continues: The Malay-Polynesian languages are more simple in regard to their pho- netic structure than any others in the world; hardly any of them have more than ten consonants, many only seven; and they do not allow a syllable to begin with more than one consonant or to close with a consonant. In the preceding chapter, when discussing the Subanu syllabifica- tion, I have convicted Whitney of error in the last item. Whence did Professor Whitney derive the information which enabled him to speak in such positive terms about the Malayo-Poly- nesian family? I yield to none in my reverence for the great authority of this profound master of the Sanskrit, and in addition I have an affec- tionate sentiment toward the preceptor who set my feet upon these ways. But what was the source of his information upon Malayan, Polynesian, and Malayo-Polynesian? Lef evre writes as one dealing with facts of common notoriety which require the citation of no authority. More precisely Whitney refers to Friedrich Miiller. His opinion is in the same form. I cite from page 271 of "Reise der osterreichischen Fregatte Novara um die Erde: linguistischer Theil:" In einer Zeit, welche jenseits aller Geschichte hegt, zog die helle malayo- polynesische Race vom Westen her, wahrscheinlich dem siidlichen Theile des asiatischen Festlandes gegen Osten, und Hess sich auf den Kiisten der Inseln nieder. Am ersten scheinen die Malayen auf den siidlich gelegenen grossern Inseln, wie Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, aufgetreten zu sein, wo sie sich nieder- liessen und die dort vorgefundene schwarze Bevolkerung theils vertilgten, theils sich assimilirten. Von da breiteten sie sich gegen Norden iiber die Philippinen, Marianen und die anderen angrenzenden Inseln aus, und gingen selbst nach Formosa, hart an der Kiiste Chinas hiniiber. Andererseits setzten sie auf ihren leichten, hurtigen Prahu's iiber den grossen Ocean, und siedelten sich auf den unbewohnten zahllosen Koralleninseln an, die in Gruppen hie und da aus der uniibersehbaren Wasserwiiste hervorragen. Auch die Doppelinsel Neu-Seeland, die Krone unter den Inseln der Siidsee, wurde von den kiihnen Wanderern in Besitz genommen, und wie es scheint, nach manchen Kampfen mit den wilden Raubthieren und Riesenvogeln bevolkert. Here we are coming closer to information at first hand, for Dr. Miiller had seen the Polynesians and the Indonesians with such super- POLYNESIAN AND MAI.AYAN. 101 ficiality of observation as comes to scientific voyagers whose stay at any one spot is necessarily brief. How superficial his knowledge is the last sentence exhibits, for it is a fact of zoology that New Zealand lacked beasts of prey, and it is more than doubtful if the moa persisted until the period of the Polynesian settlement of the islands; certainly there is no warrant for the assumption of the dinomis as a combative fowl. Despite his personal experiences on the cruise of the Novara, Miiller derives his authority for the Malayo-Polynesian family from Franz Bopp. At last we have gone upstream to the source. The Malayo- Polynesian family was erected by Bopp, "Ueber die Verwandschaft der malayisch-polynesischen Sprachen mit den indisch-europaischen," pubHshed in 1841. No one may deny Franz Bopp the credit of establishing the science of comparative philology ; he first brought into order the study of the interlacing languages of mankind, estabUshed the greater groups, and pointed out the method whereby the study of speech could be made effective. All the authorities whom we have cited in the introductory pages of this chapter have been satisfied to rest upon the dicta of their leader; to not one has it seemed proper to subject to further examina- tion the data which he had used. It is the compelling force of a great name deadening research. Now it is proper to attempt to resurrect the data which were available for Bopp in 1841. It is well to bear in mind that he was fresh from his triumph in elucidating the relationship of the various Indian, Persian, and European languages which now we commonly designate the Aryan group . He had established a Semitic family, which later information has considerably modified. He had given Africa the Hamitic family in a speech arrangement which is now completely dis- regarded. Carried away by the zeal of completing his system, of assorting all the languages of mankind into famiUes, he created this Malayo-Polynesian family. We have the right to examine the material upon which he based this classification. First and foremost in his study was the great work of Wilhelm von Humboldt on Java, "Ueber die Kawi-Sprache," which was published in 1838. I can find no sUghtest evidence that Bopp went beyond the material which Humboldt had amassed in this great work. Accord- ingly the authority for the family which Bopp created must lie in the work of his predecessor. Let it be understood that there is here no suggestion that Humboldt is anything but our best authority upon the Kawi speech in Java. His study of that ancient language is both briUiant and profound, his discus- sion in pursuit of his theme when it carries him to the modern Javanese, both in its Basakrama and its Basangoko types, leaves nothing to be desired. But when he goes further afield and brings in comparative 102 THE SUBANU. material we are entitled to estimate the value of that material. I can do nothing better than to quote from Edward Tregear upon this very- point (Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, page xiii) : In this very voluminous work Humboldt examines the vocabularies and grammatical construction of the Oceanic languages and considers that the Tagal of the Philippines is the leading dialect. His vocabularies, however, were of a very imperfect character, and his deductions would have been con- siderably modified had he possessed the information at present at our service, his Maori being the Maori of Lee and Kendall (1820) and his Tongan, if possible, still more defective and iUusory. I have been at pains to discover what linguistic information as to the languages of Polynesia was available to Humboldt and therefore through him gave Bopp the data for the creation of this family. A very few word-Usts were buried in the narratives of the great explorers ; even if we assume that Humboldt had access to them all the material was in very imperfect condition and by no means trustworthy. Tregear has characterized the "New Zealand Grammar and Dictionary" of Lee and Kendall. The Tongan vocabulary was that of Mariner's "Tonga Islands," published in 181 8 and filled with errors which at the present day are impossible of resolution. The work of Davies on the language of Tahiti had been published in 1823, but its present value is that of a curiosity. In 1837 Chamisso had published his brief and inaccurate vocabulary of the Hawaiian, but it does not appear that it affected Humboldt's work. In these few items we have the sum of the data, both scanty and untrustworthy, on which rests theMalayo- Polynesian family of speech. I arraign this family (experience has proved it a deadening collo- cation), upon the following grounds: 1. That the evidence upon which it is sought to support it is incompetent, immaterial, and irrelevant. 2. That a family of languages can not be constituted of members belonging to radically distinct orders of speech, and that in this case the Malayan is an agglutinative speech and the Polynesian isolating. 3. That the use of infixes, characteristic of all the Malayan lan- guages and necessary to their use in speech, is wholly unknown to any of the Polynesians. 4. That the Polynesian is essentially a language of open type in its present stage and that a consistent effort has been operative to excise final consonants in stems where inferentially they existed in a remote past; that the Malayan languages admit closed syllables and that in very many instances there has been an assumption of conso- nants in order to close syllables originally open. 5. That the fixed element of the Polynesian lies in its vowel structure; that the vowels of the Malayan are most uncertain, and that the permanent elements are in the consonant skeleton. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 103 From the beginning there has been some opposition to Bopp's Malayo-Polynesian family. John Crawfurd, a profound student of the Malay, was the first to raise his voice in opposition and was treated with a most undeserved contempt for his really great powers ; in For- nander's words "he was treated as an ethnologic heretic." The only successful opposition directed upon Bopp dealt with quite another division of his Malayo-Polynesian theory, that in which he sought to associate this family with the Sanskrit, a position no longer held by phi- lologists. The only modern author who has recurred to this position is Judge Fornander, who sought to establish the relation of the Polynesians with the Aryan folk ; yet even in so doing Fornander is sedulous to set himself against his predecessor's association of Malay and Polynesian. The same stand of opposition is held by authors so widely at variance upon other points of Polynesian study as Alphonse de Quatrefages, A. H. Keane, Lesson, and Alfred Russel Wallace. Despite this very respectable opposition, our systematic philologists cling to Bopp's im- possible family. Now what has produced this error? Some cause there must have been of sufficient strength to prove operative upon Franz Bopp and Wilhelm von Humboldt to lead them into this position. Of their fol- lowers we need say nothing now save that they have one and all followed their leaders, that not one of them has sought the original material in confirmation of the doctrine which they have blindly accepted. There is a reason, and on its face and so far as it goes a very good one. In every Malayan language there is a certain number of words which either on immediate inspection or after very slight dissection are found to be in use in many, if not in most, of the languages of Polynesia. For myself I am willing to go one step more, to acknowledge that the words common to the Malayan and the Polynesian occur also in several languages of Melanesia. Probably had Humboldt known of this fact (in the complete absence of vocabulary material it was hidden from him) Bopp would have included this third member in his family, just as in the present time Dr. MacDonald has tried to do in his Oceanic family. We have followed one another in accepting the results of collation of this common material. Most of it will be found conveniently acces- sible in Mr. Tregear's dictionary. Now I have had the opportunity to collate anew, and on fresh material, a Malayan language of the purest type and to extract the words in which I can see or detect community with languages of Polynesia. These words, with all the comparable material at my disposal, are here set down in order for individual exam- ination, that we may be fully prepared to enter upon the exhaustive study of the nature and source of this community. In ordering this material I have shown, in the caption of each item, the Proto- Samoan stem and the Subanu form, or in default of the discovery of of this stem in the Subanu I have established the comparison upon the 104 THE SUBANU. Visayan form. In the former group are tabulated the various dialectic forms in Polynesian with a statement of their provenience ; in the latter group are the Malayan forms so ordered as most conveniently to exhibit their alterations from the more simple to the highly complex type of variety. It has not appeared advisable herein to exhibit the mutations of Polynesian stems as found in Melanesia; that problem is quite distinct from that with which we are here engaged. For the convenience of such as care to examine this theme I have appended, wherever I have collated this material, a reference to the page of The Polynesian Wanderings where such data have been discussed. I have, however, included this third and intervening element in the discussion of every such vocable as was not included in the scope of the former work. I. afi fire: Subanu gapoy id. ail ahi afi efi afo ngafi quafi goifi aif yaf Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Aniwa, Sikaiana. Tahiti, Mangareva.Marquesas, Rapa- nui, Hawaii. Rarotonga. Bima, Ceram. Muna, Matabello. Malagasy. Guam. Chamorro. Guam. Gah. Ahtiago, Teor. ai Siwa, Brissi. hai Vaiqueno, Rotti. hahi Timor. api Malay, Kolon, Tomohon, Solor, Battak, Bugis. hap! Java. yap Mysol. apoi Silong, Champa, Formosa, Matu. apui Kayan, Madura, Dayak, Tagalog, Ilocano, Sideia, Bontoc Igorot. wha Bouton. pepi Macassar. puro Bolanghitam. The last of these forms is highly problematical ; it is here included for the completion of the record, but it has no suggestion of association with afi save through the presence of p, which occurs so commonly in the secondary Malayan stem. The Macassar pepi is in slightly better case, for we may regard the prosthetic p as due to attraction of the stem consonant, a precisely similar instance being the prosthetic h in hahi. Bouton wha, if associable with this stem, is a mutilated fragment. Three forms, aif, yaf, and yap, exhibit different phases of inversion, a structural method which we have already discovered in the discus- sion of the Subanu. The remaining forms fall into accord through the operation of well-estabHshed laws of mutation. These mutations are triple in their incidence. The stem consonant f varies in one direc- tion to h, in the other to p, even undergoes extinction, variations of frequent occurrence in the phonetics of these languages. Prosthesis operates through four agents, h, ng, g, k; these, it will be observed, run the whole scale of palatal consonants. The final vowel undergoes a modification to what may prove a diphthong, a mutation which we shall observe again in the study of this material (cf . 4) ; a change such as this is wholly foreign to the spirit of the Polynesian languages, where the vowels are of the stoutest constancy, but we note with interest the occurrence of the converse in Niue, where we encounter several instances in which ae of the stem, essentially not diphthongal, becomes e. In POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 105 the Malayan cognates i becomes ui and oi, and in the vowel uncer- tainty of these languages, the two forms are different alphabetically rather than in reaUty. It will be seen from an examination of the maps that this variant occurs almost distinctly in the eastern and older half of the Malayan province, where also prosthesis occurs. Subanu gapoy exhibits the maximum of mutation away from the primal stem, prosthesis in the same sense as in Guam, mutation of the consonant from spirant to mute, alteration of the final vowel. 2. hangi to blow: Visayan hangin the wind. P. W. 317. angi Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Nukuoro, Maori, Ala- ngareva, Moriori. dhangi Viti. ani Hawaii, Marquesas. angi Bima. ange Kisa. angin Malay. angina Malagasy. anging Macassar, Bugis Ranging Bali. hangin Java, Tagalog, Magindano, Bicol. I am not indisposed to regard the Proto-Samoan stem as hangin, basing this upon the Samoan form in the objective aspect angina and the Viti dhangina, as to which Hazlewood notes "an irregular passive." On this assumption the Malayan hangin, all in the eastern half of the province except Java, is a constant. We have learned to interpret the dh of the Viti phonetic as the attempt, an effort which through force overleaps its aim, to render the aspiration proximate to the lingual series, this aspiration having become extinct in all other Polynesian. In this reading of the early stem we look upon hangin as a preservation of the original in Indonesia, and the Bima and Kisa forms as having undergone the same modification as is the case in the present phase of the Polynesian. The other mutations entail no difficulty, mutation from n to ng in the final consonant in three instances, and of initial h to k in Bali. This may be an accretion of the palatal mute after the loss of the aspiration, that is to say hanging may be a secondary development upon anging; on the other hand I have estabUshed for the triple aspiration a portative value whereby mutation extra serieni may be brought about, and this mutation from lingual aspiration to palatal mute is conceivable as effected by the tendency to revert to the palatal, further exhibited in the n-ng mutation. The primal type is best preserved in the eastern or Philippine subprovince. 3. aku I; Visayan ac5 I. a'u Samoa. aku Sulu, Malay. au Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Raro- akui Kayan. tonga, Rapanui, Tahiti, Marque- aho Malagasy. sas, Mangareva, Hawaii. yahu Kisa. From a multiplicity of terms employed in Indonesia for the first personal pronoun, many of them mere forms of courtesy, these have been selected as clearly belonging to the Polynesian stem. There are no diflBculties of mutation, for k-h is but a halfway post on the Une toward the extinction of k in modem Polynesian. The accretion of a 106 THE SUBANU. final vowel in Kayan is counterbalanced by frontal accretion of the semivowel of the same type in Kisa. 4. ate the Uver; Subanu gatai id. P. W. 320. ate Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Fotuna, Nuguria, Maori, Tahiti, Rapanui, Marquesas, Mangareva, Rarotonga. ake Hawaii. yate Viti. ate Pampangas. ati Malay, Java, Magindano. atai Matu. atay Visayan, Tagalog. adoy Bontoc Igorot. hut Ternati. akin Kisa. Here we meet with no matters of particular interest so far as relates to form. The original stem is retained unchanged, for the vowel difference is negligible, in two languages of the eastern and two of the western subprovince. The assumption of an initial aspiration in Ternati is not unusual, the accretion of final n in Kisa is frequent, the t-k mutation in the same speech foreshadows the great movement in that direction which has swept over the Polynesian area with a force not yet spent. The sense variety in the application of this stem is most attractive. In the great majority of instances its reference is to the liver, but it has been applied not only to other inner organs but to parts of the body exterior to the trunk cavity. Thus we find it with a modifier used of the spleen in Samoan atepili. Without modifier it is used of the spleen (Efate), of the gall bladder (Wedau), of the lungs (Rapanui), of the chest in general (Solomon Islands and perhaps Mota), of the heart (Java). What is the common factor which will admit of such diverse applicability? The heart as known to these amateurs of the insides of their foes is a hard body, the lungs soft to the touch. This distinction is so well comprehended that in many of these lan- guages one word does duty for the heart of man and the stone of fruits. The name of the lungs is the word which in adjective use means light, exactly paralleled by oiu" use of the word hghts, an expression by a still further oddity now most familiar to us in Quilp's adjuration, " Oh, my Ughts and liver!" Between these extremes the other organs which carry this name are variously graded in density. It is quite clear, then, that density is not the point in this nomenclature. Another common factor is that of shape : every one of these organs appears to the sight as nodular, an agglomeration distinct from the softer organs among which they are exposed to view in the crude processes of anatomy to which the trunk is subjected by hungry savages. This sense is probably the germ sense of ate, for we find it in the Samoan atevae and atelima used of the bunches of muscle in leg and arm respectively when contracted. 5. asu smoke; Visayan aso id. P. W. 286. asu Samoa, Nukuoro. afu Futuna. aasu Rotuma. u Hawaii. osu ahu Rotuma. Tonga, Niue, Uvea. as-ap Malay. ohu Nuguria. aso Tagalog. au Maori, Nuguria, Tahiti, Mangareva, ashok Bontoc Igorot Marquesas, Rapanui Rarotonga. etu-na Malagasy. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 107 For such determinant value in the matter of speech history as it may be found to possess, we should give particular note to the Indo- nesian affiliates. The Visayan not only represents the original stem of the word, but also is capable of carrying the signification without need of an auxiliary; in these two particulars, form and strength of defini- tion, it corresponds with the languages of Nuclear Polynesia. On the other hand the Malay retains the consonant of the original stem, but its signification is so weakened that to as (smoke) ' ' vapor ' ' it has been necessary to adjoin ap (from apt, cf. item i) "fire." In the history of the word, asii from smoke has come to signify any visible vapor and therefore has to be strengthened to convey the smoke signification as "fire-vapor;" this course of devolution and auxiliation reappears in the languages of southeastern and generally distal Polynesia, accom- panied by a weakening of the stem by loss of its central consonant. We thus find eastern Malaysia in accord with western Polynesia upon the older form and the strong sense; western Malaysia and eastern Polynesia upon the weak signification. The collocation is significant. Eastern Malaysia, particularly the Philippines, preserves the older type of Malayan speech ; western Polynesia, the region of Nuclear Polynesia (which, on philological grounds, I have erected into a province), repre- sents the earlier or Proto-Samoan migration into the Pacific. In distal Polynesia we find the stronger influence of the latter or Tongafiti migra- tion, a junior type of the speech; it is not without moment that we find this in association with the western and later phase of the Malayan. So far as we are at liberty to interpret this in terms of folk movement, we read that the first Malayan comers into the Indonesian archipelago were in contact with the Proto-Samoan ancestors of the Polynesians; that the later Malayans advanced from the Asiatic continent along the Malacca highway and dislodged their kinsmen in an easterly direc- tion in order to make their own settlements in Sumatra and Java, and that these newcomers were in contact with the ancestors of the Tonga- fiti Polynesians of the junior migration. 6. alimango a crab; Visayan alimango a crab with large claws. The word is evidently composite, but in neither language is it pos- sible to resolve it into comprehensible elements. In my study of the Samoan it has suggested itself to me that it might be formed of three elements, a-lima-ngo. Of these a plays a part in word formation which I recognize dimly, but which I have not yet been able to reduce to full comprehension; it seems to be a sign by which a descriptive vocable (adjectival in sense) is set apart into noun use. In the appearance of the Samoan crustacean which bears this name the claws are prominent, and in the Visayan definition their size is incorporated within the defi- nition; therefore the word lima, as hand or arm, might properly be segregated in the composite. The final element ngo should then be an 108 THE SUBANU. attributive in adjective sense descriptive of some appearance of the claws of this crab; the only meaning which might seem applicable is derivable from Mangarevan ngongo "a conical hole," with which we may associate Hawaiian no "a hole." The Samoan alimango is the Portunid Lupea ; we are by no means sure to what extent the dotted and pockmarked appearance of this crab would warrant the designation "pitted claw" when the marking is carried over the whole carapace, but we are no more than at the beginning of our understanding of selectivity of definitive characters as authorizing name-creation by these beginners of speech. 7. apunga-leveleve spider; Visayan laoalaoa id. P. W. 361. apunga-leveleve ka-leveleve hala-neveneve buta-lawalawa ka-velevele punga-verevere Samoa. Tonga, Futuna, Niue. Nukuoro. Viti. Uvea. Mangareva, Paumotu, Mangaia. punga-werewere Maori. pua-verevere puna-welewele puna-vevee lawalawa kSaowa Tahiti. Hawaii. Marquesas. Malay. Bontoc Igorot. The primal sense appears to be that of the web, but the passage to the Webster is not difficult, therefore we find the word indifferently applied to the spider. Our three Indonesian terminals being found in agreement upon the form which characterizes Nuclear Polynesia, we may argue that the concordant inversion which marks the Tongafiti use is of later development than the exit of the Proto-Samoans from the Malayan archipelago. 8. alelo tongue; Subanu dila id. aleio Samoa, Futur la, Niue, Fakaofo, rera Bima. Manahiki, Hawaii. rilah Ratahan. arero Maori, Tahiti, Paumotu, Mangaia, lila Sanguir, Bugis. Rapanui. tela Malagasy. warerc » Moriori. lilah Bouton, Salayer, Menado. aledo Sikaiana. ledah Malay. alel Rotuma. lidah Kayan, Basakrama. aeo Marquesas. ilat Java. elelo Tonga, Hawaii dila Bolanghitam, Sulu, Tagalog, IIo- erero Mangareva. cano, Pampangas, Visayan. lelo Hawaii. delah Baju. eo Marquesas. djila Bontoc Igorot. In the Polynesian we have no difficulty in picking out the stem lelo, nude in Hawaiian and Marquesan, elsewhere prefaced by the formative a, concerning which I have already made sufficient note in item 6. The presence of the simple stem in Hawaii and the Marquesan is not of critical value, inasmuch as each has the augmented stem as well. In general we note that this augment has been acquired since contact with the Indonesians ceased. In the Indonesian languages the final vowel has passed from o to a, a mutation of no moment in the vowel uncer- tainty of that area. We find, then, the first five items sufficiently representative of the lelo stem. The remaining forms fall into two groups according as the initial or the medial liquid undergoes mutation POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 109 to the mute of its own series. The western group, Malay and Java, appHes the mutation to the inner Uquid exactly as in Sikaiana. The eastern group, geographically the Philippines and linguistically the earlier phase of the Malayan, applies the mutation to the initial liquid. As to this, I have in the foregoing chapter mentioned the effect of stress in pronunciation. 9. hala road; Subanu dalan id. hala Tonga, Niue. hara Nuguria. saleh Malay. sala Viti, Rotuma. jalan Malay, Silong. ala Samoa, Futuna, Uvea, Hawaii, Nu- dalan Java, Ilocano, Visayan kuoro. djalan Bon toe Igorot. ara Maori, Tahiti, Mangaia, Rapanui, daan Visayan. Mangareva. alah Malay. eara Paumotu. aleha Malagasy. aa Marquesas. In those parts of Nuclear Polynesia less exposed to the influence of the Tongafiti supersession upon the older community of Proto- Samoans, we find the effort made to preserve the stem aspirate, and in Viti its passage to the sibilant. The vowel prefix in Paumotu may represent the same effort to preserve the stem initial, for the Paumotu speech is in some interesting particulars of the oldest type of Polynesian. In the Indonesian affiliates we find most strongly marked the mutation results from this original aspirate. Viti shows us that it was the aspi- ration proximate to the Unguals, for the h-S mutation is clearly indica- tive. So in the Indonesian, all the mutation takes place in the lingual series, to the sibilant, the spirant, and the mute respectively. The three Malay forms, jalan, saleh, alah, form a descending series within that language sufficient to render it unnecessary for us to associate the alah with the Tongafiti migration, since the Polynesian itself does not divide in migration streams upon this point. 10. hake up; Visayan saca to go up. hake Tonga, Niue, Uvea. dhake Viti. ake Futuna,Uvea,Aniwa,Marquesas,Ma- ngareva, Paumotu, Bukabuka. a'e Samoa. ae Tahiti, Hawaii. daki Malay. From the next preceding item we continue the note upon the lingual aspiration and the mutation to d. The h-s mutation in Visa- yan is not in accord with the stronger h-d mutation just seen. 1 1 . fafa to carry on the back ; Subanu baba to carry by land. fafa Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue. | vava Viti. I baba Subanu. The sense in Polynesian is particular after the habit of those lan- guages; the Subanu sense is more broadly stated, yet that need not miUtate against the identification, for the phonetic accord is quite satisfactory. It will be observed that the word is distinctively Proto- Samoan. no THE SUBANU. 12. fafine woman; Visayan babaye id. P. W. 337. fine Tonga, Uvea, Aniwa, Fotuna. winih Java. hine Maori, Rapanui. maho-wen i Sanguir. ahine Nukuoro, Mangareva, Rapanui. pin Mysot, Waigiou. hoina Rotuma (metathetic upon bin Waigiou. ohina) bini Malay. aine Mangareva. bina Ceram. fafine Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna, binei Gah. Uvea, Sikaiana, Efate, Moiki. benaing Silong. fafini Liueniua. babineh Salibabo. feline Tonga, Nukuoro. pipina Saparua. fifine Niue. pepina Ceram. vahine Tahiti, Manahiki, Marquesas, bahini Madura. Paumotu. bawine Bouton. wahine Maori, Hawaii. baini Salayer oahine Tongarewa. banie Macassar. vehine Marquesas. mahina Liang, Morella, Lariko, Awaiya vaine Rarotonga, Tubuai, Bukabuka. Caimarian, Ceram. veine Mangareva. mewina Teor. mafine Samoa. mainai Batumerah. mahine Tahiti. mapin Gani. mohine Paumotu, Mangareva. umbinei Cajeli. tafine Aniwa. ihina Teluti. tahine Nuguria. gefineh Wayapo. libun Subanu. fineh Massaratty. babai Ilocano. fina Sulu. fafayi Bontoc Igorot, vina Ahtiago. vavy Malagasy. Appropriately varium et in a high degree semper mutabile such sense as may subsist in this vocable struggles forth into the most complicated expression. The Polynesian discloses to us a primal stem jiw^ existing independently and in addition qualified by the formative elements a, fa, ma, ta prefixed. Interpreting j^w^ as a diffuse attributive carrying the signification of femininity, we have shown (items 6 and 8) that the use of a exhibits in afine a specification of noun use. In its proper place in this series we shall find that the ma prefix is of practically the same value, that mafine particularizes the person who is characterized by the possession of the quality which fine expresses. So with tafine, which does not appreciably differ in signification; we do not regard ta as a mutation product of ma, against which militates the difference in series, but we do find in it a parallel and independent mechanism for the expression of this differentiation, in which connection note the paral- lelism of Subanu mopong and Visayan topong in the vocabulary. In the Malay archipelago we find the remnant of the primal stem of more frequent occurrence than in Polynesia and within that province widely distributed. Tho. fafine type in Malaysia is so closely interassociated that we may distinguish it as a Celebes type, therefore central in respect of the province. The mafine type is similarly interassociated east of the Celebes form; we may delimit it as a Ceram type. While Subanu lihun is widely apart from all types, we must recognize in its bun some association with the stem fine. At the end we find a small group very difficult of inclusion in this fine series ; habai of Ilocano and Visayan babaye are closely associated, and with them must be joined Malagasy POIyYNESIAN AND MAI^AYAN. Ill vavy. In the utter absence of n we may not be positive in associating these forms with fine; yet it is possible that they may be anomalous devolution products from the Celebes fafine type, and this possibility is made more probable by the occurrence oifdjayi in the Igorot. It has seemed to me that /a oi fafine may be associable with the next ensuing item, for we find in fa and faka a sense of resemblance in addition to the more frequent causative employment. 13. fa, faka, formative; Subanu po, poc, poco id. P. W. 270. faka Futuna, Tonga, Paumotu, Uvea, Ro- tuma. fak Rotuma. vaka Viti. whaka Maori. haka Marquesas, Paumotu, Nukuoro, Tongarewa, Rapanui. hanga Rapanui, Paumotu. hoko Moriori. aka Rarotonga, Mangareva, Bukabuka. anga Mangareva. fa' a Samoa. faa Tonga, Uvea, Tahiti. haa Tonga, Nukuoro, Tahiti, Marque- sas, Hawaii. hoo Hawaii. pag Tagalog, Bicol, Visayan. poco Subanu. pog Subanu. poc Subanu. maka Sulu. mak Sulu. mag Tagalog, Bicol. fa Samoa, Uvea, Paumotu. va Viti. wha Maori. ha Tonga,Rapanui, Marquesas, Hawaii, ho Hawaii. a Rotuma, Rapanui, Paumotu, Ta- hiti. pa Visayan, Bontoc Igorot. paga Visayan. po Subanu. Mr. Tregear has frequently called upon me to suggest some expla- nation for the hoko and ho forms of this most largely utilized of all the composition members in Polynesian. While I do not incline to regard the vowel mutability here in the Philippines as of much diagnostic value, I think that our Subanu will answer his query, which up to this discovery has wanted a satisfactory reply. It will be noted that the Subanu is a secluded speech within the area of the Malayan archetype ; the Moriori is an equally remote and ancient form of the Polynesian ; and the Hawaiian ho, without this knowledge of its source, I have already employed in proof of the early settlement of those islands by Proto-Samoans long before the era of the Tongafiti migrations. Pre- bendary Codrington writes upon this formative prefix {Melanesian Languages, page 184): The causative is almost universally va, alone or with a second syllable ha, ga. The form va, fa, pa undoubtedly appears to be the original particle, to which ka, ga, ha has been attached. This may perhaps be the verbal particle ka, ga, which is used in .several languages. I am by no means convinced of the justice of this determination. The Polynesian exhibits a complete devolution system faka-fak-f a, and in the Philippines we now see similar systems, paga-pag-pa and poco- poc-po. In the biological study of the upbuilding of the Polynesian I shall give due weight to Codrington 's suggestion, but merely as a matter of the etymology of the languages in their present phase it is quite clear that we pass by abrasion from paga to pag, from poco to poc. 112 THE SUBANU. Whether po is abraded from poc, and equally fa from faka, is a matter with which we need not here concern ourselves. It remains that we have the two forms faka and fa in substantially the same sense, but faka is far the more commonly in use. 14. fale house; Subanu balay id. fale Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Fakaofo. bale Pampangas. fare Aniwa, Sikaiana, Manahiki, Tahiti, bali Sanguir. Paumotu. balay Visayan, Subanu. vale Liueniua, Viti. bal-ry Menado (? balay) hale Hawaii. wale Magindano. hare Rapanui, Mangareva, Tongarewa. bareh Salibabo. whare Maori. bore Bolanghitam. are Rarotonga. bahay Tagalog. fae Marquesas. faoy Bontoc Igorot. hae Marquesas. It will be observed that all these affiHations are found in the Celebes and Philippine subprovinces ; in western Indonesia this stem has gone into disuse under the sweep of the stem ruma, which seems to have been in Proto-Samoan possession all the way through the Mela- nesian traverse, but has dropped out, except for its retention in Maori in a particular sense. 15. fana to shoot; Subanu pana a bow. banah Ceram, Ahtiago, Tobo. pana Madura, Macassar,Sikka, Mang- garai, Baree, Gorontalo, Bunda.To-Bungku, Tobelo, Magindano, Tagalog, Su- banu, Visayan. panah Malay, Karo, Java, Sunda, Bali, Dayak, Salayer, Sumbawa, Sanguir, Cajeli,Ambon, Ma- gindano, Baju. o-pana Bouton. tum-panir Alfuro. papana Sumba. am-panah Timor. panat Massaratty. pala Gorontalo. pdppe Bugis. The phonetic variety is here of the simplest type and nothing need detain us upon this score except to observe the interesting, yet at present isolated, fact that the most frequent Indonesian type pana is found intrusively in the Marquesas at the eastern verge of Polynesian migration. The whole vexing subject of the use of the bow and arrow in the two island areas is entertainingly and exhaustively discussed by Captain GeorgFriederici, at page 1 19 of his recent work " Neu-Guinea." But if the phonetic curves are particularly smooth, the case is apparently different when we come to examine the range of sense. I have not detailed this in the individual identifications of affiliates; it is quite enough to mention here that the signification ranges along three items, to shoot, the bow, the arrow. This affords an excellent opportunity, fana Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Futima, Uvea, Paumotu, Tahiti, Moiki, Tikopia, Aniwa. fan Rotuma. vana Viti. vavana Sikaiana. pana Marquesas. whana Maori. fana Bima, Tiruray, Kolon. fana-yana I Malagasy. faan Salawati. fean Mysot. fan Waigiou. fun Teor. aan Mysot. bana Sikka. um-bana Simbo. POI.YNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 113 all the more because of the absence of phonetic complication in the series, to direct attention upon the sense-character of the vocables of these primordial languages. We are far below the categories of the parts of speech familiar to us in the languages of richer development. There are but three parts of primitive speech; the demonstrative, expressive of individualities of place and time, and out of the place designation grows the person designation ; the paradeictic, an operative class expressive of the fact that a relation exists in the sense of two vocables with which it is employed, the nature of the relation being as yet undistinguished; the attributive, the great mass of the vocabu- lary, the name of an object or an action or a state. It is from the attributives that selection is to erect into separate categories the noun and the adjective, the verb and the adverb; at the stage of develop- ment at which we find these languages of Indonesia and of Polynesia this function diversity is just beginning to call for discrimination. The verb and the noun have not yet come into independent being. The sense of the attributive is dififuse, unconditioned, absolute. In the case oi fana we shall find no great difficulty in comprehending this inchoate phase of speech. The diffuse sense is that fana is the name of an act of archery; it may therefore express any one of the details which we find it necessary to express in three distinct forms; it does express sufficiently any one of them, inasmuch as to the minds of the users of these languages it expresses them all in one unconditioned statement. Thus it amply expresses the verbal sense which we par- ticularize by reason of conditions which exist in our own more highly specialized mentality and which we have drilled our speech to express ; it means "to shoot" without regard of mood or tense or person or number or any other of the precisions of our speech. Equally it means that which shoots, "the bow." Equally it means that which is shot, "the arrow." And when I say equally, I mean simultaneously as well; fana in itself carries without distinction the three ideas which we find it necessary to differentiate by "shoot," by "shooter," by "shot," differencing these three items by the employment of simple stem, of stem with inflection, of stem with ablaut. In the stage of intellectual development to which the Samoans have advanced and the need of particularity has been reached, these three ideas have been set apart as follows: "to shoot "/ana; "the bow" 'au-faria or stick-shoot; "the arrow" ii-fana or reed-shoot. i6. fanua land; Subanu bonoa field. P. W. 341. fanua Samoa, Aniwa, Fotuna. enua Mangareva, Bukabuka, Rarotonga hanua Rotuma. fonua Tonga, Niue. vanua Viti. honua Hawaii. fenua Futuna, Uvea, Sikaiana, Moiki, Fakaofo, Marquesas, Tahiti. banua Malay, Bicol. henua Nuguria, Marquesas, Rapanui, banoa Visayan. Paumotu, Manahiki. wanua Bugis. whenua Maori, Bukabuka. benua Malay, Togean. 114 THE SUBANU. Here again, as in item 15, with a very simple mutation picture the variety seems to He most in the sense. The Polynesian shows a mag- nificent crescendo series, from the mold at one's feet (Samoa, Aniwa, Maori, Tonga, Nine, Hawaii) to the land in which one lives (Samoa, Aniwa, Fotuna, Futuna, Uvea, Tahiti, Sikaiana, Moiki, Fakaofo, Efate, Marquesas, Paumotu, Rapanui, Manahiki, Maori, Bukabuka, Raro- tonga, Tonga, Viti, Rotuma, Nine, Hawaii), upward to the whole world of many lands (Aniwa, Maori, Mangareva, Tonga). In Indonesia, equally in the intervening area of Melanesia, the series is diminuendo, specific, minutely particular ; in Polynesia the ultimate sense of a world is built up inferentially as a series of habitable lands ; in the Subanu, a Malayan archetypal speech, we have no difficulty in seeing that the world {alibutan) is only that which may be seen by the utmost straining of the eyes; it is Hmited by the last stretch of vision, by the horizon {libot to go around) ; it is of two flat dimensions, a circle in which the ego sits proudly at the intersection of all radii, as important as a spider at the center of his web. To the Subanu the world is a thing of the eye, to the Polynesian it is a thing of the mind, an intellectual conception rest- ing upon a grander thought of the greatness of the cosmos. From the general sense of land the word passes to the smaller conception of place (Sesake, Mota, Fagani, Nggela, Laur, Lambell) , to village (Sesake, Mota, Kabadi, Pokau, Galoma, Mekeo, Lambell, Motu, Tubetube, Suau, Lamassa, Rubi, Saa, Santo, Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, Bicol, Visayan), down to such a minute particular as house (Malo, Santo, Togean). Divesting our minds of the connotations grouped about these words in our own speech, it is not difficult to comprehend this down- ward series. His land, his country, to the bare savage is narrowly restricted. This little stretch of beach from which he may launch his canoe, this stream upon which he may build his flimsy shelter, this small clear spot in the jungle upon which he may plant his food and yet remain within reach of the support of his fellows by the exercise of nimble legs or the frantic shout — this is all the land of which he can say that it is his own. All else is forest; there dwell the spirits which work him evil, there roam the inland tribes more brutal and more savage than himself, for absurdly there are social degrees even at this unsocial basement of society. Therefore his connotation of the word land embraces no more than the tiny acreage upon which he lives in his peace and his comfort in the protection of his neighbors; land so exiguous is dignified when we call it village. In certain of these communities the village becomes the house. I can not find that the community house develops from any sense of greater convenience in building or of greater security when built; for the savage, iron-ruled by his traditions, is little actuated by considerations which partake of the nature of free will. More probably it is a case of the dominance of the religious tyranny which is ever strongest with the ignorant ; the POIvYNESIAN AND MAIyAYAN. 116 omens are taken for the whole community when the first post of the home is set ; the house is made a community house in order that all the folk may share the good omen. It is in the region of the long commu- nity house that we find that the land word has become a house word. Acting in the opposite direction, we find an instance in which the house word {ruma, cf. item 14) has passed to the village sense; this is mna of the Kayans of Borneo, who use the community house and with whom the only village is the long house. 17. fatu stone; Subanu bate id. P. W. 344. fatu Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, Fakaofo, Niue, Futuna, Aniwa, Fotuna, Sikaiana, Manahiki. Viti. Nuguria, Nukuoro. hathu Rotutna. whatu Maori. haku Hawaii. atu Mangareva, Mangaia. vatu hatu batu bate watu wadu vato fahou hatu Malay, Kayan, Silong, Macassar, Togean, Ceram, Rumbia,Meng- koka, Bouton. Uocano, Subanu, Visayan, Bontoc Igorot. Magindano, Savo, Maronene, Kolon. Bima. Malagasy. Satawal. Ceram. The two series are concordant in phonetics and in sense. In sev- eral Polynesian instances where we have a second word for stone and where fatu has secondary significations (such as the heart and the stone of fruits) we see that the primal signification is nominal not in respect of any given object, but in reference to a certain quality possessed by the objects to which it is applied. The common factor is quite clearly dual, hardness and such size as to lend itself to hand grip; just as in Enghsh, under the generic "stone," we have similar particulars in "pebble" and "dornick" and, by an odd variety, the southern United States dialectic use of "rock" in the same sense. 18. fetu star; Subanu bitun id. fetu Samoa, Niue, Fakaofo, Sikaiana, bituun Visayan, Sulu, Magindano Manahiki, Marquesas, Tahiti. bituin Tagalog. fetuu Tonga, Futuna, Uvea. bittuen Ilocano. fetia Tahiti. batuin Pampangas. fitou Liueniua. bituek Silong. fatou Aniwa. biti Tami. hetu Rapanui, Paumotu, Marquesas. bituy Menado. whetu Maori. betel Gani. heth Rotuma. bitang Alatu. hoku Hawaii. bintang Malay, Salayer. etu Mangareva, Marquesas. lintang Java. teen Mysot. fatui Sulu. toin Matabello. witun Sanguir. teSn Wahai. witung Bugis. tokun Teor. bitun Ibanag, Subanu. Here we shall have to concern ourselves simply with the mutations of the stem. In Polynesia we deal with a stem Jet mi {fetu) subject in general to the mutation variety normal to the several languages of that family. In Tahiti fetia affords us an example of a mutation which is 116 THE SUBANU. not phonetic but social; it is best explained as an adoption from the Paumotu fctika under the influence of the word- tabu known as te pi; wholly anomalous in Polynesia (and it must be recalled that the Pau- motu is filled with intricate problems of speech) we find no affiliate of fetika except bituek of vSilong in Indonesia. The vowel alteration to fatoH in Aniwa is paralleled by fatui of the Sulu. The vowel change to hokii in Hawaiian occurs again in that speech in to'elau-koolau. So far as our Polynesian material extends, we have no evidence that the stem is other than open ; the incidence of the accent upon the ultima, how- ever, suggests a device of some compensation. But in Indonesia a final consonant is so common and in general so uniform as to preclude the interpretation of local accretion. In nineteen forms there are but three which lack a final consonant, of which Sulu and Menado retain the second vowel characteristic of the Polynesian, one station at the threshold of the Philippines, the other in the Celebes subprovince. In ten forms the final consonant is n and in four more it is ng, which we know to be a most frequent mutation product of n. In the Silong bituek, with which is associable the Paumotu fetika, the k may be regarded as an ng mutation once removed. In Gani betol we are at no loss to consider 1 as a frequent mutation product of n upward in the lingual series. We find such an agreement upon final n or recognizable n-products that I am willing to propose fetun as the original stem of the word. In the general absence of the labial spirants in the languages of Indonesia we find two instances in which the initial f is weakened in borrowing and passes vowelward to W in Sanguir and Bugis. In eleven instances it is strengthened to the ultimate labial possibility, the mute b, and these instances are smoothly distributed over the whole archi- pelago. The second consonant t remains unaltered except in the soli- tary instance of Teor toku, and this t-k mutation, so general in Poly- nesian, may well have begun to be felt before the exit from Indonesia; mention of this has been made in item 4. We next direct attention upon a special group of three forms, making a series by themselves: bitang is readily to be established in the Malayan series; bintang follows with the preface of the mute by the nasal of its proper series; lintang shows an anomalous mutation b-1 extra seriem, but the agreement with bintang in other particulars is sufficient to place it in the group. The characteristic former vowel e but once appears in Indonesia. The a which we have found in Aniwa is also in Sulu and Pampangas, both Philippine languages and archetypal. In twelve instances evenly dis- tributed over the region the vowel is i, and without complicating the record by citation of examples I note that this is the characteristic vowel throughout the Melanesian traverse. The characteristic latter vowel u is well preserved. Last of all we find a group of interrelated forms in which the stem has abraded its former syllable ; these are found in the Ceram subprovince. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 117 19. fili to choose; Subanu pili id. fili Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, pili Visayan, Subanu. Fotuna. pilih Malay. whii "i Maori. piri Formosa. iri Mangaia. fidi Malagasy. ma-pi li Bontoc Igorot. Except for the Maori and Mangaian I should consider this stem as of the Proto-Samoan stock. There are instances in which we admit stems of this older migration in the Maori, but Mangaia is commonly attributed to the distinctively Tongafiti; however, the stem is absent from the other Tongafiti Polynesian. 20. fili enemy; Subanu pinilian the wicked. fili Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Futuna, Uvea, j pinilian Visayan, Subanu. This is a most interesting case of a purely Proto-Samoan stem dis- covered in the archetypal Malayan region. In the Visayan we find a secondary form showing that after the stem had been taken on loan it had been subjected to the Malayan regime in forming derivatives; it is easy to discover the stem pili when we set aside, in piinlili'.mt, the infix and accompanying suffix. 21 . fohe paddle; Visayan bogsay id. P. W. 429. fohe Tonga, Niue. foe Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Sikaiana. foi Fotuna. vodhe Viti. hoe Maori, Tahiti, Marquesas, Rapanui, Mangareva, Hawaii, Tonga- In the absence of a wider Indonesian series this Visayan is included for reference only, since it is by no means certain that it stems with fohe. In that direction points its bo. If next we seek in g a mutation product of h, we find that it would be objectionable, though not impossible, as a mutation extra seriem, for the dh of Viti shows the stem h to be aspira- tion proximate to the lingual series. Assuming this mutation, however, we are at a loss to account for say. If it were not for g we should see the affiliation of bo (g) say with fohe; the intrusion of the g lies at present beyond our comprehension. rewa, Nuguria, Nukuoro, Liue- niua, Nukumanu, Nuguria, Tauu. ohe Mangareva. bogsay Visayan. 22. funga fruit; Subanu bunga id. P. W. 292. funga Samoa. hunga Nukuoro. bunga Malay, Subanu. bonga Visayan. vuni Malagasy. This is an interesting Proto-Samoan vocable of narrow limits. In the other languages of the two oceanic areas this stem seems to have been lost in fua, which is probably of kin. It is quite clear (The Poly- nesian Wanderings, 426) that the latter was originally /nan; recalling the frequency of syllable inversion, it is quite possible that an original 118 THE SUBANU. juan was transformed to funa and thence in compensation to funga. As an open stem this would tend to permanence, while /wan must in the course of Polynesian speech-growth slough off its final consonant. 23. ia he; Visayan sia, siya id. ia Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Rotuma, Fakaofo, Marquesas, iya Malay. Rapanui, Tahiti, Mangareva, sia Sulu, Visayan. Rarotonga, Manahiki, Maori, siya Tagalog, Visayan, Bontoc Igorot Hawaii, Aniwa. hia Kayan. koya Viti. ya Pampangas. Here it suffices to note the substantial identity of these forms. This and the other pronouns will better repay study when grouped for examination in relation to the theory of evolution from position desig- nations which I have advanced in a paper on ' ' Root Reducibility in Polynesian" (27 American Journal of Philology, 369) and which I shall prosecute more exhaustively in writing the comparative grammar of this family of isolating languages. ikan fish; Subanu, sora, seda id. P. W. 350. ika ackan Silong. ian Lariko, Wahai, Gani, Saparua, Ahtiago,Matabello,Cerain. iyan Liang, Morella, Nufor. iani Batumerah, Awaiya, Caima- rian. iano Ceram. ein Mysot. yano Teluti. jikan Borneo. nyan Tidore. guihan Chamorro. nik Uap. iwa Java. ka Kar Nicobar. ga Central Nicobar. isda Sulu, Visayan. 24. Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Moiki, Nuguria, Sikaiana, Maori, Marque- sas, Rapanui, Mangareva, Tongarewa, Mangaia, Pau- motu, Rarotonga, Mana- hiki, Viti. i'a Samoa, Rotuma. ia Nukuoro, Tahiti, Hawaii. ikan Malay, Massaratty, Teor, Ilo- cano, Wayapo, Gah, Rum- bia, Bontoc Igorot. maran-igan Menado. itjan Maronene. ikani Bouton. ikiani Amblaw. The concord of the Malayan affiliates is so preponderating that we can entertain no doubt that the stem was originally closed with the nasal n. That we can not identify this closed ikan from any of the Polynesian uses of ika is susceptible of a simple explanation. When an attributive most strongly inclines toward what we know as the noun use, it is not susceptible of modification by the suffixes used to particu- larize the employment of the more diffuse attributives ; it is lacking in the protection to the stem afforded by these additional members, and a final consonant drops off and leaves no sign. As ordered in this table, the Indonesian affiliates fall into a readily comprehensible series of devolution forms. Thisistrueof all but the last form. I have included isda in the list in order to complete the record, but it is clearly a dis- tinct stem. It affiliates readily with the Subanu scda by metathesis of the former syllable, and seda is just as distinctly a mutation of sora. I regard either isda or seda as primal, but which of these two came first we can not discover until a further series of the stem is discovered. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 119 25. hiku tail; Visayan icog id hiku Tonga, Uvea, Niue, Marquesas. ; siku Malay. iku Tonga, Futiina, Mangaia, Mangareva, Rapanui. i'u Samoa. si'u Samoa. hiu Tahiti, Hawaii. iku Baree. ikur Malaj-. ikun Buru. eko Kajan. ukui To-Bungku. uhi Malagasy. The identifications are satisfactory except for the Malagasy uhi; this would involve an inversion of syllables (for which we have no war- rant) in an Indonesian stem Jiiu, of v/hich we find no trace. In both areas we encounter an interlacing of two stems : hiku "the tail, to end, " and siku "the elbow, any projecting angle." It is not impossible that these are particulars of one general idea slightly differentiated in the form. 26. inum to drink; Subanu guinom id. P. W. 376. inu (m) Samoa, Fakaofo, Tonga, Nuku- oro, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Nuguria, Maori, Tahiti, Marquesas, Mangareva, Fo- tima, Mangaia, Tongarewa, Rarotonga, Manahiki, Ro- tuma, Aniwa, Hawaii. unu (m) Rapanui, Sikaiana, Viti. ngunu (v) Viti. inom Visayan. ma-Inum Bontoc Igorot. minum Malay. minom Pampangas. o-minum Magindano. o-minom Tagalog. minu-na Malagasy. nginum Java. ma-nglnum Bontoc Igorot. ma-ngino Togean. For some reason, which it is quite impossible to determine in our present knowledge of these two language families, this stem in each area has been subjected to violent perturbation. In Polynesia we find the two types inum and unum, a vowel change somewhat extensive, but not by any means unfamiliar. In Viti, alongside the Polynesian unum, we encounter the form ngunuv. The possibility of an alternative stem final in V is confirmed by the presence of inuv in Nggela and nnuv in Mota along the Melanesian traverse. The accretion of ng is met with in Java nginum, Igorot ma-nglnum and Togean ma-ngino. Except for the last and the Malagasy form the Indonesian exhibits the stem inum. In the Visayan this appears without ornament, and the Subanu accords therewith except in the particular of the g frontal accretion which we have found so characteristically applied to stems beginning with a vowel. In five examples, three in the Philippines and two in the extreme west of Indonesia, we find the secondary stem minum, which has not passed along into Polynesia; yet the Igorot ma-inum suggests that minum is a composite of inum with verb-formative ma. 27. isu nose; Subanu soong id. P. W. 348. isu Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, Aniwa, Manahiki, Nuguria, Fotuna, Rotuma. ishu Moiki. iu Rarotonga. ihu Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Maori, Tahiti, Hawaii, Marquesas, Mangareva, Paumotu, Rapanui, Tongarewa, Nukuoro. udhu Viti. In my former examination of the intricacies in which this stem is involved {The Polynesian Wanderings, 348) I was led to the erection of nggilung Minabassa. ill Ambon. uru-na Malagasy. kam-uru Macassar. urong Dayak. ninura Ambon. nunu Ternate. ngunu Halmaheira. usnut Gani. 120 THE SUBANU. a primal stem su, which is the only common factor entering into the several vocables there collated. This Subanu soong I regard as con- firmation of that judgment. From this primal su various determinant vocables have been formed. With a wider range of Indonesian mate- rial than was then accessible to me, I may arrange the material from this family in a provisional series. The key is the mutation of the S, weakly to the lingual Hquid, strongly to its mute. Assuming the sec- ondary vocable isu, which we find as the most common stem in Poly- nesian, we now list the mutations. iru Ambon, Kolon. irung Java. idung Malay. Ileng Bontoc Igorot. hiru Ambon. niru Allor, Ceram, Minabassa. nirun Kei. ngirung Minabassa. iri Ambon. ilu Bima. The Ambon dialectic forms serve to Unk together widely variant types in a continuity which otherwise would not be discoverable. The recurrence of final ng (n) in so many of these variant forms tends to establish that final consonant in Subanu soong as pertaining to the primal stem, on which point refer to the note under item 24. The chief links in this Indonesian chain are found in Melanesia, and particularly in the important region of the north shore of Torres Strait. The four entries at the end of the list are presented to complete the record so far as it goes ; quite clearly they pertain in some fashion to the series, but for the present they stand as somewhat anomalous. 28. kapa to flap the wings; Visayan capacapa id. P. W. 295. kapa Tonga. Futuna, Nine, Uvea, Manga- | kapak Malay. reva, Mangaia, Maori, Nuguria. pacpac Tagalog, Bicol. 'apa Samoa. pak-sa Kawi. apa Tahiti. pak-si Basakrama. pa Fotuna, Rotuma. papak Magindano, Baliyon. kapakapa Magindano, Visayan. j It is quite plain that we are concerned here with two stems, or in better likeUhood a primal stem with determinant accretion. The primal stem seems to be pak, the derivative kapak. In the general theory of the evolution of isolating vocables we should look to find the primal stem in the possession of the earliest phase of the speech. The evidence here presented is not decisive. The pak stem is found as far to the west as Java — truly in the ancient speech, since it is credited to the Kawi, and to the Basakrama, which is frequently conservative of archaic forms; eastward, in the region of the archetype of Malayan speech, it is found in the Philippines in Magindano, Tagalog, Bicol, and in the immediately associable Baliyon of the Borneo Dayaks. Yet in composition with kau, "a projecting member, " the primal stem pak appears in Polynesia in these words for "wing" as "flap-limb," POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 121 pahkau Fotuna, pakau Maori and Moriori, pekeheu Marquesas, pehau Mangareva, peheu Tahiti and Hawaii. Rotuma papau is not exactly reconcilable, but seems in some way associated. Omitting Fotuna, these are distinctively Tongafiti languages. On the other hand, the secondary stem kapak is found generally in Polynesian, in the Malay, and equally in the Visayan and Magindano. It is accordingly mani- fest that pak and kapak were synchronous in the Proto- Polynesian before the two streams were divided at their source, but that the secon- dary stem was not considered necessary in the "wing" composite by the ancestors of the Tongafiti. In my earlier study of the word I am manifestly in error of judgment in regarding kapak as primitive and pak as derivative by abrasion of the former syllable. It comports far better with a theory of evolution in the languages of isolation to proceed from the simpler form to the more complex, from the general and dififuse to the specific and particular. 29. kape wild taro; Subanu gabe an edible tuber. kabe Tonga. kape Futuna, Niue, Mangareva, Rapanui, gabe Subanu. Marquesas. gabi Visayan. *ape Samoa. gobe Subanu. ape Marquesas, Tahiti. This stem is of peculiar interest as indicative of one of the most remote outposts in the Pacific of Proto-Samoan migration. In the Malayan archipelago it occurs in the most primitive region of the lan- guage family ; in the Pacific it is found only in Nuclear Polynesia, save for its recurrence in all the languages of the province of Southeastern Polynesia which I have found it advisable to constitute. In that prov- ince this stem is one of several pieces of evidence upon which I have been able to estabUsh the fact of an early settlement by wanderers of the early migration community. 30. kau tree; Subanu cahoy, gayo id. P.W. 353. kau Futuna, Niue, Fakaofo, Manahiki, gai Omba, Arag, Nggela, Bugotu, Gog Nugiuia, Maori, Rarotonga, Tangoan Santo. Tongarewa, Mangareva, Pau- hai Vaturanga, New Georgia. motu, Fotuna, Sikaiana, Nu- ai Malekula, Ulawa, Bululaha, Alite, kuoro, Rapanui, Moiki.Tonga, Vitu, Graget, Uvea, Marquesas, Viti. ta-ngae Mota. •au Samoa. gei-ga Maewo. au Hawaii, Tahiti. re-ga Lakon, Lo. kao Aniwa. ta-nkei Merlav. kou Aniwa. nge Volow, Motlav, Norbarbar, Vuras kai Viti. Mosin, Pak, Sasar, Alo Teqel oi Rotuma. ge Malekula. ke Umre, Leng. kasu Efate. Nggao. gi Tanna. gazu kau Efate, Sesake, Epi, Nguna, Anei- cahoy Subanu, Visayan. tyura. gayo Subanu. gau Marina. kayu Malay, Baju. au Motu. kayao Bontoc Igorot. kai Aneityum, Bierian, Malo, Epi, hazu Malagasy. Longa, Lent. kai Teor. gair Murray Island. 122 THE SUBANU. Because this stem, if a single stem it be, has been so tangled, I find it necessary to include the list of Melanesian types. Of these some, in fact the majority, serve to establish connection between types in Polynesia and types in Melanesia, which without these intervening varieties would baffle inquiry. Other Melanesian forms, apparently wide of the two greater speech-family types, in this array will readily be discovered to be successive devolution forms in somewhat degrading borrowing by the uncouth savages. Polynesia affords us the two types kau and kai, for we may disregard kou as being a product of vowel muta- tion from kau and oi as similarly related to kai. Melanesia yields us three types, kasu, kau, and kai. In the second and third it accords with Polynesia, therefore we find these types carried back to the very gate- ways at which Polynesian migration emerged from Indonesia. The kasu type is easily identified with one of the Indonesian types, hazu and its derivative cahoy. The kai type is found in Indonesia, in Melanesia and in Polynesia, therefore we may regard it as original Polynesian stock brought by the roving fleets as far as Viti in Nuclear Polynesia. In kayu we can see a probable association with kau, the common Poly- nesia type ; and gayo is clearly a variant of kayu. The last difficulty is met in the attempt to connect gayo with cahoy. Inasmuch as the two are met with concurrently in Subanu, I feel that we are justified in regarding gayo as derivative from cahoy, the Igorot kayao being an intermediate link. Thus the series is complete. 31. koe thou; Visayan icao id. koe Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Rarotonga, Ma- nahiki, Rapanui, Paumofti, Manga- reva, Marquesas, Maori, Aniwa, Sikaiana. 'oe Samoa. oe Tahiti, Marquesas, Hawaii, Fakaofo. Ceremony in Malayan life (the courtesy of the honorific phrase and the humility of the speaker) has largely obliterated syntax. In fact parsing does not become an obsession until distrustful speakers begin to lose confidence in the expressive character of their speech and put their reliance in machinery — auxiliary verbs, for instance. This cere- mony affects equally, but in opposite directions, the pronouns of the first and second persons; I is abased, the speaker is but a worm of the dust, a mere insignificance ; thou is raised to the peak of honor ; lord is but the beginning of address; from tuan the Malayans pass to giddy heights of exaltation. Therefore the list of Indonesian affiliates of the second personal pronoun is brief and hard to come at. Yet the con- nection is made clear by the Visayan, always noting that here in the Philippines we find the archetypal Malayan. From icao, a secondary form with the i augment which in time I shall establish as being a per- sonal index, we may readily trace the simpler kau type. For transition forms and for the portage of the type into Polynesia we shall need a kau Baliyon. kaaw Matu. icao Visayan. sika Bontoc Igorot angkau Malay. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 123 collation of the Melanesian material. Segregated according to the mutation of the primal consonant k, this falls into a remarkably com- pact and interesting table with exceedingly few lacunae. iko in-iko in-ik Q-iko n-ik ik ko en-ik igo in-igo .... Q-igo go ingo ig-ingo in-ing g-ingo n-ing ngo ni-ingo .... .... in-ek n-ek , , ni-ek .... .... .... ng-ike .... ke in-iko Maewo, Merlav, Mota. ni-ingo Sesake, in-ik Gog. in-ing Volow. en-ik Vanua Lava. g-ingo Arag. n-iko Maewo. n-ing Volow. n-ik Merlav, Gog, Lakon, Vanua Lava. ngo Sesake, Omba. ik Merlav. in-ek Motlav. ko Epi, Sesake, Maewo, Mota. ni-ek Norbarbar. in-igo Santo. ng-ike Lo. n-igo Santo. ke Gog, Lakon, Lo. go Santo, Arag, Omba, Maewo. ka Mota. ig-ingo Arag. o Ambrym, Santo. From this showing we perceive that icao and the putative primal form cao have been carried into the movement toward Polynesia, for this is the sole present worth of Melanesia to our studies, and that they have been subjected to the same mutation, kao has become ko. At present we may regard this as vowel loss. This mutation is rare in the attributives, yet not unknown ; in the demonstratives it is more com- mon. Where so much of the primal stem is preserved we must admit this mutation by vowel loss as permissible. Thus we are led from icao to iko, and this we find in Nuclear Polynesia in the strengthened ko iko of Viti, a language in which we encounter much that is archetypal of Polynesian. Those students who have examined my establishment {The Polynesian Wanderings, page 147) of two streams of Polynesian exit from Indonesia, the Viti Stream by way of Torres Strait, the Samoa Stream by the north coast of New Guinea, will have no difficulty in recognizing this series as deposited along the sweep of the southern or Viti Stream. For the northern course, the Samoa Stream, Melanesia affords us another type of mutation, which may be set forth in the following tables: igoe ihoe ioe io 0, ho igoo go, no goo igoe Nggela, Bugotu, Ngao. ihoe Vaturanga. ice Ulawa, Wango, Saa. io Saa. igoo Fagani. goo Fagani. go Fagani, Nggela, Bugotu, Ngao no Savo. Ulawa, Wango. Here we see a vowel mutation from kao to koe; preferably we have the two variants from some primal type which we are not yet able to uncover in Indonesia. The devolution leads us {go) both to the ko type of Viti and to the koe type of Polynesia in general. 124 THE SUBANU. 32. kumi beard, chin; Subanu gumi beard. kumi Viti, Maori, Marquesas, Mangareva, I umi Tahiti, Hawaii. Paumotu. I If it were not for the presence of kumi in Viti, this would seem assignable to the Tongafiti migration, which is scarcely probable. In Tonga, Uvea, and Nine occurs the form kumu applied to the chin; it seems to bear some relation to the foregoing. 33. kutu louse; Visayan coto id. P. W. 357. kutu Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Fotuna, Si- kuto Macassar. kaiana, Marquesas, Rarotonga, koto Wayapo, Massaratty, Visayan, Bon- Rapanui, Nukuoro, Niue, toe Igorot. Maori, Viti. kota Sula. ngutu Paumotu. kutim Ahtiago. •utu Samoa. o-kutu Bouton. utu Tahiti, Marquesas. hut Teor. uku Hawaii. utu Morella, Matabello. utu-a Caimarian. {ktu-k Tihu. kutu Malay, Java, Salayer, Menado, Bolanghitam, Sangu r, Gani, utu-n Wahai. Lariko, Gah, Baju. uti, ut Mysot. Here we have a perfectly smooth series of affiliates, the same frontal abrasion occurring in each area. 34. kana to eat; Subanu cana, gaan id kana (kani) Viti. P. W. 191. kana caon Subanu. Visayan. gaan ma-kan mo-konie mangan Subanu. Malay, Bontoc Igorot. Togean. Bontoc Igorot. This is manifestly a Proto- Polynesian stem carried down to Viti by both streams of Proto-Samoan migration, for we have a full series of its occurrence in Melanesia. The general Polynesian stem is kai. Yet we are not justified in assigning this to the Tongafiti migration solely, for we find it at four stations in Torres Strait, the exit of the Viti stream; these are Sariba kai, Suau and Mabuiag ai, Dobu e'ai, and they are dotted among other stations where the kani type obtains. In default of Indonesian instances of kai, I am still unwilling to accept its produc- tion from kani by loss of n in its inner protected situation. Still it is clear that kani and kai existed simultaneously at the period of the first Polynesian flight out of the Malay seas. 35. lafa ringworm; Visayan labhag id. lafa Samoa, Tonga, Futuna. From its restrictively Nuclear Polynesian provenience this vocable has particular interest as tending to show that the Proto-Samoans who took part in the flight into Polynesia were the same folk as those who in some part of the Indian archipelago were in contact with those first comers of the Malayans who later moved northeastward to the settle- ment of the Philippines. POLYNESIAN AND MAIvAYAN. 125 P. W. 359. langit Visayan, Subanu, Sulu, Tagalog, Chamorro, Kayan, Magin- dano, Malay, Java. langid Baliyon. langi Bugi, Champa, Macassar. lanit-ra Malagasy. janggie Togean. ran Uap. 36. langi sky; Subanu langit id langi Samoa, Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Manahiki, Nuku- oro, Viti, Rotuma. rangi Maori, Rarotonga, Mangareva, Ra- panui, Paumotu, Tongarewa, Aniwa, Fotuna. lani Nuguria, Hawaii. rai Tahiti. rang Efate. ani.aki Marquesas. Assuming the closed stem langit, and for this we have Indonesian evidence of excellent quality and complete extent through the province, the final consonant had been lost at the time of Polynesian exit from the Malay Archipelago, for in each stream we find only the open form in the Melanesian traverse (langi) or the secondary abrasion {lang) to the closed type. 37. lango a fly; Subanu langau id. P. W. 360. iango Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, lango Kayan, Sanguir, Pampangas, Uvea, Viti. northeast Celebes. ran go Fotuna, Maori, Rarotonga Pau- rain go Menado, Bolanghitam. motu. langau Subanu, Tagalog, Malay. nango Nukuoro. lengeau Dayak. lano Nuguria. langao Visayan. nalo Hawaii. langow Baju, northeast Celebes. rao Tahiti. lalangou North Borneo. lang Rotuma. langa Gorontalo, Bunda. The only matter which need engage our attention here is the muta- tion of the final vowel. We shall find other instances of the 0-ao variety, and it will simplify the study to examine them collectively after the massing of the data has been completed. 38. laka to step; Subanu laang to walk. laka Tonga, Futima, Niue, Uvea. la'a Samoa. lako Viti. laang Subanu. lacang Visayan. pag-lacat Visayan. The data are insufficient for the determination of the question sug- gested by the Subanu-Visayan, whether this is a closed stem and whether the final consonant is t or ng. We find it in Melanesia in two widely severed stations on the Viti Stream, Motu and Mota. In Motu we find raka "to walk." In Mota we have a tangle of forms : laka "to kick up the heels as in dancing," lagau "to pass, cross over, of impedi- ment rather than space," lago "to step." 39. lalo below; Visayan ilalom id. P. W. 213. lalo Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Hawaii, Nuguria. raro Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Tonga- rewa, Bukabuka, Mangareva, Sikaiana, Aniwa, Fotuna, Nu- kuoro, Rapanui. ngango Moiki. ao Marquesas. At the time of my earlier study of this vocable I lacked Indonesian affiUates, a lack which is now suppHed most satisfactorily. The Visa- yan i-lalom is clearly a composite representing the modern Samoan use of i lalo locative and 'i lalo of terminus ad quem. The fact that it has a 126 THE SUBANU. nasal final may be taken to shed light upon the forms which we have proposed in Melanesia for affiliation with this stem. In Vaturanga we find lao, which follows the regime of that speech in dropping an inner 1 and thus halfway approximates the denuded form ao of the Marquesas. The only other provenience in Melanesia is confined to a group of hitherto obscure forms found in the tiny Banks Group, and all inter- related. These are effectively lalangai, lalange, lang. It will be seen that all these forms have a final nasal. Though it differs in series from the final m of the Visayan the distant mutation m-ng is well supported in another word in the same group, malum-melunglung {The Polynesian Wanderings, page 370). 40. lano a lake; Subanu danao id. lano Samoa. ndrano Viti. rano Rapanui. ano Tonga, Futuna, Uvea. rano-masina Malagasy. danao Visayan, Subanu. tjanaom Bontoc Igorot. This word is Proto-Samoan, in Rapanui an interesting article of the proof of migration to that ultimate islet by the first-comers into the Pacific. In sense it implies fresh water. Therefore it does not surprise us to find that in usage probably Tongafiti it interlaces with the slightly variant lanu, which signifies sweet water in general and certain of the particular uses to which it may be put. We find the same in Indonesia, Java and Kawi ranu, Kawi danu, Ilocano danum, all signifying water in general. Thus we are led to Malay danau of the ocean, the sweet water has passed to the salt by steps which have left their record. 41. laun a leaf; Subanu doon id. P. W. Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Nu- 397- lau guria, Niue, Hawaii. rau Viti, Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Ra- panui, Paumotu, Mangareva, Nukuoro, Fotuna, Rotuma. ndrau Viti. au Marquesas. lou Tonga. rou Mangareva. ou Marquesas. That the final n pertains to the primal stem we have abundant evidence in Indonesia, confirmation in Melanesia in Moanus, Barriai and Malekula laun and Malo rauna. rau Savu. rou Java. laun Saparua. daun Baliyon, Baju, Malay. dawun Malay. dahun Sulu. dahon Visayan. doon Subanu. 42. le no, not; e Rapanui. eaki Rotuma. se Samoa, Rotuma. le Samoa. lea'i Samoa. te Maori, Mangareva, Rapanui, Marquesas. sega, segai Viti. ohe Hawaii. ole Hawaii. ore Tahiti. kore Rapanui, Paumotu, Mangareva, Marquesas. oe Marquesas. kakore Mangareva, Rapanui, Paumotu Marquesas. kakoe Marquesas. koe Rapanui, Marquesas. kare Rarotonga, Mangaia. aohe Hawaii. aole Hawaii. aore Mangaia, Tahiti. aoe Marquesas, Hawaii. kahore Maori. ahore Maori. hore Maori. ko Rapanui. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 127 It will tend toward the simplification of this nexus, which seems the more complicated as we extend the view, if we dissect out the negatives which are found singly or in combination in these Polynesian languages before we advance upon other allied tongues. From the variety of the Samoan le particular and se indefinite negatives, corresponding in the functional value of the consonantal modulant to the weak demonstra- tives (article value) le particular and se indefinite, we infer a primal neg- ative e. This we find in an unmodulated condition in Rapanui, and in the Rotuma composite eaki corresponding to Samoan lea'i it again appears. For the 1 and the S modulants I can discern no value other than that of indicating precision. In composition with other elements they recur in the following forms, postponing consideration of the value of the composition members : ohe, aohe, ole, aole, ore (oe), aore (aoe), hore, ahore (kahore), kore (koe), kakore (kakoe), kare. The same primal nega- tive receives the consonantal modulant t in certain languages of the Tongafiti stock, te in Maori, Rapanui, Mangareva, and the Marquesas. This modulant may be regarded as the definite modulant, such as in the same migration group we find in the article te; at the same time we may find reason to assign to the t in this composition a negative value of its own. Toward the latter interpretation operates the fact that in the range of Polynesian te is considered so strongly negative that it requires no bolstering with other negative particles, which we have just observed to be so extensive in the case of se and in an even more highly marked degree of le. The second stage away from the primal negative e shows the preface of ko to se and to le, thus producing a typical kose which is inferential from Hawaiian ohe, and kore. In Hawaii and Tahiti, which lack k, we find this stage in ohe, ole, ore; and in the Marquesas, which drops the liquid also, we find no more than oe. This preface syllable is itself a negative, as we may see from Rapanui ko; the composite is, therefore, a determinant compound in which two stems carrying inter alia one signification in common are compacted in order to set the meaning beyond doubt. With kore we shall probably associate the hore which gives us a series of three members in Maori. I am unable to discover ho elsewhere in Polynesia in a negation use, and the k-h muta- tion, while it is phonetically possible, I can not find in Polynesian use. A variant kare in Rarotonga and Mangaia has pecuhar interest because we meet the same form far to the westward in Maewo kare, dehortative "do not." In the discussion of Melanesian negatives I hope to be able to show that ka in itself carries negative value. In this place we shall assume this to be fact and shall estimate kare not as a vocalic mutant of kore, for vocalic mutation is almost unknown in Polynesian, but as a le compound with the negative preface ka. This same ka gives us the third stage of the Polynesian negative, kose and kole prefaced by ka, doubly a determinant compound, "no-no-no," which ought surely to be beyond all chance of miscomprehension. In this third type we have from se the Hawaiian aohe rising in the loss of k twice, and from le we 128 THE SUBANU. have kakore, kakoe, aole, aore, aoe. We have aheady noted that Maori hore is anomalous ; it continues so through its series ; kahore is a com- pound of this third type, but ahore is beyond explanation, since the Maori is in general tenacious of the k. We shall now examine the Melanesian negative, a sad tangle at first view, but I am quite convinced that the following table will sug- gest the way toward a simple statement. (a) sa ta ka-re tate tat taho t- he te hete tehe teo ti di Here we have the e negative, the a negative which we have already met in kare and kakore, and in addition an i negative which may be primal or may be a mutation from e. The languages comprised in this table are as follows : sa Marina, Saa, Bugotu. te Omba, Mota, Lakon, Arag, Deni ta Motlav, Volow, Gog, Norbarbar. tehe Arag. tate Lo. teo Ngao. tat Lo. t- Motlav. taho Nggela. i Alo Teqel. kare Maewo. si-a Savo, Vaturanga. e Pak, Alo Teqel. ti Sesake, Efate, Merlav. he Omba. di Sesake. hete Omba. Of the three Polynesian negatives in the first remove from primal e, namely se, le, te, we find se represented by sa, he and si; te represented by ta, te, ti, and di; le is found in but the single instance of ka-re. In the compound forms here presented hete, tehe and tate are clearly deter- minant compounds of the grateful double negative type ; tat comes from tate by terminal abrasion. In taho and teo we readily segregate ta and te; the residual ho and o do not elsewhere appear as negatives, but they certainly suggest the ho of Maori ho-re and provide a primitive for the modulated ko of Rapanui and the general secondary type ko-re. We next encounter a group of composite negatives of the secondary type which are quite manifestly associable inter se and beyond Mela- nesia with the lea'i of Samoan. These will be shown in order in the following table. ai tagai gae tigai bwai pwai-ke hai-ke (a) aga 'iga taga tagar tga (i) tigi tig teji POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 129 The languages comprised in this table are these: ai Wango. tagai Mota. tagar Gog. gae Fagani. tigai Maewo. tga Motlav. bwai Wango. aga Pak. tigi Maewo. pwai-ke Ulawa. 'iga Leon. tig Maewo. hai-ke Saa. taga Merlav. teji Norbarbar. It will be seen that the preface members of such composites as are in this Hst are variants of the te type. The Subanu da and di are sonant varieties of the ta and ti, of which we have evidence in Melanesia, and its daay is paralleled by tagai. Bontoc Igorot yields us adi. 43. like around; Subanu molio curved. liko li'o Futuna, Viti. Samoa. balico Visayan. molio Subanu. This is the least-used of a group of three consimilars, liko, niko, and piko, in which we may recognize as operative the effect of conso- nant modulant prefaces upon a primal stem iko. The liko form is found at these three stations in Nuclear Polynesia and doubly at this single Philippine station ; relative to the speech families in which they occur, Nuclear Polynesia and the Philippines are recognized as archetypal and representative of the Proto-Samoan. In Subanu we have no difficulty in dissecting out the particle of condition ma, and the ha of the Visayan is a famihar variant of the same. 44. longo to hear; Visayan dongog id. P. W. 398. longo Samoa, Nukuoro, Niue, Fakaofo Futuna, Uvea, Rarotonga. langan Matu. rongo Viti, Maori, Manga ia, Mangareva, rungu Java. Paumotu, Rapanui, Aniwa, rohona Malagasy. Fotuna. rungak Uap. ongo Tonga. hungu Chamorro. lono Hawaii, Nuguria. dongog Visayan. ono Marquesas. dengek Bontoc Igorot. oko Marquesas. dangar Malay. In Polynesia we lack derivative forms which might protect a final consonant if this had been a closed stem. The final mute palatal in dongog and rungak I inchne to regard as verb -formative suffix in the eastern Malayan; it is suggested again only in Omba ronghogosi, and there obscurely, for we have no means of determining if the g is terminal of the stem or initial to the latter composition member. In examining the Melanesian material we find suggestions of final m in Vaturanga and of final V in Vaturanga and Kabadi. In our slovenly American orthoepy it may not be wholly unnecessary to draw attention to the fact that the Malay recognize in langar full consonant value for the final r; this seems to belong to the stem, at least in one stage of its development, for it recurs in Lambell, King, Duke of York, Baravon, Raluana. Mukawa, Tavara, Wedau, Awalama, Taupota, Oiun, and Raqa. It will be seen that these are stations at the two exits from Indonesia, five at the gateway through the Bismarck Archipelago, seven 130 THE SUBANU. in Torres Strait, therefore at points of our earliest information of the Samoa Stream and the Viti Stream respectively. 45. lua hole; Subanu luang id. lua luo Samoa, Futuna, Hawaii. Niue, Tonga. loaka Malagasy. rua Rapanui, Paumotu, Mangareva, rua Malay. Tahiti, Maori, Mangaia. luwang Java. ua Marquesas. luang Subanu. lue Mota. From the Indonesian evidence (to which we must add the anomal- ous Malay lubang and the Bontoc Igorot kaupan) we are justified in regarding this as a stem closed in ng and the Malagasy is a normal mutation therefrom. 46. ma conditional prefix; Subanu, Visayan ma id. This particle is general throughout the three Oceanic areas. It undergoes the normal vocalic mutations ; it is paralleled by at least two similar particles {ta and pa) with differences in the consonantal modu- lant. I am forced to postpone discussion of the variety in use in this matter to a later period of my researches. In a general way it may be said that given a signification of an action or a state in a primal diffuse attributive, when the need arises for particularity the employment of ma prefaced to the attributive stem conveys the sense that a given object exists in the condition stated in the stem signification. Such forms are in essence adjectival in their employment. We may illus- trate this from the Samoan fola to spread out and mafola applied to an object which has been extended and therefore is spread out; we are forced to employ passive forms, but no such voice sense is yet within the power of these languages. 47. masakit, makit sick; Visayan saquit id. P. W. 379. masaki Futuna. mai Rapanui, Tahiti, Hawaii. mahaki Tonga, Uvea, Niue, Maori. madhake Viti. maki Marquesas, Rapanui, Mangaia, Mangareva, Paumotu, Nu- guria, Fotuna. ma'l Samoa. The strong concord in Indonesia leads me to postulate a final t. In the masakit forms this is quite clear and finds confirmation in the Melanesian King miseit. In the Malayan we have in one form for makit this final and in the other instance it does not appear ; testimony toward the estabHshment upon Melanesian authority of the final t is derived from Baravon ma^7. The masakit type is a conditional ; we find the primitive sakit in Malay, Visayan, and Bontoc Igorot. This is the elder type; it is Proto-Samoan. For the Tongafiti makit we have been able to discover no instance of a primitive, but analogy leads us to the conclusion that this also is a conditional ma-akit. Interpolating a term, we may infer the descent from sakit through hakit to akit, then prefacing akit with the conditional ma the concurrent vowels might coalesce through crasis. It will be observed that now in deahng with the masaquit Ilocano. sakit Malay, Visayan, Bontoc Igorot. makit Silong. maki Kisa. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 131 Visayan material I express myself more positively in support of the position which in my earlier work seemed less clear and that further support appears in the Igorot. 48. malemos to drown; Visayan lomos id. lemohaki Tonga. maremo Rarotonga. ndromu Viti. palemo Hawaii. emu Rapanui. paremo Tahiti, Maori malemo Samoa, Futima. peremo Mangareva. melemo Tonga. parego Paumotu. mamah Malay. mama Subanu. mangaga Bontoc Igorot. The final S is found in the Visayan and in normal mutation in the Tongan lemohaki. We have in Polynesia three forms of the simple stem, two {lomu, lemo) in Nuclear Polynesia and one {emu) in Rapanui, as an interesting article of the proof of a settlement upon that remote island of a Proto-Samoan colony; even so recently as my recension of the dictionary of that speech this item escaped my attention inasmuch as I had not then the Visayan evidence. The remaining forms in Polynesia are conditional with ma and with a variant pa; pa is found in languages of the Tongafiti settlement, ma is Proto-Samoan, except that Rarotonga is a Tongafiti community but has the conditional prefix of the earlier stock. In Paumotu the m-g mutation, a shift across the utmost nasal range, is not unknown in other instances. 49. mama to chew; Subanu mama id. P. W. 280. mama Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Ra- panui, Marquesas, Manga- reva, Hawaii, Viti. manga Nukuoro. maanga Uvea. Except for the mutation in Nukuoro and Uvea this identification is so complete as to be featureless. We note the almost complete absence of the stem from the Melanesian traverse, its only appearance being in Aneityum a-mai. In secondary and derivative forms in Nuclear Poly- nesia we encounter the form maga, which passes before the superficial judgment as of the common type of verbal noun formed from stem ma by the usual sufiix ~ga, the secondary sense denoting either an act of chewing or the person who chews. If this were the true explanation of maga we should find ourselves under the necessity of arguing that in Nukuoro and Uvea the verbal noun, after it had been created pur- posely to express a distinction for which the language had felt a need, sacrificed that distinction and took the place of the primal verb from which it is derived. This runs contrary to the grammatical course of the speech. The discovery in the Bontoc Igorot of mangaga establishes the existence in the earliest type of the Polynesian of a verb radical manga and authorizes us in classifying the Nukuoro and Uvea forms as Proto-Samoan. Elsewhere in Nuclear Polynesia, in regions to which the later Tongafiti swarm found readier access and where its domina- tion was better established, the abraded stem ma of that phase of the common tongue came into use in its dupUcated form. The particular 132 THE SUBANU. significance of the Igorot, as in many instances it is the particular significance of the Subanu itself, is that it is an interior language in this region in which we find the archetype not only of Malayan speech but of its early accumulations from the Polynesian ancestors whom it was dislodging. Accordingly, when we are enabled to pass through the coastal settlement of the later Malayan swarms in the Philippines and may find in the languages of the earlier migrants who have been driven back into the mountains word forms identifiable with those which we find in Nuclear Polynesia, we are just fied in establishing them as of the earUest Polynesian type. 50. manifls thin; Subanu monepes id. P. W. 298. manifi Samoa, Nukuoro, Tonga, Futuna, nipis Malay. manipis Visayan. monepes Subanu. manifi Malagasy. These are all clear identification, all of the conditional type except that in Malay we have the primitive stem, which reappears at Roro in Torres Strait in the form nivinivi. 51. malino calm; Subanu linao id. Samoa, Nukuoro, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea. mafinfini Fotuna. malino Futuna, Hawaii. malinoa Uvea. linao Subanu, Visayan marino Maori, Rarotonga, Paumotu. alTnoao Bontoc Igorot. melino Tonga. malinao Bicol. merino Mangareva. marina Malagasy. milino Niue. marne Formosa. manino Samoa, Tahiti. maino Motu. men i no Marquesas. Disregarding the simple varieties in the Polynesian course of the vocable we establish a conditional type with the primitive plainly appa- rent in the three Philippine languages. 52. manu bird, animal; Subanu manoc bird. P. W. 372. manu Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, Manga- reva, Rarotonga, Mangaia, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Fo- tuna, Bukabuka, Maori, Hawaii, Nuguria, Rapanui, Marquesas, Paumotu, Viti, Tongarewa. manman Rotuma. manuk manug manok manoko Malay, Sulu. Chamorro. Kayan, Magindano, Subanu, Visayan, Matu, Gah, Mata- bello, Teor, Bontoc Igorot. Bolanghitam. manik Gani. monok Dayak, Bontoc Igorot. malok Wahai. manu Savu, Kisa, Menado, Sanguir, Sula, Morella, Caimarian, Baju, Salibabo, Togean, Bouton. mano Saparua, Lariko, Liang, Batu- merah. mani Waigiou Alfuros. manue Amblaw, Awaiya. manui Cajeli. manuo Teluti. manuwan Ahtiago. manuti Wayapo. The final palatal mute is so widely estabhshed athwart Indonesia in languages of varying type that we must regard it as proper to the stem; in Melanesia it reappears at such distant stations as Carteret Harbor in New Ireland {manuk) and Tanna {manug). In Polynesia the word has seldom deviated far or completely from the signification of animals in general; throughout Indonesia it is particularized upon the bird sense, and in Bontoc Igorot it designates a chicken only. We note as a resemblance Sanskrit manukh, manush a living creature. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 133 53. masima salt; Subanu masin id. masima Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Viti, Duke of York. te-mosi Rotuma. rano-masina Malagasy. asin Visayan, Subanu, Bontoc Igorot. asing Sanguir. fau-asina Malagasy. masin Malay, Subanu, Visayan. This is a remarkably interesting vocable. In the Pacific it occurs only in Nuclear Polynesia and is therefore properly to be assigned to the Proto-Samoan migration. Just at the gateway to the Pacific we find it at the Duke of York, a position sufficient to establish it in the Samoa Stream. Therefore the note in Pratt's Samoan Dictionary "from Fiji" is inaccurate. In Polynesia the stem consonant is m. In Indonesia, however, the stem consonant is n. Regarded as pho- netic mutation, this variety is well established. Furthermore, our Indonesian affiliates disclose the existence of the types asin and masin; in fact they exist concurrently in Subanu and Visayan. We therefore infer with whole propriety asin to be primal, masin conditional, and that a crasis ma-asin has taken place is inferential from the vowel quahty in Samoan masima. We are now brought so close to another group of forms signifying salt, specifically salt water, thence the sea, that we are justified at least in noting their presence. One small link would establish the chain, namely, the discovery after asin of asi in a salt sense. As meaning salt water and sea we find this asi in Ulawa, Wango, Fagani, Saa, Ahte, Bululaha, all determining stations in the Solomon Islands upon the Samoa Stream. As a conditional derivative of asi, noting that we have already observed the parallelism of ma and ta, we have tasi in the same sense with tas, tahi, tai in series, which brings us to the general Polynesian tai of the sea and, in the Tongafiti languages, of salt as well, on which see The Polynesian Wanderings, page 418. 54. mata eye, face; Subanu mata eye, mesh, bud. P. W. 380. mata Polynesia ubique (except as fol- low) in the sense of eye, face, point, edge, mesh, source, any small object, to see. maka Hawaii. mafa, maf Rotuma. mata matsha matada Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, Kayan, Sulu, Savu, Ilocano, Taga- log, Pampangas, Baju, Bou- ton, Sanguir, Liang, Wahai, Togean, Salayer, Menado, Bolanghitam, Alorella, La- riko, Saparua, Caimarian, Malay, Macassar, Awaij'a, Ceram. Central Nicobar. Matabello. matat Silong. matara Ahtiago, Alfuros. matalalin Wahai. matanina Gah. matacolo Teluti. matava Batumerah. match Baliyon. matan Ahtiago. maten Dayak. matin Teor. mat Kar Nicobar. maa Ceram. makan Kisa. mut My sot. mucha Tagalog. muka Java. muguing Ilocano. mua Madura. maso Mn.lagasy. The complete concord of the Polynesian is strangely offset by the variety in Indonesia. There is quite as much variety in Melanesia also, but in this place it is not necessary to include that material. In the 134 THE SUBANU. Malayan section I have aimed to order the material in the progress of variation, principally with respect of the final syllable or consonant. The agreement is so overwhelming in favor of mata that we need have no hesitation in postulating that open stem as primal. The residual forms, each concurring in but a single speech or at most in but two or three, will fall into the two classes of suffixed composition members and closing consonants added in conformity with the regime of the several dialects. 55. mate to die; Subanu matay id. P. W. 373. mate Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna, make Hawaii. Niue, Uvea, Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Rapanui, Mar- mate Macassar. quesas, Mangareva, Pau- mati Malay. motu, Manahiki, Bukabuka, maty Malagasy. Tongarewa, Nukuoro. matay Magindano, Subanu, Visayan u-mate Nuguria. patay Visayan, Java. ko-mate Aniwa. maki Kisa. kono-mate Fotuna. matei Kayan. Strange to say, this word in all its recorded occurrences must be a conditional, for that is the only basis upon which we can comprehend the form patay which exists in Java and is found in Visayan simultane- ous with matay. We should then postulate a primal ati, recognizing the considerable predominance in Indonesia of forms in i; this might then serve to account for the oti of Samoan. In that language mate and oti are synonyma relative to the fact, but, relative to the subject, mate is employed of the beast, oti of the man. In my former notes upon these two words {The Polynesian Languages, pages 274, 374) I was forced, in the lack of this fuller information, to assign to the courtesy speech the use of oti as death. It will be far simpler to consider it as probably a primal, and the discovery of ate or ati in Indonesia will serve to establish this view beyond peradventure. Since the writing of this note my collation of the Bontoc Igorot in Seidenadel's vocabulary has disclosed in the noun signifying death the primitive idoy and variants ttoy, eddy, udoy. Thus, having reached a hypothetical primitive by deduction, it is interesting to find that access to additional data brings confirmation. 56. mati-kuku nail, claw; Subanu kanuku id. kuku Viti. mati-kuku Mangareva, Futuna, Maori. mai-kuku Maori, Paumotu, Rapanui, Mar- quesas. beji-kuku Tonga. pasi-kuku Uvea, mati-'u'u Samoa. mai-uu Tahiti, Marquesas, Hawaii. kuku Malay, Savu, Pampangas. cuco Tagalog. coco Visayan. koko Bontoc Igorot. In Polynesia we encounter the primal stem only in Viti ; elsewhere it is involved with a formative agent, principally mati or mai. This occurrence of kuku in Viti should serve to set aside Hazlewood's note that it derives from kuku the name of a small shell; this shell name extends beyond Viti into Polynesia in its own independent existence. The primal is well established in Indonesia, for the vowel mutation is there negligible, particularly the interchange of o and u. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 135 57. matou we (exclusive); Visayan came id. ma-tou Samoa, Marquesas, Tahiti, Ra- kamai Araga. panui, Mangareva, Raro- gamai Omba. tonga, Manahiki, Niue, Uvea, kamam Merlav, Mota. Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna, kanam Marina, Norbarbar. Maori. kemam Norbarbar. keimami Viti. kemem Vanua Lava, Motlav, Lo. komom Vanua Lava. kama Aneityum, Gog. igemeam Volow. gama Lakon. iame'u Wango. gema Ambrym. meat Duke of York. kami Maewo. mai Savo, Mekeo, Pokau, Kabadi, gami Fagani, Nggela, Bugotu, Ngao. Motu, Hula, Keapara, Suau, ngami Sesake. Sariba. hami Vaturanga. namai Waima, Roro. iami Ulawa. ma Sinaugoro, Tubetube, Panaieti. mimi Epi. Without being fully prepared to discuss the life history of this exclusive pronoun, I have sought to order the material at present avail- able in such wise that the system in variety may be suggested. In Polynesia we find in the dual and plural exclusive of the first person the stem ma in composition with the remnant of the numerals two lua and three tolu respectively. In Viti with its three numbers above unity we have for the first person exclusive the suite, dual keirau, trinal keitou, plural keimami; from this it is clear that kei being common to the suite may not exercise the precise numeration of the plurality, although it may be found to have a general plural sense; that as rau of the dual suggests an artificial variant of rua two and as tou trinal is known to be in Polynesian use as an artificial variant of tolu three, therefore kei bears the exclusion sense of the composite. Thus we come to a comprehen- sion of the Melanesian series from kamam to komom locaUzed in the Banks Group. The element mami does not exactly recur in Melanesia, but Volow ige-meam is almost identical, and the eleven forms with which the Melanesian list opens are not to be set aside. In Torres Strait we find a considerable deposit of a mai type, commonly associ- ated with a variant ai, and therefore we may not definitely ascribe it to a primal ma. But in the same region we do find ma in three languages. I am as yet unable to resolve the Visayan cama (Bontoc Igorot tjakami) ; taken as a whole we find it represented in Melanesia in kama, gama, gema, most likely in kamai and gamai, which should serve to link the Savo and Torres Strait mai into place, and perhaps in the Banks Group series. 58. mull the stem; Visayan olin id. (This will be discussed under the item uli.) 59. namu mosquito; Visayan namoc id. P. W. 386. namu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Rarotonga, Mangareva, namok Malay, Bugi, Visayan Nuguria, Sikaiana, Nukuoro, njamok Dayak. Mangaia, Paumotu, Maori, njamo Macassar. Marquesas, Tahiti, Viti. hamok Kayan. namo Fotuna. yamuc Pampangas. ramu Tahiti. muka Malagasy. rom Rotuma. lamu Macassar. 136 THE SUBANU. As set forth in my former note, we sense a primal mok, although in no speech yet found does it appear unsupported. Additional to the closed Indonesian forms here listed, I note similars from Melanesia; Marina naniugi, Lakon namug, Galavi and Boniki namokiri, Tangoan Santo moke, Malo mohe, Tanna kumug, Taupota himokini, Wedau imo- kini. The Dayak and Macassar forms have a parallel in Modnus njam. 6o. nifo tooth; Subanu ngisi id. P W. 302. 1 nifo Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Futuna, 25 livon Siassi. Uvea, Fakaofo, Fotuna, 26 liwo Arag, Graget. Moiki. 27 lewo Motlav. 2 niho Nukuoro, Aniwa, Maori, Tahiti, 28 liwoi Mota, Maewo. Hawaii, Marquesas, Rapa- 29 liwun Rook. nui, Mangareva, Paumotu, 30 luvo Admiralty. Manahiki. 31 luon Bilibili. 3 nitcho Sikaiana. 32 lung Jabim. 4 nio Mangaia, Raro tonga. ii riho Wango. 5 ngiho Nuguria. 34 ribo Malekula. 35 hise Motu. 6 nifan Onin. 36 ike Doura. 7 niho Ulawa, Saa, Bululaha, Buka. 37 igeo Uni. 8 nihena Roro. 38 oke Galavi, Boniki. 9 niwo Awalama. 39 ivo Taupota, Wedau 10 niuwo Tavara. 11 niou lai. 40 nifoa Matabello. 12 nyo Lifu. 41 nify Malagasy. 13 nibo Mukawa. 42 niiin Chamorro. 14 nise Kabadi. 43 nihi Manatolo, Sula. 15 nisan Nok6n. 44 nihan Kisa. 16 nike Pokau. 45 nichi Bouton. 17 ni'e Mekeo. 46 nissy East Vaiqueno. 18 ni Panaieti. 47 nissin West Brissi. 19 nini Tubetube, Misima. 48 nipun Magindano. 20 nungi Tagula. 49 knipan Kayan. 21 ngise Pala. 50 ngisi Subanu. 22 lifo Fagani. 51 ngipin Tagalog. 23 liho Buka, Ugi, Bougainville. 52 ngipon Visayan. 24 livo Alite, Vaturanga, Nggela Bieri- an, Epi, Wuvulu, Aua, Pa- luan, Leut, Nakanai The available data from the three Oceanic areas have been here arrayed upon the basis of the changes which are found to have taken place in the initial consonant. In Polynesia and Indonesia these are very slight, n-ng in 5, 50, 51, and 52. This is a mutation from lingual backward to palatal, of great frequency in the nasals of these languages. The kn of Kayan (49) is anomalous. With the excessive variety of the initial in the Melanesian areas we need not engage, for it does not enlighten us upon any problems of the Malayan and the Polynesian at this point. In Uke manner we note the persistence of the former vowel i and therefore need not consider Melanesia. The second consonant f exhibits great variety and presents prob- lems. We find the f in i , all Proto-Samoan Languages and confined to Nuclear Polynesia, including two of the languages of the Western Verge and omitting three. In Melanesia this f occurs but in two languages (6, 22), in Indonesia but three times (41 the extreme western offshoot of the Malayan, 40 and 42 extreme eastern offshoots). Labial mutants POLYNESIAN AND MAI.AYAN. 137 do not appear in Polynesia. Indonesia shows but one such mutant, f-p, spirant to mute and both surd, in 48, 49, 5 1 , and 52. In Melanesia this mutation is found in 13 and 34; but there are other labial mutants, f-V, surd spirant to sonant spirant, in 24, 25, 30, and 39 ; f-w, spirant to semivowel proximate to the labial tract, in 9, 10, 26, 27, 28, and 29; to extinction along this channel in 11, 12, and 3 1 . In our next group of mutations we find the result in the aspirate. At this point I must renew attention upon the fact that speech has three aspirates, one proximate to each of the three tracts of speech organs. It is a breathing always, almost formless, not dependent upon palate, tongue or lips for its production, therefore not to be set in pala- tal, lingual or labial series but in close juxtaposition thereto. We find mutation to an aspiration near the labial, f-h, in Polynesia 2, all Tonga- fiti languages except Nukuoro, a secondary Samoan, and Aniwa, best regarded as secondary to some undetermined language of Nuclear Poly- nesia; in 5, one of the islands of the Western Verge, I hope to show that this aspiration is not labial. Through this channel we find the extinc- tion of the second consonant in 4, both Tongafiti languages. Now let us examine 3, the nitcho of Sikaiana, an island of the Western Verge, and compare with it nichi of Bouton in the Celebes subprovince of Malaysia. This tch is a lingual, therefore not to be considered a muta- tion product from f labial, for such mutation extra seriem is not to be considered when another explanation is possible. In Subanu ngisi we have another lingual, and it is at least interesting that the initial conso- nant ng also occurs in Nuguria (5), a near neighbor of Sikaiana. It is true that nitcho-ngiho differ in the final vowel from ngisi, but that amounts to little since in 41 and 42 we have nijy and nifin, undoubted congeners of nifo. We are justified in the conclusion that there were two primal stems nifo{i) and ngisi{o); the fact that we have one in Malagasy and Chamorro, the other in Subanu, shows that they were at least of equal currency in the earliest period. The forms with S are found in 46 and 47 in Indonesia, in 14, 15, 21, and 35 in Melanesia, andin Polynesia are absent. The mutation s-tch is well established in the labial series; we find it here in 45, and that should be sufficient to set nitcho of Sikaiana as an s-derivative. The most common mutation of the sibilant is the weakening to the juxtaposed aspiration, S-h. Begin- ning in the Indonesian region, where we have first found the ngisi stem, we identify S-h mutants in 43 and 44, which are in the neighborhood of the Subanu, therefore archetypal in this region. In Melanesia we shall find the geography of the s and the h forms instructive. We find ngise in Pala, nise in Kabadi and nisan in Nokon, all in the gateway through the Bismarck Archipelago where the Samoa Stream made exit into the Pacific. Next we find niho (7) in Ulawa, Saa, Bululaha, Buka, all just at the portal in the Solomon Islands, and liho (23) in Buka, Ugi and Bougainville, and riho at Wango, in the same chain of islands along the 138 THE SUBANU. course of the Samoa Stream. Next in our two stations of the Polyne- sian Verge, not far to windward offshore of the Solomons, we find in Sikaiana nitcho an indisputable s-mutant, and by proximity we deem Nuguria ngiho (with its patent initial resemblance to the Subanu) an S-h mutant. Against this plain reading of the record we are to set the occurrence of S forms in hise (35) at Motu and a secondary nihena (8) at Roro, both in the Torres Strait, which is on other grounds well established as the gateway of the Viti Stream. These two instances need cause no serious hindrance to the acceptation of this interpretation. The second vowel falls into two groups, O and its derivatives, i and its derivatives. For o we have a complete accord throughout Polynesia ; in Melanesia in 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, and 39, and the u- variant in 29, and a less common a- variant in 6 and 15; in Indonesia we find in 40 and 52, the u-variant in 48, the a- variant in 44 and 49. Of the i group we find no trace in Polynesia; in Melanesia we have it in its e-variant in 8, 14, 16, 17, 21,35,36, and 38; in Indonesia we find i in 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 50, and 51. Last of all we examine the data for traces of a final consonant. In Polynesia with its open type we find no suggestion of an anterior closed stem. In Indonesia a final n is exhibited in 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 51, and 52. We find the same n in Melanesia in 6, 8, 15, 25, 29, 31, and 32. There can be httle doubt that one or both of the primal stems was closed with this consonant. niu Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Viti, Rotuma, Fo- tuna, Nukuoro, Nuguria, Moiki, Maori, Rarotonga, Manahiki, Tongarewa, Hawaii, Paumotu, Mangareva, Rapanui, Marque- sas. Mangaia. niu Kowamerara, Tatau, Barriai, Na- matote, Saa, Lobo, Sesake, Epi, Arag, Ulawa, Wango, Fagani, Bululaha, Vaturanga, Nggela, Bugotu, Motu, Kabadi, Pokau, Doura, Sinaugoro, Keapara, Hula, Galoma, Mugula, Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, Panaieti, Nada, Dobu, Port Moresby, Mannam, Moanus, Lifu, Solo- mon Islands. niyu Karufa. nihu Misima. niwi Areimoa. neu Buka. liu Alite. niura Mukawa. neura Awalama, Taupota. diura Kwagila. rura Kubiri, Kiviri. nu Nengone, Nifilole. LO coconut grove. P. W. 390. nuia Kiriwina. luia Kiriwina. ni New Caledonia. niu Bima, Uap. nju Dayak. nyu Salibabo. inyug Bontoc Igorot. nihu Malagasy. nior Malay. niula Gah. nier Liang. niwer Ceram. niwel Ceram. niwi Cajeli, Wayapo, Massaratty, Am blaw. nimel Ceram. nimil Lariko. nikwe Ceram. niweli Batumerah, Caimarian. liweli Awaiya. nuelo Teluti. luen Wahai. nu Java. nui Sulu. nuim Ahtiago. nua - Tobo. niir Malay. niyog Bicol, Bontoc Igorot. niugao Subanu. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 139 The most frequent of these forms is the niu of all three Oceanic areas and its immediate derivatives. A nu type is found in Mangaia alone of Polynesia, in Nengone and Nifilole of Melanesia, and in Java of Indonesia. In each of the latter the derivatives of nu may readily be recognized. In ni, ascribed to New Caledonia, where a multiplicity of languages exists, we may have no more than a variant of the Nengone nu, U-i being well recognized among the vocalic mutations. From niu to nu we find a feasible series of transition forms in Torres Strait, niura to diura to rura, save that at the last we fiind no explanation for the loss of i any more than we can comprehend the same loss as between niu and nu in their simple form. Reverting to the ni type, for which I have already suggested the possibiUty of vocalic mutation, it is worthy of closer examination. If ni were primal and carried such sense as to the logical powers of these primitive folk suggested a genus, then it might be possible to regard niu as composite of wi and u, the latter being too formless for us now to venture to interpret. In Mangareva we have an interesting pair of coconut words; ni-ii is used of the young palm, ni-kau when it has grown up. But we are able to identify kau; it is the general term for tree (cf . item 30) ; therefore nikau is clearly the w^'-tree ; by analogy niu should be the ni-aliquid, an indefiniteness which we can not yet resolve. Disregarding a terminal consonant or even additional syllable, we find for this second member of the word, u, hu, yu, 0, yo, e, we, wi. Of these the :v-forms are susceptible of ready explanation: nyu amounts to no more than variety of transUteration of niu; in niyog the y represents the glide of the vowel from the palatal position of i to the labial position of O. Conversely the aspiration in nihu represents the purposeful inter- ruption of such gUde. When we pass through o to e, a mutation series which is well established, we find a group of forms in Ceram which exhibit marked changes. For niwel we have abundant support in several languages. From niwel to nimel is supported by Lariko in Amboyna ; since the semivowel w is close to the lips and m is the labial nasal the mutation lies within the same series. But we are left without any accounting for the intrusive palatal mute in nikwel. At present the resolution of this tangle eludes us. 62. pe, po interrogative particles; Subanu ba id. pe Samoa, Futuna, Hawaii. be Tonga. be Efate. pee Uvea. po Samoa, Futuna, Nine. ba Subanu, Visayan. This particle is in wider Polynesian use, but with a variation in sense. As interrogative it is restricted to Nuclear Polynesia and the Proto-Samoan ; in the Tongafiti languages it is but a disjunctive particle. The Efate is an interesting link between the Philippines and Nuclear Polynesia. 140 THE SUBANU. 63. pepelo a lie; Subanu balos id. These may properly be associated for the present, although affil- iates are nowhere to be found. The Proto-Samoan stem we find to be pelong in Samoan pelongia of the objective aspect ; therefore we may not make the identification with halos positive in the absence of transition forms, but it warrants consideration. 64. pili lizard ; Visayan tabili a large newt. plli Samoa, Futuna. I biii Tonga. We find this stem narrowly restricted to Nuclear Polynesia. The Visayan is evidently a composite upon the same stem. In alimango (item 6) we have a still more noteworthy instance of the community of animal names between these widely sundered regions. 65. po night, calendar day; Subanu labong yesterday, lalabong after- noon, P. W. 330. po Samoa, Fakaofo, Niue, Uvea, Fo- tuna, Tahiti, Manahiki, Futuna, Maori, Hawaii, Mangaia, Mar- quesas, Mangareva, Rapanui, Nukuoro, Paumotu, Nuguria, Sikaiana. pongis Samoa. pongi Samoa, Nukuoro. ko-po Aniwa. pope Bukabuka. bo Tonga, Nuguria, Sikaiana. boni Rotuma. mbongi Viti. bungi Java, Salayer. bo-etta Macassar, po-garagara Teor. caha-pon Visayan. bangi Macassar. bengi Minahassa. wengi Minahassa. We have no difficulty in tracing successive stages of this vocable from po to pong to pongi to pongis. These are all found in Polynesia, in Indonesia we lack pongis. In this fullest form the stem has the appearance of a composite ; we are not able to resolve it accurately, yet there is some reason to regard po as primal in the sense of dark. 66. punga coral; Visayan apog lime. punga Samoa, Futuna, Niue, Rapanui, pua Tahiti, Paumotu. Mangareva, Maori. bunga Tonga. puna Hawaii, Marquesas. vunga Viti. puka Marquesas. The form variety is easily disposed of. We recognize in these southern Philippine languages the employment of a (ca) prefixed in the sense of a noun determinant; the mutation from nasal to mute in the palatal series is exhibited in one of the Marquesan forms. The sense may readily be brought into harmony; these peoples had long since known the art of obtaining lime by burning the coral; in Hawaii, Rapanui, and Nine the same word does duty for the raw material and for the product. POIyYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 141 67. pupula to shine; Subanu bulan moon, month. P. W. 329. pupula Niue. huia Doura. vula Viti. hua Motu. hula Rotuma. uran pulan Karufa, Utanata. pura Angadi, Mimika. Chamorro. pul Umre, Leut. pula Uap. bura Lakahia. bulan Malay, Ilocano, Subanu bulo Uni. bolan Visayan. bol Leng. bulang Tringanu. mbul Moanus, bula Kaili. buia Umi. buran Ceram. bue Keapara, Galoma. burang Solor. furan Lobo, Mairassis. bulam Molucca. fule Graget. fulan Am. vula Nggela, Belaga, Marina, Arag, fula Rotti. Mota, Vaturanga Bugotu, furan Lobo. Pokau. funan Timor. vule Omba. fuya Togean. vuia Pokau. fuan Bontoc Igorot. vul Merlav, Gog, Lakon. wulan Gilolo. Solor. wula Maewo. wura Bima. wuran Namatote. huran Ceram. W'Ol Vuras, Mosin, Motlav, Volow. ulan Magindano. wui Rubi. ulang Kisa. hura Wango. ulano Ceram. The primal sense is that of shining, more particularly of a white light, a sense which predominates in the Polynesian of each migration. In the Pacific at present the moon word is masina, a conditional of sina white. That pulan is the earlier word is exhibited by the completeness of its series out of the Malay seas through Melanesia and into Nuclear Polynesia. 68. pusi to puff; Subanu boi to fire a gun. pusi Futuna. puhi Niue, Maori, Hawaii, Marquesas, bus! Efate. Mangareva, Rapanui, Pau- vus Mota. motu. pupuhi Uvea, Tahiti. ambus Malay. pupui Rarotonga. bohi Visayan bubuhi Tonga. boi Subanu. The Subanu signification is a particular and, of course, a modem one. The general sense of blowing and puffing runs through all these affiliates and occurs in Polynesian of each migration ; the identifications in Efate and Mota show that it accompanied the Proto-Samoans in their earlier wandering down through the Melanesian chains. 69. sala to err; Subanu sala id. Samoa, Futuna. Tagalog, Subanu, Visayan. Malay. Malagasy, Kayan, Java, Kisa. sala hala Tonga, Niue, Uvea. sala dhaia Viti. salah hara Rapanui, Marquesas, Tahiti, Maori. hala ara Mangareva, Rarotonga. Students of comparative morahty may find a certain interest in the evidence borne by this word that the conviction of sin was not intro- duced by the missionaries. Even primitive savages have recognized that to wander and to go astray from such standards as they had was a wandering of the soul, a sin. The use of the word in the Maori is clear 142 THE SUBANU. evidence that it was possible, though thrillingly dangerous, to sin against the tabu. In the Indonesian affihates noted under hala the moral sense has advanced yet one stage beyond the actual fact of sin ; these words mean, in order, "hated, detested," "guilty," "base, mean," "wrong." From the mere fact of dehnquency the connotation has begun to par- ticularize the estimate in which the delinquent is held by the right- living majority of his community. 70. selu a comb; Visayan solod id. P. W. 218. selu Samoa, Futuna, Nukuoro. seru Nukuoro, Fotuna, Viti. helu Tonga, Uvea. hetu Niue. saru Matmam (New Guinea). sisir Malay. solod Visayan. dhuru Viti. julok Malay. juluka Malagasy. solot Subanu. solod Visayan. In Nuclear Polynesian and the islands of the Verge this is found particularized as a noun; the general verb sense of scratching is met with in Polynesia in both migration streams. 71. sulu to enter; Subanu solot id. P. W. 405. sulu Samoa, Futuna, Nukuoro. suru Fotuna, Nukuoro. hulu Tonga, Niue. huru Rapanui. uru Rapanui, Tahiti, Mangareva. uu Marquesas. In the former note on this vocable I pointed out the fact that in Polynesian we find traces of the stem as closed in f , m and n. We now find it in Indonesia as closed in k and in t. Probably these forms are homogenetic, but we have not yet sufiicient data whereupon to base a determination of the primal stem. 72. sulu a torch; Subanu sulu id. P. W. 247. sulu Subanu. suluh Malay, Java. solo Visayan. sil-lu Bontoc Igorot. Additional to the torch sense, which is found in Indonesia and in Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Baki, and Motu, we have the abstract meaning of shine, which is found concurrently with the torch sense in Samoa, Tonga, and Niue, and exclusive thereof in Futuna and Maori. 73. susu the breast; Visayan soso the breast, to suck.lT^P. W. 410. sulu Samoa, Futuna. hulu Tonga, Niue. huru Maori. susu Samoa, Futuna. susan Matu. huhu Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Nuguria. sus Waigiou. sudhu Viti. usok Kayan. dughan Visayan. susu Malay, Java, Bugis, Pampangas, tusun Siassi. Macassar, Chamorro, Kai. thuth Uap. suso Tagalog. tutu Gorontalo, Bunda soso Visayan, Bontoc Igorot. I have not here sought to distinguish the three senses carried by this word, the breast, the milk, and to suck, for that has already been discussed at length at the place cited in the note. POIyYNESIAN AND MAI.AYAN. 143 74. susunu to bum; Visayan sonog to set afire. P. W. 407. sunu Samoa, Futuna, Viti. hunu Tonga, Niue, Uvea, Maori. sunu To Bungku, To Mori. sonog Visayan. ishunok Bontoc Igorot. Other problems of interesting variants upon this stem have been examined in The Polynesian Wanderings, loc. cit. In this particular form we find a close filiation between the PhiUppines and Nuclear Poly- nesia with its Proto-Samoan peopUng. 75. tae excrement; Subanu tee id. P. W. 414. tae Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Moriori. te Niue. tae Visayan, Magindano, Bontoc Igorot. tee Tonga. tai Malay, Macassar, Klemantan. nda Viti. tay Malagasy. nde Viti. tee Subanu. In continuation of the former note upon the use of this obscene word as a proper name I find an interesting case reported by Hose and McDougall from the Klemantans of Borneo. Children remain un- named during their infancy in order that they may escape the notice of evil spirits, and when at last a name has been given they are long addressed by tai in order that these spirits may incUne to leave them alone. 76. tali rope; Subanu tali id. P. W. 414. tali Nukuoro. I tali Malay, Subanu, Chamorro. ndali Viti. tadi Malagasy. 1 tai Uap. We have increased the former note by no new items from Polynesia, but the three Indonesian additions are not without significance, for the Subanu, the Chamorro, and the Uap represent an extreme easterly sweep of migration and are therefore to be regarded as archetypal. 77. talinga ear; Subanu talinga id. P. W. 415. talinga Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna , Uvea, tainga Sulu, Tagalog. Nukuoro. tadiny Malagasy. kau-talina Sikaiana. kaling Kolon. ndalinga Viti. karin Teor. taninga Nukuoro. tali Uap. tanginga Moiki. toll Macassar. telinga Tonga, Niue. telinga Malay, Sula, Baju. taringa Maori, Rarotonga, Paumotu, telingan Wayapo. Rapanui, Manahiki, Aniwa, telina Morella. Fotuna. telinawa Batumerah. tarina Nuguria. telila Cajeli. teringa Mangareva. teninare Wahai. tiringa Moriori. tengeh Silong. karinga Liueniua. tarina Ceram. faliang Rotuma. terina Liang, Lariko. aina Marquesas. terinamo terinam terena Awaiya. Caimarian. Saparua. talinga Malay, Bouton, Dayak, Visayan, Subanu. 16-jilingo Marshall Islands. talingan Java, Basakrama. tjuling Bugis. talingo Menankabau. linga North Borneo. talinhe Satawal. lingah Matu. talenga Ulea. linganani Massaratty. talanga Chamorro. dalonggan Visayan. talina Ceram. 144 THE SUBANU. In the Indonesian series of affiliates we note mutation in two direc- tions which are contradictory of one another so far as they may be expected to yield the primal stem of this manifestly composite vocable. Superficially talinga has the appearance of a verbal noun formed by the suffix nga proper to that sense applied to a stem tali, of which we have no knowledge beyond this hypothesis. In Uap and Macassar we find simple forms tali and toli, which seem to bear upon this point. On the other hand we find a group of three forms in which linga is the theme, a suggestion that this is the primal stem rather than tali. No decision upon this point is yet possible. Of the alternative Visayan form dalonggan Fray Juan Felix notes the derivation from dongog to hear. This is a somewhat violent infixature in Visayan ; it would never have suggested itself if this lexicographer had had a gHmpse at the exte- rior history of the word. 78. talc to pray; Subanu talo to speak. P. W. 236. tatalo Samoa, Futuna, Tonga. taro Rapanui, Tahiti, Nukuoro, Viti. tatao Marquesas. kalo Hawaii. The Proto-Samoan stem is discovered to be taros, which we should expect to find preserved in the Subanu ; perhaps the accent upon the ultima is compensatory for the loss of the final consonant. The sense association involves difficulties. In all the Polynesian the signification is that of asking the higher powers for a boon, some good for him who asks or evil upon his neighbor. In Viti the sense of "prevent" is asso- ciable only as the answer to prayer, for there is strongly marked a desire for prophylaxis in most orisons. That the word in Subanu, if indeed the affihation be tenable, has come to mean no more^than to speak, requires a more spiritual comprehension of the theology of the savage than we are able to supply. 79. tama father; Subanu gama id. P. W. 272. tama Samoa, Fakaofo. a'mam Cajeli. tama Aniwa, Viti. amai Ahtiago. tamai Tonga, Uvea. amaeolo Teluti. tamana Futuna, Sikaiana, Fotuna, Nu- amao Amblaw. guria, Nukuoro. amana Bouton. i Am;i A/TpnflHo tamd Gilbert Islands. yaman Sanguir. tama Klemantan. jaman Tobo. am^ Sasak. kiamat Bolanghitam ama Bima. mama Gah. ama Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, Kolon, mam Mysot. Salayer, Liang, Lariko, Teor, nama Wayapo. Saparua, Awaiya, Caimarian, naama Massaratty. Wahai. gama Subanu. a'ma Morella. In the father sense tama is wholly Proto-Samoan. In the later migration tama is a composition member of such words as tamaloa man and tamaiti child. The latter is instructive. As iti means little the com- POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 145 posite signifies "little tama." So with tamafafine, this means "woman tama." It is highly improbable that any simple minds could think of calling a child, little father; it is inconceivable that a girl could be spoken of as a female father with its clear contradiction in terms. In the later migration, therefore, tama means no more than human being. In the rude society of the earUer migration it is quite possible that society was recognized as consisting of human beings and women ; therefore the word would acquire largely a male connotation; then particularly the head of the family unit; thence, in view of his function, father. There is one great problem in the study of the form of the vocable. Subanu gama is readily seen to be the common Indonesian ama with its own characteristic noun-formative prefix. All Polynesia has the tama form, practically all Indonesia has ama; in Melanesia the two are about equal in occurrence and they are found indifferently in neighboring communities. I regard tama as primal, principally for the reason that I have found it in the Klemantan of North Borneo. In many details these pagan tribes of the great island show much in common with the Subanu and they are recognized as preserving many of the words of an archetypal Malayan. 80. tatou we (inclusive) ; Visayan quita id. da ta-tou Viti. Samoa, Futuna, Uvea, Maori, Rarotonga, Mangareva, Ta- hiti, Paumotu, Rapanui. aipeki-ta-tou Aniwa. tau-tolu Tonga, Niue. da-tou Viti. ka-kou Hawaii. ta gi-ta ngi-ta hi-ta i-ta ge-t da Arag, Pokau, Awalama, Taupota, Wedau, Galavi, Mukawa, Kwagila, Kubiri, Raqa. Arag, Marina, Bugotu, Ngao, Barriai. Aneityum. Vaturanga. Epi. Lakon, Vanua Lava. Omba, Maewo, Motu, Suau, Sa- riba, Kiriwina, Dobu, Nada. gi-da ni-da da-ga gi-de i-de di d ge-d gi-d d-at ka 'a ra la ta-lau qui-ta Maewo. Sesake. Lo. Omba. Nifilole. Murua. Merlav. Motlav. Merlav, Gog, Volow. Duke of York. Waima, Roro, Kabadi. Mekeo. Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, Ga- loma, Rubi, Panaieti. Sinaugoro, Tubetube. Matu. Visayan. This pronoun is properly to be correlated with the exclusive matou of item 57. In studying out the migration tracks it will be found interesting to compare the geography of the gita type here with the kama type of the former. It will be seen that Polynesia has had the primal ma and ta and has developed them along a system proper to that family ; but in Melanesia it has been closely followed by a stream of migration from some center possessed of the gita and kama personal pronouns, a stream which fed the Visayas northward and Melanesia southward, and in the latter direction the occurrence of this form at Barriai shows the course north of New Guinea in contrast with the 146 THE SUBANU. simple forms of Torres Strait. The two primals ma and ta afford an excellent example of the coefficient value of consonantal modulants. 8i. tifa pearl shell; Visayan tipay mother-of-pearl. tifa Samoa, Futuna, Niue, Sikaiana. dhiva Viti. jifa Tonga. 82. Una mother; Subanu guina, ina id. tina tina Samoa. Viti. tinan Klemantan. tinana Futuna, Sikaiana. tinano Rumbia. tinga Futuna. tiwano Maronene. jina Tonga. ina Sasak. kina Liueniua. ina Subanu, Bontoc Igorot, Teor, Tihu, Kolon, Bima, Amblaw, Liang, tina Graget. Lariko, Saparua, Caimarian, tina Marina, Vaturanga, Nggela, New Awaiya, Wahai. Georgia, Rubi, Tagula. inai Klemantan, Ahtiago. tinang Lent. inahan Visayan. tinong Umre. guina Subanu. tsitsina -nggu Vitu. inana Bouton. tnagn Barriai. inany Menado, Dorey. zina Uni. inungi Sanguir. sina Pokau, Doura, Motu, Sinaugoro, inano Mengkoka. Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, Nada, inanu Muna. Dobu, Mukawa. inamo Cajeli. hina Panaieti, Tavara, Awalama. inao Morella, Batumerah. hinana Roro. inau Teluti. inna Mekeo. neina Wayapo, Massaratty. ina Wango, Fagani, Hula, Keapara, aina Tobo. Galoma, Misima, Kiriwina, nina Gah, Matabello. Murua, Oiun. nin Mysot. As in the case of tamd (item 79) the Klemantan preserves for us in Indonesia the initial t. Although some of the details are obscure, the general range of the variants is not difficult to follow. This vocable also is Proto-Samoan. 83. tinae intestines; Subanu tinee id. tinae Samoa, Futuna, Mangareva. | tinai Mota. In Polynesia this rare word is found but at three points. Its occurrence at Mota, central in respect of the Melanesian area, suggests that when more complete vocabularies come within our reach we may be able to trace it elsewhere in that intermediary region. I can not refrain from a note that tinae of the Polynesian suggests an infix in this solitary instance, one which we can not parallel in that extended family. This is a mere suggestion. If it were accepted it would be the sole evidence that the Malayans have exerted any influence upon the Polynesian. The infixature will appear as t:in: ae and refers inform and in sense to tae, item 75. 84. tongo mangrove ; Visayan tongog id. tongo Samoa, Tonga. | ndongo Viti. tui 85. tui chief; Subanu tuan master Futuna, Niue, P. W. 225. Samoa, Tonga, Uvea, Viti. tuan Subanu, Kayan, Malay. tuhan Malay. tuwan Malay. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 147 In Nuclear Polynesian this word scarcely exists independently, but is extremely frequent in combination with some place name or other designation determining the sphere of governing activity. Thus we have Tui Levuka, the chief of Levuka on the island of Ovalau in Fiji; in Tonga we find the priest-king Tui Tonga and the civil king Tui Kanokupolu, in which the designation is not of a known place, although it smacks of 'Upolu in Samoa. I recall but a single instance where Tui is used absolutely; it occurs in the Samoan legend of Timuatea, a peopling myth. Ona igoa ai lea 'o le tama matua ia Tuima- nu'a, 'a e igoa le teine ia Le Malumanu'a, 'a 'ua leigoa !e teine itiiti. Ona alu ane lea 'o le fai mea e 'ai, 'o Alamisi, 'ua alu 'ia Le Malumanu'a. Ona fanau ai lea 'o Tui, toe fanau 'o Tui, toe fanau 'o Tui. A fai 'o le alo o Tui ai e tali 'atoa le selau o lenei vao Tui. Ona 'avea ai lea e Tuisamau ma ona uso o le a o e tufa le vao Tui. The eldest son they named King-of-Manu'a, and the maiden was named Shade-of- Manu'a, but nameless was the little maid. Then came along he who made the things to eat, Alamisi ; he went to the Shade of- Manu'a. Then King was bom, again King was born, again King was bom. When the birth of Kings was accomplished belike there was pretty near a hundred in this grove of Kings. They were carried away by King-fast-fixed and his brethren who were to go to allot this grove of Kings. The context shows that this employment of Tui absolute is regarded as merely anticipatory, for the voyage goes on to set these kings in Tonga and Fiji and other lands of Nuclear Polynesia. The designation is never used vocatively in address in the absolute form but is replaced by ali'i; in this it is paralleled by the English use of earl and my lord. 86. tui to sew; Visayan tahf id. tui Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Nine, Uvea, I Viti, Maori, Mangareva, Pau- tahi Tagalog, Visayan. motu, Tahiti, Marquesas. | jahit Malay. kui Hawaii. I The identification is not so close as most of those in this series and I am by no means confident of its validity ; the change of the former vowel is rather more extensive than is common and the presence of the aspiration in the Indonesian is difficult to account for. I include it in this series more through generosity than from conviction. 87. tulu to drip; Subanu tolo, tolu id. P. W. 425. tulu turu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue. Viti, Nukuoro, Fotuna, Maori, Ra- panui, Tahiti, Mangareva. kulu Hawaii. tolo tolu jurus Subanu, Visayan. Subanu. Malay. tumu Samoa. tumu to be full; Subanu toman id. I jumu Malay. toman Subanu The word is excessively rare in Polynesian, Samoa alone retains it; but the identification is satisfactory. 148 THB SUBANU. 89. uha rain; Visayan olan id. P. W. 322. uha Tonga, Niue. ura Ende. ua Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Uvea, hura Galela. Fotuna, Nuguria, Maori, Ta- uran Tidore, Pampangas, Solor, Sikka hiti, Hawaii, Rarotonga , Mar- Minahassa, Ambon, Ceram. quesas, Mangareva, Rapanui, huran Baju. Manahiki, Tikopia. haran Lariko. udha Vit. urana Ceram. uas Rotuma. hurani orana Teor. Malagasy. oha Bolanghitam. urano Ambon. usan Kayan. urang Bugis. uan Gah. urong Salibabo. huya Sula. udjan Togean, Minahassa. ulah Amblaw. utchan Chamorro. ulan Gani, Wahai, Salu, Timor, Tobo. otjan Bontoc Igorot. Ambon, Ceram, Makian. hujan Malay, Sandol. olan Visayan. uda Kaili, Minahassa. hulan Liang, Morella. udan Rotti, Minahassa, Bontoc Igorot. ulane Awaiya, Ambon. hudan Java. ulani Cajeli, Caimarian. udama Matabello. hulani Batumerah. ut MiUe. ulano Minahassa. nu Uap. ulanu Bual. Only in a few spots does Indonesia preserve the primal stem of this word, in Menado of north Celebes and in Ceram, and with the minimum of mutation in the tongue of the Kayans in North Borneo, a region of the early settlement of the Malayan races. Beyond these few points we have a long line of mutants which become simple of comprehension when we observe that the range is up and down the Ungual column. 90. ufi yam; Subanu ubi an edible tuber. P. W. 316. ufi Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Aniwa, Sikaiana, Fotuna. ubi Malay, Malagasy, Subanu uvi Viti. uvi Kayan. uwhi Maori. uwi Java, Kisa, Kolon Bima. uhi Nukuoro, Maori, Moiki, Tahiti, obi Visayan, Tagalog. Hawaii, Mangareva, Rapanui, ove Kayan. Paumotu, Marquesas. ovy Malagasy. ui Mangaia, Rarotonga. In the Indian archipelago the sense lacks specific character; it is the yam where that plant occurs; elsewhere it is the sweet potato; in other cases it is defined as an edible tuber in general. But there can be no doubt about the identity of the word. 91. uila lightning; Subanu guilat id. P. W. 345. uhila Tonga, Niue, Uvea. uila Kisa. uila Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Sikaiana, kuilat Pani. Nuguria, Rarotonga, Hawaii. quilat Visayan uira Tahiti, Mangaia, Maori, Nukuoro, kuirlat Tagalog Rapanui, Manahiki, Moriori. guilat Subanu. uia Marquesas. chalirit Java. liva Viti. kila Tidore. kilat Malay. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 149 92. uli to steer; Visayan olin id. uli Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Viti. The stem appears to interlace with muli the stern, in which case we shall regard the m of the latter as possessing coefficient value. 93. ulu the head; Subanu golo id. Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Viti, Manahiki, Fakaofo. Maori, Tahiti, Mangaia, Paumotu, Aniwa. Nggela, Bugotu. ulu uru ulu ulu Salayer, Awaiya, Caimarian, Kissa, Chamorro. ulun Wayapo. olo Visayan, Bontoc Igorot. The g of Subanu golo is the noun-formative prefix characteristic of that speech. 94. uta to pay; Visayan otang debt. P. W. 249. uta Niue. utu Maori, Marquesas, Paumotu. utua Tahiti. uku Hawaii. golo Subanu. olun Massaratty. olum Cajeli. ulo Magindano, Tagalog ulura Batumerah. ulure Wahai. ulukatim Ahtiago. ulin Teor. yulln Tobo. uru Lariko, Saparua. uruka Liang, Morella. utang Malay, Tagalog. otang Visayan, Bontoc Igorot. There is a vowel difference between the Tongafiti and the Proto- Samoan, the latter being in better accord with our few identifications from Indonesia. 95. uti penis; Visayan otin id. P. W. 431. uti Viti. usu Lalinau. ule Samoa, Tonga, Niue, Hawaii. usina Kabadi. ure Maori, Rapan ui, Tahiti, Manga- us Pala. reva, Paumotu. u Bongu. Marquesas. oe — uti Rotti, Timor, Ambon, uti Efate, Barriai, Emsau. Gorontalo, Bunda. utid Siassi . wuti Gorontalo, Bunda. oti Ninigo. otin Visayan, Tagalog. otin Saran. oti Bontoc Igorot. witin Siassi. utien Tuburuasa. gudin Tami. butu Lombok. kutira Kilengge. wota Savu, Sumba. uting Lihir. us Karas. ut Lemusmus. ul Lamotrek. usi Motu. Ceram, We have here a tangle of forms, uH, ule, use, which we may by no means confidently reduce to a common stem; of these, uti occurs but once, yet significantly, in Polynesia; it occupies a moiety of Melanesia, and is the dominant form in Indonesia. The second Melanesian form use is not detected in Polynesia at all and occurs but once in our Malayan record. The Tongafiti ule is totally absent from Melanesia and Indo- nesia, but recurs slightly beyond the Malay Archipelago in Lamotrek. 150 THE SUBANU. 96. vaka boat; Visayan bangca id. vaka vaga waka wangga wanga vak va'a vaa waa va ak vaka vako vago vanga vak vuak vuok buak waka waga oaga wage wangga Tonga, Futuna, Niue, Uvea, Faka- ofo, Rapanui, Paumotu, Manga- reva, Marquesas, Mangaia, Raro- tonga, Manahiki, Tauu, Nuguria, Sikaiana, Nukumanu, Aniwa. Nuguria. Sikaiana, Maori. Viti. Aniwa. Nukumanu. Samoa, Anuda. Tahiti, Marquesas. Hawaii. Liueniua. Rotuma. Suau, Vaturanga, Ngela, Savo, Bugotu, Ngao, New Georgia. Vokau. Vokau, Vrinagol. Alite. Amge. Malol. Sissano. Ser. Tobadi, Ingrau, Entsau, Suau, Galavi, Boniki, Mukawa. Barriai, Kobe, Kilengge, Jawna, Jeubi, Bo, Bisapu, Palabong, Mugula, Sariba, Tubetube, Panaieti, Tagula, Nada, Dobu, Kiriwina, Taupota, Wedau, Galavi. Kabakaul. Ingros, Nakudukuda, Kalil. Nakanai, Vitu, Kambangerim. oangga To. wanga Epi, Arag. woga Pire, Namarodu, Matantuduk. wogo Labur. wang Lambon, Mimias. wak Graget. warn Tavara, Awalama, Taupota. wa Menukwari, Mokmer, Pom, Ansus, Wuvulu, Oleai, Wedau, Raqa, Kiviri, Oiun. U§L Feis. wai Sorong, Menukwari, Mokmer. faka Fagani. haka Ulawa, Wango, Saa, Bultilaha. hak Abutumete. aka Maewo, Mota, Dukeof York, Molot. age Molot. anggo Kait. anga Omba. ak Merlav, Gog, Lakon, Sasar, Vuras, Mosin, Norbarbar. nak Aweleng. eka Lo. ok Pak, Alo Teqel, Motlav. ong Volow. waga Wayapo, Massaratty. waha Tobo. waa Cajeli, Amblaw. haka Liang, Morella, Batumerah. banca Tagalog. bangca Visayan, Pampangas. fangka Bontoc Igorot. bunka Bouton. wangkang Malay, Macassar. wog Gani. The great wealth of intermediary forms derived from Melanesia, in great measure from the industrious efforts of Mr. Ray and Captain Friederici in the New Guinea region, completes the chain of mutation through the three oceanic areas and leaves little to be said. 97. vae leg; Subanu pa id. vae Samoa, Fakaofo, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Rapanui, Manga- reva, Paumotu, Tahiti, Mar- quesas, Rarotonga, Tonga- rewa, Manahiki, Aniwa. vee Tonga. ve Niue. wae Hawaii, Maori, Sikaiana. yava Viti. we Mekeo. ae Roro, Pokau, Doura,Kabadi,Motu, Suau, Panaieti, Dobu, Tavara, Awalama, Taupota, Wedau. bai Kiviri, Oiun. hage-gunapa Hula, Keapara. ape Roro. afe Mekeo. ahe Kobe. kae Galavi, Boniki, Mukawa, Sariba. kaikaie Tubetube. kaike Kiriwina. nae Bugotu. ne Graget. ai Barriai, Kilengge aiyi Misima. we Makian. wain Ceram. ae Alfuro. ai Ambon. eei Aru. aien Ceram. eik Rotti. ike Ceram. akain Jabim. agen Siassi. paa Kolon, Visayan. pa Subanu. POLYNESIAN AND MAI^AYAN. 151 These forms in Melanesia and Indonesia are so obscure that it will require more abundant data before they may be studied with a sense of security. I should not be surprised if it were necessary to segregate several stems here interlaced. Our present task is to extricate from this material whatever evidence may establish the fihation of theSubanu pa and the Polynesian word for foot or leg. The Niue ve may be con- sidered as a direct mutant of vae through Tongan vee with crasis, an interpretation supported by direct but scanty evidence in that speech. On the other hand we encounter a we in Melanesia and again in Indo- nesia; therefore this may be regarded as an ancient stem. The Viti yava may not be regarded as a derivative from vae; in The Polynesian Wanderings at page 319, I have given exhaustive study to the y-initial of Viti; the presence of an alternative avae in Tahiti points to the existence of an early ava which has become yava in Viti and in the eastern island has become colored by the greater prevalence of vae; for a primal ava we have Melanesian affiliates in ape and afe. In the same area we pass readily to hai, which may be comprehended as the primal va colored by the neighboring frequency of ae. Having abundant reason to regard Viti in Polynesia and Subanu-Visayan in Indonesia as preserving archetypal forms of speech, we need have no hesitation in establishing a primal va, with which pa readily affiliates. 98. pasa to speak; Visayan basa to read aloud. P. W. 191. pasa Nukuoro. paha Mangareva. visau Fotuna. vosa Viti. vasa Sesake. bosa Nggela. baha Tavara, Awalama. basa Malay, Tagalog, Visayan. At intervals I have deemed it better to interrupt the foregoing alphabetic series in order that I might discuss in conjunction a group of ten similar vocables. In all that has gone before I have been by no means chary of directing our attention upon the psychological factors which function these linguistic problems. This group of ten vocables, lying in the Polynesian content of Melanesia as well as of Indonesia, must in the highest degree involve the psychology of the arithmetic of the savage, the mathematics of fingers and toes of the bare man. The physical association of the mathematics and the mathematician is a matter of observation and recoi d : In counting any objects that can not be held in the hand or placed in a row the Kayan (and most of the other peoples) bends down one finger for each object told off or enumerated, beginning with the little finger of the right hand, passing at six to that of the left hand, and then to the big toe of the right foot, and lastly to that of the left foot. (Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, vol. 2, page 210.) There we have the basis of all such arithmetic as we are to study in this work, fingers, one hand, two hands, the whole man — quinary, decimal, and vigesimal numeration. Through a black mass of igno- 152 THE SUBANU. ranee, savage men whose minds had not yet devised a name for the result when to one they added another, cuts in precise knowledge the migration of the keen Polynesian race with its equipment of a perfect decimal system. We can readily comprehend how their gift of numbers was welcomed by the lowly folk whom they met upon their course to the new Pacific home. But how it has come to pass that the Malayan folk, a race of at least equal culture attainments, adopted the numerals of the fleeing Polynesians so completely is for the present a mystery beyond our powers of solution. Between decimal Polynesia and deci- mal Indonesia we shall find a great variety of adoption by the rude folk of the intervening Melanesia. We shall find some communities which had advanced in numeration to the possession of names for one and two and three, to which a few had added four ; five seems to have come as a distinctly new concept to the most of them, for the number of these languages is enormous in which we find five to be represented by the Polynesian word for hand, lima. With this acquisition two-thirds of them were content, the remainder third adopted the Polynesian desig- nation of ten, and of these last ambitious folk only a few more than half assumed the names of the intervening digits. In our examination of this Melanesian arithmetic we shall find it convenient to follow the classification presented by Prebendary Codrington {The Melanesian Languages, page 235) and continued by Sidney H. Ray (Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. Ill, page 470). The lowest system is the quinary. In Uni and Eromanga we find it with Polynesian names for all five digits ; in Aneityum with Polyne- sian 1,2,5; ill Tanna with all five digits Polynesian and 10 represented by 5+5- Bpi, Paama, and Sesake have all five Polynesian digits, 10 = 2 X5 ; the intervening digits are represented by i, 2, 3, 4, not addi- tive to 5 as later we shall frequently find them, but with a prefix, la in Sesake, in Bpi and Paama. Efate assumes the Polynesian digits 2,3>4, 5; 10 = 2X5; the intervening digits are the first four additive to 5. 6=5H-i. The next group comprises the imperfect decimals, systems which count one hand to 5, count that hand plus the fingers of the second hand to 9, and possess a designation for 10. The detailed information of this class may be epitomized as follows. Unless otherwise noted 6 desig- nates the type of all the digits 6 to 9. Amge. Polynesian 4, 5. 6=1 and suffix. Deni. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4. 6=1 and suffix. Nifilole. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4. 6=1 and prefix. Save. Polynesian i, 2, 4. 6=1 and prefix. Lakon, Pak, Malekula. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6=1 and prefix. Lo, Norbarbar, Volow, Motlav, Mota, Mosin, Vuras, Gog, Merlav, Maewo, Ambrym, Vitu, Marina. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6=1 and prefix. Marina. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6=1 and suffix, 7 = 1 and prefix. Nakanai. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 20. 6=1 and prefix. Barriai, Kalil. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6 = 5 + 1. Kilengge. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 10. 6=1. POLYNESIAN AND MAI.AYAN. 153 Murua. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6=1. Rubi, Sinaugoro. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5+1. Longa. Polynesian 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. Abutumete, Aweleng. Polynesian 4, 5, 10. 6 = 5 + 1. Kobe. Polynesian i, 2, 3. Incomplete list. Graget. Polynesian 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10=5X2. Panaieti (below 10). Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10=2X1. (counting tens). Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, but in strange disorder, 6 siwa (9), 7 on (6), 8 pit (7), 9 ata (10). Misima (below 10). Polynesian 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10 = 2X1. (counting tens). Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, but in disorder, 5 suwa (9), 6 nima (5), 8 won (6). Doiu-a. Polynesian I, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. io = ?2Xi. Mekeo. Polj'nesian i, 2, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. io = ?2Xi. Nada, Kiriwina. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 not given. Leng. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 6, 10. 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i. Mouk. Polj^nesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i. Umre. Polynesian 2, 3, 4, 10. 6, minus 4; 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i. Lent. Polynesian 2, 3. 6, minus 4; 7, minus 3; 8, minus 2; 9, minus i. Motu, Kabadi, Galoma, Keakalo, Pokau. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 2X3; 7 = 2X3 + 1; 8=2X4; 9 = 2X4 + 1- Roro, Waima. Polynesian i, 2, 4, 5. 6=2X3; 7 — 2X3 + 1; 8=2X4; 9 = 2X4+1. Hula, Keapara. Polj'nesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 2X3; 7=8 — i; 8 = 2X4; 9 = io — i. The next group is composed of the languages which employ the decimal system. Most of them have adopted the Polynesian names in full ; these are Nggela, Fagani, Wango, Saa, Arag, Ulawa, Omba, Laur, Lambell, King, Lamassa, LikkiUkki, Mafoor. A small group, two languages in the Louisiades and two in the Solomons, employ nine Poly- nesian digits, but have words for 10 of their own; these are Brierly Island and Tagula, Bugotu and Nggao. Vaturanga uses all the Poly- nesian digits but 5, and New Georgia has 2, 5, 6, 9, 10. The vigesimal group comprises the following languages: Awalama, Tavara, Mukawa. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1; 10 = 5X2. Nengone. Polynesian i, 2. 6 = 5 + 1. 10 = 2 Xsome thing not 5. Raqa, Kiviri, Oiun. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. Dcbu. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10. 6 = 5 + 1. Suau. Polynesian I, 4. 6=5 + 1. Sariba. Polynesian i, 4, 5. 6 = 5 + 1. 10 = 5X2. Tubetube. Polynesian 1,4, 10. 6 = 5 + 1. Kubiri. Polynesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. Mugula. Polynesian i, 4. Boniki, Galavi. Polynesian i, 2, 5. 4 = 2X2; 6 = 5 + 1; 9=5+2X2; 10 = 5X2. Taupota. Polj^nesian i, 2, 3, 4, 5. 4, 6, 9, 10 as Boniki. Wedau. Polynesian i, 2, 3. 4, 6, 9, 10 as Boniki. Kwagila. Polynesian 2. 4 = 2X2. Lifu. Polynesian I, 2, 5. 6 = 1+5; 10 = 2X5. With this presentation of the varieties of notation, we may next pass to the study of the primal forms and mutation forms of each of the ten Polynesian digits as presented in the three island areas. 99. tasi one; Subanu sa, isa id. I. taha Tonga, Nine. 4- tai Rarotonga. 2. tasi Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, 5- kasi Liueniua. Aniwa, Moiki. 6. kahi Hawaii. 3. tahi Tongarewa, Uvea, Rapanui, 7- ta Rotuma. Mangareva, Marque- 8. ndua Viti. sas, Tahiti, Manahiki, Maori, Sikaiana. 9- a Pak 6, Savo 6.* *In many instances where the name of six is compacted of five and one it has been possible to find a designation for one simpler than is in use for that digit standing by itself. 154 THE SUBANU. lO. II. 12. 14. 15- 16. 17- 18. ip- so. 21. 22. 23- 24. 25- 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31- 32. 33- 34- 35- 36. 37- 38. 39- 40. 41. 42- 43- 44. 45- 46. 47- 48. 49- 50. 51- 52. 53- 54- 55- 56. 57- 58. 59- 60. 61. 62. 63 a-ngaomo Mekeo. a-buna Galoma, Keakalo. e-bweuna Dobu. emoti Tavara, Awalama.Taupota. ere Barriai. esega Suau. ha Waima. ha-momo Waima, Roro. hibeti Moar. hu Ambrym. ja Deni. jea Norbarbar 6. Jia Lo. joser Dasener. ka Lifu, Pokau, Kabadi, Hula. ka-una Uni. ka-ona Doura. kahe Ngao. kai Malekula. a. takai Lambell, King. b. tekai Kalil, Laur. kaigeda Tubetube. kaita Kubiri 6, Kiviri 6. kaita-mom Kubiri, Kiviri. Lifu. Vitu. Vaturanga. Mukawa. Sariba. Masimasi. Hula. New Georgia. Nifilole 6. Keapara. Nakukur, Mioko. Tagula. Tanna. Nengone, Onin. Boniki. kasi katsiu kesa kesana kesega kis ko-puna meke ngi o-buna ra rega riti sa sago sago-kava Galavi sai sakai samosi se-bona sikai sikei simoksi siri ta ta-mona tagai tagogi tai tai-mona tai-monomon Oiun. (tana) a. a-tan-ok b. koi-tan c. e-tega d. mai-sena e. ke-sana Eromanga, Mafoor. Nggela. Namatote, Lobo. Sinaugoro. Sesake, Malekula. Bugotu. Karufa. Wandammen. Ulawa, Saa, Motu, Rubi. Motu. Fagani. Wedau. Epi, Paama, Wango. Raqa. Nada. Murua. Panaieti. Panaieti, Misima. Mukawa. 64. tara Kobe. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71- 72. 73- 74- 75- 76. 77- 78. 79- 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85- 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. tasa tata te tea tega tes tesa tewa teya thi tia paihe-tia tika a. tik b. ti toa towa towal tsitsi tukse tuwa tuwal tuwale tuwel twa twag wal Nakanai. Mohr. Gog 6, Vuras 6, Mosin 6, Motlav 6, Volow 6, Tami. Marina, Maewo 6, Mota 6. Panaieti, Misima. Jamna, Kubamba. Efate, Sesake. Maewo. Mugula. Aneityum. Merlav 6. Brierly Island. Pala. Lamassa. Likkilikki. Buka. Norbarbar. Mosin. Vitu. Tarfia. Lakon, Arag. Gog. Merlav, Mota, Omba. Vuras. Volow. Motlav. Pak. Waropin. 91. esa 92. hasa 93. hia 94. isa a. lai isa b. isa iray 95. isai 96. itja 97- ja 98. ji 99. kusa 100. lepso loi. nehe 102. nosiuno 103. osa 104. osso 105. sa 106. 107. 108. 109. no. III. 112. 113- 114. 115- 116. 117. saangu sabi sali san satu sedri sembaow silei so soboto umsiun wasa Saparua, Ahtiago, Menado. Tihu, Mahuan. Sulu. Lariko, Subanu, Bon toe Igorot. Awaiya. Malagasy. Caimarian. Bima. Punan. Kay an. Sanguir. Gani. Iliwdki. Massaratty. Visayan, Kolon. Dorey. Java, lyiang, Morella, Mata- bello, Baju, Subanu. Bouton. Amblaw. Wahai. Teluti, Tobo. Malay. Salayer. Salibabo. Cajeli. Gah. Bolanghitam. Wayapo. Batumerah. This we find to be the most compHcated of all these numerals ; even upon such dissection into the elements as we may perform we shall still find a score of stems which in one speech or in another may be regarded POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 155 as primal. Yet we may establish two major groups of usage in all this intricacy. In languages purely Polynesian we shall find the system of determinant compounds in order to establish precision of the numerical statement of unity ; in languages where the Polynesian has been taken up more or less completely with the adoption of a system of arithmetic thitherto unknown, we shall find most frequently simple stems and less commonly composites of the Polynesian system. In yet other lan- guages, those in which some slight system of counting existed yet had not arrived at the stage of an arithmetic, we shall find the Polynesian stem affixed as a precise member to the vernacular word which had been in some manner of use. The class of determinant compounds is one which I found it neces- sary to estabHsh for the designation of one very important factor in the usage of these languages of isolation, that factor which by filling the speech with dissyllables of precision renders it inadvisable to use the older designation of this as the monosyllabic type of speech.* Simultaneously there operates a yet more rudimentary principle. In composition we are dealing with syllables established in some sort of signification. With the syllables as roots we pursue our dissection yet further to the seeds of speech ; we examine their variety through the co- efficient value of their consonant modulants.f I shall not here prose- cute in full these two interacting forces, for three particularly pertinent examples will serve to establish the method and thereafter there will be no difficulty in following it onward through the matter here assembled. The first seven items of the foregoing tabulation cover the word for one in all Polynesian languages, and it is apparent on inspection that we have to do with three elements, ta absolute in Rotuma, prefixed to a stem sa in Tonga and Nine, to a stem si in the remainder of Polynesia. Furthermore we find that sa and si have one element in common, the consonantal modulant prefixed ; its coefficient value is the same in the two cases ; therefore such distinction as may be found to exist inheres in the varying element, the vowel. Our minute studies of these lan- guages show us that the basic value of these vowel demonstratives is that of relation in regard of the speaker, of the thinking mind finding speech expression — a relation which in its simplest terms is that of posi- tion. I shall not here repeat the evidence upon which this is based; it is readily accessible in the paper last cited; the conclusion is that a comes from the mouth to supplement the speech of the pointing finger for the purpose of indicating something remote, i something nearer. As yet the category of number has not come into being ; therefore a and i refer to the many or the one alike. But as the need is felt for dis- tinction between the one and the more than one a consonant is appHed. How the selection of the consonant modulant is made is not wholly *" Principles of Samoan Word Composition," 14 Journal Polynesian Society, 40. f'Root Reducibility in Polynesian," 27 American Journal of Philology, 369. 156 THE SUBANU. beyond our comprehension. In these studies I have dwelt at some length upon the two limits of speech expression for each of the buccal organs, the employment of the least speech effort and of the maximum. At the minimum for the tongue lies S (h) ; at the maximum t. Consider now the case of the beginning speaker into whose intellectuaUty has come some faintly appreciated need of specifying his diffuse a yonder and particularizing that it is one object. He employs the minimum speech effort in the central lingual area and produces thereby sa; its sense is still general in particularity * * a yonder. ' ' In like manner, when he wishes to distinguish which of several to each of which "a yonder" might apply, the effort of mind is followed by effort of speech; he employs the maximum, ta is particular and unmistakable " this yonder." In like manner we find i with the same pair of coefficients producing the same result, si ''a. here," ti "this here." The four forms are not merely theoretical and diagrammatic ; they occur somewhere in the Polynesian languages in exactly these senses and are readily discoverable. We thus see how our three elements of Polynesian words for one arise. Now we pass to the compaction of these established elements. I have said that a and i stand to the speaker in some relation of position. At the beginning of such speech it is sufficient to express a concept as away from the speaker, more as a, less as i. This remoteness may be in place, it may equally be in time, and in time it may be equally time before or past, time to come or future; we shall find the need arising for particularity in this item also and by the like method of consonantal modulants. But at a certain stage of the speech develop- ment sa with si in one group and ta in another were applicable in many senses just beginning to particularize in use. Then, as further need of precision arose, there developed the device of determinant composition. For the argument let us assume that ta has four significations including "this yonder," sa has other four including "a yonder." By employing in conjunction the two stems of several meanings we obtain a vocable in which the two stems agree upon the common significations; ta plus sa can mean only "this yonder," for it has the force of double insistence. Thus we obtain taha in the sense of unity. In like manner we may trace the growth of tasi. As between the two forms we note in Polynesia that taha is found in Tonga and Nine; it occurs more or less through Melanesia; its ele- ment sa is the most common in Indonesia. We may safely attribute this form to the Proto-Samoan migration, tasi to the Tongafiti swarm; yet the evidence of ja in the Punan and ji in the Kayan, both archetypal languages in north Borneo, warrants the belief that the elemental sa and si may have existed concurrently at the earliest period. We shall now present the type forms of the word for unity in the three oceanic areas, listing in the three columns the occurrences of each type form as used absolutely, as prefix, as suffix, POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 157 1. sa. sa45, 105. sa-go 46, 47 ke-sa 34 ra 42 la-i 94a ta-ra 64 sa-kai 49 ta-sa 65 ha 16 ha-momo 17 ta-ha I sa-raosi 50 te-sa 71 ha-sa 92 sa-angu 106 e-sa 91 a9 a-ngaomo 10 te-a 68 sa-bi 107 ha-sa 92 a-buna 11 ti-a 75, 76 sa-li 108 ku-sa 99 i-sa 94 o-sa 103 a-tan-ok 63a to-a 78 hi-a 93 je-a 21 sal 48 i-sai 95 ii. ta. ji-a 22 ta 7. 56 ta-ha I kai-ta 30 ta-ra 64 ta-si 2 kai-ta-mom 3 1 ta-sa 65 ta-hi 3 ta-ta 66 ta-i 4, 60 ja 20, 97 i-tja 96 ta-mona 57 tai 4, 60 tai-mona 61 ta-gai 59 tai-monomon 62 ta-gogi 58 iii. ka. ka 34 ka-una 25 ka-ona 26 ka-he 27 ka-si 5, 32 ka-tsiu 33 ka-hi 6 se-bona 5 1 se-dri iii se-mbaow 112 ne-he loi ti-ka 77 ka-he 51 ne-he 101 iv. V. kai 28 se. lai 94a te. kai-geda 29 kai-ta 30 kai-tamom 31 e-bweuna 12 e-moti 13 e-re 14 e-sega 15 e-tega 63c e-sa 91 ta-gai 58 sa-kai 49 si-kai 52 si-kei 53 e-re 14 si-lei 113 te67 te-a 68 je-a 21 te-sa 70 ke-sa 34 ke-sana 35 me-ke 39 vi. vii. ke. si. te-wa 72 tes 70 ke-sega 36 kis37 si-ri 55 ta-si 2 i-sa 94 sa-i 48 si-lei 113 ka-si 5, 32 wo-sio 90 um-siun u 6 i-sai 95 i-tja 96 ta-i 4,60,61,62 kai 28, 29, 30, 31. 49. 52, no-siuno 102 | 53.58 ko-i 63b hi-a 93 ta-hi 3 ma-i 63d hi-beti 18 ka-hi 6 viii. Ii. la-i 94 ngi 40 ri-ti 44 ti-a 75. 76 sa-li 108 sa-bi 107 ri-ti 44 ix. ti. thi 74 si-ri 55 se-dri III ti-ka 77 hibe-ti 18 tsi 81 tsi-u 33 tu-kse 82 ji98 ji-a 22 158 THE SUBANU. X. so. so 114 so-boto 115 o-buna 41 os-so 104 lep-so 100 o-sa 103 wo-sio 90 xi. to. to-a 78 to-wa 79 to-wale 80 sobo-to 115 jo-ser 23 xii. ko. ko-puna 38 sa-go 46, 47 I xiii. tu. koi-tan 63b tu-kse 82 tu-wa 83 tu-wal 84 tu-wale 85 sa-tu no hu 19 tu-wel 86 ndu-a 8 ku-sa 99 xiv. ku. XV. wa. ta-gogi 59 wa-sa 117 wal 89 te-wa 72 to-wa 79 tu-wa 83 t-wa 87 t-wag 88 to-wal 80 xvi. 1 7ona. tu-wal 84 tu-wel 86 tu-wale 85 ndu-a se-bona 51 a-buna 11 e-bweuna 12 ko-puna 38 ta-mona 57 ka-ona 25 tai-mona 61 ka-una 20 xvii. misc tai-monomon 62 ha-momo 17 ellaneous. a-ngaomo 10 kaita-mom3i ke-sana 35 koi-tan 63b rega 43 mai-sena 63 d mai-sena 63d e-sega 15 tega 69 me-ke 39 san 109 ke-sega 36 e-tega 636 sa-mosi 50 a-tan-ok 63a sago 46, 47 kai-geda 29 si-moksi 54 e-moti 13 joser 23 sa-angu 106 sago-kava 47 ta-gogi 59 no-siuno 102 iray 94 sembaow 112 ya 73 One form in the Polynesian area remains unexplained, Viti ndua. It is not wholly easy to arrive at a decision upon this point. Under- lying its Polynesian element of later settlement, Viti contains a large element of speech affiliated somewhat indefinitely in hither Melanesia, If we assume this ndua to belong to the Melanesian element we find it immediately associable with the tuwa-towa forms found in the Banks Group and adjacent northern New Hebrides. Yet in islands of the same region we encounter a tuwale form and in the present lack of infor- mation on these tongues we may not venture upon dissection. On the other hand the thirteenth item of the preceding tabulation will show POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN 159 that, though rare, tu does exist in Melanesia and in Indonesia in the sense of one ; therefore it might be possible to regard ndu-a as a deter- minant compound after the Polynesian fashion. ICO. rua two; Subanu dua id. rua Tahiti, Rarotonga, Viti, Rotuma, Maori, Mangareva, Rapanui, Tongarewa, Aniwa, Sikaiana. lua vSamoa, Fakaofo, Uvea, Hawaii, Manahiki, Liueniua. ua Tonga, Niue, Marquesas. ru Moriori. do Save. dui Mafoor. dua Sesake. duru Eromanga. ewuru Lambell. huo Leng. aqa-iu Nada. qe-yu Murua. lu Paama 7, Kumamba. pa-lu Nggao. lua Epi, Paama, Lifu 17, Kowamerara, Koko, Nakanai, Kilengge, Po- kau, Doura, Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, Galoma, Keakalo. lue Lifu, Mouk. luaga Tavara. mondu Wandammen. nuwa Onin. ngua Mekeo. Nengone. Tagula. Aneityum, Ambrym 7, Vuras, Mosin 7, Motlav, Volow, Nor- barbar, Savo. a-rho Tarfia. ro-waba Oiun. Nokon. Efate, Tanna, Eromanga, Am- brym, Gog, Lakon, Pak, Moar, Jamna, Masiraasi, Mosin, No- kon. King. Lamassa. Likkilikki. Efate. Barriai, Kalil, Kobe, Vitu, Marina, Maewo, Merlav, Mota, Lo, Arag, Ulawa, Saa, Wango, Fa- gani, Nggela, Nguna, Bugotu, rewe reu ro roa ru a-ru e-ru i-ru nru ruabi ruaga ruam ruamo New Georgia, Waima, Roro, Kabadi, Motu, Panaieti, Mi- sima, Galavi, Boniki, Dobu. Raqa. Awalama, Taupota, Wedau, Galavi. Kwagila, Kiviri. Mukawa. rue Omba, Laur. rue-iti Karufa, Namatote. rue-ti Lobo. ruka Vaturanga. rumo Umre. rflo Longa. wo-ruo Waropin. ruru Mohr. rusi Tandia, Kubiri. su-ru Dorey, Dasener. ua Malekula. i-ua Kiriwina. wo Brierly Island. wuaa Rubi. dia Bolanghitam. doha Visayan. drua Mahuan. dua Malay, Sirang, Sumbawa, Matu, Sanguir, Salibabo, Lariko, Kayan, Piman, Pampangas, Ilocano, Baju, Subanu, Bon- toc Igorot. dudua Menado. duoh Dusim. ga-hu Sulu. lo-tu Gah. lu Mysot. lep-lu Gani. lua Cajeli, Amblaw, Morella, Batume- rah, Caimarian, Teluti, Tobo, Ahtiago, Wahai, Mame, Tihu, IHwaki. luua Awaiya roa Malagasy. rua Salayer, Wayapo, Massaratty, Li- ang, Saparua, Matabello, Teor, Lampong, Timor, Aru. ruano Bouton. Nothing in this hst need detain us ; the afiiUation is clear and each mutation is supported in at least two of the oceanic regions . The general stage of the name for two is a composite, in the majority of cases a com- paction of readily comprehensible mutants of ru and of a, in all other cases of rw-mutants with some other element. In the composites we see that in carries in itself the sense of two; we find it persisting in absolute use in Indonesia, frequently in Melanesia, in Polynesia in Moriori, which may be established as a primal phase of the Polynesian in the Pacific. 160 THE SUBANU. loi. tolu three; Subanu tolo id. tolll Samoa, Niue, Futuna, Tonga, Uvea, Fakaofo, Viti. toru Tahiti, Rarotonga, Manahiki, Ma- ngareva, Rapanui, Maori, Ani- wa, Sikaiana. Rotuma. Marquesas. Hawaii, Liueniua. Rotuma. koi roi oi e-talo tal tau taur tel sil kior tulu-mo Umre tuwru Lobo. turu-si tul tun sul Uni, Pokau, Doura, Kabadi, Hula. Malekula. Keapara, Galoma, Keakalo. Mouk. Norbarbar. Jamna. Kumamba. Lakon, Motlav, Volow. Eromanga. Mafoor. Tandia. Nok6n, Laur, Likkilikki. Misima, Oiun. Ambrym. tolu Mame, Matabello. a-tlu Pampangas. toru Saparua. tol Mysot. tolo Subanu, Visayan, Timor, Wahai, Bontoc Igorot. ta-tlo Tagalog. toro Bolanghitam, Lariko. to Sulu. talu Java, Sam. te-talu Salibabo. talau Matu. klau Champa. tauro Formosa. telu Tihu, Iliw^ki, Mahuan. telua Batumerah. Gah, thol tou kolu folu tolu Efat6, Epi, Paama, Omba, Arag, Nggela, Vaturanga, Nguna, Nggao, Bugotu, Nok6n, Na- kanai, Vitu, Leng, Kiriwina. dolu Sesake. c-tlu Longa. toru Kowamerara, Koko, Dasener,Wan- dammen, Namatote. tohru Karufa. torua Lakahia. tonu Mukawa, Kubiri, Kiviri. tonu-ga Tavara, Awalama, Taupota, Wedau. tou Marina 8, Masimasi, Moar. •olu Ulawa, Saa. *oru Wango, Fagani. •ol Pak. tol Marina, Maewo, Merlav, Gog, Vuras, Mosin, Mota, Norbar- bar, Barriai, Kalil, King, La- massa, Kilengge, Graget. i-tol Lamassa, Kobe. tor Tarfia. tola Nok6n, Nada. tolo Paama 8. oro Mohr. woro Waropin. toni Raqa. ton Murua, Panaieti. toi Motu, Sinaugoro, Rubi, Dobu. In this ordering of the data we find such a smooth series of muta- tion that we have no difficulty in including so remote a variant as the toi series of Torres Strait. To what extent these aliens have debased the Polynesian currency in their borrowing is strangely shown in the Motu lakatoi, Polynesian vaka boat and tolu three ; yet in the ceremonial voyages across the Gulf of Papua, in the annual barter of pots for sago, they lash three hulls abeam and navigation confirms the obscure phi- lology. In Malaysia the more primitive languages employ tolo and telo, but the pure Polynesian type of tolu appears in a sufficient list of lan- guages to estabUsh its persistence in this area. I am now prepared to offer a genetic hypothesis in explanation of this tolu three. In the rigid order of logical development of any such argument this should follow and depend upon such a dissection of the inner content of lua two as I have been able to demonstrate in the case of tasi one. Up to the present, that clear comprehension of the primal signification of lua has eluded my study. Yet I have the less hesitation in presenting this analysis of tolu at the present time extra ordinem telo tero tulu Punan, Kayan, Dusim, Malagasy, Salayer, Bouro, Caimarian, Morella. Liang. Lampong, Magindano. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 161 because I feel encouraged to hope that from the result of these consider- ations we may be able at some later period to return to the considera- tion of the basic lua with more success and thereby interpolate its rational explanation. In these studies of the arithmetic of primitive man we have marked two well-defined stages. The Polynesian has attained to the decimal system, he has firmly grasped the whole initial requirement of the science of mathematics, he has the material equipment for all those speciahzed operations of number which are to be acquired from the decimal base by the gradual growth of knowledge stimulated by the advancing needs of life. The only obstacle which withholds from the savage Polynesian the facility of the table of logarithms is that the need has not yet appeared in his life-condition to stimulate his mind to higher mathematical activity than the operations of addition and subtraction. In the introduction to this study of the numerals I have pointed out the considerable number of races of savage men within the oceanic district of my province who have not yet attained to the faciUty of the decimal system, whose numeration is quinary, whose finger count is limited to the digits of a single hand. In the dissection of the quinary system we are brought face to face with a yet more primitive concept of number and notation. Because it is primitive, because it is a work- ing of the dawning intelligence struggling with the comprehension of dimly perceived needs of life, where effort to comprehend involves some effort to reproduce and to confirm by speech such comprehension, we shall not look to find this early numeration restricted by the boundaries of any one family of speech. The vocables employed in such expression may vary widely between family and family ; the principle remains con- stant. We are engaged at first with psychology rather than linguistics. Long culture-ages anterior to the development of the decimal base which we possess in its completely acquired form in our Polynesian speech the quinary system is found as a halting stage of progress toward a system of notation. The highest development of the quinary system rests in the possession of names for the units from one to five. This is exhibited in the language of Aneityum where the numerals are : i, e ihi; 2, e ro; 3, e seij; 4, e manowan; 5, ikman; and no words exist for num- ber beyond ikman, which I have shown to be a derivative from the common lima as hand and five. A stage yet more primitive is represented by a system which we may continue to call quinary because it is in possession of a word which expresses at its minimum connotation the sum of the digits of one hand. It differs from the perfect quinary as illustrated in Aneityum in the fact that instead of possessing four names for specific number below five it has but two. We thus have an imperfect quinary of three terms. We may go yet lower in the scale and find a numerical system of but two terms. The imperfect quinary of three terms becomes effectively 162 THE SUBANU. quinary by composition, the linguistic equivalent of the arithmetic of simple addition. There are several phases of such addition-composi- tion but here it will suffice to illustrate along the phase of the type i, 2, 2 + 1, 2 + 2, 5. This I recall from the Australian aboriginals of the NorthwestBend of the Murray River; i, nitshe; 2, barcoola; 3, harcoola- nitshe; 4, barcoola-harcoola; 5, yeniimarra. A stage lower than this is presented by the numeration which has not yet set five apart as a discrete concept even without precision. This is illustrated among others by the Miriam (apud Ray) of Torres Straits. It has but two numerals, netat 1, nets 2. Higher numbers are but sums in addition of these two primitives, neis-netat 2 + 1=3, wm- neis 2 + 2=4, neis-neis-netat 2 + 2 + 1 =5, neis-neis-neis 2 + 2+2 = 6. Without prosecuting further this research these examples will serve my purpose satisfactorily in showing that we need feel no surprise if in the Polynesian decimals we may be able to detect a composite of similar type. At the beginning of the sense of number we find the recognition of the distinction between the one and the more than one ; the division is cut along the cleavage between unity and plurality. The next dichot- omy must be equally simple ; it will apply to the plurality. The mind becoming more observant of detail will distinguish between few and many, the small plurality and the greater, or, as I have heard it defined in the Beach-la-Mar, "small-plenty" and "big-plenty." The least of these must be one and one; if it were less it would be merged in the name already established for unity; there we find a name assigned to this one and one, a name and a signification of two. The maximum plurality varies with different peoples and diverse culture attainments, but even we retain our diffuse "big-plenty." With piety probably quite as obscure as the mathematics, we obey the solemn formula and rise and join in singing "oh for a thousand tongues to sing" and mean no more than this maximum diffuse plurality. In like manner we speak of a myriad stars which dot the firmament without any sense of restriction to 10,000. The Australian of the Murray fixes his "big- plenty" at yeniimarra, which is higher than barcoola-harcoola 2 + 2 by one unit or many. His scale of number, therefore, consists of i, 2, 2 + 1, 2 + 2, and infinitude, which begins at the very finger-tips. With this possibility in our minds let us return to the examination of the Polynesian tolu 3. In the discussion of tasi i I have explained at no little length the development of the sense of unity and the manner in which its designation has been made more and more precise by the method of determinant composition. In the tabulation which sums the result of that inquiry I have set aside the employment of a t-component, ta in 22 names of unity, te in 6 names, ti in 11 names, to in 5 and tu in 8; in sum the t-component appears in 52 out of the 117 names for unity which I have assembled. In dealing with lua 2 I have advanced the opinion that this also POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 163 may be regarded as a composite. The list of forms assembled will exhibit the stem lu as meaning 2 in each of the three island groups of language. Accordingly I am willing to advance this further opinion, that tolu is a composite of stem to and stem lu, in effect 1+2 = 3. At least we have estabHshed stem to in the sense of i and stem lu in the sense of 2 and we have shown that in primitive counting the name for 3 is in certain instances positively identified as the sum of i and 2. To have attained to the knowledge that i and 2 make 3 is a great stride in mathematics. 102. fa four; Subanu pat, upat id. fa Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, pane Barriai, Kilengge. Uvea, Fakaofo, Marquesas, pangi Mekeo. Manahiki, Aniwa, Sikaiana, peng Abutumete, Aweleng, Amge Liueniua. vani Uni, Pokau, Kabadi. va Viti. fen Oiun. ha Hawaii, Mangareva, Tahiti, Ra- pal Graget. panui. vari Epi. hak Rotuma. vir Ambrj'm. wha Maori. bai Galoma, Keakalo. a Rarotonga. fai Fagani. hai Ulawa, Saa, Wango. Hula, Keapara. Tanna. fat fatta Onin, Namatote, Lobo, Lakahia. Nokon. vai fa fati hat i-hat Nggao. Nokon, Kali!, Laur. Lambell. fau fauk fiak Jamna, Moar, Kumamba. Tarfia. Mafoor. hati Paama. fo Masimasi. bat Kiviri. va Savo 9. bata Mukawa, Kubiri. i-va Nakanai. bate Efate. ve Pak, Nifilole 9. bati Raqa. wo-ako Waropin. pat Panaieti, Misima. a-rao Umre. pati Sesake. a-o Mohr. tati Marina. e-a Mouk. vat Eromanga, Maewo, Merlav, Gog, pat Kayan, Subanu. Vuras, Mota, Lo. a-pat Dusun, Sulu, Saru, Tagalog vata Vitu. Pampangas, Bontoc Igorot. vati Marina, Nggela, Vaturanga, hi-pa( Formosa. Bugotu, Kowamerara, Koko. i-pat Bontoc Igorot. vatz Malekula. o-pat Visayan. veat Volow. u-pat Subanu. vet Mosin, Motlav, Norbarbar. e-fatra Malagasy. veti Sesake 9. hat Iliwaki. wati Le Maire, Rubi. haat Timor. oatti Mannam. hata Morella. at Lamassa, Likkilikki. at Mahuan. lu-at King. pak Champa. ate Wandammen. tak Tihu. attesi Tandia. fa Mame. atti Dasener. faa Amblaw. ha«i Mugula, Suau, Sariba. fai Teluti. ?eso-pari Tubetube. faat Gah. ?wohe-pali Tavara. pa Menado, Wayapo. ?wahe-pari Awalama. pah Lampong. las Nada. | ko-pa Sanguir. vas Lakon, Murua. , ha Cajeli. vasi Arag, Sinaugoro, Kiriwina. a-ha Lariko. vesi Omba. i-ha Galela. hani Doura, Motu. i haa Saparua. bani Waima. Roro. aa Caimarian. 164 THE SUBANU. It is quite evident that in its primal stage this was a closed stem and the weight of evidence indicates fat. Ordered upon the mutation variety of this final consonant the foregoing data show a series in the main simple. The only point where the mutation in series seems perhaps violent is in the series from hani to vani in Melanesia, yet even here the difficulty passes when we observe that the mutation is of the type which I have already so minutely elaborated, the passage from the maximum to the minimum of the possibility of speech effort of a given buccal organ. Having established this series the series hai to vai through loss of inner n follows as a natural subsidiary. The only forms which fail to fit snugly into this devolution series are the Tarfia fauk, Marina tati, and the Tihu tak, the last perhaps associable with Marina. 103. lima five; Subanu lima id. P. W. 363. lima ngima Ham liman lima Samoa, Futuna, Niue, Nukuoro, Nuguria, Sikaiana, Hawaii, Viti. Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Rapa- nui, Moriori, Aniwa, Fotuna, Mangareva. Tonga, Uvea. Moiki. Rotuma. teve-lima tava-Iima Pala. Epi, Sesake, Arag, Makura, Malo, Santo,Nggela,Bugotu,Nggao, New Georgia, Lambell, Mo- anus, Kiriwina, Nada, Ta- gula, Brierly Island, Bierian, Wulua, Mannam, Nakanai, Vitu, Mouk, Graget, Kobe, Koko, Barriai, Kowamerara, Le Maire. Lo. Gog. tave-limwe Mota. lime Paama, Omba, Malanta, Likki- likki. limi Yela. limo Epi. Una Tangoan Santo, Marina. lim Duke of York, Laur, Kalil, Lamassa, Ambrym, Nokon, Eromanga, Kumamba. Hem Aweleng, Amge. te-Hm King. teve-Hm Maewo. teve-Hem Norbarbar. tava-Hmw Merlav. teve-Hmw Mosin. 'eve-limw Leon. teve-lem Vuras, Motlav, Volow. tivi-lem Lakon. 'eve-lem Sasar, Pak. tava-lemw Retan. lum Marina, Weasisi, Naviliag. e-lme Longa. luem Abutumete. rima Malekula, Wango, Fagani. rimi Karufa, Lobo. rimbi Dasener. rimo Waropin, Mohr. rim Eromanga, Pangkumu, Tarfia, Jamna, Masimasi, Moar, La- kahia, Wandammen, Nama- tote, Mafoor. Eromanga. Kwamera. Aneityum. Jamna. Baki. Kubiri, Panaieti, Misima, Muka- wa, Taupota, Galavi, Oiun. nima-gesau Graget. Kiviri, Murua, Tavara. Waima, Roro, Mekeo, Uni, Pokau, Doura, Kabadi, Motu, Do- mara, Mailu, Boniki, Sinau- goro, Hula.Keapara.Galoma, Keakalo, Rubi, Mailu. Galavi. rem rum j(i)man jim jimo nima mm ima lima Malay, Java, Cajeli, Morella, Ba- tumerah, Teor, Magindano, Champa, Sulu, Sumbawa, Visayan, Tihu, Pampangas, Tagalog, Kayan, Subanu, Mahuan, Mame, Salayer, Sanguir, Wayapo, Massa- ratty, Amblaw, Awaiya, Bima, Kolon, Caimarian, Baju, Teluti, Ahtiago, Bon- toc Igorot. de-Hma Salibabo. Hmah Lampong. limoh Dusun, Saru. Hmo Togean. liman Kisa. limanu Bouton. lema Timor. e-lma Iliw^ki. lemo Basakrama. Hm Sirang, Gah, Mysot. lep-Hm Gani. rima Menado, Liang, Bolanghitam, Lariko, Saparua, Matabello. rim Jobi, Dorey. nima Wahai. dimy Malagasy. ma Dayak. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 165 In The Polynesian Wanderings, loc. cit., I have discussed at length the question of precedence in the signification of this stem, whether the five derives from the five fingers of the hand or the hand derives from the five of its digitation. The very considerable additions of material in the present tabulation add nothing, subtract nothing from the argu- ment there advanced. After renewing consideration of the subject I yet incline toward the opinion that the numerical sense is primordial and the hand secondary. 104. one six; Su banu gonom id. ono Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Niue, onu Kolon. Uvea, Fakaofo, Viti, Manga- on Panaieti. reva, Rapanui, Marquesas, anam Malay. Tahiti, Hawaii, Rarotonga, unam Salayer. Manahiki, Maori, Aniwa, nam Kayan, Baju. Sikaiana. enem Bontoc Igorot. on Rotuina. nanam Java. namano Bouton. ono Omba, Arag, Ulawa, Saa, Wango, nain Mahuan. Fagani, Nggela, Vaturanga, nem Teor. Bugotu, New Georgia. e-nem Iliw^ki. ona Tagula. nen Tihu. onem Mafoor. nome Awaiya, Caimarian. ano Kowamerara. lomi Wahai. eno Le Maire. num Menado, Tobo. fa-mno Nggao. ka-num Sanguir. monom King. gane Sulu. wono Leng, Mouk, Lambell. ne Cajeli. wona Brierly Island. noo Lariko. uone Likkilikki. nooh Saparua. won Laur, Lamassa, Nokon. noh Amblaw. noi Ahtiago. gonom Subanu. an-nuh Salibabo. onom Visayan, Dusun. nena Liang, Morella, Batumerah onomo Bolanghitara. e-nina Malagasy. onam Matabello. ini Bima. onem Dorey. lep-wonan Gani. onum Mysot. wonen Gah. It will be seen at a glance that the tabulation for 6 varies widely from that for 5 ; the difference numerically stated is that we have suc- ceeded in establishing lima in 197 languages of these three oceanic areas and ono in but 80, the decrease being wholly in Melanesia. The reason for this decrease hes wholly outside the realm of philology ; it is not at all a question of phonetic variety. It inheres in the art of counting, it is a limitation of arithmetic, it is the picture of human minds yet unde- veloped. Our first five numerals are true digits, fingers of one hand. At this point arithmetic may begin, in Polynesia it has begun, in Indo- nesia it has come perhaps a httle more slowly but it has arrived. In Melanesia there are scores of people who have not attained to the sense of mathematics and the system of the decimals, having counted one hand they start and count the other hand, a new operation and a dis- continuous one. Six is not in the sweep of the arithmetical series, it is one on the other hand ; the meaning of some of these designations of six is selected at random, "hand and one," "hand-other one," "hand on- its-top one," a system which leads us eventually to the complicated 166 TH^ SUBANU. statement of ninety-nine as (Tavara apud Ray) oloto wohepali hi hilage po nima luaga hi tutu po aiiuiu po ivohepali" men four they die and hands two they finish and foot it finishes and four." I have written of Indonesia in the foregoing paragraph that the decimal arithmetic has come a little more slowly. Perhaps it would be better to say that it has come a little less surely, for the reckoning has some sort of story to tell us; lima appears in but 17 variants in 55 languages of the Malay Archipelago, ono in 32 forms in 40 languages, forms which diverge so widely from the primal onom that I can account for them by no law of the phonetic of these languages at present known to me and which I should not venture to include in this list if it were not that I find them occurring with other number words which are undoubtedly Polynesian. I do not profess to understand what under- lies this variety in the upper decimals of Indonesia; but this fact is clear : these languages have been conservative of the form of the digits of the first hand; of the fingers on the other hand they have been reckless in mutilation. I 05- fitu seven ; Subanu pitu id. fitu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna Nine Uvea, hiss Likkilikki. Fakaofo, Marquesas, A.niwa, i-hise Lambell. Sikaiana. iss Lamassa. • J. Viti. VltU whitu Maori. fitu Teluti, Matabello. hitu Tahiti, Manahiki, Rapanui Mar- fiti Gah. quesas. fito Malagasy. itu Rare tonga. fit Tobo, Teor, Mysot. fiku Liueniua. lep-fit Gani. hiku Hawaii. pitu Subanu, Kolon, Java, Menado, Bo- hith Rotuma. langhitam, Salibabo, Amblaw. ahito Paumotu. pitu- ga-p -ano Bouton. tu Sulu. fitu Nggao. ka-pitu Sanguir. fita Le Maire. pidu Bima. fik Mafoor. pito Visaj'an, Wayapo, Massaratty fiak Dorey. Bon toe Igorot. vitu Arag, Nggela, Vaturanga, Bugotu. pety Basakrama. vitsu Kowamerara. witu Awaiya. wijtsou Le Maire. hitu Tihu, Iliwaki, Saparua. bitu Omba. hito Cajeli. bi'u Wango. en-hit Ahtiago. piru Tagula. itu Mahuan, Liang, Morella, Lariko pi'u Fagani. Caimarian, Wahai. pit Misima. itu-a Batumerah. pik Brierly Island. tusu Kay an. hi'u Ulawa, Saa. tujuh Malay. hit Nok6n, Suralil. tujoh Salayer, Baju. it Laur. turoh Dusun. mau-it King. For seven the Indonesian runs truer to the Polynesian type than for six. The only doubtful point lies in the tusti group; this may be explained as tu of the primal stem with terminal accretion ; against this explanation militates the fact that nowhere in the three oceanic areas does tu appear as carrying the seven sense; it is more reasonable to regard this as the intrusion of an alien stem bearing this partial resem- blance. This seems the more likely interpretation, since tusu is accom- POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 167 panied by alien words for eight and nine after Polynesian designation of the numerals inclusive of six, as here set forth. Seven. Eight. Nine. Kayan tusu tujoh .... tujuh .... tujoh .... turoh .... saya kama .... salapan. . . dolapan . . (walu) . . . pitan. kasa. sambilan. sambilan. (siam). Salayer Malay Bail! Dusun 1 06. valu eight; Subanu walu id. valu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Niue, Fakaofo, Rarotonga. valo Basakrama, Malagasy. varu Tahiti, Manahiki, Mangareva, velu-ano Bouton. Rapanui, Aniwa. walu Subanu, Dusun, Sanguir, Amblaw a-varu Paumotu. walu- -'a Batumerah, Awaiya, Caima- vau Marquesas, Tahiti. rian. vol Rotuma. walru Menado. walu Viti, Hawaii. walo Cajeli, Bontoc Igorot. waru Maori, Sikaiana. oalo wal Visayan. Tobo, Teor, Mysot. walu Ulawa, Saa. lep-wal Gani. welu Omba, Arag. waru Bima, Salibabo, Liang, Morella wala Le Maire. Lariko, Saparua. uale LikkiHkki. ware Bolanghitam. wal Nokon, Laur. wagu Teluti. ual Lamassa. wolu Java. i-wal Lambell. en-wol Ahtiago. te-wal King. alu Kolon, Gah, Wahai. falu Nggao. allu Matabello. alu Nggela, Vaturanga, Bugotu. hau ?Iliwiki. waru Wango, Fagani. i-hau Tihu. war Mafoor. han ?Iliwaki. wan Brierly Island. kao Mahuan. wa Tagula. 107. hiva nine; Subanu siam id. hiva Tonga, Niue, Uvea. dhiva Viti. siwo Sikaiana. Slav Rotuma. iva Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, Rapanui, Marquesas, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Manahiki, Aniwa. iwa Hawaii, Maori. siwa Le Maire, Ulawa, Wango, Fagani. siwe Saa. SIWO Omba, Arag, Brierly Island. sia New Georgia. siu Suralil, Laur, Likkilikki, Vaturanga. ClU Tagula. siw Mafoor. tsiu Nokon, Kowamerara. siuk Lambell. sewok Lamassa. hiua Nggela. hia Bugotu, Nggao. Hsu King. Cajeli, Amblaw, Morella, Batumerah, Lariko, Saparua, Awaiya, Cai- marian, Teluti, Tobo, Ahtiago Amboyna, Ceram. siwah Lampong. siwer Teor. sia Mahuan, Liang, Gah, Wahai, Mata- bello. e sia Iliwiki. i-sia Tihu. gata-sia Sulu. e-shia Wayapo. chia Massaratty. siam Subanu, Visayan, Dusun, Pampan- gas, Bontoc Igorot. siyam Tagalog, Bontoc Igorot. sic Menado, Bolanghitam, Tidore, Ga- lela. sio-anu Bouton. ka-siow Sanguir. sioh Salibabo. siaou Magindano. sieuw Dorey. lep-siu Gani. sivy Malagasy. pitan Kayan. si Mysot. iva Mame. 168 THE SUBANU. 1 08. ngafulu ten; Subanu sapulu id. ngafulu Samoa. sanau Dobu. ngahuru Tongarewa, Maori. samfur Mafoor. lau-ngahulu Manahiki. sauli Likkilikki. ngaulu Rarotonga. singino King. angafulu Futuna. son go Leng. anaulu onohuu Hawaii. Marquesas. nanau Mailu. sanghul Rotuma. sanpulo Magindano. sangavulu Viti. sangpuo Tagalog. hangahuru Rapanui. hangpu Sulu. hongofulu Tonga, Niue, Uvea. hampulu Kolon. ahuru Tahiti. sapulu Subanu, Basakrama. tangafuru Aniwa. sapuluh Malay. tingahuru Maori. sapuloh Bouton, Salayer, Baju. tirongouru Mangareva. sanulu Iliwdki. sefulu Samoa, Fakaofo. senulu Tihu, Mahuan. polo Wayapo, Massaratty, Bontoc sangavuru Kowamerara, Koko. Igorot. . ^ zangavulu Vitu. napolo Visayan. L' j-'r'-' sangafula Le Maire. folo Malagasy. ? Ji ■' sangapulo Le Maire. pulu Kayan, Lampong.'^Sirang. sangahul Barriai. apulu Pampangas. sanghaul Kalil. plu Champa. sangaul Kilengge, Umre. mpuru Bima. sanghul Suralil, Laur. buro Amblaw. sanguli Lamassa. pulo Kayan, Matu. sangul Nokon. pulah Java. sungul Aweleng. kapuroh Sanguir. e-sungul Abutumete. mapuroh Salibabo. sanaulu Tubetube. mapulroh Menado. sanhulu King. mopuru Bolanghitam. In Polynesia and in Indonesia we find a primal stem fulu with two prefaces, sanga and se respectively; in Indonesia we find a frequent occurrence of the primal stem absolute and this in the languages which our other evidence shows us to be primordial. In Melanesia the devo- lution forms are all derived from the sangafulu composite. The tale of the forms for ten is not without interest, 59 forms in 73 languages. When we compare this with the record for lima, we are led to the con- clusion that the concept which establishes the decimal system is of the most modern phase of these languages at the hour when the first Poly- nesians were expelled from Indonesia. Since the collation of the material and the establishment of the numeration of the foregoing synopsis of the Polynesian content in the conjoint Subanu and Visayan I have seen reason to include two items whch escaped my attention. These will be found in brief synopsis in the dictionary under the words but and tian. The sum, therefore, must be increased by two and stands at 1 10 items. In this list there is little to call for explanation on the score of phonetics. The consonant mutations are all readily comprehensible and of standard type. We have already had occasion to note that the vowel mutability is great; it represents a Malayan speech principle quite opposed to the stern fixity of vowel elements which holds through- out the Polynesian. We need not examine particulars except in one POIyYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 169 small and quite important group. A few final vowels exhibit a muta- tion to diphthongs which is wholly anomalous when referred to the Polynesian phonetic. All the examples which present this diphthongal mutation are exhibited in the following list : a-ay tifa tipay i-oy afi gapoy e-ai ate gatai o-ao lano danao e-ay fale balay malino linao fohe bogsay o-au lango langau mate matay u-hoy kau cahoy I can see an explanation of this movement which seems valid so far as it goes. It will serve excellently to account for the foregoing in- stances ; the objection will lie in the fact that it offers no explanation of the many instances in which the final vowel undergoes no such mutation. The Polynesian languages are under an inexorable movement toward open syllables. In every one, the words invariably end at their present stage in a vowel. But as we work backward along the track of their migration we find convincing proof that this compulsion is modern ; it has become effective only since their arrival in their new Pacific homes. In my late studies of Rapanui I have been able to establish as fact that the migration which eventually settled upon Easter Island left Nuclear Polynesia at a period when the Proto-Samoan still retained in use its final consonants. In Polynesian loan material held by Melanesian lan- guages we find not only final consonants, but we find distinct evidence that stems ending in a vowel were abraded to establish a preferred form with a final consonant and that this in turn has been abraded when the speech fashion turned toward the open syllable; and thus we have exposed as final a vowel originally medial in the primal stem. On the other hand the Malayan languages have an equal desire for closed stems; we encounter many vocables whose primal open stem is now closed by the addition of a consonant in deference to this movement. As I take it, these ten words of the open stem were held by their Malayan borrowers as (for some reason to us incomprehensible) exempt from their own inclination to add some final consonant. Therefore the minds of the speakers were under stress to avoid the easy final consonant, to accentuate the fact that the final sound was a vowel, accordingly to reproduce this mental stress by making the final vowel more vocalic than it was intended to be. Why this motive has left no trace in other stems of open type we may not now attempt to explain. Thus we are naturally directed to the general treatment of the Polynesian content by the several groups of Malayans which possess it to a greater or less degree. We have just seen examples of assiduity in its pronunciation, evidence that the material was at least subconsciously felt to be aUen, In the same way we find that the Polynesian content is held uncontrolled by the ordinary rules of Malayan grammar; it is almost wholly free from the incidence of the customary Malayan infix- ature. In the foregoing synopsis (item 83) I have pointed out the 170 THE SUBANU. possibility of the use of the infix in the word tinae, but this is unique and therefore doubtful. The more closely we study the Malayan use of the Polynesian content, by so much the more do we convince ourselves that it is essentially a foreign element — adopted, but very scantily adapted. I can find but one instance in which Malayan infixature has been applied to a Polynesian loan, fill item 20. Since the mutation is found most irregular in the treatment of the vowels, which in Polynesian are the elements which carry the meaning despite consonant variety, I may cite an instance in our own English which will illustrate this point. In France the contre-danse may be applied with reason to so formal a dance as the stately minuet. A polished court brought contre-danse into England in order to add dig- nity to its festivities and to have possession of a name which should prevent the dances of Whitehall from confusion with the Morris dancers on the green before the wayside tavern. After adoption followed adap- tation ; through an inexorable rule of English phonetics the alien contre- danse underwent vowel mutation and became country-dance. In its new form it was misunderstood and applied to the very dances which it was designed to place in a more humble state. Now it is very freely employed of the folk dances lately restored somewhat artificially to use. Last stage of all, the true meaning of contra having quite vanished, it has become barn dance. From a Louis Treize treading the gavotte whose lilt is yet not wholly forgotten, the word has passed to Hodge heeling and toeing the dust from a puncheon floor between the racks of hay. Where we see the Malayans preserving the Polynesian content as a foreign acquisition we see on the other hand the Polynesians quite uncontaminated by any Malayan influence, the only possible exception being tinae, which I present more as a result of curious research than with conviction. The purpose of this chapter — indeed, so far as I am concerned, the end and object of this whole book — is to pass under critical review the validity of the so-called Malayo-Polynesian family of speech. We now have come through much minute investigation to the point at which we may deal with this problem. We shall find assistance in arithmetic. In former books in which I have dealt with this subject I was content to accept the list of words common to Malayan and Polynesian compiled by predecessors in this inquiry and copied by one from another. Thus I was led into the state- ment that the mass of material satisfactorily thus established amounted to somewhere about twelve dozen stems. Now I have made a fresh computation for myself upon one Malayan base and am prepared to amend the former figures. In Subanu-Visayan the amount of the Poly- nesian content is no stems. This is a figure upon which I am willing to stand as the result of careful study. It represents the extent to which some Polynesian has communityjwith one Malayan, namely the Subanu- Visayan. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 171 It will be seen that this figure is not exhaustive. The full record should state the figure of the extent to which some Polynesian has community with some Malayan. I can answer for practically all Poly- nesian. To answer for all Malayan would entail the collation of all the languages of the archipelago, a task which would inordinately delay other work which I must prosecute. To the figure thus estabhshed in my own studies I now add the figures which are derived from the studies of other workers but which I have not wholly verified. In The Polynesian Wanderings the work was conducted upon the base of the speech of Efate in the New Hebrides. Referring to the serial number of the items in Appendix I of that volume, I now present the following table of Malayan identifications which are extra- Visayan : 9 lo 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 47 78 79 128 169 171 174 177 178 179 180 i8i 183 184 213 215 218 221 222 223 225 226 227 228 230 231 233 235 237 238 241 243 248 249 252 255 256 257 258 260 261 265 266 268 269 270 272 273 275 276 279 281 282 286 287 288 289 291 293 296 297 299 302 304 305 306 307 311 313 316 320 322 326 328 329 331 333 337 341 342 345 346 349 352 353 354 355 357 358 360 362 364 The 105 additions to the Polynesian content in this list rest most immediately upon Tregear's "Maori Comparative Dictionary" and Turner's "Samoa." I next add from Mr. Tregear's dictionary these 42 items, referring to the Maori words. These are the residuum after extracting all instances contained in this tabulation and in the synopsis of the Visayan in this chapter. Of this residue in Tregear, the 42 are all that I am wilUng to accept, for Mr. Tregear, while equally opposed to the Malayo- Polynesian family, goes in his identifications a little beyond what I regard as just in philologic method. anewa hamuti kata mai miro patu tango anini hana koekoea mana miti poto tara anuhe haunga ko mo manga ngita puke tia api horo kopu marie pae puna tuna atarau kaho korokoro matau paka rama tupu ato kapo kui mimi papa rimu wawara The sum of these three groups is 257 ; that is the tale of words upon which, really upon far less than which, Bopp erected his family of the Malay o- Polynesian languages. The research which has compiled these lists is so great, the study has been so minute on the part of my pains- taking predecessors, that it is not to be supposed that further study, such as I have conducted de novo upon the Visayan, will add appreciably to this figure. I do not intend to perform the operation under the rule of three, not puzzled but inexpressibly weary of this Malayo-Polynesian bar which has long blocked the path of philologic research into the begin- nings of human speech ; but any one who cares may compute the ratio of no Polynesian words to the 12,000 stems entered in the Visayan dictionary of Fray Juan Felix. Then, if he will, he may reckon the 172 THE SUBANU. ratio of 257 words to the corpus of Malayan speech in some scores and more of languages. I do not now recall an enumeration of the number of words which we have assumed from the American Indian. Squaw and papoose, wigwam and tepee, wampumpeag and quahaug from which it was cut — I am sure that I could find 250 words taken by vio- lence or wheedling from our wards and included in the tongue we speak. But not on that account (should I ever be tempted to become a philo- logic systematist) do I intend to propose the erection of a speech family of the Anglo-Algonkian for New England or Anglo-Iroquoian for New York, although I sometimes fancy that such a family, did it really exist, would tend toward the better preservation of the purity of the diction now local to Manhattan. This is not absurd, or else Bopp's Malayo- Polynesian family founded on equal numbers is absurd ; which, in truth, I believe it to be. I shall not here enter at length upon the consideration of the source of this Polynesian content of the Malayan ; I shall not here explain how it is possible that the Malayan contains Polynesian and the Polynesian contains no Malayan. Amending the figure from 150 to 257, I have presented this argument in full in The Polynesian Wanderings. In its barest outline I shall restate it. The Polynesian peoples before the Christian era occupied more or less completely the islands of the Malay Archipelago and were probably as now in the Pacific, coast-dwellers. About that epoch the Malayan peoples descended upon the island region from the coast lands of the Asiatic continent with a superior civiUzation, probably in the possession of the art of working metals. Before the better-equipped warriors the Polynesians fled eastward, ever being dislodged from more eastern islands of the archipelago as the Malayans bore upon their rearguard. Eventually the Polynesians were forced out of the archipelago by way of the waters respectively north of New Guinea and south* thereof and in the free Pacific were beyond the reach of their oppressors. From the reading of the material contained in this volume I add to my former consideration another explanation of the Polynesian content. In the west of Malaysia — say in Sumatra, since the present ethno- logic position of Mentawei off the western coast of that island is most significant — the first stragglers of the Malayan swarm, too few to be dangerous, necessarily on their good behavior, would be adopted into the Pro to-Polynesian communities and undergo naturaUzation in speech and habit. Later, upon the coming of the irresistible body of the invaders, this body of naturalized Polynesian Malays would be the first to feel the attack and would scatter wherever their fleets could carry them, yet as soon as peace was made they would prove readily assimil- able with their parent Malayan stock. This provides a sufficient expla- nation why we find the most archetypal Malay at points so sundered as *See note at end of chapter, p. 173. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 173 the Malagasy of Madagascar, the Punans, Klemantans, and Kayans of North Borneo, the several tribes of the Philippines, and why, in conjunction with the most archaic Malay, we find equally the purest preservation of the Polynesian. In thus sundering the Polynesian from the Malayan, in establishing the fact that they represent two families of speech of different grades of development and not a single one, we shall work no harm to the science of language. On the contrary the result should be most highly bene- ficial, for it is always a relief to be rid of superstition and obsession in any relation of life. Set free from its impossible association with the agglutinative Malayan, the isolating Polynesian will stand forth as the fit road along which investigation may trace its steps to a genesis of the speech of man. The ultimate attainment of research into the modern languages of the analytic type is to establish their groundwork in the inflected tongues. The last point which the student of the languages of inflection may attain is to connect them with yet earlier agglutinative speech. So, too, with the student of agglutination, his analysis carries him back to the yet simpler speech of isolation. In like manner, in like measure, the investigator who begins on this bottom level, makes his start in a family of isolating language — what may he hope to reach? Early in his course he will reach mono- syllabism, a term frequently but erroneously applied to isolating speech. After the monosyllable what is there? There is the vowel, and this is in the speech of man because he is an animal and the unmixed vowel is the whole speech of the beast. There is the consonant modulant whereby man is learning to adapt animal speech to needs which the beast can not feel. It is there that speech begins. Only set the Poly- nesian speech free from the hindrance and the misleading of the Malayan association, and the students of speech may press bravely on to the discovery of the beginning of man speech. I regard myself as singularly fortunate, I consider it a great factor in the awakening of interest in the themes to which these studies of the Pacific and Indian seas may lead, that there is an interlacing of the work of Captain Friederici with my own. In this work I have made grateful use of his material as enriching the phonetic studies presented in this chapter. Later in the serial course of these studies I shall be under a great debt to him for clearing the way in his brilliant research into the grammar of Melanesian speech. In my volume The Polynesian Wanderings I was led to propose a second migra- tion track of Polynesian migrants through Torres Straits. Just before this chapter leaves my hand I am fortunately in receipt of his comment upon the Viti Stream which I have proposed. It is published at page 1 6 of his third volume, Untersuchungen iiber cine melanesische Wander sir as se (19 13). "Nachdem somit in grossen Ziigen die ethnologischen und linguistischen Verhaltnisse der vier Volkergruppen iiberschaut worden sind, die durch die folgende Untersuchung miteinander verbunden werden sollen, bleibt mir noch iibrig, kurz den Stand der Auffas- sungen zu skizzieren, der zur Zeit des Erscheinens von Teil II dieser Veroffentlichung, also im Marz 1912, von den Ethnologen und Linguisten in dieser Frage eingenommen wurde. 174 THE SUBANU. "Nachdem man noch vor kaum 50 Jahren jede melanesische Wandemng fiir hochst unwahrscheinlich erklaren zu miissen geglaubt hatte, traten nach einem nicht unbretracht- lichen Anwachsen unserer Kenntnisse iiber Ost-Neu-Guinea im Jahre 1889 zwei Ansichten zugleich in die Offentlichkeit, von denen eine jede den richtigen Wanderweg der hier sitzen- den Melanesier gefunden zu haben glaubte. Die eine stammte von E. J. Hamy, die andere von Basil Thomson. "Die von Thomson ist schnell erledigt. Wahrend die Motu und verwandten Stamme selbst angeben dass sie von Osten kommend eingewandert sind, sagt Thomson dass sie von Westen gekommen seien, also durch die Torres-Strasse. Ich wiirde diese durch nichts gestiitzte nackte Angabe nicht weiter angefiihrt haben, wenn nicht William Churchill kiirz- lich in einer umfangreichen Arbeit den Beweis erbracht zu haben glaubt, dass tatsachhch ein von Westen kommender Wanderzug durch die Torres-Strasse gegangen sei und auf diesem Wege die Neu-Hebriden erreicht habe. Churchill glaubt mit Hilfe sprachlicher Untersuchungen zwei M. P.-Wanderstrassen aus Indonesien nach der Siidsee festgestellt zu haben, von denen die eine soeben genannt wurde, wahrend die andere nordlich lun Neu- Guinea, nordlich von Neu-Pommern durch den St. Georgs-Kanal nach den Salomonen ging. Die Dampier- und Vitiaz-Strassen werden von ihm ignoriert. Es ist hier nicht der Ort auf die Methode und Dmchfuhrung der Arbeit von Churchill einzugehen; ich kann auch nicht versuchen, den Beweis zu liefem, dass diese von ihm gewonnenen Ergebnisse nach meiner Ansicht nicht richtig sind. Wenn ich jedoch nachweise, dass die Westlichen Papuo- Melanesier von Britisch-Neu-Guinea durch die Vitiaz- luid Dampier-Strasse gefahren sind, imd dann von Osten kommend ihre neue Heimat an der Siidkiiste von Neu-Guinea erreicht haben, dann beweise ich zugleich, dass diese Melanesier wenigstens nicht von Westen durch die Torres-Strasse gekommen sind, und ich beweise, dass es neben der Torres-Strasse und dem St. Georgs-Kanal noch ein drittes hochstwichtiges Einfallstor in die Siidsee gibt, namlich die Meeresstrassen zwischen Neu-Guinea und Neu-Pommern. Unter Heranziehung des damals ja nur sparlich fliessenden ethnologisch-anthropo- logischen Materials, aber unter sachgemasser Ausnutzung desselben, weist Hamy in einer sehr geschickten Abhandlung eine melanesische Wanderstrasse nach, die entlang der Nord- kiiste von Neu-Guinea durch die Dampier-Strasse bis in den Louisiaden-Archipel zu verfol- gen ist. Schon allein die Vernachlassigung dieser vortrefflichen Arbeit oder des in ihr steckenden Materials, das er ja auch selbst hatte sammeln konnen, erscheint als ein Fehler in Churchills Methode. Es ist iibrigens nicht allein Chiu-chill dem diese verdienstvolle Arbeit entgangen zu sein scheint. I am peculiarly grateful to Captain Friederici for his graceful note that I am not the only student of the South Sea v^ho has neglected to make the acquaintance of Hamy's vsrork. A circumstance may be mentioned in palli- ation of my failure to see the migration possibility of Vitiaz and Dampier. At the time when I was first familiarizing myself with the channels of com- munication through Melanesia at a period considerably anterior to my friend's acquaintance with the now well-policed waters of the Bismarck Archipelago, this waterway between Neu-Pommern and New Guinea was a most forbidding spot. Access to its northern portal was difficult, to its southern portal equally hazardous, the strait itself was all but unknown and its reputation was of the worst. As a navigator I formed a distinct impression of the unavailability of the passage ; this impression has persisted into my later studies, this confession resting more on the sympathetic than on the scientific order of thought. I am very glad that Captain Friederici establishes this passage as the third of the Polynesian highways. I am thereby better able to adjust in the general scheme of travel the Polynesian content of Bonguand kindred languages of German New Guinea, including therewith the interesting case of Mannam Island. Yet I do not consider that my theory of a Torres Strait fairway for Polyne- sian migration is thereby contravened, nor does Captain Friederici make that claim, for he speaks of the Dampier- Vitiaz as "noch ein drittes hochstwichtiges Einfallstor in die Siidsee." I am glad to see that in writing for the Bulletin of the American Geographical Society of Friederici's second volume I pointed out that his record of the Barriai speech was sufficient to establish this strait as an open highway to the Polynesian fleet. POLYNESIAN AND MALAYAN. 175 Whatever the decision may be at which we may arrive in advancing knowledge as to the peopling of the littoral of British New Guinea, I do not think that it will be necessary to regard Torres Strait as closed to Polynesian migration. That view is held by Sidney Ray and expressed in his study of the vocabulary material contained in Wollaston's "Pygmies and Papuans." Yet from the coasts of that region, far to the west of the Gulf of Papua, and for which no one would suggest a settlement from the east, I am finding sources of the same Polynesian content in speech. Torres Strait lay invitingly open before the fleeing Polynesians; we can see no reason why they should not follow that course. I contend that we do find linguistic monuments of their passage. THE SUBANU Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk OF Mindanao Part III. Subanu-English Vocabulary English-Subanu Vocabulary A Partial Bibliography SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. a thou, (ga, iga, ya, nia, niya.) dali a manece, go thou up hurriedly. ioma a logmo song neen, why blamest thou him? V ca, second personal singular pronoun, nominative, always postpositive. a- a composition prefix (Visayan ca-). a. used singly: abagol alisod atalao abolo alongas atoc abotang b. in conjunction with suffix -an or -on; abilingan alobungan atandanan alanganan aloonan atapusan alibutan amatayon atodanan alipayan aao cacao. (Spanish cacao.) aaoan cacao orchard. aba alas. aba, abagol mo cogool, alas, what great pain! V abaa, interjection of grief or wonder. abagol Cf. bagol. abayo {cabayo) horse. (Spanish caballo.) abilingan Cf. biling. abolo Cf. bolo. abotang Cf. botang. agen I. agom to enjoy. pocagagom enjoyment. V agom, to enjoy. aguanta Cf. nocpigaguanta. alaan adverbial modifier used with bisan to convey the sense that the word with which it is employed is used in a sense absolute, see the same usage of somala alandon. pegotaran sog bisan alaan, headpiece, caption. alaik alaik punanen, alaik sabab, why, rea- son, cause. alalaat mercy. Cf. laat. V alaot, interjection of pain. alandon adverbial modifier in the sense of alaan, used with somala and less fre- quently with bisan, generally post- positive, but sometimes precedes the word or phrase which it modifies. pocaoid somala alandon, to attach, to seize. di poggolat sog bisan alandon, to elimi- nate. somala alandon nong molingin, glo- bular. bisan alandon sogbobaan, to put into a basket. alanganan Cf. langan. alibutan Cf. libot. alipayan Cf. lipay. alisod Cf. lisod. alobungan Cf. lobung. alongas Cf. longas. aloonan Cf. loon, amaaron Cf. aron. amatayon Cf. matay. amatene Cf. matay. ambit to share. pogambit to impart. V ambit, to share, to hold in common, to communicate. ami we (exclusive). Kolon: hami. Bima: nami. amo you. (gamo, lamo, yamo.) V camo, second personal pronoun plural. -an suffix, see a-, ca-. anahau a tree whose long leaves are used in religious dances. anding goat. V canding, id. antocos spectacles. (Spanish anteojos). Iberian barbarism has treated the semi- vowel j after a manner which richly illus- trates the possibilities of phonetic degra- dation. In present Castilian, which is one of the few languages of Europe which car- ries the aspirate proximate to each of the three speech organs, the j has an h value. In Latin America and in California of our own continental area an elder phase of the Castilian, or a distinct Iberian dialect, has prevailed, and we hear for j the compound of palatal surd mute with the preface of the palatal nasal, ngk; thus vulgo in Cali- fornia Los Angeles has become Angkeles, and San Jose, stopping a little short of the bottom of the palatal column, is Sangk- hose. Here, in dominions oversea which we have acquired from the errant Spaniard we meet once again this mutation clear across the palatal tract; the point arising in languages of less complex structure will be found discussed at some length at page 20 of Easter Island. antosan to bear, to endure, (gantoson.) sogmolomo antosan, bearable, light. V antos, to bear, to suffer. ang an article. V ang, nominative article of appellative nouns. angay to take, (gangay.) pogangay nog rongog, slander, defama- tion. sogmogangay nog dongog, slanderer. aoid to grasp. pocaoid somala alandon, to attach, to seize. V haoid, to detain, to seize, to hold. 179 180 THE SUBANU. apote {capote) coat. (Spanish capote.) apote doon igbongcon noc ponopoton nong moreipol gobonong mogonao, greatcoat. apujungal a forest spirit with the head of a man on the body of a pig; it must be propitiated by boar hunters. aromanan a relative. arugo oath. aron like, similar. moni aron noc taliaman, a spear. maaron like, the same, identical. mananap maaron nog osa, gazelle. maaron nog leen noc pomotangon, iden- tical. bosi maaron noc talloma, javelin. gondi maaron, disagreement. di maaron, dissimilar. pocomaaron, identity. amaaron gosaca, identically. nong maaron, imitation. sogondaay tundongon noc pacanaoron, delusive. momaaron mananap momaaron no guicos, civet cat. arunaan rich, wealthy, renowned. V arunahan, rich. asoang enchanter. V asoang, wizard, ghost. atalao Cf. talao. atandanan (a : tondong : an, cf. atoda- nan, tondong). poctoman noc atandanan, to satisfy. V catongdanan, that which is due. atapusan Cf. tapus. atoc (a : toe) to guess. V tagna, to conjecture, to prognosticate, to prophesy, to guess a riddle, to solve a problem. atodanan (a : tondong : an, cf. atanda- nan, tondong). V catongdanan, obligation, to owe; ton- god, to belong, to pertain to. atop roof. Cf . gatop. poctolo nongog atop, to rain. V atop, roof, thatch. Kayan : ato, thatch. Bugis: atok, id. Samoa: ato, id. atud (hatud) to carry. pocoatud, carriage, transport, sogmogatod, carrier, conductor. V hatod, to carry, to bear. au I. ayac appetite, liking for food. gayac afTectionately. gayac so gombagol, lovingly. mayac to love. molomo mayac, inclined to love, of a loving disposition. ang mayac, lover. nogayac lovingly. sognigasoy sonnem nogayac, a lover. ba interrogative particle. maligos ba ttigaling, is he worse. V ba, note of interrogation. baa flood. haa noc tubig, overflow of rivers, spate, freshet. V baha, flood, freshet. baag loin cloth. baal to make. Cf. balon, binaal. pogbaal, to form, to shape. socpogbaal, efficiency. gaom socpogbaal, faculty of mind, efiiciencj'. sogmigbaal nog balay, builder, archi- tect. socsocalbaalan, executable, susceptible of being made. bonoa noc pogbaalan, workshop. baal to work in the fields, to till the soil. Cf. balan, binal, beninalan. mogbaal lamo noc sulal, did you work in the orchard? moomogbaal, laborer. nogmigbaal sog lopa, day laborer, farmer. sogmigbaal, laborer. pogbaal somala alandon, to till the soil. sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang, idler, vagabond, loafer. V baol, to till the soil. baalbaal Cf. balbal. baangan to find, to meet, to encounter, baat pogbaat, to chain. V pagbaat, id. baba the edge of a knife. baba the mouth. tundong sa cabayo nga sangol sog baba, bit. V baba, mouth. Ma.tu: baba, id. Kayan: ba, id. baba to carry by land. This may be a scrivener's error for bala to carry a load (Visayan bala in that sense) ; at the same time it is equally possible that it is Polynesian fafa to carry on the back. baba down, under. dien ha baba, from the bottom. baboy pig. baboy talon, wild boar. baboy talon boloog, wild sow. bool noc paa nog baboy, slice of pork. laneg baboy, lard. gunud baboy, pork. V baboy, pig. Bontoc Igorot: fdfuy, boar. bacalan libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina- mog bata, a barren female. bacoao heel. badi a nervous spell. badya the Visayan plow, a bent stick drawn by carabao, not used by the Subanu. baga lung. V baga, id. baga arrogant. pocobaga, arrogantly, loftily, in a dis- pleasing manner, offensive, V pagcahobag, arrogant. SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY. 181 baga live coals. baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy, igni- tion, combustion, burning. pagbaga noc potao, to weld iron. V baga, live coals. baga the shoulder. Bontoc Igorot: poko, id. bagas Cf. begas. bagas niais, meal, flour. bagol large, great. abagol boligan nong nga abagol, a large wild bee. aba, abagol mo cogool, alas, what great pain! gom bagol gayac so gombagol, lovingly. gombagol noc palongan noc pogogasan somala alandon, trough. gotao gombagol noc sopingi, fleshy. gotao noc socogan gopia gombagol nog- lana, a person of great strength. pogogovitan somala nog gare so gomba- gol noc lonsod, language, idiom. macabagol macabagol noc tian, potbelly. noctibagol soc lupa noctibagol guinale, glebe. nogom bagol golo nogombagol, lintel. milipay yo nogombagol, I am verj' glad. liga nogombagol, blaze, fire light. teguib nogombagol, a large chisel. calaatan nogombagol, injustice. domomog nogombagol, thick heavy lips, sogmebagolan sogmebagolan nog damomog, thick lipped. bahagi to part. bahal dangal bahal, a tree growing in the center of the sea. bahin part. bai lady, princess (Moro). bais (embais) beautiful, good conduct. bakes a girdle. bakes panit, a leather belt. bal bed nogondi socal so catorongan, injust- ice. pombaal, to bring false witness, per- jury. ponbaal, calumny. balagon a vine. balagon nog bolaan, a creeping vine. V balagon, every kind of climbing vine or plant which employs tendrils for its support. balan Cf. baal. lopa nogompia balan, arable. balani bato balani, lodestone. V batong balani, id. bal at west wind. balay house, building. balay noc poctonaoan noc potao nog melamogampa nog lupa, ironworks. balay — continued. lopa mogondapa balay gorocan bo po- wo/onan, uncultivated,uninhabited. sogmigbaal nog balay, builder, archi- tect. gosog nog balay, head of household or family. gampu nog balay, settlement of four or five houses, hamlet, village. V balay, house, abode of man or beast. balbal (baalbaal) enchanter. V balbal, witch, wizard, ghost. bale ah, alas. balian (babalian,walian)men and women who perform ceremonies in honor of the gods; spirits of the gods. bala balian, child spirits. balibad excuse. V balibad, to excuse, to free of blame. balidya to sell. nocpogbalidya, factor, trader, mer- chant. V baligya, to sell, to trade by land or sea. Bima: belt, to sell. balidyaan bonua nocpogbalidyaan nonogong ma- noc, cockpit, place of betting on fowls. balilid to lie down, to recline. baling a cloth girdle or belt. baling somala alandon jabas matas bo moloctin, bandage. V baling, net of coarse texture. balingawa spider. Bontoc Igorot: kdaowa, id. balingdagat shore, strand, seacoast. Cf. dagat. baled a wave. pocdanlag nog balod, dashing of the sea, surf. V balod, waves of the sea or river. baloganan gabo pagbaloganan, fireplace, hearth. balon Cf. baal. malomo balon, feasible. socsocalbalon, feasible. sogsocalbalon, workable. pocolomo balon somala alandon, ability. balon provisions, food, ration. V balon, provisions. bales lie, untruth, fallacy. pogdonot sogpoctoon nog balos soc poc- cano, to be heathen. tontoltontol balos nog mibatog sog Ion- sod, rumor, little tale, gossip. pocbalos, to tell lies. balosen impostor, cheat. balu balu nog lee, a widower. balu nog libun, a widow. bata nog balu libun, a widow's son. Kayan: balu, widow. bandela banner. (Spanish bandera.) sogmogoit nog bandela, standard bearer. bandi a jar. bandian lee nog bandian, a wealthy man. 182 THE SUBANU. banig to soften. banta enemy. bantug fame. bang gat bang, to face. bangitao alligator, crocodile. V balanghitao, id. bangot beard. poggatad poctoUn nog bangot, to get a beard. V bongot, facial hair. bangon fine, blood money (Sulu). barong fighting knife. basa to read. basa 6 sulat, to read. maya nia ce pagbasa, read thou quietly. V basa, to read. Bontoc Igorot : fasdek, id. basa (bosa) to respect. sogantol nog basa, irreverent. pocgondaay basanon, irreverence, pocbasa to respect. basac mud. socmoglerme nog basac, plasterer. basacan mud. basting a bell. basu a cup. basulan repentance. Cf. inunsulan, gui- nonsola. V basol, to repent. bata child, offspring, son, daughter. bata noc poraigon gopia bo longaran- don, a spoiled child. mitondong nog bata, juvenile. libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina- mog bata, a barren female. panday negmegbata, midwife. bata balian, child spirit. bata ilu, orphan. bata lagi, a small male chUd. bata tiibig, a creek, small stream. bata bulan, new moon, the first eighth of the moon. gektu bata bulan, the second eighth of the moon. batabata a baby. V bata, child. batad a custom. Cf. batasan, botasan. batang a log. batang soong, bridge of the nose. batangan batangan laget, tobacco box. batasan (batad) all the customs of a people. socalan igbutasan, to abolish. V batasan, custom, law, disposition. batasan (bata) mischievousness. bate brother-in-law. batirol chocolate pot. V batirol, id. batit young of animals. battt utung, yoimg monkey. batiti a large bat. bato (batu) stone. bato balani, loadstone. nga binaal bato, to work stone. V bato, stone of every sort. Bontoc Igo- rot: bato, id. batog to call. mibatog tontoltontol balos nogmibatog sog lonsod, rumor, gossip. V batog, to accost, to call birds. baton to educate. Cf. toonan. V baton, id. bawang a place. bawang ec daan, doorway. gampu nog bawattg, village, hamlet. baya manner. baya gopia, gallantly. baya no gotao, human. palo baya, humbly. sogombaya sogombaya nog moloonnog magleinlein, a relative. bayad fright. begas (begus, bagus), husked rice. Cf. bagas. begelal important men in a village. begyaan cultivated field. bekna first. belagel shoulder-blade. belema to-morrow. Cf. lema, luma. belen loom. belilu gagun sinam belilu, sound of a gong which summons the midwife to her function. belintis shinbone, tibia. Cf. lintisan. bencong adze. V bingcong, id. beninalan (b : en : inal : an) cultivated field. Cf. binal. locao sog beninalan, cottage. benoiran (b : en : oir: an) hill. Cf. bod. atapusan sog benoiran, hilltop, summit. bengawan (b : eng : awan) a place. Cf. bawang, bunguan. bengawan nog gobal, a place where smoke may escape from a house, a chimney. biag servant, slave. biag nog mitom, a black slave. V bihag, a slave. bibig lips. bichara great conferences of the gods and balian in the sky, or of chiefs on earth. bigibigi seed. bila friend. V abian, id. Kolon, Bima: bela, id. bilibili deer, sheep, goat. bilin inheritance. socmicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi socalpogboclagan, patrimony. V bilin, inheritance, patrimony. biting difficult. abilingan (a : biling : an) difficulty. sogondaay abilingan somala alandon, easy. nog abilingan nog micaolang, to facili- tate. V biling, difficulty, mistrust. bilu blue. (? English.) gabilunen (ga : bilu : nen) blueness. SUBANU-ieNGIylSH VOCABULARY. 183 binaal (b : in : aal) to make. Cf. baal. nga binaal bato, to work stone. binabalay a large table or altar. Cf. balay. binal field of rice paddy. Cf. baal, beni- nalan. V baol, a rice field. binalan a field just cleared for cultivation. binaya footprint. bino wine. (Spanish vino.) binagel sugar. binocot monk, nun. gosog sog binocot, abbess. V binnocot, hermit, monk, friar. binutong (b : in : utong). soy on noc sulut binutong, emblem. V ibotang, on one side and the other. bingcon arm. V bocton, botcon, id. bingguil nocmacabingguil sa gontpia nog buot poctobe, detractor. biring domestic cat. bisan adverbial modifier used with a/oan and alandon, though, notwithstanding. V bisan, though, notwithstanding. bitegel necklace. bitun a star. genit bitun, a meteor, shooting star. V bitoon, star. bityala lawsuit. biyanan the bit of a bridle. bo (bu) or, and. boangboang (buangbuang) imbecile, fool- ish. gotao nog boangboang, enchanted. V boangboang, foolish, crazy. boaya alligator, crocodile. V boaya, id. Bontoc Igorot: fudya, id. (loan word). bobaan a small basket. bobaan nog molipotot, a large round basket. bisan alandon sogbobaan, to put into a basket. bo bo a. fool. (Spanish bobo.) bobonayan bobonayan noc tondo, the space be- tween the knuckles. bocbaac a little green frog. V baq u i , a frog. Bontoc Igorot : fdkfak, id . boclag to separate. boclag ondi somogot, defection. pocboclag dispersion. pocboclag soc gotao nga soay, divorce, boclagon socmicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi socalpogboclagon, heritage, patri- mony. V bolag, to separate in general. bocposon a little whelp, pup. bocsoc nail, spike. boctasan to hiccup. pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc- tasan, to pant, to palpitate. bod a hillock or mound of earth. Cf. bulud, benoiran. bogay (bugay) to supply; a gift. bogayan gaco noc tubig, give me water. malibogayan giver. pagbogay somala alandon, to form, to shape. socsocalbogayan nog hen, aUenable. bogguiong a trumpet. V bodyong, id. bogotondo knuckle. Cf. tondo. bogogu ankle. Kolon: bungu, id. Bima: bunggu, id. bogondaay Cf. daay. bogutao a boy at puberty. boi to fire a cannon. y bohi, id. boid wages. Cf. buis. gotao sogboid, day laborer. Bontoc Igorot: ifu-bowis-an, taxes. boktol rump. bolaan balagon nog bolaan, a creeping vine. V bolacan, a climbing vine. bolao red. poctina noc bolao, to dye red. V paolao, red. bolibod crown of the head. bolic poison. bolig to carry by land. V bala, id. boligan a large fly. boligan nong nga abagol, a large wild. bee. boligan macalintoc, a small wild bee. Bontoc IgoTot : faolengan, bumblebee. bolit to varnish. V bolit, id. (bollo) pogbollo to tire oneself. bolo ferocious, brave, courageous. bolo tugaling, ferocity. abolo pocgangay noc capintas abolo socog, to enervate, to debilitate. baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy, igni- tion, burning. pocabolo tugaling, inhumanly. cabolo cabolo so posong, com-age. macabolo brave, courageous. (bolobod) sogmogbolobod revolving. bolong to heal. pomolanon pia nog bolong, galium. sogondaay bolong, irremediably. pocbolong to cure. bolong to abandon. boloog a breeding sow. baboy talon boloog, sow of wild swine. boloy galad nog llayan lanas socpogboloy noc sura soc tubigan, a cane enclosure for catching fish. bombol fur, hair, feathers (not used of human hair). poctubo sog bombol nog manocmanoc, to become fledged. bonal to smite, to strike, to beat. pogbonal noc penoto, cutlass stroke. V bonal, to beat. 184 THE SUBANU. bondyag to baptize. V bonyag, id. bone germ, sprout, bud. V binhi, id. bono to kill. malibonoay sog nga gombata nong mieca, child-slayer. sogmighono, infanticide. V bono, to assassinate, to slay. bono (bunu) enemy, against. bonoa place, land. honoa nog napo, field. bonoa noc pogbaalan, workshop. bonoa noc tubigan, puddle, marsh, swamp. nila bonua noc tiuan, beehive. bonua nocolonan nocpoc tobora, a spring. bonua noc pogbalidyyan nongong ma- noc, cockpit. bonua nocpoc picnogan nog bonga, place for ripening. pogdolan nog bunua, to obscure the land. V banoa, banua, place. bonoa! town. bontal full, replete. bontol to beat. pagbontol soc poloapomopoton, to beat cloth. bonug to hear. bong labong yesterday. lalabong afternoon. V cahapon, yesterday. bonga Cf. bunga. bongcon apote doon igbongcon noc ponopoton nong moreipol gobonong mogonao, greatcoat. booc hair of the head. gotao nong motaas nog booc, hairy. caloonan nog booc, false hair. boocan false hair, hairy. V bohoc, hair of the head. Bontoc Igo- rot: fook, id. boocon to divide. sogondi maimo guilaso boocon, indivis- ible. boogon gaan noc potocon boogon noc tonob so- mala alandon nong mobogbog, cakes. bool bool noc paa nog baboy, rasher, slice of pork. boot to judge. Cf. bout, buot. malaal nog boot, hatred, displeasure. colang sog boot, imbecile. pocboot to govern. magboot governor. pogboot to command. sogmogboot commander. sopagboot nogogolingon, imperiously. bootan judicious, ripe in judgment, mature. V boot, to judge; bootan, prudent, judi- cious. boros pregnant. bosa Cf. basa. bosacan to fall into a pit. bosi spear. bosi maaron noctalloma, a javelin. bosi doon ec somagan, a lance. bota a building. botang condition. abotang (a : botang) ease. malaat no abotang, ill at ease. V pagcabotang, manner of being. botasan habit. Cf. batad, batasan. sogtnalaat nog botasan, rogue, swind- ler. mibotasan to accustom. V pag botasan, to accustom, botis foot. botomicaon boy. Cf. bata. bout to desire, to like. Cf. boot, buot. boutolon pogosig noquito nocpogboutolon, howl- ing of a dog. bu (bo) and, or. buai (bwal) a spring of water. buanan fireplace, hearth. buangbuang Cf. boangboang. buat to emanate. buat soc poglibon no gotao, venereal disease. pigbuatan somala alandon, germ, sprout, bud. bugay Cf. bogay. bui mountain, forest. V boquid, mountain. Bicol: buquid, id: Magindano: puked, id. Malay: bukit, id. Cf. Samoa: pu'e. buis (buhis) tribute, tax paid to chiefs. Cf. boid. pocsuquit noc paldon sogmigbuis, to enroll in a census. gantang buhisan, a basket measure of rice. Bontoc Igovot: ft"iys, taxes. bukar a small table or altar. bukid land, field, soil, farm, country (Taga- log). bukid na sinasaka, land under tilth. buklug a. A festival propitiatory of the gods or in general celebration of some memo- rable event. buklug puluntu, festival for the aged dead or for those long dead. buklug pimala, festival for the young dead or for those recently dead. buklug timala, festival for the infant dead or those dead but lately. b. a dancing platform. buksai war-cry. buktin a sucking pig. bulac flower. V bolac, flower. bulan moon, month. bata bulan, new moon, first eighth of the moon. gektu bata bulan, second eighth. gektu gulang bulan, fifth eighth. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 185 bulan — continued. minsan liti gulang bulan, sixth eighth. manamat bulan, evil spirits which cause the moon to disappear. gelektu langit bulan, good spirits which bring back the moon and keep its face clear. V bulan, bolan, moon, month. Bontoc Igorot :/MaM, bilan, moon, month. bulatuk a spirit bird that determines the best site for a house; if the bird perches on the beams of a new house the site must be abandoned. bulawan (buluan) gold. bulinga egg. bulud hill. Cf. bod. (b : ul : ud). buludbulud hillock. gabuludan (ga : bulud : an) hilly region. bunu Cf. bono, bunua Cf. bonoa. bunga (bonga) a. fruit. bonua nocpoc piaiogan nog bonga, place for ripening fruit. b. areca palm nut used in betel chewing. c. kidney. V bonga, fruit. bunguan gateway. Cf. bengawan. buot (bout, boot) will. paubos nog btcot, discouragement. colang sog boot, imbecile. penonogonan sogogolingong nog buot, abnegation. culang nog buot, silly. V boot, will. buta to enroll. pogbuta noc pegotaran noc suquit, to enroll in a census. V botang, to place, to deposit. butaal wild boar. butang to place, to put. pocbutang guison, to put into a basket. V botang, to place, to deposit. buun a jar valued at i2| piculs of rice. buyo the leaf used in betel chewing. buyun swollen neck, goitre. ca- a composition prefix (Visayan ca-). Cf. a-. a. used singly: cabolo calongas casamoc calingin capintas b. in conjunction with suffix -an or -on : cabilinan camatayon casayoran calaatan capolosan catorongan caloonan caban box, chest. poquipos somala alandon soglogua noc caban, to pack into a trunk. V caban, chest, box, trunk. cabayo (abayo) horse. (Spanish caballo.) tundong sa cabayo nga sangol sog baba, bit. cabilinan Cf. bilin. cabolo Cf. bolo. (cabolong) poccabolong drunken. cahoy tree. catnote cahoy, cassava. V cahoy, tree. calaatan Cf. laat. (calauat) paccalauat to confess and take communion. V calaoat, to receive in general, specifi- cally to take communion. calingin Cf. lingin. caliuanag Cf. liu. caliuatiag no calingin, warped. calontinay a large fly. calongas Cf. longas. caloonan Cf. loon, camatayon Cf. matay. camote sweet potato. (Spanish camote, Aztec camotl, Quichua kumar.) camote cahoy, cassava. cana to eat. Cf. gaan. mi naan cana, hast thou dined? V canon, daily food. Bontoc Igorot: kanek, mdkan, mdngan, to eat. capintas Cf. pintas. capolosan Cf. polos, capote (apote) cloak. (Spanish capote.) poclabon sa capote, to cloak. carongo arrival, coming. casamoc Cf. samoc. casayoran Cf. sayor. casit to pass. pocgondaay casit, impassable, impassa- bility. V saqult, to pass. casoon casoon guiadman, ability. catorongan Cf. torong. catubo Cf. tobo. caya this, that. ulimo caya, return that to. V cana, this, that. cisabaon Cf. sabao. coendoc Cf. ondoc. cogool pain. aba, abagol mo cogool, alas, what great pain. V olol, pain. colang (culang) to lack, to want. colang sog boot, imbecile. gongog culang nog buot, silly. compinsal to confess. (Spanish confesar.) pocompinsal, to make one's confession. Vcompisal, id. cone-no-gondao to-day. conotconot to tuck. ming conotconot da ig viste, to purse up the gown. V conot, to double, to fold. congol to dwell. picongolan habitation, dwelling, lodg- ing. pocongolan to inhabit. song mopia pocongolan, habitable. sogondaay pocongolan, uninhabited. pocongolan nog nila noc tioan, queen- bee cell. 186 THE SUBANU. corala Cf. dald. pagcorala deficit. V pagcaoala, id. cota (cotu) wall. cota nog lombos lupa, a wall between fields. V cota, id. cotat to swing, to move from side to side. cotecote to weary, to molest. V coticoti, to weary with unimportant details. cotooto the stomach. V cotocoto, id. culang Cf. colang. cutao (cu : tao) iron. Cf. potao, tonaoan. da no, not. sogonda, not. sogonda inog, imseasonable. da m ing conotconot da ig viste, to purse up the gown. daag to gain, to win. V daog, to win in battle. daan road, path. Cf. dalan. casayoran nog daan, itinerary. bawang ec daan, doorway. V dalan, road. daan old. lotang nog daan, ancient piece of ar- tillery. ponopoton nog daan, old ragged clothes. V daan, any old thing. daap not yet. (Visayan pa, yet.) ondaapa golang guisip nogondaapa tnobiaray, unliquidated. lopa mogondaapa balay gorocan bo pomolonan, uncultivated. ondaapa mooay, unliquidated. daay no, none. mananap nong mica daay ngalan, animal which has no name. daayron there is not. Cf. taron, I do not know. gondaay no, not. gondaay soboton, idiocy. gondaay gaom, idiocy. bogondaay gotao bogondaay gaom, idiot. nogondaay gotao nogondaay sabuton, idiot. nogondaay masin, unsalted. lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondo- pondo, a plain. pocgondaay pocgondaay basanon, irreverence. pocogondaay pocogondaay sonan, ignorance. pocogondaay gaom, ignorance. sogondaay sogondaay dason malaat pigondian, unlawful. sogondaay motagam, unskilled. sogondaay tundongon noc pacanaoron, delusive. daay — continued. sogondaay ahilingan somala alandon, easy. sogondaay atapusan pingoc toban, un- limited. sogondaay pares, unequal. sogondaay ig doma, unequal. sogondaay gondoc bo atalao, intrepidity. sogondaay sinonan, unskilfully. sogondaay mitagam, unskilfully. sogondaay pocongolan, uninhabited. sogondaay bolong bo sopla, irremedi- ably. sogondaay pocpasaylo, irremissibly. moggondaay sog sondalo moggondaay abayo, in- fantry. sopoggondaay sopoggondaay dason, illicitly. dacsoc compact, solid, massive. dacsoc soc sogod, to stow cargo. V dinasoc, solid. dagat sea. diuata dagat, a good spirit of the sea but harmful if not properly pla- cated. pusu dagat, the navel or center of the sea. baling dagat, shore. V dagat, sea. dagel much. madagel many. magdagel very much indeed. daghan to sell. dagom indigo plant. V tagom, id. daig praise. pogdaig to praise. V dayig, id. dala to carry. V dala, to bear, to carry. dala defection. Cf. corala. V pagcaoala, id. dalag yellow. poll dalag, the dawn. madalag (maralag) yellow. dalaga girl, unmarried woman, maiden. V dalaga, id. dalan road, path. Cf. daan. soc tondong nog dalan, itinerary. V dalan, road. Bontoclgorot: djdlan, id. dali quick, prompt. dali a manece, go thou up promptly. dali amo din amo manubua, come quickly for the hunt, ye spirits. V dali, id. dalinduman (d : al : indum : an) to re- member. V domdom, id. daiomdom (d : al : omdom) memory, pogdalomdom to imagine. V panondoman, memory. daluan hen. daluan libuyu, wild hen. damdam grass mat. damomog Cf. domomog. danaan Cf. donaan. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABUIvARY. 187 danao Cf. lanao. danlag Cf. domanlag. pocdanlag nog balod, dashing of the sea, surf. danol old ragged clothes. Cf. daan. dangal dangal bahal, a tree growing in the center of the sea {pusu dagat). dao to defraud, a thief, pickpocket. mogdao a thief. mogdao motoo tugaling, a clever thief, pigdaoan theft. pogdao to steal. sogmogdadao a thief. sogmetondong sogmogdadao, thievish. V caoat, to defraud. daoa a maize-like grain. V daoa, id. dapig faction. V dapig, ally, partisan. daro a plow, to plow. (? Spanish arar, arado.) soc lupa noc tibagol guinale ho semicoat nog daro, glebe. V daro, id. daromog Cf. domomog. dason lawful. sopoggondaay dason, illicitly. sogondaay dason malaat pigondian, unlawful. date rich, renowned. V date, chief, rich. datong pagdatong arrival, coming. datu (date) a chief. datu tondo, second linger. dawat dark water, ink. dayandayan to embellish, to adorn. V dayandayan, an ornament of any sort. debaloy polog sa golo debaloy bo debaloy, to nod the head. V sa luyo ug sa luyo (loyo), to one side and the other. deec pogdeec to climb. delengan a hearth or earthenware stove used by the newly delivered mother in order to "dry up the womb;" the patient lies for several days with her back to the fire sufficiently close to scorch the skin. The same prac- tice has been noted among the Kayan of Borneo. deliai any moment of time. deni (dini) here, hither. Cf. dien. V dinhi, here. deoata Cf. diuata. depa a fathom. di no, not. di poggolat sag bisan alandon, to elimi- nate. di a moglingalinga soc simbaan, be not disorderly in church. di maliag song naan nong mogulang, my parents do not wish it. di — continued. di motahap, intrepid. di gusay, never. di maaron, dissimilar. di somama, dissimilar. ondi no, not. boclag ondi somogot, defection. gondi gondi gangay, disagreement. gondi maaron, dissimilar. gondi maglaro, impassable. nogondi bal nogondi socal so catorongan, injus- tice. socmicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi socalpogbaclogan, inheritance. pigondian sogondaay dason malaat pigondian, unlawful. pingondian dissent. pocondi pocondi maimo soc sala, impeccability. pocgondi pocgondi soc pinongi, denial, sogondi sogondi maglaro, impassable. sogondi magalin, imperturbable. sogondi maimo gantoson, insupport- able. sogondi maimo guilason boocon bo suayon, indivisible. sogondi maimo noc sala, impeccable. sogondi maimo noc pasaylon, unpar- donable. sogondi maimo nong morala, inde- structible. sogondi maimo pomagon, inflexible. sogondi maimo posocliyan, immutable. sogondi maimo uraman, immutable. sogondi moctoo, inflexible. sogondi mogbatic, impassable. sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang, idler, vagabond. sogondi motaron, unlawful. sogondi socalpasaylon, irremissible. sogondi somoon, unskilled. Bontoc Igorot: adt, no, not. dialum within, inside, under. dialum noc tubig, under the water. Kolon, Bima: di, to, in, at. dibabau on, upon. dibabau palad, the back of the hand. dibabau noc palapa, the instep. dien there. Cf. deni. dien iposay, there, behold! dien ha baba, from the bottom. dig manunsuma dig nila, to eat wax. dila tongue. V dila, id. Bima: rera, id. Bontoc Igo- rot: djtla, id. dilo no, not. dilo tnopong, dissimilar. V dili, no. din hunt. dali amo din amo manubua, come quickly for the hunt, ye spirits. 188 THE SUBANU. dinamog libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina- mog bata, a barren female. dinampak a jar valued at lo piculs of rice. dine to be. dini Cf. deni. dinoksulan a large fire, a conflagration. dipag across. pagdipag soc stiba so guset, to cross rivers on floats. V taboc, the other side, across the sea or river. dipuksaya a female spirit living midway between heaven and earth, some- times materializes as the birds tibo- gok or guinagan. diselum early morning. Cf. selem. ditaas Cf. taas. diuata (deoata, diwatta) god. mangampon sog diuata, thank god. soc mitondong nog deoata, idolatrous. pocdiuata to pray. poccadiuata divinity. (See dagat, Ian- git, matnayiua, matubud, niinubu, mitubii, mogolot, sindupan.) V dios, the true god; dioata, a false god, idol. In the Philippines, in whose tangle of languages the word is of wide and general distribution, it has been suggested that diuata derives from Sanskrit deva. Not only have we to bear in mind the fact that eastward migration is contrary to the great westward sweep of the Aryan folk, but also that in Indonesia we can trace the comparatively modern Indian influence (circa 300 B.C.) only as far as Java. It seems simpler to derive diuata from Chris- tian effort through the Spanish dios. The source remaining the same, it is far easier for the Aryan folk to carry the word from dyaus to Zeus and deus and by means of dios in the westward sweep of the world than to struggle against the current these few eastward miles. The distinction made by the Visayan is wholly artificial, and a tenuous divarication. doctoc to buffet. dogo blood. sogdogo flux, hemorrhage. V dogo, blood. doguian gayo nog doguian, acacia. dolan a cloud. pogdolan to overcloud. pogdolan nog bunua, to obscure the land, to overshadow. doma equal. sogondaay ig doma, unequal. domanlag socdomanlag, one who makes impor- tunate demands. domangop (d : om : angop) to receive, to grant asylum. V dangop, id. domomog (damomog, daromog) the lips. songag domomog nogombagol bo marei- pol, thick lips. sogmebagolan nog damomog, thick lipped. donaan (danaan) palate, throat. V toton, totonlan, id. donaoan puddle. Cf. lanao. donding a mud or brick wall. donini paca momis donini, how sweet this is. don lag the day after to-morrow. V damlag, id. donot to follow. pogdonot sog poctoon nog balos soc poc- cano, to be heathen. V nonot, to follow one physically or morally. donggoan anchorage. donggoan tugbungan, port, anchoring ground. V donggo, to anchor; donggoanan, an- chorage. dongog reputation. Cf. rongog. sogmalaat bo mogangay nog dongog, defamer. V dongog, to hear, fame, reputation. doon leaf. doon gahon socpoctibooc no gatas, galium. V dahon, leaf. doon to have, to be. V dona, id. dope (dupe) rain, shower, to rain. dope nog guinanat, fine rain, mist. tubig nog dope, rainwater. pogdope shower, rain. toon no pogdope viarope, rainy, pocodope shower, rain. doque to thrust. V sontoc, to thrust with a pointed weapon. doro to suckle. pagdoro nonga gombata, lactation. sogmogdoro suckling. doso to impel. V doso, to stir, to push. dosop Cf. sop. dua two. dua liu, the seventh eighth of the moon. duapulu twenty. V doha, two. Bontoc Igorot: djua, id. dubdub breast. Cf. gogdob, gedeb. dubdub libun, breast of a woman. dugnayan dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiai' guindog, gallantry, elegance. dula saliva. pocdula to spit. V loa, saliva, phlegm. dulud knee. dulungan hen. dunukun a cloth sieve. dungus mountain. gedungusan (ge : dungus : an) moun- tain chain, range. dupe Cf. dope. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABUI^ARY. 189 bosi doon ec somagan, a lance. nano ec pogulimo, when wilt thou go? sapauan ec potao somala alandon, to gar- nish with iron points. bonua nocolonan nocpoc tobora ec bo poc- ttian noc tubig, a spring. poctald nogompia pinili ec talonong molomo noc paglangay, fluent. ecsipan nipple. edob Cf. gogdob, gedeb. embais (bais) beautiful. empetek short. tapis empetek, a short skirt, kilt. gaan to eat, a meal, food of any sort. Cf. cana, menaticaan, quinaan. pagandam nog gaan, supplies, provi- sions. gaan noc potocon boogon noc tonob so- mala alandon nong mobogbog, cakes. V caon, to eat. gabang to assist, to defend, to help, sogicabang defense. sogicagabang defensive. mangangabang lawyer. V tabang, to help, assist. gabasan to cut. gabe a tuber, edible when cooked; the taro {Colocasia antiquorum, Schott). V gabi, a comestible root cultivated in gardens. gabiganen smallness. gabilunen Cf. bilu. gabit to speak. pigagabit talk. gabo ashes gabo pagbaloganan, fireplace, hearth. V abo, fireplace. Bontoc Igorot: tjapo, ashes. gabo event. gabo name, our event. soc tondong gabo nog mogonao, per- taining to winter. gabu gray color in the sky. gabuludan Cf. bulud. gaclop poultice. V haclop, id. gaco to me. bugayan gaco noc tubig, give me water. ganpo 7no gaco, pray thou for me. V aco, I. gacsop pocoocsop gacsop, imbibition. gagao to snatch. V pagagao, id. gagda to impel. V agda, to exhort, to inspirit. gagen (gegen) windpipe, thorax. gagimut root of a grass used as a medicine in childbirth; it is boiled and the decoction given to the patient just after delivery. gagoy soot. sogmigagoyan sooty. gagun gong. (Malay gong.) gagun sinam belilu, sounds of the gong which sununon the midwife. gahon pomolanon doon gahon socpoctibooc no galas, galium. gaitan to open a trail, path. V gahit, gahad, pathway about a plan- tation. gakpis young. gakpis malapati, a young tame pigeon. gal abac carabao (Tagalog), water buffalo. galad fence. galad nog llayan tanas socpogboloy noc sura soc tubigan, a cane enclosure for catching fish. V alad, a fence, corral. Bontoc Igorot: dlad, id. galiyan a small canoe. galonaonen Cf. lonao. galuas a jar valued at i j piculs of rice. galubalu thumb. galubalu gocsud, great toe. galunawan a jar valued at 6 piculs of rice. gama father. gama nog gapo, great grandfather. V amahan, father. Bontoc Igorot : dma, id. garni we (exclusive). gamo (amo) you. guindog gamo, stand ye up. V camo, you. gampo to pray. gampo mo gaco, pray thou for me. mangampon mangampon sog diuata, give thanks to god. V ampo, to pray. gampu village. (Malay kampong.) gampu nog balay, hamlet, village, settlement of 4 or 5 houses. gampu nog bawang, id. gandang drum. ganit skin (when removed from the animal). Cf. panit. gansur khaki color; kagansunen. gantang a basket holding 2 quarts. (Ma- lay.) gantnng pamukuan, a basket measure of rice. gantang buhisan, id. gantingganting earring. gantiu slack trousers in Chinese fashion. gantoson to endure. Cf. antosan. sogondi tnaimo gantoson, insupport- able. V antos, antosan, to bear, to suffer. gangas forehead, brow. gangay to accede, to agree. Cf. angay. gondi gangay, disagreement. gangay noc sabot, to accede, to agree. lompoc gongaya, to unite. pogangay to facilitate. V angay, fit, just, right, agreeable. gangay gangay soc patal, to put balls on bulls' horns. poc gangay noc capintas abolo socog, to enervate, debilitate. V pagpahangay, to put balls on. gangol wound, ulcer, sore. pogangol to wound. 190 THB SUBANU. gaom mind, knowledge, power. gaom socpogbaal, cleverness, efficiency. gaom noc motondong sogonauna, science of ideas. sogdoon ig gaom nog poglioat, genera- tive. pocogondaay gaom, ignorance. gondaay gaom, idiocy. gotao gondaay gaom, idiot. gaoman power. V gahoin, power, strength. gapal ship. gapal layag, sailing vessel. gapal gapoy, steamship. gapetnen Cf. pet. gapid twins. Bontoc Igorot : apik,'\A. gapo a parent's parent. gapo nog lee, grandfather. gaps nog libon, grandmother. gama nog gapo, great-grandfather. V apohan, grandfather, grandmother. Kolon: om/)M, grandfather. Bima: dmpu, id. gapog lime. poglomi no gapog somala alandon, to whitewash. V apog, lime. Kolon: kdpu, lime, chalk. Bima: afu, id. gapoy fire. baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy, igni- tion, burning. sogmogota nog gapoy, vomiting fire. Bontoc Igorot: apuy, fire, gapud a stick. gapulonen Cf. pulo. gare a chief. pogogovitan somala nog gare so gomba- gol noc lonsod, idiom, language. poggare to command. V hadi, hari, king, to rule. Bontoc Igo- rot: dli, king. Ilocano: art, id. gasa weak. magasa to become weak. V gasa, weak, thin. gasa a cigarette. gasa saguing, a cigarette rolled in banana leaf. gasalagnen Cf. salag. gasi fermented rice beer. minoma sog gasi, to drink rice beer, pangasi rice beer. gasintos collar. V asintos, id. gasol blue. (Spanish azul.) gasoy to define. V asoy, to explain, to define. gatad to emanate. Cf. pegotaran. poggatad poctolin nog bangot, to get a beard. sogmegatad initiative. gatai the liver. V atay, id. Bontoc Igorot: dtoy, id. gataluknen Cf. taluk, gatas milk. tondong no gatas, milky. pomolanon doon gahon socpoctibooc no gatas, galium. gatas — continued. V gatas, id. gatbang to face. Cf. tobang. V pagatobang, id. gatop (atop) roof. poctolo nongogatop, to rain. V atop, roof of leaves, thatch. Bontoc Igorot: dtep, id. gaui custom, habit. V gaoi, custom, habit, quality. gauid to govern. magagauid governor. gaus wealth. magaus wealthy, rich. gawal jacket. gawas tight trousers in Sulu fashion, gaya maternal imcle. gayac Cf. ayac. gayam dog. gayo tree, wood, timber. gayo nong motaas, beam, a large balk of timber. gayo nog doguian, acacia. aloonan nog gayoonan, raft, wooden float. V cahoy, tree. Bontoc Igorot: kdyao, id. gedeb chest. Cf. edob, gogdob, dubdub. geding (kuting) cat. gedungusan Cf. dungus. geeg t^oat. Bontoc Igorot: alogoog, id. geg knife, general term. gegbad gegbad soong, interior of the'nose. gegen Cf. gagen. gektu gektu bata bulan, second eighth'ofjthe moon. gektu gulang bulan, fifth eighth'of the moon. gektu gondao, noonday. geleg tiiroat. gelektu gelektu langit bulan, good spirits which bring the moon back^and^keep its face clear. gelet following. gelu pestle. gemai boiled rice. gemet finger. Cf. goyamet. gemisnen Cf. mis. gen bet a thick coarse cloth used as armor. Cf. kinopatan. genenkan to run. genit genit bitun, shooting star, meteor. geniya this. genlit a small jar. getomnen Cf. torn, geyen he, she. gibas areca nut slicedlfor betel chewing, gibasgibas a mouse. gibusibus breastbone. giget bowstring. gigus house cat. giham mat (screwpine leaves). gikud (gigud) tail. gilay eyebrow. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 191 gilek armpit. Cf. guilid. gilugu sister, brother. gimukud Cf. guimud. gina (ina, guina) mother, aunt. V inahan, mother. gineng half. gineng gohii, midnight. ginenga half. ginenga minek gondao, afternoon. gini this. ginit (init) heat. ginotau pupil of the eye. ginubungan womb. ginulai firewood. gipianan Cf. pia. gita (ita) we (inclusive). gitit a young chicken. giyud a small fish-net for one or two men. goangai goangai gocsod, small toe. gobal smoke. bengawan nog gobal, a place where smoke may escape from a house, chimney. pocagobal much smoke. sogmogombal smoky. gobe sweet potato. gobe mananap, sweet potato. V gabi, an edible root much cultivated. gobednarol governor. (Spanish gober- nador.) gobii night; calendar day, since time is usually reckoned by nights. gondao bo gobii, a day and a night, one calendar day. gineng gobii, midnight. polupungobii evening. V gabii, night. goboc to run. gobol gray. Cf. gobal. mogobol gray hair. kagobolnen (ka : gobol : nen) a gray- haired person. gobonong apote doon ig bongcon noc ponopoton nong moreipol gobonong mogonao, greatcoat. gobot factious, disorderly. V gobot, to disorder, to entangle, gocabgocab to fan. goclac blaze, firelight. gocsip a small wedge. V sipsip, id. gocsud the foot. Cf. pocsod. galubalu gocsud, great toe. goangai gocsud, little toe. goyamet gocsud, a toe. godaay (gondaay) Cf. daay. godlod to hide. gogba gogba nog lupa, to survey boundaries. gogbag to disjoin, to partition. gogdan notched log used as steps to a house, ladder. gogdob (edob) chest, breast. gogdob lee, breast of a man. goglon deglutition, swallowing. goguis white. V ogis, id. goit (quit) to carry. pocogoit carriage, transport. sogmogoit carrier, conductor. sogmogoit nog bandela, standard bearer. socnaquit carried. socsinipit socnaquit, carried in the arms. naquit sogmocsogao nong Tiaquit, weeper, gola gola maimo, to be able to contain, golang golang guisip nogondaapa mobiaray, unliquidated. golas sweat. golat di poggolat sog bisan alandon, to elimi- nate. goles sand. V balas, id. golitao (go : li : tao) bachelor, unmarried man. V olitaoo, bachelor, less properly widower, golo head. golo nogombagol, lintel. polog sa golo debaloy bo debaloy, nod of the head. goloan pillow. V olo, head, top. Bontoc Igorot: olo, head; o/aoan, pillow. gomalin to admit to the house. gombagol Cf. bagol. gombata (go : mbata) children. gomog (gomoc, gomot) hand. soc pongol so gomoc, leprous (when the hand is mutilated). V camot, hand. Kayan: kama, id. gomolang Cf. gulang. gomot hatred, displeasure, to detest. socalpoglogomutan, abominable. V domot, hate. gompia Cf. pia. gompoti Cf. poti. gompulo Cf. pulo. gonagona idea, thought. so gonagona, ideally. pogonagona, to conceive an idea, to think. pagonagona somala alandon, to judge. tontol nocpigonagona moc nga gotao, fable. poclabon sacquionaona, to dissemble. gumauna, to remember. pocolaen sa gunagona coendoc, amaze- ment. gunaguna, imagination. sogmogunaguna, imaginative. sogsocalgunagunaon, imaginable. gonaguna, thought. gaom noc motondong so gonaguna, science of ideas. pagonaguna, imagine. V honahona, thought, reasoning power. 192 THE SUBANU. gonas low tide. poglogonas rising tide. V honas, low tide. gonda gland. gondaay Cf. daay. gondao Cf. ondao, gondemaqui gondemaqui nongog, enchanted, gondi Cf. di. gondoc Cf. ondoc. gonlo enchanter, wizard. V onglo, wizard, witch. gonom six. gonompulu sixty. V onom, six. Bontoc Igorot : inim, enim, . id. gonopo cousin. gonos (gounos) blow as wind. gonos nong marisa, bad weather, gale, tempest, storm. V ones, gale. gonto to hiccup. V pagonto, id. gonu poctoho soc gonu soc mga lee, to have a beard just growing. gongaya to unite. gongean deficit. gongog fool, enchanted. gongog culang nog huot, silly. inongogongog, foolish in act or speech. V hongog, fool. gooay rattan. V ooay, id. Bontoc Igorot: wile, id. good near. pogood, accessible. V dool, to draw near. goot Cf. goit. pogoot to carry in a cart. V hacot, id. gopa bagasse. V opa, id. gopao to grow bald. V opao, bald. gopia Cf. pia. gopia very, a superlative. motaas gopia, elevated. menaticaan no came inoctod gopia, minced meat. hata noc poraigon gopia, spoiled child. gotao noc socogan gopia, a person of great strength. goroc to sow seed. lopa mogondaapa balay gorocan, un- cultivated. gosaca very. amaaron gosaca, identically. gosay order. sogindagosay imperturbable. paggosay to judge. pagusay counting. V hosay, to set in order, to solve riddles. gosig to bark. sopoggosig no quito, barking. socmoggosig maloong, barker. pogosig no quito noc pogboutolon, howling of a dog. V osig, to bark. gosind a temporary house used in childbirth. gosod to obey. socsomocol so nga gosod, dissenter. V sogot, to obey. gosog chief. gosog sog binocot, abbess. gosog nog lonoon, a chief. gosog nog balay, head of the house- hold. gosomnen Cf. som. gotao (gutao) (go : tao) person, man. buat so poglibon no gotao, lues venerea. pocboclag soc gotao nga soay, divorce. picponnongan nonga gotao, a crowd. mitondong no gotao, human. poglogotaoan poglogotaoan pisala noc paroquia, parishioner. gounos Cf. gonos. govitan pogogovitan pogogovitan somala nog gare so gomba- gol noc lonsod, language. pogovitan pogovitan nog latin, identical, the same. goyamet finger. Cf. gemet. goyamet gocsod, a toe. Bontoc Igorot: komaot, id. goyan to accede, to agree, to pay deference. pegoyonan (pe : goyon : an) accord, resolution. V oyon, id. gua outward. sa gua, outwardly, externally. V goa, far; sa goa, externally. guak (quak) the crow. Cf. gwakgwak. gubat war. V gobat, to make war. guda horse. gugat vein, artery, blood vessel. Bontoc Igorot: uad, vein, artery. guging rump. gui- verb-formative prefix. V gi, gui, a particle which forms passive verbs in the present or preterit. guiadman Cf. doma. casoon guiadman, abiUty. gui bid iguana. V ibid, id. guibog appetite. guibogan Tguibog : an) dainties. V ibog, id. guicoran (gui : cod : an) chair. Cf. guing- cod. V lingcodan, bench, chair. guien he, she. mipanas guien, he has fever. tatiago mo guien, call thou him. posoloron mo guien, tell him to come in. V guini, he, she. guilan they. posobaton mo guilan, make them answer. lompoc nga gotao nog minalsa guilan somocol noc ponuan, faction. V sila, nila, ila, they. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. Ids guilas share. pocguilas to distribute. sogondi maimo guilason, indivisible. guilat to lighten. V quilat, lightning. guilid flank, side. pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc- tasan, to palpitate, to pant. V quilid, id. guiling to imitate. sopoconongguiling, imitation, sogmonongguiling imitator. pocponongguiling pocponongguiling noc pomotangon nog megleenleen pocomotood, to identify. socsocalpononggulingan, imitable. guilos cat. mananap momaaron no quilos, civet. V iring, iding, id. guimood laroon nog guimood, ulcer, wound, sore. guimud (gimukud) that soul which lives under the crown of the head and never dies. guinagan a bird in which the female spirit dipuksaya sometimes materializes. guinago pocponong somala alandon guinago, to form, to fashion. guinale sac lupa noctibogol guinale, glebe. guinanat dope nog guinanat, fine rain, mist. guinaoa a. the breath. b. that soul which lives in the breath and dies with the body. pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc- tasan, to pant, palpitate. V guinhaoa, breath. guindog to stand. guindog gamo, stand ye up. poguindog to step on. V tindog, to stand, to be erect. guinocsip adzing. V sinapsap, chips, splinters; sapsap, to work wood with adzes. Bontoc Igorot: sapsap, shavings, chips. guinogdoban hysterical. guinolal sog tinangonan noc sa lamin guinolal antocos, spectacles. guinom to drink. Cf. gunimom, poinom. V inom, id. guinonsola to repent. Cf. inunsulan, basulan. guinonsola soc posong, repent with all your heart. V hinolsol, id. guingcod to be seated, to sit. poguingcora sit you down. V lingcod, id. guionaona Cf. gonagona. guipos (ipos) to look. guiscuelaan (g : escuela : an) school. (Spanish escuela.) guiscuelaan noc poctoonan, school. guisip to count. golang guisip nogondaapa tnohiaray, unliquidated. paguisip counting. V isip, to reckon, to number. guisoc megolos guisoc, to fly into a rage. guison to put into. pocbtitang guison, to put into a basket. guison bisan alandon sog bobaan, to put into a basket. pogguison soc bariles, to put into barrels. guit Cf. goit. guito (ito) dog. bata ito, puppy. pagosig no guito nocpogboutolon, howl- ing of a dog. sopoggosig no guito, barking. V ido, dog. gulai chief of the diuata langit. gulang (golang) old. gektu gulang bulan, the fifth eighth of the moon. minsan liu gulang bulan, the sixth eighth. magulang old, aged. mogulang parent, elder. gomolang (g : om : clang). gotao no gomolang, old man. gomolanggolang, of ripe age and under- standing, mature. V golang, elder brother, any person past middle age. gulen a large jar. gulingan Cf. guiling. gulipun (ulipun) slave. gulu teacher. gululu an herb medicine administered in childbirth. gulungan cage. Bontoc Igorot: kolong, cage, chicken basket. gumanoc egg. sumada na gumanoc, to eat the egg. gumang hermit crab. gumauna Cf. gonagona. gumi hair on lip and chin, beard. gum pan bait. gumut a heavy article of clothing like a blanket. gunagona Cf. gonagona. gunaguna Cf. gonagona. gunimon drink. Cf. guinom, poinom. gunsulaki a jar valued at 325 piculs of rice. gunsulee a jar valued at 150 piculs of rice. gunud meat. gunud galabau, beef. gunud baboy, pork. guroc to plant. gusa Cf. osa. gusay always. di gusay, never. guset a raft. pagdipag sac suba soguset, to cross rivers on floats. gusuk a rib. gutao Cf. gotao. 194 THE SUBANU. gutek the thinking power, thought, reason, brain. Bontoc Igorot: utek, brain. gutung (utung) monkey. guyo to urinate. gwakgwak flying spirits of evil (manamat) human in size, feed on men. Cf. guak. gwasay a grubbing mattock; blade 13 inches long, 5 inches wide at the cutting edge and tapering back to about an inch, helve very similar to the American axe; axe. Bontoc Igorot: wasay, axe, adze. hatud Cf. atud, hilamon a digging knife, smaller than the pes. huopongon songa gotao aron huopongon, to form. ica V ica, ig, a particle of future passive verbs. icagabang Cf. gabang. ictubig Cf. tubig. ig ming conotconot da ig viste, to purse up the gown. iga thou. igbongcon Cf. bongcon. igbutasan Cf. batasan. igdoma Cf. doma. iggaom Cf. gaom. iglanas Cf. lanas. igiua Cf. lua. iguen to impel. iin he, she. ilan they. ilig sogpacailig leaning, inclination to one side. ilu hata ilu neg libon, orphan girl. impit exactly. V hingpit, exactly, perfectly. imud imud soong, septum of the nose. ina (gina) mother, aunt. Bontoc Igorot: Ina, mother. inangkag dried. inangkag seda, dried fish. inda no, not. soginda gosay, imperturbable. indamanta let us try. init (ginit) to heat. minit heat, warm. panas minit, to be feverish. minit togaling, very warm, hot. pacpinit to warm. V init, mainit, minit, id. Inobangan to defend. Cf . gabang. inoctod menaticaan no came inoctod gopia, minced meat. inog ripe, mature. sogonda inog, unseasonable. inog — continued. pacainog ripeness, maturity. picnogan bonua nocpoc picnogan nog bonga, a place for ripening. sogmecpeinog that which ripens. V hinog, ripe. (inom) poinom to drink. Cf. guinom, minoma. pocpoinom nong niilo, to give poison. V inom, todrink. Bontoc Igorot: inumek, ?nalnum, mangtnnm, id. inongogongog Cf. gongog. inu spinning room. inunsulan (guinonsola) to repent. Cf. basulan. ipos (guipos) to look. mita ipos, to see at a distance. dien iposay, there, behold. isa one. ita (gita) we (inclusive). ito Cf. guito. jabas baling somala alandon jabas matas bo moloclin, bandage. ka- prefixed to cardinal numerals forms ordinals. Malay: ka, id. kagobolnen Cf. gobol. kaingin forest land cleared and burned over for plantations. Mindoro: caingy, id. kakud a jar valued at 12I piculs of rice, kalamonte the golden scepter used by the guardian spirits of property. kalau the hornbill. _ kaliguan a jar valued at 12^ piculs of rice. kanuku finger nail. Bontoc Igorot: koko, nail. kinopatan cloth. Cf. genbet, ponopo- ton. kisanggulang the fighting knife of a giant. kogon a grass of rapid growth, 6-8 feet high. koingai little finger. kulagu hair of the body. kulambu mosquito bar. (Sulu.) kulis the lines of the palm. kulintangan a musical instrument of nine small gongs on a wooden frame. kumpau a fathom. kumpau matagas, a measure of value of gongs, jars, brasses and durable goods, twice the value of malinut. kumpau malinut, a measure of value of cloth and perishable goods. kundungan a jar valued at 7^ piculs of rice. kutapi a musical instrument resembling a guitar with hemp strings. kuting (geding) cat. (Sulu.) laang to walk. moglanglaang sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang, idler, vagabond. V lacat, to walk. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 195 ^aat bad. calaatan (ca : laat : an) wrong. calaatan nogombagol, injustice. malaat bad, ugly, iniquitous. malaat nog boot, hatred, displeastire. malaat nog palag, misfortune. malaat no abotang, ill at ease. malaat tugaling, evil-doer, corrupt. nogmalaat fallacy. moglaat prejudicial. poalat wickedness. poglaat to damage. nog metagam nog ^og/aa<,mischievous- ness. sogmaglaat nog dongog, slanderer. sogpacalaat tugaling, iniquitously. V daot, bad. labanan to aid, to assist, to help. V laban, to intercede for another, to acquit of blame. labian mga gotao socalpalalabian, rabble. palalabe to abuse. V labi, superior, more than, pride. labo pocolabo to fall. labon to cover. poclabon to garnish with iron points. poclabon sac guionaona, to dissemble. poclabon sa capote, to cloak. V labon, to cover over. labong yesterday. labong ec labong, day before yesterday. labuyu Cf. libuyu. ladawan image, picture. laen different. pocolaen sa gunagona, amazement. V Iain, distinct, different. laga price. pacponoog sog laga, to cheapen. pacpalaga somala alandon, to estimate. Bontoc Igorot : Idgo, price (from the pur- chaser's point of view). laget a chewing mixture of tobacco, areca nut and betel leaf. batangan laget, tobacco box. lagi husband, male. Cf. lee. bata lagi, a small male child. sapi lagi, ox. V lalaqui, male, man. Kayan: laki, el- derly man. Tagalog : lalaqui, male. Bontoc Igorot: laldki, id. Malay: lakilaki, man. Java: laki, man. Macassar: laki, manly ; kalaki, man. lagos malagos lean, thin. (malangas, Christie.) naa malagos tugaling, yes, he is worse. lagoy to scatter. poclagoy dispersion. V pagcalaguio, dispersion. laguas petticoat. (Spanish enaguas.) lainpai small plate, saucer. lagagunum a war chief of several settle- ments. lakas a cigarette. lakas mais, cigarette wrapped in corn (maize) husk. laknit a small bat. lalabong afternoon. Cf. bong, lalag Cf. dalag. lalas hot. malalas hot, peppery, pungent. lalis to wrangle, to fight, to be obstinate. malali yamo mocsasa, be you quiet. malalison factious, quarrelsome. V lalis, to contradict, to argue, to plead, to fight. lamin sog tinangan noc sa lamin guinolal antocos, spectacles. lamnen all, everything. Cf. lonan. lamo you. magbaal lamo noc sulal, did you work in the orchard? Vcamo, id. lamot to play. Cf. megleymet. lana gotao noc socogan gopia gombagol nog lana, a person of great strength. lanao (danao) lake, marsh. miglanao ic tubig, lake. V lanao, danao, lake, marsh. Bontoc Igorot: tjdnaom, water. lanas dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiai- guindog, elegance, gallantry. galad nog llayan lanas socpocbolog noc sura soc tubigan, a cane inclosure for catching fish. lanayan a young sow. landasan a sketch. Cf. laraban. laneg lard. laneg baboy, lard of the wild hog. Bontoc Igorot: lanib, lard. lankep embroidery. lansang nail, spike. V lansang, id. lansuk candle. lantaka cannon. lanut hemp, fiber, jute. langaan door. langag throat. langag a bird which builds a sand mound to cover her very large reddish egg. langan to delay. alanganan (a : langan : an) to delay. V langanlangan, to interrupt, to stop work, to delay. langau a fly. V langao, every species of fly. langay poctalo nogompia pinili ec talonong molomo noc paglangay, fluent. langit sky. diuata langit, good spirits of the sky who drink only spring water. gelektti langit bidan, good spirits of the moon. V langit, sky. laraban (? laraoan) Cf. landasan. laraban nga ologan somala alandon, emblem. V ladaoan, image, picture. lare king. Cf. gare. V hari, id. 196 THE SUBANU. laroon sickness. laroon nog guimood, ulcer, wound, sore. laroon migalin, syphilis. laronon (laro : n : on) sick. maligat nogpog laronon, he is very sick. lasag a shield. Ilocano: kaldsag, id. Bontoc Igorot: kaldsay, id. latin the same. pogovitan nog latin, identical, the same. V linatin, identical. lauas body. V laoas, id. layag a sail. Tagalog, Pampangas ; layag, id. Malay : layar, id. Cf. Samoa, la. layo distant. malayo far. V layo, at a great distance. lee man. lee nog tapolan, rogue, swindler. balu nog lee, widower. tiuan nog lee, drone. gaps nog lee, grandfather. Vlalaqui, male, man. Malay /cH, male, man, married man. leeg (leg) neck, throat, front of the neck, (gleeg, Christie.) V liog, neck, throat. leen Cf. laen. socsocalhugay nog leen, alienable. maaron nog leen noc pomotangon, identical. leenleen men, people. V lainlain, id. leg Cf. leeg. legdey jacket. leinlein Cf. leen. sogombaya nog moloon nog magleinlein, a relative. V calainan, difference. lelenaan bottle. lelenguan joint. leletek hollow under the knee. Cf. taktuai. lema to-morrow. Cf. luma, belema. lepet meal, ground grain. lerme (? lomi) to spread. socmoglerme nog hasac, plasterer. leyag Cf. Hag. Hag happy. maliag to wish, to like. di maliag song naan nong mogulang, my parents do not wish it. Malay: riya, joy. Formosa: reia, id. libac fault-finding. poglibac slander, calumny. V libac, to criticise, to detract. libaliba to astonish. poclibaliba, id. libang to embarrass. V libang, id. libang to hush children. V libang, id. libon Cf. libun. 1 ibon compact, solid, massive. libongan peaked house-ridge. V ibobongan, ridgepole; bobong, thatch. libot around. poglibol so nga linonsoran, to measure around. alibutan (a : libut : an) the world. malipotot (maliputut) round. V libot, to encircle, to surround, to go around. libun (libon, libong) woman. libon noc poloponan, pregnant. bata nog balii libun, a widow's son. balu nog libon, widow. ponopotan sapis soc nga libon perealon sogduma noc tapis, skirt. buatsocpog libon no gotao, lues venerea. libong noc tobon nog dinamog bata, barren woman. libut Cf. libot. libuyu (labuyu) wild. limansud libuyu, wild cock. daluan libuyu, wild hen. liga flame. liga nogombagol, blaze, firelight. V siga, a flame, to blow a fire. ligo to bathe. poligo id. V ligo, id. liingan the acts which are prohibited to widowers and widows. liluk tattooing. lima five. limapulu fifty. V Bontoc Igorot, lima, five. limalima a jar valued at 5 piculs of rice. limansud domestic rooster. limansud libuyu, wild cock. limayas a smooth spear head. limbong to defraud. Cf. lingbon, linun- bogan. sogmicalimbong delusive. molimbong impostor. V limbong, to rob, to defraud, to cheat, to trick. limukun a bird of evil omen; when seen or heard it postpones work. linagami (1 : in : agami) wild spinach. V dagami, straw, stubble. linao fair weather. V linao, id. Sulu: malano, id. Bontoc Igorot: allnoao, shade. lines (1 : in : es) to dissolve. poglines sog quinaan, digestion. poglines somala alandon sog tobig sog vino, to dissolve. V hilis, to digest, to dissolve. linok bay, gulf. linonsoran Cf. lonsod. lintisan the leg below the knee, shin. Cf. belintis. lintisan sising, a ring for the shin. lintoc boligan macalintoc, a small wild bee. linug earthquake. linunbogan (1 : in : unbog : an). Cf. lim- bong. soglinunbogan sogpiglologosogan, de- luded. SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY. 197 lingalinga to distract. di a moglingalinga soc simbaan, be not inattentive in church. V lingaolingao, to distract, to divert attention. linganay bell. V linganay, id. lingbon fallacy. Cf. limbong. linggit arm ring. lingin rounded, bent, globular, spherical. calingin (ca : lingin) to twist. caliuanag no calingin, warped. somala alandon nong molingin, glob- ular. V lingin, rounded, twisted. iingulingu a jar valued at laf piculs of rice. lioat to procreate. sogmoglioat generating. sogdoon ig gaoni nog poglioat, genera- tive. V lioat, to have descendants, to descend from. lipay to be happy. alipayan (a : lipay : an) joy, happiness. malipay (ma : lipay) happy. long na malipay, why are ye merry? milipay enjoyment, to comfort. milipayyo nogombagol, I am very glad. V lipay, to be happy, contented, to re- joice, to comfort. Bontoc Igorot: paley-atjek, to make glad. lipu arrow. lipu pana, id. lisan a metal scraper. lisod diflScult. alisod (a : lisod) misfortune. V lisod, calisod, difficulty, misfortune, inconvenience. litobong a blow, stroke. V hagbong, id. liu Cf. caliuanag. minsan liu, third eighth of the moon. minsan liu gulang bulan, sixth eighth of the moon. dua liu, seventh eighth. liut left. bingcon dig liut, left arm. llayan canes. Vcaoayan, id. load a cocoanut shell used to stir boiling rice. lobung to bury. alobungan (a : lobung : an) a grave. poclubung to bury. V lobong, to bury. lobungan supper, evening meal. Cf. bong. locao (lucao) (? Spanish lugar.) locao sog beninalan, cottage. pacpanilong sog locao, to withdraw into barracks. locpog to pound, to bruise. pocalocpog poimding. iocud Cf. logud. log pocolog to move. pocolog nog guilid sopogloguinaod boc- tasan, to pant. log — continued. polog sa golo debaloy bo debaloy, nod of the head. V lihoc, to be uneasy, ill at ease. logalin (log : al : in) paglogalin to alter. V Iain, different; paglain, to alter. logmo to blame. toma a logmo song neen, why blamest thou him? logoc bay, gulf. V looc, id. logong to thunder. V logon, id. logua poquipos somala alandon soglogua noc caban, to pack into a trunk. logud (Iocud) back. V licod, id. lolan load (of ship, cart, beast of burden). poclolan somala alandon, to ship cargo. V lolan, load. lolat to hope. V holat, id. loletoec a bird. V toad toad, a bird which continually nods its head. lolid to fall into a pit, cripple. V lolid, cripple. lologosogan deluded. lombo fat. malombo (ma : lombo) fat. poclombo to grow plump. lombos to divide, to separate. cota nog lombos lupa, a wall between fields. lomi to varnish. Cf. lerme. poglomi somala alandon, varnishing. poglomi no gapog somala alandon, to whitewash. lomo able, easy. molomo easy. molomo mayac, inclined to love. poctalo nogompia pinili ec talonong molomo noc paglangay, fluent. pocolomo facility, easiness. pocolomo balon somala alandon, ability. sogmolomo easy. sogmolomo antosan, light, bearable. sogmolomo moc sogao, weeper. lomo to educate. lompoc to gather, to accumulate, to unite. V tapoc, id. lonan all, every. Cf. lamnen. lonao green. malonao (ma : lonao) id. galonaonen (ga : lonao : nen) green things. V lodhao, green (color). lonoon gosog nog lonoon, a chief. lonsod (lunsud) village, region, country. tontoltontol balos nog mibatog sog lon- sod, rumor, gossip. pogogointan somala nog gare sogom- bagol noc lonsod, idiom, language. linonsoran (1 : in : onsod : an). 198 THE SUBANU. lonsod — continued. poglibot so mga linonsoran, to measure around. V longsod, village, town, any place of human residence. longarandon bata noc poraigon gopia bo longaran- don, spoiled child. longas pretty. alongas to embellish. malongas (malungas) beautiful, good. paalongas kindness. looc lungs. lood pod cod to kneel. V lohod, id. loon much, many. pocoloon, id. pocoloon noc sabao, succulence, juici- ness. Vdaghan, much, many. loon to place. aloonan nog gayoonan, raft, wooden float. caloonan a bunch of flowers or fruit on one stalk. caloonan nog booc, false hair. caloonan somala alandon noc tinongol, spun fiber. socpocoloon mepono, a filler. V loon, to place, to set some things on others. loonan a crowd. loop to fill. V locop, id. loot a knife used by women. lopa (lupa) earth, land, soil. nogmigbaal sog lopa, a day laborer. lopa nogompia balan, arable. lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondo- pondo, a plain. lopa mogondaapa balay gorocan bo pomolonan, uncultivated. cota nog lompos lupa, a wall between fields. soc lupa noclibogol guinale, glebe. lupa nong moromos, a marsh. gogba nog lupa, to establish bounda- ries. V lopa, earth, world. lopong exact, just. somoglopong equalizer. sopocegiopong identically. V topong, equal, alike. lopugu tired. loroon to pass. pocgondaay loroon, impassable. lotang to fire a cannon. lotang nog daan, an ancient piece of artillery. V lothan, any firearm, discharge of fire- arms. lotao to float. somala alandon nogmiglotao, boating.. V lotao, id. loto to cook, to stew. moloto decoction. V loto, id. loya ginger. V loyaloya, an herb resembling ginger, good fodder for carabao. lua a tear. ig lua, shedding tears, weeping. V luha, id. Bontoc Igorot: /ua, id. luang hole. luang talinga, the orifice of the ear. luay married. lubing wild cat. lucao Cf. locao. lucao nonguinca, hole in a wall. ludan a hut, shanty. lugbas to pierce. soquit nong milugbas, a hole bored from side to side. V lapos, to pierce. lulu granary. lulu tongalang, cylindrical baskets of rattan, 5x10 feet long, used for the storage of crops. luma to-morrow. Cf. lema, belema. V ogma, odma, id. lumbia sago. lunai a resin which is burned to attract wild bees that they may guide the hunters to the nest. lunsud Cf. lonsod. lupa Cf. lopa. lupag poison used to kill an enemy. lusung mortar for hulling rice. Bontoc Igorot: lilson, id. ma- formative prefix. V ma-, prefix which forms ad jectives f rom abstracts, forms verbs neuter and intransitive. maa (naa) yes. V 00, id. maal elevated. maasasala Cf. sala. maca- (maa-) formative prefix. V maca-, prefix which forms future verbs; also with the doubling of the first two letters forms nouns of agent or adjectives of possibility. macabagol Cf. bagol. macabolo Cf. bolo. macalintoc Cf. lintoc. madagel Cf. dagel. madalag Cf. dalag. maen the whole areca nut, not sliced for chewing. maga- Cf. maca-. magagauid Cf. gauid. magalin to disturb. sogondi magalin, imperturbable. V balhin, to move from one place to another. magasa Cf. gasa. magatus one hundred. Tihu: dtus. Iliwaki: d.tus. Mahuan: rdtu. magatus bo sepulu, no. magaus Cf. gaus. magbaal Cf. baal. magboot Cf. boot, magdagel Cf. dagel. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 199 mageleabed the upper arm. magimpang a pair (of hands, feet, ears). maglaro passable. sogondi maglaro, impassable. magleinlein Cf. leinlein. magpondopondo Cf. pondopondo magulaung Cf. gulang. maimo able, (ma : imo.) gola maimo, able to contain. sogondi maimo guilason boocon, visible. pocondi maimo soc sala, sinlessness, impeccability. V hino, to make, to be able. mainit Cf. init, malaat Cf. laat. malagos Cf. lagos. malalas Cf. lalas. malali Cf. lalis. malalison Cf. lalis. malapati a tame pigeon. gakpis malapati, young tame pigeon. malat Cf. laat. malayo Cf. layo. maliag Cf. Hag. malibogayon Cf. bogay. malibonoay Cf. bono, maligai spirit house. maligat ver>-. maligat nogpog laronon, he is very sick, maligon compact, solid, massive. V maligon, id. maligos maligos ha tugaling, is he worse? malilang gunpowder. malimatay, Cf. matay. malinao lemon. Cf. lonao. malinut Cf. kumpau. maliolaon Cf. clang, maliondocon Cf. ondoc. malipay Cf. lipay. maliputut Cf. libot. malisogon Cf. sogao. malobay weak, feeble. malogou difficult. malombo Cf. lombo. malomo excrement of a child. malomo Cf. lomo. malonao Cf. lonao. malonca idler. malongas Cf. longas. maloong sogmoggosig maloong, barker. maloot generously. V lolot, generous, freehanded. maiungas Cf. longas. mama to chew. mama sog mamaen, to chew betel. mamaen betel prepared for chewing. mamanua diuata mamanua, good spirits which live in great trees and drink rice beer. mamis Cf. mis. mamatud a daylight ceremony with a lighted torch to awaken the soul of the dead. managat fisherman. Cf. polomongwit. V mananagat, id. manak paternal uncle. manamat evil spirits which devour the souls of the human joints and cause a man to take to his bed; they may even take away his breath-soul; three classes are known as munluh, sarut and gwakgwak. manamat bulan, evil spirits of the moon which cause it to disappear. manamu manamu sog manuk, to eat the chicken. mananap gohe mananap, sweet potato. mananap maaron nog osa, gazelle. mananap momaron no guilos, civet. V mananap, any kind of animal. manatud wild pigeon. manaul a fish-catching bird. mandawan full moon. mando to make. sogmimando manufacturer. manece to go up. dali a manece, go thou up quickly. manisan third finger. Cf. palamanis. manoc (manuk) fowl. manoc nog pogone, cackler. pogone nong mga manoc, to crow. tondong song ang manoc, gallinaceous. bonua nocpog balidyaan nongong ma- noc, cockpit. V manoc, fowl. Bontoc Igorot: monok, chicken. manocmanoc small fowl with open eye. poctubo sog bombol nog manocmanoc, to become fledged. manon sogmocsamoc sa manon no gotao, mo- lester. manubu spirits which control hunting; they are described as creatures with reddish or j-ellowish eyes, black complexion and woolly hair. Christie appositely suggests that thus is preserved a dim memory of the former Negrito autochthons, on which compare the manahune {The Polynesian Wanderings, page 22). dali amo din amo manubua, come quickly for the hunt, ye spirits. manunsuma to eat. mangampon Cf. gampo. mangangabang Cf. gabang. mangud green, unripe. manguidaap glaucous. maomao song mogmaomao somala alandon, fal- sifier. mapalam mango, (manpalam, Christie.) mapia Cf. pia. mapiaiguindog Cf. pia, guindog. dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiai- guindog, elegance, gallantry. maralag Cf. dalag. maranaya (moronaya) slope, declivity. V hanayhay, id. 200 THE SUBANU. mansa gonos nong marisa, bad weather, marongot irritated. V maligotgoton, irritated, annoyed. marope Cf. dope. masalag Cf. salag. masalagtau a deputy chief {masalag, grtaX; tao, man). masin salt. V asin, id. Bontoc Igorot: asin, id. mata the eye. V mata, id. Bontoc Igorot: wo/c, id. matagas Cf. kumpau. tnatalao Cf. talao. matamot modesty. matansa an herb medicine used in child- birth ; the leaf is crushed and rubbed on the patient's abdomen during labor. matas Cf. taas, matay to die amatayon (a : matay : on) death. amatene death. camatayon (ca ; matay : on) death. pocamatay (poca : matay) death. malimatay (mali : matay) ceremony of causing the souls of the dead to ascend into the sky. V matay, patay, death; camatayon, fatal disease; pagcamatay, to die. Bontoc Igorot: tdoy, edoy, odoy, death ; mapadoyX^\\e.6.\mamaddyak, I am dying. matia lard of the wild hog. matogos (matugos) attentive, diligent. matubud diuata matubud, good spirits of the mountains which drirdc only coco- nut water. matugas hard. V tiga, hard, tough. maya inactivity. maya nia ce pagbasa, read thou quietly. may aba long. mayac worthy. sogondi mayac mogbaat moglanglaang, idler, vagabond. mayac Cf. ayac, meaon dwarf. soc tolipaon meaon, dwarfish. V mayahon, id. mebang left. bingcon dig mebang, left arm. medelem deep. meebog poor, needy. megleenleen Cf. leenleen. megleymet to romp, to play. Cf. lamot. megolos megolos guisoc, to fly into a rage, melamogampa balay noc poctonaoan noc potao nog melamogampa nog lupa, iron works. melanau Cf. lonao. melenin smooth. menaticaan Cf. gaan. menaticaan no came inoctod gopia, minced meat. meneg to sew. mesequin mga gotao nog mesequin, rabble. metagan Cf. tagam. mga plural article. mi- composition prefix. V mi-, formative particle of present and future active verbs. mibotasan Cf. botasan. mica demonstrative pronoun. micaolang Cf. clang, micia small. migalin laroon migalin, lues venerea. migbobolong drunkenness. miglanao Cf. lanao. milipay Cf. lipay. mile poison. pocpoinom nong milo, to give poison. pocmilo to poison fish. miiugbas Cf. lugbas. mimug ripe. mlna first. minalsa lonpoc nga gotao nog minalsa guilan somocol noc ponuan, faction. minanukan a jar valued at 2§ piculs of rice. minatung Cf. tong. tay minatung, who has come in? V mianhi, to come hither. minek ginenga minek gondao, afternoon. minit Cf. init. minolo na he is gone. minoma to drink. minoma sog gasi, to drink rice beer. minsan once. Bontoc Igorot: mamtngsan, id. minsan liu third eighth of the moon. minsan liu gulang hulan, sixth eighth. mintobo Cf. tobo. minubu diuata minubu, good spirits of the mountains which drink only coco- nut water. ming ming conotconot da ig viste, to purse up the gown. mingopos Cf. obos. mipono Cf. pono. mipupus the dark of the moon. mirapal a blow given with the snout of a beast. miremi to come. nana a miremi, when camest thou in? mis sweet, palatable. mamis (momis) (ma : mis) sweet. pacamomis (paca : momis). pacamomis donini, how sweet this is. gemisnen (ge : mis : nen) sweetness. V tamis, sweet, agreeable to the taste. misauta often. miskinan poor. mita ipos to see at a distance. V quita, to see, to look. mitagam Cf. tagam. mitom Cf. tom. mitondong Cf. tondong. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 201 mitubu diuata mitubu, good spirits of the mountains which drink only coco- nut water. mo postpositive pronoun of the second person singular. V mo, genitive second singular. mobabaan to bewitch. mobiaray golang guisip nogondaapa mobiaray, unliquidated. mobogbog gaan noc potocon noc tonob somala alandon nong mobogbog, cakes. moc tontol noc pigonaona moc nga gotao, fable. moc sugooa tundong songuca noc sala, weep for your sins. mocsasa Cf. sasa. moctoo to bend. sogondi moctoo, inflexible, moctuman Cf. tuman. mogbaal Cf. baal. mogbatic to pass. sogondi mogbatic, impassable. mogdao Cf. dao. moglaat Cf. laat. moglanglaang Cf. laang. moglingalinga Cf. lingalinga. mogmaomao Cf. maomao. mogobol Cf. gobol. mogolot diuata mogolot, good spirits whose home is in the sea, yet vengeful when neglected. mogonao (mo : gonao) cold. soc tondong gabo nog mogonao, per- taining to winter. V bognao, tognao, cold. mogulang Cf. gulang. molimbong Cf. limbong. molingin Cf. lingin. molio (mo : lie) crooked, curved. pes nog molio, a sickle. V balico, crooked, twisted. molipotot Cf. lipot. molo (muru) face, cheek. molobay indolent. gotao nog molobay, lazy, moloctin narrow. baling somala alandon jabas matas bo moloctin, a bandage. molomo Cf. lomo. moloon sogombaya nog moloon nog magleinlein a relative. moloto Cf. loto. momaron Cf. aron. momis Cf. mis. momoc to soften. momoc posol, id. V homoc, to soften, to mellow, to miti- gate. mondoc Cf. ondoc. moneec to go up. monepes Cf. nepes. mom spear. moni aron noc taliaman, a spear. men logos iniquitous. V mamomogos, id. monoog to descend. Cf. ponoog. monoog ya, come thou down. V naog, noog, manaug, to descend. moo to labor. moo mag baal, laborer. V moo, to toil for hire. mooay golang guisip ondaapa mooay, not liquidated. mopayat Cf. payat. mopia Cf. pia. mopong like, similar. dili mopong, unlike, dissimilar. V topong, equal, like. morala to destroy. Cf. corala. sogondi maimo nong morala, inde- structible. V oala, to destroy, to ruin. morein morein iposay, there, behold! moreipol thick. ponopoton nong moreipol, coarse cloth. songag damomog nogombagol bo morei- pol, thick lips. mori to come, to go. mori niya, come thou here. morito ya soc convento, go to the con- vent. moromos Cf. romos. moronaya Cf. maranaya. mosocog Cf. socog. mosom Cf. som. mota eye humor, lippitude. motaon (mota : on) blear-eyed. pocpongimotacan tearduct. V mota, lippitude; motaon, blear-eyed. motaas Cf. taas. motagam Cf. tagam. motahap Cf. taap. motalao Cf. talao. motaon Cf. mota. motaron Cf. taron. motas Cf. taas. motobang Cf. tobang. motondong Cf. tondong. motoo wise, understanding. mogdao motoo tugaling, a clever thief. motood (motuod) true. pacpangirongo nong motuod, to abjure. pocomotood (poco : motood) truth. pocponongguiling noc pomotangon nog megleenleen pocomotood, to identify. V matood, true. munlu gigantic evil spirits (manamat) of the forest. muru Cf. molo. musalabungkas a large neckerchief or shawl worn about the shoulders. musing dead coals. musop Cf. sop. mutuon Cf. toon. na he, she. V (Haraya) na, he. 202 THE SUBANU. naa (maa) yes, there, take it. naan di maliag song naan nong mogulang, my parents do not wish it. mi naan cana, hast thou dined? nada chastity. name our. V namo, id. nanaan unhappy. nandao Cf. ondao. nano when. nana ec pogulimo, when wilt thou go? nano a miremi, when earnest thou in? V (Hiligayna) cano, sano, id. napo arable soil. bonoa nog napo, field. lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondo- pondo, a plain. pacanapo tugaling, evenness, prairie. V napo, sandy soil, river flats. naquilit to imagine. sogmogunauna sognaquilit, imagina- tive. naquit Cf. goit. nati the young of animals. neen thy. song neen, to thee. negmegbata Cf. bata. nenau now. nenau gondao, to-day. nepes thin. monepes (mo : nepes) thinness. V nipis, manipis, pagcanipis, thin, niathou. (niya.) maya nia ce pagbasa, read thou quietly. mori niya, come thou here, nigasoy sognigasoy sonnem nogayac, lover. niguan bee. V ligoan, id. nila wax. nila bonua noc tiuan, beehive. pocongolan nog nila noc tioan, queen ceU. manunsuma dig nila, to eat beeswax. niug coconut fruit. tubig niugniiig, water of the coconut. niugao coconut grove. Bontoc Igorot: inyug, nlyog, coconut. niya Cf. nia. niyo you. song niyo, to you. sabot tamo uglonan niyo, answer all of you. no caliuanag no calingin, warped. buat socpog libonno gotao.luesveneTea,. noc bugayan gaco noc tubig, give me water. magbaal lamo noc sulal, did you work in the orchard? nocmacabingguil Cf. bingguil. nocolonan Cf. olonan. nocpigaguanta piran nocpigaguanta somala noctibaan, ignominy. nocpogbalidya Cf. balidya. nocpogboutolon Cf. boutolon. nocputuonan Cf. putuonan. noctapis Cf. tapis, noctibagol Cf. bagol. nog a particle. V nga, a particle which joins nouns and adjectives or the several parts of a sentence, and has the value of a rela- tive. nogale sogsomacay nogale togotan nocponoan, stowaway. nogayac Cf. ayac. noglana Cf. lana. nogmalat Cf. laat. nogmibatog Cf. batog. nogmigbaalCf. baal. nogmiglotao Cf. lotao. nogogolingon Cf. ogolingon. nogombagol Cf. bagol. nogomolang Cf. gulang. nogompia Cf. pia. nogondaay Cf. daay. nogondi Cf. di. nogonnos pocaolog nogonnos, flux, tide. noguintolo Cf. tolo. nolom nolom sog lopa, fur seal. nong a particle equivalent to^nog. nongmoromos Cf. romos. nongmotong somala alandon nongmotong, bristly. nongog gondeemaqui nongog, enchanted. nongong bonua nocpog balidyaan nongong ma- noc, cockpit. nongguiling Cf. guiling. nonguinca lucao nonguinca, a hole in a^wall. nooc down. monoog (mo : nooc) come'down. ponooc (po : nooc) go down. noquito pertaining to. noquito noc tiuan, pertaining to bees. numungini now, at this time. numunggitu now. V ngalan, a name. Bontoc Igorot: nga- dan, ngdtjan, id. ngisi a tooth. V ngipon, id. obos low. pagobos to fall. pahubus humility. paubus nog buot, discouragement. mingopos to decrease. V obos, to bow, to prostrate. ocdoc to pound, to bruise. pogocdoc pounding. V docdoc, to beat, to bray. ocom to judge. pogocom to judge. sogmogocom a judge. V hocom, judge, magistrate. SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY. 203 ocsop to drink. Cf. gacsop. sogmacaocsop imbiber. pocoocsop imbibition. V sopsop, to drink, to suck. octuban to complete, to finish. Cf. tobos. sogondaay atapusan pingoctoban, un- limited. ogasan gontbagol noc palongan noc pogogasan somala alandon, trough. ogboc to nail. V ogboc, to thrust into. ogolingon sopaghool nogogolingon, imperiously. oglod to hoard. ola pogola noc salapi, to waste, misspend. maliolaon dilapidator. olang to destro3^ micaolang nog abilingan nog micaolang, to facili- tate. socmicaolang obstructor. V olang, impediment; macaolang, in- convenient, hindrance. ologan laraban nga ologan somala alandon, emblem. olonan boniia noc olonan nocpoc tobora, a spring. olungoban burial cave. ombos later on. ondaapa Cf. daap. ondao day. soc mopayat soc sala ondao, ephemeral. nandao now, gondao sun, day, daytime. gondao noc pocponudya, day of judg- ment. cone no gondao, to-day. nenau gondao, to-day. ginenga minek gondao, afternoon. salan gondao, day after to-morrow. gektu gondao, noonday. sumibang gondao, sunrise. sindep gondao, sunset. V adiao, sun, day. Kolon: ayido, id. Tagalog: arau, id. BaHyon, Baju: lau, id. ondl Cf. di. ondoc fear. coendoc amazement. gondoc fear. sogondaay gondoc, intrepidity. mondoc fear. sogondi mondoc, fearless. maliondocon (mali ; ondoc : on) cow- ardly. ticas maliondocon, pickpocket. V hadloc, fear. one to crow. pogone to crow. manoc noc pogone, cackler. pogone nong mga manoc, to crow. onsa what, what thing. on tod to ascend. pogontod to climb. on to ran to complete, to finish, ooao pogooao to become rancid or oily. orol deglutition. osa (gusa) deer; a Chinese pottery jar, so called from its ornament. mananap maaron nog osa, gazelle. V osa, deer. Bontoc Igorot : ogsa, id. osisang vinegar, V cosisang, id. paa (pa) leg, bool noc paa nog baboy, slice of pork, puunpaa (puun : paa) leg above the knee, thigh. V paa, foot, leg, paw. Kolon: paa, thigh. paalongas Cf. longas. pacainog Cf. inog, pacamomis Cf. mis. pacanaoron Cf. aron. pacano (poccano) heathen. (Spanish pa- gano). pogdonot sogpoc toon ?wg balos soc pa- cano, heathen. pacapayat Cf. payat. pacasicol Cf. sicol. pacasococ Cf. sococ. paccalauat Cf. calauat. pacpalaga Cf. laga. pacpanilong Cf. panilong. pacpinit Cf. init. pacponoog Cf. noog. pacpoyo Cf. poyo. padang a tall grass of rapid growth. Cf. kogon. padangan (padang . an) a grass field, meadow. pagandam pagandain pamotangon, to supply. pagandam nog gaan, supplies. pagas quickly. pagbaga Cf. baga. pagbaloganan Cf. baloganan. pagbasa Cf. basa. pagbontol Cf. bontol. pagcorala Cf. corala. pagdatong Cf. datong. pagdipag Cf. dipag. pagdoro Cf. doro. paghat (pahat) ladder, steps. paglangay Cf. langay. paglogalin Cf. logalin. pagobos Cf. obos. pagonagona Cf. gonagona. pagoquion spiritless, dejected. pagsontoc Cf. sontoc. pagtingil Cf. tingil. paguisip Cf. guisip. pagusay Cf. gosay. pahat Cf. paghat. pahubus Cf. obos. pakanen stem, branch. Cf. panga. palad (palag) fortune, luck, happiness. malaat nog palag, misfortune. 204 THE SUBANU. palad (palag) palm of the hand. dibaban palad, back of the hand. Bontoc Igorot: tdlad, palm. palaksan a bowl. palalabian Cf. labian. palamanis index finger. Cf. manisan. palapa (pala : paa) sole of the foot. dibaban noc palapa, instep. palay unhusked rice. Bontoc Igorot: pdlay, id. paldon master. (Spanish padron.) pocsuquit noc paldon sogmigbuis, to enroll in a census. palina a fragrant resin burned as incense in religious ceremonies. palobaya (palo : baya) humbly. palon to extinguish. pocpalon, id. V palong, id. palongan trough. V palongan, id. palos skein, hank. V palos, id. pamotangon pagandani pamotangon, to supply. pamuku tax, tribute paid to chiefs. Cf. buis. gantang pamukuan, a basket measure of rice. pana the bow. Ijpu pana, arrow. V pana, arrow, to shoot an arrow. panas fever. panas minit, to be feverish. mipanas guien, he has fever. V hilanat, fever. panday carpenter. panday potao, blacksmith. panday negmegbata, midwife. V panday, to work at one's trade. pandayan (panday : an) ironworks, forge. pandiawal a bitter vine. panilong (ponilong) to admit to the house, to grant asylum. pacpanilong sog locao, to withdraw into barracks. V panilong, to admit to the house. panimolang depressed. pocpanimolang, to become low- spirited. panit skin (when on the animal) . Cf . ganit. bakes panit, a leather belt. pulo panit, a red or brown skin. pansal a wedge. panungo a chief superior to a timuai. panga a branch. Cf. pakanen. tongdug panga, a half-grown monkey. panganen (panga : nen) a branch. V sanga, id. Bontoc Igorot: panga, id. pangangdan the light. pangasi Cf. gasi. panggu turban, handkerchief, (pang-yu, Christie.) pangirongo pocpangirongo nong motuod, to abjure. panglamugan a dj-e. pares equal. (Spanish par.) sogondaay pares, unequal. pasagdan to abandon. V pasagad, id. pasawit a large fishnet. pasaylo pardon. Cf. poylo. sogondaay pocpasaylo, irremissibly. sogondi maimo noc pasaylon, unpar- donable. V pasaylo, to pardon. pasek a post. Cf. pasoc. pasobong false hair; hemp fiber or grass tied in a woman's hair for adornment. pasoc to nail. pasub the measure of a large jar of rice beer. pat (upat) four. patpulu forty. V opatjfour. Bontoc Igorot : ipdt.apat, id. patal gangay soc patal, to put balls on. patay (matay) to die. pocpatay to die. pocpatay bisan tonogbata nong mica, infanticide. pogpatayon (pog : patay : on) death. V patay, anything dead. Kolon: pahdte, to kill. Bima: hade, id. patik tattooing. Bontoc Igorot: fdtek, tattoo. patod brother. V patod, id. patubuun a domestic animal. paubos Cf. obos. payat to delay, late. mopayat late. pacapayat delay. socmopayat soc sola ondao, ephemeral. payung umbrella. Bontoc Igorot, Ilocano: payong, id. pedes sunshine. peed to slander. pocpeed slander, defamation. sogpopeed defamer, slanderer. peen pocpeen to alter. V baihon, physiognomy, appearance; to alter. pegotaran origin, beginning, germ, sprout, bud. (pe : gatad : an.) pegotaran somala alandon, initiative. pogbuta noc pegotaran noc stiquit, to enroll in a census. pegoyonan Cf. goyon. peinan to distinguish. socalpeinan distinguishable. penongonan penongonan sogogolingong nog buot, abnegation. penoto (penoti, penuti) knife, cutlass. penote nogombagol, machete. pogbonal noc penoto, cutlass stroke. pensa poquison soc pensa somala alandon, to store. perealon under, beneath. ponopotan sapis soc nga libon perealon sog duma noc tapis, petticoat. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 205 pes chopping knife, 14-inch blade, head round or square. pes nog molio, sickle. pet bitter. umpet bitter. gapetnen (ga : pet : nen) bitterness. pia good. gipianan (gi : pia : nan) benefit. gompia (gopia)(go : pia) good conduct. mapia (mopia) (ma : pia) good. song mopia pocongolan, habitable. nogompia well. suguiton nia nogompia soc sulat, write well thy page. sagompia noc macabingguil sagompia nog buot poctobe, detractor. sopogopia ignominiously. picnogan Cf. inog. picongolan Cf. ongolan. picpongonnan Cf. pongon. pictoonan Cf. toon, pigagabit Cf. gabit. pigbuatan Cf. buat. pigdaoan Cf. dao. pigonagona Cf. gonagona. pigondian Cf. di. pila ant. pilac to launch a ship. pilak a fighting companion, ordinary soldier. pilak silver money (Sulu). Bontoc Igorot: bilak, money. pilaten eyelid. pileka eyelash. pili to elect, to choose. V pili, to elect, to choose, to select. Bon- toc Igorot: piltek, maplli, id. pilong impeded, cripple. Cf. pitong. pimala buklug pimala, a festival for the young dead or those recently dead; for- merly men were sacrificed but now a cock sufiices. pimoctong Cf. tong. pimola borage, wild spinach, creeping vine. Cf. pomolanon. pimolaen a garden. pimonan goiao pimonan, merchant, factor. pinili (pinuli) good. poctalo nogompia pinili, fluent in speech. piniiian to abdicate; wicked people. socpinilian wicked. V piniiian, the wicked. pinit Cf. init. pinobalan a working knife used also in fighting. Cf. baal. pinongi pocgondi soc pinongi, denial. pinoquit socpinoquit leprous, pintas brave, fierce. pintasan ferocious. capintas (apintas) brave. pocgangay noc capintas abolo socog, to enervate, to debilitate. V pintas, id. pinugulan the wrist. pinuli (pinili) good. socpinuli, id. pinuti Cf. penoto. pinggan a plate for food. (? gaan.) pingoctoban Cf. octuban. pingondian Cf. di. pi ran shame. nog piran, ignominiously. piran nocpigaguanta somala noc tibaan, ignominy. pisala poglogotaoan pisala noc paroquia, pa- rishioner. pisaiigan pisaligan noc comerciante, factor, mer- chant. pitangan fish basket. pitong to cripple. Cf. pilong. pitu seven. pitupulu seventy. V pito, seven. Bontoc Igorot: pito, id. po hortatory prefi.K. V pa, prefixed to verbs gives them the signification to seek, to demand, to procure the action of the root. poalat Cf. laat. pobianan tugaya noc pobianan noc tubig, water conduit. poc- verb formative prefix. V pag, paga, id. pocabolo Cf. bole, pocagagom Cf. agom. pocagobal Cf. gobal. pocalocpog Cf. locpog. pocamatay Cf. matay. pocaoid Cf. acid, pocaolog pocaolog nogonnos, flux, tide. pocbalos Cf. balos. pocbasa Cf. basa. pocbiyan to pass. pocboclag Cf. boclag. pocbolong Cf. belong, pocboot Cf. boot, pocca formative prefix. V pagca-, prefix formative of abstract nouns, verbal nouns and infinitives passive. poccabolong Cf. cabolong. poccadiuata Cf. diuata. poccasala Cf. sala. pocdanlag Cf. danlag. pocdiuata Cf. diuata. pocdula Cf. dula. pocgangay Cf. gangay. pocgondaay Cf. daay. pocgondi Cf. di. pocguilas Cf. guilas. poclabon Cf. labon. poclagoy Cf. lagoy. poclibaliba Cf. libaliba. poclolan Cf. lolan. poclombo Cf. lombo. poclood Cf. lood. poclubung Cf. lobung. pocmilo Cf. mile. 206 THE SUBANU. poco formative prefix. V pagca, a particle wherewith are formed abstract nouns, verbal nouns and infinitives passive. pocobaga Cf. baga. pocodope Cf. dope. pocogodaay Cf. daay. pocogoit Cf. goit. pocogondaay Cf. daay. pocolabo Cf. labo. pocolaen Cf. laen. pocolog Cf. log. pocologya Cf. pocoloya. pocolomo Cf. lomo. pocoloon Cf. loon, pocoloya (pocologya) weak, infirm. V pagcaloya, id. pocomotood Cf. motood. pocondi Cf. di. pocongolan Cf. congol. pocoocsop Cf. ocsop. pocoromos Cf. romos. pocpalon Cf. palon. pocpanimolang Cf. panimolang. pocpangirongo Cf. pangirongo. pocpasaylo Cf. pasaylo. pocpatay Cf. patay. pocpeed Cf. peed. pocpeen Cf. peen. pocpoc a stroke with a cutlass, a slash. pocpoli Cf. poll. pocponicol Cf. ponicol. pocpono Cf. pono. pocponongguiling Cf. gulling. pocponudya Cf. ponudya. pocpongimotacan Cf. mota. pocpongompig Cf. pongompig. pocposinao Cf. posinao. pocposoon Cf. posoon. pocpoylo Cf. poylo. pocpuasa Cf. puasa. pocpuli Cf. puli. pocquilas Cf. guilas. pocquipos Cf. quipos. pocsaloy Cf. saloy. pocsambag Cf. sambag. pocsicay Cf. sicay. pocsindilsindil Cf. sindil. pocsobblag Cf. sobblag. pocsobo Cf. sobo. pocsocay Cf. sacay. pocsod foot. Cf. gocsud. pocsoganan Cf. sogao. pocsogo Cf. sogo. pocsolog Cf. solog. pocsopang Cf. sopang. pocsopoc Cf. sopoc. poctaab Cf. taab. poctago Cf. tago. poctalo Cf. talo. poctare Cf. tare. poctina Cf. tina. poctobang Cf. tobang. poctoboson Cf. tobos. poctolin Cf. tolin. poctolo Cf. tolo. poctoman Cf. tuman. poctontal Cf. tontal. poctontol Cf. tontol. poctontong Cf. tontong. poctuan Cf. tuan. poctuba Cf. tuba, poctubo Cf. tobo. pogambit Cf. ambit, pogangay Cf. angay. pogangol Cf. gangol. pogbaal Cf. baal. pogbaat Cf. baat. pogboclagon Cf. boclagon. pogbogay Cf. bogay. pogbollo Cf. bollo. pogbonal Cf. bonal. pogboot Cf. boot, pogbuta Cf. buta. pogdaig Cf. daig. pogdalomdom Cf. dalomdom. pogdao Cf. dao. pogdeec Cf. deec. pogdolan Cf. dolan. pogdonot Cf. donot. pogdope Cf. dope, poggare Cf. gare. poggatad Cf. gatad. poggolat Cf. golat. pogguison Cf. gulson. poglaat Cf. laat. poglibac Cf. libac. poglibot Cf. libot. poglines Cf. lines, poglioat Cf. lioat. pogliquimo to form, to shape. V paghimo, to form, to make, to fashion, poglogomutan Cf. gomot. poglogonas Cf. gonas. poglogotaoan Cf. gotao. poglomi Cf. lomi. pogocdoc Cf. ocdoc. pogocom Cf. ocom. pogogasan Cf. ogasan. pogogovitan Cf. govitan. pogola Cf. ola. pogonagona Cf. gonagona. pogone Cf. one. pogontod Cf. ontod. pogooao Cf. ooao. pogood Cf. good, pogoot Cf. goot. pogosig Cf. gosig. pogovitan Cf. govitan. pogpatayon Cf. pataj'. pogsocasoca Cf. soca. pogtolog Cf. tolog. pogugba to whitewash. Cf. gapog, lime. poguindog Cf. guindog. poguingcora Cf. guingcod. poguit Cf. goit. pogulatay Cf. ulatay. pogulimo Cf. ulimo. poinom Cf. inom. poli to revoke. pocogondaay pocpoli, irrevocabilitj'. poligo Cf. ligo. poloaponopoton clothing. Cf. ponopo- ton. pagbontol soc poloaponopoton, to beat clothes. SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY. 207 polog Cf. log. polomongwit fisherman. Cf. managat. poloponan libon HOC poloponan, pregnant. polos gain, profit. capolosan (ca : polos : an) gain. V polos, id. polupungobii evening. Cf. gobii. pomagon flexible. sogondi 7naimo pomagon, inflexible. pombaal Cf. bal. pomoctong Cf. tong. pomolanon a plant. Cf. pimolaen. pomolanon pia nog bolong, galium. pomolanon doon gahon soc poctibooc no gotas, galium. lopa mogondaapa balay pomolonan, uncultivated. pomotangon the same. maaron nog leen noc pomotangon, identical. pocponongguiling noc pomotangon nog megleenleen pocomotood, to identify. ponbaal Cf. bal. (pondopondo) magpondopondo. lopa 7iong napo nogondaay magpondo- pondo, a plain. ponicol Cf. sicol. pocponicol to set the feet firmly for an effort. V panicad, id. ponilong Cf. panilong. ponno to complete, to finish. Cf. pono. V pono, to fill, to augment, to complete. pono (punu) to fill. mipono mipono noc sayop, evil doer. socpocoloon mipono, filler. songmipono full. pocpono noc tiibig somala alandon, to fill with water. V pond, to fni, to be full of, to be skilled in. 'B'lma.: kamponu, to fiW. Bon- toc Igorot: piinek, id. pono close, solid, massive. ponoan (ponuan) governor. Cf. poon. sogsomacay nogale togotan noc ponoan, stowaway. lompoc nga gotao nog minalsa guilan somocol noc ponuan, faction. V ponoan, governor, lord. ponolud the farewell or final ceremony of a buklug. ponongangan father-in-law, mother-in-law. ponongguian model. V panigingnan, model, type, sample; ingon, like. ponooc (ponoog) to go down, to come down. Cf. monoog. pacponoog sog laga, to cheapen. V naog, id. ponopoton clothing. ponopoton nog daan, old and ragged clothes. ponopoton nong moreipol, coarse cloth. poloaponopoton (poloa : ponopoton) clothing. V panSpton, clothes. ponuan Cf. ponoan. ponudya to judge. gondao noc pocpomidya, judgment day. pongol to mutilate. socpongol so gomoc, leprous. V pongol, to mutilate. pongompig Cf. gompulo. pocpongompig, to dye red. pongon to unite, to gather, to accumulate. picpongonnan no nga gotao, a crowd. socmicpongon noc cabilinan nogondi socalpocboclagon, patrimony. V ipon, to join, to unite, to dwell. pongong to hold. pocpongong to attach, to seize. pocpongong somala alandon guinago bo songa gotao aron huopongon, to form, to draw up troops. macapongong obstructor. V pogong, to hold, to catch, to seize. poon leader. Cf. ponoan. poon sog mololison, leader of rebels. poon sog lunsud, chief. popia cap, hat. poporenion poporenion mo sog asa-real, tell him to come to the palace. V paanhion, to bid come here. poquicot to chain. V hocot, to make a net. poquison poquison soc pensa somala alandon, to store. poquit detractor. pora hunger. poraigon (poraygon) flattering. bata noc poraigon gopia, spoiled child. V padayigon, a vain and presumptuous person. porang to cure meat with salt and smoke. V bolad, to dry in the sun. porongporong a crown. V podong, a garland, crown, turban. porot old and ragged clothes. posinao varnish. pocposinao varnishing. V pasinao, id. posobaton Cf. sabot, posocliyan to change. sogondi maimo posocliyan, immutable. posol momoc posol, to soften. posoloron Cf. solot. posong heart. guinonosola soc posong, repent with all your heart. cabolo so posong, courage. V tagiposoon, heart. V tagiposoon, heart. Bontoc Igorot: poso, id. posongu a religious ceremony at the end of the year and the beginning of the new year. In these ceremonies good luck and success are deter- mined by the phases of the moon, the grouping of the stars, the throw- ing of a rope and its resultant con- tour when it lies upon the ground. 208 THE SUBANU. posongu — continued. the twirling of a rattan and the position at which it comes to rest. (posoon) pocposoon to ascertain. posui chick. potao iron. Cf. cutao, tonaoan. panday potno, blacksmith. pagbaga noc potao, to weld iron. sapauan ec potao somala alandon, to garnish with iron points. V pothao, iron. poti (pote, puti) white. poti dalag, the dawn. gompote (go[m] : poti) white. pocpoti (poc : poti) to whiten, to bleach. V poti, white. potocon gaan noc potocon, cakes. potol to cut, to divide. V potol, id. poylo Cf. pasaylo. pocpoylo to pardon. V saylo, id. poyo from side to side. pacpoyo to swing, to move from side to side. poyoan (puyuwan) a small bed. puasa to fast. pocpuasa fasting. V poasa, fast. pugan a tree with a large banana-like leaf. pulas fire-making by friction of wood. puli puli musop, again. pocpuli to repay. V balos, again. pulo red. pulo panit, red or brown skin. gompulo (go[m] : pulo) red. gopulonen (go : pulo : nen) redness of the sky. V pola, red. puluntu ceremony of raising the souls of the dead. puluntu nog malimatay, the ceremony of causing the souls of the dead to ascend into the sky. buklug puluntu, a funeral ceremony for the aged dead or for those long dead. pulut boiled rice offered on the altars of the gods. pumutul lemon. punanen alaik punanen, why, the reason. puntian Cf. tian. puonan socpuonan to waste, to misspend. V pohonan, business capital, interest. pusilau rain, a light shower. pusu navel. pusu dagat, the navel or center of the sea. tian noc pusu, calf of pusu we find an In this use of tian noc the leg. interesting, yet not exactly elucidatory, pusu — continued. parallel in Efate, where the calf of the leg is dominated as here by terms proper to the abdomen. In his work Oceanic La-n guages, Dr. Macdonald (s.v. ate) points out that uateau natore, literally kidneys of the shin, designates the calf, and that the same use is extended to atevae in Samoan, the liver of the leg or calf, and to aterima in Tahiti, the liver of the arm or thick part of the arm. Upon this matter I have made such note as the data suggested ( The Polynesian Wanderings, page 321). It is proper to mention that the arrival of this new material maj^ open the subject for further discussion; certainly this instance of the description of leg anatomy in ab- dominal terms is very interesting. We should observe that in tian noc pusu both nouns pertain to the belly ; there is nothing to suggest the leg, as is the case in Efate, Samoa, and Tahiti. Bontoc Igorot: baosig, navel. puti Cf. poti. putok grain. putuonan Cf. toon. mutuon na noc puluouan, did you study the lesson? puunpaa the leg above the knee, the thigh. Cf. paa. puyuwan (poyoan) cradle, hammock. quak (guak) the crow. (Visayan, awak; Magindano, kuak; Sulu, ivak; Taga- log, wak; Malay, gagak; Yakan, uwak.) quilas (guilas) to share. pocquilas to impart. quina- formative prefix. V quina- a composition member of pre- terit verbs. quinaan (g[qu] : in : aan) food. poglines sog quinaan, digestion. quinaanglan (quina : ang[o]l : an) to need, to lack. V quinahanglan, id.; hangol, poor, needy. quipos to pack. pocquipos to barrel, to store. pocquipos somala alandon sog loqua noc caban, to pack into a trunk. V hipos, to hoard, to store up. romos wet. moromos (mo : romos) wet. lupa nong moromos, a marsh. pocoromos (poco : romos) moisture. rongog (ronug, dongog) to hear. pogangay nog rongog, defamation, slander. sa an article. V sa, nominative article with proper nouns. sa one. V osS, id. Bontoc Igorot: isa, id. SUBANU-EJNGLISH VOCABUI^ARY. 209 saa a sprout, shoot. songoc saa mintobo noc salalis, a bunch of flowers or fruit on a single stalk. V saha, shoot, sprout. saac to ask, to question, to inquire. V socna, to inquire, to ask. saayan Cf. sacay. sabab because, reason, cause. (Arabic.) alaik sabab, why, the reason. sabao juice. pocoloon noc sabao, succulence, juici- ness. sogdoon cisabaon, juicy. sabay to dance. V sabay, id. sabilino onion. sabot (sabut, sobot) to understand, to comprehend, to agree. gangay noc sabot, to accede, to agree. sabot tamo iiglonan niyo, answer all of j^ou. saboton gondaay saboton, idiocy. gotao nogondaay saboton, idiot. posobaton mo guilan, make them answer. V sabot, to understand, to comprehend, to agree. sac Cf. see, sog, sag. sacay (socay) boat, ship, vessel. pocsacay embarking, shipping. pocosacay id. saayan vessel, boat. somacay (s : om : acay) sog somacay nogale togotan noc ponoan, stowaway. V sacay, boat, ship, to embark, to sail. sacguionaona Cf. gonagona. sacog parishioner. V sacop, id. sag Cf. sac, see, sog. pacpanilong sag locao, to withdraw into barracks. sagatad impostor. sagompia Cf. pia. saguing banana. gasa saguing, a cigarette wrapped in banana leaf. V saguing, id. Bontoc Igorot : saking, id. saguit (suguit) to write. suguiton nia nogompia soc siilat, write well thy page. sala sin, evil doer. songuca noc sala, thy sins. pocondi maimo soc sala, impeccability. sogondi maimo noc sala, impeccable. maasasala sinner. poccasala to sin. V sala, sin, fault, error. sala (sa, isa) one. socmopayat soc sala ondao, ephemeral. salabuk one. salabuk tondo, first finger. salag (salang) a ne.st. salag great. masalag (ma : salag) large. tubig masalag, a river. salag — continued. gasalagnen (ga : salag : nen) great- ness, magnitude, a person great in mind or power. salalis songoc saa mintobo noc salalis, a bunch of flowers or fruit on a single stalk. salamin looking-glass. Bontoc Igorot: sdlming, id. salan salan gondao, day after to-morrow. salapang fish spear (Sulu). salapi money, coin, silver. timod noc salapi, to hoard. pogola noc salapi, to waste, to mis- spend, to .squander. salapian (salapi : an) rich, renowned. lee nog salapian, wealthy man. V salapi, money. Bontoc Igorot: silapi, half peso. salau earth, ground. saleg floor. salidingan bunches of long strips of anahau leaves carried when dancing around the altar. saliling a deputy chief. salomaya a tree under whose shade spirits rest and sleep when they come to earth. saloy to buy. pocsaloy merchant, factor, to sell. somaloy (sumalui) (s : om : aloy) to buy. salumnenka to rob, to steal. salwal trousers (Sulu). sama similar, like, equal. sama gotao, fellow creature. sopocsama identical. pocsama identity. somogsama to equalize. somama (s : om : ama) similar. di somama, dissimilar. V sama, equal, like, similar. Kolon: sama, with. Bima: sama, id. sambag to exhort. pocsambag to instruct. senombagan (s : en : ombag : an) to instruct. V sambag, to counsel, to exhort, to in- struct. samoc to weary, to vex, to molest. casamoc to embarrass. sogmocsamoc sa manon no gotao, mo- lester. V samoc, to discommode, to distress, to vex, to molest. sanduk wooden spoon. sansang blunt, dull. V sangsang, id. sangay to adorn, to embellish. sangol tundong sa cabayo nga sangol sog baba, bit. sangyawa breeches reaching to the knee. saoan perhaps. sapasapa brook, rivulet. Cf. suba. 210 THE SUBANU. sapauan to garnish. sapauan ec potao somala alandon, to garnish with iron points. V sapao, to put one thing upon another. sapi a cow. sapiai a mat of split bamboo. sapingi Cf. sopingi. sapis ponopoton sapis soc nga libon perealon sog dtima noc tapis, petticoat. sapulu ten. sapulu ho sala, eleven. magatus bo sapulu, no. V napdio, ten. Bontoc Igorot : polo, po'o, sinpo'o, id. sarol a hoe. (Spanish azada.) sarut pygmy evil spirits (manamat) of the forest. sasa malali yamo mocsasa, be you quiet. sasac suffocating heat. sawa wife. Cf. soay. Kayan, hawa, id. Cf. The Polynesian Wanderings, page 306. sawan cup. sayop evil, deceit. mipono noc sayop, evil doer. soc sayop, uncertainty, mistake. V sayop, lies, deceit. sayoran to define, to explain. casayoran (ca : say or ran). casayoran nog daan, itinerary. V sayod, to explain, to define. sebat hunting spear with detachable head. seda fish. Cf. sora. inangkag seda, dried fish. seel heel. seilad sickle. selang (solang) chin. selem Cf. diselum, siselem, suansolom. sell pepper plant and fruit. semicoat soc lupa noctibogol guinale bo semicoat nog daro, glebe. senombagan Cf. sambag. sengguil senor. siam nine. siampulu ninety. V siam, nine. Bontoc Igorot: slam, id. sibulan a jar. sibulansibulan a small jar. sicay to sprinkle. pocsicay noc tuhig, to sprinkle water. siclat storeroom. V siclit, to store things in a secret place. sicol, pacasicol to set the feet firm for an effort. Cf. ponicol. V sicad, id. sigeban (siguban) water jar, bamboo water tube. sigitan a bamboo musical instrument re- sembling a guitar with strings of split bamboo raised over bamboo bridges. siguban Cf. sigeban. sigupan pipe, cigarette. Bontoc Igorot: songyopan, pipe stem. silong underneath. socsilong below, to go down. V silong, under, below. silup pipestem. sinam gagun sinam beltlu, sounds of a gong which summon a midwife. sinantan a jar valued at one and one-half piculs of rice or three fathoms of cloth. sinapang gun, musket (Sulu). sinasaka bukid na sinasaka, land under culti- vation. sinbaan (simbaan) church. di a moglingalinga soc sinbaan, be not disorderly in church. V singba, to perform an act of worship; singbahan, church. Bontoc Igo- rot: simfdn, church (loan word). sindep sindep gondao, sunset. sindepan the west. sindil to argue. pocsindilsindil dissertation. V indig, to argue, to dispute. sindupan a good spirit of the sea, but venge- ful if neglected. sinipit socsinipit socnaquit, carried in the arms. sinonan Cf. sonan. sipa a baU. sipoon a cold. V sipon, to have a cold. siselem morning after sunrise. Cf. dise- lum. sising finger ring. lintisan sising, a ring for the leg below the knee. Bontoc IgoroV. slngsing, id. (loan word), sitguag to disseminate. siyu (siu) elbow. Bontoc Igorot : siko, id. siyuan shuttle. so an article. Cf. sa. soay wife. Cf. sawa. pocboclag so gotao nga soay, to divorce. V asaoa, wife. Bontoc Igorot: asawa {ay lalaki, ay /c/ayi). husband, wife. sobblag yellow. pocsobblag to become yellow. sobo (subo) to boil. pocsobo ebullition. socmocsubo boiling. V sobo, to extinguish fire with water. soboton Cf. sabot. soc preposition. soca Cf. sogao. socal (socsocal) prefix indicating the possi- bility of the action of the stem. socalan socalan igbutasan, to abolish. socalpoglogomutan Cf. gomot. socaltogot Cf. togot. socay Cf. sacay. socmectuman Cf. tuman. SUBANU-ENGUSH VOCABULARY. 211 socmicaolang Cf. olang. socmitondong Cf. tondong. socmocsubo Cf. sobo. socmoggosig Cf. gosig. socmopayat Cf. payat. socnaquit Cf. goit. sococ Cf. sogao. socog strong, strength. gondaay socog, feeble. pocgangay noc capintas aholo socog, to enervate, debilitate. gotao noc socogan gopia, a person of great strength. mosocog a tall robust person. V cosog, strength. socorolaag illuminative. socpogbaal Cf. baal. socpogboloy Cf. boloy. socpongol Cf. pongol. socpuonan Cf. puonan. socsilong Cf. silong. socsinipit Cf. sinipit. socsocalbaalan Cf. baal. socsocalbalon Cf. balon. socsocalbugay Cf. bugay. socsocalpononggulingan, Cf. gulingan. socsomagang Cf. somagang. socsomocol Cf. somocol. socsool Cf. sool. soctinalicala Cf. tinalicala. soctolipaon Cf. tolipaon. soctontol Cf. tontol. sog a preposition. Cf. soc. soganagana by and by. soganan Cf. sogao. sogantol sogantol nog basa, irreverent. sogao (sugooa) wailing at funerals. sognwloino moc sogao, weeper. tiwc sugooa tundong songuca noc sola, weep for your sins. pocsogao to shed tears. pocsogao pogsocasoca, crying, weeping. pocasogao act of weeping. sogmocsogao nong naqnit, weepers. malisogon weeper. socsocalpocsoganon lamentable, pacasococ act of weeping. sogbobaan Cf. bobaan. sogboid Cf. boid. sogboot Cf. boot, sogdogo Cf. dogo. sogdoon Cf. doon. sogduma Cf. doma. soggo to hiccup. V sodoc, id. sogicabang Cf. icagabang. sogindagosay Cf. gosay. soglinunbogan Cf. linunbogan. sogmacaocsop Cf. ocsop. sogmaglaat Cf. laat. sogmebagolan Cf. bagol. sogmecpeinog Cf. inog. sogmegatad Cf. gatad. sogmetondong Cf. tondong. sogmicaMmbong Cf. limbong. sogmigagoyan Cf. gagoy. sogmigbaal Cf. baal. sogmigbono Cf. bono, sogmigbuis Cf. buis. sogmimando Cf. mando. sogmitoiac Cf. toiac. sogmocsamoc Cf. samoc. sogmocsogo Cf. sogo. sogmogangay Cf. an gay. sogmogbolobod Cf. bolobod. sogmogboot Cf. boot, sogmogdadao Cf dao. sogmogdoro Cf. doro. sogmoglioat Cf. lioat. sogmogocom Cf. ocom. sogmogoit Cf. goit. sogmogombal Cf. gobal. sogmogota sogmogota nog gapoy, vomiting fire. sogmogsosulat Cf. sulat. sogmogtabo Cf. tabo. sogmogunaguna Cf. gonagona. sogmololison Cf. mololison. sogmonongguiling Cf. gulling, sogmoquit Cf. goit. sognaquilit Cf. naquiiit. sognigasoy Cf. nigasoy. sogo (sugo) to order, to define, a command- ment. pocsogo to command. sogmocsogo commander. V sogo, to command, to order, to define. sogod cargo, lading. dacsoc soc sogod, to stow cargo. V sooc, id. sogodaay Cf. daay. sogogolingong penongonan sogogolingon nog buot, abnegation. sogombaya Cf. baya. sogonda Cf. da. sogondaay Cf. daay. sogondi Cf. di. sogpacailig Cf. ilig. sogpacalaat Cf. laat. sogpaon a slap. V sagpa, id. sogpiglologosan Cf. lologosogan. sogpopeed Cf. peed, sogsocaibalon Cf. balon. sogsocalgunagunaon Cf. gonagona. sogtinangonan Cf. tinangonan. soguset Cf. guset. solang Cf. selang. solo Cf. sulu. solog to pack. pocsolog to pack into a trunk. V solod, to enter, to go into. solom Cf. diselum, siselem, suansolom. solot to enter. posoloron mo guien, bid him come in. V solod, to enter. som sour. mosom (mo : som) sour, gosomnen (go : som : nen) anything sour. somacay Cf. sacay. 212 THE SUBANU. somagan a weapon. bosi doon ec somagan, a spear. somagang to block, to obstruct. socsomagang obstructor. somala adverbial modifier. Cf. alandon. somama Cf. sama. sombag to answer. V tobag, id. Bontoc Igorot : sumfad, the answer. somocol factious. socsomocol so nga gosod, dissenter. V socol, to dispute, to argue. somoctoloan somocloloan noc subanon, peasant. somoglopong Cf. lopong. somogot boclag ondi somogot, defection. somolondon seldom. somoon skilful. sogondi somoon, unskilled. sompoyan to complete, to finish. V sompay, id. sonan to know. pocogondaay sonan, ignorance. sinonan (s : in : onan) sogondaay sinonan, unskilfully. sondalo soldier. (Spanish soldado.) sog sondalo moggondaay abayo, infan- try. sonnem sognigasoy sonnem nogayac lover. sonsol to burn. sontoc to strike, to slash. pagsontoc stroke of a cutlass. V sontoc, to stab, to lance. song a particle. song neen, to thee. song niyo, to you. son gag songag domomog nogombagol, thick lips. songibu thousand. songuca thy. sool down. socsool fallen. V sahol, to cheapen. soong nose. batang soong, bridge of the nose. imud soong, septum of the nose. gegbad soong, interior of the nose. soong point of the knife. soot dance. sop dosop also. piili niusop, again. sopagboot Cf. boot, sopang fat, fleshy. pocsopang to grow plump. V sopang, fat. sopingi (sapingi) the cheek. V aping, id. Bontoc Igorot : Iping, cheek near the temples. sopla remedy. sogondaay sopla, irremediably. V sompa, to give medicine, to take pre- cautions. sopoc anger. pocsopoc to fly into a rage, sopoceglopong Cf. lopong. sopoconongguiling Cf. guiling. sopocsama Cf. sama. sopogloguinaoa Cf. guinaoa. sopogopia Cf. pia. soquit soquit nong milugbas, a hole bored from side to side. sora (sura) fish. poctuba soc sora, to poison fish. V isda, fish. sosombagay quantity given and received. soyon soyon noc sulut binutong, emblem. suansolom in the morning. suayon sogondi maimo guilason suayon, in- divisible. suba river. Cf. sapasapa. pagdipag sac suba so guset, to cross rivers on floats. V soba, river, to go by stream. subanon somoctoloan noc stibanon, peasant. subo Cf. sobo. subungan knife haft. sucle to barter. sugo Cf. sogo. sugooa Cf. sogao. suguiton Cf. saguit. sulal orchard. magbaal lama noc sidal, did you work in the orchard? sulat (sulut) to write. suguiton nia nogompia soc sulat, write well thy page. soyon noc sulut binutong, emblem. sogmogsosulat writer, clerk. V solat, to write. Bontoc Igorot, Ilocano: sulddak, id. sulidat spoon of wood or metal. suling bamboo flute. sulu (solo) light, sunrise, torch. V solo, a torch. Bontoc Igorot: silhi, id. sulut Cf. sulat. sumalui Cf. saloy, somaloy. sumibang sumibang gondao, sunrise. sumuda to eat. siimuda na gumanoc, to eat the egg. Sunday a bamboo comb. Sunday gaan, a fork. supla to blunt, to dull. supoc to tire oneself. suquit pocsuquit noc paldon sogmigbuis, to enroll in a census. pogbula noc pegotaran noc suquit, cen- sus. sura Cf. sora. suuk (suk) jacket, shirt. I taab rising tide. poctaab id. I V taob, id. SUBANU - ENGL ISH VOCABULARY. 213 taap to suspect. di motahap, intrepid. V tdhap, to suspect. taas up. ditaas up, over. matas tall. motaas gayo nong motaas, any large timber. gotao nong motaas, a tall robust person. motaas gopia, tall, elevated. gotao nong motaas nog booc, hairy. V taas, up, above. taassondao midday, noon. taba to be fat. tabal sermon. tabian talker. V tabi, to speak much. tabing the hip. tabo to revolve. sogmogtabo revolving. taboc to consent. tacho stewpan. (Spanish tacho.) tadjau a jar valued at 5 piculs of rice. tagam habit, custom; to accustom. mitagam (metagam, motagam) ha- bitually. sogondaay mitagam, unskilled. nog metagam nog poglaat, mischiev- ousness. tagana to elect. V tagana, id. tagek juice. taginop a dream. tago to store. poctago, id. V tago, to guard, to store, to hide. taktuai the knee. Cf. leletek. talabi a drum used in religious ceremonies. talam a brass serving platter. (Malay.) talao fear. atalao timid, coward. sogondaay atalao, intrepidity. matalao (motalao) cowardly. ondi matalao, intrepid. V talao, fear. talawan spear. tali a rope. tali noguintolo, 3-stranded esparto rope. taliaman a weapon. moni aron noc taliaman, a weapon. talinga theear; handles of a jar or jug. luang talinga, the hole in the ear. V dalonggan, the ear. talip the bladder. talloma Cf. taliaman. bosi maaron noc talloma, javelin. talo language. poctalo to speak. talon wild. baboy talon, wild boar. taluk purple. gataluknen (ga : taluk : nen) a large mass of purple. talun betel box. tama where. tama sogmogsostdat, where is the clerk ? tambugu button. Cf. tumbaga. tambun stack of straw. (Malay.) tamiang a spirit bird which determines the best site for a house. taming a round shield. tamisac mud. Cf. basacan. V pisac, id. tamo sabot tamo uglonan niyo, answer all of you. tampalasan naughty. V tampalasan, to be a rogue, immoral. tampoling to buffet, to slap. V tarn paling, to slap with the back of the hand. tanud thread. tao Cf. cutao, potao, tonaoan. tao Cf. gotao, golitao. V taoo, person. Bontoc Igorot : takao, id. taod to respect. V tahod, to honor. tapi altar. tapis skirt. tapis empetek, a short skirt, kilt. moglong tapis, apron worn by women. V tapis, an outer garment of women. tapolan lazy, idler, vagabond. lee nog tapolan, rogue, swindler. V tapolan, id. tapus to end. atapusan (a : tapus : an) end. sogondaay atapusan, unlimited. atapusan sog benoiran, hilltop. V tapes, to finish, to conclude; catapo- san, end. tare poctare to put balls on. taron good, right. motaron (mo : taron) just, lawful. songondi motaron, unlawful. V tadong, good, right, just. taron I do not know. tatung tin. tauac to call, to summon. tauago mo guien, call thou him. V taoag, to call. tay who. lay minalung, who has come in? tee needle. tee excrement of a child. V tai, excrement in general, particularly human. Bontoc Igorot: tde, id. teguib chisel. Vtigib, id. telinting backbone. telipusud brother. teneb wild honey. tenite to salt and smoke meat. tenga half. tenggab bamboo flute (longer than suling). tian (tiyan, puntian) belly. macabagol noc tian, pot belly. tian noc pjisu, calf of the leg. V tian, belly. Kolon: tiya, id. Visayan: tian, belly. Magindano, Ilocano, Tagalog, Sanguir, Ahtiago: tian, id. Pampangas: atian, id. Wayapo: lihen, id. Morella: tiaka, id. Ba- 214 THE SUBANU. tian — continued. tumerah: tiava, id. Wahai: tiare, id. Caimarian: liamo, id. Lariko, Awaiya: tia, id. Menado: tijan, id. Wayapo: (then, id. Saparua: ieho, id. Marina, Nggao, New Georgia, Treasury Island: tia, id. Maori, Tahiti, Marquesas, Mangareva: tia, id. tibaan piran nocpigaguanta somala noc ti- baan, ignominy. tiboa stomach. tibogok a bird in which the female spirit dipuksaya sometimes materializes. tibooc wholly, entirely. V tibooc, id. ticas to defraud. ticas maliondocon , pickpocket. V ticas, to rob meanly. tigom to gather, to accumulate. V tigom, id. tigomoamo flattering. tigul a cigarette wrapped in nipa leaf. timata bilking timala, a festival for the infant dead or those recently dead. timba good, well. timod to unite. timod noc salapi, to hoard. V tigom, to unite. timondoan Cf. tondo. timpa betel box. timpas wry-mouthed. timuai a chief. tina to dye. poctina noc bolao, to dye red. V tina, to dye. tinabagen a grooved spear head. tinaguilo stepchild. tinalagan a heavy short spear with short blade. tinalicala (t : in : alicala). soctinalicala to chain. V talicala, a chain. tinangonan sogtinangonan noc sa lam in guinolnl antocos, spectacles. tinayan a bridge. tinee intestines, bowel. tinhug (tiungo) nape, back of the neck. tinina to weave. tiningog Cf. tingog. tinongol Cf. tingol. tinugsog a young pig just weaned. tingala to marvel. poctingala to astonish. V tingala, id. tingil to bear. pagtingil to carry. tingilan spinning wheel. Cf. tingol. tingog talk. tiningog id. V tingog, voice, to talk, to salute, to bray. tingol to spin. sogmogtingol spinner. bonua noc poctingolan, spinning room. tingol — continued tinongol (tin : on : gol). coloonan somala alandon noc tinongol, spun fiber. tioan (tiuan) a bee. nila bonua noc tiuan, beehive. tiuan nog lee, drone. noquito noc tiuan, pertaining to bees. pocongolan nog nila noc tioan, queen cell. V potiocan, bee. tiroo unhappy. titai a bridge. tiuan Cf. tioan. tiungo Cf. tinhug. tiyan Cf. tian. toay glaucous. tobang fresh. motobang unsalted. V tabang, unsalted, insipid. tobang to look. Cf. gatbang. poctobang to face. V atobang, to become visible, to look at. tobe Cf. tabian. nocfnacabinggtiil sa gonipia nog buot poctobe, detractor. V tabi, to speak much, loquacious. tobig Cf. tubjg. tobo (tubo) to sprout. catubo (ca : tobo) Ufe. poctobo germination. poctobo soc gonu soc mga lee, to have a beard just showing. poctubo sag bombol nog manocmanoc, to get feathers. mintobo songoc saa mintobo noc salalis, a bunch of flowers on one stalk. tominobo to germinate. Visayan, Matu: tuhu, to grow. Kayan: lubo. id. Is/lalay: lunibuh, id. Mala- gasy: tomboh, id. Samoan-.tupu, id. tobod a .spring. tondofig noc tobod, spring, fountain. bonua nocolonan nocpoc tobora, spring. V tobod, to spring from, to gush. tobon libong bo bacalan noc tobon nog dina- mog bata, a barren female. toboro Cf. tobod. tobos (tubus) complete, perfect, to finish. Cf. tapus. poctobosan achievable. V tapos, to complete. toclop to nail. tocsocan a case for buttons and thread. V tohogan, id. togaling Cf. tugaling. togaya Cf. tugaya. togot to permit. socaltogot susceptible of exemption, togotan sogsomacay nogale togotan noc ponoan, stowaway. V togot, to grant permission. togubung rat. SUBANU-ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 215 toiac leaning. sogmitoiac inclination to one side. tolin gain. poctolin to acquire. poggatad poctolin nog bangot, to get a beard. tolipaon soctolipaon meaon, dwarfish. tolisan rascal. tolisan tugaling, rogue. V tampalasan, rogue, rascal. tolo three. tali noguintolo, 3-stranded rope. tolopulu thirty. V tolo, three. Bontoc Igorot: tolo, id. tolo (tolu) to drop, to drip. poctolo nongogatop, to rain. V tolo, a drop of any hquid. tolod to impel, to push. V tolod, id. Bontoc Igorot: itolUdko, id. tolog sleep. pogtolog to go to sleep. V tolog, id. tolong to burn. torn dark. mitom black. biag nog mitom, a black slave. getomnen (ge : torn : nen) blackness of night. Vitom, maitom, black. torn a why? toma a logmo song neen, why blamest thou him? toman Cf. tuman. tomanan to improve. tominobo Cf. tobo. tonaoan (t : on : ao : an) balay noc poctonaoan noc potao, iron- works. V tonao, to smelt metals. tondo to educate. timondoan (t : im : ondo : an) dis- ciple. V todio, to instruct, to teach. tondo finger. salabuk tondo, first finger. datu tondo, second finger. bobonayan noc tondo, space between the knuckles. bogotondo knuckle. V todlo, torlo, finger, toe. tondong (tundong) to pertain. tondong noc tubig, pertaining to a river. tondong noc tobod, a spring, fountain. tondong song ang manoc, gallinaceous. soctondong gabo nog mogonao, wintry. soctondong nog dalan, itinerary. mitondong (metondong) mitondong no gotao, human. mitondong nog bata, childish, juvenile. socmitondong nog diuata, idolatrous. sogmetondong sogmogdadao, thievish. gaom noc motondong so gonauna, science of ideas. V tongod, to pertain. tonob gaan noc potocon boogon noc tonob so- mala alandon nong mobogbog, cakes. tonogbata Cf. bata. pocpatay bisan tonogbata nong mica, infanticide. tontal to marry. poctontal marriage. tontol conversation tontol noc pigonaona moc nga gotao, fable. tontoltontol balos nog mibatog sag Ion- sod, rumor, gossip. poctontol to converse. soctontol detractor. tontong to burn. poctontong id. tong why? long na malipay, why are ye merry? tong harm. pimoctong to molest. pomoctong hostile. tongalang basket. lulu tongalang, a large basket for crop storage. Bontoc Igorot: dlang, granary. tongdong to face. tongdug tongdug panga, a half-grown monkey. tongos to wrap up. tonggab to drink. V tongab, id. too to believe. V too, id. toon (tuun) year, time, a two-crop season, crop and harvest. toon no pogdope, rainy, showery. Bontoc Igorot: taaowin, year. toon to teach. mutuon na noc putuonan, did you study the lesson? pictoonan (pic : toon : an) disciple. guiscuelaan noc poctoonan, school. V toon, to teach. toos signal. topoc to unite. torong just. catorongan (ca : torong : an) justice. bal nogondi socal so catorongan, in- justice. V tadong, catadongan, justice. tuan master, sir. poctuan noc tubig, spring. tuba a shrub. poctuba soc sora, to poison fish. V toba, a shrub whose fruit is used to poison fish. tubig (tobig) water. pocpunu noc tubig, to fill with water. soc tobig, rising tide. tugaya noc pobianan noc tubig, water conduit. tondong noc tubig, pertaining to a river. poctuan noc tubig, a spring. poglines somala alandon sog tubig, to dissolve. pocsicay noc tubig, J.o sprinkle water. 216 THE SUBANU. tubig — continued. baa noc tubig, overflow of rivers. luhig nog dupe, rainwater. miglanao ic tubig, lake. poctubig to fill with water. bonoa noc tubigan, puddle. V tobig, water in general. tubo Cf. tobo. tubus Cf. tobos. tugaling (togaling) very, a sign of the su- perlative. malat tugaling, evil doer. maligos ba tugaling, is he worse. nialagos tugaling, he is worse. bolo tugaling, ferocity. tolisan tugaling, rogue. pocabolo tugaling, inhumanly. sogpacalaat tugaling, iniquitously. pacanapo tugaling, evenness. minit togaling, very warm. tugaya (togaya) a gutter, spout; to make a canal. tugaya noc pobianan noc tubig, water conduit. tugbungan donggoan tugbungan, anchorage. tugol to strengthen. tulaan bone. tulag to disjoin. tulakh Adam's apple. tuman (toman) to obey, to comply. toman, a filler. moctuman amo poc, put yourselves in a row. poctoman noc atandanan, to satisfy, to comply with what is due. socmectuman, full. V toman, to comply; complete, perfect. tumbaga copper. Cf. tambugu. V tombaga, id. tundaan a small boat. tundong Cf. tondong. tungdong reason, motive. V tongod, id. tungkaling a bell to frighten birds away from crops. turung hat, cap. tutusan a cigarette wrapped in paper. tuyo intention. V toyo, id. tuyo to weary, to molest, to vex. V toyo, to inconvenience, to annoy. ubi a tuber edible when cooked. V obi, id. uglonan Cf. lonan. ulatay wait. pogulatay mo, wait. V holat, to wait. ulihan pulpit. V oali, to preach; oalihan, pulpit. ulimo ulimo caya, return that to. nana ec pogulimo, when wilt thou go? V oli, to restore. ulipun Cf. gulipun. umpet Cf. pet. upat four. u ram an to change. sogondi maimo uraman, immutable. utung (gutung) monkey. viste clothing. (Spanish veste.) walu eight. walupulu eighty. V oalo, eight. Bontoc Igorot: walo, id. ya thou. morito ya soc convento, go thou to the convent. monoog ya, come thou down. V ya, id. yamo you. yaua (yawa) devil. V yaoa, id. Tagolog: yaua, id. yaung a cup. yen he. ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABULARY. abandon abbess abdicate ability abjure able abnegation abolish abominable abuse acacia accede accessible accord accumulate accustom achievable acquire admit to the house adorn adze adzing guinocsip affectionately gayac. belong, pasagdan. gosog nog binocot. pinilian. pocolomo balon somala alan- don. pacpangirongo nong mo- tood. maimo, molomo, socal-, soc- socal-. penongonan sogogolingong nog buot. socalan igbutasan. socalpoglogomutan . palalabe. gayo nog doguian. gangay, goyon. pogood. pegoyonan. pongon, tigom, lompoc. mibotasan, tagam. poctobosan. poctolin. panilong. gomalin. dayandayan, sangay. bencong. afternoon again against aged agree ah aid alas alienable all alligator altar alter also always amazement anchorage and anger animal ankle answer ant appetite appoint apron arable architect areca nut ialabong, ginenga minek gondao. pull musop. bono, magulang. gangay, sabot, goyon. bale, labanan. aba, bale. socsocalbogayan nog leen. lonan, lamnen. bangitao, boaya. binabalay, bukar, tapi. paglogalin, pocpeen. dosop. gusay. pocolaen sa gunagona, coen- doc. donggoan tugbungan. bo, bu. sopoc. mananap. bogogu. sabot, posobaton, sombag. pila. ayac, guibog. ngalan. moglong tapis, lopa nogompia balan, napo. sogmigbaal nog balay. gibas, maen. argue arm upper arm armlet armor armpit around arrival arrogant arrogantly arrow artery ascertain ashes ask assist astonish asylum attach attentive aunt axe baby bachelor back backbone bad weather bagasse bait bald ball banana bandage banner baptize bark barker barking barracks barrel barren barter basket fishbasket bat bathe battle bay be beam bear bearable beard beat beautiful because sindil. bingcon mageleabed. linggit. genbet. gilek. libot. carongo, pagdatong. baga. pocobaga. iipu. gugat. pocposoon. gabo. saac. labanan, gabang. libaliba, poctingala. panilong, domangop. matogos. pocaoid, pocpongong. gina, ina. gwasay. batabata. golitao. locud, logud. telinting. laat, malaat. gonos nong marisa. gopa. gumpan. gopao. sipa. saguing. baling, bandela. bondyag. gosig. socmoggosig maloong. sopoggosig. locao. pocquipos. tobon nog dinamog bata. sucle. bobaan, gantang, gantang bnhisan, lulu tongalang. pitangan. laknit, batiti. ligo. lelenaan. linok, logoc. dine, doon. gayo nong motaas. antosan, gantoson. sogmolomo antosan. gumi, gonu, bangot. pagbontol, bonal. bais, embais, malongas. sabab. 217 218 THE SUBANU. becloud bed bee beehive beer beginning behold believe bell belt belly below bend beneath benefit betel box chewing bewitch bird bit bitter bitterness black blacksmith bladder blame blanket blaze bleach blear-eyed block blood blood money blood vessel blow n blow V blue blueness blunt boar wild boar boat body boiling bone bottle bow bowels bowl bowstring box betel box tobacco box boy brace the feet brain branch brave breast breastbone breath breeches bridge of the nose bristly pogdolan. poyoan. niguan, tioan, boligan. nila bonoa noc tiuan. gasi, pangasi. pegotaran. dien iposay. too. basting, linganay, tungka- ling. bakes panit, baling, tian, puntian. socsilong. moctoo. perealon. calongas, gipianan. talun, timpa. bunga, buj'o, laget, mam- aen, gibas, maen. mobabaan. manoc. sangol sog baba, biyanan. pet, umpet. gapetnen. mitom, getomnen. panday potao. talip. logmo. gumut. goclac, liga. pocpoti. motaon. somagang. dogo. bangon. gugat. litobong. gonos. bilu, gasol. gabilunen. sansang, supla. baboy. baboy talon, butaal. sacay, tundaan. lauas. socmocsubo. tulaan. lelenaan. pana. tinee. palaksan. giget. caban. talun, timpa. batangan laget. boto-micaon, bogutao. pocponicol, sicol. gutek. panga, pakanen. bole, macabolo, pintas. gogdob, edob, dubdub. gibusibus. guinaoa. sangyawa. tinayan, titai. batang soong. nongmotong. brook sapasapa. brother patod, telipusud, gilugu. brother-in-law bate. brow gangas. bruise locpog, ocdoc. bud bone, buat, pegotaran. buffet doctoc, tampoling. builder sogmigbaal nog balay. building balay, beta. bunch caloonan. burn sonsol, tolong, tontong. burning baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy. bury lobimg, poclubung, olungo- ban. button tambugu. buy saloy. by-and-by soganagana. cacao aao, aaoan. cackle pogone. cage gulungan. cake boogon. calf tian noc pusu. call tauac, batog. calumny ponbaal, poglibac. canal tugaya. candle lansuk. cane llayan. cannon lotang nog daan, lantaka. to fire boi. canoe galiyan. cap popia, tuning. carabao galabao. cargo sogod. carpenter panday. carriage pocoatud, pocogoit. carrier sogmogoit, sogmogatod. carry goit, poquit, socnaquit.atud , baba, dala, tingil, bolig. cart pogoot. cassava camote cahoj'. cat guilos, geding, kuting, bir- ing, gigus. wildcat lubing. cause alaik punanen, alaik sabab. census pocsuquit noc paldon sog- migbuis. chain pogbaat, poquicot, tinali- cala. chair guicoran. change posocliyan, uraman. chastity nada. cheapen pacponoog sog laga. cheat baloson. cheek sapingi, sopingi, molo. chest gogdob, edob, dubdub; gc- deb; caban. chew mama. chick posui. chicken gitit. chief gosog, gosog nog lonoon, timuai, pammgo, gare, datu, begelal, poon, sali- ling, masalag^au, lajagu- num. child bata. ENGUSH-SUBANU VOCABUI.ARY. 219 childbirth gululu, matansa, gosina. chimney bengawan nog gobal. chin selang. chisel teguib. chocolate pot batirol. choose pili. church sinbaan. cigarette gasa, lakas, sigupan, tigul, tutusan. clerk sogmogsosulat. clever motoo. climb pogdeec, pogontod. cloak capote; poclabon. close pono. cloth genbet, kinopatan. clothing ponopoton, poloapomopo- ton, viste; baag, gantiu. gawal, gawes, gumut, legdey, musalabungkas. porot, salwal, sangyawa. suuk, tapis, apote. cloud dolan. coals baga. dead coals musing. coarse moreipol. coat apote. cock limansud. cockpit bonua nocpogbalidyaan no- ngog manoc. coconut niug. grove niugao. milk tubig nong niug. shell load. coin salapi. cold mogonao; sipoon. collar gasintos. comb Sunday. come minatung, mori. come down monoog. comfort senombagan, milipay. coming carongo, pagdatong. command pogboot, pocsogo, poggare. commander socmocsogo. commanding sogmogboot. commandment sogo. communion paccalauat. compact dacsoc, libon, maligon. complete ontoran, octuban, ponno. sompoyan, tobos. comprehend sabot. comply tuman. conduct, good pia, gompia. conductor sogmogatod, sogmogoit. conduit tugaya. confess paccalauat, compinsal. conflagration dinoksulan. congratulate tugaling sac sala gotao ton- dong sa gompia noc palad sama gotao. consent taboc. contain gola. conversation tontol. cook loto. copper tumbaga. corrupt malat tugaling. cottage locao sog beninalan. count guisip. counting paguisip, pagusay. country bukid, lonsod. courage cabolo so posong. courageous bolo, macabolo. cousin gonopo. cover labon. cow sapi. coward atalao. cowardly motalao. cradle puyuwan. creeper bolagan nog bolaan. cripple lolid, pitong. crocodile bangitao, boaya. crooked molio. cross pagdipag. crow quak, guak; pogone. crowd picpongonnan nonga gotao, loonan. crown bolibod; porongporong. crying pocsogao. cup basu, sawan, yaung. cure pocbolong; porang, tenite. curved molio. custom batad, batasan, gaui, tagam. cut gabasan, potol. cutlass penoto. dainties guibogan. damage poglaat. dance soot, sabay; anahau, sali- dingan. daughter bata. dawn diselum, poti dalag. day gondao, gobii. day after to-morrow salan gondao. daytime gondao. death amatayon, pocamatay, pog- patayon. debilitate pocgangay noc capintas abolo socog. deceit say op. declivity maranaya. decoction moloto. deep medelem. deer bilibili, osa. defamation pogangay nog rongog, poc- peed. defamer sogmaglaat bo mogangay nog dongog. defection boclag ondi somogot, dala. defend gabang, inobangan. defense sogicabang. defensive sogicagabaug. deference goyon. deficit gongean, pagcorala. define gasoy, sayoron, sogo. defraud dao, ticas, limbong. deglutition goglon, orol. dejected pagoquion. delay alanganan, payat. deluded soglinunbogan sogpiglologo- sogan. delusive sogondaay tundongan^noc pacanaoron, sogmicalim- bong. depressed pocpanimolang. desire bout. 220 THE SUBANU. destroy morala. easy malorao, molomo, sogon- detest gomot. daay abilingan. detractor nocmacabingguil sa gompia eat cana, gaan, sumuda, ma- nog buot poctobe, poquit namu, manunsuma. soctontol. ebullition pocsobo. devil yaua. educate baton, lomo, tondo. die matay, patay. efficiency socpogbaal. different laen. egg bulinga, gumanoc. difficult biling, malogou. eight walu. difficulty abilingan, lisod. eighty walupulu. digestion poglines sog quinaan. elbow siyu. dilapidator maliolaon. elder mogulang. diligent matogos. elect pili, tagana. dine cana. elegance dugnayan ig lanas no gotao disagreement gondi gangay.gondimaaron. mapiaiguindog. discouragement paubos nog buot. elevated maal, motaas gopia. disciple pictoonan, timondoan. eleven sapulu bo sala. disjoin gogbag, tulag. eliminate di poggolat sog bisan alan- disorderly gobot. don. dispersion pocboclag, poclagoy. emanate buat, gatad. displeasing pocobaga. embarrass libang, casamoc. displeasure malaat nog boot, gomot. embark pocosacay. dissemble poclabon sac guionaona. embellish alongas, dayandayan, san- disseminate sitguag. gay. dissent pingondian. emblem laraban nga ologan somala dissenter socsomocal so nga gosod. alandon, soyon noc sulut dissertation pocsindilsindil. binutong. dissimilar di maaron, dilo mopong. embroidery lankep. dissolve lines. enchanted gondeemaqui nongog, gonlo distinguish peinan. gotao nog boangboang. distinguishable socalpeinan. enchanter asoang, balbal. distract lingalinga. encounter baangan. distribute pocguilas. end atapusan; tapus. disturb magalin. endure antosan, gantoson. divide boocon, potol, lombos. enemy banta, bono. divinity poccadiuata. enervate pocgangay noc capintas divorce pocboclag soc gotao nga abolo socog. soay. enjoy agom. dog guito, ito, gayam. enjoyment pocagagom, milipay. door langaan. enroll pocsuquit noc paldon, pog- doorway bawang ec daan. buta. down baba, sool, nooc. enter solot. come down monoog. entirely tibooc. go down ponooc, socsilong. ephemeral socmopayat soc sala ondao. dream taginop. equal pares, sama. drink inom, guinom, gunimon, equalizer somoglopong, somogsama. minoma, ocsop, tonggab. estimate pacpalaga somala alandon. drip tolo. evening polupungobii. drone tiuan nog lee. evenness pacanapo tugaling. drop tolo. event gabo. drum gandang, talabi. every lonan. drunken poccabolong. everything lamnen. drunkenness migbobolong. evil sayop. dry inangkag. evildoer mipono noc sayop, sala. dull sansang, supla. malat tugaling. duty atodanan. exact lopong. dwarf meaon. exactly impit. dwell congol. excrement tee, malomo. dwelling picongolan. excuse balibad. dye panglamugan, pongompig, executable socsocalbaalan. tina. exhort sambag. explain sayoron. ear talinga. external sa gua. earring gantingganting. extinguish pocpalon. earth lopa, salau. eye mata. earthquake linug. humor mota. ease abotang. pupil ginotao. ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABULARY. 221 eyebrow eyelash eyelid fable face facilitate faction factious factor factory faculty fair weather fall fallacy false witness falsifier fame fan far farm farmer fast fasting fat father father-in-law fathom gilay. pileka. pilaten. tontol. molo; gatbang, poctobang, tongdong. nog abilingan nog micao- lang, pogangay. dapig. gobot, somocol, malalison. gotao pimonan, pisaligan, pocsaloy, nocpogbalidya. beta. gaom socpogbaal. linao. labo, pagobos, socosol, bosa- can, lolid. bales, lingbon, nogmalat. pombaal. songmogmaomao somala alandon. bantug. gocabgocab. malayo. bukid. nogmigbaal sog lopa. puasa. pocpuasa. malombo, sopang, taba. gama. ponongangan. kumpau, depa. three fathoms sinantan. fault finding libac. fear ondoc, gondoc, talao. feasible malomo balon, socsocalba- lon. feast buklug. feather bombol. feeble malobay. fellow sama. fence galad. ferocious bolo, pintas. ferocity bolo tugaling. festival buklug. fever panas. feverish panas minit. field bukid, bonoa nog napo. cleared for tilth binalan. cultivated begyaan. paddy field fierce fight fifty fill filler find fine finger index finger second third little fingernail finish binal. pintas. lalis. limapulu. pono, loop, socpocoloon mepono. baangan. bangon. tondo, gemet, goyamet. salabuk tondo, palamanis. datu tondo. manisan. koingai. kanuku. octoban, tobos, ponno, som- poyan. fire n fire V firelight fire making fireplace firewood first fish fishbasket fisherman fish fence fishnet five flame flank flattering fledged fleshy flexible float n float V flood floor flour flower fluent flute flux fly follow following food fool foolish foot sole instep to brace footprint forehead forest forge fork form fortune forty fountain four fowl fresh freshet friend fright frog fruit full funeral fur gapoy, dinoksulan. boi, lotang. liga, goclac. pulas. gabo pagbaloganan, buanan ginulai. mina, bekna. sera, esda, suda. pitangan. managat, polomongwit. galad nog llayan lanas soc- pogboloy noc sura noo tubigan. giyud, pasawit. lima. liga. guilid. poraigon, tigomoamo. poctubo sog bombol nog manocmanoc. gotao gombagol noc sopingi sopang. pomagon. aloonan nog gayoonan. lotao. baa. saleg. bagas mais. bulac. poctolo. suling, tenggab. sogdogo. langau, boligan, calontinay. pogdonot. gelet. gaan, balon. colang sog boot, gongog, bobo. boangboang. gocsud, pocsud, botis. palapa. dibaban noc palapa. sicol, pocponicol. binaya. gangas. bui. pandayan. Sunday gaan. pogbaal, pogbogay, pogli- quimo, pocpongong. palad. patpulu, upatpulu. tobod. pat, upat. manoc. tobang. baa noc tubig. bila. bayad. bocbaac. bunga. socmectuman, songmipono, bontal. buklug pimala, timala, po- nolud, puluntu, sogao. bombol. 222 THE SUBANU. gain n polos, tolin. gain V daag. gale gonos nong marisa. gallantly baya gopia. gallantry dugnayan ig lanas no gotao mapiaiguindog. garden pimolaen. garnish sapauan. gateway bunguan. gather lompoc, pongon, tigom. generating sogmoglioat. generative sogdoon ig gaom nog pogli- oat. generously maloot. germ bone, buat, pegotaran, germinate tominobo. germination poctobo. gift bogay. ginger loya. girdle baling, bakes. girl dalaga. giver malibogayon, mayac. glad milipay. gland gonda. glaucous toay, manguidaap. glebe soc lupa noctibogol guinale, semicoat nog daro. globular lingin. go minolo, morito. go down socsilong. go up monoog. goat anding, bilibili. god diuata; bichara. goitre buyun. gold bulawan. gong kulintangan; gagun. good pia, bais, malongas, pinuli, taron. gossip tontoltontol balos. govern gauid, pocboot. governor magagauid, magboot, po- noan, gobednarol. grain putok. granary lulu tongalang. grandfather gapo nog lee. grandmother gapo nog libon. grasp acid. grass padang, kogon. grave alobungan. gray gabu, gobol. gray hair mogobol, kagobolnen. great salag, gasalagnen, bagol. great-grandfather gama nog gapo. greatly tugaling. greatness gasalagnen. green lunau, galunaunen, molu- nau; mangud. ground salau. guess atoc. guitar sigitan, kutapi. gulf linok, logoc. gun sinapang. gunpowder malilang. gutter tugaya. habit habitable tagam, gaui, botasan. song mopia pocongolan. habitation picongolan. habitually mitagam. haft subungan. hair booc, bombol, kulagu. false hair caloonan nog booc, boo- can, pasobong. hairy gotao nong motaas nog booc, boocan. half gineng, ginenga, tenga. hamlet gampu nog balay, gampu nog bawang. hammock puyuwan. hand gomog. palm palad. back dibabau palad. lines of palm kulis. left dig mebang. right dig liut. handkerchief panggu. hank palos. happiness alipayan, palad. happy lipay, liag. hard matugas. harm tong. hat popia, turung. hatred malaat nog boot, gomot. have doon. he guien, geyen, iin, yen. head golo. nod polog sa golo debaloy bo debaloy. heal bolong. hear rongog, bonug. heart posong. hearth buanan, gabo pagbaloganan. heat init, sasac. heathen pacano. heel seel, bacoao. help gabang, labanan. hemorrhage sogdogo. hemp lanut. hen dulungan. wild hen daluan libuyu. here deni. heritage socmicpongon. hermit crab gumang. hiccup soggo, gonto, boctasan. hide V godlod. hill bulud. hillock buludbulud, bod. hilltop atapusan.sog^benoiran. hip tabing. hither deni. hoard timod noc salapi, oglod hoe sarol. hold pongong. hole luang, soquit. honey teneb. hope lolat. hornbill kalau. horse abayo, guda. hostile pomoctong. hot malalas, init. house balay. birth house gosina. spirit house maligai. to admit tc panilong. ENGUSH-SUBANU VOCABULARY. 223 pogosig no quito'nocpogbou tolon. mitondong no gotao, baya no gotao. palobaya. pahubus. magatus. pora. din. howling human humbly humility hundred hunger hunt hunting spirits manubu. husband lagi. hush libang. hut ludan. hysterical guinogdoban. I agen, au, gaco. idea gonagona. ideally so gonagona. identical maaron nog leen noc pomo- tangon, latin, sopocaraa. sopoceglopong. pocponongguiling, pocomo- tood. poco maaron, pocsama. gondaay gaom. gotao gondaay gaom, gon- daay saboton. pogogovitan. sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang, malonca, tapolan. soc mitondong nog diuata. baga tondong noc abolo no gapoy. nocpigaguanta, piran. ignominiously sopogopia. ignorance pocogondaay gaom, poco- gondaay sonan. guibid. malaat no abotang. sopogondaay dason. socorolang. ladawan. sogsocalgunagunaon . gunaguna. sogmogunaguna. pagonaguna, pogdalomdom boangboang, colang sog boot, sogmacaocsop. pocoocsop gacsop. socsocalpononggulingan . guiling. sopoconongguiling, nong maaron. identically identify identity idiocy idiot idiom idler idolatrous ignition ignominy Iguana ill at ease illicitly illuminative image imaginable imagination imaginative imagine imbecile imbiber imbibition imitable imitate imitation imitater immutable impart impassability impassable impeccable impeded impel imperiously sogmonongguiling. sogondi maimo posocliyan, sogondi maimo uraman. pogambit, pocquilas. pocgondaay loroon, pocgon- daay casit. sogondi mogbatic, sogondi maglaro. sogondi maimo noc sala. pilong. doso, gagda, tolod, iguen . sopagboot nogogolingon. imperturbable sogondi magalin, soginda- gosay. impostor baloson, molimbong, saga- tad. importunate socdomanlag. improve tomanan. inactivity maya. inattentive moglingalinga. incense palina. inclination sogmitoiac, sogpacailig. indestructible sogondi maimo nong morala. indigo dagom. indivisible sogondi maimo guilaso boo- coon. indolent infanticide infantry inflexible inheritance inhumanly iniquitous iniquitously initiative injustice ink inquire inside instep instruct insupportable intention intestines intrepid intrepidity iron ironworks irremediably irremissibly irreverence irreverent irrevocability irritated molobay. sogmigbono. sog sondalo moggondaay abayo. sogondi maimo pomagon. bilin. pocabolo tugaling. malaat, monlogos. sogpacalaat tugaling. pegotaran, sogmegatad. bal nogondi socal so cato- rongan, calaatan nogom- bagol. dawat. saac. dialum. dababau noc palapa. pocsambag. sogondi maimo gantoson. tuyo. tinee. ondi matalao, di motahap, sogondaay atalao, sogon- daay gondoc. potao, cutao. balay noc poctonaoan noc potao, pandayan. sogondaay bolong, sogon- daay sopla. sogondaay pocpasaylo. pocgondaay basanon. sogantol nog basa. pogondaay pocpoli. marongot. jacket gawal, sunk, legdey. jar bandi, genlit, gulen, lingu- lingu, buun, kakud, kali- guan, kundungan, galu- nawan, dinampak, gun- sulee, gunsulaki, lima- lima, galuas, minanukan, sinantan, sigeban, sigu- ban, sibulan, tadjau. javelin noctalloma. joint lelenguan. joy alipayan. judge paggosay, ponudya, boot,, ocom, pagonagona. judgment day gondao noc pocponudya. judicious bootan. juice tagek. juiciness pocoloon noc sabao. 224 THE SUBANU. juicy sogdoon cisabaon. lippitude raota. just lopong, motaron. liver gatai. jute lanut. load lolan. juvenile mitondong nog bata. loafer sogondi mayac mogbaal moglanglaang. kidney bunga. lodestone bato balani. kill bono. lodging picongolan. kilt tapis empetek. loftily pocobaga. kindness paalongas. log batang. king lare. loincloth baag. knee dulud, taktuai. long mayaba. hollow leletek. look guipos, ipos, tobang. kneel lood. looking glass salamin. knife geg, hilamon, kisanggulang. loom belen. loot, penoto, pes, pino- love mayac. balan, pinuti, barong. lover sognigasoy sonnem nogayac. edge baba. loving malomo mayac. point soong. lovingly gayacsogombagol, nogayac. haft subungan. low obos. know sonan. low tide gonas. I do not know taron. luck palad. knowledge gaom. lung baga, looc. knuckle bogotondo. machete penoto nogombagol. laborer moomogbaal, sogmigbaal. magnitude gasalagnen. gotao sogboid. maiden dalaga. lack colang, quinaanglan. maize mais, daoa. lactation pagdoro nonga gombata. make baal, mando. ladder paghat, pahat, gogdan. male laki. lading sogod. man gotao, lee. lady bai. mango mapalam. lake danao, lanao. manner baya. lamentable socsocalpocsoganan. manufacturer sogmimando. land bonoa, bukid, lopa. many loon, madagel. language talo, pogogovitan. marriage poctontal. lard matia, laneg. married luay. large bagol, masalag. marry tontal. larynx tulakh. marsh bonoa nog tubigan, lopa late payat, ombos. nongmoromos, lanao,mig- launch pilac. lanao ic tubig. lawful dason, motaron. marvel tingala. lawsuit bityala. massive libon, dacsoc, pono, maligon. lawyer mangangabang. mat sapiai. lazy molobay, tapolan. grass damdam. leader poon. cycas giham. leaf doon. mattock gwasay. lean a malagos. mature bootan, gomolanggolang ; lean v toiac. inog. leaning sogpacailig. meadow padangan. left dig mebang. meal gaan; lepet, bagas mais. leg paa, lintisan. measure pogliijot so mga linonsoran. lemon malinao, pumutul. measures leprous socpongol so gomoc, soc- liquid pasub. pinoquit. dry gantang. lie n bales. linear kumpau, depa, sinantan. to tell lies pocabalos. meat gunud. lie V balilid. to dry inoctod. life catubo. to cure porang, tenite. light a sogmolomo antosan. medicines gagimut, gululu, matansa. light n solo, pangangdan. meet baangan. lightning guilat. memory dalomdom. like a sama, aron, mopong. merchant gotao pimonan, pisaligan, like V bout. Hag. pocsaloy, nocpogbalidya. liking ayac. mercy alalaat. lime gapog. merry lipay, malipay. lintel golo nogombagol. meteor genit bitun. lip domomog, bibig. midday taassondao. ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABUIyARY. 225 midnight gineng gobii. nipple ecsipan. midwife panday negmegbata; belilu, no da, di, daay. gagun. nod polog. milk gatas. noon gektu gondao, taassondao. milky tondong no gatas. nose soong. minced meat menaticaan no came inoctod bridge batang soong. gopia. septum imud soong. mind gaom. interior gegbad soong. mirror salamin. not da, di, daay. mischievousness nog metagam nog pog- not yet daap. laat, batasan. now nandao, nenau, numungini misfortune malaat nog palag, alisod. numungitu. misspend socpuonan, ola, pogola noc salapi. nun binocot. mist dope nog guinanat. oath arugo. mistake socsayop. obey tuman, gosod. model ponongguian. obscure pogdolan. modesty matamot. obstinate lalis. moisture pocoromos. obstruct somagang. molest cotecote, pimoctong, samoc. obstructer macapongong, socmicao- tuyo. lang. moment deliai. offensive pocobaga. money salapi, pilak. offspring bata. monk binocot. often misauta. monkey gutung, utung, tongdug oily pogooao. panga. old daan, gomolang, magulang month bulan. on dibabau. moon bulan. once minsan. new bata bulan. one sa, isa, sala, salabuk. full mandawan. onion sabilino. dark mipupus. or bo, bu. morning siselem, suansolom, diselum. orchard sulal. mortar (rice) lusung. order n gosay. mosquito bar kulambu. order v sogo. mother gina, ina. origin pegotaran. mother-in-law ponongangan. orphan bata ilu. motive tungdong. our name. mound bod. outward sa gua. mountain dungus, gedungusan, bui. over ditaas. mouse gibasgibas. overflow baa. mouth baba. overshadow pogdolan. much dagel, loon. mud basac, tamisac. pack solog, soglogua, quipos. musket sinapang. paddy field binal. mutilate pongol. pain cogool. pair magimpang. nail bocsoc, ogboc, lansang, pa- palatable mis. soc, toclop. palate danaan. fingernail kanuku. palm palad. name ngalan. lines in the palm kulis. nape tinhug, tiungo. palpitate poolog nog guilid sopoglo- narrow moloctin. guinaoa boctasan. naughty tampalasan. pant pocolog. navel pusu. pardon poylo, pasaylo. near good. parent mogulang. neck leeg, tinhug. parishioner poglogotaoan pisala noc pa- necklace bitegel. roquia, sacog. need quinaanglan. part bahagi, bahin. needle tee. partition gogbag. needy meebog. pass pocbiyan, casit, loroon. nervousness badi. passable maglaro. nest salag. path daan, dalan, gaitan. net giyud, pasawit. patrimony bilin, socmicpongon. never di gusay. peasant socmoctoloan noc subanun. night gobii. people leenleen. nine siam. pepper sell. ninety siampulu. peppery malalas. 226 THE SUBANU. perfect perhaps perjury permit person pertain pertaining to pestle petticoat pickpocket picture pierce pig pigeon pillow pipe pipestem pit, to fall in place plain plant n plant V plasterer plate platter play plow plump point (knife) poison n poison V poor pork post potbelly poultice pound pounding power powerful prairie praise pray pregnant prejudicial pretty price priest princess procreate profit prompt provision puddle pulpit pungent pup pupil (eye) purple purse push put tobos. saoan. pombaal. togot. gotao. tondong. noquito. gelu. lagnas, tapis, dao. ladawan. lugbas. baboy, buktin, tinuksuk. malapati, manatud. goloan. sigupan. silup. to lolid, bosacan. bonoa, bawang, butang. lopa nong napo nogondaay magpondopondo. pomolonan. guroc. sogmoglerme nog basac. lainpai, pinggan. talam. lamot, megleymet. badya, daro. lombo, pocsopang. soong. lupag, milo, bolic. pocpoinom, poctuba. meebog, miskinan. bool noc paa nog baloy, gunud baboy. pasek. macabagol noc tian. gaclop. locpog, ocdoc. pogocdoc. gaom. gasalagnen. pacanapo tugaling. pogdaig. gampo, pocdiuata. boros, poloponan. moglaat. longas. laga. balian. bai. lioat. polos. dali. balon. bonoa noc tubigan, donaoan ulihan. malalas. bocposon. ginotau. taluk. conotconot. tolod. guison, butang. quarrelsome malalison. question saac. quick dali. quickly pagas. quiet malali yamo mocsasa. quietly may a. rabble mga gotao socalpalalabian. mga gotao nog mesequin. raft aloonan nog gayoonan, gu- set. rage megolos guisoc, pocsopoc. rags danol, ponopoton nog daan. porot. rain n dope, pusilau. rain v poctolo nongo gatop. rainwater tubig nog dope. rainy toon nog dogdope, marope. rancid pogooao. range gedungusan. rascal tolisan. rasher bool noc paa nog baboy. rat togubung. ration balon. rattan gooay. read basa. reason alaik punanen, alaik sabab. gutek, tungdong. rebel sogmololison. receive domangop. recline balilid. red pulo, bolao, pongompig. redness gapulonen. region lonsod. relative sogombaya nog moloon nog. magleinlein, aromananan. remedy sopla. remember gumauna, dalinduman. renowned arunaan, salapian, dato. repay pocpuli. repent inunsalan, guinonosola. repentance basulan. replete bontal. reputation dongog. resin lunai, palina. resolution pegoyonan. respect basa, taod. revoke poll. revolve tabo. revolving sogmogbolobod. rib gusuk. rice unhusked balay. husked begas. boiled gemai, pulut. beer gasi, pangasi. ricefield binal. rich arunaan, dato, salapian. magaus. ridgepole libongan. right digliut; taron. ring (arm) linggit. (finger) sising. (shin) lintisan sising. ripe mimug, inog; bootan. ripeness pacainog. rising tide poglogonas. river suba, tubig. rivulet sapasapa. ENGUSH-SUBANU VOCABULARY. 227 road daan, dalan. rob salumnenka. rogue sogmalaat nog botasan, to- lisan, lee nog tapolan. romp megleymet. roof gatop. rooster limansud. rope tali. round maliputut, lingin. rumor tontoltontol. rump boktol, guging. run genenkan, goboc. saffron lalag. sago lumbia. sail layag. saliva dula. salt masin. same maaron, latin. sand goles. satisfy poctoman noc atandanan. saucer lainpai. scatter lagoy. school guiscuelaan. science gaom. scraper lisan. sea dagat. seacoast balingdagat. see mita ipos. seed bigibigi, goroc. seize pocpongong, pocaoid. seldom somolondon. sell balidya, daghan, pocsaloy. seiior sengguil. separate boclag, lombos. septum imud. sermon tabal. servant biag. settlement gampu. seven pitu. seventy pitupulu. sew meneg. shanty ludan. shape pogliquimo, pogbaal. share guilas, ambit. shawl musalabungkas. she guien, geyen, iin. sheep bilibili. shield lasag, taming. shin lintisan. shinbone belintis. ship gapal, sacay. shipping pocosacay. shirt sunk. shoot saa. shooting star genit bitun. shore balingdagat. short empetek. shoulder baga. shoulderblade belagel. shower dope, pusilau. shuttle siyuan. sick laronon. sickle pes nog molio, seilad. sickness laroon. side guilid. to one side sogpacailig. from side to side cotat, poyo, debaloy. sieve dunukun. signal toos. silly gongog, culang nog boot. silver salapi, pilak. similar aron, mopong, sama. sin sala. sinner maasasala. sister gilugu. sit guingcod. six gonom. sixty gonompulu. skein palos. sketch landasan. skilful sinonan, somoon. skin ganit, panit. skirt tapis. sky langit. slander pogangay nog rongog, pog- liboc. slanderer sogmogangay nog dongog. slap tampoling, sogpaon. slash sontoc, pocpoc. slave gulipim, nlipun, biag. sleep tolog. slender peed. slope maranaya. small micia. smallness gabiganen. smite bona!. smoke gobal. smoky sogmogombal. smooth melenin. snatch gagao. snout mirapal. soften momoc posol, banig. soil baal, pogbaal, napo, bukid, lopa. soldier pilak, sondalo. sole palapa. solid libon, maligon, dacsoc, pono. son bata. soot gagoy. sooty sogmigagoj^an. sore laroon nog guimood, gangol. soul guimud, guinaoa; puluntu. sour mosom, gosomnen. sow n baboy talon boloog.lanayan. sow V goroc. spate baa noc tubig. spear bosi, moni, noctalloma, sa- lapang, sebat, talawan, tinalagan. spearhead limayas, tinabagen. speak gabit. spectacles antocos. spherical lingin. spider balingawa. spike bocsoc, lansang. spin tingol. spinach linagami. spinner sogmogtingol. spinning room inu. spinning wheel tingilan. 228 THE SUBANU. spirit apujungal, balian, bulatuk, dipuksaya, diuata, ge- lektu, guinagan, gulai, gwakgwak, kalamonte, mamanua, manamat, ma- nubu, matubud, minubu, mitubu, mogolot, munlu, salomaya.sarut.sindupan, tamiang, tibogok. spirit house maligai. spiritless pagoquion. spit pocdula. spoiled child poraigon. spoon sanduk, sulidat. spout tugaya. spread lerme. spring bual, tobod, tobora, poc- tuan. sprinkle pocsicay. sprout pegotaran, saa, tobo, bone, buat. spun tinongol. squander pogola noc salapi. stack tambun. stand guindog. standard bearer sogmogoit nog bandela. star bitun. steal salumnenka, pogdao. steamship gapal gapoy. stem pakanem. step poguindog. stepchild tinaguilo. steps paghat, pahat, gogdan. stew loto. stewpan tacho. stick gapud. stomach cotooto, tiboa. stone bate. store tago, poquison, pocquipos. storeroom siclat. storm gonos nong marisa. stove delengan. stow dacsoc. stowaway sogsomacay. strand balingdagat. strength socoa. strengthen tugol. strike bonal, sontoc. stroke pogbonal, pagsontoc, poc- poc, litobong. strong socog. succulence pocoloon noc sabao. sucking pig buktin. suckle doro. sugar binagel. summit atapusan sog benoiran. summon tauac. sun gondao. sunrise sumibang gondao, sulu. sunset sindep gondao. sunshine pedes. supper lobungan. supply bogay. supplies pogandam nog gaan, pogan- dam nog pomotangon. surf pocdanlag nog balod. survey gogba. suspect taap. swallowing goglon. swamp bonoa noc tubigan. sweat golas, mamis. sweetness gemisnen. sweet potato gobe, camote. swelling buyun. swindler lee nog tapolan, sogmalaat nog botasan. swing pacpoyo, cotat. syphilis laroon migalin. table binabalay, bukar. tail gikud. take angay. tale tontoltontol. talk pigagabit, tingog. talker tabian. tall mataas. tattooing liluk, patik. tax pamuku, buis. teach toon. teacher gulu. tear lua. to shed tears sogao. tear duct pocpongimotacan. tempest gonos nong marisa. ten sapulu. thank mangampon. the ang. theft pigdaoan. there dien iposay. they guilan, ilan. thick moreipol. thief dao, mogdao. thievish sogmetondong sogmogda- dao. thigh puunpaa. thin malagos, nepes. think pogonagona. thinness monepes. thirty tolopulu. this geniya, gini. thorax gagen. thou a, ga, iga, ya, neen, nia.niya. thought gonagona, gutek. thousand songibu. thread tanud. three tolo. throat geeg, geleg, leeg, langag, donaan. thrust doque. thumb galubalu. thunder logong. tibia belintis. tide pocaolog nogonnos. low gonas. risi n g poglogonas, soctobig, poc- taab. till baal, pogbaal. timber gayo. time toon. timid atalao. tin tatungo. tire supoc, pogbollo. tired lopugu. tobacco box batangan laget. ENGLISH-SUBANU VOCABULARY. 229 to-day cone no gondao, nenau, gon- vagabond sogondi mayac mogbaal dao. moglanglaang, tapolan. toe goyamet gocsud. varnish lomi, bolit, posinao. small goangai gocsud. vein gugat. great galubalu gocsud. venereal disease buot socpog libon no to-morrow lema, belema, luma. gotao. day after to -morrow donlag, salan gon- very gopia, gosaca, tugaling, ma- dao. ligat. tongue dila. vessel sacay. tooth ngisi. vex samoc, tuyo. torch sulu. village gampu nog balay, gampu town bonoal. nog bawang, lonsod. trader nocpogbalidya. vine bolagan nog bolaan. transport pocogoit, pocoatud. vinegar osisang. tree gayo. tribute pamuku, buis. wailing sogao. trough ogasan, palongan. wait pogulatay. trousers gawes, gantiu, salwal. walk laang. true motood. wall cota, donding. trumpet bogguiong. want colang. trunk caban. war gubat. try indamanta. war cry buksai. tuck conotconot. warped caliuanag no calingin. turban panggu. waste ola, socpuonan. twice kadua. water tubig. twins gapid. wave balod. twist calingin. wax nila. two dua. we gita, ita, garni, ami. weak gasa, malobay. ulcer laroon nog guimood, gangol. wealth gaus. umbrella payung. wealthy arunaan, lee nog bandian uncertainty socsayop. magaus. uncle manak, gaya. weary cotecote, samoc, tuyo. uncultivated lopa mogondaapa balay go- weather gonos nong marisa, linao. racan bo pomolonan. weave tinina. under baba, dialum, perealon. wedge gocsip, pansal. underneath silong. weep pocsogao. understand sabot. weeper socmocsogao, malisogon. understandin g motoo. weeping iglua. unequal sogondaay ig doma, sogon- weld pagbaga noc potao. daay pares. well timba. unhappy nanaan, tiroo. west sindepan. uninhabited lopa mogondaapa balay go- west wind balat. racan, sogondaay pocon- wet romos. golan. whelp bocposon. unite lompoc, gongaya, pongon, when nano. timod, topoc. where tama. unlawful sogondaay dason, sogondi white goguis, poti. motaron. whiten pocpoti. unlike dilo mopong. whitewash poglomi no gapog, pogugba unlimited sogondaay atapusan pingoc- wholly tibooc. toban. why alaik punanen, alaik sabab unmarried golitao, dalaga. toma, long. unpardonable sogondi maimo noc pasay- wicked pinilian. Ion. wickedness poalat. unripe mangud. widow balu nog libun; liingan. un sal ted nogondaay masin, moto- widower balu nog lee; liingan. bang. wife soay, sawa. unseasonable sogondi inog. wild libuyu, talon. unskilled sogondaay mitagam, so- boar butaal. gondi somoon. will buot. unskilfully sogondaay sinonan. win daag. untruth balos. wind up ditaas. to blow gonos. to go up moneec. west balat. upon dibaban. windpipe gagen. urinate guyo. wine bino. 230 THE SUBANU. wise motoo. wrap tongos. wish Hag. wrist pinugulan. within dialum. write saquit. wizard gonlo. writer sogmogsosulat. woman libun. writing sulat. womb ginubungan. wry timpas. wood gayo. work baal. yam ubi. workable socsocalbalon. year toon. workshop bonoa noc pogbaalan. yellow maralag, dalag, pocsobblag world alibutan. yes maa, naa. worse maligos tugaling. yesterday labong. worthy mayac. you amo, game, lamo, yamo wound laroon nog guimood, gangol. niyo. wrangle lalis. young batit, gakpis, nati. LIST OF MODERN BOOKS OF REFERENCE FOR EXAMINATION AND READING ON THE SUBJECT OF AMERICAN OCCUPATION OF THE PHILIPPINES. 1. Our Conquests in the Pacific, by Oscar K. Davis (American), 1898, 1 vol, 2. The Story of the Philippines, by Amos K. Fiske (American), 1898, i vol. 3. The Expedition to the Phihppines, by Frank D. Millett (American), 1899, i vol. 4. The Philippines and Round About, by Maj. G. J. Younghusband (English), 1899, ivol. 5. The Inhabitants of the Phihppines, by Frederick H. Sawyer (English), 1900, i vol. 6. The Report of the Schurman Commission on the Philippines (American), 1900, 3 vols. 7. Annual Reports of the Philippine Commission, 1900 to 1912, 47 vols. 8. Bamboo Tales, by Lieut. Ira L. Reeves, U. S. Army (American), 1900, i vol. 9. Aguinaldo and His Captor, by Murat Halstead (American), 1901, i vol. 10. The Philippine Islands and Their People, by Dean C. Worcester (American), ist edition 1898, 2d edition 1901, i vol. each. 11. Pronoimcing Gazetteer and Geographical Dictionary of the Philippine Islands, by Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, 1902, i vol. 12. The Katipunan or The Rise and Fall of the Filipino Commune, by Francis St. Clair (American), 1902, i vol. 13. Oriental America and Its Problems, by Theodore W. Noyes (American), 1903, i vol. 14. The U. S. Census Reports of the Phihppine Islands, 1903, 4 vols. 15. Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, by Najeeb M. Saleeby (Armenian-Ameri- can), 1904, I vol. 1 6. The Gems of the East, by Henry Savage Landor (English), 1904, 2 vols. 17. The New Era in the Philippines, by Arthur Judson Brown, D. D. (American), 1904, i vol. 18. The Philippines and the Far East, by Homer C. Stuntz (German-American), 1904, i vol. 19. The Negritos of Zambales, by William Allen Reed (American), 1904, i vol. 20. The Bontoc Igorot, by Prof. Albert E. Jenks (American), 1905, i vol. 2 1. The Naboloi Dialects, by Otto Scheerer (German-American), 1905, i vol. 22. The Bataks of Palawan, by Lieut. Edward Y. Miller, U. S. Army (American), 1905, i vol. 23. The Philippine Experiences of an American Teacher, by William B. Freer (American), 1906. 24. Under Spanish and American Rules, by C. H. Forbes- Lindsay (English), 1906, i vol. 25. The Philippine Islands, by John Foreman, F. G. R. S. (English), ist edition 1890, 2d edition 1899, 3d edition 1906. 26. The Philippine Islands from 1493 to 1898, by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson (Americans), 1906, 55 vols. 27. Hand-book of the Philippine Islands, by Hamilton M. Wright (American), 1907, i vol. 28. History of the Sulu Archipelago, by Najeeb M. Saleeby (Armenian- American), 1908, 1 vol. 29. The Batan Dialect, by Otto Scheerer (German-American), 1908, i vol. 30. The Subanuns of Sindangan Bay, by Emerson B. Christie (American), 1909, i vol. 31. The West in the East, by Price Collier (American), 191 1, i vol. 32. My Impressions of the Philippines, by Miss M. E. Fee (American), 1910, i vol. 2,3. American Occupation of the Philippines, by James H. Blount (American), 1912, i vol. 34. Sanskrit-English Dictionary, by Theodore Benfey, London, i vol., 1866. 35. Malay-English and English-Malay Dictionary, by Sir Frank A. Swettenham, London, 2 vols., 8th edition, 1909. 36. Malay Grammar, by W. G. Shellabear, Singapore, i vol., 1899. 37. Handbook and Grammar of the Tagalog Language, by Lieut. W. E. W. MacKinlay, U. S. Army, Washington, i vol., 1905. 38. English-Sulu-Malay Vocabulary, by Andson Cowie, London, i vol., 1893. 39. Malay-English and English-Malay Dictionary, by William Marsden, London, i vol., 1812. 40. Colonial Administration, The Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department, Washington, I vol., 1903. 231 232 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 41. El Sanscrito en la Lengua Tagalog, by T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Paris, i vol., Paris, 1887. 42. English- Arabic and Arabic-English Dictionary, by F. Steingass, London, i vol., 1882. 43. Colonial Administration, by Prof. Paul S. Reinsch, New York, i vol., 1905. 44. World Pontics, by Prof. Paul S. Reinsch, New York, i vol., 1903. 45. The Magindanao Moro Dialect, by R. S. Porter, Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Army, Wash- ington, I vol., 1903. 46. The Magindanao Moro Dialect, by Capt. C. C. Smith, U. S. Army, Washington, i vol., 1907. 47. Tagalog-English and English-Tagalog Dictionary, by Charles Nigg, Manila, i vol., 1904. 48. The Native Tribes of the Philippines, by Prof. Ferdinand Blumentrit, Berlin, i vol., 1890. 49. The Peopling of the Philippines, by Rudolph Virchow, Berlin, i vol., 1897. 50. Proceedings of the Smithsonian Institution, 1898 to 1910, Washington, 13 vols. 5 1 . Annual Reports of the American Army in the Philippines, Reports of the War Depart- ment, Washington, 1898 to 1912, 21 vols. 52. Modem Egypt, by the Earl of Cromer, New York, 2 vols., 1908. 53. The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China and China, by J. Thomson, New York, i vol., 1875. 54. The Island of Formosa, Past and Present, by J. R. Davidson, London, i vol., 1903. 55. Diccionario Espanol-Bagobo, by M. Gisbert, Manila, i vol., 1892. 56. Diccionario Tiruray-Espafiol, by G. Bennasar, Manila, i vol., 1892. 57. Biblioteca Filipina, Washington, 1903. 58. Civil Government under Military Occupation, by Magoon, Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, 1908, i vol. 59. The First Grammar of the Language Spoken by the Bontoc Igorot with a Vocabulary and Texts, Mythology, Folklore, Historical Episodes, Songs; by Dr. Carl Wilhelm Seidenadel, Chicago, 1909. INDEX. a, noun-formative 107 primordial demonstrative 155 absorption of alien speech 77 Acuna, Father Pasqual de, mission pioneer 37 a'e 109 Aeta autochthons 4, 92 in Misamis 6 restricted to Surigao 7 afi 104 agi 105 agricultm-e 15 ala 109 alelo 108 alimago 107 alphabet 55 altar 33 ao-final 70 'apa 120 'ape 121 appulse 68 aptigaleveleve 108 arithmetic 151 arrow 112 Arze, Bishop Don Pedro de, Subanu mission 37 aspiration 64, 83, 105, 109 asu ate attributive, part of speech a'u 'au autochthons 6-mutation 87 balian banana Bantu Barrows barter 7, 1 1 basket bath Beach-la-Mar beard bellows betel chewing big-plenty blood atonement blood-brotherhood 9 Blumentrit, Ferdinand Bohol Bontoc Igorot Bopp, Franz bow 26, burial 32 burnt designs 106 106 "3 105 121 4 ,96 32 19 58 3 ,28 16 27 77 26 24 20 162 41 ,11 ! 2 I II 92 I lOI I 112 I .38 I 23 PAGE. camote 18 Campo, Father Juan del 37 cannibalism 36 carving 24 cave burial 39 celibacy 29 Chao Jukua 10 characteristics 26 chief 24 childbirth 40 Chinook jargon 77 Christianity 36 Christie, Emerson Brewer i Chu-Fanchi 10 cigarette 20 circumcision 27 cleanliness 27 closed syllable 64 closm-e organs 59 cloth 23 clothing 26 cock-a-doodle-doo 60 Colin, Father Francisco 9 color 26 Combes, Father Francisco i, 4, 37 community 25 community-house 115 composition 55, 66 consonant formation 57 consonantal modulants 127, 155 constriction, vocal organs 59 cooking 23 counting 28 country-dance 170 crane posture 27 Crawfurd, John 4. 103 crop storage 16 cry, animal 60 culture, laggard 12 customs 26 d-mutation 69, 86, 96 Dampier Strait 174 Dapitan 1 1 datu 24 decimal numeration 152 defecation 27 demonstrative, part of speech 113 design 23 determinant compound 127, 155 digging stick 15 diphthong, final 169 discovery 8 disease 31 diuata 32 divorce 41 233 234 INDEX. PAGE. dowry 29 dream 30 duplication phenomena 65 dye 23 ear ornament 27 ear piercing 27 excreta 27 /-mutation 104, 1 16, 136 fa 163 fa' a Ill fafa 109 fafine no fale 112 family 25 fana 112 fanua 113 farming 15 fatu 115 Felix de la Encamacion, Father Juan 52 fence 19 festival 33 fetu 115 Figueroa, Captain Rodriguez de . . . . 36 figure-four posture 27 fill 117 fine 1 10 finger-count 5° fire-making 24 fireplace 24 fitu 166 foe 117 folk-lore 30 food crops 18 forest destruction 16 formative members 72 Forrest, Captain Thomas 3 Friederici, Captain Georg 112, 173 fuga 117 funeral 38 ^-dropping 61 g-mutation 84, 95 g-prefix 67 gafulu 168 garbage 22 giant 7 gods 32 Gomez, Father Caspar 37 gong 66 government 24 grave 39 guides 20 Gutierrez, Father Pedro 37 /f-mutation 137 habits 26 hair 26 Harafora 3 hee-haw 60 Hirth, Friedrich 10 homestead law 17 house 21 human sacrifice 34 Humboldt, Wilhelm von loi PAGE. i, primordial demonstrative 155 ia 118 i'a 118 image 33 implements 17 incest 40, 4 1 incision 27 Indian vocables in English 172 inhumation 39 inu 119 infix 73, 102, 146 inversion 66, 90, 104 isu 119 i'u 119 iva 167 jag 49 jargon speech ; 77 Jesuit missions 36 ^-mutation 84, 95 ^-prefix 67 kaingin 15 Kalibugans 13 kana 124 kangaroo 50 kappation 69, 116 Kipit 7 Krooboy jargon 78 kumi 124 /-loss 87 /-mutation 81, 93 la'a 125 labials 63 ladder 21 lafa 124 lagi 125 lago 125 lalo 125 lano 126 lau 126 le 126 leai 128 Lefevre, Andre 99 Legaspi, Miguel Lopez 11 legends 30 li7na 164 Unguals 64 lingual mutation 69 linguo-labial mutation 63, 86 linguo-palatal mutation 63, 86 Wo 129 lips, voice character 63 lip-reading 63 loan material 74 logo 129 Lopez, Father Juan 37 lua 130 Ilia 159 w-formation 60 wi-mutation 82, 94 ma conditional formative no, 130 maga 131 Magellan, Ferdinand 8 INDEX. 235 PAOB. ma'i 130 Malay invasion 93, 98, 107, 172 Malayo-Polynesian speech family. . .99, 170 malemo 131 mama 131 manifi 132 manino 132 manu 132 marriage 29, 39 Masibai Moros 6 masima 133 mat 23 mata 133 mate 134 mathematics 151 mati'u'u 134 matou 135 medicine 34, 39 metal workers 24 micturition 27 migration lines 89 Mohammedanism 10 moo 60 Morga, Governor Don Antonio 36 Moros 7.13 Moro Exchange 7,28 mourning 41 ■muli 135 Miiller, Friedrich 100 mute, prefaced 71 myriad, diffuse plurality 162 myth 30 n-mutation 61, 82, 94 name secrecy 29 namu 135 nasals 59 Nawang 7 necklace 27 negative 126 neigh 60 Negritos 92 Negro-Euglish jargon 78 net 24 ng-mutation 61, 81, 94 nifo 136 niu 138 nose, speaking through 59 numeration 151 'oe 122 offerings 32 ono 165 onomatopoeia 60 open syllable 64 orthography unsystematized i Otazo, Father Francisco 37 oti 134 Oyolava 50 /?-rautation 86, 97 palatals, Subanu 64 palate, voice character 63 Paliola, Father Francisco 37 Panungo 25 Papimiento jargon 78 PAOS. paradeictic, part of speech 113 Parado, General Gonzalez 8 parts of speech 113 pasa 151 Pastell, Father Pablo 6 Pe 139 Pedrosa, Father Adolf o 37 pepelo 140 phonetics 55 physique 26 Pidgin jargon 77 Pigafetta, Francesco Antonio 8 pile-house 21 pili 140 pillow 23 Po 139 Po 140 polyandry 29 polygamy 29 Polynesian, early inhabitants of Ma- laysia 172 Polynesian Wanderings 173 pottery 23 prayer 33 preduplication 66 prefaced mutes 71 pregnancy customs 40 prefix 72 priest, see balian. priest-chief 24 prosthesis 104 pu'e {but) 1 84 puga 140 pupula 141 pusi 141 quarantine 31 quinary numeration 152, 161 r-mutation 80 r-d-mutation 70 religion 32 Retana 5 ring 27 Ronquillo, General Juan 37 s-mutation 83, 96, 137 5-d-mutation 70 sala 141 sago 19 Saleeby, Najeeb M 2 salt 13 Samoan kingship 48 Sarsali, Father Fabricio 37 schools 38 sea 12 sedentary posture 23 sefulu 168 selu 142 semivowels 59 Sharif Mohamad Kabungsuwan .... 24 shoot 112 shrine t,;^ Sicatuna 11 si'u 119 slavery 3. 6, 7 236 IND^X. PAOB. small-plenty . 162 snare 24 sonant 61 Spanish loan words 74 spirit 32 splay-foot 26 stair 21 stove 24 strength in speech 69, 88 Subanu census 8 origin of name i primordial Visayan type .... 89 residence i tribal subdivisions 7 Subanu-Bontoc afiiliation 97 Subanu-Visayan common speech ele- ment 78 filiation 77 Polynesian content . 1 70 subjection 31 suffix 72 sulu 142 siisu 142 susujiu 143 syllables 64 /-mutation 69, 85, 96 ta conditional formative no Tabunaway 7,24 tae 143 tali 143 taliga 143 tamd 144 tapioca 19 lasi 153 tdtalo 1 44 tatou 1 45 tattoo 27 TcUez, Father Pedro 37 thatch 22 thousand, diffuse plurality 162 tia {lian) 213 tifa 146 timiiai 24 Timuatea 147 tind 146 tinae 146 tobacco 20 toe 26 togo 146 tolu 1 60 tongue, voice character 63 tools 17 tooth filing 28 trade-speech 77 PAOS. translation principles 47 transliteration, Saleeby system 2 tree burial 39 tree-houses 22 Tregear, Edward 102 tribal ward farms 18 trocha Tukuran-Lintogud 4 ttii 1 46 tui 147 Tukuran-Lintogud trocha 4 tulu 147 tumu 147 tupu 48 ua 148 ufi 148 uila 148 ule 149 uli 149 ulu 149 uta 149 uti 149 'utii T24 va'a 150 vae 150 valii 167 vegetarian diet 21 village life 24. 25 Visayan dictionary 52 in Mindanao 11 settlement area 89 Subanu relationship 77 Vitiaz Strait 1 74 vocabulary pitfalls 45 sources 46 vowel loss 66 production 57 vowel-diphthong mutation 169 weaving 23 Weyler, General \'^aleriano 4 Whitney, William Dwight 100 world, ideas of 114 woman balian 33 laborer 26 woodcraft 20 word force 69, 88 tabu 116 Xavier, St. Francis 37 yaller dog 49 Yesindeed Island 50 Zamboanga 7 Date Due W^ APR 2 3 l &g^ ISaR 3 1 -Af^^ ir APR 2 1 9 6 4 JML2J^ DEC ? 6 JAN JJfiR 1 5 19g? 19fi iaM_ 19^ isfr <-. A imr Library Bureau Cat. No. 1137 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRAR / FAC'L T i UC SOUTHERN REGIONit I lRpt.av i D 000 304 866 7 &N ^^/