XENOPHON'S WORKS 
 
 
 

 
 XENOPHOH. 
 
 Philadelphia. Thomas "Waraie.lSJfioca 1 Street . 
 1836. 
 
THE 
 
 WHOLE WORKS 
 
 XENOPHON, 
 
 TBAXSLATED 
 
 BY ASHLEY COOPER, SPELMAN, SMITH, FIELDING 
 
 * 
 
 AND OTHERS. 
 
 COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 THOMAS WARDLE CHESTNUT ST. 
 
 Sta-eotyptd by L. Jchntan. 
 
 1845. 
 
 
NO. 9 GEORGE STREET. 
 PRINTED BY KING AND BAIRD, 
 
/?3 
 
 CONTENTS. / 
 
 THE INSTITUTION OP CYRUS, . . ' . T 1 
 
 .Jim EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, . . . . . . . . 153 
 
 /THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE, 351 
 
 //THE DEFENCE OF SOCRATES, *% . . 507 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES, ........ 517 
 
 THE BANQUET OF XENOPHON, 601 
 
 HIERO: ON THE CONDITION OF ROYALTY, 623 
 
 /THE SCIENCE OF GOOD HUSBANDRY, . . . . , . 643 
 
 REVENUE OF THE STATE OF ATHENS, . ' 679 
 
 ON THE ATHENIAN REPUBLIC, 693 
 
 ON THE LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC, 703 
 
 ON HORSEMANSHIP, .....,,... 715 
 
 EPISTLES, . . . . . _"; 729 
 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 OK 
 
 INSTITUTIONS OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS." 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 I. I HAVE heretofore considered how many 
 popular governments have been dissolved by 
 men who choose to live under any other sort 
 of government rather than the popular ; and how 
 many monarchies, and how many oligarchies, 
 have been destroyed by the people ; and how 
 many of those who have attempted tyrran- 
 nies have, some of them, been instantly and en- 
 tirely destroyed ; and others, if they have conti- 
 nued reigning but for any time, have been, ad- 
 mired as able, wise and happy men. And I 
 thought I observed many masters, in their own 
 private houses, some possessing more servants, 
 some but very few, who yet were not able to 
 preserve those few entirely obedient to their 
 commands. I considered withal that keepers 
 of oxen, and keepers of horses are, as it were 
 the magistrates and rulers of those oxen and 
 horses ; and, in general, all those called pastors 
 or herdsmen may be properly accounted the 
 magistrates of the animals they rule. I saw, I 
 thought, all these several herds more willing to 
 obey their pastors, than men their magistrates ; 
 for these herds go the way that their keepers 
 direct them ; they feed on those lands on which 
 their keepers place them ; they abstain from 
 those from which their keepers drive them ; 
 they suffer their keepers to make what use they 
 please of the fruits and profits that arise from 
 them. Besides, I never did perceive a herd 
 conspiring against its keepers, either so as not 
 to obey them, or so as not to allow them the 
 use of the fruits arising from them. Herds 
 are rather more refractory towards any others 
 than they are towards their rulers, and those 
 who make profit of them ; but men conspire 
 
 * Xenophon's Cyropadia or Institution of Cyrus, from 
 external evidence and because it contradicts other histo- 
 rians, is not considered as an authentic history, but rather 
 aa an historical romance, showing what should be the 
 conduct of a wise and virtuous monarch. 
 1 
 
 against none sooner than against those whom 
 they perceive undertaking the government of 
 them. When these things were in my mind, I 
 came to this judgment on them ; that to man 
 it was easier to rule every other sort of creature 
 than to rule man. But when I considered that 
 there was the Persian Cyrus, who had render- 
 ed many men, many cities, and many nations, 
 obedient to himself, I was necessitated to 
 change my opinion, and to think that the go- 
 vernment of men was not amongst the things 
 that were impossible, nor amongst the things 
 that are difficult, if one undertook it with un- 
 derstanding and skill. I knew there were those 
 that willingly obeyed Cyrus, who were many 
 days' journey distant from him ; those who were 
 months ; those who had never seen him : and 
 those who knew very well that they never 
 should see him ; yet would they submit to his 
 government : for he so far excelled all other 
 kings, both those that received their dominion 
 by succession, as well as those that acquired it 
 themselves, that the Scythian, for example, 
 though his people be very numerous, has not 
 been able to obtain the dominion of any other 
 nation, but rests satisfied if he hold but the 
 rule of his o-wn / the Thracian the same ; the 
 Illyrian the same ; and other nations, as I have 
 heard, the same ; for the nations of Europe 
 are said to be sovereign and independent of each 
 other. But Cyrus, finding in like manner the 
 nations of Asia sovereign and independent, and 
 setting forward with a little army of Persians, 
 obtained the dominion of the Medes by their 
 own choice and voluntary submission ; of the 
 Hyrcanians the same. He conquered the Sy- 
 rians, Assyrians, Arabs, Cappadocians, both 
 Phrygias, the Lydians, Carians, Phoenicians, 
 and Babylonians. He ruled the Bactrians, 
 Indians, and Cilicians : in like manner the Sa- 
 cians, Paphlagonians, and Megadinians, and 
 A 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK 1. 
 
 min-y of her nanor.b, whose aames one cannot 
 enumerate. He ruled the Greeks that were 
 settled in Asia ; and descending to the sea, the 
 Cyprians and Egyptians. These nations he 
 ruled, though their languages differed from his 
 own and from each other ; and yet was he able 
 to extend the fear of himself over so great a 
 part of the world as to astonish all, and that no 
 one attempted any thing against him. He was 
 able to inspire all with so great a desire of 
 pleasing him that they ever desired to be go- 
 verned by his opinion and will. He connected 
 together so many nations as it would be a labour 
 to enumerate, to whatsoever point one under- 
 took to direct one's course, whether it were 
 east, west, north, or south, setting out from his 
 palace and seat of empire. With respect there- 
 fore to this man, as worthy of admiration, I 
 have inquired by what birth, with what natural 
 disposition, and under what discipline and edu- 
 cation bred, he so much excelled in the art of 
 governing men. And whatever I have learned, 
 or think I know concerning him, I shall endea 
 vour to relate. 
 
 II. Cyrus is said to be descended from Cam- 
 byses king of the Persians, as his father. 
 Cambyses was of the race of the Perseidse, 
 who were so called from Perseus. It is agreed 
 that he was born of a mother called Mandane ; 
 and Mandane was the daughter of Astyages, 
 king of the Medes. Cyrus is said to have 
 had by nature a most beautiful person, and a 
 mind of the greatest benignity and love to man- 
 kind, most desirous of knowledge, and most 
 ambitious of glory, so as to bear any pain, and 
 undergo any danger, for the sake of praise ; and 
 he is yet celebrated as such among the barba- 
 rians. Such is he recorded to have been with 
 respect to his mind and person ; and he was 
 educjaJejl under the institutions and laws of the 
 
 These laws seem to begin with a provident 
 care of Jhe common good ; not where those of 
 most other governments begin ; for most other 
 governments, giving to all a liberty of educat- 
 ing their children as they please, and to the ad- 
 
 * According to Herodotus, Cambyses was a Persian of 
 obscure origin, to whom Astyages gave his daughter in 
 marriage. The king had been terrified by dreams which 
 threatened the loss of his crown by the hand of his 
 daughter's son, a calamity which he hoped to avert 
 by this means; but he was eventually dethroned by 
 Cyrus. Aetyages' deposition is stated to have been oc- 
 tasioned by his cruelty and oppression. 
 
 vanced in age a liberty of living as they please, 
 do then enjoin their people not to steal, not to 
 plunder, not to enter a house by violence, not 
 to strike unjustly, not to be adulterous, not to 
 disobey the magistrates, and other things in 
 like manner ; and, if any transgress, they im- 
 pose punishments on them : but the Persian 
 
 s^Jakingjthiftg^Jiigher, are careful, from 
 the beginning, to provide that their citizens shall 
 not be such as to be capable of meddling with 
 any action that is base and <vile. And that care 
 they take in this manner : they' have a public 
 place, called from the name of liberty, where 
 the king's palace and the other courts and 
 houses of magistrates are built ; all things that 
 are bought and sold, and the dealers in them, 
 their noise and low disingenuous manners, are 
 banished hence to another place, that the rout 
 of these may not mix and interfere with the 
 decent order of those who are under the inge- 
 nious discipline. This place, near the public 
 courts, is divided into four parts : one is allot- 
 ted to the boys, one to the youth, one to the 
 full-grown men, and one Jo those who exceed 
 the years of military service." Each of these 
 orders, according to the law, attend in their 
 several parts ; the boys and full grown men as 
 soon as it is day ; the elders when they think 
 convenient, except on appointed days when 
 they are obliged to be present ; the youth take 
 up their rest round the courts, in their light 
 arms, all but such as are married ; these are 
 not required to do it, unless beforehand order- 
 ed to attend ; nor is it decent for them to be 
 absent often. Over each of the orders there 
 are twelve rulers, for the Persians are divided 
 into twelve tribes. Those over the boys are 
 chosen from amongst the elders, and such as 
 are thought to make them the best boys ; those 
 over the youth are chosen from amongst the 
 full-grown men, and such as are thought to 
 make the best youth ; and over the full-grown 
 men, such as are thought to render them the 
 most ready to perform their appointed parts, 
 and to execute the orders they receive from the 
 chief magistrate. There are likewise chosen 
 presidents over the elders, who take care that 
 these also perform their duty. And, that it 
 may appear what means they use to make their 
 citizens prove the best, I shall now relate whai 
 part is appointed for each degree. 
 
 The boys^jylio frequent the public places of 
 instruction, pass their time in learning justice ; 
 and tell you that they go for that purpose, as 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 3 
 
 those with us, who g.i to learn letters, tell yOu 
 they go for this purpose. Their rulers, for the 
 most part of the day, continue dispersing jus- 
 tice among them ; for as amongst the men, so 
 ' the boys have against each other their accusa- 
 tions for theft, robbery, violence, deceit, and 
 calumny, and other such things as naturally 
 occur ; and when th?y find any acting unjustly, 
 in any of these ways, they punish them ; they 
 punish likewise such as they find guilty of false 
 accusation ; they appeal to justice also in the 
 case of a crime for which men hate one another 
 excessively, but never bring to the bar of jus- 
 tice, that is, ingratitude ; and whomsoever they 
 find able to return a benefit, and refusing to do 
 it, they punish severely : for they are of opin 
 ion that the ungrateful are careless and neglect- 
 ful both of the gods, of their parents, of their 
 country, and of their friends ; and ingratitude 
 seems to be certainly attended by imprudence ; 
 and this seems to be the principal conductor of 
 mankind into all things that are vile. They 
 instil into the boys a modest and discreet tem- 
 per of mind ; and it contributes much towards 
 establishing this temper in them, that they see 
 every day their elders behaving themselves in 
 that discreet and modest manner. They teach 
 them obedience to their rulers ; and it contri- 
 butes much to their instruction in this, that they 
 see their elders zealously obedient to their rul- 
 ers. They teach them temperance with respect 
 to eating and drinking ; and it contributes much 
 to this their temperance, to see that their elders 
 do not quit their stations for the service of 
 their bellies before the magistrates dismiss 
 them : and that the boys do not eat with their 
 mothers, but with their teachers, and when the 
 magistrates give the signal. They bring from 
 home with them bread for their food, and a 
 sort of herb, much in use with them, to eat 
 with it. And they bring a cup to drink in, that 
 if any are thirsty, they may take from the river. 
 They learn, besides, to shoot with the bow, 
 and to throw the javelin. These things the 
 boys practice till they are sixteen or seventeen 
 vears of age ; they then enter the order of 
 vouth. The youth pags their time thus : for 
 ten yars_afterjheypass from the order of boys, 
 they take their rests around the courts, as is 
 said before, both for the security and guard of 
 the city, and to preserve in them a modesty 
 and governableness of temper ; for this age 
 seems the most to need care. In the day time 
 they chiefly give themselves up to be made 
 
 use of by their magistrates, in case they want 
 them for any public service ; and when it is 
 necessary they all attend about the courts. 
 But when the king goes out to hunt he takes 
 half the guard off with him ; and this he does 
 several times every month. Those that go 
 must have their bow and quiver, a smaller sort 
 of sword in its proper scabbard, a shield, and 
 two javelins ; one to throw, and the other, if 
 necessary, to use at hand. They are careful 
 to keep up these public huntings ; and the king, 
 as in war, is in this their leader, hunts himself, 
 and takes care that others do so ; because it 
 seems to be the truest method of practising al! 
 such things as relate to war. Itaccustoms 
 them to rise early in the morning, and to bear 
 he"aT~~a|nd coldjit exercises them in long 
 marches, anct in running ; it necessitates them 
 to use their bow against the beast they hunt, 
 and to throw their javelin if he fall in their 
 way ; their courage must, of necessity, be of- 
 ten sharpened in the hunt, when any of the 
 strong and vigorous beasts oppose themselves ; 
 they must come to blows with the beast, if he 
 comes up with them, and must be on their 
 guard as he comes on them. So that it is no 
 easy matter to find what one thing there is that 
 is practised in war, and is not so in their hunt- 
 ing. They attend this hunting, being provided 
 with a dinner, larger, indeed, as is but fit, than 
 that of the boys, but in all other respects the 
 same ; and during the hunt sometimes, per- 
 haps, they shall not eat it ; either waiting for 
 the beast, if it be necessary, or choosing to 
 spend more time at the work ; so they make 
 their supper of that dinner : hunt again the 
 next day, until the time of supper ; and reckon 
 these two days as but one, because they have 
 ate the food of but one day. This they do to 
 accustom themselves, that in case it may be 
 necessary for them in war, they may be able to 
 do it. They of this degree have what they 
 catch for meat with their bread. If they catch 
 nothing, then they have their usual herb. And 
 if any one think that they eat without pleasure, 
 when they have this herb only for food with 
 their bread, and that they drink without plea- 
 sure when they drink water, let him recollect 
 how pleasant it is to one who is hungry to eat 
 plain cake or br^ad ; and how pleasant to one 
 who is thirsty to drink water. The tribes that 
 remain at home pass their time in practising 
 he things they learned while they were boys, 
 n shooting with the bow, and throwing the 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 javelin. These they continue exercising in 
 emulation one against another : and there are 
 public games, in these kinds, and prizes set ; 
 and in whichsoever of the tribes there are the 
 most found who exceed in skill, in courage, and 
 in obedience, the citizens applaud and honour, 
 not only the present ruler of them, but also the 
 person who had the instruction of them while 
 boys. The magistrates likewise make use of 
 the remaining youth, if they want them, to keep 
 guard on any occasion, or to search for criminal 
 persons, to pursue robbers, or for any other 
 business that requires strength and agility. 
 These things the youth practise, and when they 
 have completed ten years (hey enter into the 
 order of full-grown men. These, from the 
 time they leave the order of youth, pass five- 
 and-twenty years in this manner. First as the 
 youth, they give themselves up to be made use 
 of by the magistrates, on any occasion that may 
 occur for the service of the public, and that re- 
 quires the service of such as have discretion, 
 and are yet in vigour. If some military expe- 
 dition be necessary to be undertaken, they who 
 are under this degree of discipline do not en- 
 gage in it with bows and javelins, but with what 
 they call arms for close fight, a corselet about 
 the breast, a shield in the left hand, such as the 
 Persians are painted with, and the right a 
 larger sort of sword. All the magistrates are 
 chosen from amongst these, except the teachers 
 of the boys ; and when they have completed 
 five-and-twenty years in this order they are 
 then something upwards of fifty years of age, 
 and pass into the order of such as are elders 
 , and are so called. These elders are not oblig- 
 ed to attend any military service abroad, but 
 remaining at home, have the distribution of 
 public and private justice ; have judgment of 
 life and death, and the choice of all magistrates ; 
 and if any of the youth or full-grown men fai 
 in any thing enjoined by the laws, the phy- 
 larchs, or magistrates of the tribes, or any one 
 that will make discovery of it, the elders hear 
 the cause, and give judgment on it ; and the 
 person so judged and condemned remains infa 
 mous for the rest of his life. 
 
 That the whole Persian form of governmen 
 may the more plainly appear, I return a little 
 back ; for, by means of what has been already 
 aid it may now be laid open in a very few 
 words. TheJPergjans^re^said to be in num 
 ber about^twelve myriads, or a hundred am 
 twejity^thonsand ; of these none are by law 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 xcluded from honours and magistracies, but all 
 re at liberty to send their boys to the public 
 chools of justice. Tripy. wh^ are nblr tajnajn 
 ain their children idle, and without labour, send . 
 hem tc^ejT schools ; they who are not able, 
 o not^send them. They^ _ jjjfiT~are jhjgjrgdu 
 ated under the_public_ teachers are at liberty^ 
 o pass through the order of youth"; they who 
 are not sg-EtrtrCSteci haveniotjjiat liberty. They 
 
 who pass througfrTfaeTyouth, fullyTlischarging 
 all things enjoined by the law, are allowed to 
 >e incorporated amongst the full-grown men, 
 nd to partake of all honours and magistracies ; 
 )ut they who do not complete their course 
 hrough the order of boys, and through that of 
 the youth, do not pass into the order of the full- 
 rown men. They who make their progress 
 through the order of the full-grown men unex- 
 ceptionable become then the elders ; so the 
 order of elders stand composed of men who 
 have made their way through all things good 
 and excellent. And this is the form of govern- 
 ment, by the use of which, they think, they be- 
 come the best men. There yet remain things 
 that bear testimony to the spare diet used 
 among the Persians, and to their carrying it off 
 by exercise ; for it is even yet shameful among 
 them to be seen either to' spit or to blow the 
 nose, or any such matter ; and these things 
 could not possibly be unless they used a very 
 temperate diet, and spent the moisture by ex- 
 ercise, making it pass some other way. 
 
 ThjBseJhjrjgs- 1 had to say concerning the 
 Persians-i-gcn^ral. I will now relate the ac- 
 tions of Cyrus, on whose account this discourse 
 was undertaken, beginning from his. being a 
 boy. 
 
 III. Cyrus, till twelve years of age, or little 
 more, was educated under this discipline, and 
 appeared to excel all his equals, both in his 
 quick learning of what was proper, and in his 
 performing every thing in a handsome and in 
 a manly way. At that time Astyages sent for 
 his daughter and her son ; for he was desirous 
 to see him, having heard that he was an excel- 
 lent and lovely child. Mandane therefore came 
 to her father, and brought her son with hen 
 As soon as they arrived, and Cyrus knew As. 
 tyages to be his mother's father, he instantly 
 as being a boy of great good-nature, embraced 
 him, just as if he had been bred under him, 
 and had long had an affection for him : and 
 observing him set out and adorned, with his eyes 
 and complexion painted, and with false hair. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 things that are allowed amongst the Medes (for 
 the purple coat, the rich habit called candys, 
 collars about the neck, and bracelets about the 
 hands, all belonging to the Medes ; but amongst 
 the inhabitants of Persia, even at this day, their 
 habits are much coarser, and their diet much 
 plainer) observing this dress of their grandfa- 
 ther, and looking at him, he said : " O mother, 
 how handsome is my grandfather !" And his 
 mother then asking him which he thought the 
 handsomer, either his father or his grandfather, 
 Cyrus answered : " Of the Persians, mother, 
 my father is much the handsomest ; and of all 
 the Medes that I have seen, either on the road 
 or within the city, this grandfather of mine is 
 much the handsomest." Astyages, then em- 
 bracing Cyrus, in return put on him a fine 
 robe, honoured him, and set him out with col- 
 lars and bracelets ; and, whenever he went 
 abroad, carried him with him, mounted on a 
 horse with a bridle of gold, and such as he used 
 himself to appear abroad on. Cyrus being a 
 boy much in love with what was fine and ho- 
 nourable, was pleased with the robe, and ex- 
 tremely delighted with learning to ride, for 
 amongst the Persians, it being difficult to breed 
 horses, and even difficult to ride, the country 
 being mountainous, it is a rare thing to see a 
 horse. But Astyages being at table with his 
 daughter, and with Cyrus, and being desirous 
 to treat the boy with all possible delight and 
 pleasure, that he might the less miss what he 
 enjoyed at home, set before him several dishes, 
 with sauces and meats of all kinds ; on which 
 Cyrus is reported to have said : " What a deal 
 of business and trouble, grandfather, have you 
 at your meals, if you must reach out your hands 
 to all these several dishes, and taste of all these 
 kinds of meats !" What, then," said Astyages, 
 " do you not think this entertainment much 
 finer than what you have in Persia 1" Cyrus is 
 said to have replied : " No, grandfather ; with us 
 we have a much plainer and readier way to get 
 satisfied than you have ; for plain bread and 
 meat suffices for our meal ; but you, in order to 
 the same end, have a deal of business on your 
 hands ; and, wandering up and down through 
 many mazes, you at last scarce arrive where we 
 have got long before you." But, child," said 
 Astyages, " it is not with pain that we wander 
 through these mazes ; taste," said he, " and you 
 will find that these things are pleasant." " Well, 
 but, grandfather," said Cyrus, " I see that you 
 yourself have an aversion to these sauces and 
 2* 
 
 things." What ground," replied' Astyages, 
 "have you to say so!" " Because," said he, 
 when you touch your bread, I see you do not 
 wipe your hands on any thing ; but, when you 
 meddle with any of these, you presently clean 
 your hands on your napkin, as if you were very 
 uneasy to have them daubed with them." To 
 this Astyages is said to have^ answered : Well, 
 child, if this be your opinion, eat heartily of 
 plain meats, that you may return young and 
 healthy home ;" and at the same time he isaid 
 to have presented to him various meats, both of 
 the tame and wild kinds. Cyrus, when he saw 
 this variety of meats, is reported to have said : 
 " And do you give me all these meats, grand- 
 father, to do with them as I think fit ?" Yes, 
 truly, I do," said Astyages ; then Cyrus, taking 
 of the several meats, is said to have distributed 
 around to the servants about his grandfather, 
 saying to one, ' this for you, because you take 
 pains to teach me to ride ; this for you, because 
 you gave me a javelin ; for I have it at this time : 
 this for you, because you serve my grandfather 
 well : this for you, because you honour my 
 mother :" and that thus he did till he distributed 
 away all he had received. Astyages is then re- 
 ported to have said : " And do you give nothing 
 to this Sacian, my cup-bearer, that I favour 
 above all ?" This Sacian was a very beautiful 
 person, and nad the honour to introduce to As- 
 tyages any that had business with him, and was 
 to hinder those that he did not think it seasona- 
 ble to introduce. Cyrus to this is said to have 
 answered, in a pert manner, as a boy not yet 
 struck with the sense of shame ; For what 
 reason is it grandfather, that you favour this 
 Sacian so much 1" Astyages replied, in a jesting 
 way : " Do not you see," said he, " how hand- 
 somely and neatly he pours me my wine ?" For 
 these cup-bearers to kings perform their busi- 
 ness very cleverly : they pour out their wine 
 very neatly, and give the cup, bearing it along 
 with three fingers, and present it in such a man- 
 ner, as it may best be received by the person 
 who is to drink. Grandfather," said Cyrus, 
 " bid the Sacian give me the cup, that pouring 
 you your wine to drink, I may gain your favour 
 if I can." Astyages bade the Sacian give him 
 the cup ; and Cyrus taking it, is said to have 
 washed the cup as he had observed the Sacian 
 to do ; and settling his countenance in a serious 
 and decent manner, brought and presented the 
 cup to to his grandfather in such a manner as 
 afforded much laughter to his mother and to 
 

 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK I. 
 
 Astyages. Then Cyrus, laughing out, leaped up 
 to his grandfather, and kissing him, cried out : 
 " Sacian, you are undone ! I will turn you 
 out of your office : I will do the business better 
 than you, and not drink the wine myself." For 
 these cup-bearers, when they have given the cup, 
 dip with a dish and take a little out, which, 
 pouring into their left hand, they swallow ; and 
 this they do, that, in case they mix poison in the 
 cup, it may be of no advantage to themselves. 
 On this Astyages, in a jesting way, said : " And 
 why, Cyrus, since you have imitated the Sacian 
 in every thing else, did not you swallow some of 
 the wine ?" " Because, truly," said he, I was 
 afraid there had been poison mixed in the cup ; 
 for when you feasted your friends on your birth- 
 day, I plainly found that he had poured you all 
 poison." " And how, child," said he, " did you 
 know this ?" " Truly," said he, " because I 
 saw you all disordered in body and mind : for, 
 first, what you do not allow us boys to do, that 
 you did yourselves : for you all bawled toge- 
 ther, and could learn nothing of each other : 
 then you fell to singing very ridiculously ; and 
 without attending to the singer, you swore he 
 sung admirably : then every one telling stories 
 of his own strength, you rose up and fell to 
 dancing ; but without all rule or measure, for 
 you could not so much as keep yourselves up- 
 right : then you all entirely forgot yourselves ; 
 you, that you were king, and they, that you 
 were the governor ; and then, for the first 
 time, I discovered that you were celebrating a 
 festival, where all were allowed to talk with 
 equal liberty ; for you never ceased talking." 
 Astyages then said : " Does your father, child, 
 never drink till he gets drunk!" " No, truly," 
 said he * What does he then." Why, he 
 quenches his thirst, and gets no farther harm , 
 for, as I take it, grandfather," said he, " it is no 
 Sacian that officiates as cup-bearer about him." 
 His mother then said : But why, child, do you 
 make war thus on the Sacian ?" Cyrus to this 
 is said to reply : " Why, truly, because I hate 
 him ; for very often, when I am desirous to 
 run to my grandfather, this nasty fellow hin- 
 ders me. Pray, grandfather, said he, let me, 
 but have the government of him but for three 
 days." "How would you govern him ?" said 
 Astyages. Cyrus replied : Why, standing as 
 he does, just at the entrance, when he had a 
 mind to go in to dinner, then would I tell him 
 that he could not possibly have his dinner yet, 
 because <* Jje was busy with certain people :" 
 
 then, when he came to supper, I would tell 
 him that < he was bathing:' and if he was very 
 pressing for his victuals, I would tell him that 
 < he was with the women :' and so on, till I had 
 tormented him as he torments me when he 
 keeps me from you." Such like subjects of 
 mirth did he afford them at meals ; at other 
 times of the day, if he perceived his grandfather 
 or his mother's brother in want of any thing, it 
 was a difficult matter for any one to be before- 
 hand with him in doing it : for Cyrus was ex- 
 tremely delighted to gratify them in any thing 
 that lay in his power. But when Mandane 
 was preparing to return home to her husband 
 Astyages desired her to leave Cyrus with him. 
 She made answer that she was willing to gratify 
 her father in every thing ; but to leave the 
 child against his will she thought hard. On 
 this occasion Astyages said to Cyrus : " Child, 
 if you will stay with me, in the first place, the 
 Sacian shall not have the command of your 
 access to me; but, whenever you come, it shall 
 be in your own power ; and the oftener you 
 will come," said he, " the more I shall think 
 myself obliged to you. Then you shall have 
 the use of all my horses, and of as many more 
 as you please ; and, when you go away, you 
 shall take as many of them as you please with 
 you : then, at meals, you shall take what way 
 you please to get satisfied in what you think a 
 temperate way : then all the several creatures 
 that are now in the park I give you ; and will 
 besides collect more of all kinds, that you may 
 pursue them when you have learnt to ride, 
 and with your bow and javelin lay them pros- 
 trate on the ground, as grown men do. Boys 
 I will furnish you with for playfellows ; and 
 whatever else you would have, do but tell me, 
 and you shall not go without." When As- 
 tyages had said this, Cyrus' mother asked him 
 whether he would go or stay. He did not at 
 all hesitate, but presently said that he would 
 stay. And being asked by his mother the rea- 
 son why, it is said that he made answer ^'Be- 
 cause, mother, that at home, both at the bow 
 and javelin, I am superior to all 0|f equal age 
 with me, and am so reckoned ; but here, I well 
 know that in horsemanship I am their inferior ; 
 and be it known to you, mother, this grieves 
 me very much. But if you leave me here, and 
 I learn to be a horseman, then I reckon that 
 when I am in Persia I shall easily muster them 
 there, who are so good at all exercises on foot ; 
 and when I come amongst the Medes I shall 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 endeavour to be an assistant and a support to 
 my grandfather, making myself the most skil- 
 ful amongst those who excel in horsemanship." 
 His mother is then reported to have said : 
 " But how, child, will you be instructed here 
 in the knowledge of justice, when your teachers 
 are there 1" " O mother!" said Cyrus, " that I 
 understand exactly already." "How sol" said 
 Mandane. " Because my teacher," said he, " ap- 
 pointed me judge over others, as being very ex- 
 act in the knowledge of justice myself. But 
 yet," said he, " I had some stripes given me, as 
 not determining right in one judgment that I 
 gave. The case was this ; a bigger boy, who 
 had a little coat, stripping a less boy, who had 
 a larger, put on the little boy the coat that was 
 his own, and put on himself the coat that was 
 the little boy's. I therefore passing judgment 
 on them, decreed that it was best that each 
 should keep the coat that best fitted him. On- 
 this my teacher thrashed me, and told me that 
 when I should be constituted judge of what 
 fitted best, I should determine in this manner : 
 but when I was to judge whose the coat was, 
 then,, said he, it must be inquired what right 
 possession is ; whether he that took a thing by 
 force should have it, or whether he who made 
 it or purchased it should possess it : and then 
 he told me what was according to law was just, 
 and that what was contrary to law was violent. 
 He bid me take notice, therefore, that a judge 
 ought to give his opinion with the law. So, 
 mother," said he, " I understand what is just 
 in all cases very exactly ; or, if any thing be 
 wanting to me, my grandfather here will teach 
 it me." "But, child," said she, "the same 
 things are not accounted just with your grand' 
 father here, and yonder in Persia ; for among 
 the Medes your grandfather has made himself 
 lord and master of all ; (but amongst the Per- 
 sians it is accounted just that all should be 
 equally dealt by ; and your father is the first to 
 execute the orders imposed on the whole state, 
 and receive those orders himself: his own 
 humour is not his rule and measure, but it is 
 the law that is so.) How then can you avoid 
 being beat to death at home, when you come 
 from your grandfather instructed not in kingly 
 arts, but in the arts and manner of tyranny ; 
 one of which is, to think that power and as- 
 cendant over all is your due ?" " O mother," 
 said Cyrus, " your father is much better able 
 to teach one to submit than to take the as- 
 cendant. Do you not see," said he, " that he 
 
 bias taught all the Medes to submit to him " 
 So be well assured that your father will not 
 dismiss me, nor any one from about him, in- 
 structed how to gain power and ascendancy 
 over others." 
 
 IV. Many such kind of discourses did Cy- 
 rus hold. At last his mother went away : he 
 stayed, and was there brought up. He imme- 
 diately joined himself to those that were his 
 equals in age, so as to be on a very familiar and 
 friendly footing with them ; and he presently 
 gained their fathers, both by visiting them, and 
 by giving evidence of his affection for their 
 sons. So that if they had any business with 
 the king, they bid their boys ask Cyrus to do 
 it ; and Cyrus, such was his benignity and love 
 of esteem and praise, did his utmost to accom- 
 plish it for them ; and Astyages had it not in 
 his power to refuse gratifying Cyrus in what- 
 ever he asked of him ; for Cyrus, when his 
 grandfather fell ill, never quitted him ; never 
 ceased from tears ; and made it evident to all 
 that he was in the utmost fear of his dying. 
 And in the night, if Astyages wanted any thing, 
 Cyrus was the first to perceive it, and started 
 up the nimblest of any to serve him in any 
 thing that he thought pleasing to him ; so that 
 he entirely gained Astyages. Cyrus was per- 
 haps a little over-talkative ; but this he had 
 partly from his education, his teacher obliging 
 him to give a reason for every thing that he 
 did, and to hearken to it from others, when he 
 was to give his opinion in judgment : and be- 
 sides, being very eager after knowledge, he was 
 always asking those about him abundance of 
 questions, how such and such things were ; and 
 on whatever subject he was questioned by 
 others, being of a very quick and ready appre- 
 hension, he instantly made his answers : so that, 
 from all these things, he contracted an over- 
 talkativeness. But, as in the persons of very 
 young people, who have shot up suddenly, so 
 as to be very tall, there yet appears something 
 childish that be.trays their youth ; so in Cyrus, 
 it was not an impudence and boldness that ap- 
 peared through that talkativeness, but a sim- 
 plicity and good nature ; so that one was de- 
 sirous rather to hear yet more from him, than 
 to be with him while he held his tongue. 
 
 But as years added to his growth, and 
 brought him on towards the time of his be- 
 coming a youth, he then used fewer words and 
 a softer voice ; he became full of shame, so as 
 to blush when he came into the company of 
 
8 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 men of years ; and that playful pertness in 
 bluntly accosting every one, did not continue 
 with him as before. So he became more soft 
 and gentle, but, in his conversation, extremely 
 agreeable ; for in all the exercises that he and 
 his equals used in emulation of each other, he 
 did not challenge his companions to those in 
 which he knew himself superior, but such as 
 he well knew himself to be inferior in, those 
 he set on foot, declaring that he would do them 
 better than they. Accordingly, he would be- 
 gin vaulting the horse, throwing the javelin, 
 or shooting with the bow on horseback, while 
 he was yet scarce well able to sit on a horse ; 
 and when he was outdone he was the first to 
 laugh at himself: and as, on the account of 
 being baffled, he did not fly off and meddle no 
 more with the things he was so baffled in, but 
 continued repeating his endeavours to do better, 
 he presently became equal to his companions 
 in horsemanship, and, by his love of the work, 
 quickly left them behind. He then presently 
 applied himself to the taking of the beasts in 
 the park, pursuing, throwing at them, and kill- 
 ing them ; so that Astyages could no longer 
 supply him with them. And Cyrus, perceiv- 
 ing that he could not furnish him with these 
 creatures, though very desirous to do it, often 
 said to him ; " What need you take so much 
 pains, grandfather, to find me out these crea- 
 tures 1 If you will but send me out to hunt 
 with my uncle, I shall reckon that all the beasts 
 I see are creatures that you maintain for me." 
 But though he was very desirous to go out to 
 hunt, yet he could not now be pressing and 
 importunate, as when he was a boy : he became 
 very backward in going to his grandfather ; and 
 what he blamed in the Sacian for not admitting 
 him to his grandfather, he became in this a 
 Sacian to himself; for he never went in, unless 
 he knew beforehand that it was seasonable ; 
 and begged the Sacian by all means, to signify 
 to him when it was seasonable, and when not ; 
 so that the Sacian now loved him extremely, 
 as all the rest did. 
 
 When Astyages therefore knew that he was 
 extremely desirous to hunt abroad and at large, 
 he sent him out with his uncle, and sent some 
 elderly men on horseback with him, as guards 
 to him, to take care of him in rough and rocky 
 parts of the country, and in case any beasts of 
 the savage kind appeared. Cyrus therefore 
 was very earnest in inquiring of those that 
 attended him what beasts he was not to ap- 
 
 proach, and which those were that he might 
 confidently pursue. They told him that bears 
 had destroyed many that had ventured to ap- 
 proach them ; and that lions, wild boars, and 
 leopards had done the same ; but that stags, 
 wild goats, wild sheep, and wild asses were 
 harmless things. They told him likewise that 
 rough and rocky places were not less to be 
 dreaded than the beasts ; for that many, both 
 men and horses, had fallen headlong down pre- 
 cipices. Cyrus took all these instructions very 
 eagerly ; but as soon as he saw a stag roused, 
 forgetting all that he had heard, he pursued, 
 and looked at nothing but at that which he 
 followed ; and his horse taking a leap with him, 
 fell on his knees, and wanted but little of throw- 
 ing him quite over his neck. However, Cyrus, 
 though with difficulty, kept on his back, and 
 the horse sprang up. When they got into the 
 plain he struck the stag with his javelin, and 
 brought him to the ground : a large, noble crea- 
 ture it was, and he was most highly delighted. 
 But his guardians coming up with him, chid 
 and reproved him ; told him what danger he 
 had run into ; and said that they would tell it 
 to his grandfather. Cyrus, having alighted 
 from his horse, stood and heard this with much 
 uneasiness ; but hearing a halloo, he mounted 
 his horse at a leap, as in a sort of enthusiasm, 
 and as soon as he saw a boar rushing forward 
 over against him, he rushed on him, and, aim- 
 ing right with his javelin, struck the boar in 
 the forehead : and here his uncle, seeing his 
 boldness, reproved him : he, while his uncle 
 was reproving him, begged that he would allow 
 him to carry off the beasts that he had taken, 
 and to give them to his grandfather. To this, 
 they say, his uncle replied : " But if he dis- 
 cover that it is you that have pursued and taken 
 them, he will not only reprove you, but me, 
 for allowing you to do it." Let him beat 
 me," said he, "if he will, when I have given 
 them to him : and do you, if you will, uncle," 
 said he, " correct me as you please ; do but 
 gratify me in this." Cyaxares at last said : 
 " Well, do as you please, for it is you that 
 seems now to be our king." 
 So Cyrus, carrying off the beasts, presented 
 them to his grandfather, and told him that he 
 himself had taken them for him. The javelins 
 he did not show him, but laid them down all 
 bloody, where he thought that he certainly 
 would see them. Astyages said : " Child, I 
 receive with pleasure whatever you give me; 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 9 
 
 bat I am not in such want of any of these 
 things as to run you into danger for them." 
 " If you do not want them, grandfather," said 
 Cyrus, pray give them me, that I may dis- 
 tribute them to my companions." " Child," 
 said Astyages, " take them, and distribute 
 them to whom you please, and of every thing 
 else whatever you will." Cyrus, taking the 
 beasts, gave them to the boys ; and withal 
 told them : " Boys," said he, what very tri- 
 flers were we when we hunted in the park ! 
 In my opinion it was as if one had tied the 
 creatures by the leg and hunted them ; for, 
 first, we were within a narrow compass of 
 ground ; then the creatures were poor, slender, 
 scabby things : one was lame, another maimed : 
 but the beasts in the mountains and marshes, 
 how fine, how large, and how sleek they ap- 
 pear ! The stags, as if they had wings, leap 
 to the very heavens ; the boars, as they say 
 brave men do, attack one hand to hand, and 
 their bulk is such that it is impossible to miss 
 them. These, even when they are dead," said 
 he, " are, in my opinion, finer than those other, 
 walled-up things when alive. But," said he 
 " would your father, think you, send you out 
 to hunt ?" Yes, very readily," said they, " if 
 Astyages ordered it." Cyrus then said: 
 " Who is there amongst you therefore that 
 would mention it to Astyages 1" Who more 
 able," said they, " to persuade him than your- 
 self!" " But, truly," said he, for my part, 
 I know not what kind of creature I am be- 
 come ; for I am neither able to speak, nor can 
 I any longer so much as meet my grandfather's 
 eyes ; and, if I go on in this way so fast, I 
 fear," said he, < \ shall become a mere block- 
 head and fool : yet when I was a little boy I 
 was thought a notable talker." The boys then 
 said : " You tell us a sad piece of news, if you 
 can do nothing for us in case of need, but that 
 we must beg that of another that is in your 
 power to effect." 
 
 Cyrus, hearing this, was nettled ; and retir- 
 ing without saying a word, he stirred himself 
 up to boldness; and having contrived how to 
 speak to his grandfather in the least offensive 
 manner, and to obtain for himself and the boys 
 what they desired, he went in. Thus then he 
 began : " Tell me," said he, " grandfather, if 
 one of your domestic servants should run away, 
 and you should take him again, what would 
 you do with him ?" Why," said he, what 
 should I do but put him in chains, and force him 
 
 to work ?" But if a runaway should of himself 
 return to you, what would you do ?" " What 
 else," said he, but have him whipped, that he 
 may do so no more, then^nake use of him as 
 before ?" " It is time therefore," said Cyrus, 
 to prepare yourself to bestow a whipping on 
 me, as having contrived to run away, and take 
 my companions with me a hunting." " Then," 
 said Astyages, you have done very well to 
 tell it me beforehand ; for henceforward, I 
 order you not to stir. It is a fine thing, in- 
 deed," said he, " if, for the sake of a little veni- 
 son, I shall send out my daughter's son to 
 ramble at his pleasure." 
 
 Cyrus, hearing this, obeyed, and stayed at 
 home much afflicted, carrying a melancholy 
 countenance, and remaining silent. Astyages, 
 when he found that he was so extremely af- 
 flicted, being willing to please him, carried 
 him out to hunt ; and, assembling abundance 
 of people, both foot and horse, and likewise 
 the boys, and driving the beasts out into the 
 champaign country, he made a great hunt ; 
 and being himself present, royally attended, he 
 gave orders that none should throw till Cyrus 
 was satisfied and had enough of the exercise. 
 But Cyrus would not let him hinder them. " If 
 you have a mind, grandfather," said he, " that 
 I should hunt with pleasure, let all those about 
 me pursue and engage in the fray, and do the 
 best." Astyages then gave them his leave, and, 
 taking a station, saw them engaged amongst the 
 beasts, striving to out do each other, pursuing 
 and throwing their javelins. He was delighted 
 with Cyrus, who, in transports of joy, could 
 not hold his tongue, but, y like a young generous 
 dog that opens when he approaches the beast 
 he pursues, encouraged every one, calling on 
 them by name. He was pleased to see him 
 laughing at one : at another he observed him 
 to praise cordially, and without the least emo- 
 tion of envy. At last Astyages, having taken 
 abundance of game, retired ; but was so pleased 
 with that hunt, that he always went out with 
 Cyrus, whenever he was able, taking abund- 
 ance of people with him, and the boys, for the 
 sake of Cyrus. Thus, for the most part, did 
 Cyrus pass his time, doing service and pleasure 
 to all, and hurt to none. 
 
 But when he was about fifteen or sixteen 
 years of age the king of Assyria's son, being to 
 celebrate his nuptials, had a mind at that time 
 to hunt ; and hearing that there was plenty of 
 game on the borders of the Assyrians and 
 B 
 
10 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 Medes, they having not been hunted, because 
 of the war between the nations, hither he desir- 
 ed to go. That he might hunt therefore se- 
 curely, he took withiiim a body of horse and 
 another of light-armed foot, who were to drive 
 the beasts out of their fastness into the open, 
 cultivated country. Being come therefore to 
 the place where the garrisons were, and. a 
 guard always attending, here he supped, as in- 
 tending to hunt the next day early in the morn- 
 ing : but that evening a guard of horses and foot 
 arrived from the city to relieve those who 
 were then before. He therefore thought that 
 he had now a handsome army with him, con- 
 sisting of a double guard, besides a considerable 
 number, both of horse and foot, that had at- 
 tended on himself. He judged it best there- 
 fore to undertake a plunder of the Median ter- 
 ritory ; that this would be a nobler exploit than 
 a hunt; and he thought he should procure 
 great store of beasts for sacrifice. So rising 
 early in the morning, he led his army forwards. 
 The foot he left in close order on the borders : 
 he himself advanced with the horse up to the 
 Median garrisons ; and, keeping the best of 
 them and the greatest number with himself, he 
 halted there, that the Medes in garrison might 
 not march and charge those who were to scour 
 the country ; and such as were proper he sent 
 out in parties, some to run one way and some an- 
 other ; and ordered them to surround and seize 
 all that they met with, and bring all off to him. 
 These did as they were ordered. But notice 
 being given to Astyages that the enemy was 
 got into the country, he marched with what 
 forces he had at hand to the borders. His son 
 did so, in like manner, with some horse that 
 were at hand ; and he signified to all his other 
 forces to march after to support him. When 
 they came up, and saw a great number of As- 
 syrians in close order, and their horses standing 
 quietly and still, the Medes likewise halted and 
 stood. 
 
 Cyrus, seeing other people marching on all 
 sides to support their friends, set forward him- 
 self, putting on his arms for the first time ; 
 never imagining that he should be so soon 
 armed with them in the manner he desired ; for 
 they were very fine, and fitted him very well, 
 being such as his grandfather had ordered to 
 be made to fit his body. So, being thus com- 
 pletely armed, he set out on horseback. Asty 
 ages, getting sight of him, wondered by whose 
 order and encouragement he came ; however, 
 he bid him keep by him. Cyrus, when he saw 
 
 a great number of horsemen fronting him, ask- 
 ed : Grandfather," said l.e, " are these men 
 enemies that sit quietly there on horseback 1" 
 " They are enemies," said he. " And are 
 those so too that are scouring the country ?" 
 " Yes, and those too.'' " By Jove, then grand- 
 father !" said he, methinks these that are 
 thus plundering us are wretched fellows, and 
 mounted on wretched horses ; and must not 
 some of us march against theml" "Do not 
 you see, child" said he, " what a body of horse 
 stands there in close order, and who, if we ad- 
 vance against the others, will intercept us ? 
 And we have not yet our full strength with 
 us." " But," said Cyrus, " if you wait here, 
 and collect those that are marching to join 
 us, these of our enemies that are here will be 
 under apprehension, and will not stir ; and the 
 plunderers, when they see any men marching 
 against them, will presently drop their booty." 
 On his saying this, Astyages thought there was 
 something in what he said, and wondering at 
 his sagacity and vigilance, ordered his son to 
 take a squadron of horse and march against the 
 plunderers. " I," said he, will bear down on 
 these men that are here, if they offer to move 
 towards you ; so that they shall be obliged to 
 be intent on us." 
 
 Cyaxares taking of the strongest and best, 
 both of men and horses, marched ; and Cyrus 
 seeing these put forward, joined and pushed on 
 with them, and presently got at the head of 
 them. Cyxares followed, and the rest were 
 not left behind. As soon as the plunderers 
 saw them approaching, then quitting their 
 booty, they fled. They that were with Cyrus 
 intercepted them, and flew to bows with such 
 as they could come up with, and Cyrus was the 
 first at the work. Those who, by turning aside 
 escaped them, they pursued in the rear, and 
 did not give over, but met with several of 
 them. Like a generous dog that has no ex- 
 perience, and that runs headlong without cau- 
 tion on a boar, so ran Cyrus, minding only to 
 deal his blows where any came within his 
 reach, without further foresight or considera- 
 tion. The enemy, when they saw their people 
 in distress, moved their main body, judging that 
 the pursuit would cease as soon as they should 
 be seen to advance : Cyrus, notwithstanding, 
 did not give over, but calling out to his uncle 
 for joy, pursued, and pressing continually on, 
 put the enemy to an entire route. Cyaxares 
 followed, (perhaps being in awe of his father ) 
 and the rest followed after, who thought, per- 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 11 
 
 haps, they would not have shown themselves 
 very brave against men that had opposed them, 
 yet were on this occasion more than ordinarily 
 eager in pursuing. Astyages, when he saw 
 these men so incautiously pursuing, and the 
 enemy in a close body marching towards them, 
 fearing for his son and for Cyrus, lest they in 
 disorder and confusion should fall in with the 
 enemy, prepared to receive them, and suffer 
 damage, he presently led on towards the ene- 
 my. The enemy, as soon as they saw the 
 Medes move forward, halted ; presenting some 
 their javelins, and some their bows, in order to 
 stop them, when they came within bow-shot, as 
 their general practice is. For when they are 
 near, they push each other at a certain distance, 
 and so frequently skirmish on till evening. But 
 when they saw their own men in full rout fly- 
 ing towards them, and those with Cyrus fol- 
 lowing close behind them, and Astyages, with 
 his horse, already within bow-shot, they gave 
 way and fled. The Medes, in a body, pursu- 
 ing, killed several in the first charge, and who- 
 ever they came up with they fell on, whether 
 man or horse, and whoever fell they killed. 
 Nor did they stop till they came up with the 
 Assyrian foot, and there they gave over, fear- 
 ing lest some greater force than appeared might 
 lie in ambuscade to receive them. Astyages on 
 this retreated in much joy at this victory ob- 
 tained by his cavalry, but knew not what to say 
 to Cyrus, for he knew him to be the author of 
 the action, and saw him wrought up to such a 
 degree of boldness as amounted almost to mad- 
 ness ; for while the rest were retiring home, he 
 alone, by himself, did nothing but ride round 
 and view those that had fallen in the action. 
 And they who had it in charge, dragging him 
 with difficulty away, brought him to Astyages," 
 while he put his conductors forward before him, 
 because he saw the countenance of his grand- 
 father look dissatisfied on seeing him. 
 
 These things passed among the Medes, and 
 all people had Cyrus in their mouths, both in 
 their discourses and songs. But Astyages, 
 who before had a great esteem for him, was 
 now quite astonished and struck with him. 
 Cambyses, the father of Cyrus, was pleased to 
 hear these things of him ; but when he heard 
 that Cyrus begun to perform acts of manhood, 
 he called him home, that he might complete his 
 institution among the Persians, according to 
 the rules of his country. And on this occasion 
 Cyrus is reported to have said, "That he 
 
 would return, lest his father should be uneasy 
 and his country blame him." Astyages there- 
 fore seemed to be under a necessity of parting 
 with him : so he sent him away, but first pre- 
 sented him with such horses as he desired to 
 have, and furnishing him with other things of 
 all kinds, both because of the affection he had 
 for him, and because he had great assurance 
 and hopes that he would prove a man thoroughly 
 able to do service to his friends, and mischief 
 to his enemies. 
 
 All people waited on Cyrus at his departure 
 attending him part of his way on horseback, 
 with boys, youth, men, and those in years ; so 
 likewise did Astyages himself. And they say 
 that not one turned back at parting with him 
 without tears ; and it is said that Cyrus him- 
 self shed many tears at parting ; that he gave 
 many presents to his companions and equals in 
 age out of what Astyages had given him ; and 
 that, at last, taking off the Median robe he had 
 on, he gave it to a certain youth, declaring by 
 this that he loved that youth the most of any. 
 It is said that they who had taken and accept- 
 ed of these presents returned them to Astyages, 
 and that Astyages sent them to Cyrus, but that 
 he sent them back again to the Medes, and 
 sent word thus : " grandfather ! if you 
 would have me return hither again with plea- 
 sure, and not with shame, let every one keep 
 what I have given him :" and that Astyages 
 hearing this, did as Cyrus had begged him by 
 his message to do. 
 
 But if I may be allowed to relate a sportive 
 affair, it is said that when Cyrus went away, 
 and that he and his relations parted, they took 
 their leave, and dismissed him with a kiss, ac- 
 cording tO the PgrBJaTj'fliT^" ; forth ft Pp.raianfl 
 
 practise it to mis day; and that a certain 
 MecfeT'a ; very-excellent person, had been long 
 struck with the beauty of Cyrus ; that when 
 he saw Cyrus' relations kiss him, he stayed be- 
 hind, and when the rest were gone, accosted 
 Cyrus, and said to him : " And am I, Cyrus, 
 the only one of all your relations that you do 
 not know 1" " What !" said Cyrus, " and are 
 you a relation ?" Yes," said he, This was 
 the reason then," said Cyrus, that you used 
 to gaze at me ; for I think I recollect that you 
 frequently did so." I was very desirous," 
 said he, "to salute you, but I was always 
 ashamed to do it." But," said Cyrus, you 
 that are a relation ought not to have been so." 
 So, coming up to him, he kissed him. The 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 Mede having reached the kiss, is said to have 
 asked this question : " And is it a custom 
 among the Persians to kiss relations 1" It is 
 so," said Cyrus, " when they see one another 
 at some distance of time, or when they part." 
 Then," said the Mede, it seems now to be 
 time for you to kiss me again ; for, as you see, 
 I am just going away." So Cyrus, kissing him 
 again, dismissed him, and went his way. They 
 had not gone very far before the Mede came 
 up with him again, with his horse all over in a 
 sweat ; and Cyrus, getting sight of him, said, 
 " What, have you forgot any thing that you 
 had a mind to say to me?" " No, by Jove !" 
 said he, >< but I am come again at a distance of 
 time." " Dear relation !" said he, " it is a very 
 short one." "How a short one?" said the 
 Mede, " do you not know, Cyrus," said he, 
 " that the very twinkling of my eyes is a long 
 time to be without seeing you, you who are so 
 lovely?" Here Cyrus, from being'in tears, 
 broke out into laughter, bid him " go his way, 
 and take courage; that in a little time he would 
 be with them again ; and that then he would 
 be at liberty to look at him, if he pleased, 
 with steady eyes, and without twinkling." 
 
 V. Cyrus, returning thus into Persia, is said 
 to have continued a year longer amongst the 
 boys. At first they made their jests on him, 
 as being now come home, instructed amongst 
 the Medes in luxury and pleasure. But when 
 they saw that he clothed himself as they did ; 
 that he drank as they did, and with pleasure ; 
 and that in festivals, when they had a little more 
 than ordinary plenty, they perceived him more 
 ready to give his share away than desirous to 
 have it himself: and besides, when they saw 
 him in all other respects much superior to 
 themselves, they were then astonished at him 
 Then having passed through the discipline of 
 these years, arid entering the order of youth 
 he here again appeared superior to the rest 
 both in executing what was proper, in under- 
 going every thing that was'his part so to do 
 in his respects to his elders, and in his obedl 
 ence to his rulers. 
 
 "" In progress of time Astyages died, and his 
 son Cyaxares, brother to Cyrus' mother, took 
 on him the government of the Medes. Am 
 the king of Assyria, having overthrown all the 
 Syrians, who were no small nation, and having 
 subjected the king of the Arabs, and holding 
 the Hyrcanians under his dominion, and being 
 at that time at war with the Bactrians, con 
 
 idered that if he could break the power of the 
 rtedes he should easily obtain the dominion of 
 all around him : for the Medes seemed to be 
 he strongest of all the neighbouring nations. 
 So he sent round to all those that were subject 
 ;o himself; he sent to Croesus, king of Lydia, 
 ,o the king of Cappadocia, to both the Phrygi- 
 as, to the Carians, Paphlagonians, Indians, and 
 ilicians, loading the Medes and Persians with 
 calumny and reproach ; telling them how great, 
 low powerful, and how united in interest these 
 two nations were by means of several intermar- 
 riages ; that they would unite into one ; and if 
 tie did not prevent them, and break their power 
 they would run a risk, by attacking each nation 
 severally, to overturn all. Some being per- 
 suaded by these arguments, entered into a con- 
 federacy with him ; others were prevailed 
 with by money and presents, for in these he 
 abounded. 
 
 Cyaxares, the son of Astyages, when he per- 
 ceived this design, and these united prepara- 
 tions against him, did himself immediately 
 make the utmost preparations that he was able 
 to oppose them ; and he sent to the Persians, 
 both to the public council and to Cambyses, 
 who was married to his sister, and was king of 
 Persia. He sent likewise to Cyrus, desiring 
 him to endeavour to come as commander of the 
 forces, if the public council of the Persians 
 should send any ; for Cyrus by this time had 
 completed ten years amongst the youth, and 
 was now of the full grown men. 
 
 So Cyrus accepting it, the elders in council 
 chose him commander of the expedition into 
 Media. They gave him power to choose twp 
 hundred from amongst those who were equally 
 entitled to all honours, and to each of these they 
 gave power to choose four of their own order. 
 These, altogether, made a thousand. Again, 
 to each of these thousands they gave a power 
 to choose from amongst the common people of 
 Persia ten targeteers, ten slingers, and ten 
 archers. Thus there were ten thousand arch- 
 ers, ten thousand targeteers, and ten thousand 
 slingers, and the thousand besides. So great 
 was the army that was given to Cyrus : and as 
 soon as he was chosen he began by making ap- 
 plication to the gods; and having sacrificed 
 happily and successfully, he then chose the two 
 hundred ; and when these had afterwards cho- 
 sen each their four, he assembled them to- 
 gether, and made his first discourse to them 
 thus : 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 13 
 
 " Friends, I have chosen you, not as having 
 uow for the first time had proof of your worth, 
 but as having seen you, from boys, performing 
 with ardour all things that the city judges ex- 
 cellent and noble, and avoiding entirely what- 
 ever it reckons mean and base. I would now 
 lay before you on what account it is that I, not 
 unwillingly, am placed in this station, and that 
 I have called you together. I have thought 
 that our forefathers were nowise inferior to 
 ourselves ; for they passed their days in the 
 continual exercise and practice of such things 
 as are thought actions of virtue ; but what with 
 this their virtue they have acquired, either for 
 the public of Persia, or for themselves, I can- 
 not yet discover. Yet, in my opinion, men 
 practise no virtue, but that by it they may 
 gain the advantage of the vicious. They who 
 abstain from pleasures at present, do not do it 
 that they may never have delight ; but they do 
 it that, by means of that temperance at present, 
 they may in future time have returns of delight 
 manifold. They who are desirous to be pow 
 erful in speaking, do not exercise themselves 
 in it that they may never give over discours- 
 ing ; but they do it in hopes, that, prevailing on 
 numbers of men by the power of their eloquence, 
 they may effect many things, and those of great 
 consequence. 
 
 " They who exercise themselves in martial 
 affairs do not take pains in it that they may 
 never cease fighting ; but they judge, that by 
 making themselves able in military affairs, 
 they shall acquire great riches, great happiness, 
 and great honours, to themselves and to their 
 country. And if any have taken pains to ac- 
 quire ability and skill in these affairs, and 
 without reaping any fruits from them, have 
 neglected themselves till they have been dis- 
 abled by old age, in my opinion they have un- 
 dergone the same fate as one who was desirous 
 to be a good husbandman would do, who, 
 sowing and planting with skill, when the time 
 came for gathering the fruits, should let them 
 fall ungathered to the ground again : and as a 
 wrestler, who, after much pains bestowed, and 
 becoming qualified for victory, should pass his 
 days without entering the lists ; and in my 
 opinion such a one could not justly be freed 
 from the imputations of folly. Let not us, 
 friends, submit to such a fate : but, since we 
 are conscious to ourselves that, from boys, we 
 are exercised in all great and noble things, let 
 us march against these enemies of ours, that I, 
 2 
 
 an eye-witness, well know to be poor, insigni- 
 ficant men, as antagonists to you : for such 
 men are not very dangerous antagonists, who, 
 though they may be skilful at their bow, and 
 at their javelin, and in horsemanship, yet when 
 they are to undergo toil and labour, sink under 
 it : and these men, with respect to pains and 
 labour, are mean and poor. Nor are such 
 men dangerous antagonists, who, when they 
 are to watch and deny themselves their usual 
 rest, are quite broken by it : and in this re- 
 spect likewise these men are mean and poor. 
 Nor are such dangerous antagonists, who, 
 though able in all these respects, yet are igno- 
 rant how to deal either with allies or with ene- 
 mies ; and these men are evidently ignorant 
 and unpractised in the noblest arts. But you 
 can make use of the night, as others of the day ; 
 you reckon that toil and pains must conduct 
 you to a life of pleasure ; you can use hunger 
 to relish your food, as others do the daintiest 
 meats ; you, even with more ease than lions, 
 can bear the drinking of plain water ; and you 
 carry within your minds the noblest and most 
 warlike quality in the world ; for praise is what 
 you are pleased with above all things, and they 
 that are lovers of praise do of course undergo 
 all toil, and all danger, with pleasure. If I 
 say these things of you, and know otherwise, 
 I abuse myself; for whatever falls short of 
 this in your conduct, the deficiency will fall 
 on me. But I trust to my own experience, 
 to your good-will towards me, and to the folly 
 of our enemies, that these good hopes will not 
 fail me. Let us set forward with confidence, 
 since we are far from appearing to be taken 
 with an unjust desire of what belongs to others ; 
 for our enemies are coming on us, being them- 
 selves the aggressors in wrong. Our friends 
 call us to their assistance ; what therefore is 
 more just than to repel injuries ? what more 
 noble than to help our friends 1 Besides, me- 
 thinks it ought not to be one of the least 
 grounds of your confidence in this case, that I 
 do not set out on this expedition with the ne- 
 glect of the gods ; for you, who have con- 
 versed much with me, know that I have en- 
 deavoured to begin not great affairs only, but 
 even little ones with application to the gods. 
 To conclude," said he, " what farther shall I 
 say ? Do you make choice of your men, and 
 take them under your care ; and making all 
 things else ready, march to the Medes; I, 
 first returning back to my father, will go before 
 
14 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 you, that I may learn, as soon as possible, the 
 condition of the enemy, and prepare things for 
 you as well as I can, that with the assistance 
 of the gods, we may carry on this war in the 
 noblest manner." These men did as Cyrus 
 required. 
 
 VI. Cyrus, returning home, and having made 
 his supplications to Vesta, and to Jove Pater- 
 nal, and to the other deities, set out on this 
 expedition, and his father attended him on his 
 way. As soon as they were out of the house, 
 it is said that it thundered and lightened in a 
 happy manner. On which they went on with- 
 out farther augury, as if no one could be igno- 
 rant what these signals of the most powerful 
 god imported. As Cyrus proceeded on his 
 journey, his father began a discourse with him 
 in this manner : 
 
 " That the gods send you out on this expe- 
 dition propitiously and favourable is evident, 
 child, both from the sacrifices and from the 
 signals from heaven ; and you yourself know 
 it to be so ; for I have purposely taught you 
 these things, that you might not come to the 
 knowledge of what the gods advise and direct 
 you to by means of other interpreters ; but 
 that you yourself, seeing what is to be seen, 
 and hearing what is to be heard, may under- 
 stand, and not be at the mercy of diviners, 
 who, if they please, may deceive you, and tell 
 you different things from what the gods really 
 signify to you ; and that, in case you are with- 
 out a diviner, you may not be at a loss what use 
 to make of the divine signals, but, by your 
 knowledge in divination, understanding the ad- 
 vices given you by the gods, you may comply 
 with them." Father," said Cyrus, I will 
 always continue using my utmost care, accord- 
 ing to your instruction, to render the gods pro- 
 pitious to us, and willing to give us their advice 
 and direction ; for I remember to have heard it 
 from you, that, as from men, so likewise from 
 the gods, the most likely person to obtain his 
 suit is not he who, when he is in distress, flat- 
 ters servilely, but he who, in his most happy 
 circumstances, is most mindful of the gods. 
 And you used to say that it was in the same 
 manner that one ought to cultivate friends." 
 " Therefore, child," said he, " on account of 
 this your care, you now apply to the gods, and 
 make your requests to them with the more 
 pleasure, and you have the better hopes to ob- 
 tain what you ask, appearing to yourself con- 
 scious that you have never neglected them." 
 
 " Truly, father," said he, I am for that rea- 
 son, such a temper of mind, with respect to 
 the gods, as to reckon them my friends." 
 Well, child," said he, " do you remember 
 those other opinions that we heretofore agreed 
 in ? as that, in all things that the gods bestow, 
 such men as have acquired skill and knowledge 
 in them act and succeed better than they who 
 are ignorant in them ; that the laborious suc- 
 ceed better than the idle : that the diligent and 
 the careful live with more security than the 
 negligent and careless ; and that, therefore, first 
 rendering ourselves such as we ought to be, we 
 then should make our prayers to the gods for 
 their blessings." " Yes, indeed," said Cyrus, 
 " I do remember to have heard these things 
 from you ; and I was forced to submit to your 
 reasoning : for I know, you used to say that it 
 was downright impiety for such as had never 
 learned to ride, to supplicate the gods for vic- 
 tory in engagements of horse : or for such as 
 had never learned the use of the bow, to ask 
 the superiority, at this very weapon, over those 
 who understood it ; or for such as knew not 
 how to steer, to pray that they might preserve 
 ships in quality of pilots ; or for such as have 
 not sown wheat, to pray that they might have a 
 good crop of it ; or for such as are not watch- 
 ful in war, to pray that they may be preserved 
 in safety ; for that all such things were con- 
 trary to the settled laws of the gods : and you 
 said that such as made impious prayers would 
 probably meet with disappointments from the 
 gods : as such would fail of success with men, 
 who should desire things contrary to all human 
 laws." " And have you forgot, child," said he, 
 those other matters that you and I have 
 heretofore discoursed on 7 as, that it was a. 
 great and noble work for a man to be able to 
 approve himself a good and excellent man, and 
 to find means to supply himself and his family 
 with plenty of all things necessary. And this 
 being thus allowed to be a great work, that to 
 understand how to govern other men, so as to 
 supply them with all things necessary, and in 
 abundance, and so as to render them such as 
 they ought to be ; this we thought was an 
 astonishing work !" " Yes, truly, father," said 
 he, I remember to have heard you say this, 
 and I was of opinion with you, that to govern 
 well was a work of the highest nature. And 
 it now appears to me to be so," said he, " when 
 I consider it with respect to government itself; 
 but when I consider it with respect to other 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 15 
 
 men, what kind of men these governors are, 
 and what kind of men they are who are to be 
 our antagonists, I think it very mean to be ter- 
 rified with such people, and to be unwilling to 
 march and engage them. Men," said he, 
 who to begin with these friends of ours, I 
 find are of opinion that a governor ought to 
 distinguish himself from those that he governs, 
 by his eating more sumptuously, by having 
 more gold in his house, by sleeping longer, and 
 by living, in all respects more at ease than those 
 that he governs. But my opinion is," said he, 
 "that a governor ought to differ from the 
 governed^ not by a life of ease and luxury, but 
 by care and circumspection, and by his readi- 
 ness to undergo toil and labour." " But, child," 
 said he, " there are some matters wherein you 
 are not to contend with men, but with things ; 
 and to have these plentifully at command is no 
 easy matter. You readily know that if the 
 army have not necessaries, your command is 
 immediately dissolved and falls to pieces." 
 " Father," said he, " therefore Cyaxares says, 
 that he will afford them to all that go from 
 hence, however great the number may be." 
 < You go then, child," said he, trusting in 
 these matters entirely to Cyaxares' riches 1" "I 
 do," said Cyrus. " Well," said hej " but do 
 you know what these riches are?" "No, 
 truly," said Cyrus, I do not." " Yet," said 
 he, " to those things, that you are thus in the 
 dark about, do you trust. Do you not know 
 that you will be in want of abundance of things, 
 and that now you must of necessity spend abun- 
 dance 1" I do know it," said Cyrus. "If 
 therefore," said he, " the supply of this expense 
 fail him, or that he purposely deal falsely by 
 you, how will the affairs of the army then 
 stand 1 It is plain, not very well." " Then, 
 father," said he, if you know any means of 
 obtaining a supply, and such as may depend on 
 myself, wlrilst I am yet on friendly ground, 
 pray tell it me." Do you ask, child," said 
 he, if there be any means of supply depend- 
 ing on yourself? And on whom are these 
 things more likely to depend than on one who 
 has power in his hands 1 You go from hence 
 with such a body of foot, as I very well know 
 you would not exchange for any other, though 
 many times their number ; and you will have 
 the Median cavalry, who are the best, and who 
 will be with you as your allies and friends. 
 What nation is there then, of all around, that 
 you think will not serve you, both out of a 
 
 desire to gain your favour, and for fear of 
 receiving harm 1 These matters you ought to 
 concert with Cyaxares, that nothing of what is 
 necessary for you may be wanting; and, on 
 account of the continual expense, you ought to 
 secure a revenue and supply that may be always 
 accruing. But above all things remember this, 
 never to delay the procuring your supply till 
 want presses you to it ; but while you have the 
 greatest plenty, and before you come to want, 
 then labour the most to make sure of it ; for 
 you will succeed the better with those from 
 whom you demand it when you seem not to 
 be in want ; and your men will have nothing to 
 blame you for. By these means, likewise, you 
 will have more respect paid you by others : 
 and if by means of your forces you have a 
 mind to do service or prejudice to any, while 
 your men are supplied with all that they want 
 they will do you better service. And be 
 assured that your words will carry greater 
 weight with them, when you can show that 
 you have it in your power to do service or to 
 do hurt." "I am satisfied, father," said he, 
 " that you are right in all this, both for other 
 reasons, as well as particularly because there 
 are none of the soldiers that will pay me thanks 
 for what they are now to receive ; for they 
 know on what terms Cyaxares takes them as 
 his allies : but whatever any of them shall re- 
 ceive over and above what is agreed, this they 
 will reckon favour, and will pay the greatest 
 gratitude to the bestower of it. And indeed 
 for one who has a force, by whose means he 
 may receive advantages in return of service 
 done to friends, and may endeavour to make 
 conquests on enemies ; for such a one to be 
 careless in securing himself supplies, can one 
 think this," said he, " to be less reproachful, 
 than it would be in a man who had lands, and 
 had servants to cultivate them, and who, after 
 all, should let those lands lie fallow and use- 
 less ] Depend on it, therefore," said he, " that 
 both in the territory of friends and of enemies, 
 I will not be sparing of my care to supply my 
 men with all things fitting." 
 
 Well, child," said he, " and do you remem- 
 ber certain other things that we heretofore 
 agreed it was necessary not to neglect ]" "Yes," 
 said he ; " for I remember, that when I came 
 to you for money to give a man, who pretended 
 to have taught me the art of commanding an 
 army, as you gave me the money you asked me, 
 < Child/ said you, < did this man, that you, 
 
16 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 carry this reward to, ever, amongst the arts 
 and business of a general, mention any thing 
 of economy to you 1 for soldiers in an army 
 are not less in want of things necessary than 
 are domestics in a family :' and when, telling 
 you the truth, I said that he had not made the 
 least mention of it, you asked me again 
 
 < Whether he had spoken to me concerning the 
 health and strength of my men 1 As that a 
 general ought to mind these things, as well as 
 the leading and managing of them in action :' 
 when I told you no, you again asked me 
 
 < Whether he had taught me how to take care 
 to make my men the most able at all warlike 
 exercises?' and when I denied this too, you 
 inquired again < Whether he had given me any 
 instruction how I might raise spirit and courage 
 in an army 1 for,' you said, ' that in every ac- 
 tion, there were vast odds between an army's 
 being in spirit and out of heart.' When I de- 
 nied this too, you inquired again ' Whether 
 he held any discourse to teach me how one 
 might best bring an army to ready obedience?' 
 When you found that this had not been in the 
 least spoken of,' you at last inquired < What it 
 was he had taught me then, that he could say 
 he had taught me the art of commanding an 
 army ?' Here I replied, and told you the tac- 
 tics, or the art of forming and moving in order. 
 You, laughing at this, ran over each particular ; 
 asking me what use there was in generalship 
 of tactics without necessaries ; what without 
 health ; what without skill in the arts that 
 have been invented for the use of war ; what 
 without obedience. So you made it evident to 
 me that this tactic art was but a small part of 
 generalship. And when I asked you, whether 
 you were able to teach me any of these matters, 
 you bid me go my ways, and discourse with 
 men that were reputed knowing in military 
 affairs, and inquire from them how these mat- 
 ters stood. On this I conversed with such as I 
 had heard were most knowing in these matters. 
 And with respect to health, having heard and 
 observed that cities that want health get phy- 
 sicians ; and that commanders, for the sake of 
 their men, take physicians with them ; so when 
 I was placed in this station I presently took 
 care of this : and I believe, father" said he, 
 that I have men with me who are very able in 
 the art of physic." To this the father replied : 
 " But, child," said he, " these men that you 
 speak of are like menders of torn clothes ; so 
 
 when people are sick, phj'sicians cure them : 
 but your care of health is to be of a nobler 
 kind : to prevent the army's becoming sickly 
 is what you ought to take care of." 
 
 " And which way, father," said he, " shall I 
 be able to do this 1" Why, if you are to stay 
 some time in a place, you ought not to be care 
 less in your choice of a healthy camp : and in 
 this you will not be deceived, provided you are 
 but careful ; for men are continually talking of 
 healthy and unhealthy places, and on the places 
 themselves there are sure witnesses to give 
 their testimony either way, both by their per- 
 sons and complexions. But then it will not 
 suffice you to consider places only, but pray re- 
 collect what course you have taken yourself, 
 in your endeavours to preserve your health-" 
 Cyrus then said : " In the first place, I endea- 
 vour not to over-fill myself, for it is a very bur- 
 densome thing ; and then what I take down I 
 work off by exercise. By this means I think 
 that I preserve health and acquire vigour." " In 
 the same manner, therefore, child," said he., 
 " you must take care of others." And shaB. 
 we have leisure," said he, " father, to exercise 
 the soldiers in this manner ?" " You will not 
 only have leisure," said the father, " but neces- 
 sity will oblige you to it ; for an army that wil 
 do its duty must never be at rest, but employ 
 ed either in distressing the enemy or making 
 advantage to themselves. It is a difficult mat- 
 ter for a single man to be maintained idle, and 
 yet more difficult for a family ; but most diffi 
 cult of all to maintain an army idle ; for in an 
 army, from the lowest to the highest, there are 
 many mouths, and what they get they spend 
 very lavishly ; so that it is never fit for an army 
 to be idle." You seem to me, father," said he, 
 " to say, that as an idle husband man is good for 
 nothing, so is an idle general good for nothing. 
 But, unless some god blast my endeavours, I 
 take it on me to show you a diligent and ac- 
 tive general, and soldiers well supplied with all 
 things necessary, and to take care that their bo- 
 dies shall be in the best condition. But with 
 respect to the several military arts, father," said 
 he, " in my opinion, he that should establish 
 games in the several kinds, and propose certain 
 rewards to such as should excel in them, would 
 make them be best practised, so as to have 
 them ready for use on occasion," " Child," said 
 he, "you say very well ; for by doing this you 
 will see the several orders and divisions of your 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 17 
 
 men, like sets of dancers, always performing 
 their proper parts." 
 
 " But then," said Cyrus, " with respect to the 
 raising of courage and spirit amongst the sol- 
 diers ; I think nothing more effectual than to 
 give the men great hopes of advantage." " But, 
 child," said he, " this expedient is just as if any 
 one in hunting should always encourage the 
 dogs in the same manner that is used when the 
 beast is in view ; for one that should do thus 
 would have them very eager and ready at his 
 encouragement at first, but, if he often deceiv- 
 ed them, they would at last give no attention 
 to his encouragement when the beast was 
 really in his view. It is the same with respect 
 to these hopes; if any one should balk men 
 often, after having raised them to mighty ex- 
 pectations, he would not at last be able to pre- 
 vail with them, though he talked to them of 
 hopes ever so real and well grounded. But, 
 child," said he, you must be very cautious in 
 saying any thing that you do not very well 
 know ; 'the same thing, sometimes, said by 
 others, may do the business ; your own en- 
 couragement you must with the utmost care 
 preserve in credit for the greatest occasions." 
 " Indeed, father," said Cyrus in my opinion 
 vou say perfectly well, and this way is to me 
 much the more agreeable. 
 
 " But, in the matter of rendering the soldiers 
 obedient, I take myself, father, not to be un- 
 skilled ; for presently, from a boy, you took 
 me under discpline, and obliged me to be obe- 
 dient to you ; then you gave me up to my 
 teachers, and they did the same thing. Then, 
 again, when I became one of the youth, our 
 ruler took effectual care in this matter ; and 
 there are many laws that, in my opinion, tend 
 chiefly to the teaching of these two things, how 
 to govern, and how to obey ; and, on consider- 
 ing them, I think I find that the most proper 
 means to enforce obedience is to praise and re- 
 compense the obedient, and to disgrace and 
 punish the disobedient." Indeed, child," 
 said he, to a forced obedience this is the way ; 
 but to a willing obedience, which is much the 
 better, there is another way, and a readier ; for, 
 whoever men take to be more knowing than 
 themselves in what is for their interest and ad- 
 vantage, such a one they obey with pleasure, 
 This you may know to be true in many other 
 cases, as well as particularly in that of sick 
 people, who are mighty ready and zealous in 
 sending for such as may prescribe what is fit for 
 
 them to. do : so at sea, the people that are on 
 board are very ready and zealous to obey their 
 pilots ; and travellers are extremely averse to 
 part with such as they think know the roads 
 better than themselves : but when men think 
 that they shall be injured by their obedience, 
 they will neither yield to punishments nor be 
 raised by rewards ; for no one willingly takes a 
 reward to his own prejudice." " You say, 
 father," said he, " that nothing more effectually 
 procures one obedience than to appear to have 
 more wisdom and knowledge than those that 
 one rules." " I do say so," said he. " And 
 how, father," said he, shall one be best able 
 to raise such an opinion of one's self?" "Child," 
 said he, there is no readier way to appear wise 
 and knowing in things wherein you desire to 
 appear so, than to be in reality knowing in 
 those things ; and considering the things in par- 
 ticular, you will find that what I say is true : 
 for if you would appear a good husbandman, a 
 good horseman, a good physician, a good player 
 on the flute, or any other artist whatever, when 
 you really are not so, consider how many con- 
 trivances you must use in order to appear so. 
 And if you can prevail with a great many 
 people to commend you that you may gain a 
 reputation, and if you purchase fine instruments, 
 and furniture belonging to each of the arts, you 
 are then an impostor. And soon after, when 
 you come to give proof of your skill, you 
 would be convicted, and would appear an arro- 
 gant boaster. But with respect to future time, 
 and to what may or may not turn to advantage 
 in the consequence, what is the way to make 
 one's self in this really wise and knowing? It is 
 plain, child," said he, " by learning every thing 
 that one can acquire the knowledge of by 
 learning, as you have learnt the tactic art ; but 
 with respect to what is not to be learnt from 
 men, nor attained to by human foresight, con- 
 sulting the gods in such cases, by divination, 
 you will make yourself more knowing than 
 others : and what you find most proper to be 
 done, you are to take care that it be done ; for 
 to see the execution of what is proper is more 
 the part of a man of prudence than to neglect 
 it." 
 
 " But then," said Cyrus, as to the being 
 beloved by those that one rules, which is 
 amongst the things that I take to be of the 
 greatest importance, it is evident that the way 
 is the same as it is to gain the love of friends : 
 for I know very well that one ought to be seen 
 C 
 
18 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK I. 
 
 doing them service." But, child," said he, 
 " it is a matter of great difficulty to be always 
 able to serve those that one has a mind to 
 serve ; but to be observed to rejoice with them 
 when any good fortune befals them, and to 
 grieve with them when any thing ill ; to appear 
 zealous to assist them in their distresses ; afraid 
 lest they should miscarry in any thing ; and to 
 endeavour to prevent this by care and circum- 
 spection ; these are things that you ought rather 
 to concur with them in. And in point of 
 action, the commander ought to be observed to 
 undergo more heat in the summer, and in the 
 winter more cold, and in great fatigues more 
 labour and pain than others ; for all these 
 things contribute to the being beloved by those 
 that are under one's government." " You say, 
 father," said he, " that a commander ought, in 
 all respects, to undergo more than those that 
 he commands." " I do say it," said he ; " and 
 be of good courage, child ; for be assured that 
 bodies being alike, the same labours do not fall 
 equally heavy on the commander and the pri- 
 vate man : for glory makes those labours lighter 
 to the commander, and the being conscious to 
 nimself that, in whatever he does, he does not 
 lie concealed*" 
 
 " But then, father, when the soldiers are 
 supplied with all things necessary ; when they 
 are in health and able to undergo labour ; when 
 they are skilful and well exercised in all the 
 military arts ; when they are ambitious to ap- 
 pear brave men ; when obedience is more 
 pleasing to them than the contrary ; would you 
 not think a man wise who should then desire, 
 on the first opportunity, to bring them to an 
 engagement with the enemy ?" Yes, truly," 
 said he, " provided that he had the enemy at a 
 proper advantage : but if otherwise, the better 
 I thought of myself and the better I thought of 
 my men, the more on my guard would I be ; 
 and, as in other things that we think of greatest 
 value to us, so in these we should endeavour to 
 have them secured in the strongest manner." 
 
 " And what is the best way, father, to take 
 advantage of the enemy ?" Truly, child,' 
 said he, " this is no contemptible nor simple 
 business that you inquire about. But be it 
 known to you, that he who is to do this must 
 be full of wiles, a dissembler, crafty, deceitful 
 a thief, and a robber, and must take advantage 
 of his enemy in all manner of ways." Cyrus 
 laughing at this, cried out : " O Hercules ! 
 what a man, father, do you say that I must be !' 
 
 Such a one, child," said he, as may yet 
 tiave the strictest regard to law and justJ*e." 
 
 Why, then," said he, " while we were b*vs, 
 and while we were youths, did you teach us *he 
 direct contrary 1 !" And so truly do we stiU," 
 said he, " with respect to friends and fellow- 
 citizens. But do you not know, that in order 
 to injure enemies, you have learnt a great many 
 mischievous arts ?" " Not I father," said he. 
 
 To what end then," said he, " did you learn 
 the use of the bow, and to throw the javelin"! 
 To what end did you learn to deceive wild 
 bears with toils ond trenches, and stags with 
 snares and gins ? What is the reason that in 
 your encountering lions, bears, and leopards, 
 you did not put yourself on an even footing 
 with them, but endeavour to take all advantages 
 in engaging them 1 Do you not know that 
 these are all mischievous aitifices, deceits, sub- 
 tleties, and taking of advantage 1 ?" " Yes, 
 truly," said Cyrus, " against beasts ; but if 1 
 was discovered intending to deceive a man, 1 
 got a good many stripes for it." " Nor did 
 we, I think," said he, " allow you to shoot 
 with the bow, or shoot a javelin at a man ; but 
 we taught you to throw at a mark, that you 
 might not, at that time, do mischief to your 
 friends, but that in case of war, you might be 
 able to take your aim at men. And we in- 
 structed you to practise deceits, and to take ad- 
 vantages not of men, but of beasts, that you 
 might not hurt your friends by these means, but 
 that in case a war should happen you might not 
 be unpractised in them." " Therefore," said 
 he, " father, if it be of use to know, both how 
 to do men good, and how to do them harm, it 
 ought to have been taught us how to practise 
 both on men." Child," said he, " in the time 
 of our forefathers, there is said to have been a 
 certain teacher of youth, who, just as you de- 
 sire, taught the boys both to deal justly and 
 unjustly ; to be true and to be false ; to deceive 
 and not to deceive ; to practise calumny and 
 not to practise it ; to take advantage and not 
 to take advantage. And he distinguished what 
 was to be practised towards friends, and what 
 towards enemies ; and proceeding yet farther, 
 he taught that it was just even to deceive 
 friends, if it were done for their good ; and just 
 to play the thief, and to steal from friends what 
 belonged to them, if it were done for their 
 good. And this teacher was obliged to exer- 
 cise the boys one against another in the prac- 
 tice of these things, as they say the Greeks 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 19 
 
 teach to deceive in wrestling, and exercise the 
 boys in it one against another, that they may 
 know how to put it in practice. Some there- 
 fore having so natural an aptness to deceive 
 and take advantage, and perhaps no unnatural 
 unaptness to make profit and advantage to 
 themselves, did not refrain from using their 
 endeavours to take advantages of friends. 
 On this, therefore, a decree was made, which 
 is yet in force among us, to teach the boys, 
 simply and directly, as we teach our servants in 
 their behaviour towards us, to tell truth, not to 
 deceive, not to steal, not to take advantage ; 
 and if they transgress in these things to punish 
 them, that being so accustomed to these man- 
 ners, they might become more mild and tract- 
 able citizens. But when they come to the age 
 that you now are at, to teach them what is law- 
 ful with respect to enemies seemed what might 
 be done securely ; for it did not seem probable 
 that being bred together with a reverence for 
 each other, you should afterwards break out so 
 as to become wild and savage citizens ; just as 
 we avoid discoursing concerning the affairs of 
 the beautiful goddess before very young people, 
 lest a freedom from restraint being added to a 
 vehement desire, they should fall into a great 
 excess in their dealing .that way." " To me, 
 therefore," said he, " father, as being a very late 
 learner of these artifices, do not refuse to teach 
 them, if you know any, that I may take advan- 
 tage of the enemy." " Do all, then," said he, 
 " that is in your power, with your own men in 
 the best order, to take the enemy in disorder ; 
 the enemy unarmed, with your own men arm- 
 ed ; the enemy sleeping, with your own men 
 waking ; the enemy open and exposed to you, 
 yourself being concealed and in the dark to 
 them ; to fall on them while engaged in diffi- 
 cult places, yourself being master of a place of 
 strength." " And how," said he, can one 
 possibly catch the enemy making such mistakes 
 as these 1" Because, child," said he, both 
 the enemy and yourselves are obliged, by ne- 
 cessity, to undergo many things of this kind : 
 for you must both get provisions ; you must 
 both necessarily have rest ; and in your marches 
 you must make use of such roads as you find, 
 whatever they are : considering all these things, 
 in whatever part you know yourself to be the 
 weakest, in that you must be the most watch- 
 ful ; and in whatever part you observe the ene- 
 my to be most exposed, in that you must at- 
 tack him." 
 
 Is it in these things only," said Cyrus, " that 
 advantages are to be taken, or may it be done 
 in others ?" " It may be done in others, child," 
 said he, " and more effectually ; for in these 
 cases men for the most part place strong guards, 
 knowing full well that they are necessary. 
 They that would deceive the enemy may pos- 
 sibly, by raising in them a confidence and se- 
 curity, surprise them unguarded : or by letting, 
 themselves be pursued, may bring the enemy in- 
 to disorder, and enticing them on by their flight 
 into a disadvantageous post, may there attack 
 them. But you, child, who are fond of skill 
 in all these affairs, must not make use of such 
 things only as you have been informed of; you 
 must be yourself the contriver of some strata- 
 gems to put in practice against the enemy : for 
 as musicians do not only deal in such songs as 
 they have been taught, but endeavour to com. 
 pose others ; and as in music such pieces as 
 are new, and as one may say in flower, meet 
 with success and approbation, so, in affairs of 
 war, new contrivances are best approved, for 
 they are most capable of deceiving the enemy. 
 But, child," said he, if you do no more than 
 transfer to men those contrivances that you 
 have used to ensnare little animals, do you not 
 think," said he, " you will go a great way in the 
 art of taking advantage of your enemy ? for, in 
 order to catch birds, you used to rise and go out 
 in the night, in the hardest winter, and before 
 the birds were stirring you had your nets ready 
 laid for them ; and a moveable foundation was 
 disguised, and made like an immoveable one ; 
 you had birds ready taught to serve your ends, 
 and to deceive those of their own kind ; you 
 yourself lay hid, but so as to see them, and not 
 to be seen by them ; and you watched your op- 
 portunity to draw your nets, and to prevent the 
 birds escaping. Then, with respect to the 
 hare, because she feeds in the dusk, and makes 
 away to her form by day, you keep dogs ; some 
 of them to find her by the scent ; and because 
 she takes to her heels as soon as she is dis- 
 covered, you have other dogs that are proper to 
 take her at her course ; and if she escapes these, 
 then, having before discovered the meshes, and 
 to what part the hare chooses to run, in these 
 places you lay nets that are hardly to be seen, 
 that in the eagerness of her course, throw- 
 ing herself into the net, she may be ham- 
 pered ; and that she may not escape this snare, 
 you set people to watch what passes ; and 
 these, from some places near, are presently on 
 
20 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 her ; you yourself follow her, you astonish and 
 amaze her with clamour and noise, that never 
 quits her, so that in this distraction she is taken ; 
 and you make those that are set to watch lie 
 concealed, with instructions beforehand to be 
 perfectly still and silent. As I said before, 
 therefore, if you would form some such contri- 
 vances against men, I do not know that you 
 would leave one enemy alive. But if there 
 is a necessity to fight on even terms with re- 
 spect to situation, openly, and both parties pre- 
 pared and armed, in such a case, child, those 
 advantages that you have been long before pro- 
 vided with are of great weight ; I mean those 
 when the bodies of your men are duly exercised, 
 their minds keen, and all the soldiers' arts well 
 practised. Besides, it is very necesssry that 
 you should know, that whoever they are that 
 you desire should be obedient to you, they, on 
 their part, will desire you to be provident and 
 careful of them ; therefore never be remiss, but 
 consider at night what your men shall do when 
 it is day ; and consider in the day how matters 
 may be on the best footing with respect to the 
 passing of the night. But as to the forming 
 your army for battle ; the marching them, 
 either by day or by night, through narrow or 
 through open ways, through mountains or 
 plains ; how to encamp ; how to place your 
 guards and watches, both by night and day ; 
 how to lead towards the enemy ; how to retreat 
 from them ; how to march by a city belonging 
 to the enemy ; how to march up to a rampart, 
 and to retreat from it ; how to pass woods or 
 rivers ; how to be on the guard, either against 
 horse or against men armed with javelin or bow : 
 and if, when you are marching by way of either 
 wing, the enemy should appear, how to form a 
 front against them ; and if you are marching by 
 your front, and that the enemy appear in another 
 part and not in front ; how to lead againsl 
 them ; how to get the best intelligence of the 
 enemy's affairs, and how best to conceal your 
 own from them. In all these matters, what 
 can I say to you? You have often heard from 
 me all that I knew of them ; and, besides, who- 
 
 ever you have thought knowing in any of these 
 affairs, you have not neglected to take their 
 information, nor are you unskilled in them ; 
 therefore, according to the several occurrences, 
 you must always make use of these things as 
 they appear to be your advantage. And take 
 my instruction, child," said he, " likewise in 
 these things, and which are of the greatest im- 
 portance : Never engage either yourself or the 
 army in any thing contrary to the sacrifices and 
 auguries ; reflecting how men have chosen to 
 engage in certain actions at hazard, and without 
 knowing at all on which side of the choice they 
 should meet with their advantage. This you 
 may be convinced of by things that often hap- 
 pen ; there are many instances of men, and 
 they such as have been thought the wisest, who 
 have persuaded some to begin a war against 
 others, who have destroyed those that had been 
 persuaded to be the aggressors. There are 
 instances of many who have raised both cities 
 and private men, and have suffered the greatest 
 misfortunes at the hand of those they had so 
 raised. There are instances of many who, 
 when they might have used others as their 
 friends in a mutual intercourse of good offices, 
 and who, choosing to hold them rather as 
 slaves than as friends, have met with revenge 
 and punishment at their hands. Many, who, 
 not liking to live contentedly, possessing a part, 
 and affecting to be lords of all, have by this 
 means lost what was their own : and many 
 who have acquired the much-wished-for metal 
 gold, have been destroyed by it. So human 
 wisdom knows no more how to choose the best, 
 than one who should determine to act as chance 
 and the lot should decide. The gods, child, 
 who are eternal, know all things that have. been, 
 all things that are, and all that shall happen in 
 consequence of every thing ; and when men 
 consult them, they signify to those that they are 
 propitious to what they ought to do, and what 
 not. And if they will not give advice to all, 
 it is nowise wonderful ; for they are not under 
 any necessity to take care of those of whom 
 they are not willing t take :are." 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 1VSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
CONTENTS OFBOOKIL 
 
 Cyrus arrives with his army in Media His conversations with Cyaxares Exercises eiis soldiers with new wea- 
 pons, and rouses their emulation by proposing proportionate rewards to them II. His plans for improving 
 the army adopted Gives instruction to all. and weeds out such as are vicious and slothfu. Invites those who 
 exercise well to supper His agreeable manner of entertaining them. III. IV. Good effects of the plans of 
 Cyrus His obedience to Cyaxares disposes his army for the view of the Indian ambassadors Tempts Cya- 
 xares to make war on Armenia, and is supplied with a force Prepares for the exDeeatm> His wierifice, ado- 
 ration, and happy omens Arrives on the Armenian borders Disguises hie deeigcr by & aiat Hw saeesage to tha 
 prince of Armenia, his march and orders to his soldiers. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 I. DiscounsiKO in this manner, they arriv- 
 ed at the borders of Persia, when an eagle 
 appearing to the right, led the way before them. 
 And when they had made their supplications 
 to the gods and heroes, guardians of Persia, 
 to dismiss them favourably and propitiously, 
 they passed the borders. When they had pas- 
 sed then they again made supplication to the 
 gods, guardians of Media, to receive them 
 propitiously and favourably ; and having done 
 this, and embraced each other, as usual, the 
 father returned into Persia, and Cyrus marched 
 on into Media to Cyaxares.* 
 
 When Cyrus came to Cyaxares- in Media 
 they first embraced each other, as usual, anc 
 Cyaxares afterwards asked Cyrus, " What 
 force he was to bring him." He replied 
 " Thirty thousand of such as have been before 
 with you, and served for their pay ; but there 
 are others coming, who have never yet served 
 out of their own country, and are of the order 
 of those that are free, and equally entitled to 
 all honours." And how many of these 1" 
 said Cyaxares. " The number of them," re- 
 plied Cyrus, " will not please you, when you 
 hear it : but consider," said he, " that those 
 who are called the alike-honoured, though but 
 few, rule with ease the rest of the Persians, 
 who are very numerous. But," said he, " are 
 you in any real want of these men, or are you 
 under a vain alarm, and the enemy not com- 
 ing " Indeed they are," said he, " and in 
 
 "- * This was the second prince of that name, supposed 
 to be the same with the Darius of Scripture. He was 
 descended from Cyaxares the First, king of Media and 
 Persia, in whose reign the Scythians, who had held 
 possession of a great portion of his territories for thirty 
 years, were destroyed by stratagem. The Scythians 
 are said to have been invited to a feast, and slain when 
 in a state df intoxication. This latter prince also con- 
 quered and destroyed the city of Nineveh, in conjunction 
 with Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 great numbers." "How does this appear 1" 
 " Why, a great many people who come from 
 thence, some by one means and some by 
 another, all say the same thing ; thn engage 
 with these men we must : we must of necessi- 
 ty," said he. Well, then," said Cyrus why 
 do you not tell me whether you know what 
 these forces are that are coming on us, and 
 what we have of our own, that being apprised 
 of both, we may afterwards consult how to 
 carry on the war in the best manner ?" At- 
 tend, then," said Cyaxares : Croesus, the 
 Lydian, is said to bring with him ten thousand 
 horse ; targeteers and archers upwards of forty 
 thousand. They say that Arasmas, who go- 
 verns the Greater Phrygia, brings eight thou- 
 sand horse ; targeteers and lance-men not less 
 than forty thousand. The Aribsesus, king of 
 the Cappadocians, brings six thousand horse ; 
 archers and targeteers not less than thirty 
 thousand. The Arabian Maragdus, ten thou- 
 sand horse, one hundred chariots, and of sling- 
 ers a very considerable body. As to the 
 Greeks that are settled in Asia, there is nothing 
 said of certain whether they attend the expedi- 
 tion or no. They say that Gabaeus, who 
 rules those that inhabit the country that ex- 
 tends from Phrygia on the Hellespont to the 
 plain of Cayster, contributes six thousand 
 horse, and ten thousand targeteers. The 
 Carians, Cilicians, and Paphlagonians, though 
 invited, they say do not attend the expedition. 
 The Assyrians, who possess Babylon, and the 
 rest of Assyria, will, as I judge, bring no less 
 than twenty thousand horse; chariots, as I 
 know very well, not more than two hundred ; 
 but I believe a vast body of foot : for so he is 
 accustomed to do when he falls in on us." 
 The enemy then," said Cyrus, you say, 
 amount to sixty thousand horse, and to more 
 than two hundred thousand targeteers and 
 
 23 
 
24 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 LBOOK 11. 
 
 archers. To proceed, then, what do you say 
 is the number of your own forces V' "The 
 Median horse are above ten thousand : and of 
 targeteers and archers there may be, perhaps, 
 in our own territories, about sixty thousand ; 
 and of the Armenians, our neighbours, we 
 shall have four thousand horse and twenty 
 thousand foot." You say, then," said Cyrus, 
 " that we shall have in horse less than a third 
 part of the enemy's force of that sort, and 
 scarce half the number of their foot." What !" 
 said Cyaxares, " do you think those Persians, 
 that you say you bring, are but an inconsider- 
 able number !" We will take another time," 
 said Cyrus, " to consider whether we want 
 men or no : at present, pray tell me what is 
 the method of fighting that is in use with those 
 several people." " They almost all," said 
 Cyaxares, use the same : some of their men, 
 as well as of our own, use the bow, and others 
 the javelin." Then," said Cyrus, since 
 such are their arms, they must necessarily en 
 gage at a distance." " Necessarily," said 
 Cyaxares. In this case, therefore," said 
 Cyrus, the victory falls to the greater num- 
 ber ; for the few, wounded by those weapons, 
 are much sooner destroyed by the many, than 
 the many by the few." If it be so, Cyrus," 
 said he, " what way can one find better than to 
 send to the Persians, acquaint them that if the 
 Medes sustain any loss the misfortune will 
 reach to themselves, and, at the same time, 
 to require from them a greater force 1" " Be 
 assured," said Cyrus, that if all the Persians 
 should come, we should not exceed the enemy 
 in numbers." What have you in view then 
 that is better 1" Why," said Cyrus, if I 
 were you, I would immediately make for all 
 the Persians that are coming such" arms as 
 those men, that are called the alike-honoured, 
 come provided with ; and these are, a corslet 
 about the breast, a shield for the left hand, and 
 a sword, or cutlass, for the right. If you pro- 
 vide these arms, you will make it the safest 
 way for us to come to close fight with the 
 enemy ; and better for the enemy to fly than 
 to stand their ground. For our own station," 
 said he, " we appoint against those that stand 
 their ground ; and those that fly we allot to 
 you and to your horse, that they may not have 
 time to make their escape or to turn again." 
 Thus Cyrus spoke. Cyaxares was of opinion 
 that he said very right, and he thought no long- 
 er of sending for more men, but applied him- 
 
 self to the providing of the arms before men- 
 tioned ; and they were scarce got ready before 
 the Persian gentlemen, or alike-honoured, ar- 
 rived, bringing the Persian army with them. 
 
 On this Cyrus is said to have called the gen- 
 tlemen together, and to have spoken to them 
 thus : " Friends ! I, who saw that your persons 
 were armed, and your minds prepared for close 
 fight with your enemy, and knew that the Per- 
 sians who attend you were armed in such man- 
 ner as to engage only at a distance, was afraid 
 that being but few in number, and destitute 
 of others to support you, when you fell in with 
 the great number of the enemy, you might come 
 by some misfortune. Now, therefore," said 
 he, " that you are come, and bring with you. 
 men whose bodies are not contemptible, and 
 who are to be supplied with arms like our own, 
 to raise their minds is now your part. For it 
 is the business of a commander not only to be 
 himself brave, but to take such care of those 
 that he rules, that they may be made as brave 
 as is possible." Thus he said. 
 
 They were all much pleased, imagining they 
 should now engage the enemy with more to 
 assist and support them. And one of them 
 spoke to this effect : " Perhaps," said he, " I 
 shall be thought to talk strangely, if I advise 
 Cyrus, instead of us, to say something to these 
 men, who are to be our supports and fellow- 
 combatants, when they receive their arms ; for 
 I know," said he, " that the words of those 
 who have the most power to do service or to 
 do hurt, sink deeper into the minds of the 
 hearers. And the presents that such men 
 make, though they happen to be less than what 
 men may receive from others like themselves, 
 yet the receivers value them more. So now," 
 said he, "the Persians will be much more 
 pleased if they receive an exhortation from 
 Cyrus, than if they receive it from us. And 
 when they are placed in the degree of the alike- 
 honoured, they will think themselves more 
 strongly confirmed in it, if done by the son of 
 our king, and by our commander-in-chief, than 
 if they are introduced to it by us. Nor ought 
 our endeavours to be wanting ; but we should 
 use all possible means to excite and raise the 
 courage of these men ; for how much soevei 
 they become braver and better men, it will be 
 so much the more to our advantage." 
 
 So Cyrus, setting down the arms in a place 
 exposed to view, and calling together all the 
 Persian soldiers spoke to this effect: "Men 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 25 
 
 of Persia ! you were born and bred in the same 
 country that we were ; you have bodies that 
 are nowise inferior to ours, and you ought to 
 have souls too not inferior to ours. And yet, 
 though such you are in yourselves, in our own 
 country you were not on an equal footing with 
 us. Not that you were excluded from it by 
 us, but by the necessity you were under of 
 providing yourselves with necessaries. Now, 
 with the help of the gods, it shall be my care 
 that you shall be supplied with these. And 
 even though you may be in any sort inferior to 
 us, yet by accepting these arms, that are such 
 as we have ourselves, it is in your power, if 
 you will, to run the same hazards with us ; 
 and, if any thing great and advantageous happen 
 to us on it, to be thought worthy of like ad- 
 vantages with ourselves. Heretofore you have 
 used the bow and the javelin ; we have done 
 the same ; and if you are inferior to us in the 
 practise of these, it is not a't all wonderful ; for 
 you have not had the leisure that we have had 
 to exercise yourselves in them. But, in this 
 sort of arms, we have no advantage above you, 
 for every one will have a corslet fitted to his 
 breast, for the left hand a shield which you 
 are all accustomed to wear ; and, for the right, 
 a sword or cutlass, which you are to use against 
 the enemy ; not needing to be mindful of any 
 thing but how not to miss your blow. Under 
 thesa arms, therefore, what difference can there 
 be between one and another amongst us, unless 
 it be in boldness, in which you ought not to be 
 inferior to us ? How should it be our part 
 more than yours to be desirous of victory, by 
 which all things great and advantageous are ac- 
 quired and preserved 1 How can superiority 
 of arms be 'less necessary to you than to us, 
 when it is by this that all the conquered possess 
 becomes yielded to the victors'!" In conclu- 
 sion he said : " You have heard all these 
 things ; you, all of you, see your arms ; he that 
 thinks fit, let him take them, and enlist him- 
 self under his officer into the same order and 
 degree with us. He that thinks it enough for 
 him to be in the station of a mercenary, let 
 him continue under servile arms." Thus he 
 said. The Persians who heard him were of 
 opinion, that if, when they were invited to an 
 equal share of all advantages, by sharing in 
 like labours, they should not agree to it, they 
 should then justly pass all their days in a mean 
 and low condition. So they were all enlisted, 
 and all took the arms. 
 3 
 
 During the time that the enemy was said to 
 be approaching, but did not actually come, Cy- 
 rus endeavoured to exercise the bodies of his 
 men, in order to give them strength and vigour ; 
 to teach them how to form themselves, and to 
 move in proper order, and to raise their minds 
 to warlike affairs. And, in the first place, 
 being supplied with servants by Cyaxares, he 
 ordered them to supply all the soldiers with 
 every thing, ready-made, that they wanted. 
 And having provided for this, he left them 
 nothing to do but to practise such things as ' 
 related to war, seeming to have learned this 
 maxim, that those men were best at any thing 
 who, taking off their minds from application 
 to many things, apply themselves to one busi- 
 ness singly. And of affairs that relate to war, 
 cutting them off from the practice of the bow 
 and javelin, he left them only this one thing to 
 do, which was to fight with sword, shield, and 
 corslet. So that he presently brought their 
 minds to this state, that they found they were 
 either to engage their enemy hand to hand, or 
 to confess that they were very worthless sup- 
 ports and fellow combatants. And this was a 
 difficult thing to be owned by such as knew they 
 were maintained for nothing else but to fight 
 for those that maintained them. Besides, hav- 
 ing considered that, whatever the things are 
 wherein men are raised to an emulation one 
 against another, those are the things they are 
 most willing to exercise themselves in, he ap- 
 pointed them to contend and vie with each 
 other in all those kinds of things that he knew 
 were fit to be exercised and practised by the 
 soldiers. 
 
 The things he so appointed were these ; to 
 the private man, to make himself a good sol- 
 dier, obedient to his commanders; ready to 
 undergo labour ; to be enterprising in dangers, 
 but consistently with good order ; to be skilful 
 in the military exercises ; fond of having his 
 arms beautiful and in good condition ; and in 
 all such matters desirous of praise. To the 
 leader of five, to make himself such as it be- 
 came the private man to be ; and to do his* ut- 
 most to make his five likewise such. To the 
 leader of ten, to make his ten such. To the 
 captain to do the same for his company ; the 
 colonel for his regiment ; and in the same man- 
 ner, to the rest of the commanding officers, to 
 render themselves unexceptionable and blame*- 
 less ; and to take care that those who were 
 under their command should, in their several 
 D 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 stations, make those under them ready to do 
 their duties. The rewards he proposed in this 
 contention were these ; to the colonels, who, 
 by their care, appeared to have made themselves 
 the best regiments, to be made commanders of 
 a thousand ; to the captains, who appeared to 
 have made themselves the best companies, to 
 be made colonels ; to the leaders of ten, that 
 approved themselves the best, to be advanced 
 to the degree of captains ; and to the leaders 
 of five, in like manner to be advanced to the 
 degree of leaders of ten : and to the private 
 men that behaved best, to be advanced to the 
 degree of leaders of five. In the first place, 
 therefore, all these officers were well served by 
 those they commanded, and then all those 
 other honours, suitable to every one, attended 
 them. He likewise gave greater hopes to those 
 who deserved praise, in case any more than 
 ordinary advantage should on occasion fall in 
 their way. He proposed also certain rewards 
 of victory to whole regiments and companies. 
 So likewise to whole tens and fives, if they 
 appeared to be the most obedient to their com- 
 manders, and to perform the things before- 
 mentioned with the greatest ardour and readi- 
 ness ; and the rewards to these were such as 
 were the most proper to be bestowed in com- 
 mon on a number of men. These were the 
 things that were proposed to the army, and 
 exercised amongst them. 
 
 Tents he likewise provided for them, as 
 many in number as were the colonels, and of 
 a size such as was sufficient for each regiment ; 
 and a regiment consisted of a hundred men. 
 Thus they were quartered in tents by regi- 
 ments. And it seemed to him to be of use to 
 his men, in the war that was coming on, that, 
 by thus inhabiting together, they saw each 
 other maintained alike ; and there was no pre- 
 tence of lying under a disadvantage, so as to 
 allow any one to be remiss, or one to be worse 
 than another, in acting against the enemy. It 
 seemed to him likewise that this joint habita 
 tion was of use to them with respect to their 
 knowing one another ; for, by being known, 
 he thought that a sense of shame and reproach 
 took more place on all ; for they who are un- 
 known seem to act with less caution and re- 
 straint, as men do who are in the dark. And 
 this cohabitation seemed to him to be of great 
 service to his men with respect to exactness in 
 their orders : for thus the colonels had their 
 several regiments in order under them in their 
 
 sleep, just as when a regiment is in a body on 
 the march ; so the captains their companies ; 
 the commanders of tens their tens ; and the 
 commanders of five their five : and this exact- 
 ness in their orders seemed to him to be of 
 great service, both to prevent their being put 
 into disorder, and, if disordered to settle them- 
 selves more readily into order again ; just as in 
 the case of stones and pieces of wood that are 
 to be fitted together, which, if they have certain 
 marks to make it evident to what place each of 
 them belongs, one may with ease fit together 
 again, into whatever irregular form they may 
 have been thrown. And their being thus main- 
 tained together, he thought, was of service to 
 them, in order to make them less ready to de- 
 sert each other; because he observed that 
 beasts that had their maintenance together were 
 in great pain if separated by any one. 
 
 Cyrus also took care that they should never 
 go to their dinner or supper without a sweat ; 
 for he either led them out to hunt, and gave 
 them a sweat that way, or he contrived such 
 sports for them as would put them into one ; 
 or if any business happened that was to be 
 done, he so managed it that they should not 
 return without sweating; for this he judged to 
 be of service, in order to make them eat with 
 pleasure, and to make them healthy, and to 
 make them able to undergo labour : and labour 
 he judged to be of use in making theimmore 
 gentle one towards another, because even 
 horses, that labour jointly together, stand like- 
 wise more gently and tamely together. And 
 they, who are conscious to themselves of being 
 duly exercised, are inspired with more bravery 
 and courage against the enemy. 
 
 Cyrus likewise provided himself with a tent 
 sufficient to contain those that he invited to 
 sup with him : he invited, for the most part, 
 such of the colonels as he thought proper ; but 
 he sometimes invited some of the captains, 
 some of the commanders of ten, and some of 
 the commanders of five ; sometimes some of 
 the soldiers, and sometimes a whole five, a 
 whole ten, a whole company, or a whole regi- 
 ment together. He invited them likewise, and 
 rewarded those that he saw practise any such 
 thing as he desired all the others should imitate. 
 And the things that were set before himself, 
 and before those that he invited to supper were 
 always alike. He always made the servants of 
 the army likewise equal sharers in all things ; 
 for he thought it was not less becoming him to 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 27 
 
 reward those who served in the concerns of the 
 army, than to reward heralds and ambassadors ; 
 for he was of opinion that they ought to be 
 faithful, skilled in military affairs, and intelli- 
 gent, as well as zealous in their business, quick 
 of despatch, diligent and orderly. Besides, 
 whatever good quality they had, who were ac- 
 counted the better sort, that Cyrus thought the 
 servants ought to be possessed of; and that it 
 was their duty to bring themselves, by practice, 
 to refuse no work, but to think it becoming 
 them to do all things whatever that their com- 
 manders should enjoin. 
 
 II. And Cyrus always took care that while 
 he entertained any of them in his tent, the most 
 agreeable subjects of discourse, and such as 
 might excite them to good, should be thrown 
 in amongst them. On a certain occasion, 
 therefore, he began this discourse : " Friends !" 
 said he, are other men, think you, any ways 
 inferior to us, by reason of their not being dis- 
 ciplined in the same manner as we are 1 or will 
 they prove not to differ from us at all, either 
 in their converse with each other or in action 
 against the enemy 1" Hystaspes, in answer to 
 him, said : " What they may prove to be in 
 action against the enemy I do not yet know ; 
 but by the gods ! some of them seem already 
 to be very perverse and churlish in their con- 
 versation ; for yesterday," said he, " Cyaxares 
 sent certain victims to every regiment ; and we 
 had every one of us three portions or more, 
 that were carried and distributed around. Our 
 cook began his first distribution by me, when 
 the person who was to make the second distri- 
 bution entered ; I bade him begin with the last 
 man, and carry round the contrary way. One, 
 therefore, from the middle of the circle of sol- 
 diers as they lay, cried out: < By Jove !' said 
 he, ' there's no manner of equality or fairness 
 in this, unless somebody begin from us here in 
 the middle.' I, hearing this, was uneasy that 
 any of them should think they lay under a dis- 
 advantage, and I presently bade him come to 
 me ; in this he, in a very orderly manner, obey 
 ed me : but when the portions that were dis- 
 distributing came to us, who were to take last, 
 they were the least that were left; he then 
 plainly discovered himself to be very much af- 
 flicted, and said to himself, < Oh, ill fortune ! 
 that I should happen to be called hither!' ] 
 then said to him, < Do not be disturbed ; it wil 
 begin presently by us, and you shall take first 
 the biggest portion.' At the third going about 
 
 hich was the last turn, he took the next after 
 me ; but as soon as the third person had taken, 
 le fancied that this man had taken a larger 
 portion than himself, and he drew back that 
 ic had taken, intending to take another; 
 aut the cook, thinking that he wanted no more 
 meat, moved on, distributing around, before he 
 took another portion. Here he bore so ill the 
 misfortune of losing the portion he had taken, 
 that being struck and in wrath at his ill fortune, 
 he misplaced and overtuned some sauce he had 
 remaining. A captain who was the nearest us, 
 seeing this, clapped his hands, and laughed out, 
 much delighted ; I," said Hystaspes, " made as 
 if I coughed, for I was not able to hold from 
 laughing. Cyrus," said he, such a one do I 
 show you one of our companions to be." On 
 this, as was natural, they laughed. 
 
 Another of the colonels then spoke. "Cyrus," 
 said he, " this Hystaspes, it seems, has met 
 with one of a very perverse temper ; but as you 
 instructed us in the order and discipline we 
 were to observe, and dismissed us with com- 
 mands to instruct every one his regiment in 
 the things he had learned from you ; so I, as 
 others did, came to a certain company, and was 
 teaching them ; and placing the captain first, 
 and then a young man in order after him, and 
 so the rest, as I thought proper ; and then, 
 standing before them, and looking on the com- 
 pany, when I thought it proper time, I gave 
 the command to advance. This young man, 
 advancing before the captain, marched first ; I, 
 seeing him do thus, said to him ; < Friend, 
 what are you doing 1' The man said : 'Why, I, 
 advance as you command me.' < But,' said I, 
 < I did not command only you to advance, but 
 all ;' then, turning to his companions ; < Do not 
 you hear,' said he, < that the colonel commands 
 you all to advance 1 ' Then all of them passing 
 the captain by, came up to me ; but when the 
 the captain made them retire back they were 
 offended, and said, Whom are we to obey 1 for 
 one bids us to advance, and another will not 
 suffer us to do it.' Bearing all this content- 
 edly, and placing them as at first, I told them 
 that none of those behind should move till he 
 that was before him led the way, but that 
 they should all mind only to follow their 
 leading man. In the meantime there came to 
 me a certain person that was going to Persia, 
 and he bade me give him the letter I had writ, 
 ten home : now the captain knew where the 
 letter lay : I bade him therefore run and fetch 
 
28 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 this letter. He ran his way : the young man, 
 armed as he was, with corslet and sword, fol- 
 lowed after his captain ; the rest of his com- 
 pany, seeing him run, ran off with him ; and all 
 of them came back again, and brought me the 
 letter. Thus," said he, " is this company of 
 mine mighty exact in executing all the instruc- 
 tions they receive from you." The rest, as was 
 natural, laughed at this guard and attendance 
 on the letter : but Cyrus said : " O Jove, and 
 all your gods ! what men have we for our com- 
 panions ! They are so easily served, that many 
 of them might be made one's friend for a little 
 portion of meat ; and they are so obedient, that 
 they obey before they understand what they are 
 ordered to do. For my part, I do not know 
 what sort of men we would wish the soldiers 
 to be, unless it be just such !" And Cyrus 
 thus, in laughing, praised the soldiers. 
 
 There happened at that time to be in the 
 tent a certain colonel, his name was Aglaitadas, 
 a churlish and austere sort of man in his man- 
 ners ; and he spoke thus : Do you think, now, 
 Cyrus," said he, " that these men tell you the 
 truth ?" Why, what end," said Cyrus, have 
 they in lyingl" What else," said he, " but 
 to make you laugh ? and, for this reason, they 
 tell you these stories in a vain arrogant way." 
 "Good words, pray!" said Cyrus: "do not 
 say that they are vain and arrogant ; for the 
 word arrogant seems to me to lie on such as 
 feign themselves richer or braver than they 
 really are, and pretend to do what they are not 
 able to do ; and that plainly act thus, in order 
 to get something, and make profit to them- 
 selves. They that move their companions to 
 laughter, and do it neither for their own gain 
 nor to the hearer's prejudice, nor with intent to 
 do any manner of harm, why may not such be 
 called polite and agreeable, much rather than 
 arrogant"?" "Thus did Cyrus apologise for 
 such as afforded matter of laughter. The 
 colonel, then, who had told the pleasant story 
 of the company of soldiers, said : " If we en- 
 deavoured, Agtaitadas, to make you cry, would 
 you not blame us very much 1 as there are some 
 who, in songs and discourses, uttering certain 
 melancholy notes and things, endeavour to move 
 people by tears. But now, though you your- 
 self know that we are desirous to give you 
 pleasure, and not in the least to hurt you, yet 
 you hold us thus in great disgrace !" By 
 Jove !" said Aglaitadas, I do, and justly ; be- 
 cause in my opinion, he that makes^his friend 
 
 laugh does a much more worthless and insigni- 
 ficant thing than he who makes him cry : and 
 you will find, if you reckon right, that I say 
 true. Fathers bring their sons to a discreet 
 and modest temper of mind, and teachers their 
 youth to all good learning, by tears ; and it is 
 by affliction and tears that the laws influence 
 citizens to justice in their conduct. But can 
 you possibly say that your movers of laughter 
 either do any service to the bodies of men, or 
 form their minds to a better sense of their 
 duty, with respect to their private families, or 
 to the public 1" On this Hystaspes spoke in 
 this manner; "Aglaitadas," said he, " if you 
 will follow my advice, you shall boldly lay out 
 this very valuable thing on our enemies, and 
 you shall endeavour to set them crying ; but 
 that worthless thing, laughter, you shall spend 
 on us," said he, here, amongst your friends. 
 I know you have a great deal of it that lies by 
 you in store ; for you neither use nor spend it 
 yourself, nor do you willingly afford laughter 
 either to your friends or to strangers : so that 
 you have no manner of pretence to refuse be- 
 stowing it on us. " Then," said Aglaitadas, 
 " do you endeavour to get it out of me." And 
 the leader of the company said : " By Jove, 
 then, he is a fool indeed ! for I believe one may 
 strike fire out of you more easily than draw 
 laughter from you." At this the other laugh 
 ed, knowing the temper of the man ; and Ag- 
 laitadas himself smiled at it : Cyrus, seeing 
 him pleased, said. Indeed, captain, you are 
 in the wrong to corrupt the most serious man 
 we have, by tempting him to laugh ; and, to do 
 this," said he, to one who is so great an ene- 
 my to laughter !" Here ended this subject of 
 discourse. 
 
 After this Chrysantas spoke thus : But, 
 Cyrus," said he, " I, and all that are here 
 present, consider that there are come hither 
 with us men, who have some of them more 
 merit and some less ; and, if any advantage 
 fall in our way, they will all think themselves 
 entitled to an equal share of it : but, for my 
 part, I do not think that any thing can be more 
 unequal amongst men, than that the good and 
 the bad should be entitled to equal advantages." 
 Cyrus to this said : By the gods, then, 
 friends ! it were best for us to give this out, 
 and propose it to be debated in the army, whe 
 ther they think it proper, if in consequence of 
 our labours the gods give us any advantage, 
 that all should share alike in it ; or that, ex- 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 29 
 
 amining the actions of every one, we should 
 give to each rewards proportionable ?" " But 
 why" paid Chrysantas, " should you give this 
 out to be discoursed on, and not declare that 
 you will have it so 1 Did not you declare," 
 said he, " what the soldiers should contend and 
 vie with each other in, and what the rewards of 
 the contention should be 1" But by Jove !" 
 said Cyrus, " these matters and those are not 
 alike : for what they shall acquire by their ser- 
 vice, that, I believe, they will reckon common 
 to all ; but the command of the army they take 
 to be mine, even from the first setting out : so 
 that in appointing officers, I believe, they think 
 I do them no wrong." " And do you think," said 
 Chrysantas, " that the multitude assembled 
 will .ever decree that every one shall not have 
 his equal share, but that the best shall have the 
 advantage in profits and honours'?" " I do 
 think it," said Cyrus ; " partly because of your 
 assistance in it, and partly because it is infa- 
 mous to assert, that he who labours most for the 
 public, and does it most service, is not entitled 
 to the greatest rewards ; and, I believe, that 
 the very worst of our men will think it of ser- 
 vice to them that the best should have the ad- 
 vantage." 
 
 Cyrus had a mind that this should be pub. 
 licly decreed, even on account of the alike- 
 honoured ; for he thought that they would be 
 yet better men, if they knew that they them- 
 selves were to be judged by their actions, and 
 rewarded accordingly. This therefore seemed 
 to him to be the proper opportunity to put it 
 to the vote, whilst the alike-honoured were dis- 
 satisfied with the claim of the multitude to 
 equality of shares. So it was the current opi- 
 nion of those in the tent to give out the dis 
 course on the subject ; and they said that every 
 one who thought it his part to act like a man 
 ought to give his assistance in it. On this one 
 of the colonels laughed, and said : " I know,' 
 said he, " a man, one of the common people 
 who will help to justify this opinion, that this 
 equality of shares, without distinction, ought 
 not to be." Another asked him, " Whom he 
 meant 1" He replied : Truly, he is one of 
 my own tent, and is on every occasion seeking 
 to get the advantage and upper hand of others.' 
 Another then asked : And does he seek it in 
 labour and taking pains 1" No, by Jove!' 
 said he, " not in that ; but here you have 
 caught me in a lie, for, with respect to labour 
 and things of that kind, he always contentedly 
 3* 
 
 allows any one to get the upper hand of him 
 hat will." 
 
 "Friends," said Cyrus, " my judgment is, 
 hat such men as this person speaks of ought 
 ,o be weeded out of the army, if we intend to 
 ^reserve it in its virtue and vigour, and to ren- 
 der the soldiers obedient ; for the soldiers seem 
 to me to be such as will follow where any one 
 shall lead them the way : good and excellent 
 men certainly endeavour to lead to things good 
 and excellent, vicious men to things vicious, 
 and corrupt men have often more abettors than 
 the sober and industrious : for vice, that takes 
 its course through present pleasures, has these 
 pleasures to assist in persuading the multitude 
 to abet it; but virtue, that moves upwards, has 
 not strength enough in present occasions to draw 
 men without distinction after it, especially if 
 there are others in opposition to it that exhort 
 men to follow the prone and easy track. They 
 therefore who are faulty on account of sloth and 
 indolence, these I reckon, like drones, are bur- 
 densome to their companions only by the ex- 
 pense of maintaining them ; but active asso- 
 ciates in vice, who prosecute their interest with 
 industry and impudence, these are the leaders 
 of men to vicious courses ; for they often have 
 it in their power to show them that vice will 
 be serviceable to their interest ; so that such 
 men must be entirely weeded out. Then, pray 
 do not consider how to recruit your regiments 
 with your own countrymen ; but, as in horses, 
 you look for those that are the best, and not for 
 those that are of your own country, so of men, 
 take such as you think will most contribute to 
 your strength and good order. And that it 
 will be to our advantage to do so, this will bear 
 me testimony, that neither is a chariot swift, if 
 it have but slow horses ; nor is it true, if joined 
 to vicious and unmanageable ones : nor can a 
 family be well regulated that uses vicious ser- 
 vants ; but a family that wants servants is less 
 injured than one that is confounded by unjust 
 ones. And be it known to you, friends, that 
 the turning out of the vicious will not only be 
 of advantage to you in their being out of the 
 way, but of those that remain ; they who have 
 had vice instilled into them will discharge them- 
 selves of it again ; and the good, seeing the 
 vicious punished, will adhere to virtue with 
 much more warmth and zeal." Thus he said. 
 All his friends were of opinion with him, and 
 did accordingly. 
 
 After this Cyrus began again to set jest and 
 
30 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 merriment on foot ; for observing that one of 
 the captains had brought with him a fellow- 
 guest, and had placed him next to himself, 
 that the man was excessively rough and hairy, 
 and very ugly, he called the captain by his 
 name, and spoke thus ; " Sambaulas," said he, 
 " that young man that lies next to you, do you 
 carry him about with you, according to the 
 Greek custom, because he is handsome ?" 
 " No, by Jove !" said Sambaulas ; but I am 
 pleased with his conversation, and even with 
 looking at him." They that were present in 
 the tent, on hearing this, looked at the man, 
 and when they saw that his face was excessive- 
 ly ugly, they all laughed ; and one of them 
 said : " In the name of all the gods, Sambau- 
 las, by what piece of service has this man so 
 tied himself to you 1" He said : " By Jove ! 
 friends I will tell you : whenever I have call- 
 ed on him, either by night or by day, he never 
 pretended want of leisure, never obeyed lazily, 
 but always ran to his business with the utmost 
 despatch : as often as I have ordered him to do 
 a thing, I never saw him execute it without 
 putting himself into a heat ; and he has made 
 the whole twelve such as himself, not showing 
 them in word, but in action, what they ought 
 to be." Then somebody said : " Since he is 
 such an extraordinary man, do you not embrace 
 him as you do relations'!" And to this the 
 homely person replied : " No, b'y Jove !" said 
 he, for he is not one of those that are fond 
 of labour and pains ; and to embrace -me would 
 be as much to him as if he underwent the 
 greatest toil." 
 
 III. Such kind of discourse and things, 
 both merry and serious, passed amongst them 
 in the tent. And having at last performed 
 the third libation, and made their prayers to the 
 gods for their blessings, they broke up their 
 company in the tent, in order to go to rest. 
 
 The next day Cyrus assembled all the sol- 
 diers, and spoke to them to this effect : 
 " Friends ! the conflict is at hand, for the 
 enemies are approaching; the rewards of our 
 victory, if we conquer, it is evident are our 
 enemies themselves, and their fortunes. On 
 the other hand, if we are conquered (for this 
 ought always to be mentioned,) thus likewise 
 do the fortunes of the conquered stand exposed 
 as the rewards of the conquerors. Therefore, 
 thus," said he, you ought to determine with 
 yourselves, that when men are united as asso- 
 ciates in war, if every one within himself 
 
 makes account that nothing will be as it ought 
 to be, unless every one be inspired with zeal 
 and ardour, they then presently perform things 
 great and noble ; for nothing of what is proper 
 to be done is, in this case, neglected. But 
 when every one imagines that another is to 
 fight and act, though he himself play the drone, 
 be it known to you," said he, " that with such 
 the success of things will be unhappy to them 
 all. The gods have so established it ; to those 
 who will not impose on themselves the task 
 of labouring for their own advantage, they 
 give other task-masters. Now, therefore," 
 said he, " let some one stand up, and speak to 
 this point ; whether he think that virtue will 
 be the better practised amongst us, if he, who 
 chooses to undergo the greatest toil and run 
 the greatest hazards, obtain the greatest re- 
 wards ? or if we all see that the worthless man 
 lies under no disadvantage, but that all of us 
 are to share alike 1" 
 
 Here Chrysantas, one of the alike-honoured, 
 one who was neither tall in his person, nor 
 whose looks bespoke either courage or spirit, but 
 a man of excellent understanding, rose up and 
 spoke thus : In truth, Cyrus," said he, " my 
 opinion is, that you do not propose this to our 
 debate, as judging it fit that the worthless 
 should stand on a footing of equal advantage 
 with the deserving ; but to try whether there 
 be such a man amongst us, that will venture 
 to discover himself to be of opinion, that he 
 who performs nothing that is great and noble 
 should share equally of those advantages that 
 are gained by the virtue and bravery of 
 others. I am," said he, "neither swift of 
 foot, nor have I great strength and vigour 
 in my hands and arms ; and by what I can 
 perform .with my person, I reckon I cannot 
 be judged \o be the first man, nor yet the 
 second, I believe not the thousandth ; perhaps 
 not the ten thousandth ; but this I very well 
 know, that if they who are men of strength 
 set their hands vigorously to the work, I shall 
 have my share in some advantage or other, 
 and as much as is justly due to me ; but if 
 mean and worthless men shall do nothing, and 
 men of bravery and vigour shall be quite out 
 of heart, I am afraid I shall have my share in 
 something else rather than advantage, and such 
 a share as will be greater than I desire." Thus 
 spoke Chrysantas. 
 
 After him rose Pheraulas, a Persian, one of 
 the common people ; a man intimately known 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 31 
 
 to Cyrus, and much in his favour whilst they 
 were yet in Persia, one whose person was not 
 uncomely, and who, with respect to his mind, 
 was not like one of the mean and ignoble ; and 
 he spoke to this effect : " I, Cyrus," said he, 
 " and all the Persians here present, reckon 
 ourselves now entered in the lists of virtue, and 
 setting forward in its career on an equal foot- 
 ing ; for I see that our bodies are all exercised 
 alike, and nourished with like food ; that like 
 company and conversation is vouchsafed to us 
 all ; and that the same honourable actions lie 
 before us : for obedience to our commanders 
 lies before us in common, and whoever is found 
 sincerely to practise it, that man, I see, obtains 
 rewards and honours at the hands of Cyrus : 
 then to act with bravery against the enemy is 
 not a 'thing that is becoming to one, and is 
 otherwise to another, but stands recommended 
 as great and noble to us all. And I take on 
 me to say, that our method of righting is now 
 plainly taught us. I see that all men naturally 
 know it ; as every other animal naturally knows 
 a certain method of fighting, and this without 
 learning it from any other than from nature ; 
 as the bull attacks with his horn, the horse with 
 his hoof, the dog with his mouth, the boar with 
 his tooth ; and all of them know," said he, "by 
 what means best to defend themselves against 
 the attack of others ; and these things proceed 
 not froiu the instruction of any master in these 
 arts. I understood presently, from a child, 
 how to interpose- something between myself 
 and the person who offered to strike me ; and 
 if I had nothing else, I endeavoured, as well as 
 I was able, by holding up my hands, to hinder 
 and oppose the person that assaulted me ; and 
 this I did not only without being taught it, but 
 even though I were beaten for defending my- 
 self. When I was a child, wherever I saw a 
 sword, I presently seized it ; nor was I taught 
 how to handle it by any one, but, as I say, by 
 nature. This therefore I did, not only untaught, 
 but even crossed and hindered in it ; as there 
 are many other things that I have been neces- 
 sarily prompted by nature to do, though con- 
 trolled and checked in them both by my father 
 and mother. Then, by Jove ! with this sword 
 I hacked and hewed whatever came in my way, 
 when I could do it privately and unseen ; for 
 it was not only natural to me, like walking and 
 running, but, besides its being natural, I thought 
 it a pleasure to do it. Since, therefore," said 
 he, that fighting is the thing now left us to 
 
 do, and that it is a work that requires courage 
 rather than art, how can it be other than a 
 pleasure to us to enter the lists with these 
 noble persons the alike-honoured, when the 
 rewards of virtue lie equally before us, and we 
 of the people do not run an equal risk? They 
 have at stake a life of honour, which is the 
 most agreeable, and the only one that can be 
 called a life ; we only a laborious and ignoble 
 one, which in my opinion is but painful and 
 unhappy. Then this, friends, greatly animates 
 me to enter the lists against these men that 
 Cyrus is to be our judge : he who judges not 
 partially and invidiously, but, I aver, and sweai 
 it by the gods, that I think Cyrus loves those 
 that he finds to be deserving not less than ho 
 does himself. Accordingly, I observe that he 
 bestows what he has on such men with more 
 pleasure than he takes in his own possession 
 of it. Besides," said he, " thes% men are greatly 
 elevated with their having been disciplined to 
 bear hunger, thirst, and cold ; not knowing that 
 we have been disciplined in the same things, 
 under a much abler teacher than they have 
 been ; for there is none a more effectual teacher 
 of these things than necessity, that has taught 
 them us in the completest manner. These 
 men have exercised themselves in the labour 
 of bearing arms, that have been so contrived 
 by all men as to be worn with the greatest 
 ease ; but we," said he, " have been obliged, by 
 necessity, to walk and run under heavy bur- 
 dens ; so that the arms we nowitbear seem to 
 me not to be like burdens, but rather like 
 wings. So count on me," said he, ", Cyrus, 
 as one that will engage in this dispute, and 
 who desires, whatever degree I am in, to be 
 rewarded according to my desert. And I ex- 
 hort you, my friends of the people, to embark 
 in this military contention, against these men 
 of discipline : for they are now drawn in, and 
 caught in this popular dispute." So spoke 
 Pheraulas ; and many others stood up to sup- 
 port them both in their opinions. It was 
 thought therefore that every one should be 
 rewarded according to his desert, and that Cy- 
 rus should be the judge. 
 
 Thus did these things proceed ; and Cyrus 
 took an occasion to invite an entire regiment, 
 together with their colonel, to sup with him. 
 This he did, on having seen the man forming 
 half the men of his regiment against the other 
 half, in order to attack each other : they had 
 all of them their corslets on, and in their left 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 hands their shields ; but to one half he had 
 g.ven good large sticks for their right hands, 
 and the others he had ordered to gather clods to 
 throw. When they stood thus, ready prepar. 
 ed, he gave them the signal to engage : then 
 these fell on with their clods ; some chanced to 
 fall on 'the corslets of the opposite party ; some 
 on their shields : some hit a thigh, some a leg : 
 but, when they came to close, they who had the 
 sticks applied their blows on the thighs, hands, 
 and legs of their adversaries, as well as on the 
 necks and backs of such as stooped for their 
 clods ; and, a t last, they that were armed with the 
 sticks put the others to the rout, laying them on 
 with much laughter and diversion. Then the 
 others, in their turn, taking the sticks, did the 
 same thing to those who took their turn in throw- 
 ing the clods. Cyrus was much taken with these 
 things ; both with the contrivance of the officer, 
 the obedience of fhe men, that they were at the 
 same time both exercised and diverted, and 
 that those men gained the victory who were 
 armed in the manner that resembled the Per- 
 sians. Being pleased with these things, he in- 
 vited them to supper ; and observing some of 
 them with their shins bound up, and some with 
 their hands in the same condition, he asked 
 them what harm they had got. They said they 
 had been struck with the clods. He then ask- 
 ed them again, whether it was when they were 
 close together, or while they were at a distance. 
 They said, while they were at a distance ; but 
 that, when they closed it was the finest sport 
 imaginable for those that were armed with the 
 sticks ; but then, again, they that were wound- 
 ed by the sticks cried out they did not at all 
 think it a diversion to be threshed in that close 
 way. They showed the blows they received 
 from those that held the sticks, both n their 
 hands and neck, and some in their faces : and 
 then, as was natural, they laughed at one an- 
 other. The next day the whole field was full 
 of people imitating these men ; and whenever 
 they had nothing of more serious business to 
 do, they made use of this diversion. 
 
 And Cyrus observing another colonel on a 
 certain occasion leading his men from the river, 
 one .by one, to their dinner ; and when he 
 thought it proper, ordering the second, third, 
 and fourth company to advance in front ; and 
 when the captains were all in front, ordering 
 each company to double their files, on which 
 the commanders of tens advanced in front ; and 
 that then, when he thought proper, he ordered 
 
 each company to bring themselves to be four in 
 front ; thus the commanders of five advanced, 
 that the company might march four in front ; 
 and that, when they arrived at the door of the 
 tent, commanding them to enter, one by one, 
 he introduced the first company, ordering the 
 second to follow them in the rear, and the third 
 and fourth in like manner, and so led them all 
 in : and that, introducing them in this manner, 
 he sat them all down to their meat, in the or- 
 der as they entered : he, being much taken with 
 this man for his good temper, instruction, and 
 care, invited the whole regiment to sup with 
 him, together with the colonel. But another 
 colonel, who had not been invited, being 
 present at the time, spoke thus: "But my 
 regiment, Cyrus," said he, you do not invite 
 to your tent ; yet when they go to their dinner, 
 they perform all these things; and when' the 
 business in the tent is over, the rear leader of 
 the last company leads out that company with 
 the last men ranged first in order for battle : 
 then the rear leader of the next company fol- 
 lows after these ; so the third and fourth in the 
 same manner ; that when it is proper to lead 
 off from the enemy, they may know how to 
 retreat. And when we get into the course, 
 we there move about; when we march to the 
 east, I lead the way, and the first company 
 moves first, the second in its order ; so the 
 third and fourth, and the tens and fives of the 
 several companies, in the proper course, as long 
 as I give orders accordingly : but," said he,. 
 " when we march to the west, the rear leader 
 and the last man lead the way, and yet obey 
 me who march last, that they may be accustom- 
 ed both to follow and to lead with equal obe- 
 dience." " And do you always do thus V said 
 Cyrus. " As often," said he, " as we take our 
 meals." " I will invite you, therefore," said he, 
 " because you practise your exercise both in 
 advancing and retreating, by day and night, and 
 both exercise your bodies by the motion, and 
 profit your minds by the discipline. And since 
 you do all these things double, it is but just that 
 I should give you double good entertainment." 
 By Jove !" said the colonel, not in one day, 
 unless you give us double stomachs too !" Thus 
 they made an end of that conversation in the 
 tent. And the next day Cyrus invited this 
 regiment, as he said he would, and did the same 
 again the day following ; the rest, perceiving 
 this, all imitated those men for the future. 
 IV. But as Cyrus, on a certain occasion, 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 33 
 
 was making a general muster and review of 
 his men under arms, there came a messenger 
 from Cyaxares, acquainting him that an Indian 
 embassy was arrived. Cyaxares," said the 
 messenger, " desires that you will come as soon 
 as possible, and from him I bring you a beauti- 
 ful robe ; for he has a mind that you should 
 appear in the handsomest and most splendid 
 manner, the Indians being to see the manner of 
 your approach." Cyrus, hearing this, gave com- 
 mand to the colonel who stood first in order to 
 place himself in front, bringing his men into one 
 line behind him, and to keep himself to the 
 right. He commanded him to transmit the 
 same orders to the second, and so to deliver 
 them down through the whole. These men, 
 in obedience to Cyrus, presently delivered down 
 the orders, and put them in execution. In a 
 very little time they formed a front of three 
 hundred, for that was the number of the colo- 
 nels, and they were a hundred in depth. When 
 they stood thus, he commanded them to follow 
 as he should lead them, and, beginning present- 
 ly to run, he led them the way. But when he 
 perceived the avenue that led to the palace 
 straiter than to allow them all to move on in 
 line, he commanded the first thousand to fol- 
 low in the situation and order they were in, 
 and the next to follow in the rear of this, and 
 so in like manner throughout the whole. He 
 himself led on without stopping. The other 
 thousands followed, each in the rear of those 
 that went before. And he sent two servants 
 to the opening of the avenue, to give informa- 
 tion of what was to be done, in case any should 
 be ignorant of it. When they came to Cyax- 
 ares' gates, he commanded the first colonel to 
 form his regiment to twelve in depth, and to 
 range the commanders of twelve in front 
 around the palace : he commanded him like- 
 wise to transmit these orders to the second, 
 and so throughout the whole. They did ac- 
 cordingly. He himself went in to Cyaxares, 
 in a plain Persian robe, undisguised with fo- 
 reign ornaments. Cyaxares seeing him, was 
 pleased with his despatch, but offended at the 
 meanness of his robe, and said : " What have 
 you done, Cyrus, in appearing thus before the 
 Indians 1 I had a mind," said he, " that you 
 should appear in the most splendid manner ; 
 and it had been an ornament to me, for you, 
 who are ray sister's son, to have appeared the 
 most magnificent that was possible." Cyrus to 
 this said : " Which way, Cyaxares, had I been 
 
 the greater ornament to you; whether, i 
 clothing myself in purple, putting on bracelets 
 and encompassing my neck with a collar, I had 
 obeyed you in a loitering manner 7 or now that, 
 with so great and so good a force, I obey you 
 with such despatch, having in honour of you 
 adorned myself with diligence, and adorning 
 you, by showing the rest to be so obedient to 
 your orders!" Cyrus thus spoke. 
 
 Cyaxares, judging that he said right, gave 
 orders to introduce the Indians. The Indians, 
 having come in, said ; " That the king of the 
 Indians had sent them, and had commanded 
 them to ask what was the cause of the war be- 
 tween the Medes and Assyrians ] and, when 
 we had heard you," said they, " he commanded 
 us to go to the Assyrian, and ask him the same 
 question ; and. in the end, to tell you both that 
 the king of the Indians does declare that, after 
 having informed himself of the justice of the 
 cause, he will take part with the injured." 
 Cyaxares to this said : " You hear me there- 
 fore declare that we have done no injury to the 
 Assyrians ; go then and inquire from him what 
 he says to it." Cyrus being present, asked 
 Cyaxares this question : " And may I," said 
 he, " say what I think proper on this occasion]" 
 Cyaxares bade him do so. " Do you there- 
 fore," said he, " acquaint the king of the In- 
 dians thus (unless Cyaxares judge otherwise :) 
 that if the Assyrian say he had been any-wise 
 injured by us, we declare that we choose the 
 king of the Indians himself to be our judge." 
 These men hearing this went their way. 
 
 When the Indians were gone. Cyrus began a 
 discourse with Cyaxares, to this effect: "I 
 came from home, Cyaxares, without having 
 abundance of treasure of my own ; and, what- 
 ever it was, I have but very little of it left ; for 
 I have spent it," said he, on the soldiers. 
 This perhaps you will wonder at, since it is 
 you that maintain them. But be it known to 
 you," said he, " that it has gone in nothing else 
 but in rewards and gratifications to the soldiers, 
 whenever I have been pleased with any of 
 them. For, in my opinion," said he, " it is a 
 much pleasanter thing to encourage all those 
 that one has a mind to make diligent and good 
 fellow-labourers with one in any business, of 
 whatever kind it be, by speaking them fair, and 
 doing them good, than to do it by severe usage 
 and by force. But those that one would have 
 to be zealous fellow-labourers in the business 
 of war, these, I think, ought absolutely to be 
 
 
34 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 courted to it both by good words and good 
 deeds ; for such as are to be hearty and sincere 
 fellow-combatants, who shall neither envy their 
 commander in prosperity, nor betray him in 
 adversity, ought to be friends, and not enemies. 
 Having determined thus with myself in these 
 matters, I think myself in want of money. And 
 yet to to have my eye on every occasion on you, 
 when I see you are already engaged in very 
 great expenses, seems to me unreasonable. But 
 I think it proper, that you and I should jointly 
 consider what means to use that treasure may 
 not fail you ; for if you have plenty, I know 
 that I may take it whenever I want ; especially 
 if I take for such a purpose as will make it 
 more to your advantage that the treasure should 
 be so spent. I remember therefore on some 
 occasion lately to have heard you say, that the 
 Armenian is now grown to contemn you, be- 
 cause he hears that the enemy is coming on us ; 
 and,' besides, that he neither sends you the 
 forces, nor pays you the tribute that is due." 
 " Indeed Cyrus," said he, " these things he 
 really does, so that I am in doubt whether it be 
 bettej for me to make war on him, and force 
 him to comply, or whether it be most for our 
 interest to let it pass for the present, lest we 
 add him to the number of our enemies." Cyrus 
 then asked : " Are their habitations in places 
 of strength, or in such as are accessible with 
 ease ?" Cyaxares said: "Their habitations 
 are in places that are not very strong, for I was 
 not negligent in that affair; but there are 
 mountains, whither he may immediately retire, 
 and be in safety, so as neither to be himself ex- 
 posed, nor any thing else that may possibly be 
 carried off thither, unless one sit down and be- 
 siege him there, as my father once did." On 
 this Cyrus said thus: But if you will send 
 me with such a number of horse as may be 
 thought sufficient, I believe, with the assistance 
 of the gods, I can make him send you forces, 
 and pay you tribute. And besides, I even hope 
 that he will be yet more our friend than he is 
 now." Cyaxares then said: -"And I have 
 hopes that he will sooner come to you than he 
 will to us : for I nave heard that some of his 
 children were your fellow-huntsmen ; so that 
 perhaps they may come to you again. And if 
 some of them once come to be in our power, 
 every thing will succeed to our desire." Is it 
 not your opinion, then," said Cyrus, "that it 
 will be for our advantage to conceal this con- 
 trivance between us?" " By this means," said 
 
 Cyaxares, " some or other of them may the 
 more easily fall into our hands ; or if one fall 
 on them, they may be taken the more unpre- 
 pared." Hear, then," said Cyrus, " if you 
 think what I am going to say may be of any 
 moment : I have often hunted on the borders 
 of your territory and that of the Armenians, 
 with all the Persians that were with me ; and 
 I went thither, taking likewise from hence se- 
 veral horsemen from amongst my companions 
 here." " Therefore," said Cyaxares, " by do 
 ing just the same things now, you may pass un- 
 suspected ; but if a much greater force should 
 appear than what you used to have with you 
 in hunting, this would presently give suspcion." 
 " But," said Cyrus, one may frame a very 
 plausible pretence in this case ; and that is, if 
 care be taken that somebody give them an ac- 
 count yonder, in Armenia, that I intend to 
 undertake a great hunt ; then," said he, " I 
 would openly desire from you a body of horse." 
 " You say very well," said Cyaxares ; " but I 
 shall consent to give you but a few, as intend- 
 ing to march myself to our garrisons that lie 
 towards Assyria. And in reality," said he, "I 
 do intend to go thither, in order to strengthen 
 them as much as possible. But when you are 
 got before with the force you have, and have 
 hunted for a day or two following, I may send 
 you a sufficient force, both of horse and foot, 
 out of those that have rendezvoused under me. 
 With these you may immediately fall on, and I 
 with the other forces may endeavour to keep 
 not far from you, that if there be occasion I 
 may likewise appear." 
 
 Accordingly Cyaxares presently formed a 
 body of horse at the garrisons, and sent wa- 
 gons with provisions before by the road that 
 led that way. Cyrus presently made a sacrifice 
 for his intended march ; and at the same time 
 sent and begged of Cyaxares some of his caval- 
 ry, and such as were of the youngest sort. He, 
 though they were multitudes that would have 
 attended Cyrus, granted him not very many. 
 Cyaxares being now gone before with forces, 
 both horse and foot, on the road towards the 
 garrisons, it happened that Cyrus' sacrifice, on 
 his design against the Armenian, succeeded 
 happily ; so he set forward as prepared for a 
 hunt. As he was marching, a hare started im- 
 mediately in the first field, and an eagle of 
 happy omeit flying towards them, caught sight 
 of the hare as it ran, and, bearing down on it, 
 struck it ; then, snatching it up, raised it aloft 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 35 
 
 and bearing it away to an eminence not far off, 
 did there what it thought fit with its prey. 
 Cyrus therefore seeing this signal, paid his 
 adoration to Jove, sovereign of the gods, and 
 said to those that were present ; " Friends, 
 our hunt, if it please the go'ds, will be a noble 
 one !" 
 
 When they came to the borders, he hunted 
 after his usual manner. The greater number 
 of his horse and foot opened themselves in 
 front, in order to rouse the beasts as they 
 moved down on them. The best of his men, 
 both horse and foot, stood here and there dis- 
 persed, received the beasts as they were roused, 
 and pursued them ; and they took abundance 
 both of swine, stags, goats, and wild asses ; 
 for there are yet abundance of wild asses in 
 those parts at this day. When they had fin- 
 ished the hunt, and he had brought them close 
 up to the Armenian borders, he ordered them 
 to supper : and the next day hunted again, ad- 
 vancing to those mountains that he had desired 
 to be master of. And when he had again end- 
 ed his sport he took his supper. But as soon 
 as he found that the forces from Cyaxares were 
 advancing, he sent privately to them, and or- 
 dered them to take their supper at about the 
 distance of two parasangs from him, foreseeing 
 that this would contribute to the concealing the 
 affair. When they had supped, he ordered their 
 commander to march and join him. After 
 supper was over, he summoned the colonels to 
 him, and when they were come he spoke to 
 them thus : 
 
 f Friends lithe Armenian has been hereto- 
 fore both an ally and subject of Cyaxares ; 
 but now that he finds the enemy coming on 
 him, he contemns him, and neither sends him 
 forces nor pays him tribute. It is he there- 
 fore that we must now hunt, and catch if we 
 can. Thus, therefore," said he, " in my opin- 
 ion we must do. Do you, Chrysantas, when 
 you have had a little time to sleep, take half 
 the Persians that are with us, march by the 
 hill, and make yourself master or those moun- 
 tains, whither they say the Armenian flies 
 when he finds himself in danger, and I will 
 give you guides. They say these mountains 
 are full of woods, so that there are hopes you 
 will not be discovered. However, if you send 
 before the rest of your army some light men 
 equipped for expedition, who, both by their 
 number and habit, may look like plunderers, 
 these men, if they meet with any of the Ar- 
 
 menians, will prevent those that they can take 
 from giving an account of things ; and, by 
 driving away those they cannot take, will hin- 
 der them from seeing the whole army, and 
 will make them provide for themselves only 
 as against a band of thieves. Do you," said he, 
 do thus : I, at break of day, with half the 
 foot and all the horse will march directly to the 
 palace of the Armenian by the plain. If he 
 make head against us, it is plain we must fight : 
 if he retire, and quit the plain, it is evident we 
 must hasten after in pursuit of him. If he fly 
 to the mountains, then," said he, it is your 
 business not to allow any of those that come 
 to escape you ; but reckon, as in hunting, that 
 we are to be the finders, and that you stand at 
 the nets. Remember, therefore, this that 
 the passages must be first stopped before the 
 beast is roused ; and that they who are ap- 
 pointed to that station ought to keep concealed, 
 if they have not a mind to turn off every thing 
 that takes its course towards them. And do 
 not act now," said he, " Chrysantas, as the 
 love of hunting has sometimes made you do ; 
 for you have often been employed the whole 
 night, and have not slept at all ; but you should 
 now allow your men to lie down a while, that 
 they may get a little sleep. And because you * 
 used to wander through the mountains without 
 taking men for your guides, but pursued 
 wherever the beasts led the way, do not march 
 therefore now through such difficult places, 
 but bid your guides lead you the easiest way, 
 unless there be one that is abundantly the 
 shorter ; for to an army the easiest way is the 
 quickest. And because you used to pass the 
 mountains running, do not therefore now lead 
 on at full speed, but with middling despatch, 
 in such sort that the army may follow you. 
 And it is of great use that some of the most 
 vigorous and hearty should halt sometimes, 
 and encourage the rest ; and when the whole 
 wing is passed, it animates the other's despatch 
 to see these running beside them, and passing 
 them by as they themselves move on in their 
 gentle pace." 
 
 Chrysantas hearing this, and being trans- 
 ported with the orders Cyrus had given him, 
 took his guides and went his way ; and, having 
 given the proper directions to those that were 
 to attend in his march, he went to rest. When 
 they had had a moderate time for rest, he 
 marched to the mountains. 
 
 Cyrus, as soon as it was day, despatched a 
 
36 
 
 XENOf>HON. 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 messenger to the Armenian, and bade him 
 say thus : " Prince of Armenia, Cyrus sends 
 you these directions, that you would come 
 away as soon as possible, and bring with you 
 your tribute and your forces. If he asks you 
 where I am, tell him the truth, that I am on 
 the borders. If he ask whether I am advanc- 
 ing towards him, tell him the truth here too, 
 that you do not know. If he inquire how 
 many we are in number, bid him send some- 
 body back with you to learn." Having given 
 
 the messenger these orders, he despatched him 
 away, thinking it more friendly to do thus than 
 to march without sending word. And having 
 formed his men into the best order, both for 
 despatch in marching and for engagement in 
 case of need, he began the march ; first com- 
 manding his men to injure no one ; and if any 
 of them met with an Armenian, to bid him be 
 of good heart; and to order every one thai 
 had a mind to sell either meat or drink to come 
 and make his market wherever they were. 
 
OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 or 
 
 XENOPHON 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK IIL 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOKIII. 
 
 I. Cyrus conquers the Armenians Bends a herald to the king, who suhmits Tries him in the presence of his ermy 
 brings*im to confession of his crime the lamentations of his wife and children Tigranes becomes his advo 
 ca te Cyrus, pleased with his proposal, takes the king into his favour, restores him to his family, and invites 
 them to supper The Armenians highly extol his compassion and noble virtues I*. The Armenians join their 
 forces to those of Cyrus The Chaldeans attacked and defeated Cyrus retains possession of their heights, and 
 builds a fortress Makes peace between the Armenians and. Chaldeans Keeps the heights in his own hands as 
 a guarantee Good effects of the peace. III. Cyrus highly honoured by the Armenians and Chaldeans Refuses 
 treasure from the Armenian pricsecs Sends both army and treasure to Cyaxares Returns to Media His 
 liberality to his army Inspires his men with ardours-Marches against the Assyrians Arrives with Cyaxares in 
 the enemies' country Defeat of the Assyrians, and death of their king. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 I. CYRUS was taken up in these affairs ; but 
 the Armenian, as soon as he heard from the 
 messenger what Cyrus sent to tell him, was 
 struck with it, considering that he had acted 
 unjustly, both in failing to pay his tribute, and 
 in not sending his forces. And the thing he 
 principally feared was, lest he should be dis- 
 covered to have begun fortifying the place of 
 his residence in such sort as to render it de- 
 fensible. Being at a loss on all these accounts, 
 he sent around to assemble his forces. At the 
 same time he sent his younger son Sabaris, his 
 own wife, his son's wife, and his own daugh- 
 ters away to the mountains, and sent with them 
 all his most valuable apparel and furniture, ap- 
 pointing them a force to conduct them. And 
 at the same time he sent out scouts to discover 
 wha't Cyrus was doing, and mustered all the 
 Armenians he had present with him ; when 
 immediately there arrived others, who told him 
 that Cyrus was just behind them ; and not 
 having courage enough on this occasion to come 
 to action he retired. 
 
 The Armenians, when they saw him act in 
 this manner, ran every one to their own affairs 
 with intent to put all their effects out of the 
 way. Cyrus, when he saw the whole country 
 full of people, running up and down, and driv- 
 ing all off, sent them word that he would be an 
 enemy to none that remained at home ; but if 
 he caught any one making his escape, he de- 
 clared he would treat him as an enemy. So 
 the major part remained ; some there were who 
 went off with the king. 
 
 But when they who conducted the women 
 fell in among those who were in the mountains, 
 they presently set up a cry, and betaking them- 
 selves to flight, many of them were taken ; and 
 at last the son of the Armenian, the two wives 
 and the daughters, were likewise taken, as well 
 as all the rich effects they were carrying off 
 
 with them. As soon as the king perceived 
 what had passed, being at a loss which way to 
 turn himself, he fled to a certain eminence. 
 Cyrus seeing this, surrounded the eminence 
 with the army that he had with him, and send- 
 ing to Chrysantas, ordered him to leave a guard 
 on the mountains, and to come away. The 
 army then joined under Cyrus ; and he, send- 
 ing a herald to the Armenian, put the question 
 to him in this manner: " Tell me," said he, 
 " Armenian, whether it is your choice, staying 
 there, to combat and struggle with thirst and 
 hunger, or to come down on fair ground and 
 fight us?" The Armenian answered, "That 
 he did not choose to engage in either of these 
 ways." Cyrus sending again to him, asked 
 him this question : " Why then sit you there, 
 and do not come down 1" " I am at a loss," 
 said he, " what I ought to do." But you 
 ought not to be at a loss about it," said Cyrus, 
 " for you are at liberty to come down and have 
 your cause tried." " And who," said he, shall 
 be the judge?" "He without doubt to whom, 
 the gods have given power to deal with you as 
 he pleases without a trial." Here the Arme- 
 nian, seeing the necessity, came down ; and 
 Cyrus taking him, and all that belonged to 
 him, into the midst of them, encamped around, 
 having his whole force with him. 
 
 Just at this time Tigranes, the eldest son of 
 the Armenian, returned from a journey he had 
 taken abroad ; he who had been heretofore a 
 fellow-huntsman with Cyrus. When he heard 
 what had happened, he went directly to Cyrus, 
 just as he was, and when he saw his father and 
 mother, his brother, his shters, and wife pri- 
 soners, he wept, as was natural for him to do. 
 Cyrus, on seeing him, gave him no other mark 
 of respect or friendship, but said to him, " You 
 are come very opportunely, that you may l> 
 present, and hear the trial and determinati 
 
 39 
 
40 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 of your father's eg He then presently 
 
 summoned all the commanders of the Persians 
 and Medes, and invited all such of the Arme- 
 nians there as were men of note and quality ; 
 and the women who were there present in their 
 chariots, he sent not away, but allowed them 
 to hear. 
 
 When all was ready and in order, he began 
 the discourse. " Armenians," said he, " first 
 of all I advise you, in this trial of your cause, 
 to speak the truth, that you may be free from 
 one crime at least, which is a most hateful one : 
 for be assured, that to be found false is the 
 greatest bar that can lie in men's way to the 
 obtaining of pardon. Then," said he, " these 
 children and wives of yours, and all the Arme- 
 nians present, are apprised of all that you have 
 done : and if they perceive that you say things 
 contrary to what has passed, they will think 
 if I discover the truth, that you condemn your- 
 self to the extremity of punishment." "Ask 
 me," said he, Cyrus, what you will, as being 
 resolved to tell you truth, happen what will in 
 consequence of it." " Tell me then," said he, 
 " did you some time ago make war with Asty 
 ages, my mother's father, and with the rest of 
 the Medes 1" " I did," said he. " And when 
 you were conquered by him, did you agree that 
 you would pay him tribute 1 that you would 
 join your forces to his wherever he should 
 direct 1 and that you would have no fortifica- 
 tions 1" "These things were as you say.' 
 Now, therefore, why have you neither brought 
 your tribute, nor sent your forces, but were 
 building your fortifications 1" He replied : " 1 
 was desirous of liberty ; for I thought it a noble 
 thing, both to be free myself, and to leave 
 liberty to my children." It is indeed noble," 
 said Cyrus, " to fight, in order not to be made 
 a slave : but if a man be conquered in war, or 
 by other means be reduced to servitude, and be 
 found attempting to throw off his masters, do 
 you yourself first pronounce whether you re- 
 ward and honour such a one as an honest man 
 and as one that does noble things 1 or, if you 
 take him, do you punish him as one that acts 
 unjustly 1" " I punish him," said he : you do 
 not suffer me to falsify." " Tell me therefore 
 plainly," said Cyrus, and in particular thus 
 if a man be a governor and transgress, do you 
 suffer him to continue in his government, or 
 do you constitute another in his stead 1" " ] 
 constitute another," said he. If he is a mas- 
 ter of great riches, do you suffer him to con- 
 
 tinue rich, or do you reduce him to poverty ?" 
 I take from him," said he, " all that he has." 
 "If you find him revolting to the enemy, what 
 do you do 1" " I put him to death," said he ; 
 "for why should I die convicted of falsehood, 
 rather than die telling the truth." 
 
 Here his son, as soon as he heard these 
 things, threw off his turban, and rent his clothes, 
 The women set up a lamentable cry, and tore 
 themselves as if their father had expired, and 
 themselves lost and undone. Cyrus bade them 
 be silent, and again spoke. " Be it so, Arme- 
 nian, that these determinations of yours are 
 just, what do you advise us to do on it 1" The 
 Armenian was silent, being at a loss whether 
 he should advise Cyrus to put him to death, 
 or direct him to act just contrary to what he 
 had said he would do himself. 
 
 His son Tigranes then asked Cyrus " Tell 
 me," said he, " Cyrus, since my father seems 
 to be at a loss whether I shall advise you what 
 I think best for you to do in this case 1" And 
 Cyrus, well remembering that when Tigranes 
 used to hunt with him, there was a certain 
 sage, very conversant with him, and much ad- 
 mired by him, was very desirous to hear what 
 he would say, and joyfully bade him speak his 
 opinion : " Then," said Tigranes, " if you ap- 
 prove all the measures that my father has con- 
 certed, and all that he has done, I advise you 
 by all means to imitate him ; but if you are of 
 opinion that he has transgressed in all, my ad- 
 vice is that you should not imitate him." 
 " Then," said Cyrus, " by doing justice, I shall 
 be the farthest from an imitation of the person 
 transgressing." " It is so," said he. " Accord- 
 ing to your own reasoning, then, your father 
 should be punished, if it be just to punish one 
 who acts unjustly." "But whether do you 
 think it best, Cyrus, to inflict your punishments 
 for your own advantage, or to your own preju- 
 dice 1" Why, this way," said he, I should 
 punish myself." " And truly you would be 
 highly punished," said Tigranes, " if you put 
 to death those that belonged to you at the time 
 that they would be of the greatest service to 
 you to preserve." " But how," said Cyrus, 
 " can men be so highly serviceable and useful 
 when found to have acted unjustly"?" " Why, 
 truly, if they become considerate and humble ; 
 for in my judgment, Cyrus, things stand thus : 
 there is no virtue useful and profitable with- 
 out a discreet and sober sense of things : for," 
 said he, " what use can be made of a man who 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 41 
 
 has strength and bravery without discretion and 
 modesty ? What use of one skilled in horse- 
 manship ; or of one abounding in riches, or 
 powerful in his country 1 But with discre- 
 tion and modesty, every friend is useful, and 
 every servant good." " This, therefore," said 
 he, " you assert that your father, from insolent 
 and haughty, is become discreet and humble, 
 in this one day's time 1" I do," said he. 
 " Then this discreet and modest state of mind 
 you pronounce to be a passion of the soul, as 
 grief is ; and not a matter of knowledge and 
 science 1 For if it be necessary that he who 
 becomes discreet and modest should be wise 
 and knowing, he cannot then, from insolent and 
 haughty, become in an instant discreet and mo- 
 dest." But, Cyrus," said he, did you never 
 observe a man, out of pride and insolence, at- 
 tempt fighting with another more powerful 
 than himself, and when conquered presently 
 fall from that insolence 1 Again," said he, 
 " have you never seen one city engaged in war 
 with another, and when conquered, immedi 
 ately, by this means, become willing to obey, 
 instead of continuing the war?" " And what 
 conquest over your father," said Cyrus, is this 
 you speak of, and that thus forcibly brings him 
 to a discreet and humble sense of things 1" 
 " Why, truly, the being conscious to himself, 
 that while he has affected liberty, he has be- 
 come yet more a slave than ever ; and that of 
 all the things he thought to have effected, by 
 privacy, by artifice, or by force, he has not been 
 able to effect one : but he has seen you deceive 
 him, in every thing you intended to deceive him 
 in, as effectually as one might deceive the blind, 
 or the deaf, or men of no understanding at all. 
 He knows you have kept yourself so concealed 
 from him, where you thought it proper so to 
 do, that the places he thought the most secure 
 to him, these, by concealed preparations, you 
 have made yourself master of; and you have 
 so far exceeded him in despatch, that you are 
 come on him with a very considerable army, 
 from afar, before he had assembled his forces, 
 that, were just at hand." " Are you of opinion, 
 then," said Cyrus, that such a conquest is 
 sufficient to give men so much consideration 
 and modesty, as to think others better than 
 themselves 1" "Much more," said Tigranes, 
 " than if a man were conquered in battle ; for 
 he who is subdued by force may think that by 
 exercising his body he may be enabled to renew 
 the combat ; and cities that have been taken, 
 4* 
 
 imagine that by gaining allies they may renew 
 the war. But men often voluntarily submit to 
 those whom they judge better than themselves, 
 though under no necessity of doing it." " You 
 seem," said he, not to be of opinion that the 
 proud and insolent can have any sense that 
 there are any more modest and considerate than 
 themselves ; or thieves, that there are any who 
 are not thieves ; or false men, that there are any 
 observers of truth-; or unjust men, that there 
 are any who act with justice. Do you not 
 know," said he, " that your father has at this 
 time dealt falsely, and not stood to his agree- 
 ments with us, though he knew very well that 
 we had not transgressed in any sort what As- 
 tyages had stipulated 1" Nor do I say, that 
 the knowledge alone of others being better 
 than ourselves makes men considerate and mo- 
 dest, unless they receive punishment, at the 
 hands of those their betters, as my father has 
 now done." " But your father," said Cyrus, 
 " has yet suffered no sort of ill. I know very 
 well that he is afraid, indeed, of the highest 
 punishments." " Do you think, therefore," 
 said Tigranes, " that any thing oppresses men 
 more than violent fear ? Do you not know 
 that they who are oppressed with the sword, 
 which is reckoned the severest correction, will 
 recur again to arms against the same enemy ? 
 but those that they are thoroughly afraid of, 
 they are not able so much as to look at, when 
 they do but confer with them." " Do you 
 say," said he, " that fear is a heavier punish- 
 ment on men than real misfortune?" ' You 
 know yourself," said he, " that what I say is 
 true : you know that they who are in fear of 
 being banished their country, or that are in 
 dread of being beaten in an approaching engage- 
 ment, are in a most dejected condition. They 
 that are at sea, and that dread shipwreck, and 
 they that fear servitude and chains, are neither 
 able to eat nor sleep for their fear ; but they 
 who are already under banishment, who are 
 already conquered and already slaves, are often 
 in a condition to eat and sleep better than the 
 fortunate themselves. And how great a burden 
 fear is, is yet more evident by this ; that some, 
 in dread that death would follow their cap- 
 tivity, have died beforehand by means of that 
 dread ; some throwing themselves headlong, 
 some hanging themselves, and some dying by 
 the sword. So that of all things terrible, fear 
 strikes deepest into the minds of men. In 
 what state of mind, then," said he, " do you 
 F 
 
42 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 take my father to be ; he who fears not only for 
 his own liberty, but for mine, for that of his wife, 
 and that of all his children 1" Then Cyrus said : 
 It does not seem at all improbable to me that 
 your father is at this time affected in this man- 
 ner ; but it belongs to the same man to be in- 
 solent and injurious in prosperity, and when 
 broken in his fortune, to be dejected, and sunk ; 
 and when re-established in his affairs, to be- 
 come insolent again, and again to create dis- 
 turbance." " Truly, Cyrus," said he, " our 
 transgressions give you cause to distrust us : 
 but you are at liberty to build fortresses, to 
 keep possession of our places of strength, and 
 to take whatever other pledge you please ; and 
 yet," said he, "you will not find us very un- 
 easy under these sufferings ; for we shall re- 
 member that we ourselves were the cause of 
 them. But if by giving up our government to 
 any of those that are free from guilt, you appear 
 distrustful of us ; look to it, lest at the same 
 time you should be a benefactor to them, they 
 shall think you no friend. And if, in cau- 
 tion against their enmity, you do not impose a 
 yoke on them to prevent their injuries ; look to 
 it, that you come not under a greater necessity 
 of reducing them to be considerate and humble, 
 than you are now under of acting that part to- 
 wards us." By the gods !" said he, " it is, 
 mcthinks, with displeasure that I make use of 
 such servants as I know serve me by necessity 
 and force : but those that I judge to act their 
 parts in concert with me, out of friendship and 
 good-will, these, I think, I can more easily 
 bear with when they transgress, than with those 
 that hate me, and who by force discharge their 
 duty the most completely." Tigranes to this 
 said : " And with whom can you ever acquire 
 so great a friendship as you may with us 1 ?' 
 " With those, as I take it, who have never been 
 so much 1 at enmity with us, provided I would 
 be that friend and benefactor to them that you 
 now desire me to be to you." " And can you 
 possibly find, Cyrus," said he, at this time 
 any one whom it is in your power to gratify in 
 so high a degree as you may my father 1 First,' 
 said he, " if you grant their lives to those who 
 never did you any injury, what thanks will they 
 pay you for it, think you ? If you leave a man 
 his wife and children, who can have greater 
 friendship for you, on this score, than he who 
 thinks they may be justly taken from him ? Do 
 you know any one that will be more afflicted 
 than ourselves if the kingdom of Armenia be 
 
 not given them 1 And it is evident that ho 
 who is most afflicted that he is not king, when 
 le receives the regal power will be the most 
 grateful to you for it. And in case," said he, 
 you are any-wise concerned that things should 
 3e left here in the least confusion and disorder, 
 when you quit us, consider whether things are 
 likely to be on a quieter footing under a new 
 government, than if the old-accustomed govern- 
 ment continue. If it be of any concern to you 
 to draw from hence the greatest number of 
 forces possible, who do you think will levy 
 them better than he who has often made use of 
 them ? And if you want money, who do you 
 reckon will better raise it than he who knows 
 all, and is in possession of all ] Good Cyrus," 
 said he, " be careful, lest by rejecting us, you 
 do yourself more mischief than my father has 
 been able to do you." To this effect he spoke. 
 And Cyrus was extremely pleased to hear 
 him, thinking that he should be able to effect 
 all that he had promised Cyasares to do ; for he 
 remembered to have told him that he thought 
 he should make the Armenian yet more his 
 
 friend than before.. On this, then, he inquired 
 thus of the Armenian : " And if I comply with 
 you in these things, tell me," said he, " what 
 force will you send with me ; and what money 
 will you contribute to the war 1" To this the 
 Armenian said : " Cyrus," said he, " I have 
 no reply to make more plain or more just than 
 to expose to you all the forces I have, that, 
 viewing the whole, you may take with you 
 whatever you will, and leave what you will for 
 the guard of the country. In like manner with 
 respect to our riches, it is just that I should 
 discover to you all that I have, that, being ap- 
 prised of all, you may carry off what you will 
 of it and leave what you please of it." Then 
 Cyrus said : Proceed, then, and show me 
 what forces you have, and tell me what you: 
 riches amount to." Here the Armenian re 
 plied : " The horse of the Armenians are eight 
 thousand, and their foot forty thousand. Our 
 riches, including the treasure my father left and 
 reckoned in money, amount to more than three 
 thousand talents." Then Cyrus, without he- 
 sitation said : " Since therefore," said he, 
 " the Chaldeans that border on you are at war 
 with you, send me half of your forces ; and of 
 your treasure, instead of fifty talents, which 
 was the tribute you were to pay, give Cyaxares 
 double that sum for your defect in the pay- 
 ment. Then lend me," said he, a " hundred 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 43 
 
 more ; and I promise you, that if the gods 
 enable me, I will, in return of what you lend 
 me, either do you such services as shall be of 
 greater value ; or, if I am able, will count you 
 down the money again ; if I am not able to do 
 it, I may then appear unable, but unjust I can- 
 not be justly accounted." Then the Arme- 
 nian said ; " I conjure you by the gods, Cyrus, 
 not to talk in that manner ; if you do you will 
 afflict me ; but rather reckon," said he, " that 
 what you leave behind is not less yours than 
 what you carry off with you." Be it so," 
 said Cyrus ; " but, to have your wife again, what 
 money will you give me 1 ?" "All that I am 
 able," said he. What for your children 1" 
 " And for these too," said he, all that I am 
 able." " Here is then," said Cyrus, already 
 as much again as you have. And you,Tigranes," 
 said he, " at what rate would you purchase the 
 regaining of your wife?" Now he happened 
 to be but lately married, and had a very great 
 love for his wife. Cyrus," said he, to save 
 her from servitude I would ransom her at the 
 expense of my life." " Take then your own 
 to yourself," said he, " I cannot reckon that 
 she is properly our captive ; for you never fled 
 } from us. And do you, Armenian take your 
 
 Iwife and children without paying any thing for 
 them, that they may know they come free to 
 you. And now," said he, pray take supper 
 with us ; and when that is over, go your ways 
 wherever you please." So they stayed. 
 
 While they were together in the tent, Cyrus 
 inquired thus : " tell me," said he, Tigranes, 
 where is that man that used to hunt with us, 
 and that you seemed much to admire 1" " Oh !" 
 said he, " and has not this father of mine put 
 him to death 1" "And what crime did he 
 . discover him committing'!" He said that he 
 corrupted me : and yet, Cyrus, so good and so 
 excellent a man he was, that when he was go- 
 ^Ing to die he sent for me and told me : " Ti- 
 granes," said he, " do not bear ill-will to your 
 father for putting me to death ; for he does it 
 not out of malice, but out of ignorance. And 
 whatever errors men fall into by ignorance, I 
 reckon all such involuntary." Cyrus on this 
 said : " Alas ! good man !" The Armenian then 
 spoke thus : " They, Cyrus, who find strangers 
 engaged in familiar commerce with their wives 
 do not put them to death, and charge them as 
 endeavouring to make their wives more discreet 
 and modest ; but they are of opinion that these 
 men destroy that affection and love their wives 
 
 lave for them, and for this reason they treat 
 them as enemies. And I," said he, bore 
 hatred and ill-will to this man because I thought 
 tie made my son respect and admire him more 
 than myself." Cyrus then said : "By the 
 gods !" said he, " Armenian, I think you faulty, 
 but in such a manner as human nature is often 
 liable to be. And do you, Tigranes forgive 
 your father." Having at that time discoursed 
 in this manner, and having treated each other 
 with great kindness and friendship, as is natural 
 on a reconciliation, they mounted their chariots 
 in company with the women, and drove away 
 well pleased. 
 
 When they came home one talked of Cyrus' 
 wisdom, another of his patience and resolution, 
 another of his mildness : one spoke of his beau- 
 ty and the smallness of his person ; and on that 
 Tigranes asked his wife: And do you," said 
 he, " Armenian dame, think Cyrus handsome 1 " 
 " Truly," said she, " I did not look at him." 
 " At whom then did you look 1 ?" said Tigranes. 
 At him who said that, to save me from ser- 
 vitude, he would ransom me at the expense of 
 his own life." And after some entertainment 
 of this kind, as was usual, they went together 
 to rest. 
 
 The next day the Armenian sent presents 
 of friendship to Cyrus, and to the whole army : 
 he sent orders to those of his people that were 
 to serve in this expedition to attend on the third 
 day ; and he paid down double the sum of 
 money that Cyrus had mentioned. Cyrus, ac- 
 cepting the sum he had expressed, sent the rest 
 back, and asked : " Which of them would com- 
 mand the army, whether his son or himself?" 
 They both spoke together, and the father said : 
 " Either of us that you shall order." The son 
 said : " I assure you, Cyrus, that I will not 
 leave you, though I serve in the army as a 
 slave." Cyrus, laughing at this, said: "What 
 would one give," said he, " that your wife heard 
 you were to carry baggage !" " There is no 
 need," said he, " that she should hear, for I will 
 carry her with me ; and by that means she may 
 see what I do." " But it is full time," said he, 
 " that you had all things ready to attend us." 
 " Count on it," said he, " that we will be pre- 
 sent at the time with all things ready that my 
 father affords us." When the soldiers had been 
 all thus entertained, and treated as friends, they 
 went to rest. 
 
 II. The next day Cyrus, taking Tigranes 
 with him, and the best of the Median horse, to- 
 
44 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK III. 
 
 gether with as many of his own friends as he 
 thought proper, marched round, viewing the 
 country, and examining where to build a for- 
 tress. When they came to a certain eminence 
 he asked Tigranes which were the mountains 
 from whence the Chaldeans made their incur- 
 sions to plunder the country. Tigranes show- 
 ed them to him. He then inquired again : 
 "And are these mountains entirely desert 1 ?" 
 " No, truly," said he ; " but they have always 
 certain scouts there, who give notice to the rest 
 of whatever they observe." " And what do 
 they do," said he, " when they have this no- 
 tice?" "They all then run to the eminences 
 to defend themselves, every one as fast as he 
 can." Cyrus gave attention to these things ; 
 and, viewing around, he observed a great part 
 of the Armenian territory to be desert and un- 
 cultivated by reason of the war. They then 
 retired to the camp ; and, taking their supper, 
 went to rest. 
 
 The next day Tigranes, with all things ready 
 provided, joined him ; having four thousand 
 horse, ten thousand archers, and as many tar- 
 geteers with him. Cyrus at the time they 
 ioined him made a sacrifice. When the vic- 
 tims appeared to portend things fortunate and 
 happy, he summoned the leaders of the Persians 
 and Medes ; and, when they were together, he 
 spoke to them to this effect : " Friends ! those 
 mountains that we see belonging to the Chal- 
 deans ; if we can seize them, and have a fortress 
 on the summit, both Armenians and Chaldeans 
 will be obliged to act with modesty and sub- 
 mission towards us. Our sacrifice promises us 
 success ; and in the execution of a design 
 nothing favours the inclination of men so much 
 as despatch. . If we prevent the enemy and 
 gain the mountains before they assemble, we 
 may either take the summit entirely without a 
 blow, or shall have but few and weak enemies 
 to deal with. Of all labours therefore, there is 
 none more easy or more free from danger than 
 resolutely to bear the fatigue of despatch. Haste, 
 then, to arms ! and do you, Medes, march on 
 our left; and of you, Armenians, let half march 
 on our right, and the other half lead on in front 
 before us ; and do you, the horse, follow in the 
 rear ; exhorting us, and pushing us up before 
 you ; and if any one acts remissly, do not you 
 suffer him to do so." 
 
 Cyrus having said this led on, drawing the 
 several companies into single files. The Chal- 
 deans, as soon as they perceived that their 
 
 heights were going to be attacked, gave their 
 signal to their people, hallooed out to each 
 other, and ran together. Cyrus then gave out 
 orders in this manner ; " Men of Persia ! they 
 give us the signal of despatch ; if we prevent 
 them in gaining the heights, the efforts of the 
 enemy will be of no significance." The Chal- 
 deans had every one his shield and two jave- 
 lins ; they are said to be the" most warlike 
 people of all in that part of the world. Where 
 they are wanted they serve for hire, being a 
 warlike people and poor ; for their country is 
 mountainous, and but little of it fertile and 
 rich. As Cyrus' men approached the heights, 
 Tigranes, marching with Cyrus, spoke to him 
 thus : " Cyrus," said he, " do you know that we 
 must presently come to action, and that the 
 Armenians will not stand the attack of the 
 enemy ?" Cyrus, telling him that he knew it, 
 made it presently be declared to the Persians 
 that they should hold themselves in readiness, 
 as being immediately to fall on ; and to pur- 
 sue, as soon as the flying Armenians drew the 
 enemy down so as to be near them. So the 
 Armenians led on ; the Chaldeans, who were 
 on the place, immediately on the approach of 
 the Armenians set up a cry ; and, according to 
 their custom, ran on them : the Armenians, ac- 
 cording to their custom, did not stand to them. 
 When the pursuing Chaldeans saw swordsmen 
 fronting them, and marching up, they some of 
 them came up close, and were presently killed ; 
 some fled, and some were taken ; and the 
 heights were immediately gained. And soon as 
 Cyrus' men had gained the heights, they saw 
 the habitations of the Chaldeans, and perceived 
 them flying from such of those habitations as 
 were near. Cyrus, as soon as the army was 
 got together, ordered them to dinner. When -* 
 dinner was over,, having got information of the 
 place where the Chaldeans planted their watch, 
 he undertook the building of a fortress, that, 
 was very strong, and well supplied with water^ 
 He ordered Tigranes to send his father, and 
 bid him come away with all the carpenters and 
 builders he could get. The messenger went 
 his way to the Armenian. Cyrus applied him- 
 self to the building, with all the workmen he 
 had at that time with him. 
 
 Meanwhile they brought Cyrus the prisoners, 
 some bound, and some wounded. As soon as 
 he saw them he ordered those that were bound 
 to be loosed ; and, sending for the physicians, 
 he ordered them to take care of the wounded. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 45 
 
 [ He then told the Chaldeans that he was not 
 \ come either with a desire to destroy them, or 
 /with inclination to make war on them ; but 
 Lwith intention to make peace between the 
 (Armenians and Chaldeans. Before we got 
 possession of your mountains, I know you had 
 no desire of peace : your own concerns were 
 in safety ; the effects of the Armenians you 
 plundered at your pleasure. But now you see 
 the condition you are in. Those of you there- 
 fore that have been taken, I dismiss to your 
 homes, and allow you, together with the rest 
 of the Chaldeans, to consult amongst your- 
 selves, whether you incline to make war with 
 us, or to be our friends : if war be your choice, 
 come no more hither without arms, if you are 
 wise : if you think peace for your turn, come 
 without arms. And, if you are friends, it shall 
 be my care that your affairs shall be established 
 on the best footing." The Chaldeans having 
 heard these things, after many praises bestowed 
 on Cyrus, and many assurances of friendship 
 and trust given him went home. 
 
 The Armenian, as soon as he heard what 
 Cyrus had done, and the request he made him, 
 took carpenters with him, and all things else 
 that he thought necessary, and came to Cyrus 
 with all possible despatch. As soon as he saw 
 Cyrus he said to him : " O Cyrus ! how few 
 things in futurity are men able to foresee ! and 
 how many projects do we undertake ! I have 
 endeavoured on this occasion to obtain liberty, 
 and I became more a slave than ever : and, 
 after having been made captive, and thinking 
 our destruction certain, we now again appear 
 to be in a condition of greater safety and se- 
 curity than ever : for these men never ceased 
 doing us all manner of mischief; and I now 
 find them just in the condition I wished. And 
 be it known to you," said he, " Cyrus, that to 
 have so driven the Chaldeans from these 
 heights, I would have given many times the 
 money you received from me ; and the services 
 you promised to do us when you took the 
 money you have now so fully performed, that 
 we appear to be brought under new obligations 
 to you, which, if we are not very bad men, we 
 shall be ashamed not to discharge ; and what- 
 ever returns we make, we shall not be found 
 to have done so much as such a benefactor de- 
 serves." Thus spoke the Armenian. 
 
 ,The Chaldeans came back, begging of Cyrus 
 to make peace with them. Then Cyrus asked 
 tHem r~"ChaldeansT f * said he, " is it on any 
 
 other consideration that you desire peace, or is 
 t only because you think you shall live with 
 more security in peace than if you continue 
 ;he war, since we ourselves told you so 1" 
 
 We have other considerations," said the 
 Chaldeans. " And what," said he, " if there are 
 still other advantages that may accrue to you by 
 peace ?" " We shall be still the more pleased," 
 said they. " Do you think, therefore," said he, 
 
 that your being a poor and needy people is 
 caused by any thing else but by the want of 
 jjood land." They agreed with him in this. 
 < Well, then," said Cyrus, " would you will- 
 ingly be at liberty to cultivate as much of the 
 Armenian territory as you pleased, paying the 
 same for it that the Armenians do 1" " Yes," 
 said they, if we could be secure that we 
 should not be injured." What say you, then, 
 Armenian ?" said he, " would you be willing 
 to have your waste land cultivated on terms 
 that the farmers of it shall pay you the settled 
 dues'!" The Armenian said he would give a 
 great deal to have it so ; for his revenue would 
 be much improved by it. And you," said he, 
 " Chaldeans, since you have mountains that are 
 fertile, would you consent that the Armenians 
 should use them for pasture, on condition that 
 they who make use of them shall pay what is 
 just and reasonable?" The Chaldeans said 
 that they would ; for it would be a considerable 
 profit to them, without any labour. And you, 
 Armenian," said he, " would you make use of 
 the pastures of these men, if by allowing a 
 small profit to the Chaldeans, you might make 
 a much greater profit by it yourselves?" 
 " Readily," said he, if I thought I might 
 do it securely." And securely you might 
 do it," said he, if the summits were in 
 the hands of your friends." The Armenians 
 agreed : But, truly," said the Chaldeaus, we 
 should not be able to cultivate securely, neither 
 the lands of these people, nor our own, if they 
 are in possession of the summits." But sup- 
 pose," said he, the summits are possessed by 
 such as are friends to you." " Thus, indeed," 
 said they, " things might do very well." " But, 
 indeed," said the Armenian, " things will not 
 be well with us if these men come to be again 
 possessed of the summits : especially when they 
 are fortified." Then Cyrus said : Thus there- 
 fore I will do : I will give up the summits to 
 neither of you, but we will keep them ourselves : 
 and if either of you injure the other, we will take 
 part with the injured." When they heard thi* 
 
46 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 they both of them gave their applause, and 
 said : Thus only can the peace be firm and 
 stable." On this they gave and received, mu- 
 tually, assurances of friendship and trust, and 
 stipulated to be both of them free and inde- 
 pendent of each other ; to intermarry, to culti- 
 vate, and feed each other's lands reciprocally, 
 and to be common allies and supporters of 
 each other against whosoever shopld injure 
 either of them. Thus were these matters 
 then transacted ; and these agreements then 
 made between the Chaldeans and the possessor 
 of Armenia, subsist still to this day. When 
 the agreements were made they both presently 
 applied themselves with zeal to the building of 
 this fortress, as a common guard : and they 
 jointly furnished all things necessary towards 
 it. 
 
 When evening came on he took both parties 
 to sup with him, as being now friends. As 
 they were at supper, one of the Chaldeans 
 said : " That these things were such as all the 
 rest of them wished for ; but that there were 
 some of the Chaldeans who lived by plunder, 
 and who neither knew how to apply themselves 
 to work, nor were able to do it; being accus- 
 tomed to live by war ; for they were always 
 employed on plunder, or hired out on some 
 service ; frequently to the king of the Indians ; 
 for he is one," said they, that abounds in 
 gold : and frequently to Astyages." Then 
 Cyrus said : " And why do they not engage 
 themselves to me 1 for I will give them as much 
 as any other ever gave." They consented, 
 and said : " That there would be a great many 
 that would willingly engage in his service." 
 These things were accordingly agreed. 
 
 Cyrus, as soon as he heard that the Chal- 
 deans frequently went to serve under the Indian, 
 and remembering that there were certain per- 
 sons that came from him to the Medes. to ap- 
 prise themselves of the Median affairs, and 
 went thence to the enemy, to get an insight 
 likewise into their affairs, he was desirous that 
 the Indian should be informed of what he had 
 done : he therefore began a discourse to this 
 effect: "Tell me," said he, "Armenian and 
 you, Chaldeans, if I should send one of my 
 people to the Indian, would you send with 
 him some of yours, who should direct him in 
 his way, and act in concert with him to obtain 
 from the Indian the things that I desire 1 for 
 I would procure some farther addition to my 
 treasure, that I may have what will fully suffice 
 
 to discharge the pay of those to whom it be 
 comes due, and to honour and reward such of 
 my fellow-soldiers as are deserving. On these 
 accounts I would have plenty of treasure; I, 
 think I want it ; and to spare you would be a 
 pleasure to me ; for I now reckon you our 
 friends. But from the Indian I would gladly 
 accept somothing, if he would give it me. The 
 messenger therefore that I desire you to give 
 guides and assistants to, when he gets thither 
 shall say thus : Prince of India, Cyrus has 
 sent me to you : he says that he is in want of 
 money, expecting another army from Persia 
 (and in reality I do expect it, said he) : if you 
 send him therefore as much as you can con- 
 veniently, he assures you that, if the gods give 
 a happy issue to his affairs, he will do his 
 endeavours to make you think that you have 
 taken a happy step in gratifying him.' This 
 he shall say from me. Do you on the other 
 hand send him word by your people that you 
 think it will be of advantage to you. And if 
 we get any thing from him," said he, " we shall 
 have all things in great plenty : if we get 
 nothing, we shall know that we owe him no 
 thanks, and that as to him, we shall be at 
 liberty to regulate all our affairs as best suits 
 our own interests." Thus said Cyrus, count- 
 ing on it, that those of the Armenians and 
 Chaldeans that went on this message would 
 say such things of him, as he himself desired 
 all men should say and hear concerning him. 
 Then at the proper time they broke up their 
 company in the tent, and went to rest. 
 
 III. The next day Cyrus sent away his 
 messenger, charging him with all that he had 
 before expressed. The Armenian and the 
 Chaldeans sent with him such men as they 
 judged most proper to act in concert with him, 
 and to relate such things concerning Cyrus as 
 were just and worthy of him. 
 
 After this Cyrus having supplied the fortress 
 with a sufficient garrison, and with all things 
 necessary, and leaving as governor a certain 
 Mede, one that he judged would be most 
 agreeable to Cyaxares, marched away, taking 
 with him both the army that he came with, 
 and that which he had from the Armenians as 
 well as the men he had from the Chaldeans, 
 who amounted to about four thousand, and 
 thought themselves better than all the rest. 
 
 When he came down into the inhabited 
 country, not one of the Armenians, neither, 
 man nor woman, kept within doors, but all 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 47 
 
 Went out and met him, being overjoyed at the 
 peace, and running out with whatever they had 
 of greatest value. The Armenian was not at 
 all uneasy at these things, thinking that Cyrus, 
 hy means of these honours that were thus paid 
 him by all, would be the better pleased. At 
 last, likewise, the wife of the Armenian met 
 him, having her daughters with her, and her 
 younger son, and, together with other presents, 
 she brought that treasure that Cyrus had before 
 refused. Cyrus, when he saw her, said : " You 
 shall not make me such a sort of man as to run 
 up and down the world bestowing my services 
 for money ! Go your ways, women, and keep 
 all this treasure that you bring, and do not give 
 it to the Armenian again to bury ; but equip 
 your son with it, in the handsomest manner, 
 and send him to the wars ; and out of the 
 remainder supply yourself, your husband, your 
 daughters, and your sons, with every thing, 
 whether for use or ornament, that may make 
 you pass your days in the most agreeable and 
 handsome manner : let it suffice us to lay our 
 bodies under ground, every one of us when we 
 die." Having said this he marched on ; the 
 Armenian attended on him, as all the rest like- 
 wise did, calling him, aloud, " their benefactor, 
 and an excellent man !" Thus they did till 
 they had conducted him out of their territory. 
 The Armenian sent a greater force with him, 
 being now at peace at home. So Cyrus went 
 away, not only enriched with the treasure he 
 had received, but by means of his conduct he 
 had laid up a much greater store, and could 
 supply himself whenever he wanted. They 
 then encamped on the borders. The next day 
 he sent the army and treasure to Cyaxares, 
 who was at hand, as he had said he would be. 
 He with Tigranes, and the principal Persians, 
 hunted where they met with game, and diverted 
 themselves. 
 
 When he camp into Media he distributed 
 money to his centurions, as much as he thought 
 sufficientfbr each of them, and that they might 
 have wherewithal to reward such of their men 
 under them as they might happen to be parti- 
 cularly pleased with : for he thought that if 
 every one rendered his part of the army praise, 
 worthy, the whole would be set right to his 
 hands. And if he any where observed any 
 thing that might contribute to the beauty of 
 the army, he purchased it, and gave it to the 
 most deserving ; reckoning that whatever his 
 
 men were possessed of that was beautiful and 
 noble, it was all an ornament to himself. 
 
 When he had made a distribution amongst 
 them out of what he had received, then, in an 
 assembly of centurions, captains, and all others 
 that he particularly esteemed, he spoke to this 
 effect : " Friends ! a particular pleasure and 
 satisfaction seems now to attend us, both be- 
 cause we have plenty, and that we are in pos- 
 session of what enables us to bestow rewards 
 where we desire, and to be rewarded every one 
 according to his merit. But then we ought by 
 all means to remember what the things are 
 that have procured us these advantages, and on 
 examination you will find them to be these : 
 our being watchful on the proper occasions, 
 our being laborious, our despatch, and our not 
 giving way to the enemy. It is our part there- 
 fore to continue thus brave men for the future ; 
 determining with ourselves that obedience and 
 resolution, labour and hazard, on the proper 
 occasions, are things that produce great plea, 
 sures and great advantages." 
 
 But Cyrus considered how well the bodies 
 of his men stood with respect to their being 
 able to undergo all military labours, how well 
 their minds were disposed with respect to a 
 contempt of the enemy, how skilful they were 
 in all things fitting, each in their several sorts 
 of arms, and he saw that they were all well 
 disposed with respect to obedience to their 
 commanders ; from all this therefore he now 
 desired to come to action with the enemy, 
 knowing that by delay some part or other of a 
 noble preparation comes to change and fail in 
 the commander's hands. And besides, observ- 
 ing that from a contention in things wherein 
 men are ambitious to exceed, the soldiers had 
 contracted envy and ill-will to each other ; he 
 was for this reason desirous to lead them as 
 soon as possible out into the enemy's country ; 
 knowing that common dangers make friends, 
 and fellow-combatants keep in a friendly dis- 
 position one towards another ; and that in this 
 circumstance, they neither envy those that are 
 finely armed, nor those that are ambitious of 
 glory ; but that even such men themselves rather 
 applaud and esteem others that are like them, 
 accounting them their fellow-labourers in the 
 public service. So, in the first place, he com- 
 pletely armed them all, and formed them into 
 the best and most beautiful order that was pos- 
 sible. He then summoned the commanders 
 
48 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 of ten thousands, the commanders of thousands, 
 the centurions, and captains , for these were 
 exempt from being reckoned of the number of 
 those that constituted the military rank ; and 
 when they were to execute any orders from the 
 commander-in-chief, or to transmit any parti- 
 cular directions to others ; yet thus there was 
 nothing left confused and without rule, but the 
 remainder of the men were preserved in order 
 by the commanders of twelves and sixes. When 
 the proper persons were assembled, he conduct- 
 ed them about with him, and showed them all 
 that was right and in proper order, and taught 
 them in what consisted the strength of every 
 ally. And when he had raised in these men a 
 desire of doing something, he bade them go to 
 their several distinct bodies, teach them what 
 he had taught themselves, and endeavour to 
 inspire them all with a desire of action, that 
 they might set forward with all possible ardour. 
 And he bade them in the morning attend at 
 Cyaxares' door. They then retired, and did 
 as they were ordered. 
 
 The next morning, as soon as it was day, 
 the proper persons attended at the doors ; and 
 Cyjus, entering in with them to Cyaxares, be- 
 gan a discourse to this effect : I know, Cy- 
 axares," said he, " that what I am going to say 
 is not less your opinion than it is our own, but 
 perhaps you may be unwilling to express it, 
 lest you should seem to put us in mind of. 
 marching away, as if the maintaining of us 
 were burthensome and uneasy to you. There, 
 fore, since you are silent, I will speak both for 
 you and for ourselves. Since we are prepared 
 and ready, it is the opinion of us all, not to 
 delay engaging the enemy till after they have 
 broken in on your country, and not to sit down, 
 and wait here in the territory of our friends ; 
 but to march with all possible despatch into 
 the enemy's country. For now that we are in 
 your territory, we are forced, against our wills, 
 to injure you many ways ; but if we march into 
 the enemy's country, we shall, with pleasure, do 
 them mischief. Then it is you that now main, 
 tain us, and at a great expense. If we carry 
 the war abroad, we shall be maintained on the 
 enemy's country. But then, indeed, if our 
 danger was to be greater there than it is here, 
 perhaps the safest course should be taken ; but 
 they will be the same men, whether we wait 
 here for them, or march into their own country, 
 and meet them. And we shall be the same, 
 whether we receive them here, as they come 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 on us, march up to them and attack them 
 But we shall have the minds of our men in 
 better condition, and more animated, if we 
 march to the enemy, and seem not to get sight 
 of them against our wills. They will have a 
 much greater terror of us when they shall hear 
 that we do not sit at home in dread, and terri- 
 fied with them ; but that, as soon as we per- 
 ceive them advancing, we march and meet 
 them, in order to close with them as soon as 
 possible ; and that we do not wait till our own 
 country is distressed by them ; but that we 
 prevent them and lay their lands waste. And 
 then," said he, if we strike terror into them, 
 and raise courage in ourselves, I take this to 
 be a very great advantage to us. Thus I reckon 
 the danger to be much less to us, and much 
 greater to the enemy. And my father always 
 said, you yourself say, and all others agree, that 
 battles are decided rather by the courage and 
 spirits of men, than by the strength of their 
 bodies." Thus he spoke, and Cyaxares re. 
 plied: "O Cyrus! and you the rest of the 
 Persians, do not imagine that the maintaining 
 you is burdensome and uneasy to me. But 
 indeed, the marching into the enemy's country 
 seems now to me to be the better course." 
 " Since, therefore," said Cyrus, " we agree in 
 opinion, let us make all things ready, and if our 
 sacred rights signify the approbation of the gods, 
 let us depart as soon as possible." 
 
 On this, giving orders to the soldiers to make 
 all things ready, Cyrus made a sacrifice, first 
 to Regal Jove, then to the other deities ; and 
 prayed that they would vouchsafe to be con. 
 ductors to the army, good and gracious assist- 
 ants and friends, and direct them in all happy 
 courses! He invoked likewise the heroes, 
 inhabitants and guardians of the land of Me- 
 dia. When he had sacrificed happily, and the 
 whole army was formed on the borders, meet- 
 ing with happy auguries he fell into the ene- 
 my's country. As soon as he had passed the 
 borders, he performed propitiatory rites to the 
 earth by libations, to the gods by sacrifice ; 
 and implored the favour of the heroes, inhabi. 
 tants of Assyria. And having done this, he 
 again sacrificed to Paternal Jove ; and whatever 
 other deity occurred to him, he neglected none. 
 
 When these things were duly performed, 
 making the foot advance at a small distance 
 forward they encamped ; and making excur- 
 sions around with the horse, they furnished 
 themselves with great quantities of all kinds 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 49 
 
 of booty. Then changing their encampments, 
 and being provided with all things necessary in 
 abundance, and laying the country waste, they 
 waited for the enemy. When they were said 
 to be advancing, and not to be at the distance 
 of above two days' march, then Cyrus said : 
 " Now, Cyaxares, is the time for us to march 
 and meet them, and not to appear, either to the 
 enemy or to our own people, afraid of advancing 
 against them ; but let us make it evident that 
 we do not come to a battle with them against 
 our wills." When Cyaxares had agreed, they 
 advanced towards the enemy, keeping always 
 in order, and marching each day as far as they 
 thought it proper : they took their supper by 
 day-light, and made no fires in their camp by 
 night, but made them before the front of the 
 camp, that by means of these fires they might 
 perceive if any people approached in the night, 
 and might not be seen themselves by the ap- 
 proachers ; and they frequently made their fires 
 behind the camp, in order to deceive the ene- 
 my ; so that the enemy's people that were sent 
 out for intelligence sometimes fell in with the 
 advanced guards, thinking themselves to be still 
 at a distance from the camp, because the fires 
 were behind. 
 
 The Assyrians then, and those that attended 
 them, as soon as the armies were near to each 
 other, threw up an entrenchment round them- 
 selves ; a thing that the barbarian kings practise 
 to this day when they encamp, and they do it 
 with ease by means of their multitude of hands ; 
 for they know that an army of horse in the 
 night is confused and unwieldy, especially if 
 they are barbarian : for they have their horses 
 tied down to their mangers, and if they are at- 
 tacked, it is troublesome in the night to loose 
 the horses, to bridle them, and to put on them 
 their breastplates and other furniture ; and 
 when they have mounted their horses, it is ab- 
 solutely impossible to march them through the 
 carnp. On all these accounts, both they and 
 others of them throw up an entrenchment round 
 themselves ; and they imagine that their being 
 entrenched puts it in their power, as long as 
 they please to avoid fighting. And doing 
 thus, they approached each other. . 
 ' When they were advanced to about the dis- 
 tance of a parasang, the Assyrians encamped 
 in the manner before expressed, in a post en- 
 trenched, but exposed to view ; Cyrus in a 
 place the most concealed that was possible, 
 with villages and rising grounds before him, 
 5 
 
 reckoning that all things hostile that discover 
 themselves on a sudden, are the more terrible 
 to the opposite party. And both parties that 
 night, posting advanced guards, as was proper, 
 went to rest. 
 
 The next day the Assyrian, and Croesus, and 
 the other leaders, gave their armies rest in their 
 strong camp. Cyrus and. Cyaxares waited in 
 order of ballle JL jis_Jjitending to fight, if the 
 enemy adv-acexL_ When it appeared that the 
 enemy would not stir out of their entrench- 
 ment, nor come to a battle that day, Cyaxares 
 summoned Cyrus, and all the other proper 
 persons to him, and spoke to this effect : " It 
 is my opinion, friends," said he, "that we 
 should march, in the order we are in, up to the 
 entrenchment of these men, and show them 
 that we are desirous to come to a battle ; for by 
 this means," said he, if they do not come out 
 to us, our men will act with the more courage 
 against them; and the enemy, observing our 
 boldness, will be the more terrified." This 
 was his opinion : but Cyrus said : " By the 
 gods ! Cyaxares, we must by no means act in 
 this manner ; for if we now discover ourselves, 
 and march as you desire, the enemy will see us 
 advancing towards them, and will be in no 
 manner of fear of us, knowing themselves to be 
 in a situation secure from any danger ; and 
 after having made this march, when we shall 
 retreat, then again, seeing our number much 
 inferior to theirs, they will have a contempt for 
 us, and to-morrow will march out with minds 
 more firm and resolute. But now," said he, 
 " thattheyknow we are at hand, without see- 
 ing us, be assured they do not contemn us, but 
 are solicitous to know how things stand ; and 
 are, I know very well, continually taken up in 
 debating about us. But when they march out, 
 then ought we, at once, to make our appear- 
 ance, march instantly, and close with them, 
 taking them at the advantage we have hereto- 
 fore desired." Cyrus having spoken thus, 
 Cyaxares and the rest agreed in opinion with 
 him. Then, having taken their suppers, placed 
 their guards, and made many fires in the front, 
 before those guards, they went to rest. 
 
 The next day, early in the morning, Cyrus, 
 with a crown on his head, made a sacrifice ; 
 and ordered the rest of the alike-honoured to 
 attend the holy rites with crowns. When the 
 sacrifice was over Cyrus called them together, 
 and said : The gods, friends, as the diviners 
 say, and as I myself think, do fortell that there 
 G 
 
50 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK 
 
 will be a battle. They give us victory, and 
 promise us safety by the victims. I ought per- 
 haps to be ashamed to direct what sort of men 
 you ought to show yourselves on such 'an oc- 
 casion ; for I know you understand those 
 things as well as I do ; that you have practised 
 and learned, and continue to learn, all the same 
 things that I have done ; so that you may just- 
 ly instruct others in them : but if, perhaps, you 
 may not have taken exact notice of them, pray 
 hear : Those men that we have lately admitted 
 as our fellow- combatants, and have endeavoured 
 to make like ourselves, it is your part to put 
 them in mind for what purposes we are all 
 maintained by Cyaxares ; what the things are 
 that we practise, and have invited them to, and 
 wherein they said they would joyfully be our 
 rivals : and put them in mind likewise of this, 
 that this day will show what every one de- 
 serves ; for, in things where men have been 
 late learners, it is no wonder that some of them 
 have need of a monitor. One ought to be con- 
 tented if they can make themselves good and 
 useful men on admonition ; then in doing this 
 you will make a trial of yourselves ; for he that 
 on such an occasion is able to make others 
 better men, must be justly conscious of being 
 himself completely good. But he who bears 
 these things in mind to himself only, and rests 
 satisfied with that, should in justice account 
 himself but half complete. The reason why I 
 do not speak to these men myself, but bid you 
 do it, is, because they may endeavour to please 
 you ; for you are immediately conversant with 
 them, every one of you in his particular part. 
 And be assured, that while you show yourselves 
 to be in courage and heart, you will teach cou- 
 rage to these men, and to many more, not by 
 word, but by deed." In conclusion, he bade 
 them go, crowned as they were, to their din- 
 ners ; and when they had performed their li- 
 bations to come crowned to their ranks. 
 
 When these men were gone, he summoned 
 the rear-leaders to him, and spoke to them to 
 this effect : " You, likewise, men of Persia, are 
 become part of the alike-honoured ; and have 
 been chosen, as men who appear to be equal, 
 in all other respects, to the bravest, but, by 
 your age, to excel in discretion. You have 
 therefore a station assigned you, which is not 
 less honourable than that of the file-leaders; 
 for being placed in the rear, and observing the 
 brave and encouraging them, you make them 
 still the better men : and, if any one acts re- 
 
 missly, you do not suffer him to do so. If 
 victory be of advantage to any, it is so to you, 
 both by reason of your age and the weight of 
 your military habit. If they therefore who are 
 before, call out to you and exhort you to follow, 
 comply with them ; and that you may not be 
 outdone by them in this, do you exhort them, 
 in return, to lead with more despatch to the 
 enemy. Go, then," said he, " and when you 
 have taken your dinners, come crowned, with 
 the rest, to your ranks." Cyrus' men were thus 
 employed. 
 
 The Assyrians, when they had dined, march- 
 ed boldly out, and formed themselves with a 
 great deal of resolution. The king himself 
 formed them, driving round in his chariot ; and 
 he made them an exhortation in this manner : 
 " Men of Assyria ! now is the time for you to 
 be brave men, for now is your trial for your 
 lives, for the country where you were born, for 
 the houses where you were bred, for your 
 wives and children, and for all things valuable 
 that you possess. If you conquer, you will re- 
 main masters of all these as before ; if you are 
 defeated, be assured you give them all up to the 
 enemy. Therefore, as you value victory, stand 
 firm and fight ; for it is folly for those that de- 
 sire conquest to turn the blind, unarmed, and 
 handless parts of their bodies to the enemy by 
 flight. He is a fool, who, for love of life, 
 should attempt flying, when he knows that the 
 conquerors are safe, and that run-aways meet 
 their death more certainly than they who stand 
 their ground. And he is a fool, who, out of 
 love to his money, submits to a defeat ; for 
 who is there that does not know that conque- 
 rors save all that belongs to themselves, and 
 acquire, besides, all that belongs to the defeat- 
 ed enemy 1 but they who are defeated throw 
 both themselves and all that belongs to them 
 away." Thus was the Assyrian employed. 
 
 But Cyaxares, sending to Cyrus, told him 
 that now was the opportunity of leading to *the 
 enemy ; " For," said he, " if there are yet but 
 few that are got out of the entrenchment, by 
 the time we arrive there will be great numbers 
 of them. Therefore, let us not wait till they 
 are more numerous than ourselves ; but let us 
 march whilst we think we may yet easity 
 master them." Cyrus replied : " Unless those, 
 Cyaxares, that we shall defeat, amount to above 
 half the number of the enemy, be assured they 
 will say that we were afraid of their numbers* 
 and therefore attacked but a few of them, 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 51 
 
 They will not take themselves to be defeated ; 
 and it will be necessary for you to come to 
 another battle, when perhaps they will contrive 
 better than they do now, that they give them- 
 selves up to us to parcel out and engage as 
 many of them as we please." The messengers 
 having heard this went their way. 
 
 On this came Chrysantas the Persian, and 
 others of the alike-honoured, bringing with 
 them certain deserters. Cyrus, as usual, re- 
 quired from these deserters on account of the 
 enemy. They told him that they were already 
 marching out in arms ; that the king was come 
 out, and was forming them ; and that, continu- 
 ally, as they marched oat, he made them many 
 warm and vigorous exhortations, as the hear- 
 ers, they said, reported. Here Chrysantas 
 spoke : Cyrus," said he, what, therefore, if 
 you should call the soldiers together while you 
 are yet at liberty to make them an exhortation, 
 in order to make them braver and better men?" 
 Then Cyrus said : O Chrysantas ! let not 
 the exhortations of the Assyrians disturb you ; 
 for no exhortation whatever, though ever so 
 noble, can, at the instant, make the hearers 
 brave if they were not so before ; nor can it 
 make them skilful at the bow, unless they have 
 before practised it ; nor skilful at the javelin, 
 nor horsemen; nor can it give them bodies 
 capable of labour unless they have been before 
 inured to it." Chrysantas then said : But it 
 is enough, if you can make their minds better 
 by your exhortation." "And can a word," 
 said Cyrus, " spoken at the instant inspire the 
 minds of the hearers with a sense of shame, or 
 hinder them from doing things mean and base 1 
 Can it influence them effectually to undergo all 
 labours, and run all hazards, to gain praise T 
 Can it establish this sentiment firmly in their 
 minds, that to die fighting is rather to be 
 chosen than to be saved by flying 1 And if 
 such sentiments," said he, " are to be instilled 
 into men, and to be made lasting, ought there 
 not, in the first place, to be such laws estab- 
 lished whereby a life with honour and liberty 
 should be provided for the brave ? and such a 
 course of life traced out and laid before the 
 vicious, as should be abject and painful, and 
 not worth living out ? Then there ought to be 
 teachers and governors in these affairs, who 
 should direct men right, should teach and ac- 
 custom them to practise these things, till 
 they come to determine with themselves, that 
 the brave and the renowned are, in reality, the 
 
 happiest of all ; and to judge that the vicious 
 and the infamous are of all the most miser- 
 able ; for thus ought those to stand affected 
 who are to make their institution and disci- 
 pline overrule their fear of the enemy. But, if, 
 just at the time that men are marching in arms 
 to the enemy, when many are hurried out of 
 all their former learning and knowledge, it 
 were in one's power, by putting together a 
 set form of words, to make men in the instant 
 soldiers, then were it the easiest thing in the 
 world both to learn and to teach the greatest 
 virtue that belongs to men. Nor could I be 
 secure that the men we now have, and that 
 have been exercised under us, would remain 
 firm, unless I saw you here present with them, 
 who will be examples to them in their be- 
 haviour, and will be able to remind them if 
 they are at a loss in any thing. I should very 
 much wonder," said he, " Chrysantas, if a 
 discourse, ever so finely spoken, should be 
 able to teach bravery to menVholly undis- 
 ciplined in virtue, any more than a song well 
 sung could teach music to such as where wholly 
 uninstructed in it." In this manner they dis- 
 coursed. 
 
 And Cyaxares sent word again to Cyrus, 
 that he was much in the wrong to spend time,, 
 and not march immediately to the enemy. 
 Cyrus made answer to the messengers : " Let 
 him be assured," said he, that there are not 
 yet come out so many of them as there ought 
 to be ; and tell him this, openly before all ; 
 but since it is his opinion, I will lead out this 
 instant." Having said this, and having made 
 his supplications to the gods, he led the army 
 out. As soon as he began to put forward 
 with more despatch, he led the way, and they 
 followed ; and they did it in a very orderly 
 manner, because they understood how to march 
 in order, and had been exercised in it ; they 
 did it with vigour and resolution, by means of 
 their emulation of each other, by having inured 
 their bodies to labour, and having all their 
 officers at the head of them ; and they did it 
 with pleasure, because they were wise ; for 
 they knew, and had long since learned, that it 
 was their safest and easiest course to close with 
 the enemy, especially when consisting of ar- 
 chers, of men armed with javelins, and of 
 horse. While they were yet out of reach of 
 the enemy's weapons, Cyrus gave out the 
 word, which was this, " Jove, our assistant 
 and leader 1" When the word came about to 
 
52 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 him again, he begun the usual hymn to the 
 youths of Jove, Castor and Pollux. They all, 
 with great devotion, accompanied him, with a 
 loud voice ; for, in such a circumstance, they 
 who fear the deities are the less in fear of men. 
 When the hymn was over, the alike-honoured, 
 marching with alacrity and perfect good dis- 
 cipline, and at the same time looking round at 
 each other, calling by their names those that 
 were on each hand of them, and those that 
 were the next behind them, and frequently 
 crying out, " Come on, friends ! come on, 
 brave men !" they exhorted each other to fol- 
 low : they that were behind, hearing this, ex- 
 horted the foremost, in return, to lead on with 
 vigour and resolution. And Cyrus had an 
 army full of spirit and of ardour in the pursuit 
 of honour: full of vigour, boldness, mutual 
 exhortation, discretion, and obedience, which I 
 think the most terrible to an enemy. 
 
 Those of the Assyrians who fought from 
 their chariots, in front, before the rest, as soon 
 as the Persian body was near, and ready to 
 close in with them, mounted their chariots, 
 and retreated to their own body. Their ar- 
 chers, and their men armed with the javelin, 
 and their slingers, made the discharge of their 
 weapons a good while before they could reach 
 their enemy. As soon as the Persians came 
 up on these weapons that had been thus dis- 
 charged, Cyrus cried aloud, " Now, my brave 
 men, let somebody distinguish himself, and 
 march quicker on, and transmit this order to 
 the rest." They accordingly transmitted it ; 
 and some, out of zeal and ardour, and out of 
 desire to close with the enemy, began to run. 
 The whole phalanx followed running ; Cyrus 
 himself, forgetting his slower pace, led them 
 on running, and cried out at the same time, 
 " Who follows 1 who is brave 1 who will first 
 prostrate his man ?" They, hearing this, cried 
 out in the same manner ; and as he first gave 
 it out, so it ran through them all, " Who will 
 follow 1 ? who is brave]" In this disposition 
 did the Persians close with the enemy. 
 
 The enemy were no longer able to stand 
 them, but turned and fled to the intrench- 
 ment ; the Persians, following up to the en- 
 
 rances of the intrenchment, laid many of them 
 on the ground, as they were pressing on each 
 other and leaping in after those that fell into 
 the ditch, they killed them, both men and 
 horses, promiscuously ; for some of the chariots 
 of the enemy were forced on, in their flight, 
 and fell in amongst the rest. The Median 
 horse, observing these things, charged the ene- 
 my's horse ; and they gave way before them. 
 Then followed a pursuit of both horses and 
 men, and a mighty slaughter of both. They 
 who were within the Syrian intrenchment, and 
 were posted at the top of it, by reason of the 
 dreadful spectacle before them, and of their 
 terror, had neither ability nor skill to do exe- 
 cution with their arrows and javelins on those 
 that were making destruction of their people. 
 And learning, presently after, that some of the 
 Persians had cut their way through at the 
 entrances of the intrenchment, they turned 
 away and fled from the top of it. The Assy- 
 rian women, and those of their allies, some of 
 them, such as had children, and some that were 
 of the younger sort, seeing that they already 
 began to fly in the camp, set up a clamour, and 
 ran up and down in consternation, rending their 
 clothes and tearing themselves, and begging of 
 every one they met not to fly and abandon 
 them, but to stand by their children, by them, 
 and by each other. Here the princes them- 
 selves, with those they chiefly confided in, 
 standing at the entrances of the intrenchment, 
 and mounting to the top of it, fought them- 
 selves, and encouraged the rest. As soon as 
 Cyrus knew how things stood, being afraid 
 lest, being but few, they should be but ill treated 
 by the great multitude of the enemy, if they 
 forced their way in, he gave out orders to re- 
 treat out of the reach of the enemy's weapons, 
 and required their obedience in o doing. Here 
 one might distinguish the alike-honoured, and 
 such as were formed to due discipline ; for they 
 instantly obeyed, and transmitted the orders to 
 the rest. When they were out of the reach 
 of the enemy's weapons they stood in their 
 several stations, much more regularly than a 
 set of dancers ; every one knowing with great 
 exactness where he was to be. 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 .INSTITUTION OF CYRUS, 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK IV 
 
 Cyrus addresses his army ; signalises and rewards Chryeantas ; congratulates Cyaxares Pursues the enemy 
 with as many Medes as would attend him voluntarily. II. The Hyrcanians revolt, and send messengers to 
 Cyrus His policy and encouragement to his army Engages with the enemy and obtains a victory Entertains 
 his army, and uses Persian abstinence as to treasures and provisions. III. Cyrus acknowledges the superior 
 skill of the Medes and Hyrcanians in horsemanship Proposes its establishment among the Persians by the law 
 of reputation. IV. V. Cyrus makes friends of such of the enemy as were taken prisoners His vigilarrce and 
 orders during the time of feasting of the allies^-Receives an angry message from Cyaxares His politic be- 
 haviour to the messenger Sends an expostulatory letter to Cyaxares Solicits from the Persians an increase 
 of his army Orders the arms of the enemy to be burnt, and distributes their effects among the allies.- - 
 VI. Revolt and arrival of Gobryas His address to Cyrus augmenting his grievances and the reply Gobryus 
 received as an ally. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 I. CYBUS, waiting there for some considerable! cerning them. Chrysantas I now reward with 
 time with the army, and having made it appear i the command of a thousand, as a man vigorous 
 that they were ready to fight, if any would come j in action, prudent, and able both to obey and 
 out against them, since nobody stirred, led off j command. And when the gods shall grant us 
 to the distance he thought proper, and they [ any farther advantage, neither will I then for- 
 
 encamped. 
 
 Then having placed his guards, and sent out 
 his scouts, he placed himself in the midst, and 
 calling his soldiers together, he spoke to this 
 effect : Men of Persia ! I do, in the first 
 place, give all possible praise to the gods ; I be- 
 lieve you all do the same ; for we have obtained 
 conquest and safety. Out of what We possess 
 therefore it is our duty to make the gods our 
 presents of gratitude and thanks, in return for 
 these things. After this, I give praise to you 
 all ; for the action that is passed has been per- 
 formed by you all. When I have made my in- 
 quiry from the proper persons what each man 
 deserves, I will endeavour, both in word and 
 in deed, to pay every man his due. With re- 
 spect to Chrysantas, indeed, who was the near- 
 est centurion to me, I need not enquire of others, 
 but I know myself how well he behaved ; for 
 he performed all those other acts that I believed 
 you all did ; and when I gave out orders to re- 
 treat, calling on him particularly by name, he, 
 who had his sword held up to give his enemy a 
 stroke, obeyed me in the instant, and, forbear- 
 ing to do what he was about, performed my 
 command. For he retreated himself, and trans- 
 mitted the order with the greatest despatch to 
 others; so that he got his century out of 
 weapon's cast before the enemy perceived 
 that we were retreating, before they extended 
 their bows, or threw their javelins ; so that he 
 was himself unhurt, and kept his men unhurt 
 by this obedience. But there are others," said 
 he, " that I see wounded ; and when I have ex- 
 amined at what time it was that they were 
 wounded, I will then declare my opinion con- 
 
 get him. And I am desirous too," said he, 
 " to give you all an advice ; that you would 
 never lose the remembrance and the consider- 
 ation of what you now see by this battle ; that 
 you may always have it settled in your minds, 
 whether it is flight, or virtue rather, that pre- 
 serves the lives of men ; whether they who 
 readily engage in action come off the better, or 
 they who are backward and unwilling ; and 
 that you may judge how great a pleasure it is 
 that victory affords. You may now the better 
 make a judgment of these things, having had 
 experience of them, and the affair having been 
 so lately transacted. And," said he, " by 
 having the consideration of these things always 
 present in your minds, you will become the 
 better men. Now, like discreet and worthy 
 men, favoured of heaven, take your suppers, 
 make your libations to the gods, begin your 
 hymn, and be observant of the word of com- 
 mand." 
 
 This said, he mounted on his horse and rode 
 off. Then coming to Cyaxares, and having 
 congratulated with him, as was proper, having 
 seen how things stood there, and having in- 
 quired whether Cyaxares had any farther need 
 of him, he rode back to his own army. Cyrus' 
 men, having taken their suppers and placed 
 their guards, as was proper, went to rest. 
 
 The Assyrians, on their prince being killed, 
 and together with him all the bravest of their 
 men, were all in a desponding condition, and 
 many of them fled from the camp in the night. 
 On seeing these things, Croesus, and their 
 other allies, lost all courage, for they were 
 surrounded with difficulties on all sides. And 
 
 55 
 
56 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv 
 
 what chiefly sunk the courage of them all, was, 
 that the principal nation of all that were in the 
 army were entirelyconfounded in their opinions. 
 So they quitted the camp, and went off in the 
 night. 
 
 As soon as it was day, and that the camp ap- 
 peared to be entirely abandoned, Cyrus imme- 
 diately made the Persians march first into it. 
 Great numbers of sheep and oxen had been left 
 there by the enemy, and many wagons full of 
 abundance of valuable things. After this, the 
 Medes with Cyaxares marched in, and there 
 took their dinners. When they had dined, 
 Cyrus called his centurions together, and spoke 
 to this effect : " Friends ! how many valuable 
 things have we, in my opinion, perfectly thrown 
 away, when the gods had delivered them into 
 our hands ! for you yourselves see that the 
 enemy are flying for fear of us. And how can 
 any body think that they who, when possessed 
 of an intrenched post, quitted it and fled, can 
 stand and look us in the face on fair ground 1 
 They who did not stand before they had made 
 trial of us, how should such men stand after 
 they are beaten, and have been so ill treated by 
 us 1 How should the worst of those men in- 
 cline to fight us, of whom the best have been 
 destroyed?" On this somebody said: "Why 
 do we not immediately pursue, when the ad- 
 vantages we have are so evident V Cyrus re- 
 plied : Why, because we want horse. And 
 the best of the enemy, and such as it is most 
 for our purpose to take or to destroy, are re- 
 tiring on horseback. And those that, with the 
 help of the gods, we are able to put to flight, 
 we are not able to take in the pursuit." Why, 
 then," said they, do you not go to Cyaxares 
 and tell him these things !" To this he said ; 
 " Come therefore all of you along with me, 
 that he may see we are all of us of this opinion." 
 On this they all followed him, and said what 
 they thought was proper concerning the things 
 they desired. 
 
 Cjaxaresjia^%jaut^f^s^tj>j^nvy. because 
 they had begun the discourse on the subject, 
 and partly, perhaps, because he thought it best 
 for him not to hazard another battle, for he was 
 indulging himself in pleasure, and observed 
 that many of the Medes were doing the same 
 thing, spoke therefore in this manner : " I am 
 convinced Cyrus, by the testimony both of my 
 eyes and ears, that you Persians, of all man- 
 kind, study the most how to keep yourselves 
 from being impotent and insatiable in any kind 
 
 of pleasure : but my opinion is, that it is by 
 much the most advantageous thing to be master 
 of one's self in the greatest pleasure of all. 
 And what is there that gives men greater plea- 
 sure than the good fortune, that has now be- 
 fallen us 1 Therefore, since we have that good 
 fortune, if we take care to preserve it with dis- 
 cretion and temper, perhaps we may, without 
 hazard, grow old in happiness. But if we use 
 it greedily and insatiably, and endeavour to 
 pursue one piece of good fortune after another, 
 take care lest we suffer the same fate that they 
 say many people do at sea, who, by means of 
 their having been once fortunate, will never 
 cease repeating their voyages till they are lost. 
 And as they say many do, who, having obtained 
 one victory, and aiming at more, have lost the 
 first. If, indeed, the enemy who are fled were 
 fewer than we, perhaps we might pursue those 
 with safety ; but consider what part of them 
 it was that our whole number fought and con- 
 quered, the rest were out of the action, and un- 
 less we force them to fight, are going their 
 ways, meanly and ignorantly, without knowing 
 their own strength or ours. If they shall find 
 that they are not less in danger in retreating 
 than they are in standing to us, how can it hap- 
 pen otherwise than that we shall force them, 
 even against their will, to be brave ? for be 
 assured, that you are not more desirous to seize 
 their wives and children than they are to pre- 
 serve them. And consider even swine, that 
 they, though many in number, betake them- 
 selves to flight, together with their young, as 
 soon as they are discovered ; but if any man 
 pursue one of their little ones, the sow, though 
 she be single, does not continue her flight, but 
 attacks the pursuer that attempts to take it. 
 Now these men, on this late occasien, had shut 
 themselves up in an entrenchment, and let 
 themselves be parcelled out by us in such a 
 manner, as put it into our power to engage as 
 many of them as we pleased. But if we march 
 up to them in an open country, and they shall 
 have learned to divide and extend themselves, 
 so that part of them shall oppose us in front, 
 part on one wing, and part on another, and some 
 in our rear ; do you then take care lest we, 
 every one of us, stand in need of many more 
 hands and arms than we have. Besides," said 
 he, " now that I observe the Medes to be enjoy- 
 ing themselves, I should be very unwilling to 
 rouse them from their pleasures, and compel 
 them to throw themselves into danger." 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 57 
 
 Then Cyrus in reply said : " You shall com- 
 pel no one : do but allow those to follow me 
 that are willing to do it. Perhaps we may 
 come back, and bring you, and every one of 
 these friends of yours, what you will all be 
 pleased with. We will not pursue the main 
 body of the enemy ; for how should we be able 
 to lay our hands on them 1 But if we meet with 
 any thing straggling from the rest of the army, 
 or left behind, we will come and bring it to you. 
 Consider then," said he, " that when you want- 
 ed us, we came a long journey to do you plea- 
 sure ; it were but just therefore that you should 
 gratify us in return, that we may go home pos- 
 sessed of something, and not all of us have our 
 eye to your treasure." Here Cyaxares said : 
 " If any one, indeed, would attend you of his 
 own accord, I should think myself obliged to 
 you." " Send with me then one of these 
 credible persons who shall tell your message." 
 Come," said he, " take which of them you 
 please." And there happened to be that person 
 present who had called himself his relation, and 
 that he had kissed ; Cyrus therefore immedi- 
 ately said : " I am contented with this man." 
 " Let him therefore," said he, " attend you ; 
 and do you," said he, declare that any one 
 who is willing may go with Cyrus." So, tak- 
 ing this man with him, he went out. As soon 
 as he came out, Cyrus presently said to him, 
 Now you will make it appear whether you 
 spoke truth, when you said you were delighted 
 with the sight of me." " When you propose 
 this matter," said the Mede, " I will not aban 
 don you." " And will you not," said Cyrus, 
 yourself espouse it, and propose it to others 1" 
 Then, with an oath, " By Jove !" said he, I 
 will ; and that till I make you delighted with 
 the sight of me." Then did this messenger of 
 Cyaxares discharge himself with zeal, in all re- 
 spects, by declaring his message to the Medes ; 
 and added this of himself : " That, for his part, 
 he would not desert this best and most excel- 
 lent of men ; and, what was above all, this man 
 who derived his origin from the gods !" 
 
 II. While Cyrus was transacting these affairs 
 there came messengers from the Hyrcanians, 
 as if by divine appointment, The Hyrcanians 
 are borderers on the Assyrians ; they are no 
 great nation, and therefore subject to the As- 
 syrians ; they at that time, it seems, consisted 
 of horse, and do so at this day : the Assyrians 
 therefore used them as the Lacedaemonians do 
 the people of Sciros, not sparing them in 
 
 fatigues and dangers ; and they at that time 
 had commanded them to make the rear-guard, 
 being a thousand horse, that in case any dangei 
 pressed on them in the rear, these men might 
 have it fall on them before it reached them- 
 selves. The Hyrcanians, being to march be- 
 hind all, had their wagons and domestics in 
 the rear : for most of the inhabitants of Asia 
 are attended in their military expeditions by 
 those that they live with at home. And the 
 Hyrcanians at that time attended the service in 
 that manner. Considering therefore with 
 themselves what they suffered under the As- 
 syrians ; that their prince was now dead, and 
 they beaten ; that the army was now under great 
 terror ; that their allies were in a desponding 
 condition, and were quitting them ; on these 
 considerations, this appeared to them to be a 
 noble opportunity to revolt, if Cyrus' men 
 would but fall on the enemy in conjunction 
 with them. Accordingly, they sent messen- 
 gers to Cyrus ; for, since the battle, his fame 
 was grown to the greatest height. 
 
 The men that were sent told Cyrus That 
 they had a just hatred to the Assyrians; that 
 if he would now march up to thernTthey them- 
 selves would be his assistants, and lead him the 
 way." They gave him likewise accounts of the 
 circumstances of the enemy, as men who were 
 extremely desirous to animate him to this ex- 
 pedition. Then Cyrus asked them " Do you 
 think," said he, " that we can get up with them 
 before they get into their fortresses? For," 
 said he, " we take it to be a very great misfor- 
 tune that they fled without our knowledge." 
 This he said with intention to raise in them 
 the greatest confidence possible in himself and 
 his people. They replied, " That if he and 
 his men, setting out early in the morning, 
 marched with expedition, they might come up 
 with them, even the next day ; for by reason 
 of their multitude, and the number of their 
 carriages, they marched very slowly. And be- 
 sides," said they, " having had no rest the night 
 before, they marched but a little way, and are 
 now encamped." Then Cyrus said : " Have you 
 any pledge therefore to give us of the truth of 
 what you say 1" "We will go," said they, 
 " this instant, and bring you hostages to-night. 
 Do you only give us the security of your taking 
 the gods to witness on your part, and give us 
 your right hand, that what we ourselves thus 
 receive from you we may carry to the rest of 
 our people." On this he gave them the testi- 
 H 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv 
 
 monials of his faith, that If they accomplished 
 what they said, he would treat them as faithful 
 men and friends ; and that they should not be 
 of less consideration* with him than the Per- 
 sians or Medes." And at this day it may be 
 observed, that the Hyrcanians are employed in 
 considerable trusts, and are possessed of go- 
 vernments, as those of the Persians and Medes 
 are that appear worthy of them. 
 
 When they had supped he led out the army, 
 while it was yet day, and he ordered the Hyr- 
 canians to stay, that they might go with him. 
 All the Persians, as one may naturally sup- 
 pose, were immediately out. Tigranes, like- 
 wise, with his army was the same. But of 
 the Medes, some marched out, because, while 
 they were yet boys, they had been friends to 
 Cyrus while a b.oy ; some because, by conver- 
 sing with him in his huntings, they were much 
 taken with his temper and manners ; some out 
 of gratitude, because they thought him the man 
 who had relieved them when they were under 
 very great terror ; some, by his appearing al- 
 ready to be a man of great dignity and worth, 
 had hopes thatjie would still grow farther so, 
 as to be prodigiously fortunate and great ; some, 
 because they were desirous to return him that 
 friendship and service that he had done them 
 while he lived among the Medes ; for out of 
 his good-nature he had performed several ser- 
 vices with his grandfather for many of them : 
 but most part of them, when they saw the Hyr- 
 canians, and that it was discoursed abroad that 
 they were to lead the way to mighty advan- 
 tages, marched out in order to get something. 
 So almost all the Medes marched, except those 
 that were in the tent with Cyaxares. These 
 remained, and the men that were under their 
 command. The rest hastened out with zeal 
 and pleasure, as not going by restraint, but vo- 
 luntarily, and with design to oblige. When 
 they were out he went to the Medes. He first 
 commended them, and prayed That the 
 gods, being propitious both to them, to him- 
 self and to his people, would vouchsafe to con- 
 duct them ! and then that he himself might be 
 enabled to make them grateful returns for this 
 their zeal !" In the last place, he told them 
 that the foot should lead the way, and bade 
 them follow with their horse ; and wherever 
 they rested, or suspended their march, he or- 
 dered them to send off some people to him, that 
 they might be informed of what was proper on 
 every occasion On this he ordered the Hyrca- 
 
 nians to lead the way, and then asked him this 
 question : " Why," said they, " do you not stay 
 till we bring our hostages, that you may march 
 with the pledges of our fidelity in your hands 1" 
 He is said to have replied thus : " Why," said 
 he, " I consider that we have all of us pledges 
 of your fidelity in our own hearts and hands ; 
 for we take ourselves to be so well provided, 
 that if you tell us truth, we are in a condition 
 to do you service : and if you deceive us, we 
 reckon that we stand on such a footing as not 
 to be ourselves in your power, but rather, if 
 the gods so please, that you will be in ours. 
 Since then," said he, " O Hyrcanians ! you say 
 that your people march the hindermost, as soon 
 as you see them signify to us that they^are your 
 people, that we may spare them." The Hyr- 
 canians, hearing these things, led the way as he 
 ordered. They admired his firmness of mind, 
 and were no longer in fear either of Assyrians, 
 the Lydians, or their allies ; but only lest Cy- 
 rus should be convinced that, whether they 
 were present or absent, they wero of little sig- 
 nificance. 
 
 While they were on the march, and night was 
 come on, a clear light from heaven is said to 
 have appeared to Cyrus and to the army ; so 
 that all were seized with a shivering at the di- 
 vine appearance, but inspired with boldness 
 against the enemy. As they marched without 
 incumbrance and with despatch, they probably 
 moved over much ground, and at the dawn of 
 day they were near the Hyrcanian army. As 
 soon as the messengers discovered them, they 
 told Cyrus that these were their people : they 
 said : " They knew them by their being the hin- 
 dermost, and by their multitude of fires." On 
 this he sent one of the two messengers to 
 them, ordering him to tell them : If they 
 were friends, immediately to meet him, holding 
 out their right hands." He sent some of his 
 own people with them, and bade them tell the 
 Hyrcanians : " That when he and his people 
 saw them advancing, they themselves would do 
 the same thing." So one of the messengers 
 stayed with Cyrus, the other rode off to the 
 Hyrcanians. While Cyrus was observing what 
 the Hyrcanians would do, he made the army 
 halt ; and the chief of the Medes and Tigranes 
 rode up to him, and asked him what they were 
 to do. He told them thus : This body that 
 is near us is that of the Hyrcanian^ One of 
 their messengers is going to them, and some of 
 our people with him, to tell them, if they are 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 59 
 
 friends, to meet us with their right hands held 
 out ; therefore if they come in this manner, 
 do you, every one in. your several stations, re- 
 ceive them with your right hands as they come, 
 and encourage them. If they take to their 
 arms, or attempt to fly, do you endeavour to 
 let none of those that we first meet with 
 escape." He gave these orders ; and the Hyr- 
 canians having heard the report of the messen- 
 gers, were in great joy, and mounting their 
 horses at a leap, came up, as was told them, 
 with their right hands extended. The Medes 
 and Persians, on their side, received therh with 
 their right hands, and encouraged them. On 
 this Cyrus said : " Hyrcanians, we now trust 
 to you. It is your part to be in the same dis- 
 position towards us : but, in the first place," 
 said he, " tell us this how far from hence is 
 the place where the enemy's commanders are, 
 and their main body ?" They said, in answer, 
 " That it was little more than a parasang." 
 
 On this occasion Cyrus said : " Come on, 
 then," said he, < men of Persia, Medes, and 
 you, Hyrcanians, for to you I now speak, as to 
 confederates and sharers with us in all things. 
 You ought now all to be assured, that we are 
 in such a circumstance as must bring on us the 
 greatest severities of fortune, if we act in it 
 remissly and faintly ; for the enemy know for 
 what purposes we come. If we march to the 
 enemy with vigour and spirit, and charge home, 
 you will see them like slaves that have run 
 away and are discovered, some supplicating for 
 mercy, some flying, and some without presence 
 of mind enough to do either ; for, beaten as 
 they are, they will see us come on them, and 
 thinking of our coming, will be surprised, 
 without order, and without being prepared to 
 fight. If therefore, we desire, henceforward, 
 to take our meals, to pass our nights, and to 
 spend the rest of our lives with pleasure, do 
 not let us give them leisure to contrive or exe- 
 cute any thing that may be for their own ser- 
 vice ; nor to know so much as that we are men ; 
 out let them fancy that all is shields, swords, 
 cutlasses, and blows that fall on them. And 
 do you Hyrcanians," said he, " extending your- 
 selves in front before us, march first, that by 
 the appearance of your arms we may keep con- 
 cealed as long as possible. When I get up 
 with the enemy's army, do you, each of you, 
 leave me with a troop of horse that I may 
 make use of them, in case of need, remaining 
 in the camp. Do you, commanders, and your 
 
 men of most years, if you are wise, march to 
 gether in close order, lest, meeting perhaps 
 with a close body, you be repulsed. Send out 
 our younger men to pursue ; let these despatch 
 the enemy, for it is our safest course at this 
 time to leave as few of the enemy alive as we 
 can. But lest, what has happened to many 
 victors, a turn of fortune befall us, we ought 
 strictly to guard against turning to plunder ; 
 and as he that does it can no longer be reck- 
 oned a man, but a mere bearer of baggage, so 
 any one that will, is free to use him as a slave. 
 You ought to be sensible that there is nothing 
 more gainful than victory, for the victor sweeps 
 all away with him, both men, women, and trea- 
 sure, together with the whole country. Keep 
 your eye therefore intent only on the preserva- 
 tion of victory, for even the plunderer himself 
 is comprehended in it. And remember this 
 too, in your pursuit, that you return again to 
 me while it is yet day ; for after it is dark we 
 will give admittance to none." 
 
 Having said this, he dismissed them, every 
 one to his own century, and ordered them with- 
 al to go their ways, and signify these things, 
 every one to his chiefs of ten ; for the chiefs 
 of tens were all in front, so as to be able to 
 hear ; and he bade them order the chiefs of 
 tens to give these directions, each to his own 
 ten. On this the Hyrcanians led the way : 
 he himself marched with the Persians in the 
 centre, and formed the horse, as usual, on each 
 wing. As soon as his army appeared, some 
 of the enemy were astonished at the sight ; 
 some already discovered what it was ; some told 
 it about ; some set up a clamour ; some loosed 
 their horses ; some packed up their effects ; 
 some threw the arms from off the beasts of 
 burden, and some armed themselves ; some 
 mounted their horses ; some bridled them ; 
 some helped the women up on the wagons ; 
 some laid hold of what they had of greatest 
 value to. save it ; and some were found burying 
 such kind of things ; but most of them betook 
 themselves to flight. It must needs be thought 
 that they were taken up with these things, and 
 many more of various kinds, excepting only 
 that nobody fought, but that they were destroy- 
 ed without making any opposition. Croesus, 
 the king of the Lydians, it being the summer 
 season, had sent away his women in the night 
 in chariots, before, that they might travel with 
 the more ease in the cool, and he himself with 
 his horse had followed after. The Phrygian, 
 
60 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 they say, who was prince of that Phrygia that 
 lies on the Hellespont, did the same. But as 
 soon as they perceived the runaways, and that 
 some of them came up with them, having got 
 information of what had happened, they fled in 
 the utmost haste. The kings of the Cappa- 
 docians, and of the Arabians that were at 
 hand, and without their corslets, thinking 
 themselves secure, the Hyrcanians killed. 
 But the greatest number of those that died 
 on this occasion were Assyrians and Arabs ; 
 for being in their own country, they were most 
 remiss in marching off. The Medes and Hyr- 
 canians performed such things in the pursuit 
 as are usual for men that have gained the vic- 
 tory. But Cyrus ordered the horse, that had 
 been left with him, to ride round the camp, 
 and kill all such as they saw going off with 
 their arms ; and to those that remained he 
 ordered it to be proclaimed, " That all soldiers 
 of the enemy whatever, whether horsemen, 
 targeteers, or archers, should bring their arms, 
 all bound up together, away to him, and leave 
 their horses at their tents ; and that if any re- 
 fused to do thus, he should immediately lose 
 his head." Some with their swords drawn 
 stood round in order; they who had arms 
 brought them away, and threw them down on 
 the place that he appointed them ; and they 
 that he ordered for that service burnt them. 
 
 But Cyrus then reflecting that they were 
 come without either meat or drink, and that 
 without these it was impossible to carry on a 
 war, or do any thing else ; considering therefore 
 how he might be supplied with these things 
 the soonest, and in the best manner, it came 
 into his mind that it was absolutely necessary 
 for all men that were engaged in military ser- 
 vice to have some certain person to take care 
 of the tent, and who should provide all things 
 necessary for the soldiers when they came in. 
 He judged therefore, that of all people in the 
 camp, these were the most likely to be left 
 behind, because of their being employed in 
 packing up the baggage ; so he ordered procla 
 mation to be made, that all the officers of this 
 kind should come to him, and where there was 
 no such officer, that the oldest man of that tent 
 should attend : he denounced all manner of 
 severity to him that should disobey. But they 
 all paid obedience instantly, having seen their 
 masters do it before them. When they were 
 present he commanded all such as had neces- 
 saries in their tents for two months and up- 
 
 wards to sit down... When he had observed 
 these, he again commanded all such as were 
 provided for one month totlo the same. Oh 
 this almost all of them sat. When he found 
 this, he spoke to them thus : Come, then, 
 good people, all those of you who would avoid 
 evil, and desire to obtain any good from us, do 
 you with readiness and zeal take care that in 
 each tent there be prepared double the portion 
 of meat and drink that you used to provide 
 each day for your masters and their domestics ; 
 and have all things else ready that will contri- 
 bute to furnish out a handsome entertainment ; 
 taking it for granted that the party conquering 
 will be presently with you, and will require to 
 have all things necessary provided for them in 
 plenty. Know therefore that it may be of 
 service to you to receive these men in the most 
 unexceptionable manner." Having heard these 
 things, they executed the orders with the great- 
 est diligence. And having called the centu- 
 rions together, he spoke to this effect : 
 
 We know, friends, that it is now in our 
 power to take our dinners first, before our 
 allies, who are absent, and to apply the most 
 exquisite meats and drinks to our own use ; 
 but in my opinion this dinner will not do us so 
 much service as our making it appear that we 
 are careful of our allies. Nor will this good 
 entertainment add more to our own strength, 
 than we shall gain by making our confederates 
 zealous and hearty in our interest. If we ap- 
 pear so negligent of those that are pursuing and 
 destroying our enemies, and fighting in case 
 there are any that oppose them, that they find 
 we have dined before we know what they are 
 doing ; how can it happen otherwise, than that 
 we shall appear vile in their sight, and lose our 
 strength by losing our allies 1 But to be care- 
 ful that they who are engaged in fatigues and 
 dangers may have all necessaries ready for them 
 when they come in ; this, I say, is the treat 
 that should more delight you than the present 
 gratification of your bellies. And consider," 
 said he, " that if we were to act without any 
 respect to our friends, yet to cram with meat 
 and drink is not at all proper with regard to 
 ourselves ; for we have a great many enemies 
 in the camp loose and unconfined ; it is our 
 business to be on our guard against them, and 
 to keep a guard on them, that we may have 
 people to do all necessary things for us. Our 
 horse are absent, and give us cause to be in 
 some concern and doubt where they are, whether 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 61 
 
 they are to come back to us, or whether they 
 are to stay. So that in my opinion, friends 
 the meat and drink, the most for our purpose 
 at present, ought to be what one can imagine 
 of most use to preserve us from being drowsy 
 and remiss. Yet farther, I know that there 
 are great treasures in the camp ; and I am no 
 ignorant that it is in our power to appropriate 
 to ourselves what we please of these things 
 that belong in common to all that were jointly 
 concerned with us in taking them : but I am 
 of opinion, that our taking them to ourselves 
 cannot be a greater gain to us, than by making 
 ourselves appear to these men to be just anc 
 honest, to purchase by that means still a greater 
 share in their affection than we have yet ob- 
 tained. And I am of opinion," said he, "to 
 give up the distribution of these treasures to 
 the Medes, Hyrcanians, and Tigranes, when 
 they come; and even to reckon it an advan- 
 tage, if they allot us the smallest share ; for 
 by means of their profit, they will with the 
 more pleasure remain with us. And the tak- 
 ing a present advantage may indeed afford us 
 short-lived riches, but they that give up this, 
 acquire by it in return those things from 
 whence riches flow. And in my opinion this 
 may procure much more lasting riches to us 
 and ours. It was for this end, I think, that 
 we practised at home that continence and com- 
 mand over ourselves in the concerns of the 
 belly, and in matters of unseasonable profit, 
 that we might be able, when occasion served, 
 to make use of these qualities for our advan- 
 tage. And on what greater occasion than the 
 present one we can show the virtue of our in- 
 stitution, I do not see." 
 
 Thus he spoke, and Hystaspes, a Persian, 
 and one of the alike-honoured, spoke in favour 
 of his opinion in this manner : It were in- 
 deed a sad case, Cyrus, if in hunting we can 
 continually master ourselves, and abstain from 
 food in order to get possession of some beast, 
 and perhaps of very little value ; and, when 
 we are in pursuit of all that is valuable in the 
 world, we should not think it very unbecoming 
 us to suffer ourselves to be stopped in our 
 course by any of those things that have the 
 command indeed of mean men, but are inferior 
 and subservient to the deserving." Thus 
 spoke Hystaspes in support of Cyrus' opinion ; 
 the rest approved it. Then Cyrus said : 
 " Well, then, since we agree in these matters, 
 do you send out five men of each company ; 
 
 and such as are the most diligent ana careful, 
 let these march round, and those whom they 
 find employed in providing the necessaries let 
 them commend ; those whom they find negli- 
 gent, let them chastise, without sparing them, 
 any more than if they themselves were their 
 masters. These men executed their orders. 
 
 III. By this time some of the Medes 
 drove up several wagons that had set out 
 before from the camp, and that they had taken 
 and turned back, laden with things that the 
 army was in want of. Some of them brought 
 chariots that they had taken ; some full of the 
 most considerable women, who were some of 
 them of the legitimate sort ; others of them 
 courtesans, that were conveyed up and down 
 by those people on account of their beauty ; 
 for to this day all the inhabitants of Asia in 
 time of war attend the service accompanied 
 with what they value the most : and say that 
 they fight the better when the things that are 
 most dear to them are present : for they say 
 that they must of necessity defend these with 
 zeal and ardour. Perhaps indeed it is so; 
 but perhaps they do it only for their pleasure. 
 
 Cyrus, observing the things that were per- 
 formed by the Medes and Hyrcanians, was 
 almost angry with himself and with those that 
 were with him ; for the others seemed to out- 
 shine them at that time, and to be continually 
 making some advantage or other, while they 
 themselves stood quiet in an idle station ; for 
 they that brought the prizes, after showing 
 them to Cyrus, rode off again in pursuit of 
 others ; for they said that they were ordered 
 so to do by their commanders. Cyrus, though 
 nettled at this, yet ordered the things away to 
 a particular station ; then calling the centu- 
 rions again together, and standing in a place 
 where what he said might be heard, he spoke 
 thus : " I believe, friends, we are all convinced 
 that if we had had the taking of these things 
 that have just now appeared before us, all the 
 Persians in general would have been great 
 gainers, and we probably the greatest, who had 
 been personally concerned in the action. But 
 tiow we, who are not able of ourselves to ac- 
 quire these things, can possibly get them into 
 our possession, I do not yet see, unless the 
 Persians procure a body of horse of their own. 
 For you observe," said he," that we Persians 
 are possessed of arms that are proper to repel 
 enemies that will close with us; but when 
 they are once repulsed, what horsemen, archers, 
 
62 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 targeteers, or dartsmen, while we are without 
 horse, can we possibly take or destroy in their 
 flight 1 who would fear to annoy us, whether 
 archers, dartsmen, or horse, when they know 
 very well that there is no more danger of re- 
 ceiving any hurt from us, than from trees that 
 grow fixed in the ground 1 If these things are 
 thus, is it not plain that the horseman now 
 with us reckon all things that fall into our 
 hands not less theirs than ours 1 Nay, per- 
 haps, even more. On this footing therefore 
 do things now necessarily stand. But if we 
 get a body of horse not inferior to themselves, 
 is it not evident to you all that we shall be 
 able without them to perform the same things 
 against the enemy that we now do with them? 
 and that we shall have them in a more humble 
 disposition towards us 1 for when they have a 
 mind either to go or stay, it will be of less 
 concern to us, if we are of ourselves sufficient 
 without them. But be this as it will, yet no 
 one, I believe, will be of a contrary opinion to 
 me in this, that for the Persians to have a 
 body of horse of their own, is not a matter 
 that is entirely indifferent. But then, perhaps, 
 you are considering how this can be brought 
 about. Supposing then that we incline to 
 constitute a body of horse, let us examine 
 what is it we have, and what it is we want. 
 Here are horses in great number that are left 
 in the camp, and there are bridles to manage 
 them, and all other things that are proper for 
 the use of such as keep horses ; and we have 
 likewise the things that are proper for the use 
 of a horseman himself; corslets for the defence 
 of his body, and lances, that we may either use 
 in throwing or by hand. What then remains 1 
 It is plain we must have men ; and these we 
 have more certainly than any thing, for there 
 is nothing so much belongs to us as we do to 
 ourselves. But perhaps somebody will say 
 that we do not understand it : nor, by Jove ! 
 have any of those who understand it now at- 
 tained the skill before they learned it. But 
 they learned it, somebody may say, when they 
 were boys. And have boys the better faculty 
 to learn things that are told them, or shown 
 them ; or have men ? And when they have 
 once learned, which of them have bodies the 
 most able to undergo labour, boys or men 1 
 Then we have that leisure for learning that 
 neither boys have, nor other men ; for we have 
 neither the use of the bow to learn, as boys 
 have, for we know it already ; nor throwing of 
 
 the javelin, for we know that too; nor have we 
 that continual employment that other men have, 
 some in agriculture, some in trades, and some 
 n other particular affairs. We have not only 
 leisure to practise military affairs, but we are 
 under a necessity of doing it. Nor is this, as 
 many other military matters are, a thing of diffi- 
 culty, as well as of use ; for is it not pleasanter 
 on the road to be on horseback, than to travel 
 on foot 1 And where despatch is required, is 
 it not a pleasure to get quickly to a friend, 
 when there is occasion, or readily ro overtake 
 either a man or a beast in the pursuit ? And 
 is it not a convenience that whatsoever arms 
 are to be carried, the horse helps to carry them 1 
 for to have arms and to carry them is the same 
 thing. And as to what one may have most 
 reason to-fear, that we may perhaps be obliged 
 to come to action on horseback, before we are 
 yet well skilled in the work, and that we may 
 become neither able footmen nor able horse- 
 men ; even this is not a difficulty that is uncon- 
 querable ; for whenever we please we are im- 
 mediately at liberty to fight on foot ; nor shall 
 we unlearn any thing of our skill as footmen 
 by learning to ride." 
 
 Thus Cyrus spoke ; and Chrysantas, speak- 
 ing in favour of the same opinion, said thus : 
 " I am," said he, " so desirous of learning to 
 ride, that I reckon, were I a horseman, I should 
 be a flying man. As matters now stand, were 
 I to run a race with a man, I should be con- 
 tented if I got but by the head before him ; or 
 if I saw a beast running by, I would be con- 
 tented if on the stretch, I could contrive to 
 reach him with my bow or javelia before he 
 got at great a distance from me. But if I be- 
 come a horseman I shall be able to kill any 
 man, though at as great a distance as I can 
 see ; and in the pursuit of beasts, some I shall 
 be able to come up with, and to strike them by 
 hand, others I shall be able to reach with my 
 javelin, as well as if they stood still ; for if two 
 creatures are swift alike, they continue as near 
 to each other as if they stood still. Of all 
 creatures, they that I think raise my envy and 
 emulation the most, are the centaurs, if there 
 ever were any ; creatures that, with the un- 
 derstanding of man, are capable of contrivance 
 and forecast; who with their hands can effect 
 what is proper to be done, and have the swift- 
 ness and strength of the horse, so as to over- 
 take what flies from them, and overturn what 
 opposes them. So when I am a horseman, all 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 63 
 
 these powers do I carry with me ; I shall be 
 able to contrive things with my understanding, 
 as a man ; my arms 1 shall carry in my hands ; 
 with my horse I shall pursue, and by my horse's 
 strength overturn what opposes me. But then 
 I shall not be bound down and grow to him, 
 like the centaurs ; and this is certainly better 
 than to be incorporated with him ; for centaurs, 
 I fancy, must be at a loss both how to use 
 several conveniences discovered by men, and 
 how to enjoy several pleasures natural to horses. 
 But I. when I have learned to ride, and am 
 mounted on horseback, shall perform the part 
 of a centaur ; and when I dismount I shall 
 take my meals, clothe myself, and take my 
 rest, as other men do. So that what am I but 
 a centaur, free and separable when I please ; 
 and then, when I please, of a piece again 1 Be- 
 sides, I have this advantage over the centaur," 
 said he, " that he saw but with two eyes and 
 heard but with two ears, but I shall see with 
 four eyes, and receive notices of things by 
 means of four ears ; for the horse they say dis- 
 covers to men many things that he beforehand 
 sees with his own eyes, and gives them notice 
 of many things that he beforehand hears with 
 his own ears. Write me down therefore as one 
 of those that are desirous to serve on horse- 
 back." " And us too," said all the others. On 
 this Cyrus said : " Since, then," said he, " we 
 are so much of this opinion, what if we should 
 make a law, that it should be scandalous for 
 any of those amongst us that I furnish with 
 horses to be seen travelling on foot, let the 
 way he is to go be little or great, that men may 
 imagine we are entirely centaurs ]" This 
 proposal he made them, and they all gave their 
 consent. So that at this day the Persians still 
 put it in practice ; and none of the considera- 
 ble men among the Persians are ever to be seen 
 travelling on foot of their own good-will. 
 
 IV. These men were employed in these dis- 
 courses ; but when the middle of the day was 
 past, the Median horse and the Hyrcanians 
 rode up, and brought with them both horses 
 and men that they had taken ; for as many as 
 delivered their arms they did not kill. When 
 they rode up, Cyrus first asked them whether 
 they were all come safe 1 When they said that 
 they were, he then asked them what they had 
 done, and they related the things that they had 
 performed, and gave magnificent accounts how 
 manfully they had acted in every particular. 
 He hearkened with pleasure to all that they had 
 
 a mind to tell him, and then commended them 
 thus : " It is apparent how well you have be- 
 haved, for you are now in appearance taller, 
 more beautiful, and more terrible than before." 
 He then asked them how far they had gone, 
 and whether the country was inhabited. They 
 told him, " They had gone a great way ; that 
 the whole country was inhabited, and full of 
 sheep, goats, oxen, and horses, corn, and all 
 valuable things." "There are two things, 
 then," said he, " that we are to take care of; 
 how to subject the people that are the posses- 
 sors of these things ; and how to make them 
 remain on the place : for a country well inha- 
 bited is a very valuable acquisition ; but one 
 destitute of men is destitute of every thing that 
 is good. All those that stood to their defence," 
 said he, " I know you have killed ; and you did 
 right ; for this is of the greatest importance for 
 the maintaining of a victory. Those that de- 
 livered their arms you have taken ; and if we 
 dismiss them, we should do what I say would 
 turn to our advantage ; for, first, we shall not 
 be under a necessity of being on our guard 
 against them, nor of keeping a guard on them, 
 nor of furnishing them with provisions; for 
 certainly we should not be for starving them. 
 Then, by dismissing them, we shall have the 
 greater number of captives ; for if we conquer 
 the country, all will be our captives that in- 
 habit it ; and the rest, when they see these 
 living and set at liberty, will the more readily 
 remain, and rather choose to submit than to 
 continue in war. This is my judgment ; but if 
 any other person sees what is better, let him 
 say it." But they, having heard these things, 
 agreed to act accordingly. 
 
 So Cyrus, having called for the prisoners, 
 spoke thus : " FnejndsJ!i_s^id_Ji^^ 
 
 _ 
 
 present submission you have preserved your 
 lives ; and, for the future, if you behave in the 
 same manner, no ill whatever shall befall you, 
 unless it be that the same person will not go- 
 vern you that governed you before : but you 
 shall inhabit the same houses, and you shall 
 cultivate the same territory ; and you shall live 
 with the same wives, and you shall rule your 
 children as you do now ; but you shall neither 
 make war on us, nor on any one else ; and if 
 any other injure you, we will fight for you. 
 And that nobody may order you out on mili- 
 tary service, bring your arms to us. And to 
 those that bring them, peace ! and wJiat I pro- 
 mise shall be made good to them without fraud, 
 
64 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK IV 
 
 But we will make war on those that refuse to 
 lay their arms aside. But then if any of you 
 shall come to us, arid shall appear to do any 
 action, or to give any information, in friend- 
 ship and good-will to us, him will we treat as 
 a benefactor and a friend, not as a slave. Let 
 thes.e things therefore be known to you, and do 
 you tell them to the rest. And if there are 
 any that will not comply with us in these things 
 that we require, do you lead us the way to 
 them, that we may make ourselves masters of 
 them, and they not masters of us." Thus he 
 spoke. They paid him their adoration, and said 
 that they would perform what he enjoined them. 
 
 V. When they were gone, Cyrus said: " It 
 is time, Medes and Armenians ! for all of 
 us to take our suppers : and all things proper 
 have been made ready for you in the best man- 
 ner that we are able. Go your ways, then, 
 and send us half the bread that has been made ; 
 for there has been enough made for us both : 
 but send us neither meat with it, nor any thing 
 to drink, for of these we have enough with us 
 already provided. And do you," said he, 
 Hyrcanians ! conduct them to the tents ; the 
 commanders to the greatest, (for you know 
 which they are,) and the others as you think 
 most proper. And do you, likewise, take your 
 suppers where it is most agreeable to you ; for 
 the tents are untouched, and things are pro- 
 vided there for you, as well as for the others. 
 But let this be known to you both, that we 
 undertake to keep the night-watch without. 
 Do you look to what passes in the tents, and 
 place your arms within ; for they who are in 
 the tents are not yet our friends." 
 
 The Medes then, and Tigranes' people 
 bathed themselves, (for all matters for that 
 purpose had been provided,) and, having 
 changed their clothes, took their suppers , and 
 their horses were provided with all necessaries. 
 Half their oread they sent to the Persians, but 
 sent no meat with it, nor wine ; thinking thai 
 Cyrus' people were provided with those things 
 oecause he had said that they had them in 
 plenty. But what Cyrus meant was, that the 
 meat they had with their bread was hunger 
 and their drink was the water of a stream that 
 ran by. Cyrus therefore having given the Per- 
 sians their supper, sent many of them out, as 
 soon as it was dark, in fives and tens, and com 
 manded them to march round the camp pri- 
 vately ; judging that they would be a guard to 
 it, if an enemy came on them from without 
 
 nd that if any one ran off with treasure of 
 any kind they might take him. And it hap- 
 >ened so ; for there were many that ran away, 
 and many were taken. Cyrus allowed the trea- 
 ures to those that seized them, but ordered 
 them to kill the men. So that afterwards, 
 even though one desired it, one could not easily 
 meet with a man that was going any where in 
 the night. And thus the Persians employed 
 themselves ; but the Medes drank and feasted, 
 ntertained themselves with the music of flutes, 
 and indulged themselves in all kinds of delights 
 and pleasure : for a multitude of things of that 
 sort had been taken. So that they who were 
 on the watch were in no want of work. 
 
 But Cyaxares, king of the Medes, that night 
 that Cyrus marched away, was drunk himself, 
 as well as those that were of his company in 
 the tent, it being on an occasion of happy suc- 
 cess. As he thought that the rest of the 
 Medes, excepting only some few, were still re- 
 maining in the camp, because he heard a mighty 
 noise and uproar ; for the servants of the Medes, 
 on their masters being gone, drank without 
 ceasing, and were very tumultuous : and the 
 more, because they had taken from the Assy- 
 rian army great quantities of wine, and abun- 
 dance of other such things. As soon as the 
 day came, and that nobody attended at his 
 doors, but they that had supped with him ; and 
 that he heard that the camp was left empty by 
 the Medes and by their horse; and that he 
 himself when he went out saw that this was 
 really the case ; he then broke out into a rage 
 at their going away and leaving him destitute. 
 And as he is said to have been very violent and 
 rash, he immediately commanded one of those 
 about him to take some horses with him, and 
 march with the utmost despatch to the army 
 that was with Cyrus, and to say thus : " I was 
 of opinion, Cyrus, that even you would not 
 have engaged in councils so imprudent and bad 
 for me ; or if Cyrus might have thought fit to 
 do so, I did not think that you, Medes, would 
 have consented to leave me thus destitute. 
 Now, therefore, whether Cyrus will or will not, 
 do you come away to me with the utmost des- 
 patch." This message he sent then; but he* 
 that received these orders to march said : "But 
 how, O sovereign, shall I be able to find 
 them ?" " And how should Cyrus," said he, 
 find those that he marched after ?" Truly 
 because," said he, as I hear, certain Hyrca- 
 nians who belonged to the enemy, and who had 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 65 
 
 revolted and came hither, went and led them 
 the way." Cyaxares hearing this, was in a 
 much greater rage at Cyrus for not having told 
 it him ; and he sent in much more haste to the 
 Medes that he might strip him of his forces : 
 he ordered them back with more vehemence 
 than before, and with threats. The messenger 
 likewise he threatened, in case he did not dis- 
 charge himself with vigour in the delivery of 
 his message. 
 
 The person that was thus sent marched with 
 about a hundred of his own horse, and* was 
 grieved that he himself had not gone with 
 Cyrus. As they proceeded in their march, 
 the roads dividing, they lost their way in a 
 beaten track, and could not get to Cyrus' army, 
 till meeting with some Assyrians that were re- 
 tiring, they forced them to be their guides ; and 
 ny this means getting sight of their fires, they 
 got up with them about midnight. When they 
 were got to the army, the guards, as was order- 
 ed them by Cyjus, did not admit them before 
 day. 
 
 And when day appeared, Cyrus, calling to 
 him the magi, commanded them to choose out 
 what was due to the gods on the occasion of 
 such advantages as they had obtained. These 
 men employed themselves accordingly. He 
 having summoned the alike-honoured, spoke to 
 them-thus : " My friends, the gods are pleased 
 to lay many advantages before us ; but we, O 
 Persians ! are at present but few in number to 
 secure to ourselves the possession of them ; for 
 the things that we have already gained, unless 
 we secure them by a guard, will fall again into 
 the power of others ; and if we leave some of 
 ourselves as guards to secure the things that are 
 already in our power, we shall immediately be 
 found to have no manner of strength remain- 
 ing. My opinion is, therefore, that some one 
 among you should go as soon as possible to the 
 Persians, acquaint them with what I say, and 
 bid them send an army as soon as they possibly 
 can, if the Persians desire that the dominion 
 of Asia, and the revenues that arise from it, 
 should belong to them. Go therefore," said 
 he, you who are the oldest man, and when 
 you arrive, say thus : that whatever soldiers 
 they send, when they come to me, it shall be 
 my care to maintain. You see all the advan- 
 tages that we have gained ; conceal no part of 
 them. What part of these things it will be 
 handsome and just for me to send to the gods, 
 ask of my father ; what to the public, ask of 
 
 the magistrates. Let them send people to see 
 what we do, and to acquaint them with what 
 we desire from them. Do you," said he, make 
 yourself ready, and take your company to at- 
 tend you." 
 
 After this he called the Medes, and with 
 them Cyaxares' messenger appeared, and before 
 all declared Cyaxares' anger to Cyrus, and his 
 threats to the Medes ; and in conclusion said : 
 " That he commanded the Medes to come 
 away though Cyrus should incline to stay." 
 The Medes, on hearing the messenger, were 
 silent, not knowing how they should disobey his 
 summons, and yet in fear how they should yield 
 obedience to him on his threats, especially 
 knowing the violence of the man. But Cyrus 
 then spoke : I do not at all wonder," said he, 
 " O messenger, and you Medes, that Cyaxares, 
 who had then seen a multitude of enemies, and 
 knew not what we were doing, should be under 
 concern both for us and for himself. But when 
 he knows that a great many of the enemy are 
 destroyed, and that they are all driven away be- 
 fore us, he will first cease to fear ; and will then 
 be convinced that he is not destitute at this 
 time, when his friends are destroying his ene- 
 mies. But how is it possible that we can de- 
 serve reproach for doing him service, and that 
 not of our own heads neither 1 for I prevailed 
 with him to allow me to march, and to take you 
 with me. It was not you that, from any desire 
 of your own to march, begged his leave to do 
 it, and so came hither ; but it was on orders 
 from himself to go, given to every one of you 
 that was not averse to it. I am therefore very 
 well satisfied that this anger of his will be al- 
 layed by our successes, and, when his fear 
 ceases, will quite vanish. Now therefore do 
 you messenger, take a little rest, since you have 
 undergone a great deal of fatigue. Let us, O 
 Persians ! since we expect the enemy to be 
 with us, either to fight or to submit themselves, 
 keep ourselves in the best order ; for while we 
 are observed to be so, it is probable we shall 
 succeed the better in what we desire. And do 
 you," said he, " prince of the Hyrcanians, at- 
 tend here, -after you have commanded the 
 leaders of your men to call them to arms." 
 
 When the Hyrcanians had done this, and 
 came to him, Cyrus said : It is a pleasure to 
 me, O Hyrcanian ! not only to perceive that 
 you attend here, after having given us marks of 
 your friendship, but that you appear to me to be 
 a man of great ability. It is evident that the 
 I 
 
66 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 same things are now alike advantageous to us 
 both ; for the Assyrians are enemies to me, 
 and are now more at enmity with you than with 
 myself. We must both of us therefore consult 
 how to prevent any of our allies that are at 
 present with us from falling off from us, and 
 if we can, how to acquire others. You have 
 heard the Mede deliver his orders to recall 
 their cavalry. If they leave us, how can we 
 that are foot remain alone ? You and I there- 
 fore must contrive that this messenger who 
 recalls them shall himself desire to stay with 
 us. Do you therefore find out for him, and 
 give him a tent where he may pass his time in 
 the handsomest manner, and with all things 
 convenient about him. I will endeavour to 
 employ him on some business that will be more 
 agreeable to him to do, than it will be to leave 
 us. Do you discourse to him on the many ad- 
 vantages we hope all our friends will make, in 
 case we are well supplied with every thing 
 necessary. And when you have done this, come 
 again to me." The Hyrcanian went, and con- 
 ducted the Mede to a tent. 
 
 And he that was going to the Persians at- 
 tended ready prepared. Cyrus directed him to 
 tell the Persians the things he had before men- 
 tioned in his discourse to him, and to deliver 
 to Cyaxares a letter. But," said he, I have 
 a mind to read, to you what I write, that being 
 apprised of the matter, you may own it, if any 
 body ask you about it." The contents of the 
 letter were thus : 
 
 CYRUS TO CYAXARES. 
 
 " Joy and happiness ! WeTiave neither left 
 you destitute, (for nobody, while they COT uer 
 their enemies, can be destitute of friends.) nor, 
 when we left you, did we imagine that we 
 brought you into danger ; but at the greater 
 distance we were from you, so much the more 
 security did we reckon we procured you ; for 
 they that sit themselves down the nearest to 
 their friends are not the men that be^t afford 
 their friends security ; but they that drive their 
 enemies to the greatest distance are the men 
 that put their friends the most out of danger. 
 Consider then what your conduct has been to 
 me, in return of what mine has been to you, 
 that you can yet blame me. I brought you 
 friends and allies ; not as many as you could 
 persuade, but as many as I was able. You 
 gave me, while I was yet on friendly ground, 
 as many as I could persuade to follow me ; and 
 
 now that I am in the enemy's territory, you 
 ecall not every one that is willing to be gone, 
 but all. At that time, therefore, I thought 
 myself obliged both to yourself and them ; but 
 now you force me to leave you out, and to en- 
 deavour to make all my returns of gratitude 
 and thanks to those that followed me. And 
 yet I cannot act like you ; but am now sending 
 to the Persians for an army, and give orders 
 that whatever numbers are sent me, if you 
 should be in any want of them before they reach 
 us, you are free to use them, not according to 
 their liking, but as you yourself please. And 
 though I am the younger man, yet I advise you 
 not to take away what you have once given, 
 lest you meet with ill-will instead of thanks ; 
 and when^jQu^jvould have any one to come 
 quicklj^ojrou, not to send for him with threats ; 
 and whejn yon f^lk of being destitute, not to 
 threaten a multitude, lest you tf ach them not 
 to mind you. We will endeavour to attend 
 you, as soon as we have effected the things that 
 we judge to be of advantage both to you and 
 us. Health attend you !" 
 
 " Deliver him this letter, and whatever he 
 asks you on the subject of these affairs, do you 
 answer conformable to what is here written ; 
 for with respect to the Persians, I give you 
 such orders as are expressed in the letter." 
 
 Having said thus to him, and given him the 
 letter, he dismissed him ; enjoining him withal 
 to use diligence ; as taking it for granted that 
 it would be of great advantage to him to be 
 quickly back again. 
 
 After this he observed all the Hyrcanians 
 and Tigranes' men already armed; and the 
 Persians were likewise armed ; at which time 
 some of the neighbouring people brought in 
 horses and arms. Such of the javelins as they 
 were not themselves in want of, he ordered 
 them to throw on the place where he had or- 
 dered others before ; and those whose business 
 it was, he ordered to burn them. But he com- 
 manded those who brought horses to stay and 
 look to them till he signified his intentions to 
 them. Then calling to him the commanders 
 of the horse and those of the Hyrcanians, he 
 spoke in this manner : " My friends and allies, 
 do not wonder," said he, that I call you fre- 
 quently together ; for our present circumstances 
 are new to us; many things are yet in disor- 
 der ; and things that are in disorder must of 
 necessity give us trouble till they are settled in 
 their proper places. We have now in our 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 67 
 
 power many treasures, as well as men captive ; 
 and by our not knowing which of these belong 
 to each of us, and by their not knowing who is 
 to each of them severally master, there are not 
 many of them that we see performing their 
 proper parts ; but almost all of them are at a 
 loss what to do. That things therefore may 
 not continue thus, do you distribute them. 
 Whoever is in possession of a tent fully sup- 
 plied with provisions of meat and drink, with 
 servants, carpets, and apparel, and with all 
 other thi/igs that a tent well accommodated for 
 military service is furnished with ; here there 
 is nothing farther necessary than that the pos- 
 sessor should understand that it is his part to 
 take care of these things as his own property. 
 But where any one is possessed of a tent, 
 where those things are wanting, after you have 
 discovered it, on examination, do you supply 
 what falls short ; for I know there will be of 
 many things more than enough ; because the 
 enemy was possessed of every thing in greater 
 proportion than suits our numbers. Besides, 
 there have been with me certain stewards be- 
 longing to the Assyrian king, and their other 
 great men, who have told' me that they had by 
 them sums of gold in coin, arising as they said, 
 from certain tributary payments. Make pro- 
 clamation therefore that these things be brought 
 to you where you sit ; and denounce terror and 
 punishments to whosoever does not execute 
 what you command them. Do you receive 
 these things, and distribute them ; to the horse- 
 men, double payments ; to the foot, single ; 
 that in case you want any thing, you may have 
 wherewithal to buy. And have it presently 
 proclaimed that nobody injure the camp-mar- 
 ket ; but that the sutlers and tradesmen sell 
 what each of them has for sale ; and when 
 they have disposed of these, that they fetch 
 more, that the camp may be supplied." 
 
 They immediately had these things proclaim- 
 ed. But the Medes and Hyrcanians spoke in 
 this manner : And now can we," said they, 
 " distribute these things without you and your 
 people 1 " Cyrus to this question replied thus : 
 " Is this then, friends," said he, " your opinion, 
 that whatever is to be done, we must all of us 
 attend on it ? and shall not I be thought suffi- 
 cient by you to transact any thing for you that 
 may be proper, nor you sufficient to transact 
 for us 1 By what other means can we possibly 
 create ourselves more trouble, and do less busi- 
 ness than by acting thus 1 But you see," said 
 
 he, " that we have been the guards that have 
 kept these things for you ; and you have repos- 
 ed a confidence in us that they have been well 
 and faithfully guarded. Do you on the other 
 hand distribute these things, and we will repose 
 a confidence in you, that they have been well 
 and justly distributed. And on other occa- 
 sions we will endeavour to perform some other 
 public service. And now, in the first place, 
 you observe how many horses we have at pre- 
 sent, and that others are continually brought to 
 us ; if we leave these without riders, they will 
 be of no manner of use to us, and will give us 
 trouble to take care of them ; but if we set 
 horsemen on them, we shall be freed from the 
 trouble, and shall add to our strength. If you 
 have others that you would give them to, with 
 whom it would be more pleasing to you to act 
 with on any occasion in war than with us, give 
 them the horses ; but if you would rather have 
 us for supporters and assistants, give them to 
 us ; for when you pushed on before us in the 
 late service, without us, you put us under great 
 apprehension lest you should come by some 
 misfortune ; and you made us ashamed that 
 we were not at hand wherever you were. But 
 if we once get horses we will follow you ; and 
 if it be thought of most service to engage on 
 horseback, in concert with you, we shall lose 
 nothing of our ardour and zeal ; but if it be 
 thought most proper to support you on foot, 
 then to alight will be obvious and easy to us ; 
 we shall be ready at your hands on foot, and 
 will contrive to find people to deliver our 
 horses to." 
 
 Thus he spoke ; and they replied : We 
 have neither men to mount on these horses, 
 nor, if we had, would we come to any other 
 determination, since you would have it thus. 
 Take, then," said they, the horses, and 
 do as you think best." " I receive them," 
 said he, and may good fortune attend on 
 our becoming horsemen ! Do you divide the 
 things that are in common ; but first take out for 
 the gods whatever the magi shall direct ; and 
 then take such things for Cyaxares as you think 
 most acceptable to him." They laughed, and 
 said, that beautiful women, then, were what 
 should be chosen for him. " Choose women, 
 then," said he, " and whatever else you think 
 proper : and when you have chosen for him, then 
 do you, Hyrcanians, do all you can to give en- 
 tire content to all these men that have volunta- 
 rily followed me. And you, O Medes ! reward 
 
68 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 these, our first allies, in such a manner as may 
 convince them that they took a right resolution 
 when they became our friends. And out of 
 the whole, give a share to the messenger that 
 is come from Cyaxares, both to himself and the 
 men that are with him, and exhort him to stay 
 with us, as being my opinion, jointly with 
 yours, that by means of his being better inform- 
 ed of every particular he may represent to 
 Cyaxares a full state of things : for the Per- 
 sians," said he, that are with me, let what re- 
 mains over and above, after you are all well pro- 
 vided for, be sufficient ; for," said he, " we have 
 not been brought up in a nice delicate way, but 
 in a coarse, rustic manner ; so that perhaps you 
 may laugh at us, if there should happen to be 
 any thing fine and magnificent left for our 
 share : as I know very well," said he, " we 
 shall give you a great deal of laughter and di- 
 version when we are set on horseback ; and so 
 we shall do, I believe," said he, " when we are 
 thrown from off our horses to the ground." 
 On this they went their ways to the distribu- 
 tion, laughing heartily at this new body of 
 horse. 
 
 But he, calling the centurions to him, order- 
 ed them to take the horses, the horse-furniture, 
 and the men that were to take care of them ; 
 and, after having numbered them, and drawn 
 lots by centuries, to take each of them a like 
 number. Cyrus himself ordered them to make 
 proclamation, that whatever slave there might 
 be, either in the Assyrian, Syrian, or Arabian 
 armies, whether he were Mede, Persian, Bac- 
 trian, Carian, Cilician, or Greek, or of any 
 other country, forced to serve, that he should 
 appear. These men, hearing the proclamation, 
 appeared joyfully before him in great numbers. 
 A.nd he, having chosen from amongst them the 
 most personable and sightly men, told them 
 that they should now become free, and bear 
 such arms as he would give them. To supply 
 them with all necessaries, he said, should be 
 his care ; and, bringing them immediately to 
 the centurions, he put them under their care, 
 and commanded them to give them shields and 
 a smaller sort of swords, that being thus equip- 
 ped they might attend the horse ; that they 
 should take all necessaries for these men as well 
 as for the Persians that were with him ; that 
 they themselves, with their corslets and lances, 
 should always march on horseback : and he be- 
 gan it himself; and that over the foot of the 
 alike-honoured they should, each of them out 
 
 of the number of the alike-honoured, appoint a 
 commander in his own stead. In these affairs 
 were these men employed. 
 
 VI. Meanwhile Gobryas, an Assyrian, and 
 a man in years, arrived on horseback, attended 
 by some cavalry, consisting of his own depen- 
 dents ; and they were all provided with arms 
 proper for horse. They that had been appoint- 
 ed to receive the arms bade them deliver their 
 lances that, they might burn them, as they had 
 done others before ; but Gobryas said that he 
 desired first to see Cyrus. Then they that at- 
 tended this service left the other horsemen 
 behind, and conducted Gobryas to Cyrus ; and, 
 as soon as he saw Cyrus, he spoke thus : " My 
 sovereign lord, I am by birth an Assyrian ; I 
 have a strong fortress in my possession, and 
 have the command of a large territory : I fur- 
 nished the Assyrian king with- a thousand 
 horse, and was very much his friend ; but since 
 he, who was an excellent man, has lost his life 
 in the war against you, and that his son, who is 
 my greatest enemy, now possesses the govern- 
 ment, I come and throw myself at your feet as 
 a supplicant, and give myself to you as a servant 
 and assistant in the war. I beg you to be my 
 revenger : I make you my son as far as it is pos- 
 sible. With respect to male issue, I am child- 
 less ; for he, sovereign ! that was my only 
 one, an excellent youth, who loved and honour-, 
 ed me to as great a degree as son could do to 
 make a father happy ; him did the present 
 king (the late king, the father of the present, 
 having sent for my son, as intending to give him 
 his daughter, and I sent him away, proud that 
 I should see my son married to the daughter of- 
 the king) invite to hunt with him, as a friend ; 
 and, on a bear appearing in view, they both 
 pursued. The present king having thrown his 
 javelin, missed his aim. that it had not 
 happened so ! and my son making his throw 
 unhappy thing ! brought the bear to the 
 ground. He was then enraged, but kept his 
 envy concealed ; but then again a lion falling 
 in their way, he again missed ; and that it 
 should happen so to him I do not think at all 
 wonderful ; but my son again hitting his mark, 
 killed the lion, and said, < I have twice thrown 
 single javelins, and brought the beasts both 
 times to the ground.' On this the impious 
 wretch contained his malice no longer, but, 
 snatching a lance from one of his followers, 
 struck it into his breast, and took away the life 
 of my dear and only son ! Then I, miserabl 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 69 
 
 man ! brought him away a corpse instead of a 
 bridegroom ; and I, who am of these years, buri- 
 ed him, my excellent and beloved son, a youth 
 just bearded. His murderer, as if he had de- 
 stroyed an enemy, has never yet appeared to 
 have had any remorse ; nor has he, in amends 
 for the vile action, ever vouchsafed to pay any 
 honour to him, who is now under the ground. 
 His father, indeed, had compassion, and plainly 
 appeared to join in affliction with me at this 
 misfortune; therefore, had he lived, I had 
 never applied to you to his prejudice ; for I 
 had received a great many instances of friend- 
 ship from him, and I served him. But since 
 the government has fallen to the murderer of 
 my son, I can never possibly bear him the least 
 good-will ; nor can he, I know very well, ever 
 reckon me his friend ; for he knows how I 
 stand affected towards him ; how I, who lived 
 with that joy and satisfaction before, must now 
 stand in this destitute condition, passing my 
 old age in sorrow. If you receive me, there- 
 fore, and that I can have hopes of obtaining, 
 by your means, a revenge for my dear son, I 
 shall think I arise again to new life : I shall 
 neither be ashamed, to live, nor, if I die, do I 
 think that I shall end my days with grief." 
 
 Thus he spoke. And Cyrus replied: <If 
 you make it appear, Gobryas, that you really 
 are in that disposition towards us that you ex- 
 press, I receive you as our supplicant, and, 
 with the help of the gods, I promise to revenge 
 you on the murderer. But tell me," said he, 
 " if we effect these things for you, and allow 
 you to hold your fortress, your territory, and 
 your arms, and the power that you had before, 
 what service will you do for us in return for 
 these things 1" He then said : My fortress 
 I will yield you for your habitation whenever 
 you please ; the same tribute for my territory, 
 that I used to pay to him, I will pay to you ; 
 wherever you shall make war I will attend you 
 in the service, with the forces of my territory ; 
 and I have besides," said he, " a maiden 
 daughter, that I tenderly love, just of an age 
 for marriage ; one that I formerly reckoned I 
 brought up as a wife for the person now reign- 
 ing ; but she herself has now begged me, with 
 many tears and sighs, not to give her to the 
 murderer of her brother ; and I join with her 
 
 in opinion. I here give you leave to deal with 
 her as I appear to deal by you." Then Cyrus 
 said : " On these terms," said he, " with truth 
 and sincerity do I give you my right hand, and 
 accept of yours. Let the gods be witnesses 
 between us !" When these things had passed, 
 he bade Gobryas go, and keep his arms : and 
 he asked him at what distance his habitation 
 was, it being his intention to go thither. He 
 then said : If you march to-morrow morning 
 you may quarter with us the next day. So 
 Gobryas went away and left a guide. 
 
 The Medes then came, after having deliver- 
 ed to the magi such things as they had said 
 were to be chosen for the gods. And they 
 had chosen for Cyrus a most beautiful tent ; a 
 Susian woman, that was said to have been the 
 most beautiful woman of all Asia; and two 
 other women that were the finest singers. 
 And they chose the same things over again 
 for Cyaxares. They had fully supplied them- 
 selves with all such things as they wanted, that 
 they might be in want of nothing in the course 
 of their service in the war ; for there were all 
 things in great abundance. The Hyrcanians 
 took likewise whatever they wanted ; and they 
 made Cyaxares' messenger an equal sharer with 
 them. As many tents as were remaining over 
 and above, they gave to Cyrus, that the Per- 
 sians might have them ; the money, they said, 
 they would divide as soon as it was collected : 
 and they divided it accordingly. These things 
 did these men do and say : but Cyrus ordered 
 such men to take and keep the things that be- 
 longed to Cyaxares as he knew to be most in- 
 timate with him. * And all that you give me/ 
 said he, " I accept with pleasure ; but he 
 among you," said he, " that is the most in want 
 of them shall have the use of them." A cer- 
 tain Mede, who was a lover of music, then said, 
 " In the evening, Cyrus, I heard these singers 
 that you now have, and I heard them with 
 pleasure : if you would give me one of them, I 
 believe it will be a greater pleasure to me to 
 attend the service of the war than to stay at 
 home." Then Cyrus said : " I give her to 
 you, and I think myself more obliged to you 
 for asking her of me, than you are to me for 
 having her ; so very desirous am I to please 
 you all." So he then took her away. 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK V. 
 
 II. Cyrus marches to Gobryaa, who presents him with his daughter His noble self-denial Commendation of 
 his friends Invites Gobryas to supper Obtains information respecting the enemy. III. Cyrus reaches the 
 boundaries of Gobryas' territory Arrives in the enemy's country, and takes considerable booty His distribution 
 of it Marches toward Babylon Sends a challenge to the Assyrian king, which is refused Is complimented by the 
 Hyrcanians The Cadusians and Sacians become his zealous allies. IV. Cyrus enters the territory of Gadatas, 
 who offers him rich presents, which are modestly declined The Cadusians make a private excursion from 
 Cyrus' army, and are put to flight by the Assyrians Cyrus' care of the dead and revenge on the enemy, stipulates 
 for peace with the Assyrians Assigns reasons for not advancing to the walls of Babylon. V. Cyrus takes three 
 forts' from the enemy Sends to Cyaxares for advice orders his tent to be furnished in the best manner 
 Receives a reinforcement of forty thousand Persian archers Interview between Cyaxares and Cyrus. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 I. CTRUS then calling to him Araspes the 
 Mede, (he that had been his companion from 
 a boy, to whom he gave the Median robe, that 
 he himself put off when he left Asty ages, and 
 departed for Persia,) commanded him to keep 
 the woman and tent for him. This woman 
 was wife of Abradatas, king of the Susians. 
 And when the camp of the Assyrians was taken, 
 her husband was not in the camp, but was gone 
 on an embassy to the king of the Bactrians. 
 The Assyrians had sent him to treat of an 
 alliance between them ; for he happened to have 
 contracted a friendship with the king of the 
 Bactrians. This woman therefore he ordered 
 Araspes to keep till such time as he took her 
 himself. But Araspes, having received his 
 command, asked him this question : 
 
 Cyrus," said he, " have you seen this wo- 
 man that you bid me keep !" No, by Jove !" 
 said he, " I have not." But I did," said he 
 when we choose her for you. Indeed, when 
 we first entered her tent we did not know her 
 for she was sitting on the ground, with all her 
 women servants round her, and was dressed in 
 the same manner as her servants were ; bui 
 when we, looked around, being desirous to know 
 which was the mistress, she immediately ap- 
 peared to excel the others, though she was 
 sitting with a veil over her, and looking down 
 on the ground. When we bade her rise, she 
 and all the servants round her, rose. Here then 
 she excelled first in stature, then in strength 
 and grace, and beautiful shape, though she was 
 standing in a dejected posture, and tears ap 
 peared to have fallen from her eyes, some on 
 her clothes, and some at her feet. As soon as 
 the eldest among us had said to her, Take 
 courage, woman ; we have heard that your hus- 
 band is indeed an excellent man, but we now 
 choose you out for a man that, be it known to 
 you, is not inferior to him, either in person, in 
 7 
 
 understanding, or in power ; but, as we think, 
 if there be a man in the world that deserves 
 admiration, Cyrus does, and to him hencefor- 
 ward you shall belong." As soon as the woman 
 heard this she tore down her robe, and set up 
 a lamentable cry, and her servants cried out at 
 the same time with her. On this most part of 
 her face discovered itself, and her neck and 
 hands appeared. And be it known to you, 
 Cyrus," said he, " that I, and the rest that saw 
 her, all thought that never yet was produced, 
 or born of mortals, such a woman, throughout 
 all Asia. And by all means," said he, " you 
 likewise shall see her." 
 
 Then Cyrus said : No, by Jove ! not I ; 
 and much the less, if she be such a one as you 
 say." " Why so 1" said the young man. " Be- 
 cause," said he, " if on hearing now from you 
 that she is handsome, I am persuaded to go and 
 see her at a time that I have not much leisure, 
 I am afraid that she will much more easily per- 
 suade me to go and see her again ; and after 
 that perhaps I may neglect what I am to do, 
 and sit gazing at her." The young man then 
 laughed, and said : And do you think, Cyrus, 
 that the beauty of a human creature can neces- 
 sitate one against his will, to act contrary to 
 what is best!" " If this were naturally so," 
 said he, " we should be all under the same ne- 
 cessity. You see how fire burns all people 
 alike ; for such is the nature of it. But of 
 beauties, some inspire people with love, and 
 some do not ; one loves one, and another an- 
 other ; for it is a voluntary thing, and every one 
 loves those that he pleases. A brother does 
 not fall in love with a sister, but somebody else 
 does ; nor is a father in love with a daughter, 
 but some other person is. Fear and the law 
 are a sufficient bar to love. If indeed," said 
 he, " the law should enjoin that they who did 
 not eat should not be hungry, and that they who 
 K 73 
 
74 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK 
 
 did not drink should not be thirsty ; that men 
 should not be cold in the winter, nor hot in 
 the summer ; no law in the world could make 
 men submit to these decisions, for by nature 
 they are subject to those things. But love is 
 a voluntary thing, and every one loves those 
 that suit him, just as he does his clothes or his 
 shoes." " How comes it to pass then," said 
 Cyrus, " if to love be a voluntary thing, that 
 we cannot give it over when we will 1 For I 
 have seen people," said he, " in tears for 
 grief, on account of love ; slaves to those they 
 were in love with, and yet thought slavery a 
 very great evil before they were in love ; giv- 
 ing away many things that they were never 
 the better for parting with ; wishing to be rid 
 of love, as they would of any other distemper, 
 and yet not able to get rid of it ; but bound 
 down by it, as by a stronger tie of necessity, 
 than if they were bound in iron chains ! they 
 give themselves up therefore to those they 
 love, to serve them in many odd and unaccount- 
 able ways : yet, with all their sufferings, they 
 never attempt making their escape, but keep 
 continual watch on their loves, lest they should 
 escape from them." 
 
 The young man to this said : " There are 
 people, indeed, that do these things ; but," 
 said he, " they are miserable wretches ; and 
 this I believe is the reason why they are al- 
 ways wishing themselves dead, as being 
 wretched and unhappy ; and though there are 
 ten thousand ways of parting with life, yet they 
 do not part with it. Just such wretches as 
 these are they that attempt thefts, and will not 
 abstain from what belongs to others ; but when 
 they have plundered or stolen any thing, you 
 see," said he, " that you are the first that ac- 
 cuse the thief and the plunderer, as reckon- 
 ing theft to be no such fatal necessary thing, 
 and you do not pardon, but punish it. So 
 people that are beautiful do not necessitate 
 others to love them, nor to covet what they 
 ought not ; but mean wretched men are im- 
 potent, I know, in all their passions, and then 
 they accuse love. Men, excellent and wor- 
 thy, though they have inclinations both for 
 gold, fine horses, and beautiful women, can 
 yet with ease abstain from any of them, so as 
 not to touch them contrary to right : I, there- 
 fore," said he, " who have seen this woman, 
 and think her very beautifnl, yet I am here at- 
 tending on you, and I am abroad on horseback, 
 and in all other respects I discharge my duty." 
 
 " But, By Jove !" said Cyrus, "perhaps you 
 retired before the time that love naturally lays 
 hold of a man. It is the nature of fire not 
 immediately to burn the man that touches it, 
 and wood does not immediately blaze out ; 
 yet still I am not willing either to meddle 
 with fire, or to look at beautiful persons ; nor 
 do I advise you, Araspes, to let your eyes 
 dwell long on beauties, for as fire burns those 
 that touch it, beauties catch hold of those that 
 look at them, though at a distance, and set 
 them on fire with love." 
 
 " Be easy," said he, " Cyrus ; though I look 
 at her without ceasing, I will not be so con- 
 quered as to do any thing that I ought not." 
 " You speak," said he, " very handsomely ; 
 guard her, therefore," said he, " as I bid you, 
 and be careful of her ; for perhaps this woman 
 may be of service to us on some occasion or 
 other." And having discoursed thus they 
 parted. 
 
 The young man, partly by seeing the woman 
 to be extremely beautiful, and being apprized 
 of her worth and goodness, partly by waiting 
 on her, and serving her, with intention to 
 please her, and partly by his finding her not to 
 be ungrateful in return, but that she took care 
 by her servants that all things convenient 
 should be provided for him when he came in, 
 and that he should want nothing when he was 
 ill ; by all these means he was made her cap- 
 tive in love, and perhaps what happened to 
 him in this case was what need not be wonder- 
 ed at. 
 
 Thus were these things transacted. 
 
 But Cyrus, designing that both the Medes 
 and allies should stay with him of their own 
 accord, summoned together all the proper per- 
 sons, and when they were met, spoke to this 
 effect ; Medes, and all you that are here 
 present, I know very well that you came with f 
 me, not out of any desire of getting money,! 
 nor with the thought of serving Cyaxares by I 
 it, but you were willing to oblige me by it, | 
 and, in honour to me, you resolved to under- 
 take a march by night, and to embark your- 
 selves in dangers and hazards with me ; and if 
 I am not very unjust, I must acknowledge my- 
 self indebted to you for these things. But I 
 do not think I am yet able to make you a due 
 return for them : this I am not ashamed to 
 say. But that I will make you just returns if 
 you stay with me ; this, be it known to you 
 I should be ashamed to tell you ; for I should 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 75 
 
 think that it would look as if I said this only 
 to make you the more willing to stay with me. 
 Instead of that, therefore, I say this ; if you 
 now go away in obedience to Cyaxares, yet 
 will I endeavour, if I act with success, to deal 
 by you in such a manner as shall make you 
 applaud me. For my own part, I will not go ; 
 and the Hyrcanians, to whom I have given 
 my oath and my right hand, I will stand by ; 
 I will not be caught betraying them. And 
 for Gobryas, who delivers us up his fortress, 
 his territory, and his whole force, I will en- 
 deavour to bring it about that he shall not re- 
 pent of his journey to me ; and, what is above 
 all, when the gods so evidently deliver all these 
 advantages into our hands, I ought to rever- 
 ence them, and be ashamed to make a rash 
 retreat and abandon all. Thus, therefore," 
 said he, " will I act ; do you as you judge 
 proper, and tell me what your mind is." Thus 
 he spoke. 
 
 And he who before had said that he was 
 related to Cyrus replied; "As for me," said 
 he, " O king ! for you I take to be as much, 
 by birth and nature, my king, as the particular 
 bee in a hive is born the leader of the bees ; 
 for that one they willingly obey ; where that 
 remains, not one from thence departs ; that 
 remove, not one of them is left behind, so 
 strong is the affection thev are inspired with 
 to be governed by it : and men seem to me to be 
 almost exactly thus disposed towards you ; for 
 when you left us, and went into Persia, what 
 Mede, either young or old, stayed behind, and 
 did not follow you, till Astyages made us 
 turn back 1 When you sent out from Persia 
 to our assistance, we again saw almost all your 
 friends voluntarily following you ; and when 
 you were desirous to undertake the expedition 
 hither, all the Medes willingly attended you ; 
 and we. now stand so disposed, as that, with 
 you, though we are in an enemy's country, we 
 have courage, and without you we are afraid 
 even to go home. Let the rest therefore speak 
 for themselves, and declare what they will do. 
 I, Cyrus, and they that are under my com- 
 mand, will remain with you, and, comforted 
 with the sight of you, and supplied by your 
 bounty, we will undergo any thing, and bear 
 it with bravery." 
 
 On this Tigranes spoke thus : " Do not at 
 all wonder," said he, " Cyrus, if I am silent ; 
 for my soul," said he, " is not prepared for ad- 
 
 vising you, but for executing what you com 
 mand." 
 
 Then the Hyrcanian said : " For my part, 
 O Medes ! if you now go away, I should say 
 it were the pleasure of some deity not to suffer 
 you to be highly fortunate and happy ; for what 
 human creature can determine for turning back 
 when the enemies are flying 1 or when they de- 
 liver their arms, would refuse to accept them ? 
 or when they deliver up themselves, and all 
 that belongs to them, would refuse to receive 
 them ; especially when we have such a leader 
 as, in my opinion, and I swear it to you by all 
 the gods, is more pleased with doing us good 
 than with enriching himself!" On this the 
 Medes all said thus : " You, Cyrus ! have 
 led us out, and do you, when you think i pro- 
 per to retire, lead us back again with you." 
 
 Cyrus, having heard these things, made this 
 prayer: " But do thou, greatest Jove! I beg 
 thee, grant me to exceed in good offices those 
 that pay me such honour !" 
 
 On this he ordered the rest to place their 
 guards, and attend to the care of themselves. 
 But the Persians he ordered to take possession 
 of their tents ; the horsemen such as were pro- 
 per for them, and the foot such as were suffi- 
 cient for the foot ; and he ordered things to be 
 so regulated, that they who were in the tents 
 despatching the business there, should bring 
 all necessaries to the Persians in their ranks, 
 and see that the horses were taken care of, that 
 the Persians might have no other work to do 
 but the business of war. This day they thus 
 
 II. And the next morning when they rose 
 they marched to join Gobryas. Cyrus march- 
 ed on horseback, as did also the Persian horse- 
 men, who were about two thousand. They 
 who held the shields and the swords of these 
 men followed after them, being equal to them 
 in number ; and the rest of the army marched 
 in order of battle. He ordered every one to 
 tell their new servants, that whoever of them 
 should be seen either behind the rear-guard or 
 before the front, or should be caught on the 
 outside of those that were in their ranks on 
 either wing, should be punished. On the se- 
 cond day, towards the evening, they reached the 
 habitation of Gobryas. They saw it to be an 
 exceeding strong fortress, and that all things 
 were provided upon the walls proper for a vigo- 
 rous defence ; and thev saw abundance of oxen 
 
76 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 and sheep brought under the fortifications. Go- 
 bryas then, sending to Cyrus, bade him ride 
 round, and see where the access was most easy, 
 and send in to him some of those that he con- 
 fided in, who, having seen how things stood 
 within, might give him an account of them. So 
 Cyrus, desiring in reality to see if the fortress 
 might be taken on any side, or whether Gobry 
 as might be discovered to be false, rode round 
 on every side, but saw every part too strong to 
 be approached. They that Cyrus sent in to 
 Gobryas brought him an account, that there 
 was such plenty of all good things within as 
 could not, as they thought, even in the age of 
 a man, come to fail the people that were there. 
 Cyrus was under concern about what all this 
 might mean. But Gobryas himself came out 
 to him, and brought out all his men ; some car- 
 rying wine, some meal, and others driving oxen, 
 sheep, hogs, and goats, and of every thing that 
 was eatable ; they brought sufficient to furnish 
 a handsome supper for the whole army that was 
 with Cyrus. They that were appointed to this 
 service made distribution of all these things, 
 and they all supped. But Gobryas, when all 
 his men were come out, bade Cyrus enter in 
 the manner that he thought the most safe. Cy- 
 rus therefore, sending in before certain people 
 to view and search into things, and a force with 
 them, then entered himself; and when he was 
 got in, keeping the gates open, he summoned 
 all his friends and the commanders that had at- 
 tended him : and when they were come in, Go- 
 bryas, producing cups of gold, and vessels of 
 various kinds, all manner of furniture and ap- 
 parel, daricks, without number, and magnificent 
 things of all kinds ; and at last bringing out his 
 daughter (who was astonishingly beautiful and 
 tall, but in affliction on the death of her bro- 
 ther,) spoke thus : 
 
 " Cyrus, all these treasures I give you, and 
 this daughter of mine I intrust you with to dis- 
 pose of as you think fit : but we are both of us 
 your supplicants : I, before, that you would be 
 the revenger of my son ; and she, now, that 
 you would be the revenger of her brother." 
 
 Cyrus to this said : " I promised you, then, 
 that, if you were not false to us, I would re- 
 venge you to the utmost of my power ; and 
 now that I find you true to us, I am under the 
 obligation of that promise. And I now pro- 
 mise her, with the help of the gods, to perform 
 it. These treasures," said he, " I accept, but 
 give them to this your daughter, and to the 
 
 man that shall marry her. But I go off 
 with one present from you, that I could not 
 go off with more pleasure with the treasures of 
 Babylon, where there are abundance; nor even 
 with those of the whole world, were they to bo 
 exchanged for this that you have now presented 
 me with." 
 
 Gobryas, wondering what it should be, and 
 suspecting that he meant his daughter, asked 
 him thus : " Cyrus !" said he, " what is it?" 
 
 Then Cyrus replied : " Gobryas," said he, 
 " it is this. I believe here may be abundance 
 of men that would not be guilty either of im- 
 piety, injustice, or falsehood ; and yet, because 
 nobody will throw either treasures, or power, 
 or strong fortresses, or lovely children in their 
 way, die before it comes to appear what they 
 were. But you, by having now put into my 
 hands both strong fortresses, and riches of all 
 kinds, your whole force, and your daughter, 
 who is so valuable a possession, have made me 
 clearly appear to all men to be one that would 
 neither be guilty of impiety towards friends that 
 receive and entertain me, nor of injustice for 
 the sake of treasure, nor willingly false to faith 
 in compacts. This therefore, be you assured, T 
 will not forget, while lama just man, and while 
 as such I receive the applause of men, but I will 
 endeavour to make you returns of honour in all 
 things great and noble : and do not be afraid of 
 wanting a husband for your daughter, and such 
 a one as shall be worthy of her; for I have 
 many excellent friends, and, amongst them, 
 whoever it is that marries her, whether he will 
 have either as much treasure as you have given, 
 or a great deal more, I am not able to say ; but 
 be assured that there are some of them who, for 
 all the treasures you have bestowed, do not on 
 that account esteem you one jot the more. But 
 they are at this time my rivals ; they supplicate 
 all the gods that they may have an opportunity 
 of showing themselves that they are not less 
 faithful to their friends than I am : that, while 
 alive, they will never yield to their enemies, 
 unless some god should blast their endeavours ; 
 and that for virtue and good reputation, they 
 would not accept of all the treasures of the Sy- 
 rians and Assyrians added to yours. Such^ 
 men, be you assured, are sitting here." 
 
 Gobryas, smiling at this " By the gods !" 
 said he, " Cyrus, pray show me where these 
 men are, that I may beg one of them of you to 
 be my son." " Do nototrouble yourself," said 
 he, it will not be at all necessary for you to 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRU. 
 
 77 
 
 inquire that of me. If you will but attend us, 
 you yourself will be able to show them every 
 one to any body else." 
 
 And having said this, he took Gobryas by 
 the right hand, rose, went out, and brought out 
 all that were with him ; and though Gobryas 
 repeatedly desired him to take his supper with- 
 in, yet he would not do it, but supped in the 
 camp, and took Gobryas to sup with him. Af- 
 ter he had laid himself down on a mattress, he 
 asked him thus : " Tell me," said he, Gobry- 
 as, whether do you think that you, or we here, 
 have the greatest plenty of furniture for 
 couches 1" He replied: By Jove! I know 
 very well that you have the furniture of this 
 kind in greatest abundance, and couches too in 
 greater number : and then your habitations are 
 much larger than mine ; for you have heaven 
 and earth for a habitation, and couches you have 
 as many as there are places on the earth to lie 
 on : and for their furniture, you do not only 
 think that you have as much of it as there grows 
 of wool on the backs of sheep, but as much as 
 there is of stubble and brushwood that the 
 mountains and plains produce." 
 
 But Gobryas theft supping with him for the 
 first time, and observing the coarseness of the 
 meats that were set before them, thought that 
 they themselves lived in a much nobler man- 
 ner than these people. But he afterwards con- 
 sidered their great temperance ; for no disci 
 plined Persian ever appeared struck with any 
 sort of meats or drink, either by eagerness in 
 his eyes, or by greediness, or by any such in- 
 tenseness of mind, as not to give the same at- 
 tention to things as if he were not taken up in 
 eating ; but as good horsemen, by keeping them- 
 selves easy and undisturbed on horseback, are 
 able at the same time to see, to hear, and to 
 speak what is proper ; so they think, that while 
 they are at their food, they ought to appear dis- 
 creet and temperate ; and to be much moved 
 with any sort of meat or drink, they take to be 
 selfish and brutal. He considered likewise 
 their manner of converse, in asking each other 
 such questions as were more agreeable to be 
 asked than not ; in jesting with each other in 
 such a manner as was more pleasing than if let 
 alone ; and of their sporting with each other, 
 but so as to keep at the greatest distance from 
 being abusive, or from doing any thing indecent 
 and ugly, and from giving one another offence. 
 But what seemed to him to be above all was, 
 that men engaged in military service should 
 7* 
 
 think that none of those engaged in the same 
 dangers should be served with greater plenty 
 than others ; but they reckoned it their noblest 
 feast to provide in the best manner for those 
 that were to be their fellow-combatants. And 
 when Gobryas rose up to go to his house, he is 
 reported to have said : 
 
 " It is no longer a wonder to me, Cyrus, that 
 we possess these fine vessels, gold, and rich 
 habits, in greater abundance than you do, and 
 that we are much less deserving than you are ; 
 for we do our endeavours to obtain as many of 
 these things as we can, and your endeavours 
 are to make yourselves the most excellent 
 men." Thus he spoke ; and Cyrus said : 
 " Take care, Gobryas, to attend in the morn- 
 ing with your horse, ready in arms, that we 
 may see your force, and at the same time, that 
 you may conduct us through your territory, that 
 we may know what we are to reckon belonging 
 to our friends, and what to our enemies." 
 
 And having thus discoursed, they parted, 
 each retiring to his proper business. 
 
 When day came, Gobryas attended with his 
 horse, and led them the way. But Cyrus, as 
 became a commarfder, was not only attentive 
 to his present march, but as he advanced, con- 
 sidered whether it was in his power, by any 
 means, to distress and weaken the enemy, and 
 to strengthen themselves. Calling, therefore, 
 the Hyrcanian and Gobryas to him, for he judg- 
 ed that these understood best the things that he 
 thought it necessary for him to be informed of 
 " My friends," said he, " I do not think that 
 I am in the wrong, when I consult with you on 
 the subject of this war, as with men that are 
 faithful and true ; for I find that it is" more 
 your business than mine to take care that the 
 Assyrian do not get the better of us : I, per- 
 haps, though I fail in my undertaking here, may 
 yet have a farther resource ; but if he get the 
 better, I see that all is lost for you. He is, in- 
 deed, my enemy, but not out of any hatred he 
 bears me, but because he thinks it a damage 
 to himself that we should be considerable, and 
 this was the reason he made war on us. But 
 you he hates, and by you he thinks himself un- 
 justly dealt with." To this they both answer- 
 
 : " That he should proceed as he intended, 
 and as concluding that they were convinced of 
 what he said, and under the greatest care and 
 concern for the turn that the present state of 
 their affairs might take." Here then he thus 
 began : Tell me, said he, does the Assyrian 
 
78 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 think that you are the only people at enmity 
 with him ? or do you know any body else that 
 is his enemy ?" " Yes, by Jove !" said the 
 Hyrcanian, " the Cadusians are his enemies in 
 the highest degree, and are a strong and nu- 
 merous people : the Sacians too, that are our 
 borderers, and who have undergone a great 
 many hardships under the Assyrian, for he en- 
 deavoured to subdue them as he did us." " Do 
 not you think, therefore," said he, that they 
 would both, with pleasure, fall on the Assy- 
 rian, in conjunction with us 1" " With a great 
 deal of pleasure," said they, if they could 
 join us." What is there then between," said 
 he, "to hinder our joining 1" "The Assy- 
 rians," said they ; " the very nation that you 
 are now marching through." 
 
 After Cyrus had heard this "Well, Go- 
 bryas," said he, " do you not charge this young 
 man that is now established as king with great 
 pride and insolence of temper ?" " Yes," said 
 Gobryas, " for I have suffered by him accord- 
 ingly." " And has he then," said Cyrus, " been 
 so only to you ? or has he been so to other 
 besides 1 ?" By Jove!" said Gobryas, "to 
 many others. But what need I mention the 
 wrongs he has done to the inconsiderable 1 
 There is one man abundantly more powerfu 
 than myself, on whose son, being his compan- 
 ion, as mine was, and drinking with him at his 
 own house, he inflicted a most serious injury 
 because, as some say, his courtesan had com- 
 mended him as a handsome man, and pronounc- 
 ed that woman happy who was to be his wife 
 But, as he himself now says, it was because h< 
 had made advances to his courtesan. This 
 man, however, since the death of his father 
 holds that government." " Do you not think 
 therefore," said he, " that this man would see 
 us with pleasure if he thought we would sup 
 port him ?" " I know it very well," said Go 
 bryas : but to come at the sight of him, Cy 
 rus, is a difficult matter." " How so ?" sai< 
 Cyrus. " Because if any one has a mind t 
 join him, one must pass by Babylon itself.' 
 " And what difficulty then is therein this 1 ? 1 
 " The difficulty, by Jove !" said Gobryas, " is 
 that the forces that belong to that place alone 
 I know to be much greater than those you hav 
 at present with you ; and be assured that th 
 Assyrians are now less forward than before t 
 bring you arms and horses ; for this reason 
 that your force appears to be but little to thos 
 that have had a view of it ; and the discours 
 
 f this has been already much spread abroad 
 mong them. So it seems to me," said he, " to 
 e best for us to be on our guard, and cautious 
 o our march." 
 
 Cyrus hearing this from Gobryas, spoke to 
 aim in this manner: 
 
 ; In my opinion,jGobryas, you say very well 
 when you bid us take the safest course we can 
 with respect to our march : and therefore, on 
 Consideration, I am not able to find that any 
 ther march is safer for us than that to Baby- 
 on itself, if the principal strength of the enemy 
 ies there ; for you say they are very numerous ; 
 and, if they are in spirit, then I say they will 
 )e terrible to us. By not seeing us therefore, 
 nd by imagining that it is our fear of them that 
 teeps us from appearing ; be assured," said he, 
 that they will be released from the fear that 
 las been on them ; courage will spring up in 
 ts stead, and a courage that will be so much 
 the greater, as they are the longer without see- 
 ng us. ^If we march instantly up to them, we 
 shall find many of them lamenting for those 
 that we have killed, many still bound up by 
 reason of the wounds they received from our 
 people, and all of them stifl well remembering 
 the boldness of this army as well as their own 
 misfortune and flight. And be assured, Go- 
 bryas, of this besides, that a multitude, when 
 they are in spirit, raise in themselves such a 
 courage as nothing can withstand ; but when 
 they are in fear, they bring on themselves such 
 a terror as is the greater, and strikes on them so 
 much the more as they are the more in number : 
 for it falls on them, increased by numerous sto- 
 ries of misfortune, and gathers to a head from 
 many unhappy circumstances, and from multi- 
 tudes of dejected and astonished looks. So that 
 it grows to such a height, that it is no easy 
 matter either to suppress it by any discourse, or 
 to raise a spirit by leading to the enemy, or to 
 nurse up a courage by retreating ; but the more 
 you exhort them to confidence, they imagine 
 themselves to be in so much the more danger- 
 ous circumstances. And now let us examine 
 strictly into this particular farther. And in- 
 deed if victories from henceforward are acts to 
 be performed only by that party that can reckon 
 the greatest numbers, you are in the right to 
 fear for us, and we are in reality in dangerous 
 circumstances. But if engagements, as here- 
 tofore they have been, are still decided by good 
 combatants, you will not be at all in the wrong 
 to be of good heart ; for with the help of the 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 79 
 
 gods, you will find more amongst us that are 
 forward to engage than amongst them. And 
 that you may be still more in spirit, consider 
 this : that the enemies are at this time much 
 weaker than they were before they were beat- 
 en by us, and still weaker than when they fled 
 from us ; but we are more in vigour since we 
 have been victorious, and stronger since you 
 have joined us : for do not still think con- 
 temptuously of your people, now that they are 
 with us ; for be assured, Gobryas, that they 
 that attend the victorious, follow with confi- 
 dence ; nor let this escape your notice," said he, 
 " that' the enemy -is now at full liberty to see 
 us ; but we cannot, by any means, make our 
 appearance with greater terror to ihem than by 
 our marching up to them. As this therefore 
 is my fixed opinion, do you lead us directly the 
 way to Babylon." 
 
 III. So marching on, they reached the boun- 
 daries of Gobryas' territory on the fourth day. 
 When he had got into the enemy's country, he 
 took the foot to himself, and as many of the 
 horse as he thought proper, and formed them. 
 The rest of the horse he sent out on excur- 
 sions : he ordered them to kill those that were 
 in arms, but to bring the rest to him, together 
 with whatever sheep .or cattle they should take. 
 He ordered out the Persians likewise on this 
 service with the orders ; and many of them re- 
 turned, after having got falls from their horses ; 
 but many of them brought off considerable 
 booty. When the booty arrived, and that he 
 had called together the commanders of the 
 Medes and Hyrcanians, together with the alike- 
 honoured, he spoke thus : 
 
 Gobryas, my friends, has entertained us all 
 with good things in great abundance : there- 
 fore," said he, " after having taken out what is 
 due to the gods, and what will be sufficient for 
 the army, if we should give the remainder of 
 the booty to him, we should do a handsome 
 thing, by making it immediately appear that 
 we endeavour in benefits to exceed our bene- 
 factors." 
 
 When they had heard this they all commend- 
 ed and applauded it ; and one of them spoke 
 thus : " This we will do, Cyrus," said he, " by 
 all means ; for I believe that Gobryas took us 
 for beggarly people, because we came not with 
 daricks in abundance, and do not drink out of 
 golden cups ; but if we do this that you pro- 
 pose, he may then understand that it is possi- 
 ble to bo generous, even without gold. G% 
 
 then," said he, and having delivered to the 
 magi what is due to the gods, and taken what 
 is sufficient for the army, call Gobryas, and 
 give him the remainder." 
 
 So these men, having taken as much as was 
 proper, gave the rest to Gobryas. On this he 
 marched on to Babylon itself, making the same 
 disposition as when he fought ; and the As- 
 syrians declining to come out against him, Cy- 
 rus commanded Gobryas<to ride on before, and 
 to declare that if the king were willing to come 
 out and fight for his territory, he would fight 
 him ; but if he would not defend his territory, 
 that then of necessity he was to submit to his 
 conquerors. Gobryas, riding on as far as it 
 was safe, notified these things. And the other 
 sent out one to return him an answer in this 
 manner : 
 
 " Gobryas, your sovereign says to you tnus : 
 that I have killed your son, I do not repent ; 
 but I repent that I have not killed you like- f 
 wise ! If you would fight, come hither on the 
 thirtieth day from hence : we are at this time 
 not at leisure, for we are yet employed in our 
 preparations." 
 
 Then Gobryas said : " May that repentance 
 never quit you ! for it is plain I am a torment 
 to you, from the moment that this repentance 
 takes place." 
 
 Gobryas brought back the message from the 
 Assyrian ; and Cyrus having heard it, drew off 
 the army ; and calling Gobryas to him " Tell 
 me," said he, " did you not say that you thought 
 a certain person who had been seriously injured 
 by the Assyrian would take part with us 1" " I 4 
 think I know it very well," said he ; " for he 
 and I have often conferred together with great 
 freedom." " When you think it proper there- 
 fore do you go to him ; and, in the first place, 
 you must manage so as to know what he says 
 on the subject ; and when you have conferred 
 with him, if you find him inclined to be our 
 friend, you must then contrive that his friend- 
 ship for us may be kept concealed ; for no one 
 can by any other means do greater service to 
 his friends in war, than by appearing to be 
 their enemy ; nor can he by any other means 
 do greater mischief to his enemy than by ap- 
 pearing to be their friend." I know indeed," 
 said Gobryas, " that Gadatas would pay any 
 price to do some considerable mischief to the 
 Assyrian king; but then we must consider 
 what it is that he can do." Tell me, then," 
 said Cyrus, "that fortress that lies on the 
 
80 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 frontiers of this country, and that you say was 
 built as a barrier and defence to it, in war 
 against the Hyrcanians and Sacians ; do you 
 think," said he, " that the commander of it 
 would admit Gadatas into it if he came thither 
 with his forces 1" " Certainly," said Gobryas, 
 "if he came unsuspected as he now is." 
 " Therefore," said he, " he would stand the 
 clearest from all suspicion, if I should fall on 
 the places that are in his possession, as intend- 
 ing to make myself master of them, and he 
 should act with his forces against me ; if I 
 should take something of his, and he on the 
 other side should take either some others of 
 our people, or some of those messengers that I 
 send to such people as you say are enemies to 
 the Assyrian ; and if the people so taken de- 
 clare that they were going to get forces, and to 
 fetch ladders for the attack of the fortress ; and 
 if Gadatas then pretend, that on hearing these 
 things, he attended him with intention to give 
 
 him an account of them " 
 
 Then Gobryas said, " If these things are 
 thus transacted, I know very well that he 
 would admit him, and would beg him to stay 
 till you were gone." " And then," said Cyrus 
 " if he were once got in, could he not give up 
 the fortress into our hands?" "Very pro- 
 bably," said Gobryas, " if he prepared matters 
 within, and you brought a considerable strength 
 on them from without." Go then," said he 
 " and after you have given him your instruc- 
 tions and accomplished these matters, endea- 
 vour to be here with us again : but as for his 
 securities of our keeping faith with him, I de- 
 sire you would neither mention nor intimate 
 to him any greater than those that you your- 
 self received from us." 
 
 On this Gobryas went his way. Gadatas 
 seeing him, with great pleasure consented in 
 every thing, and settled with him the thing! 
 that were proper to be done. 
 
 And when Gobryas brought back an accoun 
 that the whole business of his errand was firm 
 ly settled and agreed with Gadatas, then the 
 next day Cyrus fell on him. He defended him 
 self against the attack : the place that Cyru 
 took was that that Gadatas had appointed : ol 
 the messengers that Cyrus sent, directing them 
 beforehand which way they should go, som 
 Gadatas suffered to escape, that they migh 
 bring forces and fetch ladders ; but those tha 
 he took he put to the torture before a grea 
 many people ; and when he had heard wha 
 
 hey declared to be the business they were 
 about, he immediately prepared all things, and 
 marched in the night, as intending to go and 
 give an account of it : to conclude, he was 
 rusted, and he entered the fortress as an as- 
 sistant in defence of it : for a while he concur- 
 ed with the governor in all preparations as far 
 as he was able ; but when Cyrus came up he 
 seized the fortress, making the prisoners he had 
 ,aken from Cyrus his assistants in the work. 
 
 When this was accomplished, Gadatas, hav- 
 ng settled matters within, came out immedi 
 ately to Cyrus, and having paid him his ado- 
 ration in the accustomed manner, he said : 
 Happiness, Cyrus, and joy to you !" " I 
 tiave it," said he, " already ; for, with the help 
 of the gods, you not only bespeak joy to me, 
 but you oblige me to rejoice : for be assured," 
 said he, " I take it to be a thing of great im- 
 portance to leave this place to my friends and 
 allies in these parts. Your having of children, 
 Gadatas, is what the Assyrian, it seems, has 
 rendered hopeless ; but the power of acquiring 
 friends he has not deprived you of ; and be as- 
 sured that, by this action, you have made 
 friends of us, who will endeavour, if we are 
 able, to be as good supporters to you as if you 
 had sons or posterity." Thus he spoke. 
 
 On this the Hyrcanian, who had just got 
 notice of what had happened, ran to Cyrus, and 
 taking him by the right hand, said : " O how 
 great a blessing, Cyrus, are you to your 
 friends ! what a debt of gratitude and thanks 
 do you bring me under to the gods, for having 
 united me to you !" " Go then, presently," 
 said Cyrus, " and take possession of the place 
 you are so pleased with me for, and dispose of 
 it in such a manner as it may be of most ad- 
 vantage to your own nation and to. our other 
 allies ; but chiefly," said he, " to Gadatas, here, 
 who has taken it, and delivered it up to us." 
 " Therefore," said the Hyrcanian, " when the 
 Cadusians, the Sacians, and my countrymen 
 are come, shall we call in this man too, that all 
 we who are concerned may consult in common 
 how we may make use of this fortress to the 
 best advantage!" Cyrus applauded the pro- 
 posal ; and when all that were concerned in the 
 affair of this fortress were met, they jointly de- 
 termined that it should be kept by those who 
 had an advantage by its being in their interest, 
 that it might be a bulwark and defence to them, 
 and their rampart against the Assyrians. When 
 this was done the Cadusians engaged with 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 81 
 
 much more readiness and zeal in the service, 
 as did likewise the Sacians and Hyrcanians ; 
 and from that time there was formed an army 
 of Cadusians, consisting of twenty thousand 
 shield-men, and four thousand horse ; of Sa- 
 cians, an army consisting of ten thousand bow- 
 men on foot, and two thousand on horseback. 
 The Hyrcanians sent out all the foot that they 
 were able, and filled up their horse to the num- 
 ber of two thousand ; for most of their horse 
 were at first left behind, because the Cadusians 
 and Sacians were enemies to the Assyrians. 
 And all the time that Cyrus lay employed 
 about the regulating this fortress, many of the 
 Assyrians in those parts brought horses and 
 many brought arms, being afraid of all their 
 neighbours. 
 
 On this Gadatas comes to Cyrus, and tells 
 him that there were messengers arrived, who 
 told him that the Assyrian, when he was in- 
 formed of what had passed in the affair of the 
 fortress, was extremely incensed, and made 
 preparations to fall on his territory. " There- 
 fore, Cyrus, if you would dismiss me, I would 
 endeavour to save my places of strength ; of 
 the rest I make less account." Then Cyrus 
 said : If you set out now, when shall you be 
 at home 1 ?" And Gadatas said : " I shall sup 
 in my own territory the third day." And do 
 you think," said he, "that you will find the 
 Assyrian already there?" I know very well," 
 said he, " that I shall ; for he will make so 
 much the more haste, as he thinks you to be at 
 the greater distance." " And in how many 
 days," said Cyrus, might I get thither with 
 the army 1" To this Gadatas said: O my 
 sovereign ! you have a very great army, and 
 you would not be able to reach my habitation 
 in less than six or seven days." " Do you 
 then," said Cyrus, " go your way as soon as 
 you can, and I will march with all possible 
 despatch." 
 
 Gadatas then went his way, and Cyrus call- 
 ed together all the commanders of his allies ; 
 and he seemed now to have a great many, and 
 full of courage ; and in their presence he spoke 
 to this effect : " Friends and allies ! Gadatas 
 has performed sych things as we all judge to be 
 of very great value to us, and this before he 
 has received the least advantage whatever at 
 our hands. It is reported that the Assyrian is 
 now fallen on ^lis territory with design, it is 
 evident, both to be revenged of him, because he 
 thinks himself to have been highly injured by 
 
 him, and perhaps he considers withal that if 
 they that revolt to us receive no hurt or damage 
 from him, and if they that take part with him 
 are destroyed by us, he must probably very 
 soon have nobody that will stand by him ; there- 
 fore, friends, we shall do in my opinion a very 
 handsome thing if we .yield our assistance with 
 readiness and zeal to Gadatas, a man who has 
 been our benefactor ; we should besides do an 
 act of justice, by discharging a debt of grati- 
 tude ; and in my opinion we should at the same 
 time do what would be of advantage to our- 
 selves : for if we make it appear that we en- 
 deavour to outdo in injuries those that are 
 injurious and hurtful to us, and to exceed our 
 benefactors in good services, it is probable that 
 by means of such conduct many will be willing 
 to be friends to us, and nobody will desire to be 
 our enemy ; but if we appear neglectful of Ga- 
 datas, in the name of all the gods, with what 
 arguments can we persuade others to do us any 
 kindnesses ? how can we dare to commend our- 
 selves 1 and how can any of us possibly look 
 Gadatas in the face, if we are outdone by him 
 in good offices ? we who are so many, by him 
 who is a single man, and a man in such cir- 
 cumstances!" 
 
 Thus he spoke, and they all highly approved 
 it. " Come on, then," said he, " since you 
 agree with me in opinion. Let every man of 
 us leave, with the carriages and with the beasts 
 of burden, those that are the most proper to 
 march with them, and let Gobryas command 
 and conduct them ; for he is skilled in the 
 roads, and able in every other respect. Let us 
 march with the best of our men and horse, tak- 
 ing necessaries with us for three days ; and 
 the lighter and more frugal provision we make, 
 the pleasanter shall we dine and sup, and the 
 pleasanter shall we sleep on the days that fol- 
 low after. Now let our march be in this man- 
 ner: let Chrysantas, in the first place, lead 
 those that wear corslets, with all the* centurions 
 in front, since the way is level and open ; and 
 let each century march one by one in a line ; 
 for, by keeping in close order, we shall march 
 with the more despatch and the more safety. 
 And it is for this reason that I order those that 
 have corslets to lead, because they make the 
 heaviest part of the army ; and when the hea- 
 viest lead the way, of necessity all the lighter 
 follow with ease ; but when the lighter and 
 nimbler part leads in the night, it is not at all 
 to be wondered at that the forces disperse ; for 
 L 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK 
 
 the body that is at the head runs off from the 
 rest. After these," said he, " let Artabazus 
 lead the Persian shield-men and archers : after 
 these, let Andranicas the Mede lead the Me- 
 dian foot: after these, Embas the Armenian 
 foot .-.after these, Artuchas the Hyrcanians : 
 after these, Thrambradas the Sacian foot : after 
 these, Damatas the Cadusians, Let all these 
 lead with their centurions in front, and with 
 their shield-men on the right, and their archers 
 on ;he left of their own oblong bodies; for by 
 marching in this manner they are the more 
 ready for service. After these," said he, " let 
 the baggage servants of the whole army follow. 
 Let their commanders take care of them all, 
 that they have all things ready put up before 
 they sleep, that they attend early in the morn- 
 ing in their appointed posts, and follow in an 
 orderly manner. After the baggage servants," 
 said he, " let Madatas the Persian lead the 
 Persian horse, and let him likewise have the 
 centurions of horse in front ; and let the cen- 
 turion lead his century in a line one after ano- 
 ther, in the same manner as the officers of foot. 
 After these, let Rambacas the Mede lead his 
 horse in the same manner. After these, do 
 you, Tigranes, lead your own horse ; and so 
 the rest of the commanders of horse, the horse 
 that each of them joined us with. After these, 
 let the Sacians march ; and the Cadusians, as 
 they came in to us the last, so let them bring 
 up the rear of the whole army. And do you, 
 Alceuna, that command them, take care to be 
 in the rear of all, and do not suffer any to be 
 behind your horse. And do you, commanders, 
 and all you that are wise, take care to march 
 silently ; for it is by means of the ears, rather 
 than the eyes, that all things must of necessity 
 be discovered and transacted in the night. And 
 to be put into disorder is a thing of worse con- 
 sequence than in the day, and more difficult to be 
 recovered. For this reason silence must be 
 kept and order preserved. And when you are 
 to settle the night-watches, you ought always 
 to make them as short and as many as is pos- 
 sible, that much watching on the night-guard 
 may not exhaust and disable any one for the 
 march ; and when the time comes for march- 
 ing, the signal must be given by the sound of 
 the horn. And do you all attend ready on 
 the road to Babylon, each of you with all 
 things proper. And let him that advances 
 before always exhort the man behind him to 
 follow." 
 
 On this they went to their tents, and in 
 going discoursed among themselves how great 
 a memory Cyrus had, and how he gave his or- 
 ders, naming all the persons that he gave di- 
 rections to. This Cyrus did out of his great 
 care and exactness ; for he thought it very 
 strange that mean artificers should each of 
 them know the names of the tools belonging 
 to their art ; and that a physician should know 
 the names of all the medicines and instruments 
 that he uses ; but that a general should be such 
 a fool as not to know the names of the com- 
 manders that are under him, and that he must 
 necessarily use as his instruments. And when- 
 ever he had a mind to possess himself of any 
 thing, or to preserve it, when he had a mind to 
 raise courage or to strike terror, or when he 
 had a mind to do honour to any one, he thought 
 it became him to call the men by their names. 
 And he was of opinion, that they who thought 
 themselves known to their commander would 
 be the more desirous to be seen performing 
 some noble action, and more zealous to ab- 
 stain from doing any thing that was base. He 
 thought it very foolish, when one had a mind 
 that any thing should be done, to give orders 
 as some masters in their private families give 
 theirs Let somebody go for water let 
 somebody cleave the wood ; for when such 
 orders were given, he thought that all looked 
 one on another, and that nobody despatched 
 the thing that was ordered ; and that all were 
 in fault, yet nobody was ashamed or afraid, be- 
 cause the blame was , shared amongst several. 
 For these reasons he named all the persons 
 when he gave his orders. This was Cyrus' 
 judgment in this matter. 
 
 The soldiers having taken their suppers, 
 settled their watches, and put up all things that 
 were proper, went to rest. When it was mid- 
 night the signal was given by the sound of the 
 horn ; and Cyrus having told Chrysantas that 
 he would wait in the road on the front of the 
 army, went off, taking his servants with him. 
 In a short time after Chrysantas came up at 
 the head of those that work corslets. Cyrus 
 therefore giving him guides, ordered him to 
 march gently on till a messenger came to him, 
 for they were not yet all on the march. He, 
 standing in the same place, dismissed away in 
 order those that came up, and sent off to call 
 forward those that were dilatory. When they 
 were all on the march, he sent certain horsemen 
 to Chrysantas, to tell him that all were now on 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 83 
 
 he march : " Lead on therefore with more 
 despatch !" He himself on horseback, putting 
 forward towards the van, observed at leisure 
 the several bodies, and those that he saw 
 marching orderly and silently, he rode up to, 
 and inquired who they were ; and when he was 
 informed, he commended them : but if he per- 
 ceived any of them to be tumultuous, he in- 
 quired into the cause of it, and endeavoured to 
 allay the disturbance. 
 
 There is only one part of his care in the 
 night that has been omitted ; which is, that at 
 the head of the whole army he sent out certain 
 light and expeditious foot, not many in number, 
 that Chrysantas was to keep within the reach 
 of his eye, and who were to keep Chrysantas 
 within the reach of theirs ; who getting notices 
 of things by the ear, or if by any other means 
 able to receive any intelligence, were to signify 
 to Chrysantas what the occasion seemed to re- 
 quire. There was one commander over them, 
 who kept them in order, and notified what was 
 worthy of notice, and what was not so, he gave 
 no disturbance by the telling. And thus he 
 marched in the night. 
 
 But when it was day, he left the Cadusian 
 horse with the Cadusian foot, because they 
 marched the last, and that they might not 
 march unprovided with horse. But the rest of 
 the horse he ordered to push forward to the 
 front, because the enemy were before them ; 
 and that in case any opposed him, he might 
 meet and engage them with his forces in order 
 under him ; and that if any were seen flying, he 
 might be in the greatest readiness for the pur- 
 suit. And he had always ready in order, both 
 those that were to pursue, if pursuit were pro- 
 per, as well as those that were to remain by 
 him; but the general order of the whole he 
 never suffered to be broken. Thus Cyrus led 
 the army. He himself was not always in the 
 same station, but riding about here and there, 
 kept viewing, and where any thing was defi- 
 cient, took care of it. Thus did Cyrus' men 
 march. 
 
 IV. But a certain person, one of authority 
 and consideration, belonging to Gadatas' body 
 of horse, as soon as he saw that he had revolt- 
 ed from the Assyrian, concluded that if any 
 misfortune happened to Gadatas, he himself 
 might obtain from the Assyrian all that belong- 
 ed to Gadatas. So he sent one of the most 
 trusty of his people to the Assyrian ; and he 
 ordered the man that went, if he found the As- 
 
 syrian army already in Gadatas' territory, to tell 
 the Assyrian, that if he would form an ambus- 
 cade, he might take Gadatas and all that were 
 with him. He ordered the man to tell what 
 force Gadatas had, and that Cyrus did not go 
 with him ; and he told him the road that he in- 
 tended to take. Besides, that he might be the 
 more readily trusted, he sent orders to his ser- 
 vants to deliver up to the Assyrian the fort that 
 he had the possession of, in the territory ol 
 Gadatas, and all that was in it. He said that 
 he would come himself, and if he was able, it 
 should he after he had killed Gadatas ; but if 
 he could not do that, it should be to attend on 
 the Assyrian for the future. When the person 
 appointed for this service, having rode with all 
 possible speed, was come to the Assyrian, and 
 had declared the purpose of his coming, the As- 
 syrian having heard it, immediately seized the 
 fort ; and having a great force, both of Lorse 
 and chariots, he lay in ambuscade in certain 
 villages that stood very close together. Gada- 
 tas, as soon as he approached these villages, 
 sent some people to examine and make discove- 
 ry. The Assyrian, when he found these scouts 
 approaching, ordered two or three chariots and 
 a few horse to quit their post, and betake them- 
 selves to flight, as being terrified, and but few 
 in number. The scouts themselves, as soon as 
 they saw this pursued, and made signs to Ga- 
 datas. He being thus deceived, pursued with 
 all his might. The Assyrians, when they 
 thought Gadatas within reach of being ta- 
 ken, broke out from their ambuscade. They 
 that were with Gadatas, seeing this, fled, as 
 was natural for them to do ; the others like- 
 wise, as was natural, pursued. On this the 
 contriver of this affair against Gadatas struck 
 at him, but missed the mortal blow, hit him on 
 the shoulder, and wounded him ; and having 
 dohe this, he made off to join the pursuers. 
 When it was known who he was, he, pressing 
 his horse on with a great deal of zeal, in com- 
 pany with the Assyrians, attended the pursuit 
 with the king. It is plain that on this occa- 
 sion they that had the slowest horses were 
 taken by those that had the fleetest. And 
 all Gadatas' horse, having before been harassed 
 by their march, were quite spent. When they 
 saw Cyrus advancing with his army, one must 
 needs think they made up to them with as 
 much joy and pleasure as if they were entering 
 a harbour after a storm. 
 
 Cyrus was at first astonished ; but whea he 
 
84 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 understood what the matter was, he led the 
 army forward, in order, during the whole time 
 that all these men that faced him were riding 
 up towards him. But when the enemy, un- 
 derstanding how things were, turned and fled, 
 then Cyrus commanded those that were ap- 
 pointed to that purpose to pursue. He him- 
 self followed with the rest, in the manner that 
 he thought proper. On this occasion several 
 chariots were taken, some by means of the 
 drivers falling off, and this partly by being 
 overturned, partly by other means, and some 
 were taken by being intercepted by the horse; 
 and they killed a great many, and amongst 
 them the man that struck Gadatas. Of the 
 Assyrian foot that were besieging the fortress 
 of Gadatas, some fled to the fort that had re- 
 volted from Gadatas, and some escaped to a 
 considerable city that belonged to the Assy- 
 rian, and whither the Assyrian himself, with 
 his chariots and horses, fled. 
 
 Cyrus having done this, retired into the ter- 
 ritory of Gadatas, and having given his orders 
 to the proper persons on the subject of the 
 prisoners, he presently went to see how 
 Gadatas was of his wound ; and as he was 
 going Gadatas met him with his wound al- 
 ready bound up. Cyrus was pleased at the 
 sight of him, and said, I was going to see how 
 you did." And I, by the gods !" said Gadatas, 
 " was going again to view the outward form of 
 the man wl has such a soul ! you who are 
 not, that I know, in any manner of need of 
 me, who never promised to do these things for 
 me ; who, as to your own particular, never re- 
 ceived any benefit whatever from me : and 
 only because I was thought to have done a 
 service to your friends, have so affectionately 
 assisted me. So that, as far as I was con- 
 cerned myself, I had now perished, but am by 
 your means saved. By the gods, Cyrus ! if I 
 had' children, I do not think that I could ever 
 have a son so affectionate to me. For I know 
 this present king of the Assyrians particularly 
 to have been the cause of more affliction to his 
 father than he can be now to you, and many 
 Dther sons the same." 
 
 Tp this Cyrus said : " Now, Gadatas, do 
 you Wmire me, and pass by a much greater 
 wonder ?*' " And what is that ?" said Gadatas. 
 *< That so many Persians," said he, " have been 
 jso diligent in your service, so many Medes, so 
 many Hyrcanians, as well as all these Arme- 
 s, Sacians; and Cadusians, here present." 
 
 Then Gadatas made this prayer t " Jove ! 
 may the gods bestow many blessings on them, 
 but most on him who is the cause of their 
 being such men ! And that we may hand- 
 somely entertain these men that you commend, 
 Cyrus, accept these presents of friendship, 
 which are such as I am able to tender you." 
 At the same time he brought him great abun- 
 dance and variety of things, that he might 
 make a sacrifice, if he pleased, or entertain the 
 whole army suitably to things so nobly per- 
 formed, and so happily succeeding. 
 
 Meanwhile the Cadusian still made the 
 rear-guard, and had no share in the pursuit ; 
 but being desirous to perform something him- 
 self that was conspicuous, he made an excur- 
 sion into the territory of Babylon, without 
 communicating it, or saying any thing of it to 
 Cyrus. But the Assyrian, from that city ot 
 his, whither he had fled, and with his army 
 entirely together, and in order, coming up 
 with the horse of the Cadusian that were dis- 
 persed, as soon as he knew them to be the 
 Cadusians alone, attacks them, kills their com- 
 mander and a great many others, takes a great 
 many horses, and takes from them the booty 
 that they were carrying off. The Assyrian 
 then, after having pursued as far as he thought 
 it safe, turned back, and the Cadusians made 
 their escape to the camp, where the first of 
 them arrived towards the evening. 
 
 Cyrus, as soon as he perceived what had 
 happened, went and met the Cadusians, and of 
 all that he saw wounded, some he took and 
 sent to Gadatas, that they might be taken care 
 of, and others he lodged together in tents, and 
 took care that they had all things necessary, 
 taking some of the Persian alike-honoured to 
 be his assistants ; for on such occasions men of 
 worth are willing to bestow their joint pains ; 
 he evidently appeared to be extremely afflicted ; 
 so that while others were taking their suppers, 
 when the time for it was come, Cyrus, attend- 
 ed by servants and physicians, willingly left no 
 one neglected, but either saw with his own 
 eyes, or if he could not despatch all himself, 
 he was observed to send others to take that 
 care of them. Thus then they went to rest. 
 
 As soon as it was day, having made procla- 
 mation that the commanders of the other na- 
 tions, and all the Cadusians in general, should 
 assemble, he spoke to this effect : Friends 
 and allies ! the misfortune that has happened 
 to us is what human nature is liable to ; for, in 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 85 
 
 my opinion, it is not to be wondered at, that 
 being men, we should be guilty of error. 
 However, we are not unworthy of reaping 
 some advantage by this accident ; and that is 
 to learn never to separate from the whole a 
 smaller force than that of the enemy. Yet I 
 do not say," said he, " that we are never to 
 march where it is proper, \vith a part even yet 
 less than the Cadusian marched with on this 
 occasion. But if a man march after having 
 concerted matters with another, who is able to 
 support him, he may indeed be deceived ; but 
 he that remains behind, by deceiving the ene- 
 my, may turn them to another part, and out of 
 the way of those that have marched off; it is 
 possible for him to procure safety to his 
 friends, by giving other employment to his 
 enemies ; and thus, he that separates does not 
 become entirely disjoined, but remains annexed 
 to the main strength of the whole. He on 
 the other hand, that marches off without giving 
 any information whither it is that he is going, 
 is in the same case as if he made war alone. 
 But," said he, " if it please the gods, it shall not 
 be long before we have our revehge of the 
 enemy, in return for this. And as soon as 
 ever you have dined I will lead you out to the 
 place where this affair was transacted ; we will 
 bury our dead at the same time, if it please the 
 gods ; we will let the enemy see men superior 
 to themselves, on the very place where they 
 think they have been victorious, that they may 
 not look with pleasure on that spot of ground 
 where they butchered our fellow combatants. 
 If they will not come out to us, we will burn 
 their villages and destroy their country, that they 
 may not be delighted, on viewing what they 
 themselves have done, but be afflicted at the 
 sight of their own misfortunes. Let the rest 
 then," said he, " go and take their dinners ; and 
 do you, Cadusians, first go your ways, and 
 choose you a commander according to your 
 usage, whp, with the help of the gods, and to- 
 gether with us, shall take care of you in what- 
 ever may be wanting to you ; and when you 
 have made your choice and taken your din- 
 ners, then send the person you have chosen 
 to me." 
 
 These men did accordingly. And Cyrus, 
 when he had led out the army, and placed the 
 person who was chosen by the Cadusians in 
 his station, ordered him to lead his body of men 
 near to himself, " That if we are able," said 
 he, " we may recover the courage of the men." 
 
 So they marched, and coming up to the place, 
 they buried the Cadusians, and laid the country 
 waste. And having done this, and supplied 
 themselves with necessaries out of the enemy's 
 country, they again retreated into the territory 
 of Gadatas. 
 
 But then, considering that they who had re- 
 volted to him, being in the neighbourhood of 
 Babylon, would suffer severely, unless he him- 
 self was always at hand, he therefore com- 
 manded all those of the enemy that he dismiss- 
 ed to tell the Assyrian, that he himself sent a 
 herald to declare to him that he was ready to 
 let the labourers that were employed in the cul- 
 ture of the lands alone, and not to do them any 
 injury ; if he, on the other side, would allow 
 such labourers as belonged to those that had 
 revolted to himself to go on with their work ; 
 and indeed," said he, " if you are able to hinder 
 them, you will hinder but a few, for the land 
 that belongs to those that have revolted to me 
 is but little* ; and on the other hand, I should 
 allow a great quantity of land to be cultivated 
 for you. Then at the time of gathering the 
 crop, if the war continues, he that is superior 
 in arms, in my opinion, must gather it. If 
 there be peace, it is plain," said he, " that it 
 must be you ; but if any of my people use 
 arms against you, or any of yours against me, 
 on these we will both of us return mutual hos- 
 tilities, if we can." Having given the herald 
 these orders, he sent him away. 
 
 And when the Assyrians had heard these 
 things, they did all that they were able to per- 
 suade the king to yield to them, and to leave 
 as little of the war remaining as was possible. 
 The Assyrian, either at the persuasion of those 
 of his nation, or inclined to it himself, con- 
 sented : and agreements were made, that there 
 should be peace to those that were employed, 
 in labour, and war to those that bore arms. 
 These things did Cyrus effect with respect to 
 the labouring people. But the pastures of 
 their cattle he ordered his own friends to set- 
 tle, if they thought fit, within the extent of 
 their own power, and to make prey on the ene- 
 my wherever they were able, that the service 
 might be more agreeable to his allies ; for the 
 dangers were the same, even without their seiz- 
 ing necessaries for their subsistence ; and the 
 maintaining themselves on the enemy seemed 
 to make the service the lighter. 
 
 But when Cyrus was now preparing to be 
 gone, Gadatas came to him. having collected 
 
86 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 presents of all kinds, and in great abundance, 
 as arising from a very great estate, and having 
 taken a great many horses from his own horse- 
 men that he mistrusted, on account of the late 
 contrivance against him ; and when he accosted 
 him, he spoke thus : " I bring you these things, 
 Cyrus, at this time, that you may make pre- 
 sent use of them in case you want them. And 
 count on it," said he, " that all things else that 
 belong to me are yours ; for I am not likely to 
 have one descended from myself to leave my 
 estate to ; but my race and name," said he, 
 " will be extinguished with myself when I die. 
 And this I suffer, Cyrus," said he, " (I swear 
 it to you, by the gods, who see all things, and 
 hear all things,) without having been guilty of 
 any thing . unjust or base, eithei in word or 
 deed." At the same time that he said this, he 
 burst out into tears at his unhappy fate, and it 
 was not in his power to say more. 
 
 Cyrus having heard this, pitied him for his 
 misfortune, and spoke thus : " The horses," 
 said he, " I accept ; for I shall do you service 
 by giving them to men better affected to you, 
 it seems, than they who had them before ; and 
 shall fill up the Persian body of horse to ten 
 thousand men, a thing that I have long desired ; 
 the rest of your valuable effects do you take 
 away, and keep till such time as you see me in 
 a condition not to be outdone by you in pre- 
 sents ; for if you part with me, and your pre- 
 sents amount to more than you receive at my 
 hands, I know not how it is possible for me not 
 to be quite ashamed." 
 
 To this Gadatas said ; But I trust them, 
 to you, for I see your temper. As to the keep- 
 ing of them myself, pray, see whether I am fit 
 for it ; for, while we were friends with the 
 Assyrian, my father's estate seemed to be the 
 noblest that could be ; for, being near to our 
 capital city, Babylon, we enjoyed all the ad- 
 vantages that we could possibly be supplied 
 with from that great city ; and as often as we 
 were disturbed with the crowd and hurry, by 
 retiring hither to our home, we go out of the 
 way of it. But now that we are become ene- 
 mies, it is plain that when you are gone, both 
 we ourselves, and our whole family and estate, 
 shall have contrivances formed against us. 
 We shall, in my opinion, live very miserably, 
 both by having our enemies just by us, and by 
 seeing them superior to ourselves. Perhaps 
 you will presently therefore say, and why did 
 I not consider this before I revolted ? Why, 
 
 because, Cyrus, by means of the injuries I had 
 received, and the anger I was in, my soul never 
 dwelt on the consideration of what was safest 
 for me ; but was always big with the thought, 
 whether it would be ever in my power to take 
 my revenge on this enemy both to the gods and 
 men, who passes his days in hatred, and that 
 not to the man that may have done him any 
 injury, but to any one that he suspects to be a 
 better man than himself. And this wicked 
 wretch therefore, in my opinion, will make use 
 of such assistants as are all more wicked than 
 himself; or if there be any that may appear to 
 be better than he, take courage, Cyrus," said 
 he, "you will not be under any necessity to 
 engage against any such men of worth ; but he 
 himself will be sufficient to carry on this work 
 till he has taken off every better man than him- 
 self ; and yet, distressing me, I am of opinion 
 that with his villains he will easily get the 
 better." 
 
 In all this Cyrus, who heard it, was of opin- 
 ion that the man said what was worthy of his 
 attention and care ; and he presently said : 
 " And have not you therefore strengthened 
 your fortress with a garrison, that you may 
 make use of it with safety when you get thither 1 
 And as to yourself, you accompany us in the 
 service, that if the gods please to be with us, 
 as now they are, he may be in fear of you, and 
 not you of him. Take of what belongs to you, 
 whatever you like to see about you ; and of 
 your people, take whoever you like to converse 
 with, and march with me. You will be, in my 
 opinion, extremely useful to me, and I will en- 
 deavour to be as useful to you as I can." 
 
 Gadatas hearing this, recovered himself, and 
 said: " Shall I be able," said he, "to put up 
 all, and be ready before you march away 1 for," 
 said he, " I would willingly carry my mother 
 with me." "Yes, by Jove!" said he, you 
 will be ready time enough ; for I will wait till 
 you say that all is well." So Gadatas, going 
 his way, settled, in concert with Cyrus, garri- 
 sons in the several fortresses he had made : he 
 packed up all kinds of things, enough to fur- 
 nish a very great house, in a handsome manner. 
 He took with him from amongst those he con- 
 fided in such whose company he was pleased 
 with ; and many of those too that he distrusted, 
 obliging some of them to take their wives, and 
 some their sisters with them, that by their 
 means he might keep them as it were in fetters 
 
 Cyrus himself marched, and amongst the 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 87 
 
 rest of those that were about him, he kept 
 Gadatas to inform him about the ways and the 
 waters, about forage and provisions, that he 
 might carry on the service with the greatest 
 plenty of all things. But when, in the course 
 of his march, he got sight of the city of Baby- 
 lon, and fancied that the way he was going led 
 him just under the walls of the place, he called 
 Gobryas and Gadatas, and asked if there was 
 any other way, that he might not lead the army 
 near to the wall. 
 
 Then Gobryas spoke : " My sovereign, there 
 are many ways ; but I thought," said he, that 
 you desired to lead on as near to the city as 
 possible, that you might show them the army, 
 and let them see that you have now a great and 
 a noble one ; because, when you had a less you 
 marched up to the walls, and they saw us when 
 we were not very numerous. And now, though 
 . the Assyrian be prepared, as he told you he 
 would be prepared to give you battle, I know 
 that when he sees your strength, his prepara- 
 tions will not appear to him to be sufficient." 
 
 Cyrus to this said : " You seem to me, Go- 
 bryas, to wonder that when I came with a less 
 army I led up to the very walls ; but that now, 
 wjth a greater, I have no mind to march the 
 army under them : but make no wonder of 
 this," said he, " for to lead up to a place, and 
 to march by it is not the same thing. All 
 men lead up in such an order as they think is 
 best for them to engage in. And people that are 
 wise retreat so as to go off in the safest man- 
 ner, and not in the quickest. But it is ne- 
 cessary to march by with the carriages extend- 
 ed in length, and with the beasts of burden, 
 and those that are concerned in the baggage, all 
 in loose order ; all this must be covered by the 
 soldiers that bear arms : and the baggage-train 
 must in no part appear to the enemy naked 
 of arms : and, marching in this manner, the 
 s-trength of the army must of necessity be 
 extended into a thin and weak order. If then 
 they have a mind from within the walls to 
 make an attack, in a close, firm body, wherever 
 they close in, they do it with a strength much 
 superior to those that are on the march; and 
 to men that are marching in a train at length, 
 the proper helps are at a great distance ; but to 
 those that march out from within their walls, 
 the distance is little that they^have either to 
 march up to the enemy that is at hand, or to 
 retreat back again ; but if we pass by at no less 
 a distance than so as that they may just see us, 
 
 and if we march extended, as we now are, they 
 will see the multitude that we are ; and every 
 multitude, by means of arms interwoven 
 amongst them, appears terrible. If they really 
 do march up to us in any part, by our seeing 
 them at a considerable distance, we shall not 
 be taken unprepared : and then, my friends," 
 said he, " they will the rather avoid attacking 
 us, when they are obliged to march a great dis- 
 tance from the walls, unless they think them- 
 selves, in the whole, superior to us, for they 
 will have cause to be in fear for their retreat." 
 
 When he had said this, the persons present 
 were of opinion that he said right, and Go- 
 bryas led the way as he had directed him. 
 And while the army was moving on by the 
 city, that part of it that was left behind he al- 
 ways made the strongest, and in that manner 
 retreated. 
 
 When marching thus the following days, he 
 reached the borders of the Assyrians and 
 Medes, from whence he came before, and . 
 where they were three forts belonging to the 
 Assyrians , the weakest of these he attacked 
 and took by force, and two of them, Cyrus by 
 terror, and Gadatas by persuasion, prevailed 
 with the garrisons to give up. 
 
 , V. When he had done this he sent to Cy- 
 axares, and by message desired him to come to 
 the army, that they might consult what use to 
 make of the forts they had taken ; and, after 
 having taken a view of the army, he might, in 
 the whole of their affairs, advise, what he 
 thought proper to be done for the future. 
 " And if he orders it," said he, " tell him that 
 I will come and encamp with him." The mes- 
 senger in order to deliver this message went 
 his way ; and on this Cyrus ordered Gadatas to 
 furnish out the Assyrian's tent that the Medes 
 had chosen for Cyaxares, and this in the hand- 
 somest manner : and not only with all the 
 other furniture that it was provided with, but 
 he ordered him to introduce the two women in- 
 to that apartment of the tent that belonged to 
 the women, and together with them the women 
 musicians that had been chosen out for Cyax- 
 ares. These men did as they were ordered. 
 But when he that was sent to Cyaxares had 
 delivered his message, Cyaxares, having heard 
 him, determined it to be best that the army 
 should remain on the borders ; for the Per- 
 sians that Cyrus had sent for were come, and 
 they were forty-thousand archers and shield- 
 men. Therefore, when, he saw that these 
 
88 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 men did prejudice in many ways to the Me- 
 dian territory, he thought it better to get rid of 
 these, rather than admit another multitude. 
 And that Persian who commanded the army, 
 having inquired from Cyaxares, according to 
 the orders of Cyrus, whether he had any ser- 
 vice for the army, when he told him that he had 
 none, and when he heard that Cyrus was at 
 hand, on that very day marched, and conducted 
 the army to him. The next day Cyaxares 
 marched with the Median horse that remained 
 with him ; and as soon as Cyrus perceived him 
 approaching, then taking the Persian horse, who 
 were now very numerous, all the Medes, Ar- 
 menians, and Hyrcanians, and of all the other 
 allies, such as were best horsed and armed, he 
 met him, and showed Cyaxares his force. 
 
 Cyaxares, when he saw a great many brave 
 men attending Cyrus, and but a small com- 
 pany attending on himself, and those but of 
 little value, thought it mean and dishonourable 
 to him, and was seized with a violent concern. 
 But when Cyrus, alighting from his horse, 
 came up to him, as intending to embrace him 
 in the customary manner, Cyaxards likewise 
 alighted, but turned from him, refuse^Jo^em^- 
 brace him, and burst openly into tears. On 
 this Cyrus ordered all the rest that were there 
 to retire and wait. He himself, taking Cya- 
 xares by the right hand, and conducting him 
 out of the road under certain palm-trees, or- 
 dered some Median quilts to be laid for him, 
 and making him sit down, he sat himself down 
 by him, and asked him thus : 
 
 " uncle !" said he, " tell me, I beg you by 
 all the gods, what are you angry with me for 1 
 And what bad thing have you discovered that 
 you take thus amiss 1 " Then Cyaxares an- 
 swered in this manner : It is, Cyrus," said 
 he, that I, who, as far as the memory of man 
 can reach, an\ reckoned to be sprung from a 
 long train of ancestors, and from a father who 
 was a king, and who am myself accounted a 
 king, should see myself marching thus meanly 
 and contemptibly, and see you with my at- 
 tendance, and with other forces, appear here 
 great and conspicuous. I should think it hard 
 to suffer this treatment at the, hands of ene- 
 mies, and much harder, Jove ! to suffer it 
 at the hands of those that I ought least to have 
 it from ; for I think I could sink down under 
 the earth ten times over with more satisfac- 
 tion, than be seen in the mean condition, 
 and see my own people thus contemning and 
 
 laughing at me ; for I am not ignorant, not 
 only that you are more considerable than my- 
 self, but that my own slaves are above me in 
 power, dare to oppose my pleasure, and are so 
 set up as to be rather able to do me mischief, 
 than liable to suffer it at my hands." And, in 
 saying this, he was still more overwhelmed in 
 tears, so that he drew down a flood of tears 
 into the eyes of Cyrus. 
 
 But Cyrus, pausing a little, spoke to this 
 effect : " In all this," said he, " Cyaxares, you 
 neither say true nor judge right. If you think 
 that the Medes by my presence are set on such 
 a footing as to be able to do you mischief, I 
 do not wonder that you are enraged and ter- 
 rified. But, whether it be justly or unjustly 
 that you are offended at them, this I shall pass 
 by : for I know you must take it ill to hear 
 me making their apology. But for a ruler to 
 take offence at all his people at once, this I / 
 take to be an error ; for by striking terror into I 
 a multitude, of necessity that multitude must I 
 be made one's enemies, and by taking offence 
 at them all together, they are inspired with 
 unity of sentiments. On this account be it 
 known to you, it was that I would not send 
 these men away to you without me, being 
 afraid lest something might happen by means 
 of your anger that might have afflicted us all. 
 By the assistance of the gods, therefore, while 
 I am present, these things may be safely com- 
 posed. But that you should think yourself 
 injured by me, at this I am very much con- 
 cerned, that while I have been doing all that 
 is in my power to do all possible service to my 
 friends, I am then thought to have done quite 
 the contrary ; but do not let us thus charge one 
 another at random, but if possible, let us con- 
 sider clearly what the injury is that I have 
 done. I will state then an agreement for us to 
 come to, and such as is the justest that can be 
 between friends. If I shall appear to have* 
 done you mischief, I will confess that I have 
 wronged you ; but if I neither appear to have 
 done you any harm, nor to have intended it, 
 will not you then confess that you have not 
 been wronged by me 1 ?" "I must," said he, 
 " of necessity." " If I plainly appear to have 
 done you service, and to have been zealous to 
 do you all the service that I was able, shall not 
 I deserve your commendation, rather than your 
 reproach 1" It is but just," said he. Come 
 on, then," said Cyrus, let us consider all the 
 things that I have done, one by one, for by all 
 
INSTITUTION OF k CYRUS. 
 
 89 
 
 this it will appear the most evidently which 
 was good and which was bad. We will take 
 it from the beginning of this affair, if this ap- 
 pear to you to be sufficient. When you per- 
 .ceived that the enemy were assembling their 
 forces and were about making an attempt on 
 you and on your country, you then sent im- 
 liately to the public council of Persia, 
 egging assistance, and to me in particular, de- 
 1 siring me to endeavour, if any Persians came 
 to you, to come as their commander. Was 
 not I by you persuaded to this? Did I not 
 come, and bring you as many and as brave men 
 as I was able 1 ?" " Yau did come," said he. 
 ' First, therefore," said he, " in this particular, 
 tell me whether you accounted it an injury or 
 a benefit that I did you." " It is plain," said 
 Cyaxares, that in this you did what was a 
 benefit to me." " Well then," said he, " when 
 the enemies advanced, and we were to engage 
 them, did you perceive that on this occasion I 
 spared any pains, or that I shunned any dan- 
 ger." No, by Jove !" said he, not at all." 
 " And then, when, with the assistance of the 
 gods, we gained our victory and the enemy re- 
 treated, I exhorted you that we might jointly 
 pursue them, take our joint vengeance on 
 them, and if any thing good or ill should befall 
 us, that we might jointly share it 7 And can 
 you charge me with any thing of ambition, and 
 desire of power, in any of these things ?" To 
 this Cyaxares was silent, and Cyrus again 
 spoke in this manner : " Since it is your plea- 
 sure to be silent in this, rather than to give me 
 a reply, tell me then," said he, " whether you 
 think yourself injured, because that, when you 
 were of opinion that it was not safe to pursue, 
 I did not allow you to share in the danger, but 
 only desired you to send some of your horse 1 
 For if I wronged you in asking this, especially 
 after giving myself up to you as an assistant 
 and ally, let this," said he, " be demonstrated 
 by yourself." When Cyaxares kept himself 
 silent to this too But," said he, " if you 
 will give me no answer here" neither, then tell 
 me this : whether I did you any wrong when 
 you gave me for answer that, on your observing 
 the Medes to be indulging themselves in plea- 
 sure, you would not put a stop to it, and 
 oblige them to march, and run themselves into 
 danger 1 and whether you think that I put a 
 hardship on you, when, avoiding all anger and 
 resentment to you, I then again, on that, 
 asked you a thing, than which I knew there 
 *8 
 
 was nothing that you could more easily grant, 
 and that nothing more easy could possibly be 
 enjoined the Medes 1 for I asked jou only to 
 allow any of them that would to follow^ me : 
 and when I had obtained this from you, there 
 was nothing left but to persuade them. I 
 went to them ; I persuaded them, and those 
 that I prevailed with I took, and marched with 
 them at your allowance. If you reckon this 
 to be deserving of blame, then to take from 
 you what you yourself grant, is not, it seems, a 
 thing void of blame. Thus then we set for- 
 ward. When we had marched, what was 
 there that we did that was not apparent 1 Was 
 not the camp of the enemy taken 1 ^Vere 
 there not many of those that made war on jou 
 killed ] and of those that remained alive, were 
 there not a great many stripped of their arms r 
 and a great many of their horses 1 The for- 
 tunes and effects of those that plundered and 
 ravaged yours before, you see now taken and 
 ravaged by your friends. Some of them be- 
 long to you, and others of them to those that 
 are under your dominion. But what is the 
 greatest and noblest thing, and above all, is, 
 that you see your own territory enlarged, and 
 that of your enemies diminished ; and some 
 forts that were possessed by the enemy, and 
 some of your own that had been taken and an- 
 nexed to the Assyrian dominion, now, on the 
 contrary, you see yielded to you. Whether 
 any of these things be good or ill, I cannot 
 say that I desire to learn. But nothing hin- 
 ders me from hearing what your opinion is 
 concerning them, and do you tell it me." 
 
 Cyrus, having said this, was silent, and wait- 
 ed the reply. 
 
 And Cyaxares spoke thus in answer. " In- 
 deed, Cyrus, I do not know how one can say 
 those things you have performed are ill ; but 
 be it known to you," said he, " that these good 
 things are of such a kind, as the more they ap- 
 pear to be in number, so much the more are 
 they burdensome on me. I should rather chose 
 to enlarge your territory by my forces, than see 
 mine thus enlarged by yours. For these things, 
 to you that do them, are glorious,. but to me 
 they are in some sort disgraceful. And I am 
 of opinion that I should be better pleased to 
 bestow of these rich effects on you, than to re- 
 ceive from you these things that you now pre- 
 sent me with ; for I perceive myself enriched 
 by you with things that make nje the poorer ; 
 and I believe I should be less grieved to see my 
 M 
 
90 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK V. 
 
 subjects in some degree injured by you, than I 
 am now, to see them receiving great advantages 
 at your hands. If I appear to you to think 
 unreasonably in this, do not consider these 
 things as in my case, but turn the tables, and 
 make the case your own. And then," said he, 
 consider that in the case of dogs, that you 
 maintained as a guard and protection to you 
 and yours ; supposing any other person should 
 make his court to them, and should make them 
 better acquainted with himself than with you, 
 whether you should be pleased with this court- 
 ship and service. But if this appear to you to 
 be but an inconsiderable matter, then consider 
 this : you have servants that you have acquired 
 as guards to you, and for service ; if any one 
 should manage these in such a manner, as that 
 they should be more willing to serve him than 
 to serve you, should you think yourself obliged 
 to this man, in return of this benefit 1 Then 
 in another concern, that men's affections are 
 greatly engaged in, and that they cultivate in 
 the most intimate manner : if any one should 
 make such court to your wife, as to make her 
 love him better than she loved you, should you 
 be delighted with this benefit ? I believe, far 
 from it," said he ; " nay, I know that in doing 
 this, he would do you the greatest of injuries. 
 But that I may mention what is most applicable 
 to my concern : if any one should make such 
 court to the Persians, that you have conducted 
 hither, as should make it more agreeable to 
 them to follow him than to follow you, should 
 you think this man your friend 1 I believe you 
 would not, but you would rather think him yet 
 more your enemy than if he killed you a great 
 many of them. Well, then, suppose any friend 
 of yours, on your saying to him in a friendly 
 way, Take as much of what belongs to me as 
 you please, should, hearing this, go his way, 
 take all that he was able, and enrich himself 
 with what belonged to you, and that you, mean- 
 while, should not have wherewithal to supply 
 your own uses in a very moderate way ; could 
 you possibly think such a one a blameless un- 
 exceptionable friend ? Now, Cyrus, I take 
 myself to have had from you, if not the same 
 usage, yet such as is very like it. You say 
 true, that when I bade you carry off those that 
 were willing to go, you took my whole force 
 went off with them, and left me destitute ; and 
 now you bring me things that you have taken 
 with my own force, and with my own force you 
 enlarge my territory. But I, as not having 
 
 any hand in obtaining these advantages, look 
 as if I gave up myself like a woman, to be 
 served by others as well as by my own subjects ; 
 for you appear to be the man, and I to be un- 
 worthy of rule ; and do you take these things, 
 Cyrus to be benefits ? Be it known to you, if 
 you had any concern for me, there is nothing 
 you would be so careful not to rob me of as 
 my dignity and honour. What advantage is it 
 to me to have my land extended and myself 
 contemned 1 I have dominion over the Medes, 
 not by being really the best of them all, but 
 by means of their thinking us to be, in all re- 
 spects superior to themselves." 
 
 Here Cyrus took up the discourse, while 
 Cyaxares was yet speaking, and said : " I beg 
 you, uncle," said he, " by all the gods, if I ever 
 before did any thing that was agreeable to you, 
 gratify me now in the things that I shall ask 
 of you. Give over blaming me at this time ; 
 and when you have had experience of us, how 
 we are affected towards you, if th'e things that 
 have been done appear done for your service, 
 give me your embraces in return for the affec- 
 tion I have for you, and think that I have been 
 of service to you. If things appear otherwise, 
 then blame me." 
 
 Perhaps, indeed," said Cyaxares, you say 
 right." Well, then," said Cyrus, shall I 
 kiss you 1 ?" " If you please," said he. "And 
 will you not turn from me, as you did just 
 now ?" " I will not," said he. Then he kiss- 
 ed him. 
 
 As soon as this was seen by the Medes and 
 Persians, and many others, for they were all 
 under concern about the issue of this affair, 
 they all presently became cheerful and pleased. 
 Then Cyaxares and Cyrus, mounting their 
 horses, led the way : the Medes followed after 
 Cyaxares ; for Cyrus made a sign to them to 
 do so; and the Persians followed Cyrus, and 
 after these followed the* rest. When they came 
 to the camp, and had lodged Cyaxares in the 
 tent that was furnished for him, they that were 
 appointed to that service prepared all things 
 fitting for him. And during the time that 
 Cyaxares was at leisure, before supper, the 
 Medes went to him, some of themselves, but 
 most of thein in consequence of directions 
 from Cyrus, and they brought him presents ; 
 one a beautiful cup-bearer, another an excellent 
 cook, another a baker, another a musician, one 
 brought him cups, and another P fine habit. 
 And almost every one presented him with 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 91 
 
 something out of what they had taken ; so that 
 Cyaxares changed his opinion, and no longer 
 thought either that Cyrus had alienated these 
 men from him, or that the Medes were less ob- 
 servant of him than before. 
 
 When the time of supper came, Cyaxares in- 
 vited Cyrus, and desired that, since he had not 
 seen him for some time, he would sup with 
 him ; but Cyrus said : " I beg, Cyaxares. that 
 you would not bid me do this. Do you not 
 observe that all those that are here with us at- 
 tend here at our instigation 1 It would not 
 therefore be well in me to appear negligent of 
 them, and mindful of my own pleasure. When 
 soldiers think themselves neglected, the best of 
 them become much more dejected, and the 
 worst of them much more insolent. But do 
 you, especially now after you have had a long 
 Journey, take your supper ; and if people come 
 to pay you respect, receive them kindly, and 
 entertain them well, that they likewise may 
 encourage you. I will go my ways, and apply 
 myself to what I tell you. To-morrow," said 
 he, " in the morning, all the proper persons 
 shall attend here, at your doors, that we may 
 consult together what we are to do hencefor- 
 ward. And you being yourself present, will 
 propose to us, whether it be thought fit to go 
 on with the war, or whether it be now the pro- 
 per time to separate the army." On this Cyax- 
 ares went to supper. 
 
 And Cyrus, assembling such of his friends 
 
 as were most able to judge what was fit to be 
 done on any occasion, and to assist him in the 
 execution of it, spoke to this effect : " The 
 things that we at first wished for, ray friends, 
 we now, with the assistance of the gods, have 
 obtained, for wherever w^ march, we are 
 masters of the country : we see our enemies 
 weakened, and ourselves increased in numbers 
 and strength. And if they who are now our 
 allies will still continue with us, we shall be 
 much more able to succeed in our affairs, 
 whether we have occasion to act by force, or 
 whether it be proper to proceed by persuasion ; 
 Jherefore, that as many of our allies as is pos- 
 sible may be inclined to stay, is not more my 
 business to effect than it is yours. But as, 
 when fighting is necessary, he that subdues the 
 greatest numbers will be accounted the most 
 vigorous ; so where counsel is necessary, he 
 that makes the greatest numbers to be of his 
 opinion ought justly to be esteemed the most 
 eloquent and best skilled in affairs. However, 
 do not be at pains, as if you were to show us 
 what sort of discourse you made use of to 
 every one, but that the people you prevail with 
 may show it in their actions, let this be your 
 business to effect. And that the soldiers, 
 while they consult about the carrying on of the 
 war, shall be supplied with all things necessary 
 and fit, in as great plenty as I am able, this I 
 will endeavour to take care of." 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 OJf THE 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. 
 
 I. The allies are anxious to carry on the war Raillery between Cyrus and Hystaspes Preparations made accord- 
 ing to the opinion of Cyrus He prepares to follow the army to Lydia Story of Araspes and Panthea Arrival 
 and reception of Abradatas with two thousand horse. III. Embassy from the Indian with treasures Cyrus sends 
 out some of the Indians as spies Their report greatly alarms the army of Cyrus, who appeases their terror, and 
 proposes to march directly on the enemy His care of his army's diet, necessaries, &c. HI. JV. Manner and 
 order of the March Approach and condition of the enemy, his stratagem to surprise a part of them 1 Honour- 
 able reception of Araspes Account of the number, designs, and order of the enemy Orders of Cyrus to hi 
 army. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 I. HAVING passed the day in this manner, and | 
 having taken their suppers, they went to rest. | 
 The next day, in the morning, all the allies 
 came to the doors of Cyaxares ; and while 
 Cyaxares (who had heard that there was a 
 great multitude of people at his doors) was! 
 setting himself out, Cyrus' friends presented; 
 to him several people, who begged him toj 
 stay ; some presented the Cadusians, some the 
 Hyrcanians ; one presented Gobryas, and i 
 another the Sacian ; and Hystaspes presented j 
 Gadatas, who begged Cyrus to stay. Here 
 Cyrus who knew before that Gadatas had 
 been almost killed with fear lest the army 
 should be separated, laughed, and spoke thus : 
 Gadatas !" said he, " it is plain that you 
 have been persuaded by Hystaspes here to be 
 of the opinion you express." Then Gadatas, 
 lifting up his hands to heaven, swore, that 
 " indeed he was not persuaded by Hys- 
 taspes to be of this opinion ; but I kjuow," 
 said he, " that if you depart, my affairs fall 
 entirely to ruin. On this account," said he, 
 " I came myself to this man, and asked him 
 whether he knew what your opinion was con- 
 cerning the separation of the army." Then 
 Cyrus said : "It seems then that I accuse 
 Hystaspes unjustly ]" Then Hystaspes spoke : 
 By Jove, Cyrus!" said he, "unjustly in- 
 deed ; because I gave Gadatas for answer, that 
 it was impossible for you to stay, and told him 
 that your father had sent for you." " What ?" 
 said Cyrus, durst you assert this, whether I 
 would or no ?" Yes, indeed," said he ; for 
 I see you are exceedingly desirous to be making 
 a progress about among the Persians, to be seen 
 and to show your father how you performed 
 every thing." Then Cyrus said, " And are 
 you not desirous to go home 1" " No, by 
 Jove !" said Hystaspes, " nor will I go, but stay 
 and discharge my duty as a commauder till I 
 
 make Gadatas here mater of the Assyrian." 
 Thus did these men with a mixture of serious- 
 ness, jest with each other. 
 
 Then Cyaxares, dressed in a magnificent 
 manner, carne out, and sat himself on a Median 
 throne ; and when all the proper persons were 
 met, and silence made, Cyaxares spoke thus 
 " Friends and allies ! since I am here present, 
 and am ail older man than Cyrus, it is proper 
 for me perhaps to begin the discourse. It 
 appears therefore to me, that now is the time 
 to debate whether it be thought proper to go 
 on with the war, or to separate the army 
 Therefore," said he, "let somebody speak 
 what his. opinion is concerning this affair." On 
 this the Hyrcanian first spoke : " Friends and \ 
 allies ! I do not at all know whether words be 
 necessary where facts themselves declare what 
 is best to be done ; for we all know that by 
 keeping together we do more mischief to our 
 enemies than we suffer from them ; and, when 
 we are asunder, they deal by us as is most 
 agreeable to them, and most grievous to us." 
 After him spoke the Cadusian : " What can 
 we say," said he, " concerning a general de- 
 parture and separation, when it is not for our 
 interest to separate, even while we are engaged 
 in the service 1 accordingly, we not long ago 
 undertook a piece of service separate from 
 the rest of our body, and paid for it as you all 
 know." 
 
 After him Artabazus, he who* had said that 
 he was related to Cyrus, spoke thus : " Cya- 
 xares," said he, " thus much I differ in my 
 opinion from those who spoke before. They 
 say that we ought to proceed in the war, 
 remaining here together ; and I say that we 
 were in war when we were at home, for I was 
 frequently forced to run to the relief of our 
 own country when the enemies were plunder- 
 ing what belong-ed to us frequently I had 
 
 95 
 
 
96 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 business on my ha nds, with respect to our 
 fortresses, that the enemies were said to have 
 formed designs on, sind I was continually in 
 fear, and kept myself on my guard. All this I 
 did, and was all this while on expense out of 
 my own stock; but now I am in possession of 
 the fortresses of the enemy, I am not in fear 
 of them : I feast on wha.t belongs to them, and 
 I drink at the enemy's expense ; therefore as 
 being in one case at v?ar, and in the other 
 case as at a festival, I am not of opinion to dis- 
 solve this public assembly." After him spoke 
 Gobryas : "Friends and allies ! thus far I ap- 
 plaud the faith of Cyras, for he has been false 
 in nothing that he has; promised. But, if he 
 quit the country, it is pla.in that the Assyrian 
 will be at rest, and escsipe the punishment due 
 to him for the injuries tha.t he endeavoured to 
 do you, and that he has in fact done me ; and 
 I, on my side, shall again suffer punishment at 
 his hands, and now it will be for having been a 
 friend to you." 
 
 After all these Cyrus spoke. Nor am I 
 ignorant, friends, that if we separate the army 
 our own affairs will sink, and the affairs of the 
 enemy will rise again ; for 8>s many of them as 
 have had their arms taken from them will make 
 others out of hand; they that have lost their 
 horses will immediately get others ; in the 
 room of those men that are killed others will 
 grow up and succeed them ; so that it will not 
 be to be wondered at if they become able to 
 give us disturbance again very soon. Why 
 then did I desire Cyaxaras to propose the de- 
 bate on the separation of the army ? Be it 
 known to you," said he, i,t wa"s because I was 
 in fear for the future ; for I perceive certain 
 adversaries advancing on us, that, if we go on 
 with the war on the footing? we now stand, we 
 shall not be able to struggle with : for the 
 winter is coming on ; and if we have roofs to 
 cover our own heads, we have them not, by 
 Jove ! for our horses, nor for on r servants, nor 
 for the common soldiers ; andj without these 
 we cannot proceed in the service. The pro- 
 visions, wherever we have coine, have been 
 consumed by ourselves, and whlere we have not 
 been, there, for fear of us, they have been car- 
 ried off and secured in fortresses ; so that the 
 enemies have them, and we are| not able to pro- 
 cure them. And who is there (that has bravery 
 and vigour enough to go on jwith the service, 
 and struggle at the same time Jtfith hunger and 
 cold ? Therefore, if we are to continue the war 
 
 on these terms, I say that we oughjt rather to 
 separate the army of our own accord than be 
 driven away against our wills by distress, and 
 by not knowing what to do. But, if we have 
 a mind to go on still with the war, I say we 
 ought to do this: we should endeavour, as 
 soon as possible, to take from the enemy as 
 many of their strong places as we are able, and 
 to erect as many places of strength as we can 
 for ourselves. For if this be done, then they 
 will have provisions in the greatest plenty who 
 can take and secure the most of them, and they 
 that are inferior in strength will be besieged. 
 But now we are just in the same case with 
 those that are on' a voyage at sea ; for the part 
 that they have sailed over they do not leave so 
 as to make it safer for them than the other par 
 that they have not sailed ; but if we have for- 
 tresses, these will alienate the territory from the 
 enemy, and all things will be with us serene 
 and quiet. As for what some of you may be 
 apprehensive of, in case you are obliged to keep 
 garrison at a distance from your own territory, 
 do not let this be any concern to you ; for we 
 will take on us to guard those parts that are 
 the nearest to the enemy, since we are at a 
 great distance from home. And do you take 
 possession of the borders between you and the 
 Assyrian territory, and cultivate them. And 
 if we are able to guard and preserve those parts 
 that are in the enemy's neighbourhood, you 
 who keep those other parts that are at a greater 
 distance from them will certainly live in great 
 peace and quiet ; for I do not believe that they 
 can think of forming designs on you that are 
 at a distance, and neglect dangers that are at 
 hand." 
 
 After this had been said, all the rest of them 
 rising up, declared that they would -join heartily 
 in putting these things in execution. And 
 Cyaxares, Gadatas, and Gobryas said that if 
 the allies would give them leave they would 
 each of them build a fort, that the allies might 
 have those places in their interest. Cyrus 
 therefore, when he saw them all so zealous in 
 the execution of the things he had mentioned, 
 concluded thus : " If we intend therefore to 
 effect what we agree ought to be done, we 
 ought, as soon as possible, to be supplied with 
 engines to demolish the forts of the enemy, 
 and with builders to erect bulwarks of our own." 
 On this Cyaxares promised to make and sup- 
 ply them with one engine ; Gadatas and Go- 
 bryas promised another ; Tigranes another 
 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 and another Cyrus said that he would endea- 
 vour to make. When they were determined 
 on these things, they procured artificers for the 
 making of these engines, and every one provi- 
 ded the materials necessary for their fabric ; 
 and they established, as presidents and over- 
 seers of the works, certain persons that seemed 
 the most proper for the employment. 
 
 Cyrus, when he found that there would be 
 some time taken up in these affairs encamped 
 the army in a situation that he judged to be 
 the most healthy and most easily accessible, 
 with respect to all things that were necessary to 
 be brought thither. And he did whatever was 
 necessary to the making it strong, that they 
 who always remained there might be in safety, 
 though the main strength of the army should, 
 at any time, march at a distance from the 
 camp. And, besides, he inquired of those he 
 thought knew the country best, from what 
 parts of it the army might be supplied with all 
 things that were of use to them in the greatest 
 plenty. He led them always abroad to get 
 provision and forage, both that he might pro- 
 cure the greatest plenty of necessaries for the 
 army, that his men, inred to labour by these 
 marches, might gain health and vigour ; and 
 that in marching they might preserve in their 
 memories the order they were to keep. 
 
 Cyrus was employed in these affairs when 
 deserters from Babylon, and prisoners taken, 
 gave an account that the Assyrian was gone 
 to Lydia, carrying with him many talents of 
 gold and silver, and other treasures, and rich 
 ornaments of all kinds. The body of the sol- 
 diery supposed that he was already putting his 
 treasures out of the way for fear ; but Cyrus, 
 judging that he went in order to collect a force 
 against him, if he were able to effect it, pre- 
 pared himself, on the other hand, with a great 
 deal of vigour, as thinking that he should be 
 again forced to come to an engagement. Ac- 
 cordingly he completed the Persian body of 
 horse ; some horses he got from the prisoners, 
 and some from his friends ; for these things he 
 accepted from all, rejected nothing, neither a 
 fine weapon nor a horse, if any one presented 
 him with it. Chariots, likewise, he fitted up, 
 both out of those that were taken, and from 
 whencesoever else he was able to get supplied 
 with what was necessary towards it. 
 
 The Trojan method of using chariots, that 
 was practised of old, and that way of managing 
 them that is yet in use amongst the Cyreneans, 
 
 he abolished. For formerly the Meoes, Sy- 
 rians, and Arabians, and all the people of 
 Asia, used the same method, with respect to 
 their chariots, that the Cyreneans do at this 
 time ; and he was of opinion, that the very 
 best of the men being mounted on chariots, 
 they that probably constituted the chief 
 strength of the army had the part only of skir- 
 mishers at a distance, and had no great share 
 in the gaining of a victory. For three hun- 
 dred chariots afford three hundred combatants, 
 and these take up twelve hundred horses ; then 
 their drivers probably are such as these men, 
 that are the best of the army, chiefly confide 
 in ; and here again are three hundred others, 
 and they such as do the enemy no manner of 
 mischief. Therefore this sort of management, 
 with respect to their chariots, he abolished ; 
 and instead of this, he provided a soUk of war- 
 like chariots, with wheels of great strength, so 
 as not to be easily broken, and with axletrees 
 that were long, because things that carry 
 breadth are less liable to be overturned. The 
 box for the drivers he made like a turret, and 
 with strong pieces of timber ; and the highest 
 of these boxes reached up to the elbows of the 
 drivers, that reaching over these boxes they 
 might drive the horses. The drivers he cover- 
 ed, all but their eyes, with armour. To the 
 axletrees, on each side of the wheels, he added 
 steel scythes of about two cubits in length ; and 
 below, under the axletree, he fixed others 
 pointing to the ground, as intending with these 
 chariots to break in on the enemy. As Cyrus 
 at that time contrived these chariots, so, to 
 this day, they use them in the king's territory. 
 He had likewise camels in great number, such 
 as were collected from amongst his friends, 
 and those that were taken from the enemy, 
 being all brought together. 
 
 Thus were these things performed. But 
 he, being desirous to send some spy into Lydia,. 
 and to learn what the Assyrian did, was o 
 opinion that Araspes, the guardian of the beau- 
 tiful woman, was a proper person to go on that 
 errand ; for with Araspes things had fallen out 
 in this manner : 
 
 Having fallen in loVe wit\ the woman, he 
 was forced to make proposals to her. But she 
 denied him, and was faithful to her husband, 
 though he was absent ; for she loved him very 
 much. Yet she did not accuse Araspes to 
 Cyrus, being unwilling to make a quarrel be- 
 tween men that were friends. Then Araspes, 
 N 
 
98 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 thinking to forward the success of his inclina- 
 tions, threatened the woman that if she would 
 not yield to his wishes, she would be forced 
 to submit against her will. On this the wo- 
 man, being in fear, concealed the matter no 
 longer, but sent a messenger to Cyrus with 
 orders to tell him the whole affair. He, when 
 he heard it, laughed at this man, that had said 
 he was above the power of love. He sent Ar- 
 tabazus with the messenger, and commanded 
 him to tell Araspes that he should respect the 
 conduct of such a woman. But Artabazus, 
 coming to Araspes, reproached him, calling the 
 woman a deposit that had been trusted in his 
 hands ; and telling him of his passion, so that 
 Araspes shed many tears for grief, was over- 
 whelmed with shame, and almost dead with 
 fear lest he should suffer some severity at the 
 hands I 8f Cyrus. Cyrus, being informed of 
 this, sent for him, and spoke to him by him- 
 self alone. 
 
 f "I see, Araspes," said he, " that you are 
 / very much in fear of me, and very much asham- 
 ed. But give them both over, for I have heard 
 that gods have been conquered by love ; I know 
 how much men that have been accounted very 
 wise have suffered by love ; and I pronounced 
 on myself, that if I conversed with beautiful 
 people, I was not enough master of myself to 
 disregard them. And I am the cause that this 
 has befallen you, for I shut you up with this 
 irresistible creature." Araspes then said in 
 reply : " You are in this too, Cyrus, as you 
 are in other things, mild, and disposed to for- 
 give the errors of men ; but other men," said 
 he, " overwhelm me with grief and concern ; 
 for the rumour of my misfortune is got abroad 
 my enemies are pleased with it, and my friends 
 come to me and advise me to get out of the way 
 lest I suffer some severity at your hands, as 
 having been guilty of a very great injustice.'' 
 
 Then Cyrus said : " Be it known to you 
 therefore, Araspes, that, by means of this very 
 opinion that people have taken up, it is in your 
 power to gratify me in a very high degree, and 
 to do very great service to our allies." " ] 
 wish," said Araspes, that I had an opportu 
 nity of being again of use to you." " There 
 fore," said he, if you would make as if you 
 fled from me, and would go over to the enemy, ' 
 believe that the enemy would trust you.' 
 And I know, by Jove !" said Araspes, tha 
 [ should give occasion to have it said by my 
 friends that I fled from you." Then you 
 
 might return to us," said he, " apprised of all 
 he enemy's affairs. I believe that en tbeii 
 giving credit to you, they would make you a 
 harer in their debates and counsels, so that 
 nothing would be concealed from you that I 
 desire you should know." I will go then," 
 said he, now, out of hand ; for be assured 
 hat my being thought to have made my escape 
 as one that was just about to receive punishment 
 at your hands, will be one of the things that 
 will give me credit." 
 
 " And can you," said he, " leave the beauti- 
 ul Panthea ?" "Yes, Cyrus; for I have 
 plainly two souls. I have now philosophized 
 this point out by the help of that wicked so- 
 phister Love : for a single soul cannot be a good 
 one and a bad one at the same time, nor can 
 it, at the same time, affect both noble actions 
 and vile ones. It cannot incline and be averse 
 to the same things at the same time ; but it is 
 plain there are two souls, and when the good 
 one prevails, it does noble things ; when the 
 bad one prevails, it attempts vile things. But 
 now that it has got you for a support, the good 
 one prevails, and that very much." " If you 
 think it proper therefore to be gone," said 
 Cyrus, " thus you must do in order to gain the 
 greater credit with them. Relate to them the 
 state of our affairs, and relate it so as that what 
 you say may be as great a hinderance as possi- 
 ble to what they intend to do : and it would be 
 some hinderance to them, if you say that 
 we are preparing to make an incursion into 
 some part of their territory ; for when they 
 hear this, they will be less able to assemble 
 their whole force together, every one being in 
 fear for something at home. Then stay with 
 them," said he, " as long as you can ; for what 
 they do when they are the nearest us, will be the 
 most for our purpose to know. Advise them 
 likewise to form themselves into such an order 
 as may be thought the strongest ; for when 
 you come away, and are supposed to be appris- 
 ed of their order, they will be under a necessity 
 to keep to it, for they will be afraid of making 
 a change in it ; and if they do make a change 
 by their being so near at hand, it will create 
 confusion amongst them." 
 
 Araspes, setting out in this manner, and 
 taking with him such of his servants as he 
 chiefly confided in, and telling some certain 
 persons such things as he thought might be of 
 service to his undertaking, went his way. 
 Panthea, as soon as she perceived that Arasr 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 99 
 
 pes was gone, sending to Cyrus, told him thus : 
 " Do not be afflicted, Cyrus, that Araspes is 
 gone off to the enemy ; for if you will allow 
 me to send to my husband, I engage that there 
 will come to you one who will be a much more 
 faithful friend to you than Araspes. I know 
 that he will attend you with all the force that 
 he is able ; for the father of the prince that 
 now reigns was his friend, but he who at pre- 
 sent reigns, attempted once to part us from 
 each other ; and reckoning him therefore an 
 unjust man, I know that he would joyfully 
 revolt from him to such a man as you are." 
 
 Cyrus, hearing this, ordered her to send to 
 her husband. She sent ; and when Abradatas 
 discovered the signs from his wife, and perceiv- 
 ed how matters stood as to the other particu- 
 lars, he marched joyfully away to Cyrus, hav- 
 ing about two thousand horse with him. When 
 he came up with the Persian scouts, he sent 
 to Cyrus, to tell him who he was : Cyrus 
 immediately ordered them to conduct him to 
 his wife. 
 
 When Abradatas and his wife saw each 
 other they mutually embraced, as was natural 
 to do, on an occasion so unexpected. On this 
 Panthea told him of the sanctity and virtue of 
 Cyrus, and of his pity and compassion towards 
 her. Abradatas having heard of it, said : 
 " What can I do, Panthea, to pay my gratitude 
 to Cyrus for you and for myself?" " What 
 else said Panthea, " but endeavour to behave 
 towards him as he had done towards you?" 
 On this Abradatas came to Cyrus, and as soon 
 as he saw him, taking him by the right hand, 
 he said : " In return for the benefits you have 
 bestowed on us, Cyrus, I have nothing of more 
 consequence to say, than that I give myself to 
 you as a friend, a servant, and an ally ; and 
 whatever designs I observe you to be engaged 
 in, I will endeavour to be the best assistant to 
 you in them that I am able." Then Cyrus 
 said : " I accept your offer, and dismiss you at 
 this time, to take your supper with your wife ; 
 but, at some other time, you must take a meal 
 with me in my tent, together with your friends 
 and mine." 
 
 After this Abradatas, observing Cyrus to be 
 employed about the chariots armed with scythes, 
 and about those horses and horsemen that were 
 clothed in armour, endeavoured out of his own 
 body of horse, to fit him up a hundred such 
 chariots as his were ; and he prepared himself, 
 as being to lead them, mounted on a chariot 
 
 himself. His own chariot he framed with four 
 perches, and for eight horses. His wife Pan- 
 thea, out of her own treasures, made him a 
 corslet of gold, and a golden head piece, and 
 armpieces of the same ; and the horses of his 
 chariot she provided with brass defences. These 
 things Abradatas performed. And Cyrus, ob- 
 serving his chariot with four perches, consider- 
 ed that it might be possible to make one with 
 eight, so as to draw the lower frame of this 
 machine with eight yoke of oxen. This en- 
 gine, together with its wheels, was upwards of 
 fifteen feet from the ground. And he believed 
 that turrets of this kind, following in the line, 
 might be of great help to his own phalanx, and ' 
 do great injury to the line of the enemy. On{ 
 these frames he made open places to move about < 
 in, and strong defences, and on each of these' 
 turrets he mounted twenty men. When all 
 things with respect to these turrets were com- 
 pleted to his hand, he made an experiment of 
 their draught, and eight yoke of oxen drew a 
 turret, and the men on it, with more ease than 
 each yoke drew the common baggage weight ; 
 for the weight of baggage was about five-and- 
 twenty talents to each yoke ; but the draught 
 of a turret, whose wooden frame was as broad 
 as a tragic stage, together with twenty men and 
 their arms, amounted but to fifteen talents to 
 each yoke. When he found that the draught 
 was easy, he prepared for the marching these 
 turrets with the army, reckoning that to take 
 all advantages was both safe and just, and of 
 happy consequence in war. 
 
 II. At this time there came from the Indian 
 certain persons, who brought treasure, and 
 gave him an account that the Indian sent him 
 word thus : " I am pleased, Cyrus that you 
 gave me an account of what you wanted ; I 
 have a mind to engage in friendship with you, 
 and I send you treasure , if you want any thing 
 else send me word. They that come from me 
 have it in charge to do whatever you order 
 them." 
 
 Cyrus hearing this, said ; " I order then 
 that some of you remaining here, where you 
 have pitched your tents, may guard the trea- 
 sure, and live as is most agreeable to you. But 
 let three of you go on to the enemy, as coming 
 from the Indian, to treat of an alliance, and get- 
 ting yourselves informed of what is said and 
 done there give me and the Indian an account 
 of it as soon as possible. And, if you serve 
 me well in this, I shall be yet more obliged to 
 
100 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 you, than for j-our coming hither, and bringing 
 me treasure ; for such spies, as appear men of 
 servile condition, are not able to know or give 
 an account of any thing more than what all 
 people know. But such men as you are often 
 led into the knowledge of designs and counsels." 
 The Indians, hearing this with pleasure, and 
 being on that occasion entertained by Cyrus, 
 made all things ready : and the next day went 
 away, promising faithfully to get informed of 
 as many of the enemy's concerns, as they were 
 able, and to come away as soon as possible. 
 
 Cyrus made all other preparations for the 
 war, in the most magnificent manner, as being 
 a man who projected to perform no inconsider- 
 able things, and withal, did not only take care 
 of such things as he thought proper for his 
 allies, but raised amongst his friends an emula- 
 tion to appear armed in the handsomest man- 
 ner, to appear the most skilled in horseman- 
 ship, at throwing the javelin, and in the use 
 of the bow, and the most ready to undergo 
 any fatigue. This he effected b^ leading them 
 out to hunt, and rewarding those that were the 
 ablest in the several performances. And those 
 commanders that he observed to be most care- 
 ful to make their soldiers excel, those he ani- 
 mated by praising them, and by gratifying them 
 in all that he was able. If at any time he made 
 a sacrifice, or solemnized a festival, he appoint- 
 ed games on the occasion, in all the several 
 things that men practise on account of war, and 
 gave magnificent rewards to the conquerors ; 
 and there was a mighty cheerfulness in the army. 
 
 All things that Cyrus had a mind to have 
 with him for the service were now almost com- 
 pleted to his hands, except the engines ; for the 
 Persian horsemen were filled up to ten thou- 
 sand. The chariots, armed with scythes that 
 he himself provided, were now a hundred com- 
 plete. Those that Abradatas the Susian un- 
 dertook to provide, like those of Cyrus, were 
 likewise a hundred complete. And the Medi- 
 an chariots, that Cyrus had persuaded Cyax- 
 ares to change from the Trojan and Libyan 
 form and method, were likewise made up to 
 another hundred. The camels were mounted 
 by two archers on each ; and most of the army 
 stood so disposed, as if they had already con- 
 quered, and the affairs of the enemy were re- 
 duced to nothing. 
 
 While they were in this disposition the 
 Indians that Cyrus had sent to get intelligence 
 came back from the enemy, and said that Croe- 
 
 sus was chosen general and leader of all the 
 enemy's forces : that all the princes in their 
 alliance had determined to attend each with 
 his whole force, to contribute mighty sums of 
 money, and to lay them out in stipends to all 
 those that they could hire, and in presents, 
 where it was proper : that they had already 
 hired a great number of Thracians, armed 
 with large swords : that the Egyptians were 
 under sail to come to them, and the number of 
 these they said amounted to a hundred and 
 twenty thousand, armed with large shields that 
 reached down to their feet, with mighty spears, 
 such as they use at this day, and with swords. 
 They said that a body of Cyprians was under 
 sail to join them, and that all the Cilicians, 
 the men of both the Phrygias, the Lycaonians, 
 Paphlagonians, Cappadocians, Arabians, Phce- 
 nicians, and Assyrians, with the prince of 
 Babylon, were already joined : that the lonians, 
 the ^Eolians, and all the Greek colonies in 
 Asia, were obliged to attend Croesus: and 
 that Croesus had sent to Lacedaemon, to treat 
 of an alliance with them : that this army as- 
 sembled about the river Pactolus, and was 
 about to advance to Thybarra, where all the 
 barbarians of the Lower Syria, that are subject 
 to the king, assemble at this day : that order? 
 were given out to all, to convey provisions and 
 all things thither, as to the general market. 
 The prisoners likewise related almost the same 
 things; for Cyrus took care that prisoners 
 should be taken, in order to get information ; 
 and he sent out spies, that seemed to be of 
 servile condition, as deserters. 
 
 When the army of Cyrus came to hear all 
 this, every body was under concern, as it was 
 natural for them to be. They went up and 
 down in a sedater way than they used to do, 
 and the multitude did not appear cheerful. But 
 they got together in circles : and all places 
 were full of people, asking each other ques- 
 tions concerning these matters, and discours- 
 ing together. When Cyrus perceived that 
 terror was spreading apace through the army 
 he called together the commanders of the 
 several bodies, together with all such whose 
 dejection might prove to be any wise prejudi 
 cial, or their alacrity of use ; and told his ser 
 vants beforehand, that if any other of the 
 soldiers attended to hear his discourse, they 
 should not hinder them. When they were 
 assembled he said : 
 
 " Friends and allies ! I have called you 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRITS. 
 
 101 
 
 together, because I observed that since thes 
 accounts are come from the enemy, some o 
 you appear like men that are terrified : for t 
 me it appears strange that any of you shoul 
 be really terrified at the enemies' being said t 
 assemble their forces, because we are at th 
 time met in much greater numbers than w 
 were when we beat them ; and, with the hel 
 of the gods, are now better prepared thai 
 before : and when you see this, does it no 
 give y6u courage 1 In the name of the gods ! 
 said he, if you are afraid now, what had yo 
 done if people had given you an account tha 
 the enemies were advancing on you with al 
 the advantages on their side which we have on 
 ours ] and, in the first place," said he, " ha( 
 you heard that they who had beaten us before 
 were coming on us again, with minds full of 
 the victory they had obtained ] That they 
 who at that time slighted the distant discharge 
 of arrows and javelins, were now coming with 
 multitudes more armed like themselves 1 Anc 
 then, that as these heavy-armed men at that 
 time conquered our foot; so now, their horse- 
 men, provided in the same manner, advanced 
 against our horse ? And that, rejecting bows 
 and javelins, each of them, armed with one 
 strong lance, had it in their intention to push 
 up to us and engage hand to hand! That 
 there are chariots coming, that are not to be 
 planted as heretofore, and turned away as for 
 flight, but that the horses of these chariots are 
 covered with armour, the drivers stand in 
 wooden turrets, and all upwards are covered 
 with their corslets and helms, and steel scythes 
 are fixed to the axle-trees ; and that these are 
 ready to drive in immediately on the ranks of 
 those that stand in opposition to them 1 
 Besides, that they have camels on which they 
 ride up to us, and one of which a hundred 
 horses will not bear the sight of ? And yet, 
 farther, that they advance with certain towers, 
 from whence they can support their own 
 people ; and, by discharging their weapons on 
 you, hinder you from fighting on even ground 
 with them ? Had any one told you that the 
 enemies were possessed of all these things, if 
 you are afraid now, what had you done then 1 
 But when you have an account that Croesus is 
 chosen the enemies' general, he who behaved 
 himself so much worse than the Syrians ; that 
 the Syrians were beaten before they fled, but 
 Croesus, when he saw them beaten, instead of 
 supporting his allies, fled and made his escape ! 
 9 
 
 And, when it is told you that the same enemies 
 are not thought sufficient to engage us, but 
 that they hire others that they think will fight 
 their battles for them better than they do for 
 themselves ! If these are such things as appear 
 terrible to any, and that the state of our own 
 affairs appears mean and contemptible to them, 
 these men, my friends, I say ought to go 
 their ways to the enemy ; for by being there 
 they will do us more service than they will 
 by being amongst us." 
 
 When Cyrus had said this, Chrysantas the 
 Persian spoke thus : " O Cyrus ! do not 
 wonder that some people carry sad countenances 
 on having heard these accounts ; for it is not 
 fear that affects them thus, but it is grief. 
 For," said he, if people that had a mind 
 to get their dinners, and were just in expecta- 
 tion of it, were told of some work that was 
 necessary to be done before they dined, nobody, 
 I believe, would be pleased with hearing it. 
 Just so therefore, while we are in present ex- 
 pectation of enriching ourselves, and then hear 
 that there is still some work left that of neces- 
 sity must be done, we look sad, not out of fear 
 i>ut because we want to have that work already 
 over. But since we are not only contending 
 "or Syria, where there is corn in abundance, 
 flocks, and fruitful palms ; but for Lydia too, 
 where wine, and figs, and oil abound, and a 
 and whose shores the sea washes ; by which 
 means such numbers of valuable things are 
 >rought hither as no one ever saw. Consider- 
 ng these things, we are no longer dejected, 
 >ut have full confidence that we shall soon 
 snjoy these valuable productions of Lydia." 
 Thus he spoke ; and all the allies were pleased 
 with his discourse, and applauded it. 
 
 " And, indeed, my friends," said Cyrus, 
 my opinion is, to march up to them as soon 
 s possible, that if we can we may prevent 
 hem, and first reach those places where all 
 heir conveniences are got together for them ; 
 nd then, the sooner we march to them, the 
 ewer things we shall find them provided with, 
 nd the more things we shall find them in want 
 f. This I give as my opinion ; if any one 
 tiink any other course safer and easier to us, 
 et him inform us." 
 
 After a great many had expressed ther con- 
 urrence in its being proper to march as soon 
 s possible to the enemy, and that nobody said 
 o the contrary : on this Cyrus began a d;s 
 ourse to this effect : 
 
102 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 Friends and allies ! our minds, our bodies, 
 and the arms that we are to use, have been, 
 with the help of the gods, long since provided 
 to our hands : it is now our business to pro- 
 vide necessaries on our march for not less than 
 twenty days, both for ourselves and as many 
 beasts as we make use of: for on calculation 
 I find that the way we are to go will take us 
 more than fifteen days, and on the road we 
 shall find no sort of necessaries ; for every 
 thing that was possible have been taken and 
 carried off, partly by ourselves, and partly by 
 the enemy. We must therefore put up a suf- 
 ficient quantity of food, for without this, we 
 can neither fight nor can we live ; but of wine 
 as much as is enough to accustom us to drink 
 water ; for great part of the way that we are to 
 take is entirely unprovided with wine, and were 
 we to put up a very great quantity of it, it would 
 not suffice us. Therefore, that we may not 
 fall into distempers by being deprived of wine 
 all on a sudden, we must do thus ; we must 
 begin now immediately to drink water with 
 our food ; for by doing thus now we shall make 
 no very great change : for whoever feeds on 
 things made of flour, eats the mass mixed up 
 with water ; and he that feeds on bread, eats 
 the loaf that is first moistened and worked up 
 with water ; and all boiled meats are made 
 ready with a great quantity of water. But if 
 after our meal we drink a little wine on it, our 
 stomach, not having less than usual, rests satis- 
 fied. Then, afterwards, we must cut off even 
 this allowance after supper, till at last we be- 
 come insensibly water-drinkers : for an altera- 
 tion, little by little, brings any nature to bear 
 a total change. The gods themselves teach us 
 this, by bringing us, little by little, from the 
 midst of winter, to bear very great heat ; and 
 from the heat, to bear very great cold ; and we, 
 in imitation of them, ought by custom and 
 practice to reach the end we should attain to. 
 Spare the weight of fine quilts and carpets, and 
 make it up in necessaries ; for a superfluity of 
 things necessary will not be useless. But if 
 you happen to be without these carpets, you 
 need not be afraid that you shall not lie and 
 sleep with pleasure. If it prove otherwise than 
 I say, then blame me; but to have plenty of 
 clothes with a man is a great help to one both 
 in health and sickness. And of meats we ought 
 to put up those that are a good deal sharp, 
 ucid, and salt ; for they create appetite, and. 
 are a lasting nourishment. And when we 
 
 come into those parts of the country that are 
 untouched, where probably we shall find corn, 
 we ought to be provided with hand-mills, by 
 taking them with us from hence, that we may 
 use them in making our bread ; for of -all the 
 instruments that are used in making bread these 
 are the lightest. We ought likewise to put up 
 quantities of such things as are wanted by sick 
 people ; for their bulk is but very little, and if 
 such a chance befall us, we shall want them 
 very much. We must likewise have stftre of 
 straps ; for most things, both about men and 
 horses, are fastened by straps, and when they 
 wear out or break there is a necessity of stand- 
 ing still, unless one can get supplied with them. 
 Whoever has learned the skill of polishing a 
 lance, it will be 'well for him not to forget a 
 polisher, and he will do well to carry a file : 
 for he that sharpens his spear sharpens his soul 
 at the same time ; for there is a sort of shame 
 in it, that one who sharpens his lance should 
 himself be cowardly and dull. We ought 
 likewise to have plenty of timber with us for 
 the chariots and carriages ; for, in many affairs, 
 many things will of necessity be defective. 
 And we ought to be provided with the tools 
 and instruments that are the most necessary 
 for all these things, for artificers are not every 
 where to be met with, nor will a few of them 
 be sufficient for our daily work. To every 
 carriage we should have a cutting-hook and a 
 spade ; and to each beast of burden a pick-axe 
 and a scythe ; for these things are useful to 
 every one in particular, and are often service- 
 able to the public. Therefore, with respect 
 to the things that are necessary for food, do 
 you, that are the commanders of the soldiery, 
 examine those that are under you ; for in what- 
 ever of these things any one is defective, it 
 must not be passed by; for we shall be in 
 want of these. And as to those things that I 
 order to be carried by the beasts of burden, do 
 you that are commanders of those that belong 
 to the baggage-train examine into them, and 
 the man that has them not do you oblige to 
 provide them. And do you that are the com- 
 manders of those that clear the ways take 
 down, in a list from me, such as are turned out 
 from among the throwers of the javelin, the 
 archers and the slingers. And those that are 
 taken from amongst the throwers of the jave- 
 lin you must oblige to serve with an axe for 
 cutting wood ; those that are taken from the 
 archers with a spade ; and those from the 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 slingers with a cutting-hook. These mus 
 march in troops before the carriages, that i 
 case the way wants to be mended, you ma 
 presently set to work, and that, if I want an 
 thing to be done, I may know from whence t 
 take them for my use. And I will take wit! 
 me smiths, carpenters, and leather-cutters, wit! 
 all their proper tools, and who shall be men o! 
 an age fit to attend the service, that nothing o 
 what is necessary to be done in the army, in 
 the way of those arts, may be wanting. An 
 these shall all be exempt and disengaged from 
 the military ranks, but shall be placed in thei 
 proper order, ready to do service for any one 
 that will hire them, in the ways that they are 
 severally skilled in. And if any tradesman has 
 a mind to attend with intention to sell any 
 thing, he must have necessaries for the days 
 before-mentioned ; and if he be found to sel 
 any thing during those days, all that he has 
 shall be taken from him ; but when these days 
 are past, he may sell as he pleases. And who- 
 ever of these traders shall be found to furnish 
 the greatest plenty of the things that he deals 
 in, he shall meet with reward and honour from 
 our allies and from me. If any one thinks 
 that he wants money to purchase things, let 
 him bring people that know him, and will be 
 responsible for him, that he will certainly at- 
 tend the army, and then let him take of what 
 belongs to us. 
 
 " These are the things that I order. If any 
 one knows of any other thing that is proper, 
 let him signify it to me. Do you go your ways, 
 and put up every thing. I intend to make a 
 sacrifice on our setting forward ; and when 
 our divine affairs stand right we will give the 
 signal. All must attend with the things be- 
 fore ordered, in their proper posts, under their 
 several commanders. And do you, comman- 
 ders, each of you, putting his division into 
 good order, all come and confer with me, that 
 you may learn your several posts." They, 
 hearing this, made their preparations, and he 
 made a sacrifice. 
 
 III. When the sacred rites were performed 
 in a happy manner, Cyrus set forward with the 
 army, and the first day encamped at as small a 
 distance as he could, that in case any one had 
 forgot any thing, he might fetch it; and that 
 if any one found himself in want of any thing, 
 he might provide it. Cyaxares, therefore with 
 the third part of the Medes, stayed behind, 
 that affairs at home might not be left destitute. 
 
 And Cyrus marched, with the utmost des- 
 patch, having the horse at the head of the 
 whole, but always making the discoverers and 
 scouts mount up before, to such places as were 
 most proper to take their views from. After 
 the horse he led the baggage-train, and where 
 the country was open and plain, he marched 
 the carriages and beasts of burden in several 
 lines. The phalanx marched after; and if 
 any of the baggage-train was left behind, those 
 of the commanders that were at hand took care 
 of it, that they might not be hindered in their 
 march. But when the road was, more con- 
 tracted, he ranged the train in the middle, and 
 the soldiers marched on each side, and if they 
 met wifli a hindrance, those of the soldiers 
 that were at hand took care about it. The 
 several regiments marched for the most part 
 with their own baggage near them, for it was 
 given in charge to those of the train, to march 
 each part of them by the regiment they be- 
 longed to, unless some necessity kept them 
 from doing it ; and every officer of the train led 
 on with the colonel's ensign, or mark that was 
 known to the men of their several regiments ; 
 so that they marched in close order, and every 
 one took very great care of their own, that it 
 might not be left behind ; and by doing thus, 
 they were in no need of seeking for each other, 
 all things were at hand and in, more safety, and 
 the soldiers were the more readily supplied with 
 what they wanted. 
 
 But as soon as the advanced scouts thought 
 ;hat they saw men in the plain getting forage 
 and wood, and saw beasts of burden laden with 
 such kind of things, and feeding, and then again 
 aking a view at a greater distance, they thought 
 hat they observed smoke or dust rising up in- 
 o the air. From all these things they con- 
 :luded that the enemy's army was somewhere 
 near at hand. The commander of the scouts 
 herefore immediately sent one to Cyrus to tell 
 lim these things, 
 
 He having heard these things, commanded 
 hem to remain in the same viewing places, and 
 whatever new thing they saw, to give him an 
 .ccount of it. He sent a regiment of horse 
 orward, and commanded them to endeavour to 
 ake some of the men that were in the plain, 
 hat they might get a clearer insight into the 
 natter. They that were thus ordered did accord- 
 ngly. He made a disposition of the rest of his 
 rmy in such a manner, that they might be pro- 
 ided with whatever he thought fitting before 
 
104 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 they came up close to the enemy ; and first, he 
 made it be proclaimed, that they should take 
 their dinners, and then wait in their ranks, at- 
 tentive to their farther orders. When they 
 had dined he called together the several com- 
 manders of the horse, foot, and chariots of the 
 engines, baggage-train, and carriages, and they 
 met accordingly. They that made an excur- 
 sion into the plain, taking certain people pri- 
 soners brought them off. 
 
 These that were taken, being asked by Cy- 
 rus, told him, that they came off from their 
 army, and passing their advanced guard, came 
 out, some for forage and some for wood ; for 
 by means of the multitude that their army con- 
 sisted of, all things were very scarce. Cyrus, 
 hearing this, said : " And how far is the army 
 from hence ?" They told him about two para- 
 sangs. On this Cyrus asked, " And is there 
 any discourse amongst them concerning us?" 
 Yes, by Jove !" said they, " a great deal, par- 
 ticularly that you are already near at hand ad- 
 vancing on ttiem." " Well, then," said Cyrus, 
 ' did they rejoice at the hearing it 1 " And this 
 he asked for the sake of those that were by. 
 No, by Jove !" said they, " they did not re- 
 joice, but were very much concerned." And at 
 this time," said Cyrus, " what are they doing ?" 
 " They are forming into order" said they, and 
 both yesterday and the day before they were 
 employed in the same work." " And he that 
 makes their disposition," said Cyrus, who is 
 he ?" " Croesus himself," said they, and with 
 him a certain Greek ; and another besides, who 
 is a Mede ; and this man was said to be a desert- 
 er from you." Then Cyrus said : " O greatest 
 Jove, may I be able to take this man as I desire.' 
 
 On this he ordered them to carry off the 
 prisoners, and turned to the people that were 
 present, as if he were going to say something 
 At that instant there came another man from 
 the commander of the scouts, who told him 
 that there appeared a great body of horse in the 
 plain : " And we guess," said he, " that they 
 are marching with intention to take a view of 
 the army ; for before this body there is another 
 party of about thirty horse, that march with 
 great diligence, and directly against us, per- 
 haps with intention to seize our station for 
 viewing, if they can, and we are but a single 
 decade on that station." Then Cyrus or- 
 dered a party of those horse that always at- 
 tended him to march and put themselves in a 
 place under the viewing station, and keeping 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 themselves concealed from the enemy, to be 
 quiet. " And when our decade," said he, 
 " quits the station, then do you rush out and 
 attack those that mount it ; and that the ene- 
 my's greater body may not do you mischief, do 
 you, Hystaspes," said he, " march with a thou- 
 sand horse, and appear in opposition to the 
 enemy's body ; and do not pursue up to any 
 undiscovered place ; but when you have taken 
 care to maintain the possession of your view- 
 ing stations, then come back to me. And if 
 any men ride up to you with their right hands 
 extended, receive them as friends." Hystas- 
 pes went away and armed himself. Those 
 that attended Cyrus marched immediately, and 
 on this side the viewing places Araspes, with 
 his servants, met them ; he that had been some 
 time since sent away as a spy, and was the 
 guardian of the Susian woman. 
 
 Cyrus therefore, as soon as he saw him, 
 leaped from his seat, met him, and received 
 him with his right hand. The rest, as was 
 natural, knowing nothing of the matter, were 
 struck with the thing, till Cyrus said: " My 
 friends, he comes to us a brave man ; for now 
 it is fit, that all men should know what he has 
 done. This man went away, not for any base 
 thing that he was loaded with, or for any fear 
 of me, but he was sent by me, that learning 
 the state of the enemy's affairs for us, he might 
 make us a clear report of them. What I pro- 
 mised you therefore, Araspes, I remember, 
 and, with the assistance of all these that are 
 here, I will perform it. And it is just that 
 all you, my friends, should pay him honour as 
 a brave man ; for, to do us service, he has 
 thrown himself into dangers, and has borne 
 that load of reproach that fell so heavy on 
 him. On this they all embraced Araspes, 
 and gave him their right hands. 
 
 Then Cyrus, telling them that there was 
 enough of this said : " Give us an account, 
 Araspes, of these things, and do not abate any 
 thing of the truth, with respect to the enemy's 
 affairs ; for it is better that we should think 
 them greater, and see them less, than hear them 
 to be less, and find them greater." I acted," 
 said Araspes, " in such a manner as to get the 
 clearest insight into them ; for I assisted in 
 person at their making their disposition." "You 
 therefore," said Cyrus, know not only their 
 numbers, but their order too." " Yes, by Jove!" 
 said Araspes, " and I know the manner that they 
 intend to engage in." " But, in the first place, tell 
 
:>;\ 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 105 
 
 us, however," said Cyrus, " in general, what 
 their numbers are?" "Well then," said he, 
 " they are all ranged thirty in depth, both foot 
 and horse, except the Egyptians, and they ex- 
 tended in front forty stadia, for I took very 
 great care to know what ground they took up." 
 " And then, as the Egyptians," said Cyrus, 
 " tell us how they are ranged ; for you said 
 except the Egyptians." The commanders of 
 ten thousand formed each of their bodies into a 
 hundred every way ; for this they say is their 
 order, according to their custom at home ; but 
 Croesus allowed them to form in this mariner 
 very much against his will, for he was desirous 
 to over-front your army as much as possible." 
 " And why," said Cyrus, does he desire 
 this ?" " Why, by Jove !" said he, in order 
 to encompass you with that part that exceeds 
 you in front." Then Cyrus said : " J3ut let 
 them look to it, that the encompassers be not 
 themselves encompassed. But we have heard 
 what is proper for us to be informed of by you, 
 and you, my friends, must act in this manner : 
 
 " As soon as you go from hence, examine 
 the arms that belong both to the horses and to 
 yourselves ; for, frequently, by the want of a 
 little thing, both man, and horse, and chariot 
 become useless. To-morrow, in the morning, 
 whilst I sacrifice you must first get your din- 
 ners, both men and horse, that whatever op- 
 portunity of action offers itself we may not 
 balk it. Then do you, Araspes", keep the right 
 wing as you do now, and let the other com- 
 manders of ten thousand keep the stations 
 they now are in ; for when a race is just ready 
 to be entered on, there is no longer opportu- 
 nity for any chariot to shift horses. Give 
 orders to the several colonels and captains to 
 form into a phalanx, with each company 
 drawn up two in front." t And each company 
 consisted of four-and-twenty men. Then one of 
 the commanders often thousand said : " And do 
 we think, Cyrus," said he, that when we are 
 ranged but so many deep we shall be strong 
 enough against phalanxes of that great depth 1" 
 
 And Cyrus replied : " Phalanxes that are 
 deeper than to be able to reach the enemy with 
 their weapons, what injury," said he, " do you 
 think they will do to the enemy, or what ser- 
 vice to their fellow-combatants 1 For my 
 part," said he, " those soldiers that are ranged 
 a hundred in depth, I would rather choose to 
 have ranged ten thousand in depth, for by that 
 means we should have the fewer to engage ; 
 
 but by the number of men that form our pha 
 lanx in depth, I reckon to make the whole act 
 and support itself. The throwers of the jave- 
 lin I will range behind the corslet-men, and 
 behind the throwers of the javelin the archers : 
 for who would place those in front who, 
 themselves, can confess that they cannot bear 
 any engagement hand to hand 1 But when 
 the corslet-men are interposed before them, 
 then they stand. And the one casting their 
 javelins, and the other discharging their arrows 
 over the heads of those that are ranged before 
 them, do execution on the enemy. And as 
 much mischief as any one does the enemy, it 
 is plain that so far he gives relief to his fellow- 
 combatants. Last of all, I will place those 
 that are called the rear ; for as a house with- 
 out a strong stone work, and without men 
 that have the skill to form the roof, is of no 
 value, so neither is a phalanx of any value 
 without such as are serviceable both in front 
 and rear. Do you, then," said he, form as I 
 order you. And do you, commanders of the 
 javelin-men, form your several companies in 
 the same manner behind these. Do you, com- 
 manders of the archers, form in the same man- 
 ner behind the javelin-men ; and you, who com- 
 mand the rear, with your men placed last, give 
 orders to those under you, each of them to 
 keep his eye to those before him, to encourage 
 those that do their duty, to threaten severely 
 such as behave cowardly ; and, if any one turn 
 away with intention to desert his station, to 
 punish him with death ; for it is the business 
 of those that are placed before, both by words 
 and actions, to encourage those that follow ; 
 and you that are placed in the rear of all must 
 inspire the cowardly with greater terror than 
 the enemies themselves give them. These 
 things do you do; and do you, Abradatas, 
 who command those that belong to the en- 
 gines, take care that the oxen that draw the 
 turrets and men belonging to them follow up 
 as close to the phalanx as possible. And do 
 you. Daouchas, who command the baggage- 
 train, lead up all that kind of people behind 
 the turrets and engines, and let your attendants 
 severely punish those that are either more ad- 
 vanced or more behind than they ought to be. 
 And do you, Cardouchus, who command the 
 wagons that carry the women, place these 
 last behind the baggage-train ; for all these fol- 
 lowing each other will make the appearance of 
 a great multitude, and will give us an oppor- 
 O 
 
106 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 tunity of forming an ambuscade ; and, in case 
 the enemy have a mind to encompass us, will 
 oblige them to a greater circuit ; and the more 
 ground they encompass, so much the weaker 
 must they of necessity be. And thus do you. 
 But you, Artabazus, and Artagersas, each of 
 you, with the thousand foot that attend you, 
 keep behind these. And you Pharnouchus 
 and Asiadatas, each with your thousand horse, 
 do not you form in the phalanx, but arm by 
 yourselves, behind the wagons, and then come 
 to us, together with the rest of the com- 
 manders ; but you ought to prepare yourselves, 
 as being the first to engage. And do you, 
 who are the commanders of the men mounted 
 on the camels, form behind the wagons, and 
 act as Artagersas shall order you. And of 
 you, leaders of the chariots, let that man range 
 his hundred chariots in front, before the pha- 
 lanx, who obtains that station by lot, and 
 let the other hundreds attend the phalanx 
 ranged on the wings, one on the right side 
 and the other on the left." 
 
 Thus Cyrus ordered. But Abradatas, king 
 of the Susians, said: " I take it voluntarily on 
 myself, Cyrus, to hold that station in front 
 against the opposite phalanx, unless you think 
 otherwise." Then Cyrus, being struck with 
 admiration of the man, and taking him by the 
 right hand, asked the Persians that belonged 
 to others of the chariots. " Do you," said he, 
 yield to this?" When they replied, that it 
 would not be handsome in them to give it up, 
 he brought them all to the lot ; and by the lot 
 Abradatas obtained what he had taken on 
 himself, and he stood opposite to the Egyp- 
 tians. Then going their way, and taking care 
 of the things that were before mentioned, they 
 took their suppers, and, having placed their 
 guards, they went to rest. 
 
 IV. The next day in the morning, Cyax- 
 ares sacrificed : but the rest of the army, after 
 having taken their dinners and made their liba- 
 tions, equipped themselves with fine coats, in 
 great number, and with many fine corslets and 
 helmets. The horses, likewise, they armed 
 with forehead-pieces and breast-plates, the 
 single horses with thigh-pieces, and those in 
 the chariots with plates on their sides ; so that 
 the whole army glittered with the brass, and ap- 
 peared beautifully decked with scarlet habits. 
 
 The chariot of Abradatas, that had four 
 perches and eight horses, was completely 
 adorned for him ; and when he was going to 
 
 put on his linen corslet, which was a sort of 
 armour used by those of his country, Panthea 
 brought him a golden helmet, and arm-pieces, 
 broad bracelets for his wrists, a purple habit, 
 that reached down to his feet, and hung in folds 
 at the bottom, and a crest dyed of a violet co- 
 lour. These things she had made unknown to 
 her husband, and by taking the measure of his 
 armour. He wondered when he saw them, and 
 inquired thus of Panthea, " And have you 
 made me these arms, woman, by destroying 
 your own ornaments ?" " No, by Jove !" said 
 Panthea, " not what is the most valuable of 
 them ; for it is you, if you appear to others to 
 be what I think you, that will be my greatest 
 ornament." And saying this she put on him 
 the armour ; and, though she endeavoured to 
 conceal it, the tears poured down her cheeks. 
 When |A.bradatas, who was before a man of 
 fine appearance, was set out in these arms, he 
 appeared the most beautiful and noble of all, 
 especially being likewise so by nature. Then 
 taking the reins from the driver, he was just 
 preparing to mount the chariot ; on this Pan- 
 thea, after she had desired all that were there 
 present to retire, said : 
 
 " Abradatas ! if ever there was another 
 woman who had greater regard to her husband 
 than to her own soul, I believe you know that 
 I am such a one ; what need I therefore speak 
 of things in particular ] for I reckon that my 
 actions have convinced you more than any 
 words I can now use. And yet though I stand 
 thus affected towards you, as you know I do, I 
 swear by this friendship of mine and yours, that 
 I certainly would rather choose to be put un- 
 der ground jointly with you, approving your- 
 self a brave man, than to live with you in dis- 
 grace and shame ; so much do I think you and 
 myself worthy of the noblest things. Then I 
 reckon we both lie under a great obligation to 
 Cyrus, that when I was a captive, and chosen 
 out for himself, he thought fit to take me 
 neither as a slave, nor, indeed, as a free-woman 
 of mean account ; but he took and kept me for 
 you, as if I were his brother's wife. Besides, 
 when Araspes, who was my guard, went away 
 from him, I promised him, that if he would al- 
 low me to send for you, you would come to 
 him, and approve yourself a much better and 
 more faithful friend than Araspes." 
 
 Thus she spoke ; and Abradatas, being struck 
 with admiration at her discourse, laying his 
 hand gently on her head, and lifting up his eyes 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 107 
 
 to heaven, made this prayer : "Do thou, 
 greatest Jove ! grant me to appear a husbanc 
 worthy of Panthea, and a friend worthy of Cy- 
 rus, who has done us so much honour !" 
 
 Having said this, he mounted the chariot by 
 the door of the driver's seat ; and after he got 
 up, when the driver shut the door of the seat 
 Panthea, who had now no other way to salute 
 him, kissed the seat of the chariot. The 
 Chariot then moved, and she, unknown to 
 him, followed, till Abradatas turning about 
 and seeing her, said : " Take courage, Pan- 
 thea ! Fare you happily and well ; and now go 
 your ways." On this her women and servants 
 took and conducted her to her conveyance, and 
 laying her down, concealed her by throwing the 
 covering of a tent over her. The people, 
 though Abradatas and his chariot made a noble 
 spectacle, were not able to look at him till 
 Panthea was gone. 
 
 But when Cyrus had happily sacrificed, the 
 army was formed for him according to his or- 
 ders, and taking possession of the viewing sta- 
 tions, one before another, he called the leaders 
 together and spoke thus : 
 
 " Friends and fellow-soldiers ! the gods, in 
 our sacred rites, have exposed to us the same 
 happy signs they did before, when they gave us 
 victory ; and I am desirous to put you in mind 
 of some such things as, by your recollecting 
 them, will, in my opinion, make you march 
 with more courage to the enemy : for you are 
 better practised in the affairs of war than our 
 enemies are, and you have been bred up to- 
 gether in this, and formed to it a much longer 
 time than our enemies have been. You hav8 
 been fellow-conquerors together, whereas many 
 of our enemies have been fellow-sharers in a 
 defeat : and of those on both sides that have 
 not yet been engaged in action, they that are 
 of our enemy's side know that they have for 
 their supports men that have been deserters of 
 their station and runawaj-s ; but you that are 
 
 with us know that you act with men zealous 
 to assist their friends. It is probable then tha 
 they who have confidence in each other will 
 unanimously stand and fight; but they who 
 distrust each other will necessarily be every 
 one contriving how they shall the soonest 
 get out of the w"ay. Let us march then, my 
 friends, to the enemy with our armed cha- 
 riots against those of the enemy unarmed ; 
 with our cavalry in like manner, both men and 
 horse armed, against those of the enemy un- 
 armed, in order to a close engagement. The 
 rest of the foot are such as you have engaged 
 already. But as for the Egyptians, they are 
 both armed and formed in the same mannei 
 both equally bad ; for they have shields larger, 
 than they can act or see with, and being formed 
 a hundred in depth, it is evident they will 
 hinder one another from fighting, except only 
 a very few. If they think by their might in 
 rushing on, to make us give way, they must 
 first sustain our horse, and such weapons as 
 are driven on them by the force of horses ; and 
 if any of them make shift to stand this, how 
 will they be able to engage our horse, our pha- 
 lanx, and our turrets at the same time 1 For 
 those mounted on the turrets will come up to 
 our assistance, and by doing execution on the 
 enemy, will make them, instead of fighting, be 
 confounded, and not know what to do. If you 
 think that you are still in want of anything, 
 tell it me ; for, with the help of the gods, we 
 will be in want of nothing. And if any one 
 have a mind to say any thing, let him speak ; 
 if not, go your ways to sacred affairs ; and 
 having made your prayers to the gods, to whom 
 we have sacrificed, then go to your ranks ; and J 
 et every one of you remind those that belong 
 to him of the things which I have put you in 
 mind of. And let every one make it appear to 
 those whom he commands that he is worthy 
 of command, by showing himself fearless in his 
 manner, his countenance, and his words !" 
 
\ 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 OS" THE 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS, 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 10 
 

 CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. 
 
 I. Cyrus' confidence of success He and the whole army sing a hymn The engagement Cyrus relieves the Per 
 eians Is dismounted in the field Defeat of the enemy Braveiy of the Egyptians Offers them honourable 
 terms and gives them cities II. Cyrus pursues Croesus to Sardis, and takes the city Orders Croesus to be 
 brought before him Their interview Cyrus takes compassion on him, and restores him his wife, daughters, 
 &c. Takes Cioesus into his friendship. III. Cyrus gives orders concerning the treasures of Croesus Death 
 ofAhradatas Affliction of Panthea, and her death Cyrus erects stately monuments to their memory Sends 
 Adusius to the Carians with an army IV. The Cilicians and Cyprians join Cyrus He sends an army to con- 
 quer Phrygia Garrisons left there for him The Greeks pay him tribute Overthrows the Phrygians, Cappa- 
 tlocians, and Arabians. V. Cyrus arrives with a vast army at Bubylon Disposition of them in surrounding the 
 walls Consultation respecting the attack on the city Celebration of a festival in Babylon, during which Cy- 
 rus attacks and captures the city Death of the king Castles surrendered to Cyrus, who issues a proclamation 
 to the Babylonians, requiring them to bring in their arms Makes them labourers and tributariesCyrus takes 
 on him the state of a king Addresses the people Is weary of the homage paid to him, and applies himself to 
 the affairs of government Appoints guards about his person, and establishes a garrison in Babylon Distresses 
 the Babylonians Vindicates the war, and right of conquest Admonishes his friends and allies to a life of 
 virtue. 
 
 110 
 

 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 I. THESE men, having made their prayers to 
 the gods, went away to their ranks. And the 
 servants brought meat and drink to Cyrus, and 
 to those that were with him, while they were 
 yet taken up in their holy rites. Cyrus, 
 standing as he was, and beginning with an 
 offering to the gods, took his dinner, and dis- 
 tributed around always to the man that most 
 wanted. Then, having made his libations, and 
 prayed, he drank, and the rest that were with 
 him did the same. After this was done, and 
 he had made supplication to Jove Paternal, to 
 be their leader and support, he mounted his 
 horse, and ordered those about him to do the 
 same. All they that were with Cyrus were 
 armed with the same arms that he was ; in 
 scarlet habits brass corslets, brass helmets, 
 white crests, swords, and every one with a 
 single spear, made of the cornel-tree. Their 
 horses were armed with forehead-pieces, breast- 
 plates, and side-pieces, and these served as 
 thigh-pieces to the rider. Thus much only did 
 the arms of Cyrus differ from the others, that 
 these were, done over with a gold colour, 
 but those of Cyrus cast a brightness like a 
 mirror. When he was mounted, and stood 
 looking which way he was to go, it thundered 
 to the right : he then said ; " We will follow 
 thee, O greatest Jove!" And he set forward 
 with Chrysantas, a commander of horse, and 
 his body of horse on his right hand, and Ara- 
 sambas, with his body of foot on his left. He 
 gave orders that all should have their eyes to 
 his ensign, and follow on in an even pace. 
 His ensign was a golden eagle held up on the 
 top of a long lance. And this remains the 
 ensign of the Persian king to this day. Before 
 they got sight of the enemy he made the army 
 halt three times. When they had marched on 
 about twenty stadia, they began then to observe 
 the enemies' army advancing ; and when they 
 
 were all in view of each other, and the enemies 
 found that they exceeded very much in front on 
 both sides, then making their own phalanx 
 halt, for otherwise there was no fetching a 
 compass to enclose the opposite army, they 
 bent themselves in order to take that compass, 
 that by having disposed themselves into the 
 form of the letter r, on each side, they might 
 engage on every side at once. 
 
 Cyrus seeing this, did not slacken his pace 
 for it, but led on just as before : and taking 
 notice at how great a distance on each side they 
 took their compass, and extended their wings 
 around " Do you observe," said he, " Chry- 
 santas, where they take their compass 1" 
 " Yes," said Chrysantas, and I wonder at 
 it, for to me they seem to draw off their wings 
 very far from their own phalanx." " Yes, by 
 JoveP'said Cyrus, "and from ours too; and 
 what is the meaning of this 1 It is plainly," 
 said he, " because they are afraid, in case their 
 wings get near to us, while their phalanx is 
 yet at a distance, that we shall charge them." 
 Then said Chrysantas, " How will they be 
 able to be serviceable to one another, when 
 they are at such a distance from each other ?" 
 " It is plain," said Cyrus, " that when their 
 wings have gained so much ground as to be 
 over against the sides of our army, then turn- 
 ing themselves, and forming in front, they will 
 march on us on every side, that they may en- 
 gage on every side at once." " And do you 
 not think then," said Chrysantas, that they 
 contrive well ?" Yes, with respect to what 
 they see ; but with respect to what they do not 
 see, they contrive worse than if they adyanced 
 on us with their wings. But do you, Arasam- 
 bas, lead on quietly with your foot, as you ob 
 serve that I do. And do you, Chrysantas, 
 follow on with your horse in the same even- 
 pace. I will march away to the place where I 
 
 111 
 
112 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 think it proper to begin the engagement, and 
 as I pass on I will view how we stand disposed 
 in every part. After I get to the place, and 
 when we are marching up against each other I 
 will begin the hymn, and do you follow me. 
 When we are engaged with the enemy, you 
 will perceive it, for I reckon there will be no 
 small noise and rout. Then will Abradatas set 
 forward to charge the enemy with his chariots, 
 for so it shall be told him to do. You must 
 follow up immediately after the chariots, for 
 by this means we shall fall on the enemy while 
 they are the most in disorder. I will be my- 
 self at hand, as soon as I can, to pursue them, 
 if the gods so please." 
 
 Having said this, and transmitted the word, 
 which was this, Jove our Saviour and Lead- 
 er !" he then marched : and taking his way 
 between the chariots and corslet-men, and 
 looking on some of the men that were in their 
 ranks, he then said ; " My friends, how pleas- 
 ing it is to see your countenances !" Then to 
 others he said ; " Consider, my friends, that our 
 present contest is not only for victory to day, 
 1-ut to maintain the victory we gained before, 
 and for all manner of happy success hereafter." 
 Then coming up with others, he said : From 
 henceforward, my friends, we shall have no 
 cause to blame the gods, for they have put it 
 m our power to acquire many great advantages 
 to ourselves. But then my friends, let us be 
 brave." To others he spoke thus : My 
 friends, to what nobler society of friendship 
 can we ever invite one another than to the 
 present ] for it is now in our power, by being 
 brave men, to confer on each other benefits in 
 great number." And to others again thus : " I 
 believe you know, my friends, that the prizes 
 now lie before you. And to the victors they 
 are these : to pursue, to deal their blows, to 
 kill, to reap great advantage, to gain praise, to 
 be free, and to rule. But the reverse of these, 
 it is plain, will be the lot of the cowardly. 
 Whoever therefore has a kindness for himself, 
 let him fight after my example, for I will not 
 willingly admit of any thing mean or base in 
 my behaviour." When he came up with 
 others that had been in the engagement with 
 him before, he said : " And to you, my friends, 
 what should I say 1 for you know how those 
 that are brave in action, pass the day, and how 
 those do it that are cowardly." 
 
 When he had got over against Abradatas, as 
 he passed along he stopped. And Abradatas 
 
 delivering the reins to the driver, came to him, 
 and several others that were posted near, and 
 aelonged both to the foot and to the chariots, 
 an to him ; and when they were come, he 
 spoke to them in this manner : " As you de- 
 sired, Abradatas, the gods have vouchsafed to 
 grant the principal rank amongst all us allies 
 to those that are with you. And when it 
 comes to be your part to engage, remember 
 that the Persians are to see you, and to follow 
 you, and not suffer you to engage alone." 
 Then Abradatas said : " Affairs here with us, 
 Cyrus, seem to stand on a good footing, but 
 our flanks disturb me ; for along our flanks I 
 observe are extended the enemies' wings that 
 are very strong, and consist of chariots and all 
 other military strength : but of ours there is 
 nothing opposed to them but chariots ; so that," 
 said he, " had I not obtained this post by the 
 lot, I should be ashamed to be here ; so much 
 do I think myself in the safest station." Then 
 Cyrus said : " If things are on a good footing 
 with you, be at ease as to them ; for, with the 
 help of the gods, I will show you our flanks 
 entirely clear of the enemy. And do not you 
 attack the enemy, I charge you, before you see 
 those people flying that you are now afraid of. 
 (Thus presumptuously did he talk of the ap- 
 proaching engagement, though at other times 
 he was not presumptuous in his discourse.) 
 But when you see these men flying, then count 
 on it that I am at hand, and begin your attack, 
 for you will then deal with the enemy while 
 they are in the greatest consternation, and your 
 own men in the most heart. But, while you 
 have leisure, Abradatas, drive along by your 
 own chariots, and exhort your people to the 
 attack. Give them courage by your counte- 
 nance, raise them with hopes, and inspire them 
 with emulation to appear the bravest amongst 
 all that belong to the chariots : for be assured 
 that if things fall out thus, they will all say, 
 for the future, that nothing is more profitable 
 than virtue and bravery." Abradatas, mount- 
 ing his chariot drove along, and put these 
 things in execution. 
 
 But Cyrus, moving on again, when he came 
 to the left, where Hystaspes was with half the 
 Persian horse, calling him by his name, said ; 
 " Hystaspes, you now see a work for your 
 quickness in the execution of business ; for, if 
 we are beforehand with the enemy in charging 
 and doing execution on them, we shall not lose 
 a man." Hystaspes laughing at this, said : 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 113 
 
 " We will take care of those that are over 
 against us; do you give some others the 
 charge of those that are on our flanks, that 
 they likewise may not be idle." Then 
 Cyrus said : " I am going to those myself. 
 But remember this, Hystaspes, whichever of 
 us it is that the gods favour with victory, 
 if the enemy make a stand any where, let 
 us always join in with our forces, and charge 
 where the fight continues." Having said this 
 he moved on, and, when in his passage he got 
 to the flank, and to the commander of the 
 chariots that were there posted, he said to 
 him : " I am come to your assistance ; but 
 when you perceive us to have made our attack 
 at the extremities, then Jo you endeavour at 
 the same time, to make your way through the 
 enemy, for you will be much safer when you 
 are at large than while you are enclosed within 
 them." Then passing on, when he got behind 
 the wagons he ordered Artagersas and Phar- 
 nouchus, each with his thousand men, one of 
 foot, and the other of horse, there to remain. 
 " And when you perceive," said he, " that I 
 have made my attack on those that are posted 
 over against our right wing, then do you charge 
 those that are over against you. You will en- 
 gage them by their wing and in flank, where an 
 army is the weakest, and with your own men 
 formed into a phalanx, that you yourselves may 
 be in that form and disposition which is the 
 strongest. Then the enemy's horse, as you 
 see, are the hindmost. By all means therefore 
 advance the body of camels on them, and be 
 assured that before you come to engage you 
 will see the enemy in a ridiculous condition." 
 Cyrus, having finished these affairs, went on to 
 the right wing. 
 
 And Croesus, judging that his phalanx that 
 he marched with was now nearer to the enemy 
 than his extended wings, gave the signal to the 
 wings to march no farther on, but to turn about 
 in the station they were in. And as they all 
 stood facing the army of Cyrus, he gave them 
 the signal to march to the enemy. And thus 
 three phalanxes advanced on the army of Cyrus ; 
 one in front, and, of the other two, one on the 
 right side and the other on the left ; so that a 
 very great terror seized the whole army of 
 Cyrus. For, just like a little brick placed 
 within a large one, so was the army of Cyrus 
 surrounded by the enemy, with their horse, 
 their heavy-armed men, their shield-men, 
 archers, and chariots, on every side, except on 
 10* 
 
 the rear. However, when Cyrus gave the sig- 
 nal they all turned and faced the enemy ; and 
 there was a deep silence on every side, in ex- 
 pectation and concern for the event. As soon 
 as Cyrus thought it the proper time he began 
 the hymn, and the whole army sung it with him. 
 After this they all of them together made a 
 shout to the god of battle. 
 
 Then Cyrus broke out, and instantly with his 
 horse, taking the enemy in flank, fell on them 
 as soon as possible. The foot that were with 
 him, in order of battle, followed immediately, 
 and they enclosed the enemy on each side ; so 
 that they had very much the advantage : for 
 with a phalanx of their own they charged the 
 enemy on their wing, so that the enemy pre- 
 sently fled with the utmost speed. As soon 
 as Artagersas perceived that Cyrus was engag- 
 ed, he attacked on the left, making the camels 
 advance as Cyrus had ordered ; and the enemy's 
 horses, even at a great distance, were not able 
 to stand them, but some of them run madly 
 away, some started from their ranks, and others 
 fell foul of one another, for thus are horses 
 always served by camels. Artagersas, with 
 his men formed, charged in good order the 
 enemy that were in confusion. And the 
 chariots, both to the right and left, fell on at 
 the same time. Many of the enemy that fled 
 from the chariots were killed by those who 
 pursued the wing, and many of them in their 
 flight from these, were met by the chariots. 
 
 Abradatas then delayed no longer, but cry- 
 ing out with his vehemence, " Follow me, my 
 friends !" rushed on, without sparing his 
 horses in any sort, but with the spur fetched a 
 great deal of blood from them. His other 
 charioteers broke out with him. The chariots 
 of the enemy immediately fled before them, 
 some of them taking up their men that mounted 
 them, and some leaving them behind. Then 
 Abradatas, making his way directly through 
 these, fell on the Egyptian phalanx, and they 
 that were placed in order near him fell on with 
 him. On many other occasions it has been 
 made evident, that no phalanx can be of greater 
 strength than when it is made up of joint com- 
 batants that are friends : and it was made 
 evident on this ; for the companions and table 
 acquaintance of Abradatas attacked jointly with 
 him ; but the other drivers, when they saw the 
 Egyptians in a compact body stand their 
 ground, turned off to the chariots that were 
 flying and pursued them ; the Egyptians 
 
114 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 not being able to make way, because they who 
 were on every side of them stood their ground. 
 They that were with Abradatas therefore in 
 that part where they fell on, running on those 
 that stood against them, overturned them by 
 the rapid course of the horses ; and those that 
 fell they tore to pieces, both men and arms, 
 horses and wheels, and whatever the scythes 
 caught hold of they cut their way through by 
 force, whether arms or bodies of men. In this 
 inexpressible confusion, the wheels making 
 their way by jolts over heaps of all kinds, 
 Abradatas fell, as did likewise the rest that 
 broke in with him. And here were these brave 
 men cut down and killed. 
 
 The Persians who followed up after them, 
 following on those that were in disorder, where 
 Abradatas and his men had broken in, did 
 execution on them. But where the Egyp- 
 tians were undisturbed, (and of these there 
 were great numbers,) they marched up against 
 the Persians. Here began a terrible combat 
 of lances, javelins, and swords ; and the 
 Egyptians had the advantage, both by their 
 multitude and by their arms, for their lances 
 were very strong and of great length, (such as 
 they yet use at this day,) and their large shields 
 were a better defence to them than corslets and 
 the smaller sort of shield ; and being fastened 
 to their shoulders, were of service to them to 
 make the strongest push. Therefore, closing 
 their large shields together, they moved and 
 pushed on. The Persians holding their 
 smaller sort of shields in their hands at arm's 
 length, were not able to sustain them, but 
 retreated gradually, dealing and receiving 
 blows, till they came to the engines. When 
 they got thither, the .Egyptians were again 
 galled from the turrets. And they that were 
 in the rear of all would not suffer either the 
 archers or javelin-men to fly ; but, holding their 
 swords at them, forced them to shoot and to 
 throw. And great havoc and destruction there 
 was of men, great clashing of arms and weapons 
 of all kinds, and great noise of people, some 
 calling to each other, some making exhorta- 
 tions, and some calling on the gods. 
 
 On this Cyrus, pursuing those that were op- 
 posite him, came up ; and when he saw the 
 Persians forced from their station, he was 
 grieved, and knowing that he could by no other 
 means sooner stop the progress of the enemy 
 forward, than by riding round, and getting to 
 their rear, he commanded those that were with 
 
 him to follow. He rode round, and came up 
 with their rear, where his men, charging them, 
 fell on them as their backs were turned, and 
 killed a great many. The Egyptians, as soon 
 as they perceived this, cried out that the enemy 
 was behind them, and, in this distress, faced 
 about. Here foot and horse fought promiscu- 
 ously, and a man falling under Cyrus' horse, 
 and being trampled on, struck his sword into 
 the horse's belly : the horse, thus wounded, 
 tossed and staggered, and threw Cyrus off. 
 On this occasion, one might see of what advan- 
 tage it was for a ruler to have the love of those 
 that are under his command ; for all immedi- ' 
 ately cried out, fell on, and fought ; they pushed, 
 and were themselves pushed in their turn ; they 
 gave blows, and received them ; and one of the 
 attendants of Cyrus, leaping from his horse, 
 mounted Cyrus on him. When Cyrus was 
 mounted he perceived that the Egyptians were 
 now hard pressed on every side, for Hystaspes 
 was come up with the Persian horse, ana 
 Chrysantas in like manner. But he would not 
 now suffer them to fall on the Egyptian pha- 
 lanx, but to gall them with arrows and javelins 
 at a distance ; this he gave them orders to do. 
 Then, in riding round, as he came up to the 
 engines, he thought it proper to mount a turret 
 to view whether any body of the enemy made 
 a stand and fought. When he had got up he 
 saw the whole plain full of horses, men, and 
 chariots, some flying, some pursuing, some vic- 
 torious, some defeated, the enemy flying, and 
 his own men conquering. But he was no 
 longer able to discover, in any part, any that 
 stood but the Egyptians ; and these, when they 
 were at a loss what to do, forming themselves 
 into a circle, with their arms turned to the view 
 of their enemy, sat quietly under the shelter of 
 their shields, no longer acted, but suffered 
 in a cruel manner. 
 
 Cyrus being struck with admiration of these 
 men, and touched with pity that such brave 
 men should perish, made all those retreat that 
 engaged against them, and suffered none to con- 
 tinue fighting. He then sent to them a herald 
 to ask, " whether they intended to be all de- 
 stroyed for men that had deserted and betrayed 
 them, or whether they choose to be saved with 
 the reputation of being brave men?" Their 
 reply was this : " How can we obtain safety 
 and be reputed brave]" Then Cyrus again 
 said : Because we see that you are the only 
 men that stand your ground and dare fight !" 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 115 
 
 But then," said the Egyptians, what is that 
 we can handsomely do and obtain safety 1" 
 Cyrus to this said : " If you can obtain it with- 
 out betraying any of your allies and friends ; if 
 you deliver up your arms to us, and become 
 friends to those who choose to save you, when 
 it is in their power to destroy you." Having 
 heard this, they asked this question : " If we 
 become your friends, Cyrus, how will you think 
 fit to deal with us?" Cyrus replied : "Both 
 to do you good offices, and to receive them 
 from you." Then the Egyptians again asked : 
 "What good offices?" And to this Cyrus 
 said : " As long as the war continues I will 
 give you larger pay than you now receive ; 
 when we have peace, to every one of you that 
 will stay with me I will give lands, cities, 
 women, and servants." The Egyptians hear- 
 ing this, begged that they might be exempted 
 from engaging in the \var with him against 
 Croesus : for he was the only one," they said, 
 " that they forgave." But, consenting to all 
 the rest, they on both sides, pledged their faith 
 reciprocally. The Egyptians that then remain- 
 ed continue still to this day faithful to the king. 
 And Cyrus gave them the cities Larissa and 
 Cyllene, that are called the cities of the Egyp- 
 tians, and lie up in the country in the neighbour- 
 hood of Cuma, near the sea ; and their pos- 
 terity have them at this day in their possesion. 
 Cyrus having performed all these things, and 
 it now growing dark, retreated, and he encamp- 
 ed at Thybarra. In this battle the Egyptians 
 only, of all the enemy's people, gained reputa- 
 tion ; and of those that were with Cyrus, the 
 Persian cavalry were thought to have been the 
 best; so that the same sort of arms that Cyrus 
 at that time equipped his horsemen with con- 
 tinue yet in use. The chariots that carried 
 scythes gained likewise great fame ; so that this 
 remains yet the chariots for war in use with 
 the prince still reigning on in succession. The 
 camels did no more than frighten the horses ; 
 they that mounted them did no execution on 
 the horsemen ; nor were they any of them 
 themselves killed by the horsemen, for no horse 
 would come near them. This was then reckon- 
 ed of use ; but no brave man will breed a camel 
 for his own mounting, nor exercise and manage 
 them, as intending to serve in war on them; 
 so that, taking up their old form again, they 
 keep in the baggage-train. Cyrus' men having 
 taken their suppers, and placed their guards as 
 was proper, went to rest. 
 
 II. But Croesus immediately fled with his 
 army to Sardis. The other nations retreated 
 as far as they could in the night, taking their 
 several ways home. As soon as it was day 
 Cyrus led the army to Sardis ; and when he got 
 up to the walls of the place he raised engines, 
 as intending to form an attack on the walls, and 
 provided ladders. Whilst he was doing these 
 things, the next night, he made the Chaldeans 
 and Persians mount that part of the Sardinian 
 fortifications that was thought the most inacces- 
 sible ; and a certain Persian led them the way, 
 who had been a slave to one of the garrisons in 
 the citadel, and had learnt the descent down to 
 the river and the ascent from it. As soon as it 
 was known that the heights above were taken, 
 all the Lydians fled from the walls, all shifting 
 for themselves as they were able. Cyrus, as 
 soon as it was day, entered the city, and gave 
 out orders that no one should stir from his rank. 
 Croesus, shut up in his palace, called out on 
 Cyrus ; but Cyrus, leaving a guard on Crossus, 
 turned off, and mounted up to the castle that 
 was taken. 
 
 And when he saw the Persians keeping 
 guard there, as became them, and the arms of 
 the Chaldeans left alone, (for they themselves 
 were run down to plunder the houses,) he pre- 
 sently summoned their commanders, and bade 
 them quit the army immediately ; " for I cannot 
 bear," said he, " to see disorderly men get the 
 advantage of others. And be it known to you," 
 said he, < I was providing to manage so, as to 
 make all the Chaldeans pronounce those for- 
 tunate and happy that engaged with me in the 
 war ; but now," said he, " do not wonder if 
 somebody superior to you in strength happen 
 to meet with you as you go off." The Chal- 
 deans hearing this, were in great terror, begged 
 him to allay his anger, and said, " That they 
 would restore him all the rich effects they had 
 taken. He told them, " That he was not in 
 any want of them ; but," said he, if you 
 would ease me of my trouble and concern, give 
 up all that you have got to those that keep 
 guard in the castle ; for when the rest of the 
 soldiers find that the orderly are the better for 
 their being so, all will be well with me." The 
 Chaldeans did as Cyrus had commanded them, 
 and they that had been obedient to their orders 
 got a great many rich effects of all kinds. Then 
 Cyrus, having encamped his men towards that 
 part of the city that he thought the most con- 
 venient, gave them all orders to stand to their 
 
116 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 arms and take their dinners ; and, having done 
 this, he ordered Croesus to be brought to him. 
 
 Croesus, as soon as he saw Cyrus, said ; 
 Joy and happiness to you, my sovereign lord ! 
 for, from henceforward, fortune has ordered 
 you to receive that name, and me to give it 
 you." " The same I wish to you, Croesus," 
 said he, since we are men both of us. But 
 Croesus," said he, " would you give me a little 
 advice ]" "I wish, Cyrus," said he, " that I 
 were able to find any good for you, for I be- 
 lieve it might be of advantage to myself." 
 " Here then, Croesus," said he, " observing 
 that the soldiers, after having undergone many 
 fatigues, and run many dangers, reckon them- 
 selves now in possession of the richest city in 
 Asia, next to Babylon, I think it fit that they 
 should receive some profit in return : for I 
 make account," said he, " that, unless they re- 
 ceive some fruit of their labours, I shall not 
 have them long obedient to my orders ; but I 
 am not willing to give them up the city to plun- 
 der: for I believe that the city would be des- 
 troyed by it : and, in a plunder, I know very 
 well that the worst of our men would have the 
 advantage of the best." Croesus, hearing this, 
 said ; " Allow me," said he, " to speak to such 
 of the Lydians as I think fit, and to tell them 
 that I have prevailed with you not to plunder, 
 nor to suffer our wives and children to be taken 
 from us ; but have promised you, that in lieu 
 of these you shall certainly have from the Ly- 
 dians, of their own accord, whatever there is of 
 worth and value in Sardis. For when they hear 
 this, I know they will bring out whatever there 
 is here of value in the possession either of man 
 or woman. And yet by the time the year is 
 completed, the city will be again in like manner 
 full of things of value in great abundance : but 
 if you plunder it, you will have all manner of 
 arts, that are called the springs of riches, and 
 of all things valuable, destroyed. And then you 
 are still at liberty, after you have seen this, to 
 come and consult whether you shall plunder the 
 city or no. Send," said he, " in the first place, 
 to my treasurers, and let your guards take 
 them from those that have the keeping them 
 for me." 
 
 Cyrus agreed to act in all things as Croesus 
 said : " But by all means," said he, " tell me 
 how things ihave fallen out, in consequence of 
 the answers you receive on your application to 
 the Celphian oracle ; for you are said to have 
 paid the utmost devotion to Apollo, and to 
 
 have done everything at his persuasion." " In- 
 deed, Cyrus," said he, " I could wish that 
 things stood thus with me ; but now have I 
 gone on immediately from the beginning doing 
 things in direct opposition to Apollo/' " How 
 so V said Cyrus ; pray inform me ; for you 
 tell me things that are unaccountable." " Be- 
 cause," said he, " in the first place neglecting 
 to consult the god in what I wanted, I made 
 trial of him whether he was able to tell the 
 truth. Now, not only a god, but even men 
 that are of worth, when they find themselves 
 distrusted, have no kindness for those that dis- 
 trust them. And after he had found me doing 
 things that were absurd, and knew that I was 
 at a great distance from Delphi, then I sent to 
 consult concerning my having sons. He at first 
 made me no answer ; but by my sending him 
 many presents of gold, and many of silver, and 
 by making multitudes of sacrifices, I had ren- 
 dered him propitious to me, as I thought ; and 
 he then, on my consulting him what I should 
 do that I might have sons, answered, " that I 
 should have them." And I had them ; for 
 neither in this did he deal falsely with me. 
 But when I had them, they were of no advan- 
 tage to me, for one of them continues dumb, 
 and he that was the best of them perished in 
 the flower of his age. Being afflicted with the 
 misfortune of my sons, I sent again, and in- 
 quired of the god what to do, that I might pass 
 the remainder of my life in the happiest man- 
 ner 1 and he made answer, < Croesus ! by 
 the knowledge of thyself, thou will pass thy 
 days in happiness !' When I heard this oracle, 
 I was pleased with it : for I thought he had 
 granted me happiness, by commanding me to 
 do the easiest thing that could be ; for of the 
 rest of men, some I thought it was possible for 
 one to know, and some not, but that every man 
 knew what he was himself. After this, during 
 the whole time that I continued in peace, and 
 after the death of my son, I accused my fortune 
 in nothing. But when I was persuaded by 
 the Assyrian to make war on you, I fell into 
 all mariner of dangers, but came offsafe without 
 getting any harm. Now, neither in this can I lay 
 any thing to the god's charge ; for after I knew 
 myself not to be sufficient to make war with you 
 with the help of the god, I came off with safety, 
 both myself and those that attended rne. But 
 then again, being as it were dissolved by the 
 riches I was possessed of,by those that begged me 
 to be their chief by the presents they made me, 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 117 
 
 and by men that in flattery told me, that if I 
 would take on me the command, all men would 
 obey me, and I should be the greatest of men ; 
 and being puffed up by discourses of this kind, 
 as all the kings around chose me their chief in 
 the war, I accepted the command, as if I were 
 sufficient to be the first of men, ignorant of 
 myself, in imagining that I was able to make 
 war with you ; you who, in the first place are 
 descended from the gods, are born of a race of 
 kings, and have been, from a boy, exercised to 
 virtue. But of my own ancestors, the first 
 that reigned, I have heard, became a king and 
 a freeman at the same time. Having been 
 therefore," said he, " thus ignorant, I am justly 
 punished for it : but now,'V said he, " Cyrus, I 
 know myself. And can you yet think that the 
 words of Apollo are true, that, by knowing 
 myself, I shall be happy 1 Of you I make the 
 inquiry, for this reason, because you seem to 
 me to be the best able to guess at it at this 
 time, for you can make it good." 
 
 Then Cyrus said : " Do you give me your 
 opinion, Croesus, on this ; for, taking into con- 
 sideration your former happiness, I have com- 
 passion for you, and now give up into your 
 possession the wife that you have, together 
 with your daughters, (for daughters I hear you 
 have,) your friends, servants, and table that 
 you used to keep, but combats and wars I cut 
 you off from." " By Jove ! then," said Croesus, 
 " consult no farther to make me an answer 
 concerning my happiness ; for I tell you al- 
 ready, if you do these things for me that you 
 say you will, that then I am already in posses- 
 sion of that course of life that others have, by 
 ray confession, thought the happiest, and I 
 shall continue on in it." Then Cyrus said : 
 " Who is he that is in possession of that happy 
 course of life 1" " My own wife, Cyrus," said 
 he ; " for she shared equally with me in all 
 tender, good, pleasing, and agreeable things ; 
 but in the cares about the succfess of these 
 things in wars and battles, she shared not at 
 all. So that, in my opinion, you provide for 
 me in the manner that I did for the person 
 that, of all mankind, I loved the most ; so that 
 I think myself indebted to Apollo in some far- 
 ther presents of gratitude and thanks." Cy- 
 rus, hearing this discourse, admired his good 
 humour : and he carried him about with him 
 wherever he went, either thinking that he was 
 of use, or reckoning it the safest way to do so. 
 Thus they went to rest. 
 
 III. The next day Cyi s, calling together 
 his friends and the commanders of the army, 
 ordered some of them to receive the treasures, 
 and some to take from amongst all the riches 
 that Croesus should deliver up, first, for the 
 gods, such of them as the magi should direct ; 
 then to receive the rest, put it into chests, and 
 pack it up in the wagons, putting the wagons 
 to the lot, and so to convey it wherever they 
 went, that, when opportunity served, they might 
 every one receive their deserved share. These 
 men did so accordingly. 
 
 And Cyrus, calling to some of his servants 
 that were there attending him, "Tell me," 
 said he, " has any of you seen Abradatas ! for 
 I admire that he, who was so frequently in our 
 company before, now does not appear." One 
 of the servants therefore replied : " My sove- 
 reign, it is because he is not living, but died in 
 the battle as he broke in with his chariot on 
 the Egyptians. All the rest of them, except 
 his particular companions, they say, turned off 
 when they saw the Egyptian's compact body. 
 His wife is now said to have taken up his dead 
 body, to have placed it in the carriage that she 
 herself was conveyed in, and to have brought 
 it hither, to some place on the river Pactolus, 
 and her servants they say are digging a grave 
 for the deceased on a certain elevation. They 
 say that his wife, after having set him out with 
 all the ornaments she has, is sitting on the 
 ground with his head on her knees." Cyrus 
 hearing this, gave himself a blow on the thigh,, 
 mounted his horse presently, at a leap, and 
 taking with him a thousand horse, rode away 
 to this scene of affliction ; but gave orders to- 
 Gadatas and Gobryas to take with them all 
 the rich ornaments proper for a friend and an 
 excellent man deceased, and to follow after 
 him ; and whoever had herds of cattle with him, 
 he ordered them to take both oxen, and horses, 
 and sheep, in good number, and to bring them 
 away to the place where, by inquiry, they 
 should find him to be, that he might sacrifice 
 there to Abradatas. 
 
 As soon as he saw the woman sitting on the 
 ground, and the dead body there lying, he shed 
 tears at the afflicting sight, and said: Alas ! 
 thou brave and faithful soul ! hast thou left us ? 
 and art thou gone 1" At the same time he 
 took him by the right hand, and the hand of the 
 deceased came away, for it had been cut off with 
 a sword by the Egyptians. He, at the sight 
 of this became yet much more concerned than 
 
118 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK VII. 
 
 Before The woman shrieked out in a lamenta- 
 ble manner, and, taking the hand from Cyrus, 
 kissed it, fitted it to its proper place again as 
 well as she could, and said : " The rest, Cyrus, 
 is in the same condition ; but what need you 
 see it 1 And I know that I was not one of the 
 least concerned in these his sufferings ; and, 
 perhaps, you were not less so ; for I, fool that 
 I was ! frequently exhorted him to behave in 
 such a manner as to appear a friend to you 
 worthy of notice ; and I know he never thought 
 of what he himself should suffer, but of what 
 he should do to please you. He is dead, 
 therefore," said she, " without reproach, and I, 
 who urged him on, sit here alive !" Cyrus, 
 shedding tears for some time in silence, then 
 spoke ; " He has died woman, the noblest death ; 
 for he has died victorious ! do you adorn him 
 with these things that I furnish you with." 
 (And Gobryas and Gadatas were then come up 
 and had brought rich ornaments in great abun- 
 dance with them.) " Then," said he, " be 
 assured he shall not want respect and honour 
 in all other things : but, over and above, mul- 
 titudes shall concur in raising him a monu- 
 ment that shall be worthy of us ; and all- the 
 sacrifices shall be made him that are proper to 
 be made in honour of a brave man, You," said 
 he, shall not be left destitute ; but, for the sake 
 of your modesty and every other virtue, 4 I will 
 pay you all other honours as well as place those 
 about you who shall convey you wherever you 
 please. Do you but make it known to me 
 who it is that you desire to be conveyed to." 
 And Panthea replied : " Be confident, Cyrus," 
 said she, " I will not conceal from you who it 
 is that I desire to go to." 
 
 He, having said this, went away with great 
 pity for the woman, that she should have lost 
 such a husband, and for the man that he should 
 have left such a wife behind him, never to see 
 her more. The woman gave orders to her 
 servants to retire, " Till such time," said she 
 " as I have lamented my husband as I please.' 
 Her nurse she bid to stay, and gave her orders 
 that, when she was dead, she would rap her 
 and her husband up in one mantle together 
 The nurse, after having repeatedly begged her 
 not to do thus, and meeting with no success 
 but observing her to grow angry, sat herself 
 down, breaking out into tears. She, being 
 beforehand provided with a sword, killed her 
 self, and laying her head down on her hus 
 band's breast, she died. The nurse set up a 
 
 amentable cry, and covered them both as Pan- 
 ;hea had directed. 
 
 Cyrus, as soon as he was informed of what 
 the woman had done, being struck with it, 
 went to help her if he could. The servants, 
 >eing three in number, seeing what had been 
 done, drew their swords, and killed themselves, 
 as they stood at the place where she had 01- 
 dered them. And the monument is now said 
 o have been raised by continuing the mount 
 >n to the servants ; ana* on a pillar above they 
 iay, the names of the man and woman were 
 written in Syriac letters. Below, they say, 
 .here were three pillars, and that they were in- 
 scribed thus : Of the servants." Cyrus, when 
 ic came to this melancholy scene, was struck 
 with admiration of the woman, and having 
 amented over her, went away. He took care 
 of them, as was proper, that all the funeral 
 rites should be paid them in the noblest man- 
 ner ; and the monument, they say, was raised 
 up to a very great size. 
 
 IV. After this the Carians, falling into fac- 
 tions, and the parties making war on each other, 
 and having ' their habitations in places of 
 strength, both called in Cyrus. Cyrus, remain- 
 ng at Sardis, made engines and battering-rams 
 to demolish the walls of those that should re- 
 fuse to submit ; and sent Adusius, a Persian, 
 one who was not unable, in other respects, nor 
 unskilled in war, and a very agreeable man, into 
 Caria, and gave him an army. The Cilicians 
 and Cyprians, very readily engaged with him in 
 that service ; for which reason he never sent a 
 Persian as governor over the Cilicians or Cy- 
 prians, but contented himself with their na- 
 tional kings, only receiving a tribute from them, 
 and appointing them their quotas for military 
 service whenever he should want them. Adu- 
 sius, at the head of his army, came into Caria ; 
 and, from both parties of the Carians there 
 were people that came to him, and were ready 
 to admit him into their places of strength, to 
 the prejudice of their opposite faction. 
 
 Adusius behaved to both in this manner : 
 whichever of the parties he conferred with, he 
 told them what they had said was just ; he 
 said that they must needs keep it concealed 
 from their antagonists that he and they were 
 friends, that by this means he might fall 01. 
 their antagonists whilst they were unprepared. 
 As testimonials of their faith, he required 
 that the Carians should swear, without ffaud, 
 to admit him and his people into their placet 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 119 
 
 of strength, for the service of Cyrus and of the 
 Persians ; and he would himself make oath to 
 enter their place of strength for the service 
 of those that admitted him. Having done this, 
 then privately and unknown to each other, 
 he appointed them both the same night ; and 
 that night he got within their walls, and 
 seized the fortifications of both. As soon as 
 day came he sat himself between them with 
 his army about him, and summoned the pro- 
 per persons on both sides to attend. These 
 men when they saw each other, were astonish- 
 ed, and thought themselves both deceived. 
 And Adusius spoke to this effect : " I swore 
 to you, men of Caria, that I would without 
 fraud enter your fortifications, to the advantage 
 of those that admitted me ; therefore, if I de- 
 stroy either of you, I reckon that I have made 
 this entry to the damage of the Carians ; but 
 if I procure you peace, and liberty to you both 
 to cultivate your lands with security, I then 
 reckon I am come for your advantage. From 
 this day therefore, it is your part to join in 
 correspondence with each other in a friendly 
 manner, to cultivate your lands ; to give and 
 receive each other's children mutually in mar- 
 riage ; and if any one attempt to deal unjustly 
 in any of these matters, to all such Cyrus and 
 we will be enemies." After this the gates of 
 the fortresses were thrown open, the ways 
 were full of people passing from one to another, 
 the lands were full of labourers, they celebra- 
 ted festivals in common, and all was full of 
 peace and satisfaction. 
 
 Meanwhile there came people from Cyrus, 
 to inquire whether he wanted either a rein- 
 forcement or engines. Adusius returned an- 
 swer ; " That, for the present, he might turn 
 his forces another way." And at the same time 
 that he made this answer he led the army 
 away, leaving garrisons in the castles. The 
 Carians prayed him to stay : and on his 
 refusal, they sent to Cyrus, begging him to 
 send Adusius to them as their governor. Cy- 
 rus, meanwhile, had sent Hystaspes away with 
 an army to Phrygia, on the Hellespont ; and 
 when Adusius arrived, he ordered him to lead 
 his army on in the way that Hystaspes was 
 gone before, that those people might the more 
 readily submit to Hystaspes, when they heard 
 that there was another army advancing. The 
 Greeks that inhabited on the seaside prevail- 
 ed, by many presents, not to admit the barba- 
 rians within their walls ; but they engaged to 
 pay a tribute, and serve in war where Cyrus 
 
 should command them. The king of Phrygia 
 prepared himself, as intending to keep posses- 
 sion of his places of strength, and not to sub- 
 mit, and he sent word accordingly. But when 
 the commanders under him revolted from him, 
 he became destitute, and at last fell into the 
 hands of Hystaspes, to receive the punishment 
 that Cyrus should think fit to inflict on him. 
 Hystaspes then, leaving strong Persian garri- 
 sons in the castles, went away, and, together 
 with his own men, carried off considerable 
 numbers of the Phrygians, both horse and 
 shield-men. Cyrus sent orders to Adusius to 
 join Hystaspes, and to take such of the Phry- 
 gians as took part with them, and bring them 
 away with their arms ; but such as had shown 
 an inclination to make war on them, to take 
 both their horses and arms from them, and 
 command them all to attend them with slings. 
 These men did accordingly. 
 
 Cyrus then set forward from Sardis, leaving 
 there a numerous Persian garrison, and taking 
 Croesus with him, and a great many wagons 
 loaded with abundance of rich effects of all 
 kinds. And Croesus came to him with an 
 exact account in writing of what was in each 
 wagon, and delivering the writings to Cyrus, 
 said : By these, Cyrus," said he, " you will 
 know who it is that justly delivers the things 
 that he takes with him into his charge, and 
 who it is that does not." Then Cyrus said : 
 "You do extremely well, Croesus, in being 
 thus provident and careful ; but they that have 
 the charge of these* things for me, are such as 
 deserve to have them, so that if they steal any 
 of them, they steal what belongs to themselves." 
 At the same time he delivered the writings 
 to his friends and chief officers, that they might 
 know which of those that were intrusted with 
 these things delivered them up to them safe, 
 and which of them did not. Such of the Ly- 
 dians as he saw setting themselves out hand- 
 somely in their arms, horses, and chariots, and 
 using all their endeavours- to do what they 
 thought would please him, these he took with 
 him in arms. But from those that he saw at- 
 tended with dissatisfaction he took their horses, 
 and gave them to the Persians that first en- 
 gaged in the service with him ; he burnt their 
 arms, and obliged them to follow with slings. 
 And all those that he disarmed, of the seve- 
 ral nations 'that he subjected, he obliged 
 them'to practise the sling, reckoning it a ser- 
 vile sort of arms : for there are occasions when 
 slingers, accompanied with other forces, are of 
 
120 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 very great use ; but when a force consists all 
 of slingers, they are not able of themselves to 
 stand against a very few men, that march up 
 close on them with arms proper for close en- 
 gagement. 
 
 In his march to Babylon he overthrew the 
 Phrygians of the Greater Phrygia. He over- 
 threw the Cappadocians, and he subjected the 
 Arabians. And out of all these he armed no 
 less than forty thousand Persian horsemen. 
 Abundance of the horses that belonged to pri- 
 soners taken, he distributed amongst all his 
 allies. He came at last to Babylon, bringing 
 with him a mighty multitude of horse, a mighty 
 multitude of archers and javelin-men, but 
 slingers innumerable. 
 
 V. When Cyrus got to Babylon he posted 
 his whole army round the city, then rode round 
 the city himself, together with his friends, and 
 with such of his allies as he thought proper. 
 When he had taken a view of the walls he 
 prepared for drawing off the army from before 
 the city ; and a certain deserter coming off, told 
 him that they intended to fall on him when he 
 drew off the army. " For, as he took their 
 view from the walls," said he, "your phalanx 
 appeared to them to be but weak." And no 
 wonder that jt really was so ; for his men en- 
 compassing a great extent of wall, the phalanx 
 was, of necessity, to.*be drawn out into but 
 little depth. Cyrus having heard this, and 
 standing in the centre of his army with those 
 that were about him, gave orders that the 
 heavy-armed men, from both the extremities, 
 closing up the phalanx, should move away, 
 along by that part of the army that stood still, 
 till each extremity came up and joined in the 
 centre. On their doing this, therefore, it gave 
 the greater courage to those that stood, be- 
 cause they were now of double the depth they 
 were of before ; and it gave courage in like 
 manner to those that moved away, for they 
 that stood their ground were immediately 
 on the enemy. When both the extremities 
 marched and joined up to each other, they 
 stood still, being now much the stronger ; they 
 that moved off, by means of those that were 
 before them, and they that were in front, by 
 means of those that were now behind them. 
 The phalanx being now closed up, the best 
 men came of necessity to be ranged first and 
 last, and the worst in the middle. And a dis- 
 position of this kind seemed to be the best 
 adapted both for fighting and to prevent flight. 
 
 Then the horse and light-armed men on the 
 wings came up nearer always to the com- 
 mander-in-chief, as the phalanx became less 
 extended by being thus doubled in depth. 
 When they were thus collected together they 
 retreated, by falling back till they got perfectly 
 out of weapon's cast from the walls : when 
 they were got out of weapon's cast they turned, 
 and moving forward a few steps, they turned 
 again to their shields about, and stood facing 
 the walls ; and the greater distance they were 
 off, so much the seldomer they faced about ; 
 and when they thought themselves safe, they 
 made off in a continual march till they reached 
 their tents. 
 
 When they were encamped Cyrus summoned 
 to him the proper persons, and said : " Friends 
 and allies ! we have taken a view of the city 
 round, and I do not find that I can discover it 
 is possible for one, by any attack, to make 
 one-self master of walls that are so strong and 
 so high. But the greater the numbers of men 
 in the city are, since they venture not out to 
 fight, so much the sooner, in my opinion, they 
 may be taken by famine. Therefore, unless 
 you have some other method to propose, I say 
 that these men must be besieged and taken in 
 that manner." Then Chrysantas said : " Does 
 not this river, that is above two stadia over, 
 run through the midst of the city ?" " Yes, 
 by Jove !" said Gobryas, and it is of so great 
 a depth, that two men, one standing on the 
 other, would not reach above the water ; so 
 that the city is yet stronger by the river than 
 by its walls." Then Cyrus said : " Chrysan- 
 tas, let us lay aside these things that are above 
 our force : it is our business, as soon as pos- 
 sible, to dig as broad and as deep a ditch as we 
 can, each part of us measuring out his propor- 
 tion, that by this means we may want the 
 fewer men to keep watch. 
 
 So measuring out the ground around the 
 wall, and from the side of the river, leaving a 
 space sufficient for large turrets, he dug round 
 the wall on every side a very great ditch ; and 
 they threw up the earth towards themselves. 
 In the first place, he built the turrets on the 
 river, laying their foundation on palm-trees, 
 that were not less than a hundred feet in 
 length: for there are those of them that 
 grow even to a yet greater length than that 
 and palm-trees, that are pressed, bend up under 
 the weight as asses do that are used to the 
 pack-saddle. He placed the turrets on these ; 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 121 
 
 for this reason, that it might carry the stronger 
 appearance of his preparing to block up the 
 city, and as if he intended that if the river 
 made its way into the ditch it might not carry 
 off the turrets. He raised likewise a great 
 many other turrets on the rampart of earth, 
 that he might have as many places as were 
 proper for his watches. These people were thus 
 employed. But they that were were within the 
 walls laughed at this blockade, as being them- 
 selves provided with necessaries for above 
 twenty years. Cyrus hearing this, divided his 
 army into twelve parts, as if he intended that 
 each part should serve on the watch one month 
 in the year. And when the Babylonians heard 
 this they laughed yet more than before ; think- 
 ing with themselves that they were to be 
 watched by the Phrygians, Lydians, Arabians, 
 and Cappadocians, men that were better affected 
 to them than they were to the Persians. The 
 ditches were now finished. 
 
 And Cyrus, when he heard that they were 
 celebrating a festival in Babylon, in which all 
 the Babylonians drank and revelled the whole 
 night ; on that occasion, as soon as it grew 
 dark, took a number of men with him, and 
 opened the ditches into the river. When this 
 was done the water ran off in the night b}' the 
 ditches, and the passage of the river through 
 the city became passable. When the affair of 
 the river was thus managed Cyrus gave orders 
 to the Persian commanders of thousands, both 
 foot and horse, to attend him, each with his 
 thousand drawn up two in front, and the rest 
 of the allies to follow in the rear, ranged as 
 they used to be before. They came accordingly 
 Then he making those that attended his 
 person, both foot and horse, to go down into 
 the dry part of the river, ordered them to try 
 whether the channel of the riverwas passable. 
 And when they brought him word that it was 
 passable, he then called together the com- 
 manders both of foot and horse, and spoke to 
 them in this manner : 
 
 " The river, my friends, has yielded us a 
 pasage into the city : let us boldly enter, and 
 not fear any thing within, considering that these 
 people that we are now to march against are 
 the same that we defeated while they had their 
 allies attending them, while they were awake 
 sober, armed, and in order. But now we march 
 to them at a time that many of them are asleep 
 many drunk, and all of them in confusion , and 
 when they discover that we are got in, they 
 11 
 
 will then, by means of their consternation, be 
 yet more unfit for service than they are now. 
 But in case any one apprehend, (what is said 
 to be terrible to those that enter a city,) lest, 
 mounting to the tops of their houses, they dis~ 
 charge down on us on every side ; as to this, 
 be still more at ease ; for if they mount to the 
 tops of their houses, we have then the god 
 Vulcan for our fellow-combatant ; their porches 
 are easily set fire to ; their doors are made 
 of the palm-tree, and annointed over with 
 bituminous matter, which will nourish the 
 flame. We have torches in abundance, that 
 will presently take fire ; we have plenty of 
 pitch and tow, that will immediately raise a 
 mighty flame ; so that they must of necessity 
 fly from off their houses immediately, or im- 
 mediately be burnt/ Come on then ; take to 
 your arms, and, with the help of the gods, I 
 will lead you on. Do you," said he, " Gobryas 
 and Gadatas, show us the ways; for you are 
 acquainted with them, and when we are got in, 
 lead us the readiest way to the palace." It 
 may be no wonder, perhaps," said they that 
 were with Gobryas, if the doors of the palace 
 are open, for the city seems 10 night to be in a 
 general revel, but we shall meet with a guaid 
 at the gates, for there is always one set there." 
 " We must not then be remiss," said Cyrus, 
 " but march, that we take them as much un- 
 prepared as is possible." 
 
 When this was said they marched ; and, of 
 those that they met with, some they fell on and 
 killed, some fled, and some set up a clamour. 
 They that were with Gobryas joined in the 
 clamour with them, as if they were revellers 
 themselves, and marching on the shortest way 
 that they could, they got round about the 
 palace. Then they that attended Gadatas 
 and Gobryas in military order found the doors 
 of the palace shut ; and they that were posted 
 opposite to the guards fell on them, as they 
 were drinking, with a great deal of light 
 around them, and used them immediately in 
 a hostile manner. As soon as the noise and 
 clamour began, they that were within per- 
 ceiving the disturbance, and the king com- 
 manding them to examine what the matter was, 
 ran out, throwing open the gates. They that 
 were with Gadatas, as k soon as they saw the 
 gates loose, broke in, pressing forward on the 
 runaways, and dealing their blows amongst 
 them, they came up to the king, and found him 
 now in a standing posture, with his sword 
 
 Q 
 
122 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii 
 
 drawn. They that were with Gadatas anci 
 Gobryas, being many in number, mastered him 
 they likewise that were with him were killed ; 
 one holding up something before him, another 
 flying, and another defending himself with any 
 thing that he could meet with. Cyrus sent a 
 body of horse up and down through the streets, 
 bidding them kill those that they found abroad 
 and ordering some who understood the Syrian 
 language to proclaim it to those that were in the 
 houses to remain within, and that if any were 
 found abroad they should be killed. These men 
 did accordingly. Gadatas and Gobryas then 
 came up, and having first paid their adoration 
 to the gods for the revenge they had had on 
 their impious king, they then kissed the hands 
 and feet of Cyrus, shedding many tears in the 
 midst of their joy and satisfaction. 
 
 When day came, and they that guarded the 
 castles perceived that the city was taken and 
 the king dead, they gave up the castles. Cy 
 rus immediately took possession of the castles, 
 and sent commanders with garrisons into 
 them. He gave up the dead to be buried by 
 their relations, and ordered heralds to make 
 proclamation that the Babylonians should bring 
 out their arms, and made it be declared that 
 in whatever house any arms should be found, 
 all the people in it should suffer death. They 
 accordingly brought out their arms, and Cyrus 
 had them deposited in the castles, that they 
 might be ready in case he should want them 
 on any future occasion. 
 
 When these things had been done, then, first 
 summoning the magi, he commanded them to 
 choose out for the gods the first-fruits of cer- 
 tain portions of ground for sacred use, as out 
 of a city taken by the sword'. After this he 
 distributed houses and palaces to those that he 
 reckoned had been sharers with him in all the 
 actions that had been performed. He made 
 the distributions in the manner that had been 
 determined, the best things to the best deserv- 
 ing ; and if any one thought himself wronged 
 he ordered him to come and acquaint him with 
 it. He gave out orders to the Babylonians to 
 cultivate their land, to pay their taxes, and to 
 serve those that they were severally given to. 
 The Persians, and such as were his fellow- 
 sharers, and those of his allies that choose to 
 remain with him, he ordered to talk as masters 
 of those they had received. 
 
 After this, Cyrus, desiring now to set him- 
 self on such a footing as he thought becoming 
 
 a king, that he might appear but seldom, and 
 in an awful manner, with the least envy thai 
 was possible, was of opinion to effect it with 
 the consent of his friends, he contrived it 
 therefore in this manner: as soon as it was 
 day, taking a station in some place where he 
 thought it proper, he admitted any one that 
 had a mind to speak with him, and, after hav- 
 ing given him his answer, dismissed him. The 
 people, as soon as they knew he gave admit- 
 tance, resorted to the place in disorderly and 
 unmanageable multitudes ; and, by their pres- 
 sing round about the entrance, there was a 
 mighty struggle and contention ; and the ser- 
 vants that attended, distinguishing as well as 
 they could let them in. When any of his 
 friends, by passing their way through the 
 crowd, appeared before him, Cyrus, holding 
 out his hand, drew them to him, and spoke to 
 them thus : " Wait here, my friends, till we 
 have despatched the crowd, and then we will 
 confer at leisure." His friends waited, and the 
 crowd flocked in more and more till the even- 
 ing came on them, before he could be at leisure 
 to confer with his friends. So Cyrus then 
 spoke : " Now, good people," said he, " it is 
 time to separate ; come again to-morrow morn- 
 ing, for I have a mind to have some discourse 
 with you." His friends hearing this ran off, 
 and went their way with great satisfaction, 
 having done penance in the want of all kind 
 of necessaries. Thus they went to rest. The 
 next day Cyrus attended at the same place ; 
 and a much greater multitude of people that 
 were desirous to be admitted to him, stood 
 round about, attending much sooner than his 
 friends. Cyrus, therefore, forming a large cir- 
 cle of Persian lance-men, bade them let none 
 pass but his friends, and the Persian command- 
 ers of his allies. When these men were met 
 he spoke to them to this effect : 
 
 " Friends and allies ! we have nothing that 
 we can fay to the charge of the gods, as not 
 having hitherto effected whatever we have 
 wished for : but if this be the consequence of 
 performing great things, that one cannot ob- 
 tain a little leisure for oneself, nor enjoy any 
 satisfaction with one's friends, I bid farewell 
 to such happiness. You observed," said he, 
 
 Yesterday, that beginning in the morning to 
 give audience to those that came, we did not 
 make an end before the evening; and now 
 rou see that these, and many more than those 
 hat attended yesterday, are hereabout, intend- 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 123 
 
 ing to give us trouble. If one submit oneself 
 therefore to this, I reckon that but a very lit- 
 tle part of me will fall to your share, and but 
 a little of you to mine ; and in myself, I know 
 very well I shall have no share at all. Be- 
 sides," said he, " there is another ridiculous 
 thing that I take notice of: I stand affected to 
 you, as it is natural for me to do ; but of those 
 that stand here around, I may know here and 
 there one, or perhaps none at all ; and these 
 men stand so disposed as to think, that if they 
 can get the better of you in crowding, they 
 shall effect what they desire at my hands soon- 
 er than you shall. Yet I should think it pro- 
 per, that if any of them want me, they should 
 make their court to you that are my friends, 
 and beg to be introduced. But somebody then 
 perhaps may say : Why did I not set myself 
 on this footing from the beginning? and why 
 did I give myself up so in common V ' Why, 
 because I knew that the affairs of war were of 
 such a nature that the commander ought not 
 to be behind hand either in knowing what was 
 nt to be known, or in executing what the oc- 
 casion required. And such commanders as 
 were seldom to be seen, I thought, let slip 
 many things that were proper to be done : but 
 since war, that requires the utmost labour and 
 diligence, is now ceased, my own mind seems 
 to me to require some rest : as I am therefore 
 at a loss what to do, that our own affairs and 
 those of others that it is our part to take care 
 of may be established on the best footing, let 
 some one or other give us such advice as he 
 thinks the most advantageous." Thus Cyrus 
 spoke. 
 
 Then Artabazus, he who had said hereto- 
 fore that he was his relation, rose up after him 
 and spoke ; " You have done very well, Cy- 
 rus," said he, in beginning this discourse ; for 
 while you were yet very young I set out with 
 a desire to be your friend ; but observing that 
 you were not at all in want of me, I neglected 
 coming to you. When you came afterwards 
 to want me, as a zealous deliverer of Cyaxares' 
 orders to the Medes, I counted on it, that if I 
 undertook this for you with zeal, I should be- 
 come your intimate friend, and converse with 
 you as long as I pleased. These things were 
 so effectually done, that I had your commen- 
 dation. After this the Hyrctinians first be- 
 came our friends, and this while we were in 
 great distress for assistants ; so that, in the 
 transport, we almost- carried them about with 
 
 us in our arms. After this, when the enemy's 
 camp was taken, I did not think that you were 
 at leisure for me, and I excused you : after 
 this Gobryas became your friend, and I was 
 rejoiced at it : then Gadatas too, and it became 
 a downright labour to share of you. When 
 the Sacians and Cadusians became your allies 
 and friends, it was probably very fit for them 
 to cultivate and serve them, for they had served 
 you. When we came back again to the place 
 from whence we set out, then seeing you 
 taken up with your horse, your chariots, and 
 your engines, I thought that when you were, at 
 leisure from all this, then you would have lei- 
 sure for me : but when the terrible message 
 came, that all mankind were assembling against 
 us, I determined with myself that this was the 
 decisive affair ; and if things succeeded well 
 here, I thought myself sure that we should then 
 plentifully enjoy each other's company and con- 
 verse. Now we have fought the decisive battle 
 and conquered ; we have Sardis and Croesus in 
 our hands ; Babylon we have taken : and we 
 have borne down all before us ; and yet, by the 
 god Mithras ! yesterday, had not I made my 
 way with my fist through the multitude, I had 
 not been able to get to you. And when you 
 had taken me by the hand and bade me stay by 
 you, then there I stood to be gazed at, for pass- 
 ing the whole day with you without either 
 meat or drink. Now therefore, if any means 
 can be found, that they who have been the 
 most deserving shall have the greatest share 
 of you, it is well ; if not, then would I again 
 give out orders from you that all should de- 
 part excepting us that have been your friends 
 from the beginning." 
 
 At this Cyrus and many others laughed. 
 Then Chrysantas the Persian rose, and spoke 
 thus : Heretofore probably, Cyrus you kept 
 yourself open to the eyes of all, for the reasons 
 you have yourself expressed, and because we 
 were not the people that you were chiefly to 
 cultivate, for we attended for our own sakes ; 
 but your business was, by all methods, to gain 
 the multitude, that they might, with all possible 
 satisfaction, be ready to undergo labours and 
 run dangers with us : but since you are not 
 only in circumstances to do this, but are able 
 to acquire others that you may have occasion 
 for, it is now very fit that you have a house 
 yourself. Or what enjoyment can you have of 
 your command, if you are the only one that 
 does not share a home ? than which there is no 
 
124 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vu. 
 
 place that to men is more sacred, none more 
 agreeable to them, and none nearer to them in 
 their affections. And then," said he, do you 
 not think that we must be ashamed to see you 
 abroad, faring hard, when we ourselves are in 
 houses, and seem to have so much the advantage 
 of you 1" When Chrysantas had said this 
 many more had concurred with hirri in it. 
 
 After this he entered the royal palace, and 
 they that conveyed the treasures from Sardis 
 delivered them up here. When Cyrus enter- 
 ed, he first sacrificed to the goddess Vesta, and 
 then to Regal Jove, and to whatever other 
 deity the magi thought proper. Having done 
 this, he now began to regulate other affairs ; 
 and considering what his business was, and 
 that he was taking on him the goverment of 
 great multitudes of men, he prepared to take 
 up his habitation in the greatest city of all that 
 were of note in the world, and this city had as 
 great enmity to him as any city could hare to 
 a man. 
 
 Taking these things into his consideration, 
 he thought himself in want of a guard about his 
 person ; and well knowing that men are at no 
 time so much exposed as while they are eating, 
 or drinking, or bathing, or on their bed, or 
 asleep, he examined with himself what sort of 
 people he might have about him, that might be 
 best trusted on these occasions ; and he was of 
 opinion that no man could ever be trusted who 
 should love another more than the person who 
 wanted his guard. Those men therefore that 
 had sons or wives that were agreeable to them, 
 or youths that they were fond of, he judg- 
 ed to be under a natural necessity of loving 
 them best ; and therefore thought that those 
 who were emasculated would have the greatest 
 affection for such as were able to v enrich them 
 the most, to redress them in case of any wrong 
 done them, and to bestow honours on them : 
 and, in his bounty to these people, he thought 
 that no one could exceed himself. Besides all 
 this, they being the object of other men's con- 
 tempt, are, for this reason, in want of a master 
 to countenance and support them ; for there 
 is no man that does not think it his due to as- 
 sume the upper hand of them in every thing, 
 unless some superior power control him in 
 it ; but nothing hinders such a servant from 
 having the upper hand of all in his fidelity to his 
 master. That they were destitute of all vigour, 
 which is what most people think, did not 
 appear to him to be so ; and he grounded his 
 
 argument on the example of other animals ; for 
 vicious horses are thus made to give over biting, 
 and indeed being vicious, but are not at all the 
 less fit for service in war : and bulls, in like 
 manner, throw off their insolence and untracta- 
 bleness, but they are not deprived of their 
 strength and fitness for labour. Dogs also give 
 over the trick of leaving their masters ; but, for 
 their watching, and their use in hunting, they 
 are not at all the worse. Men, in the same 
 manner, become the more gentle ; but they are 
 not the less careful of things that are given 
 them in charge, nor are they worse horsemen, 
 nor less able at throwing the javelin, nor less 
 desirous of honour. And they have made it 
 evident, that both in war and in hunting they 
 still preserve emulation in their minds. And, 
 with respect to their fidelity on occasion of 
 their masters' being destroyed, they have stood 
 the greatest trials; and no men have ever 
 shown greater instances of fidelity in the mis- 
 fortunes of their masters than such men have 
 done. But, if they may be thought to have 
 lost something of the strength of their bodies, 
 arms perhaps may make it up, and put the 
 weak and the strong on the same level in war. 
 Judging things to be thus, he began from his 
 door-keepers, and selected from such persons 
 all those that officiated about his person. But 
 then being of opinion that this was not a suf- 
 ficient guard against the great multitude of 
 people that were disaffected towards him, he 
 considered whom he should take from amongst 
 all the rest, as the most faithful for his guard 
 round the palace. Observing therefore that 
 the Persians, while at home, were those that 
 fared the hardest on account of their poverty, 
 and lived in the most laborious manner, because 
 their country was rocky and barren, and they 
 themselves forced to work with their own 
 hands, he thought these would be the most 
 pleased with that sort of life that they lived with 
 him. Out of these therefore he took ten 
 thousand lance-men, who kept guard both 
 night and day round about the palace, whilst 
 he kept quiet at home; and when he went 
 abroad they marched with him, ranged in order 
 on every side of him. Then thinking it 
 necessary that there should be a guard suf- 
 ficient for the whole city, whether he were 
 there present himself, or absent abroad, he 
 established a sufficient garrison in Babylon, 
 and appointed the Babylonians to supply these 
 men likewise with their pay, intending to dis- 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 125 
 
 tress them as much as he could, that they 
 might be reduced to the lowest condition, and 
 be the most easily managed. This guard, that 
 was then established about his own person and 
 in Babylon, continues on the same footing at 
 this day. 
 
 Then taking into his consideration how his 
 whole dominion might be maintained, and 
 more might be acquired, he was of opinion 
 that these mercenaries were not so much 
 better than the people subjected, as they were 
 fewer in number. He determined therefore 
 that he ought to retain those brave men, who 
 had, with the assistance of the gods, helped 
 him to his conquest, and to take care that they 
 should not grow remiss in the practice of vir. 
 tue. And that he might not seem to order 
 and direct them, but that, as judging of them- 
 selves what was best, they might persevere in 
 virtue, and cultivate it, he called together the 
 alike-honoured, and all such as were proper, 
 as well as those whom he thought worthy to 
 share with him, both in his labours and advan- 
 tages, and when they we're met he spoke to 
 this effect : 
 
 My friends and allies ! we owe the great- 
 est thanks to the gods for having granted us 
 the things of which we thought ourselves 
 worthy ; for we are now possessed of a very 
 
 \ large and noble country, and of people who, by 
 their labour in the culture of it, will maintain 
 
 I us. We have houses and furniture in them ; 
 and let none of you imagine that by this pos- 
 session he holds things that are foreign and not 
 belonging to him; I for it is a perpetual law 
 amongst all men, that when a city is taken 
 from an enemy, both the persons and treasures 
 of the inhabitants belong to the captors. What- 
 ever it is therefore that you possess, you do not 
 possess it unjustly ; but whatever you suffer 
 them to keep, it is in benignity and love to 
 mankind that you do not take it away. As to 
 the time to come, my judgment is this : if we 
 turn ourselves to a negligent and abandoned 
 course of life, and to the luxury and pleasure 
 of vicious men, who think labour to be the 
 greatest misery, and a life of ease to be a plea- 
 sure, then, I say, we shall presently become of 
 less value in ourselves, and shall presently lose 
 all our advantages. For to have been once 
 brave men is not sufficient in order to continue 
 brave men, unless one continue careful of 
 oneself to the end. But as all other arts when 
 neglected sink in their worth ; and as in the 
 11* 
 
 > 
 
 case of our bodies, when in good condition, if 
 we abandon them to a course of laziness and 
 inactivity, they become again faulty and de- 
 ficient ; so a discreet temper of mind, temper- 
 ance, and the command of our passions, and 
 courage, when a man remits the practice of them, 
 from thenceforward turn again into vice. We 
 ought not therefore to be remiss, nor throw 
 ourselves immediately on every present plea- 
 sure ; for I think it a great thing to acquire a 
 dominion, and yet a greater to preserve it when 
 acquired. For to acquire often befalls a man 
 who contributes nothing towards it but bold- 
 ness in the attempt ; but to preserve an acqui- 
 sition that one has made, this cannot be done 
 without discretion, nor without the command 
 of one's passions, nor without much care : and 
 knowing things to be thus, we ought to be 
 much more careful in the practice of virtue 
 noWj than before we made these valuable ac- 
 quisitions ; well knowing that when a man has 
 most in his possession, he then most abounds 
 in those that envy him, that forms designs 
 against him, and that are his enemies : especially 
 if he hold the possessions and service of men, 
 as we do, against their wills. The gods, we 
 ought to believe, will be with us ; for we are 
 not got into an unjust possession of these things 
 by designs and contrivances of our own to get 
 them, but on designs that have been formed 
 against us, we have revenged ourselves in the 
 punishment of the contrivers. The next best 
 thing after this is what we must take care i* 
 provide ourselves with ; and that is, to be better 
 than the people that are subjected, and to de- 
 serve a rule. In heat, therefore, and in cold, 
 in meat and drink, in labours and in rest, we 
 must of necessity allow our servants a share. 
 But while we share with them in these things, 
 we should endeavour to appear superior to 
 them in all of them : but in the knowledge and 
 practice of military affairs, we are not to allow 
 any share at all to such as we intend to have 
 as labourers and tributaries to us, but in all 
 exercises of* this kind, we must preserve the 
 ascendant ; determining within ourselves that 
 the gods have set these things before men, as 
 the instruments and means of liberty and hap- 
 piness. And as we have taken arms away 
 from them, so ought we never to be without 
 them ourselves : well knowing that they who 
 have always their arms to the nearest at hand, 
 have what they desire the most at their com- 
 mand. If any one suggest to himself such 
 
126 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 things as these ; as, what advantage is it to us 
 to effect what we desire, if we must still bear 
 hunger and thirst, labour and application 1 
 This man ought to learn that good things give 
 so much the more delight, as one takes the 
 more pains beforehand to attain them. Labour 
 and pains are what give a relish to all good 
 things. Without being in want of a thing, 
 there is nothing that can be acquired, though 
 ever so noble, that can be pleasant. If some 
 divinity have afforded us the things that men 
 most desire ; in order to have them appear the 
 pleasantest, every one will make them so to 
 himself. And such a man will have as much 
 the advantage of those that live more neces- 
 sitous, as he will get the pleasantest food when 
 he is hungry, enjoy the pleasantest drink when 
 he is thirsty, and when he wants rest can 
 take it in the pleasantest manner. On all these 
 accounts, I say, we must charge ourselves with 
 the part of brave and excellent men, that we 
 may enjoy our advantages in the best manner, 
 and with the most pleasure, and that we may 
 never come to experience the greatest hard- 
 ship in the world ; for it is not so hard a mat- 
 ter to gain advantages, as it is afflicting to be 
 deprived of them after one has obtained them. 
 Consider then what pretence we can have to 
 choose to be worse than before. It is because 
 we have obtained dominion ! But it does not 
 become a prince to be more vicious than those 
 that are under his command. But perhaps it 
 may be because we seem to be more prosper- 
 ous and happy than before. Will any man 
 say then that vice is to be indulged to pros- 
 
 perity 1 But perhaps, since we have acquired 
 slaves, if they are vicious, we will punish 
 them ; and how does it become one that is 
 vicious himself to punish others for vice and 
 sloth 1 ? Consider this farther, that we are 
 preparing to maintain abundance of men as 
 guards to our houses and persons, and how 
 can it be otherwise than base in us, to think 
 it fit to have others as guards of our own 
 safety, and not to be guards to ourselves 1 
 And you ought to be well assured that there 
 is no other guard so secure as to be oneself an 
 excellent and worthy man. This must keep 
 you company ; for with one that is destitute of 
 virtue, nothing else ought to go well. What 
 then do I say you should do 1 where practice 
 virtue 1 where apply to the exercise of it 1 
 Nothing new, my friends, will I tell you ; but 
 as the alike-honoured among Persians pass their 
 time about the courts ; so I say, it is our parts 
 being all alike-honoured here, to practise the 
 same things that are practised there. It is your 
 part to attend here, keeping your eyes on me, 
 to observe if I continue careful of the things 
 that I ought to be careful of. I will keep my 
 eyes intent on you, and such as I see practising 
 things good and excellent I will reward. The 
 sons that we have we shall here instruct ; we 
 shall be ourselves the better by being desirous 
 to show ourselves the best examples to them 
 that we can ; and the boys will not easily be- 
 come vicious, not even though they incline to 
 it, when they neither see nor hear any thing 
 that is mean or base, and pass their whole time 
 under excellent institutions." 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK VIII. 
 
 I. Cyrus commended for his disinterestedness Men of quality attend at his gates Constitutes his several officers 
 Careful choice of his colleagues in power His noble example to them His wise economy, piety, justice, 
 goodness, modesty, self-denialj and respectful behaviour His opinion of these virtues His plan of bestowing 
 rewards Good effects of his orders and example His thoughts on dominion His methods to appear venerable 
 All equally call him father Wise measures for the security of his government. II. Cyrus' good nature and 
 love to mankind His courtship to bis friends Vast presents His policy His saying of kings Converses with 
 Croesus, and convinces him that friends-are the richest treasure lAkes provisions for the health of his subjects 
 Visits the sick himself Rakes emulation by games and prizes^ III. Cyrus appoints judges, and gains the 
 entire affection of his friends His first procession from the palace Sacrifices at the sacred inclosures Appoints 
 horse and chariot races to the several nations Wins the prize at each. IV. Cyrus invites his friends to an en- 
 tertainment. Order of precedence at his table Prefers acts of love to war His politeness, innocent and agree- 
 able jesting Distributes presents according to merit His generosity applauded Settlement of his empire. 
 V. Prepares for a journey to Persia Order of his encampment His opinion of the tactic art Visits Cyaxares, 
 who offers him his daughter in marriage Cyrus accepts his offer on condition of his parents' consent His 
 arrival in Persia Speech of Cambyses to Cyrus and the Persian magistrates He is bound by oath to observe 
 their laws His parents consent to his marriage Returns to Media, marries the daughter of Cyaxares, and car- 
 ries her to Babylon. VI. Cyrus appoints satraps over the conquered nations His policy in abridging their 
 power Directs them to imitate him Orders an annual progress to the provinces Appoints stage-horses through 
 his whole kingdom for intelligence Assembles his army Extends his conquests from Syria to the Red Sea- 
 Subdues Egypt Bounds of his edtoire He is said to enjoy perpetual spring, beloved by all. VII. Last journey 
 of Cy%is to Persia in his old age Makes sacrifices, and leads up the Persian chorus Divine apparition in his 
 dream His sacrifice and prayer Loss of appetite, and indisposition Summons his sons, friends, and the magis- 
 trates of Persia Bequeaths the kingdom to his eldest son ; the satrapy of the Medes to his youngest Recommends 
 brotherly affection to them, and piety and virtue His opinion of the soul, its nature, and future existence Of 
 the eternity of the world, and mankind His noble character of the divinity Veneration for the earth, and love of 
 mankind Directions respecting bis burial His last advice, and death. VIII. Political observations on the cor- 
 ruption and ruin of the Persian state after the death of Cyrus. 
 
 128 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 I. THUS then Cyrus spoke ; after him Chry- 
 santas rose and spoke in this manner : " I 
 have frequently at other times, observed, my 
 friends, that a good prince is not at all differ- 
 ent from a good father : for fathers are careful 
 to provide that their children may never come 
 to fail of what is for their advantage : and Cy- j 
 
 subject to the commands of many, and com- 
 manded none ourselves ; but now you are all 
 on a footing of bearing rule, some over more, 
 and some over less. Therefore as you desire to 
 rule those that are under you, so let us all 
 submit to those that it becomes us to submit 
 to. We ought to distinguish ourselves so far 
 
 rus seems now to me to advise us to such ! from slaves, as that slaves do service to their 
 things as will make us pass our days in the i masters against their wills ; and if we desire 
 
 most fortunate and happy manner. But what 
 I think he has been defective in laying open, 
 this I will endeavour to explain to those that 
 are not apprised of it ; for have you considered 
 what city belonging to an enemy can possibly 
 be taken by men that are not obedient to com- 
 mand ] And what city that belongs to those 
 that are friends can be preserved by men that 
 are not obedient 1 And what army consisting 
 of men disobedient and refractory can be vic- 
 torious ? How can men sooner be defeated in 
 battle than when every one begins separately 
 to consult his own particular safety ? or what 
 other valuable thing can be performed by such 
 as do not submit to the direction of their bet- 
 ters 1 What cities are they that are justly and 
 wisely regulated] What are those families 
 that preserve themselves in safety 1 And how 
 come ships to arrive whither they are bound 1 
 By what other means have we obtained the ad- 
 vantages we have, more than by obedience to our 
 commander 1 By this we have been presently 
 ready at our proper posts ; and by following 
 our commander in compact order, we have 
 been irresistible ; and of things that have been 
 given us in charge, we have left none executed 
 by halves. Therefore, if obedience to com- 
 mand be of the greatest advantage, with re- 
 spect to the making acquisitions, be you assur- 
 ed that it is, in the same manner, of the greatest 
 advantage with respect to the preserving what 
 is fit fbr us to preserve. Heretofore we were 
 
 to be free, we ought willingly to perform what 
 appears to be most excellent and worthy. You 
 will find," said he, " that where a people are 
 under a government that is not monarchical, 
 and are most ready to pay obedience to their 
 rulers, they are always least liable to the ne- 
 cessity of submitting to their enemies. Let 
 us therefore attend about the palace as Cyrus 
 orders ; let us practise those things that will 
 best enable us to hold what we ought ; and let 
 us yield ourselves to Cyrus, to make use of us 
 in what is proper ; for you ought to be well as- 
 sured that it is not possible for Cyrus to find 
 any thing that he can make an advantage of 
 to himself, and that is not so to us, since the 
 same things are alike serviceable to us both, 
 and we have both the same enemies." 
 
 When Chrysantas had said this, many more, 
 both Persians and allies, rose up, and spoke to 
 the same effect ; and it was determined that 
 the men of note and quality should always at- 
 tend at Cyrus' doors, and yield themselves to 
 his service in whatever he thought fit, till he 
 himself dismissed them. And according as it 
 was then determined, so do those in Asia, that 
 are under the king, do yet at this day : and 
 they attend at the doors of their princes. And 
 as in this discourse it is shown how Cyrus es- 
 tablished things, in order to secure the domin- 
 ion to himself and to the Persians ; so do the 
 kings, his successors, continue to put the same 
 things in practice as laws to this day. But it 
 R 129 
 
130 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK YIII. 
 
 is in this, as in other things, when there is a 
 better director, the established rules are exe- 
 cuted more strictly ; and when there is a worse, 
 more negligently. The men of note therefore 
 frequented the gates of Cyrus with their 
 horses and lances ; this being the joint deter- 
 mination of all the best of those that concurred 
 with him in the overthrow of this empire. 
 
 Cyrus then constituted different officers to 
 take care of different affairs. He had his re- 
 ceivers of the revenues, his paymasters, over- 
 seers of his works, keepers of his treasures, and 
 officers to provide things that were proper for 
 his table. He appointed as masters of his 
 horse and of his dogs such as he thought would 
 provide him with the best of these kinds of 
 creatures for his use. But as to those whom 
 he thought fit to have as joint guardians of his 
 power and grandeur, he himself took care to 
 have them the best ; he did not give this in 
 charge to others, but thought it his own busi- 
 ness. He knew that in case he were at any 
 time obliged to come to a battle, they that 
 were to stand by him on each side, and to sup- 
 port him in the rear, were to be taken from 
 amongst these ; with these he was to engage in 
 the greatest dangers : out of these he knew he 
 was to constitute the commanders of his seve- 
 ral bodies of foot and horse ; and if he were in 
 want of generals, to serve any where in his 
 own absence, out of these he knew they were 
 to be sent. Some of these he knew he was to 
 ' use as guardians and satraps of cities and whole 
 nations ; and some of them were to be sent 
 out as ambassadors ; and this he thought a 
 thing of the greatest consequence with respect 
 to the obtaining what he desired without a 
 war. If they therefore that were to be in- 
 trusted with the management of most affairs, 
 and of affairs of the greatest consequence, were 
 not such as they should be, he thought mat- 
 ters would go very ill with him ; but if they 
 were such as they should be, he reckoned tha 
 affairs would go very well. 
 
 This being his judgment, he therefore took 
 this care on him, and he reckoned that h 
 himself was to engage in the same exercise 
 of virtue ; for he thought it not possible foi 
 one who was not himself such as he should be 
 to incite others to great and noble actions. On 
 these considerations, he thought leisure, in th< 
 first place, necessary, if he intended to hav 
 it in his power to take care of the principa 
 affairs He reckoned it therefore impossible 
 
 or him to be negligent of his revenues ; fore- 
 seeing that, in a great dominion, he must of 
 necessity be at a great expense. But then, on 
 the other side, his possessions being very great, 
 to be himself always taken up about them, he 
 thought would leave him no leisure to take 
 care of the safety of the whole. 
 
 So taking into his consideration how his 
 economy might be settled on a good footing, 
 nd he at the same time might have leisure, he 
 observed the order of an army : for as the com- 
 manders of tens take care of their several de- 
 cades ; the captains, of the commanders of tens ; 
 the commanders of thousands, of the captains ; 
 the commanders of ten thousand, of the com- 
 manders of thousands ; by which means, no 
 one is left without care, though an army con- 
 sists of many times ten thousand men ; and 
 when a general has any service for the army to 
 do, it is enough for him to give his orders to 
 the commanders of ten thousand ; in like man- 
 ner as these affairs were regulated, Cyrus ac- 
 cordingly ranged the affairs of his household 
 under certain heads : and thus Cyrus, by dis- 
 coursing with a few people, was enabled to have 
 the affairs of his economy taken care of; and 
 and after this, he had yet more leisure than 
 another man, who had but a single house or a 
 single ship in charge. Having thus settled his t 
 own affairs, he taught others to use the same / 
 method, and so procured leisure both for him- > 
 self and for those about him. 
 
 He then began to take on him the business of f 
 making his companions in power such as they \ 
 should be. And in the first place, as many as ' 
 were able to subsist by the labour of others, and 
 were not attending at his doors, these he inquir- 
 ed into ; reckoning that they who did attend 
 would not be guilty of any base and vile action, 
 both by reason of their being near their prince, 
 and that in whatever they did, they would be 
 observed by the most excellent men. They that 
 did not attend he reckoned absented themselves, 
 either out of their indulgence to some vicious 
 passion, or on account of some unjust practice 
 or out of negligence. Being first therefore con- 
 vinced of this in his judgment, he brought all 
 such men under a necessity of attending : for 
 he ordered some one of those about him, that 
 were his chief friends, fo seize what belonged 
 to the person that did not attend, and to de- 
 clare that it belonged to himself. When this 
 was done, they that were dispossesed immedi 
 ately came and complained, as persons that 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 131 
 
 * 
 
 had been wronged. Cyrus, for a great while, 
 was not at leisure to give such men a hearing ; 
 and when he had heard them, he deferred the 
 decision of the matter a long while. By act- 
 ing thus, he thought he accustomed them to 
 make their court, and with less ill-will to him 
 than if he himself had forced them to attend, 
 by inflicting punishments on them. This was 
 one method of instruction that he used, in or- 
 der to make men attend on him. Another 
 was, to command those that attended on such 
 services as were most easy to execute and most 
 profitable. Another was, never to allow the 
 absent a share in any advantage. But the chief 
 method of all that he used to necessitate men 
 I to attend was this, that in case a man did not 
 V yield obedience to these other methods, he 
 /then took what he had from him, and gave it 
 to another man that he thought would be able 
 to attend on the proper occasions. And thus, 
 he gained a useful friend, instead of a useless 
 one ; and the present king still makes inquiry 
 whether any one of those be absent whose part 
 it is to attend. 
 
 In this manner did he carry himself to those 
 that did not attend on him : but those that af- 
 forded him their attendance and service, he 
 thought he should ,best excite to great and noble 
 actions, if he, being their prince, should endea- 
 vour to show himself to those whom he govern 
 ed the most accomplished of all in virtue : for 
 he thought he observed that men were the bet- 
 ter for written laws; but a good prince, he 
 reckoned, was to men, a seeing law, because 
 he was able both to give directions, to see 
 the man that acted irregularly, and to punish 
 him. 
 
 This being his judgment, he showed himself 
 in the first place, the more industrious to dis- 
 charge himself in all dues to the gods at thai 
 time when he was in the most fortunate cir- 
 cumstances : and then were first appointee 
 certain magi to sing a hymn to the gods, always 
 as soon as it was day, and every day to sacri- 
 fice to such deities as the magi should direct 
 And the establishments that were thus made 
 at that time continue in use with the king tha 
 still succeeds in the government, on to this day 
 The rest of the Persians therefore were the 
 first that followed his example in these things 
 reckoning that they should be the more 
 fortunate, if they served the gods as he did 
 who was the most fortunate of all, and thei 
 prince. And they thought by doing thm 
 
 hey should please Cyrus. But Cyrus ac- 
 :ounted the piety of those about him an advan- 
 age to himself; reckoning, as they do, who 
 choose to undertake a voyage in company with 
 men of piety, rather than with such as appear 
 o have been guilty of any thing impious. And 
 resides this, he reckoned that, if ail his as- 
 sociates were religious, they would be the less 
 apt to be guilty of any thing impious towards 
 each other, or towards him, who thought him- 
 self their benefactor. Then by showing him- 
 self to be under great concern and fear of doing 
 injury to any friend or ally, and keeping stea- 
 dily to the rule of justice, he thought that others 
 would abstain the more from base gains, and 
 would take care that their revenue should 
 arise to them by just methods. And he was of 
 opinion that he should the better inspire other 
 men with respect and awe, if he himself appear, 
 ed to pay so great a respect to all, as never to 
 say or do any thing shameful and vile : and 
 that it would fall out thus, he grounded his 
 argument on this ; that not only in the case of 
 a prince, but even of such men as had no fear 
 of, they paid more respect to those that behaved 
 respectfully than they did to the impudent. 
 And such women as they observed to be mo. 
 dest and respectful they were the more ready 
 to pay respect to. And he thought that a 
 temper of obedience would be the more firmly 
 established in those about him, if he appeared 
 to bestow greater rewards on the obedient, than 
 on those ,that seemed possessed of the greatest 
 and most elaborate virtues. In this opinion, 
 and in this practice, he always continued : and 
 then, by showing his own goodness and modesty 
 of temper, he made all others the more ready 
 to practise it ; for when men see one, that has 
 it most in his power to behave with haughti- 
 ness and insolence, behave with this modesty 
 and goodness of temper, then even those of the 
 lowest degree are the more willing to be seen 
 acting without any manner of insolence. He 
 distinguished that respect and awe from this 
 goodness of temper in this manner ; that they 
 who were possessed with this awe avoided 
 things that were shameful and vile, while they 
 were exposed to the eyes of others ; but that 
 the modest and good-tempered did it even in 
 the dark. He thought likewise to make men 
 practise a command of their passions best, by 
 showing that he himself was not drawn away 
 by present pleasures from the pursuit of good 
 and excellent things; and that he preferred 
 
132 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK VIIL 
 
 toil and labour in the pursuit of a noble end 
 before all delights. Being therefore such a 
 man himself, he established an excellent order 
 at his dcors ; the meaner sort submitting to the 
 oetter, arid all behaving with great awe and 
 decency one towards another. You would not 
 see any one there in anger, breaking out into 
 noise and clamour, nor expressing an insulting 
 pleasure in insolent laughter. But to see them, 
 you would think that they really lived in 
 1 the most comely and noble manner. In the 
 practice of such things as these, and with 
 such things always before their eyes, they 
 passed their days at the doors of Cyrus. 
 
 But then, in order to inure them to the prac- 
 tice of military affairs, he led out all those to 
 hunt that he thought proper to exercise in that 
 manner; reckoning this the best method of 
 practising all such things as relate to war, as 
 well as the truest exercise of the art of riding ; 
 for this helps them the most of any thing, to 
 sit firm on horseback, in all sorts of ground, 
 by means of their pursuing the wild beasts in 
 their flight ; and this, the most of any thing, 
 makes them capable of acting on horseback, by 
 means of their love of praise and desire of 
 taking their game. And by this he chiefly 
 accustomed his associates to gain a command 
 over their passions, and to be able to bear toil 
 to bear cold and heat, hunger and thirst. And 
 the king that now reigns, together with those 
 that are about him, continue still the same 
 practice. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, by what has been 
 before said, that he thought dominion became 
 no one that was not himself better than those 
 r whom he governed ; and that by thus exercis 
 ing these about him, he inured himself, the 
 ' most of all, to a command of his passions, ant 
 to all military arts and exercises. For he lei 
 out others abroad to hunt, when there was no 
 necessity that obliged him to stay at home 
 and when there was any such necessity, he ther 
 hunted the beasts that were maintained in hi: 
 parks. He never took his supper before h< 
 gave himself a sweat ; nor did he ever throw 
 food to his horses before they were exercised 
 and he invited his servants abroad with him tc 
 this hunting. He himself, therefore, greatly ex 
 celled in all noble performances ; and they tha 
 were about him likewise did so, by means of thei 
 continual exercise. In this manner he made 
 himself an example to others. And, besides 
 
 bis, whoever he saw the most zealous in the 
 ursuit of generous actions, such he rewarded 
 with presents, with commands, with placing 
 hem in the principal seats, and with all other 
 honours. So that he raised a mighty emula- 
 ion amongst all, to try by what means every 
 ne might appear to Cyrus the most deserving. 
 And I think I have likewise heard, con. 
 cerning Cyrus, that he was of opinion that 
 Drinces ought to excel those that are under 
 their dominions, not only in being better than 
 they, but that they ought likewise to play the 
 mposters with them. He chose therefore to 
 wear the Median robe, and persuaded his asso- 
 ciates to put it on ; for in case a man had any 
 thing defective in his person, he thought that 
 this concealed it, and made those that wore it 
 appear the handsomest and the tallest. And^ 
 they have a sort of shoe, where they may fit in 
 something under their feet, without its being 
 seen, so as to make themselves appear taller 
 than they really are. He allowed them also 
 to colour their eyes, that they might seem to 
 have finer eyes than they really had, and to 
 paint themselves, that they might appear to be 
 of better complexion than they naturally were 
 of. He took care, likewise, to use them not 
 to be seen to spit, or blow the nose, or to turn 
 aside to gaze at any spectacle, as if they were 
 men that admired nothing. And all these 
 things, he thought, contributed something to 
 their appearing the more awful to the people 
 that were subject to his dominion. 
 
 Tfcose that he thought the proper persons to- 
 share, by his own means, in the dominion with 
 him, he disciplined in this manner, and by 
 acting himself, at the head of them, in the 
 same venerable and majestic way. But those 
 that he 'trained for servitude, he never encou- 
 raged to the practice of ingenious labours, noi 
 allowed them the possession of arms, but took 
 care that they should never go without their 
 meat and drink for the sake of these liberal 
 exercises; for when with their horse they 
 drove out the wild beasts into the plains, he 
 allowed meat and drink to be carried for the 
 use of these people during the hunt, but not 
 for any of the ingenious. And when he was 
 on a march he led them to water as he did tho 
 beasts of burden ; and when the time for din- 
 ner came, he waited till they had eaten some- 
 thing, that they might not be distressed with 
 hunger. So that these people, as the bettei 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 133 
 
 sort likewise did, 'called him their father, for 
 taking care that, beyond all doubt, they should 
 always continue slaves. 
 
 Thus he provided for the security of the 
 | whole Persian dominion : but he was very 
 confident that he himself was in no danger of 
 meeting with any mischief from the people 
 that were conquered, for he reckoned them 
 weak and dispirited, and he observed them 
 destitute of all order ; and besides, none of 
 them ever came near him by night or day. 
 But such as he reckoned the better sort, that 
 he saw armed and in compact order ; some of 
 them commanders of horse, and some of foot, 
 and many of them that he perceived with spirits 
 equal to rule, that were next to his own guards, 
 and many of whom were frequently in company 
 i with himself, (for there was a necessity that it 
 should be so,. because he was to make use of 
 them,) from these there was the . most danger 
 of his receiving mischief many ways. There- 
 fore, taking into his consideration how matters 
 might be made safe for him in this respect, to 
 take away their arms from them and render 
 them unfit for war, he did not approve, both 
 accounting it unjust, and believing it to be a 
 dissolution of his empire. And then again 
 not to admit them to his presence, and openly 
 to distrust them, he reckoned the beginning 
 and foundation of a war. Instead of all these 
 things, there was one that he determined to be 
 the best for his security, and the handsomest of 
 all, which was to try if possibly he could make 
 the better sort of men more friends to himself 
 than to one another. By what means therefore 
 it was that in my opinion he came to be be- 
 loved, I will endeavour to relate. 
 
 II. For, first, he constantly at all times dis- 
 played, as much as he could, his own good- 
 t nature and love to mankind ; reckoning that as 
 ) it is no easy matter for men to love those who 
 seem to hate them, or to bear good-will to those 
 that have ill intentions towards them ; so it 
 was not possible for those that were known to 
 love and bear good-will, to be hated by such as 
 thought themselves beloved. Therefore, whilst 
 he had it not so much in his power to bestow 
 rich benefits on them, he endeavoured to cap- 
 tivate their affections by anticipating his com- 
 panions in care and in pains, by appearing 
 pleased with their advantages, and afflicted at 
 their misfortunes ; but when he had where- 
 withal to be bountiful to them, he seems t me 
 to have kn wn, in the first place, that there is 
 12 
 
 no benefaction amongst men that is of equal 
 expense, and is so grateful as that of sharing 
 meat and drink with them. 
 
 And being of this opinion, he first regulated 
 his table so as to have placed before him as 
 many of the same things that he ate of him- 
 self as were sufficient for great numbers of 
 people. And all that was set before him, ex- 
 cept what was used by himself and his guests, 
 he distributed to such of his friends as he in- 
 tended to show that he remembered or had a 
 kindness for. He sent likewise about to such 
 as he happened to be pleased with, whether 
 they were employed on the guard any where, 
 or attended to pay their court to him, or were 
 concerned in any other affairs. And this he did 
 in order to signify that they who were desirous 
 to do what was pleasing to him were not to be 
 concealed from him. He paid the same honour 
 from his table to his own domestics when he 
 had a mind to give any of them his commen- 
 dation. And all the meat that belonged to 
 his domestics he placed on his own table, 
 thinking that, as in the case of children, so 
 this would gain him some good-will from them. 
 And if he had a mind that any of his friends 
 should have great numbers of people attend 
 and pay their court to them, he sent them pre- 
 sents from his table ; for even yet, at this day, 
 all people make the greater court to such as 
 they observe to have things sent them from off 
 the king's table ; because they reckon them 
 men in great honour and esteem, and that in 
 case they want any thing to be done, they are 
 able to effect it for them. And besides, it is " 
 not only on these accounts that have been 
 mentioned that the things sent from the king 
 are pleasing, but things that come from the 
 king's table do really very much excel in point 
 of pleasure. And that it should be so is not 
 at all to be wondered at; for, as other arts 
 are wrought up in great cities to a greater de- 
 gree of perfection, in the same manner are 
 the meats that come from the king dressed 
 in greater perfection; for, in little cities, the 
 same people make both the frame of a couch, 
 a door, a plough, and a table ; and frequently 
 the same person is a builder too, and very 
 well satisfied he is if he meet with custom- 
 ers enough to maintain him. It is impossible 
 therefore for a man that makes a great many 
 different things to do them all well. But 
 in great cities, because there are multitudes 
 that want every particular thing, one art 
 
134 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vin. 
 
 alone is sufficient for the maintenance of every 
 one : and frequently not an entire one neither, 
 but one man makes shoes for men, another for 
 women. Sometimes it happens that one gets 
 a maintenance by sewing shoes together, ano- 
 ther by cutting them out ; one by cutting out 
 clothes only, and another without doing any 
 of these things, is maintained by fitting to- 
 gether the pieces so cut out. He therefore that 
 deals in a business that lies within a little 
 compass, must of necessity do it the best. 
 The case is the same with respect to the busi- 
 ness of a table ; for he that has the same man 
 to cover and adorn the frame of a couch, to 
 set out the table, to knead the dough, to dress 
 the several different meats, must necessarily, 
 in my opinion, fare in each particular as it 
 happens. But where it is business enough 
 for one man to boil meat, for another to roast 
 it ; for one to boil fish, and for another to 
 broil it ; where it is business enough for one 
 man to make bread, and that not eC every sort 
 neither, but that it is enough for him to fur- 
 nish one sort good, each man in my opinion, 
 must of necessity work up the things that are 
 thus made to a very great perfection. He 
 therefore by this kind of management greatly 
 exceeded all other people in this sort of court- 
 ship, by presents of meat. 
 
 And how he came likewise to be greatly 
 superior in all other ways of gaining on men, 
 I will now relate ; for he that so much exceeded 
 other men in the multitude of his revenues, 
 exceeded them yet more in the multitude of 
 his presents. Cyrus therefore began it ; and 
 this custom of making abundance of presents 
 continues to this day practised by the kings 
 his successors. Who is there that is known 
 to have richer friends than the Persian king 
 has? who is known to set out the people 
 about him in finer habits than this king does ? 
 whose presents are known to be such as some 
 of those which this king makes ? as bracelets 
 and collars, and horses with bridles of gold ? 
 for it is not allowed there that any one should 
 have these things but he that the king gives 
 them to. What other man is there that can 
 be said to make himself be preferred before 
 brothers, fathers, or children, by his great pre- 
 sents ? what other man has power to chastise 
 his enemies that are many months' journey 
 distant from him, as the Persian king hasl 
 what other man but Cyrus, after having over 
 turned an empire, ever died and had the titl< 
 
 f father given him the people he subjected ? 
 or it is plain that this is the name of one that 
 >estows rather than one that takes away. 
 
 We have been likewise informed that he 
 gained those men that are called the eyes and ' 
 he ears of the king, by no other means than 
 by making them presents, and by bestowing 
 lonours and rewards on them ; for by being 
 very bountiful to those that gave him an ac- 
 count of what was proper for him to be in- 
 ibrmed of, he set abundance of people on the 
 search both with ears and eyes, to find what 
 nformation they should give the king that 
 might be useful to him. On this the eyes of 
 the king were reckoned to be very numerous, 
 and his ears so too. But if any one think it 
 proper for a king to choose but one person as 
 tiis eye, he judges not right ; for one man * 
 would see but few things, and one man would 
 hear but few things ; and if this were given in 
 charge to one only, it would be as if the rest 
 were ordered to neglect it. Besides, whoever 
 was known to be this eye, people would know 
 that they were to be on their guard against 
 him. This then is not the course that is taken ; 
 but the king hears every one that says he has 
 heard or seen any thing worthy his attending 
 to. By this means the ears and eyes of the 
 king are reckoned to be in great number ; and 
 people are every where afraid of saying any 
 thing to the king's prejudice, as if he himself 
 heard them ; and of doing any thing to his pre- 
 judice, as if he himself were present. So that 
 no one durst mention any thing scandalous 
 concerning Cyrus to any body : but every one 
 stood so disposed, as if they were always 
 amidst the eyes and ears of the king, whatever 
 company they were in. 
 
 I know not what cause any one can better 
 assign for such disposition in men towards him 
 than that he thought fit to bestow great bene- 
 fits in return for little ones. And it is not to 
 be wondered at, that he who was the richest of 
 all, exceeded others in the greatness of his 
 presents ; but that one possessed of the royal 
 dignity should exceed others in the culture and 
 care of his friends, this is a thing more worthy 
 of notice. He is said never to have appeared 
 so much ashamed of being outdone in any 
 thing as in the culture of his friends : and a 
 saying of this is recorded, expressing, " That 
 the business of a good herdsman and of a good 
 king were very near alike ; for a herdsman," 
 he said, ought to provide for the welfare and 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 135 
 
 happiness of the herd, and make use of them 
 consistently with the happiness of those crea- 
 tures ; and that a king ought, in the same man- 
 ner, to make men and cities happy, and in the 
 same manner to make use of them." It is no 
 wonder therefore, if this were his sentiment, 
 that he had an ambition to outdo all in the 
 culture of men. 
 
 And Cyrus is said to have given this noble 
 instance to Croesus, on a certain time, when 
 Croesus suggested to him that, by the multi- 
 tude of presents that he made, he would be a 
 beggar, when it was in his power to lay up at 
 home mighty treasures of gold for the use of 
 one. It is said that Cyrus then asked him 
 thus : " What sums do you think I should now 
 have in possession, if I had been hoarding up 
 gold, as you bid me, ever since I have been in 
 power]" And that Croesus, in -reply, named 
 some mighty sum ; and that Cyrus to this 
 said : " Well, Croesus, do you send with Hys- 
 taspes here some person that you have most 
 confidence in ; and do you, Hystaspes," said 
 he, " go about to my friends, tell them that I 
 am in want of money for a certain affair (and 
 in reality I am in want of it,) and bid them 
 furnish me with as much as they are each of 
 them able to do ; and that, writing it down and 
 signing it, they deliver the letter to Croesus' 
 officer to bring me." Then writing down what 
 he had said, and signing it, he gave it to 
 Hystaspes to carry it to his friends : but added 
 in the letter to them all, " That they should 
 receive Hystaspes as his friend." After they 
 had gone round, and Croesus' officer brought 
 the letters, Hystaspes said : " O Cyrus ! my 
 king, you must now make use of me as a rich 
 man, for here do I attend you abounding in 
 presents that have been made me on account 
 of your letter." Cyrus on this said : This 
 then is one treasure to me, Croesus ; but look 
 over the others, and reckon up what riches 
 there are there ready for me, in case I want 
 for my own use. Croesus on calculation is 
 said to have found many times the sum that he 
 told Cyrus he might now have had in his trea- 
 sury, if he had hoarded. When it appeared 
 to be thus, Cyrus is reported to have said : 
 
 You see, Croesus, that I have my treasures 
 too ; but you bid me hoard them up, to be en- 
 vied and hated for them : you bid me place 
 hired guards on them, and in those to put my 
 trust. But I make my friends rich, and reck- 
 on them to be treasures to me, and guards 
 
 both to myself and to all things of value that 
 belong to us, and such as are more to be trusted 
 than if I set up a guard of hirelings. Besides, 
 there is another thing that I will tell you : 
 what the gods have wrought into the souls of 
 men, and by it have made them all equally in- 
 digent, this, Croesus, I am not able to get the 
 better of; for I am, as others are, insatiably 
 greedy of riches : but I reckon I differ from 
 most others in this ; that when they have ac- 
 quired more than is sufficient for them, some 
 of those treasures they bury under ground, and 
 some they let decay and spoil, and others they 
 give themselves a great deal of trouble about, 
 in telling, in measuring, in weighing, airing, 
 and watching them ; and though they have all 
 these things at home, they neither eat more 
 than they are able to bear, for they would 
 burst, nor do they put on more clothes than 
 they can bear, for they would suffocate, but all 
 their superfluous treasures they have only for 
 business and trouble. Whereas I serve the 
 gods, and am ever desirous of more ; and when 
 I have acquired it, out of what I find to be 
 more than suffices me, I satisfy the wants of 
 my friends ; and by enriching men with it, and 
 by doing them kindnesses, I gain their good- 
 will and their friendship, and obtain security 
 and glory, things that do not corrupt and spoil, 
 and do not distress one by over-abounding ; 
 but glory, the more there is of it, the greater 
 and more noble it is, and the lighter to bear, 
 and those that bear it, it often makes the light- 
 er and easier. And that you may be sensible 
 of this, Croesus," said he, they that possess 
 the most, and have most in their custody, I do 
 not reckon the happiest men ; for then would 
 guards on the walls be the happiest of all men, 
 for they have the custody of all that there is in 
 whole cities ; but the person that can acquire 
 the most with justice, and use the most with 
 honour, him do I reckon the happiest man ; 
 and this I reckon to be riches." 
 
 And as he expressed these things, so he ap- 
 parently practised them. But, besides all this, 
 having observed that most men, if they enjoy 
 health, take care to provide themselves with 
 all things fitting, and lay up all things that are 
 of use with respect to a healthy course of life ; 
 but how to be supplied with things that are of 
 service, in case they are sick, of this he ob- 
 served they were not very careful. He there- 
 fore thought proper to be at pains to provide 
 himself with these things. He got together 
 
136 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vin. 
 
 the best physicians ahout him, by his being 
 willing to be at the expense of it ; and what- 
 ever instruments, medicines, meats, or drinks, 
 any one told him to be of use, there was 
 nothing of all these that he did not provide 
 himself with, and treasure up. And when 
 any of those whom it was proper for him to 
 take care of fell ill, he went himself to see 
 them, and furnished them with whatever they 
 wanted ; and was thankful to the physicians 
 whenever they cured any one, and took the 
 things which they used from out of what he 
 had in store. These and many such things 
 did he contrive, in order to gain the principal 
 place in the affections of those by whom he de- 
 sired to be beloved. 
 
 Then all those affairs, wherein he appointed 
 games, and established prizes, with intention 
 to raise an emulation in men, to perform great 
 and noble things, those gained Cyrus the ap- 
 plause of taking care that virtue should be 
 kept in practice. But these very games crea- 
 ted strife and emulation amongst the better 
 sort of men. And, besides, Cyrus established 
 as a law, that whatever required a determina- 
 tion, whether it were a matter of right, or a dis- 
 pute relating to games, the parties requiring 
 such determination should have joint recourse to 
 certain judges. It is plain therefore that both 
 the parties at variance aimed at pitching on such 
 judges as were the best and the most their 
 friends ; and he that lost his cause envied him 
 that carried it, and hated those that did not give 
 the cause for himself ; he that carried his cause 
 attributed the success to the justice of it, so 
 reckoned he owed nobody thanks. They that 
 aimed at being chief in the friendship and es- 
 teem of Cyrus, like others in certain cities, 
 bore envy to each other, so that most of them 
 rather wished each other out of the way, than 
 ever acted in concert together for their mutual 
 advantage. These things make it evident by 
 what means he made all the considerable men 
 more affectionate to himself than they were 
 one to another. 
 
 III. But now we will relate how Cyrus, for 
 
 the first time, marched in procession out of the 
 
 palace; for the majesty of this procession 
 
 seems to me to have been one of those arts 
 
 I that made his government not liable to con- 
 
 \ tempt. First, therefore, before he made this 
 
 procession he called in to him all those, both 
 
 Persians and others, that were possessed of 
 
 Commands, and distributed to them Median 
 
 robes : and it was then that the Persians first 
 put on the Median robe. Having distributed 
 these, he told them that he intended to march 
 in procession ta those portions of ground that 
 had been chosen and set apart for the gods, 
 and to make a sacrifice, accompanied by them. 
 " Attend, therefore" said he, at the gates be- 
 fore the rising of the sun, adorned with these 
 robes, and form yourselves as Pheraulas the 
 Persian shall give you orders from me ; and 
 when I lead the way, do you follow on in 
 the station assigned you. But, if any of you 
 think that our procession will be handsomer 
 in any other manner, than as we march at 
 this time, when we return again let him in- 
 form me ; for every thing ought to be so dis- 
 posed as shall appear to you to be most beau- 
 tiful and noble." When he had distributed 
 the finest robes to the greatest men, he then 
 produced other robes of the Median sort ; 
 for he had provided them in great numbers, 
 and was not sparing either in the purple habits, 
 or those of a dark colour, or in the scarlet, or 
 the murrey. And having distributed a certain 
 portion of these to each of the commanders, 
 he bade them adorn and set out their friends 
 with them, " as I," said he, " adorn you." 
 And one of those that were present then 
 asked him, " But when will you, Cyrus," said 
 he, "be adorned yourself?" To this here- 
 plied : " And do you not think," said he, 
 that I am already adorned in adorning all 
 you 1 No matter," said he, if I am but able 
 to serve my friends, whatever robe I wear, I 
 shall appear fine in it." So these men going 
 their ways, and sending for their friends, 
 adorned them with these robes. 
 
 Cyrus, taking Pheraulas, one of the infe- 
 rior degree of people, to be a man of good 
 understanding, a lover of what was beautiful 
 and orderly, and careful to please him the 
 same that heretofore spoke for every one's be- 
 ing rewarded according to his desert ; and cal- 
 ling this man to him, he advised with him how 
 he might make this procession in a manner 
 that might appear the most beautiful to his 
 friends, and most terrible to those that were 
 disaffected. And when, on joint consideration, 
 they both agreed in the same things, he or- 
 dered Pheraulas to take care that the proces- 
 sion should be made the next morning, in the 
 manner that they had thought proper. " I 
 have ordered," said he, all to obey you in the 
 disposition and order of this procession. And 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 137 
 
 that they may attend to your orders with th 
 more satisfaction, take these coats," said he 
 " and carry them to the commanders of the 
 guards ; give these habits for horsemen to th< 
 commanders of the horse ; and these othe 
 coats to the commanders of the chariots." On 
 this he took them and carried them off. When 
 the commanding officers saw him, they said to 
 him : " You are a great man, Pheraulas, now 
 that you are to order us what we are to do.' 
 " No, not only so, by Jove !" said Pheraulas 
 but it seems I am to be a baggage bearer 
 too : therefore I now bring you these two 
 habits, one of them is for yourself, the other 
 for somebody else ; but Jo you take which of 
 them you please." He that received the habit, 
 on this forgot his envy, and presently advised 
 with him which he should take : then giving 
 his opinion which was the best, he said, If 
 ever you charge me with having given you 
 the choice when I officiate, another time you 
 shall have me officiate for you in a different 
 manner." Pheraulas, having made this dis- 
 tribution thus, as he was ordered, immediately 
 applied himself to the affairs of the procession, 
 that every thing might be settled in the hand- 
 somest manner. On the following day all 
 things were in order before day-break. 
 
 There were ranks of people standing on 
 each side of the way, as they yet stand at this 
 day, wherever the king is to march ; and with- 
 in these ranks none but men of great dignity 
 are allowed to come. There were men post- 
 ed with scourges in their hands, who scourged 
 any that made disturbance. There stood first 
 before the gates four thousand of the guards 
 drawn up, four in front : two thousand on 
 each side of the gates. All the horsemen that 
 were there attending alighted from their hor- 
 ses, and with their hands passed through their 
 robes, as they still pass them at this day when 
 the king takes a view of them. The Persians 
 stood on the right hand, and the allies on the 
 left hand of the way. The chariots, in the 
 same manner stood half of them on each side. 
 When the gates of the palace were thrown 
 open, first there were led certain bulls, very 
 beautiful beasts, four abreast, devoted to Jove, 
 and to such other of the gods as the magi di- 
 rected; for the Persians are of opinion that 
 artists ought to be made use of in divine affairs 
 much more than in others. Next to the bulls 
 there were horses led for a sacrifice to the Sun. 
 After these proceeded a white chariot, vrith 
 13* 
 
 its perch of gold, adorned with a crown, or 
 wreath, around it, and sacred to Jove. After 
 this a white chariot, sacred to the Sun, and 
 adorned with a crown, as that before. After 
 this proceeded a third chariot, with its horses 
 adorned with scarlet coverings ; and behind 
 it followed men that bore fire on a large altar. 
 After these Cyrus himself appeared without 
 the gates with a turban on, that was raised 
 high above his head, with a vest of a purple 
 colour, half mixed with white ; and this mix- 
 ture of white none else is allowed to wear : 
 about his legs he had a sort of stockings of d 
 yellow colour, a robe wholly purple, and about 
 his turban a diadem or wreath. (His relations 
 had likewise this mark of distinction, and they 
 have it still to this day.) And his hands he 
 kept out of their coverings. By him rode his 
 driver, a tall man, but less than himself: 
 whether it really was so, or whether by some 
 means or other it so fell out, Cyrus appeared 
 much the taller. All the people at the sight 
 of him paid their adoration, cither because 
 some people were before appointed to begin 
 it, or because they were struck with the pomp 
 and solemnity, and thought that Cyrus ap- 
 peared exceedingly tall and beautiful ; but no 
 Persian ever paid Cyrus adoration before. 
 When the chariot of Cyrus advanced, four 
 housand of the guards led the way before, two 
 thousand of them attended on each side of it. 
 And the staff-officers about his person being 
 on horseback, finely clothed, with javelins in 
 their hands, to the number of about three hun- 
 dred, followed after. Then were led the hor- 
 ses that were maintained for Cyrus himself 
 with their bridles of gold ; and thrown over 
 with coverings wrought with a raised work in 
 stripes ; and these were about two hundred. 
 A-fter these marched two thousand spear men. 
 After these the first formed body of horse, ten 
 housand in number, ranged a hundred every 
 way, led by Chrysantas. After these another 
 body of ten thousand Persian horse ranged in 
 ;he same manner led by Hystaspes. After 
 ;hese another body of ten thousand, in the 
 same manner, led by Datarnas. After these 
 another led by Gadatas. After these marched 
 the Median horse ; after these the Armenian 
 lorse ; then the Hyrcanian ; then the Cadu- 
 sian ; then the Sacian. And after the horse 
 went the chariots, ranged four abreast, and led 
 >y the Persian Artabates. 
 As he marched along abundance of people 
 
138 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vin. 
 
 without the ranks followed by the side, peti- 
 tioning Cyrus, one about one affair and another 
 about another. Sending therefore to them 
 some of the staff-officers who attended his 
 chariot, three on each side, for this very pur- 
 pose of delivering messages, he bid them tell 
 them, " That if any of them wanted him on 
 any business, they should acquaint some of the 
 chfet officers under him with what they wanted, 
 and they," he said, " would tell him." These 
 people, going their ways, immediately went to 
 the horsemen, and consulted who they should 
 each of them apply to. But those of his 
 friends that Cyrus had a mind to have the 
 greatest court and application made to, these 
 he sent somebody to, and called them severally 
 to him, and spoke to them in this manner : " If 
 any of these men that follow by my side ac- 
 quaint you with any thing, do not give atten- 
 tion to any one that you think says nothing to 
 the purpose ; but whoever desires what is just, 
 give me an account of it, that we may consult 
 together, and effect their business for them." 
 Others, when they were called on, riding up 
 with the utmost despatch, obeyed, contributing 
 to the support of Cyrus' empire, and showing 
 their own readiness to obey. But there was 
 one Daipharnes, a man of absurd and uncouth 
 manners, who thought that by not paying 
 obedience with such despatch he should appear 
 a man of more dignity and freedom. As soon 
 therefore as Cyrus perceived this, before the 
 man came up so near as that he might speak to 
 him, he sent one of his staff-officers, and bade 
 him tell him that he had now no longer any 
 need of him ; and he never sent for him after- 
 wards. But there was one who was sent 
 later, who rode up to him sooner than he ; and 
 to this man Cyrus gave one of the horses that 
 followed in his train, and ordered one of the 
 staff-officers to conduct the horse for him 
 wherever he should order. This appeared to 
 those that saw it to be a very great honour ; 
 and after this many more people made their 
 court to this man. 
 
 When they came to the sacred inclosures 
 they sacrificed to Jove, and burnt the bulls en- 
 tirely. Then they sacrificed to the Sun, and 
 burnt the horses entirely : then killing certain 
 victims to the Earth, they did as the magi di- 
 rected. Then they sacrificed to the Heroes, 
 guardians of Syria. 
 
 After this, the country thereabouts being 
 very fine, he appointed a certain limited piece 
 
 of ground, of about five stadia, and bade them, 
 nation by nation, put their horses to their speed. 
 He himself rode the race with the Persians, 
 and gained the victory, for he was extremely 
 well practised in horsemanship. Amongst 
 the Medes, Artabates got the victory, for Cyrus 
 had given him a horse. Amongst the Syrians, 
 their chief got the victory. Amongst the Ar- 
 menians, Tigranes. Amongst the Hyrcanians, 
 the son of the commander of their horse. And 
 amongst the Sacians, a private man, with his 
 horse, left the other behind by almost half the 
 course. 
 
 And on this occasion Cyrus is said to have 
 asked the young man if he would accept of a 
 kingdom in exchange for his horse 1 and the 
 young man is said to have replied thus : " A 
 kingdom I would not accept for him, but I 
 would consent to oblige a worthy man with 
 him." Then Cyrus said: "Come, I will 
 show you where you may throw blindfold, and 
 not miss a worthy man." " By all means, 
 then," said the Sacian, taking up a clod, 
 " show me where I may throw this clod." 
 Then Cyrus showed him a place where a great 
 many of his friends were ; and the man, shut- 
 ting his eyes, threw his clod and hit Pheraulas 
 as he was riding by : for Pheraulas happened 
 to be carrying some orders from Cyrus, and 
 when he was struck he did not turn aside, but 
 went on the business that was ordered him. 
 The Sacian then looking up, asked, " Whom 
 he had hit 1" None, by Jove !" said he, " of 
 those that are present." " But, surely," said 
 the young man, " it was none of those that are 
 absent." " Yes, by Jove !" said Cyrus, you. 
 hit that man that rides hastily on there by the 
 chariots." " And how came he not to turn 
 back ?" said he. Then Cyrus said : Why 
 in probability, it is some madman." The 
 young man hearing this went to see who it 
 was, and found Pheraulas with his chin all 
 over dirt and blood, for the blood gushed 
 from his nose on the stroke that he received. 
 When he came up with him he asked him, 
 " Whether he had received a blow 1" He an- 
 swered : " Yes, as you see." " Then," said 
 he, I make you a present of this horse." 
 He then asked, " For what 1" and on this the 
 Sacian gave him a relation of the things; 
 and, in conclusion said : And I believe I 
 have not missed of a worthy man." Pheraulas 
 then said : "But if you had been wise, you 
 had given it to a richer man than I ; but I now 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 139 
 
 accept it, and beseech the gods, who have made 
 me the receiver of this blow from you, to grant 
 that I may behave so as to make you not repent 
 your present to me. Now," said he, " do 
 you mount my horse, and ride off on him, and 
 I will be with you presently." Thus they 
 parted. 
 
 Amongst the Cadusians, Rathonices gained 
 the victory. He likewise put their chariots 
 severally to the trial of their speed ; and to the 
 victors he gave oxen, that they might sacrifice 
 and feast, and he gave them cups. He himself 
 took the ox that was his prize, but his share of 
 the cups he gave to Pheraulas, because he 
 thought that he had directed the procession 
 from the palace in a very handsome manner. 
 
 This method of procession, then settled by 
 Cyrus, continues still in use with the king to 
 this day, excepting only that the victims make 
 no part of it when he does not sacrifice. When 
 all was at an end they returned again to the 
 city, and they that had houses given them 
 quartered in their houses, and they that had 
 not, in their ranks. 
 
 But Pheraulas, inviting the Sacian that 
 presented him with the horse, gave him an 
 entertainment; he furnished him with all 
 other things in abundance. And after they 
 had supped, he filled him the cups that he had 
 received from Cyrus, drank to him, and made 
 him a present of them. But the Sacian ob. 
 serving a great many fine carpets and coverlets, 
 a great deal of fine furniture, and abundance of 
 domestics : "Tell me," said he, Pheraulas, 
 were you one of the rich when you were at 
 home 1" " How rich do you mean 1" said 
 Pheraulas : I was one of those that lived 
 directly by the work of their own hands ; for 
 my father, maintaining himself very poorly by 
 his own labour, bred me up under the disci- 
 pline of the boys ; but when I became a youth, 
 not being able to maintain me idle, he took me 
 into the country and ordered me to work. 
 Here did I maintain him whilst he lived, dig. 
 ging and planting with my own hands a little 
 piece of land, that was not ungrateful, but the 
 justest in the world; for the seed that it 
 received it returned me justly and handsomely 
 again, with an overplus that indeed was not 
 very abundant; but sometimes, out of its 
 generosity, returned me double of what it 
 received. Thus then I lived at home; but 
 now all these things that you see Cyrus has 
 given me." Then the Sacian said: "Oh 
 
 happy are you in other respects as well as 
 in this ; that, from being poor before you 
 are now become rich ! For I am of opinion 
 that you grow rich with the more pleasure as 
 you come to be possessed of riches, after having 
 thirsted for them before." Pheraulas then 
 said ; " And do you think, Sacian, that I live 
 with the more pleasure the more I possess? 
 Do you not know," said he, " that I neither 
 eat, nor drink, nor sleep with one jot more 
 pleasure now than when I was poor 1 But 
 by all this abundance, thus much I gain : that 
 I am to guard more, to distribute more to 
 others, and to have the trouble of taking care 
 of more : for a great many domestics now de- 
 mand their food of me, their drink, and their 
 clothes ; some are in want of physicians ; one 
 comes and brings me sheep, that have been torn 
 to pieces by wolves, or oxen killed by falling 
 from a precipice, or tells me of a distemper got 
 amongst the cattle ; so that I think," said Phe- 
 raulas, " by possessing abundance, I have now 
 more afflictions than I had before by having 
 but little." " But, by Jove !" said the Sacian, 
 " when all is well, and you are able to cast your 
 eyes around on numerous possessions, you are 
 certainly much better pleased than I am." 
 Pheraulas then said : Sacian, it is not so plea- 
 sant to possess riches as it is afflicting to lose 
 them ; and you will find that what I say is true ; 
 for there are none of those that possess riches 
 that are forced from the enjoyment of rest by 
 the pleasure which they afford ; but of those 
 that lose them, you will see none that are able 
 to sleep because of the concern it gives them." 
 " By Jove !" said the Sacian, nor will you 
 see any of those fafl asleep that at first obtain 
 them, becuase of the pleasure it gives them." 
 You say true," said he ; " for if the possess- 
 ing them was as pleasant as the obtaining them 
 the rich would very much exceed the poor in 
 happiness. But then, Sacian," said he, " he 
 that possesses abundance must, of necessity 
 expend abundance, both on the gods, on his 
 friends, and on strangers. Whoever therefore 
 is greatly pleased with the possession of riches 
 be assured will be greatly afflicted at the ex- 
 pense of them." " By Jove !" said the Sacian, 
 " I am not one of those ; but I take it to be a 
 happiness for a man to have abundance, and to 
 expend abundance." " Why then," said Phe- 
 raulas, " in the name of all the gods, are not you 
 this instant that happy man, to make me so at 
 the same time 1 for do you take possession of 
 
140 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vm. 
 
 ail these things, and use them as you please ; 
 maintain me only as a stranger ; or yet more 
 sparingly than a stranger ; for it shall be enough 
 for me to share with you in what you have." 
 " Vou jest," said the Sacian. Pheraulas then 
 asserted with an oath that he spoke in earnest. 
 " And I will gain you, Sacian, something far. 
 ther from Cyrus ; and that is, that you shall 
 not be obliged to attend at his doors, nor to 
 engage in military service 1 but you shall stay 
 at home, abounding in service 1 And those other 
 affairs I will perform for you and for myself; 
 and, if I get any thing valuable by my attend- 
 ance on Cyrus, or by any military expedition, 
 I will bring it to you that you may still have 
 the command of more ; do you," said he, " but 
 free me from this care ; for if I can be at lei- 
 sure from these affairs, I think that you will 
 be of very great use both to me, and to Cyrus." 
 
 Having thus discoursed they settled these 
 affairs and put them in practice. The one 
 thought himself made a happy man, by having 
 the command of great riches, and the other 
 reckoned himself the most fortunate man in 
 the world, in having a steward, who afforded 
 him leisure to do what was agreeable to him. 
 Pheraulas was in his temper extremely kind 
 and friendly to his acquaintance ; and no care 
 or culture bestowed on any thing appeared so 
 pleasing to him, or so profitable, as that be- 
 stowed on men ; for man, he thought, was, of 
 all other creatures, the best and the most grate- 
 ful : because he observed of men, that when 
 they were commended by any one, they were 
 zealous in their returns of praise ; that they 
 used their endeavours to do kindnesses to those 
 that had done kindnesses'to them ; that they 
 were kindly affected to those whom they knew 
 to be kindly affected to them ; and those who 
 they knew had a love for them, they could not 
 possibly hate ; and that, of all other creatures, 
 they were the most inclined to make their pa- 
 rents all returns of respect and service, both 
 while living and when dead. And all other 
 animals he reckoned more ungrateful and more 
 ill-natured than man. This Pheraulas was 
 much delighted, that, by being freed from the 
 care of other possessions, he should be at leisure 
 to mind his friends. And the Sacian was de- 
 lighted, because he was to have the possession 
 of abundance, and was to spend abundance. 
 The Sacian loved Pheraulas, because he was 
 always bringing him something ; and Pheraulas 
 loved the Sacian, because he was willing to 
 
 take all ; and though he charged himself with 
 he care of still more and more, yet he gave 
 lira no more trouble. Thus did these men 
 
 e. 
 
 IV. Cyrus having sacrificed, and making an 
 entertainment with the prize of his victory, in- 
 died those of his friends that appeared the 
 most desirous to increase his power, and 
 that paid him honour in the most affectionate 
 manner : and with them he invited Artabazus 
 the Mede, Tigranes the Armenian, the Hyr. 
 canian commander of horse, and Gobryas. 
 Gadatas was the commander of his eunuchs ; 
 and all the management within doors was set- 
 tled as he thought fit to regulate it When 
 there were any that supped with him, Gadatas 
 did not set down, but minded the business ; 
 but when there was no company, he then 
 supped with him ; for he was pleased with his 
 conversation ; and, in return, he was presented 
 with many great and noble things, both by 
 Cyrus himself, and by many others on Cyrus' 
 account. 
 
 As the persons who were invited to supper 
 came, he did not place every one as it happened 
 by chance to fall out ; but the man that he 
 most esteemed he placed on his left hand, as if 
 this side were more exposed to dangerous 
 designs than the right. The next in his 
 esteem he placed on his right hand ; the third 
 again on his left, and the fourth on his right , 
 and if there were more, he went on with them 
 in the same manner. He thought it of service 
 to make it evident how far he esteemed every 
 one ; because where men think that he who 
 excels others is not to have his praises pub. 
 lished, nor to receive his rewards, there it is 
 plain they have no emulation to each other ; 
 but where he that excels has the advantage, 
 there they appear to struggle with the utmost 
 zeal. Thus Cyrus made those known that 
 were chief in his esteem ; beginning first with 
 their place, as they sat, and as they stood by 
 him. Yet this privilege of place, in sitting, 
 he did not make perpetual, but made it a rule, 
 that a man might advance, by noble actions, to 
 the more honourable seat; and if he grew 
 negligent and remiss, might sink down to the 
 less honourable. And if he that was possessed 
 of the principle seat did not appear to have re- 
 ceived the greatest number of valuable things 
 at his hands, he was ashamed. And these 
 things that were practised in the time of Cyrus 
 I perceive continue still to this day. 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 141 
 
 When they had supped, it did not appear at 
 all wdhderful to Gobryas that a man who had 
 the command of many should have every 
 thing in great abundance ; but that Cyrus, 
 who had performed such great things, if he 
 thought that he had got any thing that was 
 delicate, should never spend it himself alone, 
 but give himself trouble in desiring his friends 
 that were present to share it ; this he thought 
 wonderful, and frequently he saw him send to 
 some of his absent friends things that he hap- 
 pened to be pleased with himself. So that 
 when they had supped, and Cyrus, by presents 
 to several, had cleared his table of all that 
 plenty that was on it, then Gobryas said : "Be- 
 fore, Cyrus, I thought that you most excelled 
 the rest of men in being the most able in the 
 command of an army ; but now, I swear by 
 the gods that you excel more in benignity and 
 love to mankind, than in military conduct !" 
 " And, by Jove !" said Cyrus, it is much 
 more agreeable to show acts of love to men 
 than acts of skill in the conduct of an army." 
 " How so 1" said Gobryas. " Because these," 
 said he, " must be shown by doing mischief to 
 men, and those by doing them good." 
 
 After this, when they had drunk a little, 
 Hystaspes put this question to Cyrus : " Would 
 you be offended, Cyrus," said he, " if I should 
 ask you something that I am desirous to know 
 from you 1" " By the gods !" said he, " quite 
 the contrary : I should be offended if I per. 
 ceived that you retained what you had a mind 
 to ask me." Tell me then," said he,-" when 
 you have called me, did I ever refuse to come 1" 
 " Pray, be quiet," said Cyrus. "Or did I ever 
 obey your summons slowly 1" " No, nor this 
 neither." " Have I ever neglected to do what 
 you have ordered me!" " I do not lay it to 
 your charge," said he. " And in what I have 
 done, can you accuse me of not having done it 
 with alacrity and pleasure!" "This," said 
 Cyrus, " the least of all." In the name of 
 all the gods, then, Cyrus !" said he, by what 
 means is it that Chrysantas has prevailed on 
 you so as to be placed before me in the more 
 honourable seat!" "Shall I tell you!" said 
 Cyrus. " By all means," said he. " And will 
 you not be offended with me when you hear 
 the truth!" No, I shall be pleased," said 
 he, " if I find that I am not wronged." 
 Then," said he, " Chrysantas here, in the 
 first place, never waited my call, but before he 
 tvas called, was ready at hand for our service : 
 
 and then, not only what he was ordered, but 
 whatever he himself thought best for us to be 
 done, that he did. When it was necessary to 
 say any thing to our allies, he advised me what 
 he thought was becoming and proper for me 
 to say ; and what he perceived I was desirous 
 that our allies should know, but was ashamed 
 to say of myself, this he spoke as if he 
 were declaring his own opinion. So that, 
 in these matters, what hinders him from 
 being reckoned of more use to me even than 
 myself! As to himself, he always says that 
 the things that he has are sufficient for him : 
 but it appears evidently that he is always 
 looking out for what it may be of service for 
 me to have : and with the advantages that 
 befall me he is more delighted and pleased 
 than myself." To this Hystaspes said ; By 
 Here, Cyrus, I am pleased that I have asked 
 you these things !" " And why !" said he. 
 " Because I will endeavour too to practise 
 them. One thing only there is," said he, " that 
 I do not know ; and that is, how to make it 
 evident that I rejoice at your advantages, 
 whether I must clap my hands, or laugh, or 
 what I must do !" Artabazus to this said : 
 " You must dance the Persian dance." And 
 at this they laughed. 
 
 As the entertainment went on C)TUS put 
 this question to Gobryas! "Tell me," said he, 
 *< Gobryas, do you think that you should give 
 your daughter to one of these that are here 
 with more satisfaction now than when at first 
 you became acquainted with us !" " And must 
 I tell the truth then!" said Gobryas. "Yes, 
 by Jove !" said Cyrus, " since no question re- 
 quires falsehood in answer to it." " Be as- 
 sured then," said he, " that I should do it with 
 much more satisfaction now." " And can you 
 give," said Cyrus, " a reason why !" "I can." 
 " Give it me then." " Because, at that time, 
 I saw these men bear toils and dangers with 
 alacrity ; but now I see them bear prosperity 
 with discretion and good temper. And to me, 
 Cyrus it appears more difficult to find a man 
 that bears prosperity well, than one that bears 
 adversity well ; for prosperity inspires most 
 men with pride and insolence, but adversity 
 gives discretion and modesty of temper to all." 
 Then Cyrus said : " Do you hear Hystaspes, 
 this saying of Gobryas!" "Yes by Jove !" 
 said he, "I do ; and if he pronounce many 
 such, he shall much sooner have me for a suitor 
 to his daughter, than if he showed me abun- 
 
142 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vin. 
 
 dance of cups of great value." " Truly," said 
 Gobryas, " I have a great many such written 
 down ; and I will not grudge them to you, if 
 you have my daughter for a wife : but my 
 cups," said he, " since you seem to dislike 
 them, I do not know but I will give to Chry- 
 santas here, especially since he has run away 
 with your seat." 
 
 Well," said Cyrus, " if you, Hystaspes, 
 and the rest that are here present will acquaint 
 me when any of you are endeavouring after a 
 wife, you will then know how good an assis- 
 tant I shall be to you." Gobryas then said : 
 But if one has a mind to dispose of a daugh- 
 ter, who must one tell it to 1" This," said 
 Cyrus, " must be told to me too ; for I am a 
 notable man in this art." " What artl" said 
 Chry santas. " Why, in knowing what match 
 will best suit each particular man." Then 
 Chrysantas said : " In the name of all the gods, 
 then, tell me what wife you think will best 
 suit me !" First," said he, she must be 
 little, for you are little yourself; and if you 
 marry a tall wife, and would kiss her as she 
 stands, you must leap up like a little dog." 
 You are much in the right," said he, " to 
 provide against this, for I am by no means a 
 good caperer." " And then," said he, " she 
 must have a nose that sinks in the middle." 
 And what is this for 1 ?" Because," said he, 
 " you have a crooked nose, and a rising hook 
 would best suit a sinking in." " Do you say 
 then that a fasting wife would best suit one 
 that had feasted plentifully as I have done 
 now 7" " Yes, by Jove !" said Cyrus " for the 
 bellies of those that are full rise and the bel- 
 lies of those that are fasting sink in." " But, 
 in the name of all the gods !" said Chrysantas, 
 " can you tell what wife will be best for a frigid 
 king 7" Here Cyrus fella laughing, and so 
 did the others. And as they were laughing 
 Hystaspes said : " In the whole compass of 
 your royal dignity, Cyrus, I envy you the 
 most for this." "For what?" said Cyrus. 
 " Why, that, as frigid as you are, you can 
 make people laugh." " And would not you 
 give a great deal," said Cyrus, " then, that these 
 things had been said by you, and that she, that 
 you desire should think well of you, should be 
 informed that you are a polite agreeable man 7" 
 Thus they jested one with another. 
 
 After this he produced a woman's attire for 
 Tigranes, and bade him give it his wife, be- 
 cause she bravely attended her husband in the 
 
 service. To Artabazus he gave a golden cup ; 
 to the Hyrcanian, a horse. And many other 
 noble presents he made. " But, Gobryas," 
 said he, I will give you a husband for your 
 daughter." " And shall not I," said Hystas- 
 pes, "be the man that you will give, that I 
 may get those writings 1" " Have you sub- 
 stance enough," said Cyrus, " to deserve the 
 girl!" "Yes, by Jove! I have much more 
 than enough." " And where," said he, < is 
 this substance of yours!" "Here," said he, 
 " where you, my friend, sit." " That is enough 
 for me," said Gobryas ; and holding out his 
 right hand " Give him me, Cyrus," said he, 
 " for I accept him." Then Cyrus, taking Hys- 
 taspes' right hand, presented it to Gobryas and 
 he received it. After this he made a great 
 many noble presents to Hystaspes, that he 
 might send them to the maid ; and pulling 
 Chrysantas to him, he kissed him. On this 
 Artabazus said : " By Jove ! Cyrus, you have 
 not given me my cup of the same gold with 
 this present that you have made Chrysantas." 
 " But I will give you the same," said he. He 
 asked him" When 7" Thirty years hence," 
 said he. " Well, prepare yourself for me," 
 said he, " as one that intends to wait, and not 
 to die before the time." Thus then ended this 
 conversation : and when they rose, Cyrus rose 
 with them, and conducted them to his doors. 
 
 The next day all those of his allies that had 
 voluntarily attended him he dismissed to their 
 homes, excepting such as chose to live near 
 him. To these he gave lands and houses, 
 which the descendants of those who then 
 staid possess still to this day : and they were, 
 for the most part, Medes and Hyrcanians. To 
 those that went off he gave many presents, and 
 dismissed them, both commanders and soldiers, 
 without leaving them the least cause to com- 
 plain. After this he divided the treasure that 
 he gained at Sardis among the soldiers that 
 were about him. And to the commanders of 
 ten thousand, and to the officers that were about 
 him, he gave the choice things, according to 
 the merit of every one. The rest he parcel- 
 led out, and giving a share to each of the com- 
 manders of ten thousand, he left it to them 
 to distribute it in the same manner as he had 
 distributed to them. And these other trea- 
 sures each commander distributed to the com- 
 manders under him, giving judgment on the 
 merit of every one. And the commanders of 
 six, giving judgment on the private men that 
 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 143 
 
 were under them, distributed the last remain- 
 ing treasures severally to them, according to 
 their desert. So they an received their just share. 
 When they had received what was then 
 given them, some of them spoke of Cyrus in 
 this manner : " Surely he must have abun- 
 dance when he gives so much to every one of 
 us." But others of them said : What is the 
 abundance that he has ? Cyrus is not of a 
 temper to mind wholly the heaping up of trea- 
 sure ; but he is more pleased with bestowing 
 than with having it." Cyrus, perceiving these 
 discourses, and the opinions that men had of 
 him, assembled his friends and all the other 
 proper persons together, and spoke to this 
 effect : " My friends, I have seen men that 
 were willing to be thought possessed of more 
 than they really had, and who thought by that 
 means to appear the more generous and noble. 
 But these men, in my opinion, are drawn into 
 the very reverse of what they intend ; for he 
 that seems to have abundance, and does not 
 appear to do that service to his friends that is 
 suitable to his substance, gains, in my opinion, 
 the character of being mean and sordid. There 
 are those," said he, on the other side, who 
 desire that what they have may be concealed. 
 And these too, in my opinion, are faulty to 
 their friends: for frequently friends that are 
 in want avoid telling it to their companions, 
 because they are ignorant of what they have, 
 and so are deceived. But the plainest, sim- 
 plest part, in my opinion, is to make the whole 
 strength of one's fortune appear, and with it 
 to try to get the better of others in generosity. 
 I intend, therefore," said he, to show you 
 every thing that it is possible for you to see of 
 what I have ; and, of what you cannot see, to 
 give you an account." Having said this he 
 showed them abundance of rich and valuable 
 things ; and those that lay so as not easily to 
 be seen he gave them an account of; and, in 
 conclusion, said thus : All these things, my 
 friends," said he, you ought to reckon not 
 more mine than yours ; for I have collected 
 them in together, not that I may spend them 
 myself, nor that I may myself wear them out, 
 for I should not be able to do it ; but that I 
 may always have wherewithal to present any 
 of you, on your performanoe of any thing great 
 and noble ; and that in case any of you think 
 you are in want of any thing, you may come to 
 me and take what you happen to be in want 
 of." Thus were these things said. 
 
 V. But when he thought that affairs weie 
 now so well settled in Babylon that he might 
 venture to travel abroad, he himself prepared 
 for a journey into Persia, and gave out orders 
 on it to others. And when he judged that he 
 was sufficiently provided with the things he 
 thought he should want, he departed. Now, 
 we will give an account how so great an equi- 
 page was, in the most orderly manner, set out, 
 and then again put up together, in the same 
 manner, and disposed into the place where it 
 ought to be ; for whenever the king encamps, 
 they that are about his person attend the ser- 
 vice with tents, both winter and summer. 
 
 Cyrus then immediately thought fit to place 
 his own tent fronting to the east ; then he first 
 directed at what distance from the royal tent 
 the guards should pitch theirs; he then ap- 
 pointed the bakers, and those that were con- 
 cerned in making the bread, their station on 
 the right ; the cooks theirs on the left. To 
 the horses he appointed their station on the 
 right; and to the other beasts of burden, 
 theirs on the left. And all the rest was 
 so disposed that every one knew his own 
 station, both as to measure and place. When 
 they are to put all up, every one packs 
 up such baggage as it was appointed him to 
 use, and there are others that place it on the 
 beasts of burden; so that all the baggage car- 
 riers come up at the same time to the things 
 that are severally appointed them to carry ; and 
 they all, at the same time, place them on the 
 beasts that severally belong to them ; so that 
 the same time that suffices for the striking of 
 one tent suffices for all. The case is the same 
 in the displaying and setting out of all. And 
 with respect to the doing all things that are 
 necessary in proper time, every one is, in the 
 same manner, appointed what he is to do ; and 
 by this means the same time suffices for the 
 doing things in one part and in all. And as 
 the servants that despatched all the necessary 
 business had all severally their proper stations, 
 so they that bore arms had their stations in 
 their encampment suitable to the sort of arms 
 they severally had : they knew what their sta- 
 tion was, and all disposed themselves in it 
 without any hesitation : for Cyrus thought the 
 proper placing of things a noble rule in a 
 house ; because, if one happen to want any 
 thing, it is known whither one must go to 
 take it. But the proper placing of the several 
 different sorts of military men he reckoned a 
 
 
144 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK viii 
 
 much nobler thing ; as the occasions of put. 
 ting all to their use, in the affairs of war, are 
 more sudden, and the faults arising from those 
 that are dilatory in them are of worse conse- 
 quence ; and the most valuable advantages in 
 war, he observed, arose from having all things 
 ready for the occasion. On these accounts 
 therefore, he took the greatest care of this pro- 
 priety of place. 
 
 First, then, he placed himself in the midst 
 of the camp, as being the strongest and secur- 
 est station. Then those whom he chiefly con- 
 fided in he had, according to custom, about 
 himself. Next to these, in a circle round, he 
 had the horsemen and charioteer? ; for he was 
 of opinion that a secure station was necessary 
 for these people, because they encamp with- 
 out having at hand any of those arms that they 
 engage with, and require a considerable time 
 to arm themselves, if they are to advance so 
 as to do any service. To the right and left 
 of himself, and of the horsemen, was the sta- 
 tion of the shield-men. The station of the 
 archers was before and behind himself and 
 the horsemen. The heavy-armed men, and 
 such as had large shields, he had in a circle 
 round all, as a rampart, that in case there 
 was any occasion for the horsemen to make 
 ready, they that were the fittest to make a 
 stand being placed before them might give 
 them time to arm securely. And as the heavy, 
 armed men slept there, in order round him, so 
 did the shield men and archers. So that even 
 in the night time, if the occasion required, as 
 heavy-armed men were ready prepared to come 
 to blows with such as came up close with them, 
 so the archers and javelin-men, if .any people 
 approached them, were ready to discharge their 
 javelins and arrows over the heads of the heavy 
 armed. And all the commanders had ensigns 
 on their tents. And as in cities discreet and 
 good servants know the habitations of most 
 people, but chiefly of those that it is proper 
 for them to know, so did the servants of Cyrus 
 know the stations that the chief leaders had in 
 the encampments, and knew the ensigns that 
 belonged to each of them ; so that whatever 
 Cyrus might want, they were not to seek for 
 them, but ran the shortest way directly to each 
 of them. And by means of the several sets 
 of people being distinct, it was much the more 
 readily observed when any one was disorderly, 
 and when any one did not perform what- he was 
 commanded. And things standing thus, he 
 
 was of opinion, that if any body attacked him 
 either by night or day, such aggressor would 
 fall into his camp, as into an ambuscade. 
 
 And he did not only think it a part of the 
 tactic art for a man to be able to draw up a 
 phalanx easily and cleverly, or to increase it in 
 depth, or to form a phalanx on the wing, or on 
 the enemy's approaching to the right, the left, or 
 the rear, to wheel properly, but to separate 
 men when it was proper, he took to be a part 
 of this art : to post each part where they might 
 be most serviceable, and to make despatch 
 where it might be fit to prevent the enemy. 
 All these things, and such like, he took to be 
 the business of a man skilled in tactics. He 
 took care of all these things alike ; and in his 
 marches he moved always in a disposition suit- 
 able to what occurred : but in his encampments 
 he placed his people, for the most part, as has 
 been said. 
 
 When, in the course of their march, they 
 arrived in the Median territory, Cyrus turned 
 off to visit Cyaxares ; and after they had em- 
 braced each other, Cyrus first told Cyaxares 
 that there were domestics and palaces set apart 
 for him in Babylon, that when he came thither 
 he might have what was his own to come to. 
 And he then made him a great many other 
 noble presents. Cyaxares received them, and 
 sent his daughter to him with a crown of gold, 
 and with bracelets, with a collar and Median 
 robe, that was as fine as was possible ; and the 
 maid put the crown on Cyrus' head. Cyax- 
 ares then said : " I give you the maid too, 
 Cyrus, for your wife. She is my own daugh- 
 ter. Your father married my father's daugh. 
 ter, and from her you are descended. This is 
 she that, when you were a boy and amongst us, 
 you used to fondle ; and when any one asked 
 her, Who she would marry V she said 
 " Cyrus." And with her I give all Media as 
 her dowry, for I have no legitimate male issue." 
 Thus he spoke, and Cyrus replied : " O Cy- 
 axares ! I applaud the race, the maid, and the 
 presents that attend her : and, with the con- 
 sent," said he, " of my father and mother, I am 
 ready to agree with you." Thus Cyrus spoke ; 
 but yet he presented the maid with all that he 
 thought would be pleasing to Cyaxares ; and 
 having done this he continued his march to 
 Persia. 
 
 And when, in the course of his march, he 
 arrived at the borders of Persia, there he left 
 the rest of the army ; but he himself, together 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 145 
 
 with his friends, proceeded on to the city, car- 
 rying with him such numbers of victims as 
 were sufficient for all the Persians to sacrifice 
 and feast on. He brought with him such pre- 
 sents as were proper for his father and mother 
 and his other friends, and such as were proper 
 for the elders and magistrates, and for all the 
 alike-honoured. He gave likewise to all the 
 Persians, both men and women, such presents 
 as the king still makes at this day, when he 
 comes into Persia. After this Cambyses as- 
 sembled the Persian elders and magistrates who 
 had the direction'of the greatest affairs : he sum- 
 moned likewise Cyrus, and spoke to this effect : 
 " Men of Persia, and you, Cyrus ! I have 
 justly an affection for you both ; for over you I 
 am king, and you, Cyrus, are my son. It is 
 just therefore that I should lay before you 
 whatever I judge to be of advantage to you both. 
 With respect to the time past, you have ad- 
 vanced Cyrus in his fortune by granting an 
 army, and by constituting him the commander 
 of it. Cyrus, in the conduct of his army, has, 
 with the help of the gods, gained you, O 
 Persians ! glory amongst all men, and honour 
 throughout all Asia. Of those that served 
 with him the better sort he has enriched, and 
 the multitude he has provided with their pay 
 and with their maintenance : and by constitu- 
 ting a Persian cavalry, he has given the Persians 
 a share in the command of the plains. If you 
 continue therefore for the future in the same 
 sentiments, you will be the authors of many 
 advantages to each other. But if either you, 
 Cyrus, elevated with your present happy cir- 
 cumstances, attempt to rule the Persians as 
 you do the others, with regard only to your own 
 interest ; or if you, citizens envying him his 
 power, endeavour to wrest the empire from 
 him, be assured that you will hinder each other 
 from obtaining many advantages. Therefore, 
 that things may not fall out thus, but rather 
 happily for you, my opinion is," said he, " that 
 we make a sacrifice in common ; and, calling 
 the gods to witness, stipulate that you, Cyrus, 
 in case any one make war on the Persian ter- 
 ritory, or attempt to destroy the Persian laws, 
 shall assist in their defence with your whole 
 force : and that you, Persians, in case any one 
 attempt to put an end to Cyrus' empire, or to 
 excite any of his subjects to revolt, shall yield 
 such assistance in defence of yourselves and of 
 Cyrus as he shall order. Whilst I live, the 
 royal dignity amongst the Persians is mine ; 
 
 when I am dead, it then plainly belongs to 
 Cyrus, if he lives. And when he comes into 
 Persia, it may be perhaps of religious concern 
 to you that he should make these sacrifices for 
 you that I now make : but when he is abroad, 
 I think it will be proper that that person of 
 our race that appears to you to be the most 
 worthy should perform the sacred rites." 
 
 On Cambyses' saying this, Cyrus and the 
 Persian magistrates joined in opinion with him. 
 And having at that time agreed on these things, 
 (calling on the gods as witnesses,) the Per- 
 sians and the king continue still to this day to 
 put them in practice one towards another. 
 
 When these things were performed Cyrus 
 went away ; and when he came into Media, in 
 his journey back, on its being agreed to by his 
 father and mother, he married the daughter of 
 Cyaxares, who at this day has still the fame of 
 having been extremely beautiful. There are 
 some authors who say that he married his 
 mothers's sister ; but she must have been a 
 woman in years, much more probably than 
 one so young. When he had married her he 
 presently departed, and took her with him. 
 
 VI. When he was at Babylon he thought 
 it now proper for him to constitute governors, 
 or satraps, over the conquered nations. But 
 the commanders of the garrisons in castles, and 
 the commanders of thousands that were ap- 
 pointed for the guard of the country, he would 
 not allow to obey the orders of any but him- 
 self. He used this foresight on consideration, 
 that if any of the satraps, by means of their 
 riches and the numbers of their people, should 
 grow insolent, and attempt to withdraw their 
 obedience from him, they might immediately 
 meet with opposers on the place. Desiring there- 
 fore to bring this about, he determined first to 
 call together all the proper persons, and to 
 declare it to them, that they who went on these 
 employments might know on what footing they 
 went; for by this means he thought they 
 would the more easily bear it. But if any 
 one was first constituted a commander and 
 then made the discovery, he was of opinion 
 that men would bear this with difficulty, ima- 
 gining that it was done out of distrust of them. 
 
 So, assembling them together, he spoke to 
 this effect : " My friends, in the cities that 
 have been conquered, there are garrisons and 
 commanders over them that I left there at the 
 time; and when I went away I gave them 
 orders not to take on themselves any other 
 T 
 
146 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vin. 
 
 business than to preserve the fortresses : there- 
 fore I will not deprive these men of their 
 power since they have discharged themselves 
 handsomely in the guarding of what they had 
 in charge. But I think it proper for me to 
 send other governors, who shall take on them 
 the rule of the inhabitants ; and who, receiving 
 the revenues, shall give the garrisons their pay, 
 and discharge whatever else is necessary. And 
 to those of you here that I shall give employ- 
 ment, and send to perform any business in the 
 several nations, I think it proper to distribute 
 lands and houses there, that the tribute may 
 be there paid them, and that they may bring it 
 to this place, and when they go thither, that 
 they may have what is their own to go to." 
 Thus he said. And to many of his friends he 
 gave houses and dependents throughout all the 
 conquered cities. And these precincts remain 
 still at this day in the possession of the descend- 
 ants of those who then received them, some 
 in one country and some in another, and they 
 themselves reside with the king. And we 
 ought," said he, to look out for such satraps to 
 go into these precincts as will remember to senc 
 hither whatever there is that is excellent am 
 valuable in every country, that we who are 
 here may share of all that is excellent in every 
 part ; for if any misfortune befall them, it wil 
 lie on us to defend them from it." 
 
 Having said this, he ended his discourse 
 And then from amongst his friends, that he 
 knew were desirous to go on the terms ex 
 pressed, choosing out such as he thought the 
 most proper, he sent them as satraps. To Ara 
 bia he sent Megabyzus ; to Cappadocia Arta 
 batas ; to the Greater Phrygia, Artacamas ; t 
 Lydia and Ionia, Chrysantas ; to Caria, Ca 
 dusius, as that people themselves had desired 
 to Phrygia on the Hellespont and ^Eolia, Phar 
 nuchus. To Cilicia, to Cyprus, and to the 
 Paphlagonians, he sent no Persian satraps, be 
 cause they seemed to have joined of their own 
 accord with him in his expedition against Baby 
 Ion. But he appointed these likewise a tribute 
 that they were to pay, according to Cyrus' es 
 tablishment at that time ; so that there are stil 
 at this day garrisons belonging to the king in 
 the fortresses, and commanders of thousand 
 appointed by the king to command those forces 
 and set down in a list belonging to the king. 
 
 The satraps that were thus sent out he be 
 forehand directed to imitate, as near as wa 
 possible, 'whatever they saw him practise 
 
 And in the first place, that each satrap, out of 
 uch of the Persians and of the confederates 
 s attended him, should establish a number of 
 lorsemen and charioteers; and then should 
 iblige such as had lands and palaces to pay 
 heir attendance at his doors, and, practising 
 iscreet and modest manners, to yield them- 
 selves to the service of the satrap, if any occa- 
 ion should so require ; and that he should 
 discipline at his doors the boys that these men 
 had, as was practised by himself; and that the 
 satrap should take those that attended at his 
 doors out with him to hunt, and exercise him- 
 self and those about him in military affairs. 
 And the man," said he, that in proportion 
 to his ability, produces the most chariots, and 
 the most and best horsemen, him will I re- 
 ward, as an excellent fellow-soldier, and as an 
 excellent fellow- guardian and preserver of the 
 empire to the Persians and myself. Let the 
 best men with you be honoured with the prin- 
 cipal seats, as they are with me ; and let your 
 table, as mine does, maintain in the first place 
 your domestics, and then let it be sufficiently 
 furnished to afford your friends to partake of it, 
 and allow you every day to reward any one that 
 may have done a handsome action. Get your- 
 selves parks, and maintain wild beasts. And 
 neither set meat at any time before yourselves 
 without having taking pains, nor throw food to 
 your horses unexercised ; for it is impossible 
 for me, who am but one, with all the virtue 
 that belongs to human nature, to preserve all 
 you in safety and prosperity ; but it is my part; 
 making myself a worthy man, together with 
 other worthy men about me, to be an assistant 
 to you. And it is, in like manner, your part, 
 making yourselves worthy men, together with 
 other men of worth about you, to befriends 
 and supports to me. And I desire likewise 
 that you would observe that of all these orders 
 that I now give you, I give none to those that 
 are of servile condition ; and that the things 
 which I say you ought to do, these I endeavour 
 myself to practise. And as I exhort you to 
 imitate me, so do you instruct those that are 
 in command under you to imitate you." 
 
 Cyrus having thus regulated these affairs at 
 that time, all the garrisons under the king are 
 still at this day kept likewise in the same me- 
 thod. The doors of all the commanders are 
 frequented in the like manner. All families, 
 both great and little, are in the like manner 
 regulated. The most deserving men, in all 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 147 
 
 companies, are honoured with the principal 
 seats. All marches are ordered in the same 
 method ; and the great multitude of affairs is 
 parcelled out into distinct heads, under a few 
 principal directors. 
 
 Having told them in what manner they were 
 each of them to manage in these affairs, and 
 having given to each of them a force, he sent 
 them away, and told them all beforehand, that 
 in the following year an expedition would be 
 undertaken, and a review taken both of men 
 and arms, horses and chariots. 
 
 There is another thing that we have ob- 
 served, which, they say, was begun by Cyrus, 
 and continues to this day ; that there is a certain 
 person, who, at the head of an army, takes a 
 progress every year ; and who, in case any of 
 the satraps want assistance, affords it them, 
 and if any of them grow insolent, reduces 
 them to temper. And if any neglect the pay- 
 ment of his tribute, or the protection of the 
 inhabitants, or the care of having the land 
 cultivated, or leaves any other of his orders 
 unexecuted, he puts all these things to rights ; 
 or if he is not able to do it himself, he makes 
 a report to the king ; and when the king has 
 had an account of it, he takes advice how to 
 deal with the transgressing person. And com- 
 monly he who takes this progress is the king's 
 son, or the king's brother, or one of those they 
 call the king's eye. And sometimes they do 
 not appear, for they each of them return on 
 the first orders from the king. 
 
 We have likewise been informed of another 
 contrivance of his, with regard to the extent of 
 nis empire, by means of which he had imme- 
 diate intelligence of what passed in the most 
 remote part of his government : for observing 
 how far a horse was able to travel in a day, he 
 built stables at that distance, and supplied 
 them with horses, and persons to have the care 
 of them. And he appointed a certain person 
 at each of these stages to receive the letters 
 and to deliver them out, and to receive those 
 horses that had completed their stage, and to 
 furnish fresh ones. And it is said that the 
 night did not give any interruption to these 
 stages ; for as soon as he arrived who had been 
 on his progress all day, another continued i 
 during the night. And in this manner they 
 are said to fly swifter than cranes ; but though 
 that be false, yet it is manifest that this is the 
 quickest way of travelling for men. Besides 
 it is of use to have early intelligence of every 
 thiug, that immediate provision may be made. 
 
 At the conclusion of the year Cyrus assem- 
 led his army together at Babylon, which is 
 aid to have consisted of one hundred and 
 wenty thousand horse, two thousand chariots 
 armed with scythes, and sixty thousand foot ; 
 and having prepared them for it, he undertook 
 hat expedition, in which he is reported to have 
 subdued all those nations which lie from the 
 entrance into Syria as far as the Red Sea. His 
 next expedition is said to have been against 
 Egypt, which he also subdued. Then Cyrus' 
 empire was bounded to the east by the Red 
 Sea, to the north by the Euxine Sea, to the 
 west by Cyprus and, Egypt, to the south by 
 Ethiopia ; the extremities of which countries 
 are difficult to inhabit, some of them from ex- 
 cess of heat, some of them from excess of cold," 
 some from too great abundance of water, others 
 irorn a scarcity of water. 
 
 Cyrus, residing in the centre of hese coun- 
 tries, spent the seven winter months at Baby- 
 on, because that climate is warm, the three 
 spring months at Susa, and the two summer 
 months at Ecbatana: by which means he is 
 said to have enjoyed a perpetual spring with 
 respect to heat and cold. And men stood so 
 affected towards him, that every nation thought 
 they did themselves an injury if they did not 
 send Cyrus the most valuable productions of 
 their country, whether they were the fruits of 
 the earth, or creatures bred there, or manufac- 
 tures of their own ; and every city did the 
 same. And every private man thought him- 
 self rich if he could oblige Cyrus ; for as Cyrus 
 accepted from each of what they possessed in 
 abundance, so in return he distributed to them 
 what he observed they were in want of. 
 
 VII. After he had thus spent some consi- 
 derable time, Cyrus, now in a very advanced 
 age, takes a journey into Persia, which was the 
 seventh from the acquisition of his empire, 
 when his father and mother had probably been 
 for some time dead. Cyrus made the usual 
 sacrifices, and danced the Persian dance, ac- 
 cording to the custom of his country, and dis- 
 tributed to every one presents, as usual. Then, 
 being asleep in the royal palace, he had the 
 following dreaju_ There seemed to advance 
 towards him a person with more than human 
 majesty in his air and countenance, and to say 
 to him ; " Cyrus, prepare yourself, for you are 
 now going to the gods !" After this appear- 
 ance in his dream he awaked, and seemed 
 assured that his end drew near. Therefore, 
 taking along with him the victims, he sacrificed 
 
148 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vni. 
 
 on the summit of a mountain (as is the custom 
 in Persia) to Jove Paternal, the Sun, and the 
 test of the gods, accompanying the sacrifices 
 with this prayer : 
 
 Jove Paternal Sun, and all ye gods J 
 receive these sacrifices as the completion of 
 many worthy and handsome actions; and as 
 grateful acknowledgements for having signified 
 to me, both by the victims, by celestial signs, 
 by birds, and by omens, what became me 
 to do, and not to do. And I abundantly re- 
 turn you thanks, that I have been sensible of 
 your care and protection; and that, in the 
 course of my prosperity, I never was exalted 
 above what became a man. I implore you 
 now to bestow all happiness on my children, 
 my wife,- my friends, and my country ; and 
 for myself, that I may die as I have always 
 lived." 
 
 When he had finished his sacrifices and 
 prayer he returned home, and finding himself 
 disposed to be quiet, he lay down. At a cer- 
 tain hour proper persons attended, and offered 
 him to wash. He told them that he had rested 
 very well. Then, at another hour, proper of- 
 ficers brought him his supper ; but Cyrus had 
 no appetite to eat, but seemed thirsty, and 
 drank with pleasure. And continuing thus the 
 second and third days, he sent for his sons, 
 who, as it happened, had attended their father, 
 and were then in Persia. He summoned like- 
 wise his friends, and the magistrates of Persia. 
 When they were all met, he began in this 
 manner : 
 
 "Children, and all you, my friends, here 
 present ! the conclusion of my life is now at 
 hand, which I certainly know from many 
 symptoms. You ought, when I am dead, to 
 act and speak of me in every thing as a happy 
 man : for, when I was a child, I seemed to have 
 received advantage from what is esteemed 
 worthy and handsome in children ; so likewise, 
 when I was a youth, from what is esteemed 
 so in young men ; so, when I came to be a man, 
 from what is esteemed worthy and handsome 
 in men. And I have always seemed to observe 
 myself increase with time in strength and vi- 
 gour, so that I have not found myself weaker or 
 more infirm in my old age than in my youth. 
 Neither do I know that I have desired or 
 undertaken any thing in which I have not suc- 
 ceeded. By my means my friends have been 
 made happy, and my enemies enslaved ; and 
 my country, at first inconsiderable in Asia, I 
 
 leave in great reputation and honour. Neither 
 do I know that I have not preserved whatever 
 I acquired. And though, in time past all 
 things have succeeded according to my wishes, 
 yet an apprehension lest, in process of time, I 
 should see, hear, or suffer some difficulty, has 
 not suffered me to be too much elated, or too 
 extravagantly delighted. Now if I die, I leave 
 you, children, behind me, (whom the gods have 
 given me,) and I leave my country and my 
 friends happy. Ought not I therefore, in jus- 
 tice, to be always remembered, and mentioned 
 as fortunate and happy 1 I must likewise de- 
 clare to whom I leave my kingdom, lest that, 
 being doubtful, should hereafter raise dissen- 
 sions among you. Now, children, I bear an 
 equal affection to you both ; but I direct that 
 the elder should have the advising and con- 
 ducting of affairs, as his age requires it, and it 
 is probable he has more experience. And as 
 I have been instructed by my country and 
 yours to give place to those elder than myself, 
 not only brothers, but fellow-citizens, both in 
 walking, sitting, and speaking ; so have I in- 
 structed you, from your youth, to show a re- 
 gard to your elders, and to receive the like from 
 such as were inferior to you in age ; receive 
 then this disposition as ancient, customary, and 
 legal. Do you therefore, Cambyses, hold the 
 kingdom as allotted you by the gods, and by me, 
 so far as it is in my power. To you, Tanoax- 
 ares, I bequeath the satrapy of the Medes, Ar- 
 menians, and Cadusians ; which when I allot 
 you, I think I leave your elder brother a larger 
 empire, and the title of a kingdom, but to you 
 a happiness freer from care and vexation : for 
 I do not see what human satisfaction you 
 can need ; but you will enjoy whatever appears 
 agreeable and pleasing to men. An affection 
 for such things as are difficult to execute, a 
 multitude of pains, and an impossibility of be- 
 ing quiet, anxiety from an emulation of my ac- 
 tions forming designs yourself, and having de- 
 signs formed against you : these are things 
 which must more necessarily attend a king than 
 one in your station ; and be assured these give 
 many interruptions to pleasure and satisfac- 
 tion. Know, therefore, Cambyses, that is not 
 the golden sceptre which can preserve your 
 kingdom; but faithful friends are a prince's 
 truest and securest sceptre. But do not 
 imagine that men are naturally faithful (for 
 then they would appear so to all, as other na- 
 tural endowments do;) but every one must 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 149 
 
 render others faithful to himself : and they are 
 not to be procured by violence, but rather by 
 kindness and beneficence. If therefore you 
 would constitute other joint guardians with 
 you of your kingdom, whom can you better be- 
 gin with than him who is of the same blood 
 with yourself! and fellow-citizens are nearer 
 to us than strangers, and those who live and 
 eat with us, than those that do not. And 
 those who have the same original, who have 
 been nourished by the same mother, and grown 
 up in the same house, and beloved by the 
 same parents, and who call on the same father 
 and mother, are not they, of all others, the 
 nearest to us 1 Do you not therefore render 
 those advantages fruitless, by which the gods 
 unite brothers in affinity and relation ; but to 
 those advantages add other friendly offices, and 
 by that means your friendship will be recipro- 
 cally solid and lasting. The taking care of a 
 brother is providing for oneself. To whom 
 can the advancement of a brother be equally 
 honourable, as to a brother 1 Who can show a 
 regard to a great and powerful man equal to 
 his brother ? Who will fear to injure another, 
 so much as him whose brother is in an exalted 
 station ? Be therefore second to none in sub- 
 mission and good-will to your brother, since no 
 one can be so particularly serviceable or injuri- 
 ous to you. And I would have you consider 
 how you can hope for greater advantages by 
 obliging any one so much as him 7 Or whom 
 can you assist that will be so powerful an ally 
 in.war ] Or what is more infamous than want 
 of friendship between brothers 1 Who, of all 
 men, can we so handsomely pay regard to as to 
 a brother 1 In a word, Cambyses, your brother 
 is the only one you can advance next to your 
 person without the envy of others. There- 
 fore, in the name of the gods, children, have 
 regard for one another, if you are careful to do 
 what is acceptable to me. For you ought not 
 to imagine, you certainly know, that after I 
 have closed this period of human life I shall 
 no longer exist : for neither do you now see 
 my soul, but you conclude, from its operations, 
 that it does exist. And have you not observed 
 what terrors and apprehensions murderers are 
 inspired with by those who have suffered vio- 
 lence from them ? What racks and torture do 
 they convey to the guilty ? Or how do you 
 think honours should have continued to be paid 
 to the deceased, if their souls were destitute of 
 all power and virtue ? No, children, I can never 
 14 
 
 be persuaded that the soul lives no longer than 
 it dwells in this mortal body, and that it dies on 
 its separation ; for I see that the soul com. 
 municates vigour and motion to mortal bodies 
 during its continuance in them. Neither can 
 I be persuaded that the soul is divested of in- 
 telligence, on its separation from this gross, 
 senseless body ; but it is probable, that when 
 the soul is separated, it becomes pure and en- 
 tire, and then is more intelligent. It is evi- 
 dent that, on man's dissolution, every part of 
 him returns to what is of the same nature with 
 itself, except the soul ; that alone is invisible, 
 both during its presence here, and at its depar- 
 ture. And you may have observed that no- 
 thing resembles death so much as sleep ; but 
 then it is that the human soul appears most 
 divine, and has a prospect of futurity ; for then 
 it is probable the soul is most free and inde- 
 pendent. If therefore things are as I think, 
 and that the soul leaves the body, having regard 
 to my soul, comply with my request. But it 
 it be otherwise, and that the soul continuing 
 in the body perishes with it, let nothing appear 
 in your thoughts or actions criminal or impi- 
 ous, for fear of the gods, who are eternal, 
 whose power and inspection extend over all 
 things, and who preserve the harmony and order 
 of the universe free from decay or defect, whose 
 greatness and beauty is inexplicable ! Next to 
 the gods, have regard to the whole race of man- 
 kind, in perpetual succession : for the gods 
 have not concealed you in obscurity ; but there 
 is a necessity that your actions should be con- 
 spicuous to the world. If they are virtuous, 
 and free from injustice, they will give .you 
 power and interest in all men ; but if you pro- 
 ject what is unjust against each other, no man 
 will trust you ; for no one can place a confi- 
 dence in you, though his inclination to it be 
 ever so great, when he sees you unjust, where 
 it most becomes you to be a friend. If there- 
 fore I have not rightly instructed you what you 
 ought to be to one another, learn it from those 
 who lived before our time, for that will be the 
 best lesson. For there are many who have 
 lived affectionate parents to their children, and 
 friends to their brothers ; and some there are 
 who have acted the opposite part towards each 
 other. Whichsoever of these you shall ob- 
 serve to have been most advantageous, you will 
 do well in giving it the preference in your 
 choice. But perhaps this is sufficient as to 
 these matters. When I am dead, children, do 
 
150 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vni. 
 
 not enshrine my body in gold, nor in silver, nor 
 any thing else ; but lay it in the earth as soon 
 as possible ; for what can be more happy than 
 to mix with the earth, which gives birth and 
 nourishment to all things excellent and good 1 
 And as I have always hitherto borne an affec- 
 tion for men, so it is now most pleasing to me 
 to incorporate with that which is beneficial to 
 men. Now," said he it seems to me that 
 my soul is beginning to leave me, in the same 
 manner as it is probable it begins its departure 
 with others. If therefore any of you are de- 
 sirous of touching my right hand, or willing to 
 see my face while it has life, come near to me : 
 for, when I shall have covered it, I request of 
 you, children, that neither yourselves, nor any 
 others would look on my body. Summon all 
 the Persians and their allies before my tomb, 
 to rejoice for me ; that I shall be then out 
 of danger of suffering any evil, whether 
 shall be with the gods, or shall be reduced to 
 nothing. As many as come, do you dismiss 
 with all those favours that are thought proper 
 for a happy man. And," said he, " remember 
 this as my last and dying words. If you do 
 kindnesses to your friends, you will be able to 
 injure your enemies. Farewell, dear children 
 and tell this to your mother as from me. Anc 
 all you, my friends, both such of you as are 
 here present, and the rest who are absent 
 farewell !" Having said this, and taken every 
 
 ione by the right hand, he covered himself, anc 
 thus expired. 
 
 VIII. Thai_Cyjus' empire was the nobles 
 and jnogt extensive in Asia, is even confirmee 
 by itself. It was terminated to the east b 
 the Red Sea, to the north by the Euxine Sea 
 to the west by Cyprus and Egypt, to the south 
 by Ethiopia ; and though of such an extent 
 was governed by the single will of Cyrus. Anc 
 to those who were subject to him he showe 
 all kindness and regard, as to children ; an 
 they paid Cyrus duty and respect, as to 
 father. Immediately on Cyrus' death his son 
 fell into dissension ; cities and nations re 
 volted ; every thing tended to ruin. To sho' 
 that what I assert is truth, I will begin b 
 things divine. 
 
 I know that in the early times of their inst 
 tution, the king, and those that were subject t 
 him, were religious observers of their oath 
 and steady to their promises, even to the mos 
 criminal. If they had not been so, and tha 
 opinion of them had prevailed, no one woul 
 
 ave trusted them ; as at this time no one will, 
 nee their impiety is notorious : neither had 
 ic commanders of the army, in the expedition 
 ith Cyrus, put the confidence in them they 
 id ; but, relying on the ancient opinion of 
 icir faith, they delivered themselves into 
 leir hands, and being brought to the king, had 
 leir heads cut off. And many barbarians in 
 lat expedition perished, in different ways, by 
 leir treachery and deceit. 
 
 With respect likewise to these things, they 
 re now degenerated from what they were : 
 or, in their primitive institution, if any one 
 tazarded himself for his king, or subdued any 
 ity or nation, or performed any great or 
 xcellent action, he had honours conferred on 
 him. Now, if any one, as Mithridates did 
 Ariobarzanes, betrays his father, and as Leo. 
 nithres his wife and children, and his friend's 
 Children, left as hostages in Egypt, in violation 
 )f the most solemn oaths and engagements, he 
 s esteemed to have done what is profitable to 
 lis prince, and is loaded with the highest hon- 
 >urs. The Asiatics, being spectators of these 
 hings, are themselves sunk into impiety and 
 njustice : for governments always resemble 
 heir governors, and the prosperity or declen- 
 sion, the vigour or decay of all states is derived 
 Tom the virtues and vices, the abilities or 
 weakness of their rulers. For this reason 
 they are more unjust now than they were for. 
 merly. They are likewise more corrupt with 
 respect to riches ; for they do not only imprison 
 such as are highly criminal, but the innocent ; 
 and, contrary to justice, enforce the payment 
 of their arbitrary imposition. So that they 
 who have great estates are under the same 
 apprehensions as those that are involved in 
 great crimes : for this reason, they will not 
 associate with the better sort, nor dare they 
 enlist themselves in the king's army. There- 
 fore those that are at war with them may 
 securely ravage the country, without any 
 opposition, if they are disposed to do it ; 
 which is owing to the impiety of the Persians 
 towards the gods, and their iniquity towards 
 men. Thus are their minds and dispositions 
 debauched to what they had been in their first 
 institution. 
 
 How defective they are in the care of their 
 bodies I will, in the next place, relate. It was 
 part of their institution not to spit, or blow 
 the nose ; but it is manifest this was riot in- 
 tended to spare the discharges of the body, but 
 
INSTITUTION OF CYRUS. 
 
 151 
 
 they intended to disperse those humours by 
 exercise, and by that means to fortify their 
 bodies. And the custom of not spitting or 
 blowing the nose yet continues, though that of 
 exercising is not practised. They likewise 
 originally used to make only one meal a day, 
 that the rest of the day might be employed in 
 action and the despatch of business : and that 
 custom yet continues. But, beginning their 
 meal very early, they continue eating and 
 drinking till the latest sitters up go to bed. 
 
 It was likewise an institution among them 
 not to bring large bottles to their banquets; 
 evidently thinking that, by not drinking to 
 excess they should neither weaken their bodies 
 nor impair their understandings. And that 
 custom too continues, of not ' bringing such 
 bottles ; but they drink to such excess, that 
 instead of bringing in, they are carried out 
 themselves, not being able to walk without help. 
 It was also a custom of their countries, when 
 they were on a journey, neither to eat nor drink, 
 nor to do publicly what is the necessary conse- 
 quence of both. Abstinence from these things 
 yet continues ; but their journeys are so short, 
 that their abstaining from these necessities is 
 nothing wonderful or extraordinary. 
 
 Formerly they went a-hunting so often, that 
 those chases were sufficient exercises for them- 
 selves and their horses ; but, since- king Ar- 
 taxerxes and his companions have debauched 
 themselves with wine, they do not so frequently 
 go out themselves, nor lead others to those 
 chases. Wherefore if some, from a fondness 
 for exercise, have gone out a-hunting, they 
 have manifestly incurred envy and hatred from 
 those who thought it a mark of superiority, 
 and of being better than themselves. 
 
 The custom yet likewise continues of a pub- 
 lic education of the children ; but the practice 
 of horsemanship is neglected, because there are 
 no public assemblies where they can gain ap- 
 plause by those exercises. And this institu- 
 tion is, in every circumstance, altered. That 
 the boys, hearing the just and equitable deter- 
 minations of private causes, were instructed in 
 justice and equity ; for now they see those cer- 
 tainly prevail who give the most exorbitant 
 bribes. Formerly, likewise, boys were taught 
 the virtues of the several productions of the 
 earth, by which means they made use of such 
 as were good, and abstained from those that 
 were noxious. At this time they seem to be 
 only instructed how to do the most hurt ; there- 
 
 fore deaths and poisonings are nowhere so fre 
 quent as amongst them. And they are now 
 much more luxurious than in Cyrus' time ; foi 
 then they practised the Persian institutions and 
 temperance, and conformed to the dress and 
 elegance of the Medes ; but now they have suf- 
 fered the severity of the Persians to be quite 
 extinguished, and retain the effeminacy of the 
 Medes, which effeminacy and delicacy of theirs 
 I have a mind to explain. 
 
 In the first place, it is not sufficient for them 
 to have soft couches, but they must have car- 
 pets for their feet, that the floors may not, by 
 resistance, make a noise, but that the carpets 
 may break the sound. There is no diminution 
 of what victuals used formerly to supply their 
 tables, but new continually invented. And the 
 like in sauces ; for they are provided with cooks, 
 who supply them with variety in both kinds. 
 In winter it is not sufficient for them to cover 
 their heads, their bodies, and their feet, but 
 they have hair-gloves for their hands. In , 
 summer, the shade of trees and of rocks does 
 not satisfy them ; but under these, men stand 
 near them with artificial shades contrived on 
 purpose. If they possess a great number of 
 cups, they are puffed up with it as a piece of 
 magnificence ; and, if these be unjustly ac- 
 quired, they do not consider it as infamous ; 
 for injustice, and a sordid love of gain, is 
 mightily increased among them. Formerly, 
 it was a custom of their country never to be 
 seen on foot on their journeys, for no other rea- 
 son but in order to become more skilful horse- 
 men : now, they have more coverings on their 
 horses than on their couches ; for they are not 
 so careful of what concerns their horses, as to 
 sit soft and at their ease. 
 
 With respect to the affairs of war, it is pro- 
 bable they should not be very much inferior to 
 what they were at first 1 It was customary, in 
 the beginning that those who possessed lands 
 should furnish horsemen for their army, and 
 pay those that were in garrisons, if they fought 
 in defence of the country : now, porters, cooks, 
 drawers, bed-makers, dressers, waiters at the 
 baths, servants at table, and perfumers, are en- 
 listed in their horse by the great men, that 
 they themselves may make an advantage of 
 their pay. These make an appearance in num- 
 ber, but are of no use in war ; which is mani- 
 fest in experience, for their enemies have a 
 freer passage through their country than their 
 friends. When Cyrus had broken them of the 
 
152 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK VIII. 
 
 custom of engaging at a distance, he armed 
 with breast-plates both them and their horses, 
 and gave every one a javelin in his hand, which 
 they might use in a close battle ; but now. they 
 neither engage at a distance nor at hand. The 
 foot have yet shields and small swords, or cut- 
 lasses, as in Cyrus' time, but they will not ven- 
 ture to come to an engagement. Neither are 
 the chariots of that use Cyrus designed them : 
 for he had made brave and skilful drivers, by 
 bestowing rewards and honours on them who 
 would fall on the heavy-armed part of an army. 
 The Persians now, scarcely knowing who are 
 in the chariots, imagine that such as are 
 unexercised in driving understand it as well 
 as those that have practised it : they do indeed 
 make an attack ; but before they can break in- 
 to the enemy's ranks some of their own ac- 
 cord fall off, others jump down and get away ; 
 
 so that the chariots, being without any guides, 
 frequently do more injury to their friends than 
 to their enemies. Since they themselves have 
 been sensible how much they are defective in 
 martial affairs, they yield to others, and none 
 of them engage in a war without the help of 
 the Greeks, whether it be a domestic quarrel 
 or with the Greeks themselves ; for they cannot 
 engage in a war with the Greeks without the 
 assistance of Greeks. 
 
 Now I think I have executed what I under- 
 took ; for I say it is evident that the Persians 
 and their allies have less piety towards the gods, 
 less duty and regard to their relations, are less 
 just and equitable in their dealings with others, i 
 more effeminate, and less fitted for war than \ 
 they were in their first institution. If any one /I 
 thinks differently, let him consider their actions, \ 
 and he will find them confirm what I say. ( 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 
 BY EDWARD SPELMAN, ESQ. 
 [153] 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THERE is not, possibly, a more difficult, a more discouraging, or a more useful task than 
 that of a translator ; when I say this, I mean one who writes a translation, not a para- 
 phrase, under which name most modern performances of this kind ought to be compre- 
 hended. It was very judiciously observed by Mr. Pope, in the preface to his incompara- 
 ble translation of the Iliad, that there have not been more men misled in former times by 
 a servile dull adherence to the letter, than have been deluded in ours by a chimerical 
 insolent hope of raising and improving their author. If these liberties are not to be 
 allowed in translating poets, much less ought they to be indulged in translating historians. 
 These paraphrasts, it seems, are men of too exalted a genius to stoop to a literal trans- 
 lation ; they must improve their author, by adding something which he ignorantly 
 omitted, or by omitting something which he thought material; by this means, the 
 readers, who cannot compare the translation with the original (for whose use chiefly 
 translations are intended) have either some wretched modern interpolation imposed on 
 them for the thoughts of an ancient, or lose some of the author's thoughts, which the 
 title of a translation gave them a right to. But these gentlemen have another reason 
 for paraphrasing, instead of translating, if they will own it ; they find less difficulty in 
 clothing modern thoughts in a modern dress^ than in making those of an ancient appear 
 gracefully in a language so very different from that in which they were conceived : for 
 it is a work of greater difficulty, than those, who have not experienced it, can possibly 
 imagine, to give an appearance of novelty to antiquity, to give light to those things, 
 which the ignorance of ancient customs and manners has rendered obscure, to give 
 beauty to those that are obsolete, to give credibility to those that are doubtful, and above 
 all, to give to a copy the air of an original. Yet all these, however difficult, belong to 
 the province of a translator ; these are embellishments, which he is to acquire, if he can ; 
 but his first duty is fidelity to his author : without that, his performance is not what it 
 professes to be, and, in that case, these embellishments, like royal robes upon the back 
 of an impostor, are rather a mockery than an ornament. If to the most exact fidelity a 
 translator joins beauty of language, strength of expression, and, above all, perspicuity; 
 and if, with these, he has genius enough to animate his translation with the spirit of his 
 original, he then performs every duty belonging to his profession. I am far from think- 
 ing that my translation of Xenophon has all these perfections ; on the contrary, I am 
 sensible that it is in this, as in most other things, much easier to point out a duty, than 
 to fulfil it. v But I should be very much wanting in that respect which every author 
 owes to the public, if I did not assure them, that no endeavours, no application, no 
 labour, has been spared to render this translation fit to be laid before them. If the 
 difficulties a translator meets with are considerable, the discouragements he labours 
 
 under are no less so. The great number of anonymous translations, the great number 
 
 155 
 
156 PREFACE. 
 
 of translations of translations, for which we in England are famous ; but, above all, some 
 very unfortunate versions of lives from the Greek into our language, to which the 
 names of authors justly admired for every other kind of writing are prefixed, show the 
 small account the world has reason to make of translations, as well as the difficulty of 
 succeeding in them. These considerations, I say, are powerful discouragements to the 
 undertaking any thing of this kind; but, if these are not sufficient to deter, let it be 
 considered how unjust a way of thinking prevails with most readers ; if there is any 
 merit in the performance, it is placed to the account of the author; and if any fault, to 
 that of the translator. Yet it should seem that translations might deserve more indul- 
 gence, when it is considered how many persons of great parts, who happen to be 
 unacquainted with the learned languages, particularly with Greek, would, without that 
 assistance, be deprived of the satisfaction and improvement of reading ancient histories 
 written by ancient authors ; for, I dare say, those, who are conversant with both, will 
 allow that those histories are generally so much disfigured and distorted by modern 
 relators, as scarce to be known : an instance of this we see in our countryman, Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, who has, in my opinion, treated ancient history with more strength and 
 dignity than any modern writer of any other nation, and yet, let his account of the battle 
 of Cannae, though a military subject, and therefore particularly within his province ; let 
 his account, I say, of that battle be compared with the relation given of it by Polybius, 
 from whom he took it, and what I have advanced will plainly appear. When I say this, 
 I do not mean to insinuate that Sir Walter Raleigh was inferior, either as a soldier or a 
 scholar, to Polybius ; for I am thoroughly convinced of his great abilities, his fate alone 
 is a proof of them : the only disadvantage he lay under, was in being less acquainted 
 with the manners, customs, and discipline of the two contending nations at Cannae ; so 
 that I am confident, whoever reads the two relations of that battle, will agree with me 
 that a close translation of the account given of it by Polybius, would have been much 
 more satisfactory and instructive, to those who cannot read the original. 
 
 The reader will observe that I have, in the course of my notes, principally taken notice 
 of three translations, that of Leunclavius, of Hutchinson, and of D'Ablancourt ; there 
 is, besides, an Italian translation of the Expedition of Cyrus by Gandini, which I have 
 occasionally consulted ; but, as in cases of difficulty, I found no assistance from thence, 
 and, as I thought a criticism upon a translation in a third language would encumber the 
 Notes, J have chosen to take no notice of it. I am also sensible there is a Latin transla- 
 tion of this history by Stephens, which I have mentioned as occasion required. But 
 I cannot part with this subject without taking particular notice of Mr. Hutchinson's 
 edition of the Expedition of Cyrus, which I look upon to be the best edited book in the 
 world, except the Cyropaedia published by the same author : if I have sometimes differed 
 from him, I hope it will be thought I have supported my opinion in such a manner that 
 he will have no just reason to find fault with me. I have observed the same conduct 
 with regard to D'Ablancourt, the looseness of whose translation I have been frequently 
 obliged to condemn ; on the other side, it will be allowed that I have often commended 
 him ; though I cannot carry my commendations of him so far as his countryman Menage, 
 who says that D'Ablancourt has surpassed even Xenophon himself in the elegance of 
 his style. Another celebrated French critic, Balzac, says, that D'Ablancourt's transla- 
 tion of Xenophon would be incomparable, if he had placed nothing before it, but that his 
 preface is so fine, that it obscures the finest things that can be compared to it ; he adds 
 that, if it were possible for D'Ablancourt to have lived in the time of Cyrus the Younger, 
 and for Xenophon to be now alive, the prefaces of D'Ablancourt would deserve to be 
 
PREFACE. 157 
 
 translated by Xenophon. The reader will observe, that this forced style was in fashion 
 among the French in Balzac's time, that is, in the infancy of their taste : the writers of 
 that age seem to have imposed an obligation upon themselves of being for ever witty ; 
 they were often so, but that was not enough ; this eternal straining after wit obliged 
 them many times to have recourse to forced turns of thought, and, sometimes, to what 
 their language calls Phoebus, that is, shining expressions that seem to signify something. 
 After the reader has compared the passages I have taken the liberty to censure in 
 D'Ablancourt with the original, he will be able to judge how far he has surpassed 
 Xenophon in the elegance of his style, and how far, according to the supposition of 
 Balzac, his works might deserve to be translated by Xenophon. But there is an old 
 English translation of thfe Expedition of Cyrus by John Bingham, printed in 1623, and 
 dedicated to the Right Worshipful the Artillery Company. The first notice I had of 
 this translation was by a note of Hutchinson about the middle of the last book ; he also 
 mentions it towards the end of the same book, where Xenophon says Gongylus marched 
 out to the assistance of the Greeks /3/a <rZs MTOC, upon which occasion, Hutchinson says, 
 vis phraseos omnino latuit versionis Anglicanse authorem ; and, indeed, he had great reason 
 to say so ; for, upon looking into Bingham's translation, I find he has rendered that pas- 
 sage, " by compulsion of his mother," whereas he should have said, " against his 
 mother's will," in which sense all the other translators have rendered it. I do not re- 
 member that Hutchinson has taken any notice of this translation* but upon these two 
 occasions. Finding, therefore, by Hutchinson's note before-mentioned, when I had not 
 more than half the last book remaining to complete my translation, that there was an old 
 English version of the Expedition, I employed several of the most eminent booksellers 
 in town to get it for me, but all in vain ; for none of them could find it, neither would 
 they be persuaded there was any such book extant, till I referred them to that note of 
 Hutchinson : however, at last I got a sight of it from a public library. Upon comparing 
 it with the original, I found the author was a man of some learning, from whence I con- 
 clude that he must have made use of some very faulty edition, otherwise, it is not possi- 
 ble that a man of learning (for such he really seems to have been) should ever have been 
 guilty of so many mistakes, as are to be met with through the whole course of his trans- 
 lation : as to jfs style, it seems to be, at least, a century older than that in which he writ. 
 There is, in the fourth book, a conversation between Xenophon and Cheirisophus, 
 in which they rally one another upon the art of stealing, so much practised by their respec- 
 tive countries ; the foundation of which raillery is the advice given by Xenophon to steal 
 a march to some part of a mountain they were to pass. As the spirit of raillery is, of all 
 others, the most likely to be lost in a translation, for that reason, raillery itself is the 
 last thing one would choose to translate, if it did not necessarily come in one's way ; 
 upon this occasion, therefore, I was in hopes of receiving some assistance from the old 
 English translation, which I should both have made use of, and acknowledged very rea- 
 dily; but, upon examination, I found this passage translated in the following manner, "it 
 seemeth to me not impossible to steal some part or other of the hill." After this, I dare 
 say, it will easily be concluded that I could entertain no great hopes of any assistance 
 from that quarter. Many ancient authors, both Greek and Latin, and particularly those 
 who were themselves fine writers, as well as judicious critics, such as Dionysius of Hal- 
 icarnassus, and Tully, have celebrated the beauty of our author's style, his perspicuity 
 and peculiar sweetness in his composition, which made his writings be called the lan- 
 guage of the muses : the latter goes so far as to say, that Lucullus, being sent to make 
 war upon Mithridates, which was no easy province, and being unacquainted with the duty 
 14 
 
158 PREFACE. 
 
 of a general, acquired by reading the Expedition of .Cyras, so great a knowledge in the 
 art of war, as to owe his victories against that prince to the information he received from 
 it. However this may be, we find, by the Commentaries of Caesar, that he often made 
 use of the same dispositions against the Gauls, which Xenophon had employed, with so 
 great success, against the Persians : but, what is much more for the credit of our author, 
 it is obvious that the Expedition of Cyrus was the model of these Commentaries ; the 
 same elegance, the same clearness of expression, the same unaffected grace, are the dis- 
 tinguishing characters of both ; and, possibly, the Greek and Latin languages have nothing 
 in their kind more perfect than these two admirable performances. I am sensible that all 
 commendations bestowed upon the original, tend to expose the translation to censure, 
 which I ought not, in prudence, wantonly to solicit : but I was willing, if I could not do 
 justice to Xenophon by translating him, to endeavour to do it, at least, by commending 
 him : this may be thought a small amends for the former ; however, the determination 
 of this question must be left to the voice of the people, who are still sovereigns in this ; 
 and who, as they were formerly remarkable for their justice in deciding the fate of man- 
 kind, are still not less so in determining that of their productions ; so that, to use the 
 words of my ancestor,* in the preface to his Glossary, I submit my labours and errors to 
 the public. 
 
 * Sir Harry Spelman, who was great great-grandfather to the author. 
 
AN ACCOUNT 
 
 or 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 XENOPHON was an Athenian ; his father's name was Gryllus. All that we know of him 
 till he attended Cyrus in his expedition, is, that he was a disciple of Socrates. If, to 
 hare been a disciple of that great man was an instance of his good fortune, the improve- 
 ment he made of that education is an instance of his merit ; and, indeed, nothing less 
 than the happiest disposition, the best education, and the greatest improvement of both, 
 could render Xenophon that universal man we find him in his writings ; his Cyropaedia 
 shows him to have possessed, in a sovereign degree, the art of government; his Expe- 
 dition of Cyrus shows him a complete general ; his History, an entertaining, an instruc- 
 tive and a faithful historian ; his Panegyric of Agesilaus, an orator ; and his Treatise of 
 Hunting, a sportsman ; his Apology for Socrates, and the account he gives of his manner 
 of conversing, show that he was both a friend, and a philosopher ; and all of them, that 
 he was a good man. This appears remarkably in his preserving Byzantium from being 
 plundered by his soldiers, who having gained no other reward of the dangerous expedi- 
 tion they had been engaged in, but their preservation, were not only strongly tempted to 
 plunder that town by the hope of making their fortunes, but justly provoked to it by the 
 disingenuous behaviour of the Lacedaemonian governor ; yet these two lawless passions, 
 avarice and revenge, the authority and eloquence of Xenophon quite subdued. 
 
 As Cyrus had assisted the Lacedaemonians in their war against the Athenians, the 
 latter looked upon Xenophon's attachment to that prince as criminal, and banished him 
 for engaging in his service. After this, Xenophon attended Agesilaus, when he was sent 
 for by the Lacedaemonians with his army from Asia ; where the success of his arms gave 
 something more than uneasiness to Artaxerxes, who, not without cause, began to fear the 
 same fate from Agesilaus, which his successor, Darius, afterwards found from Alexan- 
 der ; but the former, by corrupting the Greek cities, and, by that means, engaging them 
 to make war upon the Lacedaemonians, suspended the fate of Persia for a time : but, in 
 all evils, relief, obtained by corruption, is only a respite, not a cure ; for, when Alexander 
 invaded Persia, the same low arts were again practised by Darius to recall him from 
 Asia by a diversion in Greece; but these proving ineffectual, the Persians, by trusting 
 more to the vices of their enemies, than to their own virtue, became an easy conquest. 
 Agesilaus soon after he returned, fought the battle of Coronea, where, though wounded 
 
160 ACCOUNT OF XENOPHON. 
 
 he defeated the Thebans and their allies : at this battle Xenophon was present. After 
 that, he retired to Scilus, where he passed his time in reading, the conversation of his 
 friends, sporting and writing history. But this place being over-run by the E leans, in 
 whose neighbourhood it was, Xenophon went to Corinth, where he lived till the first 
 year of the hundred and fifth Olympiad, when he died in the ninety-first year of his age : 
 so that, he must have been about fifty years of age at the time of the expedition of Cyrus, 
 which was the fourth year of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, just forty years before. I am 
 sensible some learned men are of opinion that he was not so old at the time of the expe- 
 dition, though I see no reason to disbelieve Lucian in this particular, who says that 
 Xenophon was above, ninety years of age when he died. However, this is beyond all 
 dispute, that he lived till after the battle of Mantinea, which, according to Diodorus Si- 
 culus, was in the second year of the hundred and fourth Olympiad, because he closes his 
 History of the Affairs of Greece with the account of that battle ; in which account it is 
 very extraordinary that he should say nothing more of the most remarkable incident in it, 
 i mean the death of Epaminondas, than that he fell in the action ; but this may be ac- 
 counted for by that modesty, which was the distinguishing character of our author, be- 
 cause it is well known that Epaminondas fell by the hand of Gryllus, the son of Xeno- 
 phon, who was sent by his father to the assistance of the Athenians. It will easily be 
 imagined that a general, at the head of a victorious army, then pursuing his victory, could 
 not be attacked, much less slain, without manifest danger to the daring enemy, who 
 should attempt it. This Gryllus found, for he had no sooner lanced the fatal dart, which 
 deprived Thebes of the greatest general of that age, but he was cut to pieces by the 
 friends of Epaminondas. When the news of his death was brought to Xenophon, he said 
 no more than that he knew he was mortal. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 NOTHING seems to contribute more to the forming a clear idea of any transaction . n his- 
 tory than a previous knowledge both of the persons and things that gave birth tc it ; for 
 when the reader is once acquainted with the characters and views of the principal actors, 
 and with what has been done in consequence of both, the scene unfolds hi so natural a 
 manner, that the most extraordinary events in history are looked upon in the same light 
 as the most surprising phenomena in philosophy ; that is, like these, they are found to be 
 the necessary result of such principles as the all-wise Creator has thought fit to estab- 
 lish, and, like these, are as little to be wondered at, and as easy to be accounted for. In 
 order, therefore, to enable the reader to view the consequences in their principles, and 
 contemplate the embryo plant in its seed, I shall lay before him a short account of the 
 most remarkable transactions that seem to have had an immediate influence upon that which 
 Xenophon has chosen for the subject of his history. The affairs of the Athenians and 
 Lacedaemonians had been, for some time before the expedition of Cyrus, so much inter- 
 woven with those of Persia, that all three seemed to have had a share in every remarkable 
 event that happened to each of them. Thus the supplies of money with which Lysander, 
 the Lacedaemonian general, was furnished by Cyrus, enabled him to carry on the war 
 against the Athenians with advantage, and, at last, to give them a decisive blow at JEgos 
 Potamos, which ended in the taking of Athens ; and, on the other side, the assistance 
 which Cyrus received from the Lacedaemonians, both by sea and land, in return, en- 
 couraged him to an attempt of no less moment than the dethroning his brother Arta- 
 xerxes. The several steps which led to this enterprise equally great, unfortunate, and 
 unwarrantable, shall be taken notice of in the order of time in which they happened. In 
 this short survey, I shall avoid entering into any chronological discussions, which often 
 puzzle, seldom inform, and never entertain, but confine myself almost entirely to Diodo- 
 rus Siculus, who, besides the character he has deservedly obtained for fidelity and exact- 
 ness, had the advantage of living many centuries nearer the transactions he recounts, than 
 those who differ from him in chronology, as well as that of consulting many authors, 
 whose works are unfortunately lost to modern ages. . Neither shall I go further back 
 than the taking of Athens by the Lacedaemonians, which happened in the fourth year of 
 the ninety-third Olympiad, and put an end to the Peloponnesian war, after it had lasted 
 twenty-seven years. The same year died Darius Ochus, king of Persia, after a reign of 
 nineteen years, and left his kingdom to his eldest son Artaxerxes, who was born before 
 he was king. Parysatis, his queen, the most artful of all women, and mother both'to 
 Artaxerxes and Cyrus, tried the power of every practice to engage Darius to imitate his 
 predecessor, Darius Hystaspes, who preferred his son Xerxes, born after his accession, 
 to Artobazanes, who was born before it ; but all her efforts proved ineffectual, and Ar- 
 taxerxes succeeded his father without opposition. If the arts of Parysatis could not 
 14 * V 161 
 
162 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 prevail with Darius to set his eldest son aside, her fondness for Cyrus not only encouraged 
 him to form a design against his brother's life, but rescued him, if not from disgrace, at 
 least, from punishment, when it was discovered. The next year, which was the first of 
 the ninety-fourth Olympiad, there happened an eclipse of the sun, which is only taken 
 notice of, as it is no small satisfaction to find history, upon this occasion, supported by 
 astronomy, by which it appears that the eclipse of the sun, mentioned by Xenophon in 
 his Greek History, to have happened this year, fell out on the third day of September, 
 upon a Friday, at twelve minutes after nine o'clock. The same year Cyrus returned to 
 his government in Asia Minor, with a mind more exasperated at his disgrace, than terri- 
 fied with his danger, and immediately resolved to repair the disappointment of private 
 treason by open hostility; to this purpose, he addresses himself to the Lacedaemonians, 
 who cheerfully espouse his quarrel. This intercourse between Cyrus and the Lacedae- 
 monians, could not be carried on so privately, as to escape the notice of Alcibiades, who, 
 being banished from his country, was now retired to Grynium, a strong place in Phrygia, 
 appointed by Pharnabazus for his residence, to whom he immediately communicates his 
 intelligence, desiring him, at the same time, to appoint proper persons to conduct him to 
 court, that he might give Artaxerxes an account of the whole : but Pharnabazus, being 
 willing to have the merit of a discovery of so great importance, sent persons of trust to 
 Artaxerxes to lay the information before him. Alcibiades, suspecting his design, left 
 Pharnabazus, with an intention to apply himself to the satrap of Paphlagonia, to the 
 end that, through him, he might be recommended to Artaxerxes ; but Pharnabazus, 
 fearing the king should, by this means, be informed of the truth, prevented his design, 
 by ordering him to be put to death. 
 
 The next year, that is, the second of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, brings Clearchus up- 
 on the stage ; he makes so considerable a figure in the ensuing history, both by his conduct 
 and his fate, that the incident we are going to speak of, which happened just before he 
 engaged himself in the service of Cyrus, and which seems to have driven him into it, 
 must not be omitted. It seems, the inhabitants of Byzantium being engaged in factions, 
 the Lacedaemonians sent Clearchus to compose their differences, who uniting them in 
 nothing but their complaints against himself, the ephori recalled him : but he refusing to 
 obey their orders, they sent Panthoedas with some troops, to force him to a submission. 
 With these he defeated Clearchus, and obliged him to fly to Ionia ; here he was received 
 with open arms by Cyrus, to whom his experience in military affairs, his enterprising 
 genius, and, possibly, even his rebellion, were, at this juncture, no small recommenda- 
 tion ; since, he could not but look upon a man, who had dared to fly in the face of his 
 country, as a proper person to bear command in an army, which he was raising to invade 
 his own. It was upon this occasion that Cyrus gave him the ten thousand daricks men- 
 tioned by Xertophon, with which he levied a considerable number of forces, and engaged 
 them in his service. 
 
 The next year Diodorus Siculus passes over without taking notice of any thing relating 
 to this expedition, so we may conclude that Cyrus employed it in continuing his prepa- 
 rations under various pretences, particularly since we find him in the field early the year 
 after. Sardes, the capital of Lydia, and formerly the residence of its kings, was the 
 place of general rendezvous; from hence Cyrus marched at the head of about 12,800 
 Greeks, and 100,000 Barbarians, to dispute the crown of Persia with his brother Arta- 
 xerxes ; and, from hence, Xenophon, who came to him at Sardes, begins his history of 
 this Expedition. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 163 
 
 The year, which decided this great contest, was the 783d year from the taking of 
 Troy, the 351st of Rome, Publius Cornelius, Caesar Fabius, Spurius Nautius, Caius Va- 
 lerius, Marcus Sergius, and Junius Lucullus, being military tribunes ; and the fourth year 
 of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, Exaenetus being archon at Athens. This expedition has, 
 I find, been thought of consequence enough to be taken notice of in the Arundel Mar- 
 ble, the 80th era of which has these words : " From the time those, who ascended 
 with Cyrus, returned, and Socrates, the philosopher, died, being seventy years of age, 
 one hundred and thirty-seven years, Laches being archon at Athens."* 
 
 The year the Greeks returned was the year after they marched from Sardes, since 
 Xenophon says they were fifteen months in their expedition, and consequently that year 
 was the first of the ninety-fifth Olympiad ; the authority of the Arundel Marble is sup- 
 ported by Diodorus Siculus, who says that Laches was archon that year at Athens, and 
 that Socrates was put to death the same year. 
 
 * The words of the Arundel Marble are these : 
 
 A?' cu ia-*vtiK9ov of ptrA KTPOT ANAB ANTES KAI SeoKPATHZ 4IAOO*o f trEAETifrc <O; ETH TA4A 
 ETH HAAAITH APXONTOZ A5HNHSI AAXHrOf. 
 

XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 [168] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK I. 
 
 I. Cyrus, younger son to Darius, having been calumniated to Artaxerxes, and accused of treason, returns to the 
 government, of which he was satrap, and secretly preparing to make war against his brother, assembles an 
 army, principally of Greeks, as though a different expedition was intended. II. Cyrus marches from Sardis, 
 and traverses various countries Tissaphernes repairs to the king, and informs him of the designs of Cyrus 
 Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, comes to Cyrus At her request the army is reviewed Being arrived at Tarsus. 
 Cyrus summons to his presence the Cilician king Syennesis, who, yielding to the entreaties of Epyaxa, trusts 
 himself within Cyrus's power, and assists him with sums of money. III. The mutiny of the Greeks detains 
 Cyrus twenty days at Tarsus; for, suspecting the intention of the expedition, they nearly stone to death 
 Clearchus, who was for urging them to proceed Clearchus quells their turbulence Cyrus having raised the 
 soldiers' pay, the Greeks determine to march onward with him. IV. With their arrival at Issi, arrives also the 
 fleet of Cyrus Marches through part of Syria Two commanders desert Cyrus speaks civilly of them; and 
 the soldiers, moved by his humanity and kindness, proceed with more alacrity Having advanced to Thapsa- 
 cus, Cyrus discloses to the Greeks that his expedition is designed against the king Promises to gratify the sol- 
 diers. V. Cyrus advances along the bank of the Euphrates, encountering great difficulties and losses of his 
 cattle for want of fodder, till he reaches the country over against Carmande, whence provisions are brought 
 him across the river A dangerous quarrel arises among the Greeks, but the serious exhortation of Cyrus calms 
 their animosity. VI. Orontas, a noble Persian, who had twice been reinstated in the favour of Cyrus, at- 
 tempts again to desert to the king; but on the betrayal of his treachery he is seized, and being convicted, is 
 condemned to death and executed. VII. Cyrus, having made some advance in the Babylonian territory, and 
 suspecting that the king would appear the next day, musters his troops at midnight, and holds out magnifi- 
 cent promises to the Greeks Marching on with his army in order of battle, he passes a trench dug by the 
 king, and then thinking that the latter had abandoned all intention of fighting, he proceeds with more neg- 
 ligence. VIII. Artaxerxes unexpectedly approaches with his army in excellent order Cyrus and the Greeks 
 are alarmed, and quickly arm themselves and form their line Having taken up their position, the Greeks, 
 on the first onset, easily put to flight the Barbarians opposed to them Cyrus, attended by a few faithful 
 friends, fights too eagerly, and attacking the king in person, is himself slain. IX. The character and enco- 
 mium of Cyrus. X. Artaxerxes pursues Ariaeus, and taking possession of the camp of Cyrus, plunders it 
 Thence he returns against the Greeks, who are victorious on their side The Greeks again put his army to 
 flight, and having recovered their lost baggage, retire to their camp. 
 
 [166] 
 
THE 
 
 EXPEDITION 1 OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 I. CTKTTS was the youngest son of Darius, 3 by 
 Parysatis, and brother to Artaxerxes. Darius 
 being sick, and apprehensive of his approaching 
 end, desired both his sons might attend him. 
 Artaxerxes the eldest being then present, he 
 sent for Cyrus from his government with which 
 he 4 had invested him, as 5 satrap, having also 
 
 i D'Ablancourt has thought fit to change the title 
 given by Xenophon to his history, and, instead of The 
 Expedition of Cyrus, to call it, La Retraite des dix 
 mille: the reason he gives /or it is this, he says, Things 
 ought to derive their name from that which is most re- 
 markable in them, and that the Expedition is nothing in 
 comparison to the Retreat. I own this reason does not 
 persuade me ; whatever weight it ought to have had 
 with the author, I think it should have none with a 
 translator. 
 
 a 'Av*/3*<r{uof. Every one who is conversant with the 
 Greek authors knows, that whenever they speak not 
 only of military expeditions, but even of journeys under- 
 taken by private persons from the Lesser Asia to Baby- 
 lon or Susa, the residence of the Persian kings, they use 
 the words iv*/8*viv ; the same words came afterwards 
 to be applied to the city of Rome, though more rarely. 
 Arrian, who, on his Expedition of Alexander, has follow- 
 ed our author, not only in the distribution of his work 
 into seven books, but in his style as far as he was able, 
 has also copied him in his title, calling his history also, 
 xvx&xtrts 'AX?*v f ov. Hutchinson thinks that the river 
 of that part of Asia in question falling into the ^Egean 
 and Mediterranean seas, gave occasion to these terms 
 uvx&xtvuv and x*Tss/3*vi/ ;but it is certain that almost 
 all the great rivers of that part of Asia run either to the 
 north or south, as the Halys, the Iris, the Thermodon, 
 the Tigris, and the Euphrates. 
 
 3Aafou x* IIssfuo-xTiJo;, &c. This first period is 
 much celebrated by Demetrius Phalareus, as full of dig- 
 nity and historical simplicity. 
 
 K* (rTgxTvyov SI WJTOK *-EJn$. D'Ablancourt has 
 visibly mistaken this passage ; he makes Darius consti- 
 
 appointed him general of all the people, who 
 assemble in the plain of Castolus. Hereupon, 
 Cyrus came to the court, accompanied by Tissa- 
 phernes as his friend, and attended by three 
 hundred 6 heavy-armed Greeks, under the com- 
 mand of Xenias of Parrhasie. 
 
 tute Cyrus general at his arrival at court, a sa venue ; 
 whereas it not only appears from this passage, but from 
 history also, that he was actually invested with that 
 employment when he was sent for : I wish the old Latin 
 translation, which says, prcetorem designat, did not lead 
 him into this error: Hutchinson has translated it pro- 
 perly prafectum designaverat. I said that this also ap- 
 peared from history. Our author, in his account of the 
 affairs of Greece, mentions a letter to have been written 
 by Darius to the people of Lesser Asia, six years before 
 this Expedition of Cyrus : in this letter, Darius gives 
 them notice of his having appointed Cyrus commander- 
 in-chief of those people, who assemble in the plain of 
 Castolus. The words of the letter are these : x^r*^/*? 
 
 Ku^ov xx/ixvov T&v eig KTTCU\OV ctSfOi^Cftfvatv' TO .Si xe- 
 
 * L'aTfctjri)?, though used both by Latin and Greek 
 authors, is a Persian word, and signifies a commander, 
 
 a general; S^T^KJTMI, 'A f %>)^o, O-TJ xr^xrxi, ITsf<r<xii 
 St vj A.E?I;. Hesychius. Herodotus says, Darius Hystaspes 
 appointed twenty of these governments, jx*s X*T(TT>J- 
 
 6 OjrXTa S . D'Ablancourt excuses himself for not 
 distinguishing these heavy-armed men in his translation ; 
 but I do not only think it necessary to distinguish them 
 from the light-armed, but to give some account of their 
 distinction. There are three different kinds of foot-sol- 
 diers chiefly mentioned by our author in the course of 
 this history, the isrA.ir.ii, the 4"^', and the mr*<r*t ; 
 of whom, and of their respective armour, Arrian gives 
 the following account in his Tactics: TO ^MTJXOV, says 
 he, i%' Siijssxsej, x*< i<rn-;S*s irx e xtt**sig, x* /ttt%xi. 
 e *i, < ? T, cis E\X^vc,xo6. <r e ifra-*;, <? MxJov,-. 
 The heavy-armed men have corslets, long shields, and 
 
 167 
 
168 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 After the death of Darius, and the accession 
 of Artaxerxes, 1 Tissaphernes accuses Cyrus to 
 his brother of treason. Artaxerxes gives 
 credit to the accusation, and orders Cyrus to 
 be apprehended, with a design to put him to 
 death, but his mother having saved him by 
 her intercession, sends him back to his govern- 
 ment. Cyrus, as soon as he left the court af- 
 ter this danger and disgrace, 2 deliberates by 
 what means he may no longer be subject to his 
 brother, but if possible reign in his palace. 
 In this he was 3 supported by his mother 
 
 swords, and pikes like the Greeks, and spears, like the 
 Macedonians, TO Si \{/M>V evxvniaretTov ?%s r 
 jr*v } on trig aviu Stof *xos, x ao-viSo;, x 
 
 <rv, H XOVTOS, >) <r$svoi/<*?, n X3-fl(j tx. %sgt>5. The 
 light-armed men are armed in a quite different manner 
 from the heavy armed ; they have no corslets, or shields, 
 greaves, or helmets, but altogether make use of mis- 
 sive weapons, such as arrows, darts, and stones thrown 
 by slings, and out of the hand. TO $t 7rt\ra<mx.ov $'i xou- 
 
 ^OTSgOV fi-V TVy%,OtVll Ol TOU OTTXlTJXOU' Y t yxg TTtKrtt ) <T/*I- 
 JCfOTSgOV TJJJ OSO-TTiJoS Sf X*<f>OTOV, X T XOVT( TWV 
 
 SofTuiv Ss <r(>Hr<riuv Xstsrojusva, &UVTt$ov Ss TOU 4"*-"* 
 The targeteers are armed in a lighter manner than the 
 heavy armed men, for their bucklers are smaller and 
 lighter than the shields of the latter, and their darts shor- 
 ter than their pikes and spears ; but their armour is heav- 
 ier than that of the light-armed. These three kinds of 
 foot-soldiers are so often mentioned by Xenophon to 
 have been employed by the Greek generals and parti- 
 cularly by himself upon different occasions, according 
 to the difference of their armour and manner of fighting, 
 that I thought it necessary at first to give the reader a 
 clear idea of that difference. 
 
 i T*o-(raip ifvm>. This is the same Tissaphernes, over 
 whom Alcibiades gained so great an ascendant, that he 
 governed him not only in his politics, but in his plea- 
 sures. We shall find him in the course of this history 
 at the head of the Persian army, that endeavoured in 
 vain to cut off the retreat of the Greeks. But the 
 treachery he was guilty of in relation to the Greek 
 generals, after they had incautiously put themselves in 
 his hands, must render his name so odious, that it may 
 not be unacceptable to the reader to be informed of his 
 fate after this history leaves him. Agesilaus being sent 
 by the Lacedaemonians at the head of an army into 
 Asia, and having gained many advantages over the 
 Persians, Artaxerxes looked upon Tissaphernes as the 
 cause of the ill success of his arms ; and being incensed 
 against him by Parysatis, in revenge for his behaviour 
 to Cyrus, he appointed Tithraustes to succeed him in 
 his government, with orders to cutoff his head: this 
 happened in the first year of the ninety-sixth Olympiad, 
 that is, about five years after the expedition of Cyrus. 
 
 BB3UMUITS.I <S; yxa-ST, T< <rT* TO, *lX<f W . T 
 
 is rendered by D'Ablancourt il songea. aux moyens de se 
 vengerde cet affront, which many be a translation of any 
 other passage, as well as of this. 
 
 3 n ?U o-*T(j plv !i iUHTH ? ujnjefc' TW Kufo., &c. Leun- 
 clavius has translated this passage as if usr*e%, signified 
 here et^l in the same sense as Plutarch uses the word, 
 
 Parysatis, who had a greater love for Cyrus 
 than for the king Artaxerxes ; and when any 
 persons belonging to the court resorted to him, 
 he sent them back more disposed to favour 
 him than the king. Besides, he took so great 
 care of the Barbarians \vho were with him, 
 as to render them both good soldiers, and af- 
 fectionate to his service : he also levied an 
 army of Greeks with all possible secrecy, that 
 might find the king in no degree prepared to 
 resist him. And whenever he recruited the 
 garrisons that were dispersed in the several 
 cities under his command, he ordered each of 
 their officers to enlist as many Peloponnesians 
 as possible, and of those the best men they 
 could get, under pretence that Tissaphernes 
 had a design upon those cities. For the cities 
 of Ionia formerly belonged to Tissaphernes, 
 having been given to him by the king, but at 
 that time they had all revolted from him to 
 Cyrus, except 4 Miletus; the inhabitants of 
 which being engaged in the same design, and 
 Tissaphernes having early notice of their in- 
 tentions, put some of them to death, and ban- 
 nished others ; these Cyrus received, and rais- 
 ing an army besieged Miletus both by sea and 
 land, endeavouring to restore the banished 
 citizens: thus Re made another pretence for 
 raising an army ; and sending to the king, he 
 desired, that, as he was his brother, he might 
 have the command of these cities rather than 
 Tissaphernes. In this also he was assisted by 
 his mother ; so that the king was not sensible 
 of the design that was formed against him but 
 looking upon these preparations as directed 
 against Tissaphernes, was under no concern 
 at their making war upon one another ; for 
 
 speaking of this very thing, >i s> fitir^^ usnj^ 
 TOV KDfov $\ou<rx ; but every body knows that u-sraf %M 
 with a dative case, signifies to favour : Hutchinson has 
 said very properly mater a Cyri partibus stetit. D'Ab- 
 lancourt has thought fit to leave out this' period entire- 
 ly- 
 
 4 MJMTOU. A considerable city of Ionia, not far 
 from the mouth of the Meander : at the time of the 
 Trojan war it was inhabited, according to Homer, by 
 the Carians, whom he mentions among tne allies of 
 Troy. 
 
 Naa-T>j; o Kxfwv vyya-ttro &ot(ijSxt>oq<avuiv 
 
 Ol MlX^TOV %<5V. 
 
 This town, having revolted from the Persians, at the 
 instigation of Aristagoras, was retaken by them six 
 years after that revolt. About sixty-seven years after 
 the time our author speaks of, Alexander took Miletus, 
 after a brave resistance from the garrison, consisting of 
 three hundred Greeks, then in the service of the king 
 of Persia. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 169 
 
 Cyrus sent the king all the taxes that were 
 raised in those cities,, which had been under 
 the govern men* of Tissaphernes. 
 
 He had also another army raised for him in 
 the Chersonesus, over against Abydus, in this 
 manner. There was a banished Lacedaemo- 
 nian, his name Clearchus ; Cyrus, becoming 
 acquainted with him, ! admired the man, 
 and made him a present of ten thousand 2 da- 
 
 1 'tiyx<r$n ri XVT'UV. Ayxfuxt' $ctvft&w. Phavorinus. 
 In this sense I have translated it, though I must own 
 I am pleased with what D'Ablancourt says, Cyrus Ic 
 ffouta. As Clearchus makes a considerable figure in this 
 expedition, our author has given his character at the 
 end of the second book ; but there being some particu- 
 lars relating to him mentioned in Diodorus Siculus, 
 which are not there taken notice of, I thought the read- 
 er might not be displeased to be informed of them, for 
 which reason I have mentioned them in the introduc- 
 tion. 
 
 aAos^Eixouj. The darick was a Persian gold coin. 
 Suidas, Harpocration, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes, 
 say it was of equal value with the Attick jc^uo-oCs, or 
 with twenty silver drachms, that is, the 5th part of a 
 silver mine, sixty of which made a talent, which last 
 amounted to 193 : 15 : sterling ; so that 10,000 daricks 
 will make 33 talents and l-3d, or .6458 : 6 : 8 of -our 
 money. On the reverse f this coin was an archer, 
 which gave occasion to Agesilaus to say, that he was 
 driven out of Asia by thirty thousand archers, meaning 
 so many daricks distributed among the Greek cities by 
 the king of Persia. The authors before mentioned in- 
 form us that this coin did not derive its name from Darius, 
 the father to Xerxes, but from another more ancient 
 king: who that should be, is not BO well understood, 
 since Darius Hystaspes, the father to Xerxes, and one 
 of the seven Persian noblemen, who. put the Magi to 
 death, was the first Persian king of that name. I am 
 sensible Prideaux'is of opinion, that Cyaxares, brother 
 to Mandane, and uncle to the first Cyrus, is Darius the 
 Mede mentioned by Daniel, from whom, he says, this 
 coin took its name, and who caused it to be struck at 
 Babylon during the two years he reigned there ; but 
 Xenophon, in his Cyropa?dia, mentions some of this 
 coin to have been found, among other riches, by Cyrus, 
 in a castle belonging to Gobryas, even before the taking 
 of Babylon by the Medes and Persians. Sir Isaac New- 
 ton thinks that Darius the Mede, when he and Cyrus 
 took Sardis, melted down all the Lydian money he 
 found there, and re-coined it with his own effigies. But 
 Xenophon speaks of daricks upon the occasion already 
 mentioned even before the taking of Sardis, which pre 
 ceded that of Babylon. It is not possible this could have 
 escaped a man, to whom nothing either in history or 
 nature was unknown ; it is much more probable that he 
 looked upon it as an anticipation in Xenophon, which 
 opinion, I find, prevails with some learned men. There 
 is however a passage in Herodotus in Melpomene, 
 which almost inclines one to think, that Darius Hystas- 
 pes was the author of this coin, notwithstanding what 
 Suidas, Harpocration, and the Scholiast of Aristophanes 
 say to the contrary ; he says there, that Darius Hystas- 
 pes refined gold to all the pureness that was possible, 
 and coined it into money, AXCSIOJ /4-v %e-.<r/oi/ xxyx 
 rzrav ^^o-*; si; TO 'SvvxruTarov, vlftHrft* sxo-|a 
 
 15 
 
 ricks ; with which money Clearchus raised an 
 army, and marching out of the Chersonesus, 
 made war upon the Thracians, who inhabit 
 above the Hellespont, which, being a great 
 advantage to the Greeks, induced the cities 
 upon the Hellespont to subsist his forces with 
 greater cheerfulness. Thus was this army also 
 secretly maintained for his service. Aristip- 
 pus of Thessaly, between whom and Cyrus 
 there was an intercourse of 3 hospitality, being 
 oppressed by a contrary faction at home, came 
 to him, demanding two thousand mercenaries, 
 and their pay for three months, in hope, by 
 their assistance, to subdue his adversaries. Cy- 
 rus granted him four thousand men, and six 
 months' pay, desiring him to come to no terms 
 with his adversaries without 4 consulting him. 
 In this manner the army in Thessaly was also 
 privately maintained for his use. At the same 
 time he ordered Proxenus, the Boeotian, a friend 
 of his, to attend with all the men he could raise, 
 giving it out that he designed to make war 
 upon the 5 Pisidians, who, it was said, infested 
 his country. He then ordered Sophsenetus the 
 
 Now it is certain that all authors celebrate the daricks 
 for the fineness of the gold ; and, a few lines before, the 
 same author says, Darius did this with a view of leav- 
 ing behind him such a monument as no other king had 
 done, fivitftbtrvvov iavrw X5T(r3-: TOUTO TO pq CC/.A.W ii'jj 
 
 3 51, 
 
 &/?. Phavorinus. In the same manner hospes, every 
 one knows, has both an active and passive signification. 
 These rites of hospitality were of ancient date, and of 
 so sacred a nature, that Jupiter himself was thought to 
 preside over them, and to punish the violations commit- 
 ted against them, for which reason he was called 5svcf; 
 with whom Ulysses in Homer endeavours, to very little 
 purpose, to threaten Polypheme. 
 
 Zi. s S'tTTiTiftti-roif .XITXUV TI Zeivuv rs 
 Suvtog, o? %H>Qnriv xu' xiSsiourtv oirrftt. 
 This tradition Virgil has, among many others, transplant- 
 ed into his ^Eneid ; where the unhappy Dido, when she 
 first entertained her Trojan guest, implored the favour of 
 Jupiter : 
 
 Jupiter, hospitibus nam te dare Jura loquuntur. 
 Pliny has translated Jti'to,-, hospitalis, in the account he 
 gives of a statue of Jupiter under that denomination; 
 this statue was the work of Pamphilus a disciple of 
 Praxiteles, and to be seen in the collection of Asinius 
 Pollio. The same word signifies mercenaries a little 
 lower, whence comes %tvne\iea-5xi, ^*o-3-o<yo^eiv, *i>o S; 
 of fturd-a^og 01. Harpocration. 
 
 * 2u/iSou\iio->)Tai. The difference between <rvf*.Zov\!ve. 
 o-3-ai, and a-jf*Zou\i(ifiv, appears very particularly from a 
 passage in Herodotus in Polyhymnia, o-u^Soo^suc^.'vou 
 TI xv cro^?suXsuirs< T* xgunx , where the former signifies 
 to ask advice, and the latter to give it. 
 
 s lif art-;*.. The Pisidians inhabited the mountainous 
 part of Asia Minor, which lies between the Phrygian?, 
 Lydians, and Carians, to whom they were very trouble 
 some neighbours. 
 
 w 
 
170 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 Stymphalian, and Socrates the Achaian, with 
 whom also he had an intercourse of hospitality, 
 to come to him with as many men as they 
 could raise, pretending to make war upon Tis- 
 saphernes, in conjunction with the banished 
 Milesians. These too obeyed his commands. 
 
 Having now determined to march into the 
 Upper Asia, he pretended his design was to 
 drive the Pisidians entirely out of the country : 
 and, as against them, he assembles there both 
 his Barbarian and Greek forces ; commanding 
 at the same time Clearchus with all his troops 
 to attend him, and Aristippus to come to an 
 agreement with his fellow-citizens, and send 
 his army to him. He also appointed Xenias 
 the Arcadian who had command of the merce- 
 naries in the several cities, to come to him with 
 all his men, leaving only sufficient garrisons in 
 the citadels. He next ordered all the troops 
 that were employed in the siege of Miletus, 
 together with the banished citizens, to join 
 him, 1 engaging to the last, if his expedition was 
 attended with success not to lay down his arms, 
 till he had restored them. These cheerfully 
 obeyed him (for they gave credit to what he 
 said), and, taking their arms with them, came 
 to Sardes. Xenias also came thither with the 
 garrisons he had drawn out of the cities, con- 
 sisting of four thousand heavy-armed men. 
 Proxenus brought with him fifteen hundred 
 heavy-armed and five hundred 2 light-armed 
 men. Sophaenetus, the Stymphalian, a thousand 
 heavy-armed ; Socrates, the Achaian, about 
 five hundred heavy-armed ; Pasion, the Maga- 
 rean, seven hundred men. Both he and So- 
 crates were among those who were employed 
 in the siege of Miletus. These came to him 
 to 3 Sardes, Tissaphernes observing all this, and 
 looking upon these preparations as greater than 
 were necessary against the Pisidians, went 4 to 
 the king with all the haste he could, taking 
 
 1 Ttroo-xo/Ktvoj auroif il xxA.x'5 xxTXTrg xziiiv '>' 
 
 io-Tf *TiitTO, w x- e s<r$ev Kxv<rxtrSz<, nfiv, &.c. This sen- 
 tence is thus translated by D'Ablancourt, ovcc assurance 
 de ne plus faire d'entreprisc avant leur retablissement, 
 which is so apparently foreign from the author's sense, 
 that it is unnecessary to make any observations upon it. 
 
 a Tuuviir*. These are the same with \}/x.o, mention- 
 ed above. 
 
 s ZxgSsic. Sardes was the capital of Lydia, and the 
 seat of its kings ; the first Cyrus took it after a siege of 
 fourteen days, and in it Croesus, after he had reigned as 
 many years. It was afterwards set on fire by the loni- 
 a:is. and with it the temple of the goddess Cybele ; which 
 was the pretence afterwards made use of by Xerxes for 
 burning the temples of the Greeks. 
 
 * 'ily &*(rt\-:z,. wj is frequently used by the Attic 
 
 with him about five hundred horse; and the 
 king being informed by Tissaphernes of the 
 intended 5 expedition of Cyrus; prepared him- 
 self to oppose him. 
 
 Cyrus, with the forces I have mentioned, 
 marched from Sardes ; and advancing through 
 Lydia in 6 three days, made twenty-two ? para- 
 sangs, as far as the river Maeander. This 
 
 
 writers for srgoj, which possibly may be understood. In 
 this sense it is employed in the first of those two verses 
 which Pompey repeated, when he put himself in the 
 hands of Ptolemy, king of Egypt. 
 
 'O<TTj yxg <af rvgttvvov iftTrogiuntti 
 KEIVOU VT JouXo; xxv iX.ivS'sjos /*OX.I). 
 s Tov Ku^cu (TTOX-ov. STO^OJ x* TO 7ritx.ov crrpxTiVftct. 
 Suidas. K.XI y\ $> y>jf a-ogiKt. Phavorinus. The author 
 first mentioned quotes a passage out of Arrian, in which 
 er-Toxoj is taken in the same sense our author uses it io 
 
 this place. Sirogsexis pxStuv TOV 0-TOX.ov frsto-iKluis iirl Tqv 
 MUTOU s ix^Tsixi/ yivofitvov } ifyvye. 
 
 s TC7tou; rgii$. I have said three days' march, in 
 the same manner as the Roman authors say, tertiis cas- 
 tris, without any regard to the particular distance from 
 one place to another, but only to the motion of the army. 
 In this I am confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, who speak- 
 ing of the march of the Greek army in their retreat 
 through the country of the Mosyncecians, explains OXTU> 
 o-T*3>ouj, mentioned by our author upon that occasion, 
 
 by (V YlftlfXt; OXTW. 
 
 * IIf tttrayytts. Tlttfaeroiyytis, ftngov oSo : j rf <XOVT 
 ar-rxSiov; s%ov. Hesychiua. Herodotus says the same 
 thing. On the other hand, Strabo says, some make it 
 sixty, others thirty or forty stadia; but this may in 
 some degree be reconciled by the Etymological Lexicon, 
 which explains it thus, vxf a<ryy*i } T<JIXOVT trraSi* 
 TTXQX riifirxt;, ITXQ' AiyvTTTKUf ' l^xai/roe ; SO that the ' 
 parasang was thirty stadia among the Persians, and 
 sixty among the Egyptians : but as the march of the 
 Greek army, described by our author, -lay through Per- 
 sia, there can be no doubt but he followed their account, 
 It may not be improper to observe, that a stadium con 
 tains one hundred ogyvixt or fathoms, TTX$IOV b%y\>ta,i 
 SXXTCV Phavorinus, that is, 600 feet, cgyuix, being ac- 
 cording to the same author, >j IX.TKO-IS ru>v %stfu>v <ri>v T<U 
 TrKxrn <TT>I-&CV, that is, a fathom. I know very well, 
 that the Greek foot contained .0875 decimals more than 
 an English foot, so that whoever has a mind to be exact, 
 must compute according to that fraction. As the para- 
 sang, stadium, and plethrum are frequently mentioned in 
 the course of this history, I thought it proper to explain 
 them at first, that we may have done with them : the pie- 
 thrum has not yet been taken notice of: Suidas says it 
 contains one hundred feet, =%?< St TO wxscrjov rrc/.^j ^'; 
 or, as both he and Phavorinus affirm, together with the 
 Greek scholiast upon this passage of Homer, where he 
 speaks of Tityus 
 
 'O S' 45r' IVVSX XtlYo JTJ\t3-f*, 
 
 TO TO ; J o-Tssd'jou SXTOV ,<*t( c., ; the sixth part of a stadium, 
 that is, one hundred feet. As the Latin tongue has no 
 word to express a-Kiygov in this sense, with accuracy, 
 jugerum, signifying a square measure, (though I am 
 sensible the poets use it also for jrx^t ") the Latin 
 translators have thought themselves under a necessity of 
 using the word plethrum : I hope I shall also be allowed 
 to use the words parasang, stadium, and plethrnm, after 
 having explained them. 
 
EXPEDITION C)F CYRUS. 
 
 171 
 
 river is two plethra in breadth ; and having a 
 bridge over it, supported by seven boats, he 
 passed over, and advanced through Phrygia, 
 making in one day's march eight parasangs, to 
 Colosea, a large city, rich and well inhabited, 
 where he staid seven days, when Menon the 
 Thessalian, came to him, with a thousand 
 heavy-armed men, and five hundred targeteers, 
 consisting of Dolopians, .^Enians, and Olyn- 
 thians. From thence he made, in three days' 
 march, twenty parasangs to Celaenas, a city of 
 Phrygia, large, rich, and well inhabited. Here 
 the palace of Cyrus stood, with a large * park 
 full of wild beasts, which Cyrus hunted on 
 horse-back, when he had a mind to exercise 
 himself and his horses. Through the middle 
 of this park runs the river Mseander, but the 
 head of it rises in the palace ; it runs also 
 through the city of Celsnee. There is besides 
 a fortified palace belonging to the 2 great king in 
 Celsenae, at the head of the river Marsyas, under 
 the citadel. This river likewise runs through 
 the city, and falls into the Mseander. the Mar- 
 syas is twenty-five feet broad : here Apollo is 
 said to have slain Marsyas, whom contending 
 with him 3 in music, he had overcome, and to 
 have hung up his skin in the cave, from whence 
 the springs flow : for this reason the river is 
 called Marsyas. Here Xerxes, when he fled 
 from Greece after his defeat, is said to have 
 built both this palace and the citadel of Ce- 
 Isense. Here Cyrus staid thirty days, and hither 
 Clearchus the banished Lacedaemonian came 
 with a thousand heavy-aimed men, five hundred 
 Thracian 4 targeteers, and two hundred Cretan 
 
 i n***<rc,-; This word is, no doubt, of Persian 
 original, and like many other Persian words, as Julius 
 Pollus says, commonly used by the Greeks. These 
 parks, planted with stately forest and fruit-trees of ev- 
 ery kind, well watered and slocked with plenty of wild 
 beasts, were very deservedly in great request among 
 the Persians. Plutarch tells us, that Tissaphernes, to 
 show his opinion of the elegance of Alcibiades's taste, 
 gave this name to that which belonged to him. The 
 ecclesiastical writers after St. Jerome have thought fit 
 to translate the garden of Eden in Moses, Paradisus 
 voluptatis; and the Septuagint lv TW x-xexZiKrw T^JIS, 
 making Eden an appellative, though they oftener make 
 it a proper name. The English translation says the 
 garden of Eden, which agrees with the Hebrew. 
 
 sMjyxou (SariXs'-off. This is the title given by all 
 the Greek authors to the king of Persia, which is pre- 
 served to the successors of Mahomet in that of the 
 Grand Seignior. 
 
 lit ^1 c-oipj!*;. Hutchinson has proved from several 
 authorities that <ro$* in this place signifies skill in mu- 
 sic, rather than wisdom. 
 
 * rif\TecrT!e*. Here 7rt\rxTTxt seems to be taken in 
 
 archers. At the same time Sosias the Syra- 
 cusan came with a thousand heavy-armed men, 
 and Sophaenetus the Arcadian with a thousand 
 more. Here Cyrus reviewed the Greeks in 
 the park, and took an account of their num- 
 bers; they amounted in the whole to eleven 
 thousand heavy-armed men, and about two 
 thousand targeteers. 
 
 From hence Cyrus made in two days' march 
 ten parasangs, and arrived at Peltaa, a city 
 well inhabited : there he staid three days, dur- 
 ing which Xenias the Arcadian solemnized the 
 5 Lupercalian sacrifice, and celebrated a game ; 
 the prizes were golden 6 scrapers ; at this game 
 Cyrus was present. From thence he made in 
 two marches twelve parasangs, and came to 
 the market of the Cramians, a city well inhab- 
 ited, the last of the country of Mysia. From 
 thence he made in three days' march thirty pa- 
 rasangs, and arrived at a well peopled city, call- 
 ed 7 the Plain of Caystrus, where he staid five 
 days. There was now due to the soldiers 
 above three months' pay, which they, coming 
 often to 8 his door, demanded. He continued 
 to give them hopes, and was visibly concerned ; 
 for he was not of a temper to deny money, 
 when he had it. Hither Epyaxa, the wife to 
 Syennesis king of the Cilicians, came to Cyrus ; 
 
 a comprehensive sense, and to include all those who 
 were not heavy-armed men. 
 
 * T* Auxaia. This was an Arcadian sacrifice, insti- 
 tuted in honor of Pan, and brought by Evander into 
 Italy, when he, with his followers, settled upon the 
 Palatine Hill. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, from whom 
 I have this, adds, that after the sacrifice was over, the 
 priests ran through the streets naked all but their mid- 
 dle, which was covered with the skins of the victims 
 newly sacrificed ; this sacrifice, he says, continued to 
 his time, which is confirmed by Dion Cassius and Pln- 
 tarch. Virgil has taken notice of this circumstance of the 
 Lupercalian priests running naked, among the other 
 points of history, with which the shield of ^Eneas is 
 embellished. 
 
 Hie exultantes Sahos, nudosque Lupercos, 
 Lanigerosque apices, et lapsa ancilia coelo 
 Extuderat. 
 
 s Zr?.iyyt$i;. In Latin, strigiles. They were instru- 
 ments used in bathing, both by the Greeks and Ro- 
 mans; with these they scraped their bodies. D'Ablar.- 
 court has rendered it, des etrilles d'or ; for which he 
 makes an excuse : the best I can make for the word I 
 have made use of is. that I know no other. 
 
 t Kauo-Tfcu mSif.'. D'Ablancourt suspects this pas- 
 sage to be corrupted : but Hutchinson says, this plain 
 may very probably have given name to the city. 
 
 s 'IOVTEJ i-n-t TXS 3-u jsc. The custom of attending at 
 the door of the kings of Persia, was introduced by the 
 first Cyrus, as wefind in theCyropoedia, O-JTU>XI wvrti 
 
 iroiovtriv t>i X.XTX, TV,V 'A<riav va-fl iZxcri'^it ovrtg $g xtrivvviri 
 
 T ? ruiv ttfwvrw S-upac. It was in use as long as the 
 Persian empire. Thiscomplirnentwaspaidtothesatrnps 
 
172 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 it was said she made him a present of great 
 sums of money. Cyrus therefore gave the 
 army four months' pay at that time. The Ci- 
 lician queen had a guard of Cilicians and As- 
 pendians , and Cyrus was reported to have an 
 amour with her. 
 
 From thence he made, in two days' march, 
 ten parasangs, and came to the city of 1 Thym- 
 brium, a town well inhabited. Here was a 
 fountain near the road, called the fountain of 
 Midas, king of Phrygia, where Midas is said to 
 have 2 caught the satyr, by mixing the fountain 
 with wine. From thence he made, in two 
 days' march, ten parasangs, and arrived at Ty- 
 riseum, a populous town, where he staid three 
 days. And here, it is said, the Cilician queen 
 desired Cyrus to show her his army ; in com- 
 pliance therefore with her request, Cyrus re- 
 viewed in the plain, both his Greek and Bar- 
 barian forces ; ordering the Greeks to dispose 
 themselves, according to their custom, and 
 stand in order of battle, and that each of the 
 commanders should draw up his own men ; so 
 they were drawn up 3 four deep. Menon had 
 the right with his people, and Clearchus the 
 left with his men ; the rest of the generals be- 
 ing in the centre. First therefore Cyrus viewed 
 the Barbarians, (they marched by him drawn 
 up in troops 4 and companies,) then the Greeks, 
 Cyrus driving by them on a car, and the Cili- 
 cian queen in a chariot. 5 They had all brazen 
 helmets, scarlet vests, greaves, and burnished 
 
 as well as to the kings. It is possible the name of 
 the Port given to the court of the Grand Seignior was 
 derived from hence, rather than from the great gate 
 leading to the seraglio, as is generally thought. 
 
 i QvpSfiav. A town of Phrygia. 
 
 s 0>iesy<ra. I have translated this in the same man- 
 ner as if our author had said xe.v, which is the word 
 made use of by Maximus Tyrius, speaking of this ad- 
 venture ; /.a/uavsj TOV EiTujov xsfi(rs Oivto xftjviji'. 
 For this reason I am of opinion, that satyrum venatus 
 is not so proper in Leunclaviusand Hutchinson. 
 
 i ETI rsTTKfjov. This is what Arrian in his Tactics 
 calls TJ}V rij-iv sxTsiVai liri ri<r<rx^g. Leunclavius and 
 Hutchinson have said, in quaternis dispositi, which, I 
 think, signifies rather that they were drawn up in pla- 
 toons of four men each. D'Ablancourt is much clearer, 
 a quatre de hauteur. 
 
 * x*r' ix.a,-, x.xi xctr rx^ng. H^j) in Greek, and 
 turma in Latin, are proper to the horse, as Tsef and 
 cohors are to the foot; though I know there are some 
 examples where the two last are applied to the horse 
 also ; however in this place there can be no doubt but 
 Ta^ei,- signifies companies of foot. 
 
 'A..t/*ar^j. Plutarch employs this word for a 
 close carriage used by women. D'Ablaneourt has not 
 distinguished it in his translation from */**<. 
 
 shields. After he had 6 passed by them all 
 he stopped his car in the centre of the front 
 and sending Pigres his interpreter to tht 
 Greek generals, he ordered the whole line" 
 to present their pikes and advance in order of 
 battle : these conveyed his orders to the sol 
 diers ; who, when the trumpets sounded, pre 
 sented their pikes and advanced ; then, march 
 ing 8 faster than ordinary, with shouts, ran ot 
 their own accord to the tents. Upon this 
 many of the Barbarians were seized with fear ; 
 the Cilician queen quitted her chariot, and 
 fled ; and the sutlers leaving their commodi- 
 ties, ran away ; the Greeks not without 
 laughter, repaired to their tents. The Cili- 
 cian queen, seeing the lustre and order of their 
 army, was in admiration, and Cyrus pleased to 
 see the terror with which the Greeks had 
 struck the Barbarians. 
 
 Thence, in three days' march, he made twen- 
 ty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last 
 city of Phrygia, where he staid three days. 
 Thence he made in five days' march, thirty 
 parasangs through Lycaonia ; which being an 
 enemy's country, he gave the Greeks leave to 
 plunder it. From hence he sent the Cilician 
 queen into Cilicia the shortest .way, and ap- 
 pointed Menon the Thessalian, himself, with 
 his soldiers, to escort her. Cyrus, with the 
 rest of the army, moved on through Cappa- 
 docia, and in four days' march, made five and 
 twenty parasangs to Dana, a large and rich 
 city, well inhabited. Here he staid three days, 
 during which he put to death Megaphernes, 
 a Persian, one of his courtiers, 9 with another 
 
 s 'E?r5 TrxvTctg 3ragijA.(T. This is rendered by D'Ab- 
 lancourt, apres les avoir contemple. 
 
 t ngoaA.6o-3-* T oTi-xa,. There is a passage quoted 
 by Suidas out of Demosthenes in his first Philippic, in 
 which 7rf5c*xx.<r-S- is used in the same sense our au- 
 thor uses it here, JT^oSa\;u<rcroi Si -rets X'e*S x* *** 
 iriiv ivotvTtav OUTS oiStv } OUTS id-sxsi, where Suidas ex- 
 plains 5T{fl6*XX.ea-3'<i TJ jesi^cej by w^OTS*va rxg %.nfx; 
 
 ..', us iJ.y.-^v ; so that TT^UKKCV TO, oTrKx will be the 
 same with x*3-sj T Si>gT, a word of command men- 
 tioned by Arrian in his Tactics. D'Ablancourt has, I 
 I think, said very properly qu'ilsjissent baisser les pi- 
 ques. 
 
 0TTOv. I am sensible that SKTTOV is not always 
 used in a comparative sense ; it sometimes, though 
 rarely, signifies no more than fZSug, T*%SO>S, as Hesy- 
 chius explains it; however, it is generally used in the 
 sense I have given it by the Attic writers, KTTOV 'AT. 
 Tixoi- T a%iov, EX\!IVSC. Phavorinus. 
 
 * 4ov<xrT>jv fjao-jAsiov. I have never met with t'so 
 wordfouMxio-Ti-sin any author butXenophon,or in any 
 Lexicon ancient or modern, but Hesychius, whoqviotes 
 this passage without explaining it; so that the readers 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 173 
 
 person who had a principal command, accus- 
 ing them of treachery. Thence they prepared 
 to penetrate into Cilicia ; the entrance l was 
 just broad enough for a chariot to pass, very 
 steep, and inaccessible to an army, if there had 
 been any opposition ; and, Syennesis was said 
 to have possessed himself of the eminences, 
 in order to guard the pass ; for which reason, 
 Cyrus staid one day in the plain. The day 
 after, news was brought by a messenger that 
 Syennesis had quitted the eminences, upon 
 information that both Menon's army were in 
 Cilicia, within the mountains, and also that 
 Tamos was 2 sailing round from Ionia to 
 Cilicia with the galleys that belonged to the 
 Lacedaemonians, and to Cyrus, who immedi- 
 ately marched up the mountains without op- 
 position, and 3 made himself master of the 
 tents, in which the Cilicians lay to oppose his 
 passage. From thence he descended into 
 a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and 
 full of all sorts of trees and vines ; abounding 
 in 4 sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and barley ; 
 and is surrounded with a strong and high ridge 
 of hills from sea to sea. 
 
 and translators are left to shift for themselves as well as 
 they can. Leunclavius and Hutchinson have said re- 
 gium purpureo tinctorem, which I can by no means 
 approve of, since the king's purple dyer does neither 
 seem to be a proper person to attend Cyrus in a mili- 
 tary expedition, neither does he appear a proper ac- 
 complice in a design of this nature, with so considerable 
 a person as the other is represented. D'Ablancourt 
 has said maitre de sa garderobe; this indeed answers 
 the two objections I made to the other interpretation, 
 but I am apt to believe, if Xenophon had designed to 
 denote any particular notice, he would have made use 
 of the article, and have said rov <povixi<n->jv *o-x.iov. 
 H. Stephens has employed a very classical word, purpu- 
 ratus, which answers properly to <pov*, whence, $>o<- 
 v<xa~t>ij is derived ; this is the sense I have given to the 
 word^ though I am very far from being fond of it. 
 
 i *H Si fio-SoXi). This is the pass which Arrian calls 
 rx; rruXas T>jf KJX.JXI*;, which Alexander possessed 
 himself of, as he marched into Cilicia to engage Darius. 
 The day before, he encamped in the place, where we 
 now find Cyrus, X^JXO^EVOJ, says Arrian, TO iCogoo 
 TOO guv = VO$COVT o-Tf*T05T63'oi', where he left Parmenion, 
 when he went himself to attack the pass. 
 
 a nsg5r\ou<rsej. Hutchinson very justly observes, 
 that 7T$t7r\nv is properly used by Xenophon to describe 
 the course a ship must take from the coast of Ionia to 
 that of Cilicia ; but this has not been preserved either in 
 his or Leunclavius's translation, any more than in that of 
 D'Ablancourt. 
 
 3 'EiX. I have followed the conjecture of Muretus, 
 who reads ^sixs instead of uSs, in which I am supported 
 by Hutchinson. 
 
 4 EHO-X^OV. This plant is common in the Levant, 
 and is called by Tonrnefort, digitalis orientalis; of the 
 eeed of which they make an oil, that is good to eat, and 
 
 15* 
 
 After he had left the mountains, he advanced 
 through the plain, and having made five and 
 twenty parasangs in four days' march, arrived 
 at 5 Tarsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia, 
 where stood the palace of Syennesis king of 
 Cilicia ; having the river 6 Cydnus running 
 through the middle of it, and is two hundred 
 feet in breadth. This city was 7 abandoned by 
 the inhabitants, who, with Syennesis, fled to a 
 fastness upon the mountains, those only except- 
 ed who kept the public houses : but the inhabi- 
 tants of 8 Soli and Issi, who lived near the sea, 
 did not quit their habitations. Epyaxa, the 
 
 for several other uses. Panic and millet are so like one 
 another, that they are scarce to be distinguished but by 
 the manner in which they bring forth their grain, the 
 former bearing it in ears, and the latter in bunches ; 
 they both make very bad bread, and are chiefly used to 
 fat fowls. D'Ablancourt has thought fit to render this 
 period by remplie de toutes sortes de fruits et de grains ; 
 but his reason for it is still more curious than his trans- 
 lation. I was so much entertained with the vivacity of 
 it, that I caunot help transcribing his words: Je Fai 
 tranche, says he, en deuz mots, pour ne pas venir a un 
 detail ennuyeux. 
 
 s T*g<rouy. Tarsus, a considerable city of Cicilia, was 
 built by Sardanapalus, who built both that and Anchia- 
 lus, another city not far from it, in one day; which, 
 though incredible to those who do not consider how 
 many millions of men the Assyrian kings had at their 
 command, is however attested by an Assyrian inscrip- 
 tion, which Arrian has translated. This inscription was, 
 it seems, engraved on the monument of this prince, upon 
 which stood his statue, in the attitude of a person who 
 expresses a contempt, with his hands clapped together, 
 or, as Strabo says, I think more probably, by seeming to 
 snap his fingers. The sense of this inscription is so very 
 philosophical, that I cannot omit it, though at the same 
 time, the phrase is so very libertine, that I shall not 
 translate it. a J*va-*xo; \j Avx.wSitf *ou 7rj, A(- 
 %i*\ot/ x*< Tx^a-ov u ^tif^ifu fuse, (Si ijctaro. <ro Si, w j-vs, 
 0-5<, xse* TTive, x 7Tt?e, Vf T' AAa T v.j-p:o5r<v* oux 
 OVTX TOUTOU <: instead of ?rti, others read e%su, 
 which Arrian says is the sense of the Assyrian word : 
 and which Plutarch, speaking of this inscription, has 
 rendered by *VfoStrtxf. 
 
 e KvSvo;. This river rises out of mount Taurus and 
 running through a clean country, is remarkable for the 
 coldness and clearness of its stream ; this tempted Alex- 
 ander after a long and sultry march to bathe in it, which 
 had like to have put an end both to bis life and his vic- 
 tories ; but the care of his physician, or the strength of 
 his constitution, soon recovered him, and once more let 
 him loose upon mankind. 
 
 i EJ-fXia-ov, &c. I agree entirely with Hutchinoon 
 against Leunclavius and Stephens, that there is no neces- 
 sity of having recourse to qvyovn ? or of any thing of that 
 kind to perfect this sentence. These aposiopeses are 
 frequent in the Attic writers. 
 
 * Z'.-.-.t ;, This city was afterwards called Pompeiopo- 
 lis. It was formerly a colony of the Athenians, who for- 
 getting by length of time their mother-tongue, or at 
 least the grammar of it, spoke a barbarous language, 
 from whom the word solecism, so dreadful in the ears 
 of school boys, took its name. 
 
174 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 wife of Syennesis came to Tarsus five days 
 before Cyrus. In the passage over the moun- 
 tains into the plain, two companies of Menon's 
 army were missing. It was said by some, that, 
 while they were intent on plunder, they were 
 cut off by the Cilicians, and by others, that 
 being left behind, and unable to find the rest 
 of the army, or gain the road, they wan- 
 dered about the country, and were destroyed. 
 1 The number of these amounted to one hun- 
 dred heavy-armed men. The rest, as soon as 
 they arrived, resenting the loss of their com- 
 panions, plundered both the city of Tarsus, 
 and the palace that stood there. Cyrus, as 
 soon as he entered the city, sent for Syennesis ; 
 but he alleging that he had never yet put him- 
 self in the hands of any person of superior 
 power, declined coming, till his wife prevailed 
 upon him, and received assurance from Cyrus. 
 After that, when they met, Syennesis gave 
 Cyrus great sums of money to pay his army, 
 and Cyrus made him such presents as are of 
 great value among kings ; these were a horse 
 with a golden bit, a chain, bracelets, and a sci- 
 mitar, of gold, with a Persian robe, besides 2 
 the exemption of his country from further plun- 
 der ; to this he added the restitution of the pris- 
 oners they had taken, wherever they were found. 
 
 Here Cyrus and the army staid twenty days, 
 the soldiers declaring they would go no further ; 
 for they suspected he was leading them against 
 the king, and said they were not raised for that 
 service. Clearchus was the first who endeavour- 
 ed to force his men to go on ; but as soon as he 
 began to march, they threw stones at him and at 
 his surapter horses, so that he narrowly escaped 
 being then stoned to death. Afterwards, when 
 he saw it was not in his power to prevail by force, 
 he called his men together, and first stood still a 
 considerable time, shedding many tears, while 
 the soldiers beheld him in amaze and silence : 
 then spoke to them in the following manner : 
 
 " Fellow-soldiers : wonder not that I am 
 concerned at the present posture of affairs : for 
 I am engaged to Cyrus by the rights of hospi- 
 tality, and when I was banished, among other 
 marks of distinction with which he honoured 
 me, he gave me ten thousands daricks. After 
 
 I had received this money, I did not treasure 
 it tip for my own use, or 3 lavish it in pleasures, 
 but laid it out upon you. And first, I made 
 war upon the Thracians, and with your assis- 
 tance revenged the injuries thay had done to 
 Greece, by driving them out of the Chersone- 
 sus, where they were endeavouring to dispossess 
 the Greek inhabitants of their lands. After 
 that, when I was summoned by Cyrus, I carried 
 you to him with this view, that, if there were 
 occasion, I might in rSturn for his 4 favours be 
 of service to him ; but, since you refuse to go 
 on with me, and I am under a necessity either, 
 by betraying you, to rely on the friendship of 
 Cyrus ; or, by being false to him, to adhere to 
 yo, though I am in doubt whether I shall do 
 right or not. However, I have determined to 
 give you the 5 preference, and with you to suf- 
 fer every thing that may happen. Neither 
 shall any one say, that, having led the Greeks 
 among Barbarians, I betrayed the Greeks, and 
 preferred the friendship of the Barbarians; 
 but, since you refuse to obey me, and to follow 
 me, I will follow you, and share in all your 
 sufferings ; for I look upon you as my country, 
 my friends, and fellow-soldiers, and that with 
 you I shall live in honour wherever I am ; but 
 without you, that I shall neither be useful to 
 my friends, nor formidable to my enemies. 
 Be assured, therefore, that whithersoever you 
 go, I resolve to go with you." Thus spoke 
 Clearchus. The soldiers, both those who be- 
 longed to him and the rest of the army, hear- 
 ing this, commended him for declaring he would 
 not march against the king : and above two 
 thousand left Xenias and Pasion, and taking 
 their arms and 6 baggage with them, came and 
 encamped with Clearchus. 
 
 t H<r SI euro* ixoerbv o^xTroi. By this passage it 
 seems that their companies consisted of fifty men each. 
 
 K*;TIJV %<a e xvMxiTt, & c . This period is celebrated 
 by Demetrius Phalareus for the proper placing of this 
 uncommon gift, which, he says, if it had been placed 
 either in the beginning, or in the middle, would have 
 been disagreeable, but is graceful at the close of it. 
 
 OuSl xS->j5u7r3>!<r*. Queje n'ai pas emploie a mes 
 plaisirs, in D'Ablancourt, does not, I think, come up to 
 the strength of the Greek word : nee per voluptatem et 
 luzum absumpsi, in Hutchinson, is far better. Sure this 
 word, which has great energy, was never more properly 
 employed than by Plutarch to Mark Antony's lavish- 
 ing the most precious thing he could throw away, his 
 time, in the arms of Cleopatra, xac^JujraSsiV T& woxu- 
 nKio-Txrov otvK*.a>ptt, TOV pceovcv, where by the way 
 Plutarch has taken that fine application of a-oKvrtKls 
 v<X(o/*<* to time, from Theophrastus. 
 
 * C<53A.o>|v etuTov. Leunclavius and Hutchinson have 
 said, ut ei commodarem.which is not only the sense, but 
 elegantly expresses ut ei commodo essem ; Tully use* 
 the word in the same sense in his Epistles. D'Ablan- 
 court has said, pour payer ses faveurs de quelque ser- 
 vice, which I think, at least, equal to the other. 
 
 1 Aif(\<rcft*t J' ouvu/uaj. aigou/ttatjWfOxjJvw. PhavO- 
 
 rinus. 
 Sxiwo<p6{. The passage quoted by Hutchinson out 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 175 
 
 These things gave Cyrus great perplexity 
 and uneasiness : so he sent for Clearchus, who 
 refused to go, but despatched a messenger to 
 him, unknown to the soldiers, with encourage- 
 ment that this affair would take a favourable 
 turn. He advised Cyrus to send for him, but 
 at the same time let him know that he did not 
 design to go to him. After this, assembling 
 his own soldiers, with those who were lately 
 come to him, and as many of the rest as 
 desire to be present, he spoke, to them as 
 follows : 
 
 " Fellow-soldiers ! it is certain the affairs of 
 Cyrus are in the same situation in respect to 
 us, with ours in regard to him ; for neither 
 are we any longer his soldiers, since we refuse 
 to follow him, neither does he any longer give 
 us pay. I know he thinks himself unjustly 
 treated by us ; so that, when he sends for me, 
 I refuse to go to him, chiefly through shame, 
 because I am conscious to myself of having 
 deceived him in every thing ; in the next place, 
 through fear, lest he should cause me to be 
 apprehended and punished for the wrongs he 
 thinks I have done him. I am therefore of 
 opinion, that this is no time for us to sleep, or 
 to neglect the care of ourselves, but to consult 
 what is to be done. If we stay, we are to con- 
 sider by what means we may stay with the 
 greatest security ; and if we resolve to go away, 
 how we may go with the greatest safety, and 
 supply ourselves with provisions ; for without 
 these, neither a commander, or a private man, 
 can be of any use. Cyrus is a very valuable 
 friend, where he is a friend ; but the severest 
 enemy, where he is an enemy. He is also 
 master of that strength in foot, horse, and at 
 sea, which we all both see and are acquainted 
 with, for truly we do not seem to be encamped 
 at a great distance from him ; so that this is 
 the time for every one to advise what he judges 
 best." Here he stopped. 
 
 Upon this some rose up of their own accord 
 to give their opinions ; others, by his direction, 
 to show the difficulties either of straying, or 
 going without the approbation of Cyrus. 
 One, pretending to be in haste by returning 
 to Greece, said, that if Clearchus refused to 
 conduct them thither, they ought immediately 
 to choose other generals, to buy provisions 
 
 of Herodian, which is also quoted by Constantino in his 
 Lexicon, plainly shows, that <r*!vo9o e * signifies both 
 the carriages and the beasts of burden. 
 
 (there being a market in the Barbarians' 
 camp) and pack up their baggage ; then go to 
 Cyrus and demand ships of him to transport 
 them ; which if he refused, to desire a com- 
 mander to conduct them, as through a friend's 
 country ; and, if this also be refused, continued 
 he, we ought forthwith to draw up a declara- 
 tion of battle, and send a detachment to secure 
 the eminences, that neither Cyrus, nor the 
 Cilicians (many of whom we have taken pri- 
 soners, and whose * effects we have plundered, 
 and still possess) may prevent us. After i him 
 Clearchus spoke to this effect : 
 
 " Let none of you propose me to be general 
 in this expedition, (for I see many things that 
 forbid it,) but consider me as one resolved to 
 obey, as far as possible, the person you shall 
 choose, that you may be convinced I also 
 know, as well as any other, how to submit to 
 command." After him another got up, show- 
 ing the folly of the man who advised to de- 
 mand the ships, as if Cyrus would not resume 
 his expedition. He showed also how weak a 
 thing it was to apply for a guide to that person 
 whose undertaking we had defeated. " If," 
 says he, we can place any confidence in a 
 guide appointed by him, what hinders us from 
 desiring Cyrus himself to secure those emi- 
 nences for us 1 I own I should be unwilling 
 to go on board the transports he may give us, 
 lest he should sink the 2 ships. I should also 
 be afraid to follow the guide he may appoint, 
 lest he should lead us into some place, out 
 
 iXf^KTa. This word in this and in many other 
 places in Xenophon as well as in other good authors, 
 signifies effects rather than money : in this sense it is 
 explained by Hesychius, x^/usera, os rtg. Suvctrat %& 
 o-^sti, xrvft*Tit, /Sos-x^sc-roe. This explains a passage hi 
 Homer, where Eurymachus, one of the suitors, tells 
 Halitherses, that, if Penelope continues to amuse them, 
 
 Xf itfiXTit S 1 aUTS xccxco; /SsSf axrsTai. 
 
 Hutchinson has rendered xewst-ra here bona, and 
 Leunclavius, opes, the latter not so properly. D'Ab- 
 lancourt has said ceux du pais qu'on avoit pillc, which, 
 in my opinion, is too general, because it is applicable 
 both to their money and effects : on the other side it is 
 not applicable to the seizing their persons ; for I dare 
 say those who are critics in the French language will 
 own, that piller quelqu'un does not signify to seize a 
 man's person. 
 
 AUT{ TIJ Tf infic-i xTaJu<r>f. This ellipsis is very 
 frequent in Thucydides and Homer ; the latter speaking 
 of the waste made hy the wild boar on the lands of 
 CEneus, says, in the same figure, 
 
 noX.\ S ' ayi Tf oSiKvpvct X*i" P**- 1 Siv&fSX feotx( 
 AvT>i<rv p?j<r, x;u <*WTO? 
 
176 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 of which we could not disengage ourselves ; 
 and since it 4s proposed we should go away 
 without the consent of Cyrus, I wish we 
 could also go without his knowledge, which is 
 impossible. These then are vain thoughts ; 
 I am therefore of opinion that proper persons, 
 together with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus, 
 and ask him in what service he proposes to 
 employ us ; and to acquaint him, that, if the 
 present undertaking be of the same nature with 
 that in which he before made use of foreign 
 troops, we will follow him, and behave our- 
 selves with equal bravery to those who * at- 
 tended him upon that occasion ; but if this 
 enterprise appears to be of greater moment 
 than the former, and to be attended with 
 greater labour 2 and danger, that we desire he 
 will either prevail on us by persuasion to fol- 
 low him, or suffer himself to be prevailed upon 
 to allow us to return home. By this means, 
 if we follow him, we shall follow him as 
 friends, with cheerfulness ; and if we return, 
 we shall return with safety. And let them 
 report to us what he says, which we may then 
 consider of." This was resolved. 
 
 Having chosen the persons therefore, they 
 sent them with Clearchus, who asked Cyrus 
 the questions appointed by the army ; to 
 which he made this answer : " I am informed, 
 that Abrocomas, my enemy, lies near the 
 Euphrates, at the distance of twelve days' 
 march : therefore, my intention is, if I find 
 him there, to punish, by leading my army 
 against him ; but if he flies from the place, I 
 will there consider what we are to do." This 
 coming to the ears of those who were ap- 
 pointed to attend Cyrus, made their report to 
 the soldiers, who suspected his design was to 
 lead them against the king ; yet they resolved 
 to follow him ; and when they demanded an 
 increase of pay, he promised to give them half 
 as much more as they had already ; that is, 
 instead of one darick, a darick and a half 
 every month to each man. But it was not 
 even then known that he intended to lead them 
 against the king, at least, it was not public. 
 
 IV. Hence he made in two days' march ten 
 
 i ZvvxvxGxvraiv. This relates to the three hundred 
 Greeks, who, as our author tells us, attended Cyrus to 
 court under the command of Sivntgof Parrhasie. 
 
 aETT.sToi/uTie* x*< ,T<XUV$WU>T ? *. These are the 
 proper characters that distinguish this expedition from 
 the former: however, D'Ablancourt has not taken the 
 least notice of it in his translation. 
 
 parasangs, to the river Pharus, which was 
 three hundred feet broad ; from thence to the 
 river Pyramus, which is one stadium in 
 breadth, making in one march five parasangs ; 
 from which place he made, in two days' march, 
 fifteen parasangs, and arrived at Issus, 3 the 
 last town of Cilicia, situated near the sea ; a 
 large city, rich, and well inhabited ; where he 
 staid three days, during which time, five-and- 
 thirty ships, with Pythagoras, a Lacedaemo- 
 nian, (the admiral) at the head, sailed from 
 Peloponnesus, and came to Cyrus, being con- 
 ducted from Ephesus by Tamos, an Egyp- 
 tian, who carried with him five-and-twenty 
 other ships belonging to Cyrus, with which he 
 had besieged Miletus, because that city was 
 in friendship with Tissaphernes, against whom 
 Tamos made war in conjunction with Cyrus. 
 With these ships also came Cheirisophus, the 
 Lacedaemonian, whom Cyrus had sent for, 
 with seven hundred heavy-armed men, which 
 he commanded under Cyrus, before whose 
 tent the ships lay 4 at anchor. Hither also 
 four hundred heavy-armed Greeks came to 
 Cyrus, (leaving Abrocomas, in whose service 
 they were,) and marched with him against the 
 king. 
 
 Hence Cyrus made in one march five para- 
 sangs to the 5 gates of Cilicia and Syria. 
 
 3 'lo-o-ouj. Hard hy stands a town now called Scan- 
 deroon, a place very well known to our Turkey mer- 
 chants, built by Alexander in memory of the great vic- 
 tory he obtained there over Darius,whose mother, wife, 
 and children were taken prisoners in the action. The 
 bay called by StraboxoA.7ros'i<ro- t xoj, took its name from 
 this town, and is now called the Bay of Scanderoon. 
 
 4 A; Si v>jig u>(ptt\>v, &c. I will not say that o(t*it 
 is never used to signify a ship that comes to land, but I 
 am sure it is generally applied to a ship that lies at an- 
 chor, and that 0^*6 is almost universally the word 
 made use of to express the former : the difference be- 
 tween the two words is particularly set forth by Pha- 
 vorinus^e^fo), says he, cv Tu>\tftevt l<netfti t t>(fti^a>Sn 
 si; TOV A.|Usv* rayo/ui. I will not therefore absolute- 
 ly say that the French and Latin translators have mis- 
 taken this passage, but wish the former, instead of say- 
 \ng,elles vinrent mouiller rancre, had said, elles etoient 
 a rancre pres de la tente de Cyrus ; and that the lat- 
 ter, instead of saying naves propter Cyri tento-num ad- 
 pullerant, had said, in anchoris slabant. 
 
 8 Ewi 5ruX.se; T^; KiXxt*s xcai r>if Eu^i*;. There arc 
 
 two passes upon the mountains that divide Cilicia from 
 Syria, as we find in Pliny and Tully's Epistles, where 
 the latter gives the reason why he led the army, which 
 he commanded as proconsul, into Capi adocia rather 
 than into Cilicia; duo enim sunt aditn* in Ciliciarn ex 
 Syria : one of these is called TTVK*I A^*VJX<*, by Pliny 
 portte Jlmani mantis, and the other simply ^u\., or, as 
 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 177 
 
 These were two fortresses, of which the inner 
 next Cilicia was possessed by Syennesis with 
 a guard of Cilicians, and the outer next to 
 Syria, was said to be defended by the king's 
 troops. Between these two fortresses runs a 
 river called Kersus, one hundred feet in breadth. 
 The interval between them was three stadia in 
 the whole, through which it was not possible 
 to force a way ; the pass being narrow, the 
 fortresses reaching down to the sea, and above 
 were inaccessible * rocks. In both these for- 
 tresses stood the gates. In order to gain this 
 pass, Cyrus sent for his ships, that, by landing 
 .his heavy-armed men both within and without 
 the gates, they might force their passage through 
 the Syrian gates, if defended by the enemy ; 
 which he expected Abrocomas, who was at the 
 head of a great army, would attempt : however, 
 Abrocomas did not do this, but as soon as he 
 heard Cyrus was in Cilicia, he suddenly left- 
 Phoenicia, and went back to the king, with an 
 army consisting, as it was said, of three hun- 
 dred thousand men. 
 
 Hereupon Cyrus proceeded through Syria 
 and, in one march, made five parasangs to 
 Myriandros, a city near the sea, inhabited by 
 
 the last mentioned author calls them, portce Cilicia; ; the 
 former are to the eastward of the latter, which, as we 
 find in this account of Xenophon, lie close to the sea. 
 There is a doubt which of these is meant by our author ; 
 but this will be clearly rectified, if we look into Arrian ? 
 where we shall find Alexander to have taken the same 
 route with Cyrus for a great way, and to have often 
 encamped in the same places. After that prince had 
 passed these *-**.*;, mentioned by Xenophon, and while 
 he lay with his army at Myriandros, the same place 
 where Cyrus encamped after he had passed them, he 
 received advice that Darius had left his camp at Sochi, 
 within two days' march of the HvKxt and having passed 
 the mountains at the !!*.* A/ti/x*i, or the eastern 
 pass, was got behind him, and marching to Issus. Alex- 
 ander was pleased to find his enemy had abandoned the 
 advantage ofSi champaign country and shut up his nu- 
 merous army, the chief strength of which consisted in 
 horse, between the mountains and the sea ; and, march- 
 ing back, possessed himself again of the irv>.xt that night; 
 the next day he engaged Darius, and the ground be- 
 neath this pass and Issus was the scene of that memor- 
 able victory. This happened in the 4th year of the 
 lllth Olympiad, 68 years after Cyrus marched through 
 Cilicia. 
 
 iTlcTfy.i )<xf/3TOi. This expression is very poetical, 
 and often made use of by Homer, whose scholiast ex- 
 plains it in this manner, >jc a i\o; /uovo? ix-i&xivn, a rock 
 inaccessible to every thing but to the rays of the sun. 
 When Patroclus reproaches Achilles with his cruelty by 
 Buffering the Greeks to be slain in such numbers for 
 want of his assistance, he tells him, 
 
 ovx a(X <roi yt jrstTijf tjv 'la-Trorot, IIi)Xsuj, 
 OuA'i QITJ; /<)JT(if* yXauxij Si ft TXTS 
 
 the Phoenicians, 2 which being a mart-town 
 where many, merchant ships lay at anchor, they 
 continued seven days; during which Xenias 
 the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Mega- 
 rean, took ship, and putting their most valuable 
 effects on board, sailed away. It was the ge- 
 neral opinion, that this was owing to their re- 
 sentment against Clearchus, whom Cyrus had 
 suffered to retain the troops that left them, and 
 put themselves under his command with a view 
 of returning to Greece, and not of marching 
 against the king. As soon therefore as they 
 disappeared, a rumour was spread that Cyrus 
 would follow them with his galleys. Some 
 wished that, having acted perfidiously, they 
 might be taken, others 3 pitied them, if they 
 should fall into his hands. 
 
 Cyrus immediately assembled together the 
 general officers, and spoke thus to them : Xe- 
 nias and Pasion have left us, but let them be 
 assured that they are not 4 gone away so as to 
 be concealed (for I know whither they are 
 
 CTOXX**. Here Hutchinson has translated ajf/^ouv in the 
 manner I have contended for in note, page 176. Leun- 
 clavius has still adhered to adpullerant. D'Ablancourt 
 has left out the whole period in his translation. oXxi;, 
 7r*x, 0ouxu*J>i, v[ ipTrsfixJi vauj. Suidas. 
 
 3 O? ' coxrsifov el iXwTo.vTo. I own I cannot, with 
 the Latin translators, see the necessity of supplying this 
 sentence with any word in order to complete it : I think 
 the expression elegant, the sense plain, and the eventual 
 commiseration fully pointed out by the conditional par- 
 ticle M. 
 
 * AjroJsS^axtoo-iv. Ammonius and Phavorinus are 
 quoted upon this occasion by Hutchinson, to show the 
 difference between 5roS^ivj and KvaQfvyiiv; the first, 
 say they, signifies TO l-.vx%u.-^ti<rxvx Ttvx svSr^ov iv 
 oVou ea-Ti } the other -rl M Suvxa-Sxi iTriKvqSlivxt and, to 
 support this, the passage now before us in Xenophon is 
 cited by Ammonius. Now I own, that, notwithstanding 
 the very great deference which I have and which every 
 one ought to have, for those two grammarians, and the 
 person who quotes them, yet I cannot help thinking that 
 the very passage they quote destroys the difference they 
 have established; for if l-.voS e xvixi signifies, as they say, 
 to retire in such a manner that the place of retreat is 
 known, a^eJs^ixao-* here must signify, the reverse; for 
 Cyrus tells the Greeks that they have not retired to a 
 place unknown to him, oi/Ss X7rc$i$(xx<n,bec&use he 
 says he knows whither they are going. Hutchinson 
 himself confirms what I say by his translation, even 
 against his own quotation ; for he says, nee clam se 
 aufugisse ; whereas, if the observation of the autnors he 
 quotes is just, and that **<> ? xvx* signifies i Kj<;>f u<r*" T * 
 a, s\iSyi\av siv<, he should have translated it, nee paJam 
 se avfugisse. I wish, I do not say for the advantage of the 
 sense, but for the ease of the translator, that Xenophon 
 had said wa-o^sojixota-i ju'eVjOu* fcfl-owsip tvyaa-t $s; I should 
 then have translated it, they are fled, but not escaped. 
 
178 
 
 XENOPHON.ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 going, neither are they escaped (for my galleys 
 can come up with their ship.) But I 1 call 
 the gods to witness that I do not intend to 
 pursue them, neither shall any one say, that 
 while people are with me, I use their service ; 
 but that, when they desire to leave me, I seize 
 them, treat them ill, and rob them of their 
 fortunes. 2 Let them go therefore, and remem- 
 ber they have behaved themselves worse to me 
 than I to them. Their wives and children 
 are under a guard at Tralles ; however, not 
 even these shall they be deprived of, but shall 
 receive them in return for the gallant behaviour 
 they have formerly shown to my service." 
 The Greeks, if any before showed a back- 
 wardness to the enterprise, seeing this instance 
 of Cyrus's virtue, followed him with greater 
 pleasure and cheerfulness. 
 
 After this, Cyrus, in four days' march, made 
 twenty parasangs, and came to the river 
 Chalus, which is one hundred feet broad, and 
 full 3 of large tame fish, which the Syrians 
 
 i Mi TOUS 3-Eovs. M* is a negative asseveration, and 
 jx,\ an affirmative one. 
 
 a lovrwv. The use of the genitive case plural of the 
 participle is very common with the Attic writers, in- 
 stead of the third person plural of the imperative mood 
 in the same tense, unless SO-TU>O-V, according to the opin- 
 ion of some critics, is upon those occasions to be under- 
 stood. Diogenes Laertius gives a remarkable instance of 
 something like this : it relates to the trial of Socrates, 
 where Plato offering to speak to the judges in defence of 
 his master, began his speech in this manner: Ntutraro; 
 
 'jiv, <a avS^ig A^vsuoi, rwv >i TO /3!j/tce vsc/3VTuv, upon 
 
 which the judges interrupted him by calling out X*T. 
 /SivTiov for XKTS/SII&IJ and made him come down. But 
 the Attic authors are not singular in the use of this 
 phrase : Homer says, 
 
 xtjjvxEj ftev A%wv X**.XO%ITU>TJV 
 Aasv XI^UO-O-OI/TSS ygovTwv xct-ry, vqx;, 
 for *>-Eeru)<r*!<. This atticism is often made use of by 
 the best authors. 
 
 s rUiigji S' \%3\>-uv /wsyixouv, &c. Lucian, in his trea- 
 tise of the Syrian goddess, has a passage that will ex- 
 plain this of Xenophon ; he says, the Syrians looked 
 upon fish a.s a sacred thing, and never touched them ; 
 and that they ate all birds but pigeons, which they es- 
 teemed holy : he adds, these superstitions were owing 
 to their respect for Derceto and Semiramis, the first of 
 whom had the shape of a fish, and the other was changed 
 into a pigeon. That author has affected to write this 
 treatise in the Ionic style, his words are these : 
 
 Sx; -revs fiiv XXX.OUJ trntov 
 iTEOvra*, *KKa, <r?i<rt Y. St i'f 
 x-JToT; 770 ii<r3-i AsfxETOu 
 on Af f xTi, /tcgff ^ J^uo 
 
 T* Ss yfyvopiv 
 
 uos i-^ti- TO St, on TO EE.UI. 
 ei^.os TEXO; Is 7rs f i<rTt e ^w K?r.xTo. This tradition is 
 somewhat varied by Diodorus Siculus ; who says, that 
 Derceto being brought to bed of Semiramis, threw herself 
 into a lake, and was changed into a fish ; for which reason, 
 
 look upon as gods, and do not suffer them to 
 be hurt any mojre than pigeons. The villages 
 in which they encamped belonged to Pary sa- 
 tis, and were given to her for her table. 4 
 Thirty parasangs more, in five days' march, 
 brought him to the source of the river Dara- 
 dax, the breadth of which was one hundred 
 feet, having near it the palace of Belesis, who 
 was formerly governor of Syria, with a very 
 large and beautiful park, producing every 
 thing proper to the season. Cyrus laid waste 
 the park, and burned the palace. From 
 thence, in three days' march, he made fifteen 
 
 he says, the Syrians worship fish as gods. The same au- 
 thor adds, that Semiramis, when a child, was fed by pige- 
 ons till a person who had the superintendency over the 
 king's herds, took her home to his own house, and cal- 
 led her Semiramis, a name derived, as he says, from 
 pigeons, in the Syrian language ; and that this was 
 the occasion of the worship the Syrians paid to pigeons. 
 It may not be improper to acquaint the reader, that the 
 goddess called Derceto by the Greeks, and Atargatis by 
 the Syrians, was looked upon by the last as the mother 
 of Semiramis, and worshipped as a goddess in Bambyce, 
 by them called Magog. Lucian says she was represent- 
 ed in Phoenicia as a woman to the waist, and from 
 thence as a fish ; which made Selden of opinion, that 
 Derceto and Dagon who was also represented in the 
 same manner, were the same divinity, though it is cer- 
 tain that Dagon was looked upon as a god, and Derceto 
 as a goddess. Had D'Ablancourt considered these 
 matters, he would not have been so hasty in condemn- 
 ing Xenophon of too great credulity ; neither would 
 he have thought himself under any obligation of soften- 
 ing", as he calls it, these facts, for fear of corrupting the 
 truth of history: particularly since Diodorus Siculus 
 also says, the fabulous tradition of Derceto being 
 changed into a fish, prevailed so far. that the Syrians, 
 even in his time, abstained from fish, and honoured them 
 as gods. 
 
 * Ei's ioqv StSopsvat, &c. Hutchinson has departed 
 from the text, and without the authority of any manu- 
 script, has followed Muretus and Jungermannus in read- 
 ing (W>v instead of c^v. Indeed the passages he has 
 supported this correction with, out of Tully, Plato, and 
 Herodotus, show plainly that the kings of Persia used 
 to give some particular cities to their queens to find 
 them in girdles, others to find them in necklaces, and 
 others in shoes: so that it cannot be denied but tij 
 ^coviiv is here very proper : but it is as certain from those 
 authors he has quoted, and indeed from every author 
 who has treated of the affairs of Persia, that the Per- 
 sian kings also assigned particular cities to those .whom 
 they had a mind to honour, to find them in bread, others 
 to find them in wine, and others in meat, or, as some 
 will have it, in fish. In this manner Artaxerxes M*. 
 *ex;*<? distinguished Themistocles, EI>- TOI> x* oi\o 
 x*t b'4/ov, as Plutarch and Thucydides say ; so that it is 
 not at all improbable the villages our author here speaks of, 
 might be assigned to Parysatis to supply her table : but 
 iff the reader prefers <avv\v it must then be translated, 
 that these villages were given to Parysatis to find her 
 in girdles. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 179 
 
 parasangs, and came to the river Euphrates, 
 which is four stadia in breadth ; where, being 
 the large and flourishing city of ' Thapsacus, 
 they remained five days ; during which, Cyrus, 
 sending for the generals of the Greeks, told 
 them that he proposed marching to Babylon 
 against the great king, and ordered them to 
 acquaint the soldiers with it, and to persuade 
 them to follow him. Hereupon, they called 
 them together, and informed them of it ; but 
 the soldiers were angry with their generals, 
 saying, they knew this before, but concealed it 
 from them ; therefore refused to march unless 
 they had money given them, as the other 
 soldiers had, who before attended Cyrus to his 
 father, and that not to fight, but only to wait 
 upon him when his father sent for him. : The 
 generals immediately gave an account of this 
 to Cyrus, who promised to give every man five 
 2 minas of silver as soon as they came to 
 Babylon, and their full pay, till he brought 
 them back to Ionia; by which means great 
 part of the Greeks were prevailed upon: but 
 Menon, before it appeared whether the rest 
 of the soldiers would follow Cyrus or not, 
 called his own men together apart, and spoke 
 thus to them : 
 
 ei Fellow-soldiers ! if you will follow my 
 advice, you shall, without either danger or la- 
 bour, be in greater esteem with Cyrus, than 
 the rest of the army. What then do I advise? 
 Cyrus is this minute entreating the Greeks to 
 follow him against the king. I say, therefore, 
 we ought to pass the Euphrates, before it ap- 
 pears what answer the rest of the Greeks will 
 make to him ; for if they determine to follow 
 him; you will be looked upon as the cause of 
 it by first passing the river, and Cyrus will not 
 only think himself under an obligation to you, 
 as to those who are the most zealous for his 
 service, but will return it (which no man bet- 
 ter understands ;) but if the rest determine 
 otherwise, we will 3 then all return. As you 
 only are obedient to his orders, he will look 
 upon you as persons of the greatest fidelity, 
 and as such employ you in the command both 
 of garrisons and of companies ; and I am con- 
 
 i e*y**3c. Here Darius passed the Euphrates with 
 the broken remains of his army, after his defeat at Issus. 
 
 a iUxTE a e j.u$joo ^v*c. See note, page 169. 
 
 3 A.sriftv. Hutchinson has observed from Stephens, 
 that '/* is remarkable among those verbs which the 
 Attic writers use in the present tense instead of the fu- 
 ture. 
 
 fident you will find Cyrus your friend 4 in 
 whatever else you desire of him." The sol- 
 diers, hearing this, followed his advice, and 
 passed the Euphrates, before the rest had re- 
 turned an answer. When Cyrus heard they 
 had passed the river, he was pleased, and 
 sending Glus to them, ordered him to say to 
 them, in his name, Soldiers ! I praise you 
 for what you have done, and will take care 
 that you also shall have reason to praise me ; 
 if I do not, think me no longer Cyrus." 
 Hereupon, the soldiers conceiving great hopes, 
 prayed for his success ; after which, having, 
 as it was reported, sent magnificent presents 
 to Menon, he, at the head of his, army, passed 
 the river, the water not reaching above their 
 breasts, notwithstanding the inhabitants of 
 Thapsacus declared, that the river was never 
 fordable before, or passable but in boats, 
 which Abrocomas had burned, as he marched 
 before them, to prevent Cyrus from passing 
 over ; it seemed therefore providential, 5 and 
 that the river visibly submitted to Cyrus, as 
 to its future king. 
 
 V. From thence he advanced through 
 6 Syria, and, having in nine days' march made 
 fifty parasangs. came to the river 7 Araxes ; 
 where, being many villages full of corn and 
 
 'il; CIA.GU. I agree with Hutchinson that this is an 
 ellipsis, and that 'vxo,oi something like it, is to be under- 
 stood ; without condemning 'ua-o, I should like yru-ftt full 
 as well : thus Telemachus tells Menelaus in the same 
 phrase, 
 
 * EJoxj* Si Stiov j*vai. I make no doubt but what 
 Xenophon says concerning this submission of the Eu- 
 phrates was the style of Cyrus's court upon this occa- 
 sion. It seems that the Euphrates was not endued 
 with the same spirit of prophecy that Horace gives to 
 Nereus; otherwise, like him, he would have cried out 
 mail ducts avi; and not have suffered his army to have 
 forded him so easily, a favour he afterwards denied to 
 Alexander, whose success might have given him a bet- 
 ter title to it, and who was obliged to pass this river at 
 the same place over two bridges. 
 
 s ma Ttig ue<a?. Let not the reader be surprised to 
 find Xenophon mention Syria in Mesopotamia, through 
 which he is now conducting Cyrus ; for it appears both by 
 Pliny and Strabo, that the country lying between Thap- 
 sacus and the Scenite Arabians, of whom he will speak 
 presently, was part of Syria. 
 
 i 'Aga^v. I never yet could find this river in any 
 other author but Xenophon; I mean a river called 
 Araxes, that runs through this part of Syria: for every 
 body knows there are rivers of this name in other parts 
 of Asia, so I must submit it to the Darned, whether this 
 river is the Aborae of Marcellinus, which Strabo calls 
 
180 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 wine, they staid three days, made their provi- 
 sions, and then proceeded through 'Arabia, 
 keeping the river Euphrates on his right hand, 
 and in five days' march through a desert, made 
 thirty-five parasangs. The country was a 
 plain throughout, as even as the sea, and full 
 of wormwood ; if any other kinds of shrubs or 
 reeds grew there, they had all an aromatic 
 smell ; but no trees appeared. Of wild crea- 
 tures, the most numerous were wild asses, 2 
 and not a few ostriches, 3 besides 4 bustards 
 
 A&oppxg, and Ptolemy X*3a>f;, and the Arabians Al 
 Chabur. 
 
 i Ai* T))S Afct&ix;. The inhabitants of this part of 
 Arabia are called by Strabo 2xvr*< A f *&<$ ; they 
 were a vagabond people, and, like most of their country- 
 men, great robbers. Nomades, infos tioresque Chaldceo- 
 rum, Scenitte, says Pliny, a tabernaculis cognominati: 
 they were afterwards called Saracens, which name Seal- 
 iger derives from Saric, which, in Arabic, signifies a rob- 
 ber. Those who have travelled through Asia will not 
 think this etymology forced. 
 
 a A-xe*oj oot. All authors, both ancient and modern, 
 agree, that wild asses are exceeding swift. Appian, in 
 his Treatise of Hunting, calls the wild ass *s>.xo:yo$>iv, 
 swift as the wind, an epithet given by Homer to the 
 horses which Jupiter bestowed on the father of Gany- 
 mede, to make him some amends for the loss of his son. 
 The wild ass is very different, both in its shape and 
 colour, from the common ass. There is a skin of this 
 animal at the college of Physicians in London ; another 
 I have seen among many other curiosities, natural and 
 artificial, ancient and modern, belonging to my neigh- 
 bour Sir Andrew Fontaine. The first of these is stuffed, 
 and by that the creature appears to have been between 
 twelve and thirteen hands high ; the colour of every 
 part about him is composed of white and chesnut stripes, 
 his ears, mane, and tail, like those of a common ass ; 
 his forehead is long 'and thin, his shoulders fine, his 
 back straight, his body full, his hoofs a little bound, his 
 legs perfectly fine ; seems a little goose-rumped ; his 
 quarters are thin, and lying under him, and his hams 
 bent inward ; to these three last shapes he very proba- 
 bly owes his speed. This doctrine T know all sportsmen 
 will not allow ; but many observations in sporting have 
 convinced me of its truth. Wild asses were sometimes 
 made use of by the ancients to cover mares, in order to 
 breed mules : but all their authors agree, that the best 
 stallion for that purpose was an ass bred between a 
 wild male ass, and a female of the common kind. Pliny 
 tells us also, that the foals of wild asses were called 
 lalisiones, and were delicate meat. Wild asses are 
 common in the deserts of Numidia and Libya, and par- 
 ticularly in Arabia ; they are sold at an excessive price 
 when reclaimed, and it is said the kings of Persia have 
 always stables of them. When, they are young, their 
 flesh is like that of a hare, and when old, like 'red 
 venison. 
 
 s 2Tgou8 'xi fnyx^tti. Ostriches are animals very 
 well known ; they are common in Africa, South Amer- 
 ica, and many parts of the Levant, as Arabia and Me- 
 sopotamia, &c. I remember to have seen two that 
 
 and roe-deer 5 which bur horsemen sometimes 
 chased. The asses, when they were pursued, 
 having gained ground of the horses, stood still 
 (for they exceeded them much in speed,) and 
 when these came up with them, they did the 
 same thing again ; so that our horsemen could 
 take them by no other means but by dividing 
 themselves into relays, and succeeding one 
 another in the chase. The flesh of those that 
 were taken was like that of red deer, but more 
 tender. None could take an ostrich ; the 
 horsemen, who pursued them, soon giving it 
 over : for they flew far away, as they fled, 
 making use both of their feet to run, and of 
 their wings, when expanded, as a sail to waft 
 them along. As for the bustards, they may be 
 
 were shown at London; we were informed they came 
 from Buenos Ay res; they answered the description giv- 
 en of them in books. Their feathers, in so great re- 
 quest for several kinds of ornaments, particularly upon 
 the stage, and anciently in war, conos galeasque ador- 
 nantes penrue, says Pliny ; these, I say, come from their 
 tail and wing, and are generally white. The feather of 
 an ostrich was among the Egyptians the emblem of 
 justice. All authors agree, that in running they assist 
 themselves with their wings, in the manner described 
 by Xenophon. Some have thought that this compound 
 motion, which consists both of flying and running, gave 
 occasion to the fiction of the poetical horse, Pegasus. 
 It is said they eat iron, which is so far true, that Jn 
 those dissected in the Academy of Sciences at Paris, 
 they found several pieces of iron-money in them more 
 than half diminished ; but this was occasioned by the 
 mutual attrition of those pieces, and not by digestion, 
 for they swallow iron to grind their meat, as other birds 
 swallow pebbles for the same purpose. 
 
 Q-riSi;. Bustards are very well known to sports- 
 men ; we have great numbers of them in Norfolk ; they 
 are remarkable for having no more than three claws, 
 like the dotterel, and some few other birds: they are 
 scarce to be approached by any contrivance, as I have 
 been taught by many disappointments : possibly this 
 may be owing to their exquisite sense of hearing; no 
 bird having, in proportion to its size, so large an aper- 
 ture to convey it. What Xenophon says concerning 
 their short flights, can only be understood of them be- 
 fore they are full grown; for, when they are so, they 
 make flights of five or six miles with great ease. Pliny 
 and Xenophon, like many other people, differ in 
 their taste with relation to bustards ; the first calls 
 them damnaius in cibis, the last, we find, commends 
 them. 
 
 * Aoxis. We have no roe-deer in the south of 
 England. They are common in France, des chevreuils : 
 I have often seen them hunted there ; they run the foil 
 more than a hare, and hunt shorter ; they have great 
 speed, but, as they do not run within themselves, but 
 often tapise, and consequently give frequent views, they 
 seldom stand long even before their hounds. They arc 
 vastly less than our fallow deer, and are very good meat, 
 when fat, which seldom happens. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 181 
 
 taken, if one springs them hastily, they making 
 short flights, like partridges, and are soon tired. 
 Their flesh was very delicious. 
 
 In marching through the country they came 
 to the river Masca, a hundred feet in breadth, 
 surrounding a large city uninhabited, called 
 Corsote ; whence, after continuing three days, 
 making their provisions, he made ninety para- 
 sangs, in thirteen days' march, through a de- 
 sert, still keeping the Euphrates on his right, 
 and came to Pylae ; during which marches, 
 many sumpter horses died of hunger, there 
 being no grass, nor any other plant but the 
 whole country entirely barren ; the inhabitants 
 being employed near the river with digging 
 * mill-stones, which they afterwards fashioned 
 and conveyed to Babylon for sale, to buy pro- 
 visions for their support. By this time the 
 army wanted corn, and there was none to be 
 bought, but in the Lydian market, which was 
 in the camp of the Barbarians, belonging to 
 Cyrus, where a 2 capithe of 3 wheat or barley- 
 meal was sold for four 4 Sigli. The Siglus is 
 worth seven Attic oboli 5 and a half ; and the 
 capithe holds two Attic 6 chrenixes ; so that 
 the soldiers lived upon flesh. Some of these 
 marches were very long, when Cyrus had a 
 mind his army should go on till they came to 
 water or forage. And once where the road 
 was narrow and so deep, that the carriages 
 could not pass without difficulty, Cyrus stopped 
 with those about him of the greatest authority 
 and fortune, and ordered Glus and Pigres to 
 take some of the Barbarians belonging to his 
 
 l "Oi/ou; K\eT5. ' Oi/o; o avwrsfSj X5oj TOU ftvKov. 
 
 Phavorinus. So that ovo *.ITXI signify properly the 
 upper mill-stones. 
 
 a K*5r$>t. From this passage it appears that the 
 xairi$>i held two Attic chcenixes. 
 
 3 Axiuj<.ov. Hutchinson has, with great judgment, 
 supported the Greek text against Muretus, who wanted 
 to strike out *Kiue<*>v, as signifying the same thing with 
 ax$ TCUK ; whereas Phavorinus, from the scholiast of 
 ^Eschylus, plainly distinguishes aXeu^x from *X.$T, 
 showing that the first signifies the flour of wheat, and 
 the other that of barley. ''A^su^* xof a.-s T* i* <TTOU, 
 ?.<piTa TO, I*. KS'^'MV xKevga,. Phavorinus. 
 
 * S.yxoj. This was a Persian coin. Hesychiusand 
 Phavorinus make it worth eight o/3o\oi, but this passage 
 phows it was worth but seven and a half. 
 
 * O3oxous. The o3fc*.os was the sixth part of a 
 drachm ; U was called so from its resemblance to a spit. 
 See in a preceding note concerning the Greek coins. 
 
 sXoIi/ig. A dry measure containing three xoru\ ai) 
 which were equal to one and a half of the ZHTTW the 
 <oiVii; contained 49,737 solid inches. 
 16 
 
 army, and help the carriages through ; but, 
 thinking they went slowly about it, he com- 
 manded, as in anger, the most considerable 
 Persians, who were with him, to assist in hast- 
 ening on the carriages, which afforded an in- 
 stance of their ready obedience ; for throwing 
 off their purple 7 robes, where each of them 
 happened to stand, they ran, as if it had been 
 for a prize, even down a very steep hill, in their 
 costly vests, and embroidered 8 drawers, some 
 even with chains about their necks, and brace- 
 lets round their wrists ; and, leaping into the 
 dirt with these, they lifted up the carriages, 
 and brought them out sooner than can be 
 imagined. Upon the whole, Cyrus appeared 
 throughout to hasten their march, stopping no 
 where unless to get ' provisions, or for other 
 things that were very necessary ; he judging 
 the quicker he marched, the more unprepared 
 the king would be to encounter him, and the 
 slower, the more numerous would be the king's 
 army ; for it was obvious to any person of atten- 
 tion, that the Persian empire, though strong 
 with regard to the 9 extent of country, and 
 numbers of men, was however weak by reason 
 of the great distance of places, and the division 
 of its forces, when surprised by a sudden 
 invasion. 
 
 In their march through the desert, they dis- 
 covered a large and populous city situated on 
 the other side of the Euphrates, called Car- 
 
 T KivJu;. KivJoj, ^croSv flsgo-ixof. A Persian robe. 
 
 Av*j;vi?s. AvZvgii>t<; were also part of the 
 dress of the old Gauls, according to Diodorus Siculus, 
 who says, they called them B t *x*i, which Bracca;, it is 
 certain, gave name to a very considerable part of France, 
 called from thence, Gallia Braccata, the same with 
 Oallia Narbonensis. The French language has retain- 
 ed this word, Bragues, which is softened into a more 
 modern one, Brayes. I leave it to some profound anti- 
 quary, who may be disposed to employ his idle labour in 
 this inquiry, to consider how far this dress, from whic'.i 
 Persius calls the Medes, Medos Braccatos, and which 
 Ovid calls Persica Bracca ; how far, I say, this dress, 
 which we find to have been common both to the Per- 
 sians and Gauls of old, may be a p oof of their being 
 descended originally from the same people, that is. the 
 Scythians, who, after they had conquered the Medcs, 
 continued masters of that part of Asia for eight and 
 twenty years : particularly since \ve find in Herodotus, 
 that among the Persians there was a people called 
 rf|Uavn, Germans. 
 
 m.>j3os. This word sianifies quantity in this place, 
 when applied to the country ; and number, when ap- 
 plied to the men ; it is frequently used, by the best 
 authors, in the first sense as well as the last. 
 
182 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 mande, where the soldiers bought l provisions, 
 having passed over to it upon 2 rafts, by filling 
 the 3 skins, which they made use of for tents, 
 with dry hay, and sewed them together so close, 
 that the water could not get therein : these 
 provisions were such as wine made of the 4 fruit 
 of the palm-trees and panic, there being great 
 plenty of this in the country. It was here 
 that a dispute arose between Menon's soldiers, 
 and those of Clearchus ; the latter, thinking one 
 
 v. Somebody has violently provoked Hut- 
 chinson, by finding fault with the Scripture writers, for 
 making use of this word in the sense Xenophon uses it 
 upon this occasion. There can be no doubt but i yogx^nv 
 is to be found in the best authors in this sense. I re- 
 member a passage in Isocrates to Nicocles, which will 
 not only support what I have said, but may well deserve 
 translating: Sogiz; i^si"? 5ro\u srA-Eiovoj uyogu^ni 5r*fi 
 Tav SiS'ovraiv >j irMf * TWV jTcoXouvTtov. You (men of for- 
 tune) purchase presents much dearer from those who 
 give, than from those who sell. 
 
 a EX;E'*'>. Whenever Homer speaks of the boat 
 which Ulysses built with his own hands, in four days, 
 in Ogygia, Calypso's island, he calls it <r%i$tx, which is 
 thus explained by the scholiast, iix.xtu>s xxTK<rxivs<r&c't<r 
 v*us, a boat built on a sudden ; it signifies also an ex- 
 temporary bridge; in which sense Herodotus applies it 
 to the two bridges of boats, over which Xerxes passed 
 the Hellespont. Here Xenophon uses it for a raft (if I 
 may be allowed to make use of that word upon this oc- 
 casion) made of skins stuffed with hay. 
 
 s &t/*>yie;. This method of passing rivers was for- 
 merly nruch in use ; as the soldiers' tents were general- 
 ly made of skins, instead of canvass, they had always 
 great numbers of them at hand ; the tents of the Ro- 
 mans were also made of skins, whence come these 
 phrases, sub pellibus durare, and sub pellibus contineri, 
 which we find in Livy and Caesar. Alexander, in his 
 victorious march through Asia passed several rivers in 
 this manner, particularly the Oxus, the passage of which 
 is described by Arrian, in such a manner, that it is ob- 
 vious to any one he had this description of Xenophon in 
 his eye, which, I think, he explains much better than I 
 can. His words are these : \ivttyxywv otv -rxg S^Seqx; 
 
 of Menon's men in the wrong, struck him ; tha 
 soldier thereupon informed his companions 
 of it, who not only resented it, but were 
 violently incensed against Clearchus, ** who, 
 the same day, after he had been at the place 
 where the men passed the river, and inspected 
 the provisions, rode back to his own tent with 
 a few attendants through Menon's army ; and 
 before the arrival of Cyrus, who was on his 
 way thither, it happened that one of Menon's 
 soldiers, as he was riving wood, saw Clearchus 
 riding through the camp, and threw his axe at 
 him, but missed him ; then another, and 
 another threw stones at him, upon which, a 
 great outcry ensuing, many did the same. 
 However, Clearchus escaped to his own quar- 
 ter, and immediately ordered his men to their 
 I arms ; commanding the heavy-armed soldiers 
 to stand still resting their shields against their 
 knees, and taking with him the Thracians, 
 and the horse, of whom he had above forty in 
 his army, the greatest part Thracians, he rode 
 up to Menon's men, who thereupon were-in 
 great consternation, as well as Menon himself, 
 and ran to their arms, while others stood 
 amazed not knowing what to do ; Proxenus, 
 for he happened to be coming after them at 
 the head of his heavy-armed men, advanced 
 between them both, and 6 making his soldiers 
 
 /3-j TOV ft)' evSiireSxi sg xv-ry.g TOO o'JaTOj. 
 
 Tin 0aA.ii/oo. The fruit of the palm tree is proper- 
 ly called dates, of which there is an infinite variety. Of 
 these they make in Persia a wine, which is very agree- 
 able, but does not keep well. Of this wine Cambyses, 
 when he was in Egypt, sent a hogshead to the king of 
 the Ethiopians, as a present ; with this wine, the Egyp- 
 tians washed their dead bodies before they embalmed 
 them By the way, I have always thought, that the 
 fruit of a certain palm-tree, described by Pliny, who 
 calls the trees syagri, answers exactly to the cocoa nut. 
 This palm-tree, he says, grew in that part of the Lower 
 Egypt which he calls Chora Alexandria ; the descrip- 
 tion he gives of its fruit is as follows : fpsum pomum 
 grande, durum, horridum et a cceteris generibus distans 
 sapore ferino, quern fermc in apris novimus, evidentis- 
 simeque cattsa cst nominis. 
 
 ixt? xxTxa-xtfyxftsvos TJ}V K-yofxv. D'Ablancourt has left 
 out all this in his translation, as he has this parenthesis 
 
 also, Ku^o; ' O'VTTM SKJV, *\A.' "T 5T0(T>|Xaui'. 
 
 s ''E-tsro TO. enrKa., Hutchinson, with great reason, 
 finds fault with Leunclavius for translating this arma 
 dcponebat; it really signifying the reverse, as he has 
 very properly rendered it armis rite dispositis, and as 
 Harpocration explains this phrase, dl^fvoj -ry, OTTK* 
 TrtgiSiftevcs, o77-A.i<r*/*evoc ; and as Shakspcare has said, 
 according to his custon, more beautifully than any other 
 author, " the powers above put on their instruments." 
 Not that I imagine Proxenus, when he advanced be- 
 tween Menon and Clearchus, had his armour to put on, 
 but that he ordered his men to stand to their arms, that 
 he might be prepared to prevent their engaging by 
 force, if he could jiot prevail by fair means. Upon the 
 whole, I look upon it, that Proxenus put his 'men in the 
 same posture, into which Eurypylus, in Homer, threw 
 the Greeks, in order to secure the retreat of Ajax, when 
 he was pushed by the Trojans, 
 
 D'Ablancourt foresaw the difficulty of this passage, and 
 prudently avoided it by leaving it quite out : a conduct 
 he observed about three lines above, where he also 
 omitted to translate oi'Sfxai <rro-*i' 7rofovtTj Tou^i^. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 183 
 
 stand to their arms, begged of Clearchus to 
 desist. But he took it very ill, that, having 
 narrowly escaped being stoned to death, the 
 other should speak tamely of his grievance ; 
 and therefore desired he would withdraw from 
 between them. In the meantime Cyrus came 
 up, and being informed of what had happened, 
 immediately took his arms, and with the Per- 
 sians who were present, rode between them 
 and spoke to them in the following manner: 
 " Clearchus ! and Proxenus ! and you Greeks 
 who are present {, you are not sensible of 
 what you are doing ; for, if you fight with one 
 another, be assured, that I shall this day be 
 destroyed, and you not long after ; for, if our 
 affairs decline, all these Barbarians, whom you 
 see before you, will be greater enemies to you 
 than those belonging to the king." Clearchus, 
 hearing this, came to himself, and both sides 
 resigning their anger, laid up their arms * 
 where they were before. 
 
 VI. While they were marching forward, 
 there appeared the footing and dung of horses, 
 wfiich, by the 2 print of their feet, were judged 
 to be about two thousand, marching before, 
 burning all the forage, and every thing else 
 that could be of any use. There was a Per- 
 sian, by name Orontas, a prince of the blood, 
 and of reputation in military affairs, equal to 
 the most considerable among the Persians ; 
 having formed a design to betray Cyrus, with 
 whom he had before been at war ; but, being 
 
 t Kri %,<iexv. I own I cannot agree with Hutchin- 
 son, that X*T* x,<e* v , in this place, signifies suo ordine 
 et loco, ubi arma iter facientium disponi par est: I 
 think that is rather the signification of Iv %o6fa, than 
 of XT %u)jai', the last implying no more than that a 
 thing remained in the same place it was in before. In 
 this sense Aristophanes says, *.*.' oOJi TO /3/JA*/*' ^TC 
 XXT* %evXf<, his look even is not the same. So that 
 a thing may be X*T* xwqstv, and not iv %,<*$., in the 
 place it was, and not in the place it ought to be. 
 
 t <0 <rT.3o ? . I make no doubt but <TT/3oj signifies, as 
 Hutchinson has translated it, o o? : but I hope it will 
 be allowed that it signifies also the print of feet : there 
 being a passage in Homer, in his Hymn to Mercury, 
 which plainly proves that o-T/3o; has both these signi- 
 fications, for which reason I shall transcribe it. 
 
 "Oq>* juiv oi/ EOOIXJ Ji -^fi^^aiSi* %eov, 
 
 I hazard an observation, to show, that our author uses 
 the word here to signify the print of the horses' feet! 
 it is this: the article c, before <rrie>o ?, seems to me to refer 
 ti> <X">i 7jrjra)i>, mentioned in the foregoing line. 
 
 now reconciled, told Cyrus, that, if he would 
 give him a thousand horse, he would place 
 himself in ambuscade, and either destroy those 
 horse that burned all before him, or take many 
 of them prisoners, which would prevent them 
 both from burning the country, and from being 
 able to inform the king that they had seen his 
 army. Cyrus thinking this proposal for his 
 service, ordered him to take a detachment out 
 of every troop belonging to the several com- 
 manders. 
 
 Orontas, presuming the horse were ready, 
 wrote a letter to the king, acquainting him, 
 that he should come to him with as many 
 horse as he could get, and desiring him to 
 give orders at the same time, to his own horse, 
 that they 3 should receive him as a friend ; 
 reminding him also of his former friendship 
 and fidelity. This letter he gave to a trusty 
 person, as he thought, who, as soon as he had 
 received it, delivered it to Cyrus : who im- 
 mediately commanded Orontas to be appre- 
 hended, and caused 4 seven of the most con- 
 siderable Persians about him to assemble in his 
 tent ; and, at the same time, upon giving or- 
 ders to the Greek generals for bringing their 
 heavy-armed men, and place them round his 
 tent, with their arms in their hands, they 
 obeyed his commands, and brought with them 
 about three thousand heavy-armed men. He 
 also called Clearchus to the council, as a man, 
 whom both he and the rest looked upon to be 
 of the greatest dignity among the Greeks. 
 When he came out, he gave his friends an ac- 
 
 s 'AAA*. 'Axxi is here, as Hutchinson has observed, 
 7rf *xsxsuo-TJxcv,an exhortative particle; in which sense 
 it is frequently used by Xenophon,and indeed by all au- 
 thors, particularly by Homer. There is a necessity of 
 so frequent a repetition in this place, that it unavoida- 
 bly renders the translation disagreeable : the difference 
 in the termination of iVjr!*sand iWiu/rijand in the La- 
 tin of equites and equitibus, makes the reader insensi- 
 bly of this repetition ; this is one disadvantage, among 
 many others, to which a literal translation, in a modern 
 language, is subject. D'Ablancourt always avoids these 
 repet tions, and every thing else that lays him under 
 any restraint, whatever violence he may do to the au- 
 thor's sense ; it must be owned, his method gives a 
 translation the air of an origina),but then it often makes 
 it one. 
 
 * To u? e ,VTous TOJV Trte'i xurov sir-?*. We often find a 
 council of seven mentioned by the writers, who treat of 
 the affairs of Persia ; which council seems to have been 
 instituted in memory of the seven Persian noblemen, 
 who put the Magi to death : of whom Darius Hystaspes, 
 afterwards king of Persia, was one. 
 
184 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 count of the 1 trial of Orontas, (for secrecy was 
 not enjoined,) and of the speech which Cyrus 
 made, as follows : 
 
 "Friends ! I have called you hither to the 
 end that I may consider with you of what is 
 most just both in the sight of gods and men, 
 and accordingly proceed against this criminal 
 Orontas. In the first place, my father ap- 
 pointed 2 this man to be my subject ; 3 after- 
 wards, by the command, as he says, of my 
 brother, he made war upon me, being then in 
 possession of the citadel of Sardes ; this war 
 I prosecuted in such a manner, as to dispose 
 him to desire an end of it, and I received his 4 
 hand, and gave him mine ; since that time, 
 say, Orontas, have I done you any injury 1" 
 To which he answered, " None." Cyrus again 
 asked him, " Did not you afterwards, without 
 any provocation from 'me, as you yourself own, 
 revolt to the Mysians, and lay waste my coun- 
 try to the utmost of your power ?" Orontas 
 owned it. After that," continued Cyrus, 
 when you again became sensible of your 
 want of power, did not you fly to the 5 altar of 
 Diana, profess repentance, and having pre- 
 vailed with me, give me again your faith, and 
 received mine?" This also Orontas con- 
 fessed. " What injury, then," says Cyrus, 
 < have I done you, that you should now, for the 
 
 i T^v xg/o-jv TOU O^OVTOU. Sure, comme le proces d' 
 Oronte avoit ete juge, would have been as proper a 
 translation of these words, as comme le chose s'etoit 
 passee,in D'Ablancourt. 
 
 a TOUTOV yi f . ri ? in this place is not designed to in- 
 troduce a reason for what precedes, but to enforce what 
 follows, as in Homer, 
 
 AI/TIJTCO y*g ty<a TOU ' avj0$,o$fa Sxitw, 
 
 ''OtTTIJ osX*T4l. 
 
 D'Ablancourt has rendered usmxoov >oi u'vi in the 
 same sentence, pour m'accompagner. 
 
 * Esrti Si. I have translated this as if Xenophon had 
 said 1 5TT* Ji, in which sense i^i J seems to answer 
 better to w^anov piv. Hutchinson has said posteaquam, 
 which has no relation toprimum. I think deinde would 
 have been better. 
 
 Asgii tka.icv. Hutchinson, in his annotations upon 
 the Institution of Cyrus, has brought several authori- 
 ties to prove, that the kings of Persia used to pledge 
 their faith by giving their right hands, which to be sure 
 is true ; but tlie custom was also observed by all na- 
 tions, and by the Greeks, so early as in Homer's days, 
 as we learn from Nestor's speech to the Greek com- 
 manders, 
 
 Sn-ovSa T' ax^TOi, x*i fgii,>js iTTiTrtSftiv. 
 
 Which I need not translate, because Ovid has almost 
 done it for me : 
 Jura, Fides ubi MM^C, commissaque dextera deztrte ? 
 
 Ea-i T-bfrijs 'A^rs.MiS'jj Aupcv. Hutchinson isofopin- 
 
 third time, be found endeavouring to betray 
 me 1" Orontas -saying that he was not pro- 
 voked to it by any injury, Cyrus continued, 
 "You own then you have wronged me?" 
 " I am under a necessity of owning it," replied 
 Orontas : upon which Cyrus asked him again, 
 " Can you yet be an enemy to my brother, and 
 a friend to me ?" " Though I should," says 
 Orontas, " Cyrus ! you will never think 
 me so." 
 
 Hereupon, Cyrus said to those who were 
 present, " Such are the actions of this man 
 and such his words :" at the same time, de- 
 siring the opinion of Clearchus, who delivered 
 it as follows ; " My advice is, that this man 
 be forthwith put to death, to the end that we 
 may no longer be under a necessity of guard- 
 ing against his practices, but have leisure, be- 
 ing freed 6 from him, to do good to those who 
 desire to be our friends :" after which, upon 
 declaring the rest were unanimous in this 
 advice, they all rose up, and, together with 
 his relations, by order of Cyrus, laid hold on 7 
 Orontas's girdle, as a token of his being con- 
 
 ion, that this must be the altar of Diana at Ephesus : 
 which to me seems very probable, for this reason, be- 
 cause that altar was a very ancient sanctuary : so an- 
 cient that Eustathius, in his annotations on Dionysius 
 3re"iy > i T iSi says, the Amazons being pursued by Her- 
 cules, and flying to this altar, were protected by the 
 religion of it. As the Persians worshipped the sun and 
 moon, it is no wonder they had a respect for the altar 
 of Diana, which may be the reason why they spared 
 Delus and Ephesus, when they burned all the other 
 Greek temples. It is equally certain this could not be 
 a Persian altar, if what Herodotus says be true, that 
 the Persians erected none to their gods. Though it is 
 certain there was a temple in Ecbatana dedicated to 
 Diana, under the name of Anitis ; since Plutarch tells 
 us, that Artaxerxes made Aspasia a priestess of that 
 goddess, to disappoint Darius, -rij; 'A^T^Jo? T>JS lv Ex- 
 
 rrrxa-istv. ) But, as Ecbatana was far distant from 
 the government of Cyrus, it is not a' all probable that 
 Orontas fled to that temple for protection. However, 
 the Persians had a particular respect for Diana of 
 Ephesus, an instance of which may be seen in Thucy- 
 dides, where we find Tissaphernes offering sacrifice to 
 that goddess. 
 
 s Tb X.X.TX. rovTovuvxt. This addition of s'vai is very 
 common in all the Attic writers. Herodotus has also 
 admitted it into his Ionic style : thus he makes Dama- 
 ratus say to Xerxes, 'EX.W ye itvxi ouS' v tuovoft%i. 
 <"/" : D'Ablancourt, I imagine, found some difficulty in 
 this passage, for he has left it out. 
 
 i E\aovT<> ms wviis. Hutchinson has showed from 
 a passage in Diodorus Siculns, in the affair of Charide- 
 mus, who was ordered to be put to death by Darius, 
 that it was a custom among the Persians to lay hold on 
 a criminal's girdle when they condemned him to die. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 185 
 
 demned ; and instantly led out by the propei 
 officers ; when, although in that dishonourable 
 situation, those who used to prostrate them 
 selves before him, even then paid him the 
 same * veneration, though they knew he was 
 leading to death. He was carried into th< 
 tent of Artapates, who was in the greates 
 trust with Cyrus of any of his sceptre-bearers ; 2 
 from which time, no one ever saw Orontas 
 either 3 alive or dead, nor could any one cer 
 
 i Ilf oo - xvvj)0'c6v. Hence it appears, that this custom 
 of adoration was not only used by subjects to the kings 
 of Persia, but by subjects of an inferior degree to those 
 of a superior. We have the whole ceremonial in Hero 
 dotus; if two Persians of equal degree met, says he 
 they kissed one another's mouths ; if one of them is 
 something inferior to the other, he kisses his cheek: if 
 much inferior, he falls down and adores him. When 
 Alexander, intoxicated with success, endeavoured to 
 prevail with the Macedonians to imitate the conquered 
 Persians in their servility, Calisthenes opposed him to 
 his face, with a spirit becoming both a Greek and a 
 philosopher ; by what he says to Alexander upon that 
 occasion, we find that Cyrus, the founder of the Persia 
 empire, was the first of all mankind, to whom adoration 
 was paid, which from thence was looked upon as a duty 
 from the Medes and Persians to his successors. To this 
 day the Greeks call the compliments they send one to 
 another Trgsa-^vvtift^Tx, adorations. 
 
 3 x>i5-rflu%a)i'. ScepUes, both in the ancient and 
 modern world, are ensigns of great dignity. All au- 
 thors agree, that they were borne by the kings of Per- 
 sia; upon which occasion, I cannot help translating a 
 fine sentiment made use of by the first Cyrus, (or rather 
 by our author) in the speech he makes to his children ; 
 " You are sensible," says he, " O Cambyses ! that this 
 golden sceptre is not the support of the empire, but 
 that faithful friends a*e the truest and securest sceptre 
 of kings," OIO-3-* piv ovv xxi <ro, S> Ka/ujSira-j), OT< cu TOS 
 
 TO XfUO-OUV O-Xlja-TgOV TO TIJV fia.<ri*.HXV $ttt<r<u{ov fO-TlV^ 
 
 xi o-4'*A.s<rTTov. This thought Sallust has paraphras- 
 ed in the speech of Micipsa. Jfon exercitus, ncque the- 
 sauri, prcBsidia regni sunt, verum amid. Homer gives 
 all his Greek commanders sceptres ; with him a king is 
 O-XJITTTOU^OS /3aT*Xsuj, which Milton has rendered, " scep- 
 tred kings." By this passage in Xenbphon, we find that 
 Persian noblemen were also distinguished by this mark 
 of dignity. However, I look upon the O-X^TTTCU^SI, or 
 sceptre-bearers, to have been a kind of guard attending 
 upon the persons of the Persian kings, since we find in 
 Xenophon, that three hundred of them, richly dressed, 
 attended the first Cyrus upon a very solemn occasion, 
 
 TOUJ T( 4*xoo-ou5. D'Ablancourt , has strangely mistaken 
 this passage. He supposes Artapates to have been one of 
 those whose duty it was to carry the sceptre of Cyrus ; 
 but I do not think it fair to' censure him, without quot- 
 mg his words, " 1'un des plus fideles serviteurs de 
 Cyrus, d'entre ceux qui portoient son sceptre." 
 
 3 MsTX. T3CUTC4 OUT4 ^CtlVTa Qplvry.V CuT Ti-S'VtCCTX 
 
 tvSii's a-uj^-CTs iloiv. Hiitchinson has left out this line in 
 his translation. When I say this, I desire not to be 
 mistaken; I am convinced that his leaving it out was 
 
 16* 
 
 tainly relate how he was put to death, though 
 various conjectures were made about it ; nei- 
 ther was it ever known that any monument 
 was erected to his memory. 
 
 VII. Cyrus next proceeded through the 
 country of Babylon, and after completing 
 twelve parasangs in three days' march, re- 
 viewed his forces, both Greeks and Barba- 
 rians, in a plain, about midnight, (expecting the 
 king would appear the next morning, at the 
 head of his army, ready to give him battle,) 
 giving the command of the right wing to Cle- 
 archus, and that of the left to Menon the 
 Thessalian, while he himself drew up his own 
 men. After the review, and as soon as the 
 day appeared, there came deserters from the 
 great king, bringing an account of his army to 
 Cyrus, who thereupon called together the gen- 
 erals and captains of the Greeks, and advised 
 with them concerning the order of battle ; at 
 the same time encouraging them by the fol- 
 lowing persuasions; "O Greeks! it is not 
 from any want of Barbarians, that I make use 
 of you as my auxiliaries, but, because I look 
 upon you as superior to great numbers of them; 
 for that reason I have taken you also into my 
 service : show 4 yourselves therefore worthy of 
 that liberty you enjoy, in the possession of 
 which I think you extremely happy : for be 
 5 assured that I would prefer liberty before all 
 things I possess, with the addition of many 
 others. But, that you may understand what 
 
 owing to some accident; for he is certainly not, like 
 
 some others, a shy translator, where he meets with a 
 
 difficulty. 
 
 o^s 5v <r*i "S(is *5o. T *x U S- f ,* s , &c. 
 
 These ellipses, as well in prohibitions as in exhortations, 
 ire often to be met with in the best authors, particularly 
 he. Attic writers: in the former <fu\irTou, or some- 
 hing like it, is to be understood, and in the latter rretg^t 
 
 tt something equivalent to it; and as oa-ws leads to the 
 illipsis in exhortations, so piiiruis leads to it in prohihi- 
 ions ; a remarkable instance of which we find in Homer, 
 vhere Sarpedon says to Hector, 
 
 MitTT'JJJ (Of KT^KTl \VOU A.OVT TTXVX'fe eu 
 
 Ai/Ja<r Svfftivtsa-nv ixwg xss? xuf, >-vi)ir3-|, 
 vhere, by the way, the dual number is used for the 
 jlural, which is not uncommon. 
 
 . y e ,TTJ ST. T$ir f Xtudff <v i?.o.^v v *vr? Zv t Xut 
 
 ruiv x*i xKKtov *sK\surKa<ri<av. Cyrus "with great 
 udgment expresses himself with so much warmth upon 
 
 subject of liberty, which he knew to be the reigning 
 assion of the people to whom he addresses his discourse. 
 iVhether D'Ablancourt found any difficulty in this sen- 
 
 3, or whether he was afraid of offending the tender 
 ars of his monarch with the harshness of it, I know 
 ot ; but so it is, that he has left out every syllable of 
 his period. 
 
186 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 kind of combat you are going to engage in, I 
 shall explain it to you. Their numbers are 
 great, and they come on with mighty shouts, 
 which if you can withstand, for/the rest, I am 
 almost ashamed to think what kind of men you 
 will find our country produces. But you are 
 1 soldiers ; behave yourselves with bravery, and, 
 if any one of you desire to return home, I will 
 take care to send him back the envy of his 
 country ; but I am confident that my behaviour 
 will engage many of you rather to follow my 
 fortunes than return home." 
 
 Gaulites, a banished Samian, a man of fide- 
 lity to Cyrus, being present, spoke thus : It is 
 said by some, Cyrus ! that you promise 
 many things now, because you are in such im- 
 minent danger, which, upon any success, you 
 will not remember ; and by others, that, though 
 you should remember your promises, and de- 
 sire to perform them, it will not be in your 
 power." Cyrus then replied ; " Gentlemen ! 
 my 2 paternal kingdom to the south, reaches as 
 far as those climates that are uninhabitable 
 through heat, and the north, as far as those 
 
 t Avflfi^ouj-u^cuv Ss avSfav ovriav. This opposition be- 
 tween xv-fyvirot and mvSgii; is finely supported in Hero- 
 dotus, where he says that Leonidas and his four thou- 
 sand Greeks, having repulsed the Persians in several 
 attacks at Thermopylae, made it plain to all the world 
 thatthey were manymenbut fewsoldiers, J>iXov tVoituv 
 or TTOX\OI ftiv avSgioTToi iTjv.ox.ij'O* Ss avSgig: I am apt 
 to think our author had that passage of Herodotus in 
 his eyeupoh this occasion. This opposition is preserved 
 in Latin by homines et viri, of which Hutchinson and 
 Leunclaviua have very -properly taken advantage in 
 rendering this passage. I imagine D'Ablancourt thought 
 his language would not support this distinction, having 
 left out the whole passage : but I do not see why the op- 
 position which his language allows between des hommes 
 and des soldats, might not have encouraged him to at- 
 tempt it. There is a fine instance of that opposition in 
 a very beautiful, though a very partial writer of his na- 
 tion, Father D'Orleans, where, speaking of the French 
 army at the ever memorable battle of Crecy, he says, 
 les Francois avoient beaucoup de troupes ct point d'ar- 
 mee, grand multitude d'hommes et pen de soldats, des 
 rois a leur tete, et point de chefs. 
 
 a 'H exi *i TrxTgua. Plutarch has given us the sub- 
 stance of a most magnificent letter, written by Cyrus 
 to the Lacedaemonians, desiring their assistance against 
 his brother ; he there tells them, that" if the men they 
 send him are foot he will give "them horses ; if* horse- 
 men, chariots ; if they have country houses, he will give 
 them villages; if villages, cities ; and that they shall re- 
 ceive their pay by measure, and not by tale." off <$j 
 
 S'ttJO-SIW \0,V ftiV TTE^Ol 5Ta^ffi(TiV, J'sTWOUJ, CXV $: ITTTJ-lTfj 0-UV- 
 
 togi'Jots' sx.v Si K-ygovg i%u><rt } Xiu/u*;' iy.v $( XcujKaj jroXfij' 
 fttlTO-OU Si TOT? O-Tf-tTSOO/tSvOIJ OUlC UgiSftOV >w*.* n'tTQOV 
 
 t<rs<rS. This letter seems to be full of the same eas- 
 tern Fast with the speech Cyrus makes to the Greeks 
 upon this occasion 
 
 that are so through cold : every thing between is 
 under the government of my brother's friends ; 
 and if we conquer, it becomes me to put you, 
 who are my friends, in possession of it : so that 
 I am under no apprehension, if we succeed, 
 lest I should not have enough to bestow on 
 each of my friends : I only fear, lest I should 
 not have friends enough, on whom to bestow 
 it; but to each of you Greeks, besides what I 
 have mentioned, I promise a crown of gold." 
 ^Hereupon, the officers espoused his cause with 
 greater alacrity, and made their report to the 
 rest ; after which, the Greek generals, and some 
 of the private men, came to him to know what 
 they had to expect, if they were victorious ; all 
 whom he sent awav big with hopes, and all who 
 were admitted, advised him not to engage per- 
 sonally, but to stand in the rear. Clearchus 
 himself put this question to him : " Are you 
 of opinion, O Cyrus ! that your brother will 
 hazard a battle?" ' Certainly," answered Cy- 
 rus : " if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis, 
 and my brother, I shall never obtain all this 
 without a stroke." 
 
 While the soldiers were accomplishing them- 
 selves for the action, the number of the Greeks 
 was found to amount to ten thousand four 
 hundred 3 heavy-armed men, and two thousand 
 four hundred targeteers : and that of the Bar- 
 barians in the service of Cyrus, to one hundred 
 thousand men, with about 4 twenty chariots 
 armed with scythes. The enemy's army was 
 said to consist of twelve hundred thousand 
 men, and two hundred chariots armed with 
 scythes, besides six thousand horse, under the 
 command of Artagerses, all which were drawn 
 up before the king, whose army was com- 
 manded by four generals, commanders and 
 leaders, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, 
 and Arbaces, who had each the command of 
 three hundred thousand men : but of this num- 
 ber, nine hundred thousand only were present 
 
 Aersn'f. Ao-jrij is taken in the same sense Suidas 
 gives it, ii raj-i;, that is a-wrTi, which is very prop- 
 erly explained hy the scholiast upon these words of Ho- 
 mer, 
 
 XfMTigai <TTI'%; u,<T7ri<rrauiv 
 
 KaSJv, 
 
 by 5r<?ir, fcrMTav, heavy-armed men. 
 
 4 'A e pat* Sge7ravvq>c.ex. Xenophon, in his Cyropaedia, 
 ascribes the invention of these chariots armed with 
 scythes to the first Cyrus; though Diodorus Siculus, 
 from Ctesias, says Ninus had greater numbers of them 
 in his expedition against the Bactrians: it is certain they 
 were not in use in the Trojan war, for which reason 
 Arrian in his Tactics, opposes xei"* r * T.<X* to rief- 
 <rx*,as he does 4"*-* to ?w<*v;j?6jf. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 187 
 
 at the battle, together with one hundred and 
 fifty chariots armed with scythes ; for Abro- 
 comas, coming out of Phoenicia, arrived five 
 days after the action. This was the account 
 the deserters gave to Cyrus before the battle, 
 which was afterwards confirmed by the prison- 
 ers. From thence Cyrus, in one day's march, 
 made three parasangs, all his forces, both 
 Greeks and Barbarians, marching in order of 
 battle : because he expected the king would 
 fight that day ; for, in the middle of their 
 march, there was a trench cut five fathom 
 broad and three deep, extending twelve para- 
 sangs upwards, traversing the plain as far as 
 the wall of Media. In this plain are four 1 
 canals derived from the river Tigris ; being 
 each one hundred feet in breadth, and deep 
 enough for barges laden with corn to sail there- 
 in : they fall into the Euphrates, and are dis- 
 tant from one another one parasang, having 
 bridges over them. 
 
 The great king hearing Cyrus was marching 
 against him, immediately caused a trench to be 
 made (by way of fortification) near the Euph- 
 rates : close to which, also, there was a narrow 
 pass, through which Cyrus and his army inarch- 
 ed and came within the trench ; when, finding 
 the king did not engage that day, by the many 
 tracks that appeared both of horses and men 
 which were retreated, he sent for Silanus, the 
 soothsayer of Ambracia, and, agreeable to his 
 promise, gave him three thousand daricks, be- 
 cause the eleventh day before that, when he 
 was offering sacrifice, he told Cyrus, the king 
 would not fight within ten days ; upon which, 
 Cyrus said, " If he does not fight within that 
 time, he will not fight at all ; and if what you 
 say proves true, I will give you 2 ten talents." 
 Since, therefore, the king had suffered the 
 army of Cyrus to march through this pass un- 
 
 1 Ai Juu%; KTTO TOU Tjy^HTOj 5rJ>T,ou piava-oci, Ar- 
 rian differs very much from our author, in relation to 
 these canals; he says, that the level of the Tigris is 
 much lower than that of the Euphrates, and conse- 
 quently all the canals that run from the one to the other, 
 are derived from the Euphrates, and fall into the Tigris. 
 In this he is supported by Strabo and Pliny, who say 
 that in the spring, when the snow melts upon the hills of 
 Armenia, the Euphrates would overflow the adjacent 
 country, if the inhabitants did not cut great numbers of 
 canals to receive and circulate this increase of water in 
 the same manner as the Egyptians distribute that of the 
 Nile. 
 
 *^jx* TaxceiTT*. By this it appears, as Hutchinson 
 has observed, that three thousand daricks, and ten tal- 
 ents, were of equal value. See note 2, page 169. 
 
 molested, both Cyrus and the rest concluded 
 that he had given over all thoughts of fighting : 
 so that the next day Cyrus marched with less 
 circumspection ; and the third day rode on his 
 car, very few marching before him in their 
 ranks ; great part of the soldiers observed no 
 order, many of their arms being carried in wag- 
 gons and upon sumpter horses. 
 
 VIII. It was now about the time of day, 3 
 when the market is usually crowded, the army 
 being near the place where they proposed to 
 encamp, when Patagyas, a Persian, one of 
 those whom Cyrus most confided in, was seen 
 riding towards them full speed, his horse all in 
 a sweat, and he calling to every one he met, 
 both in his own language, and in Greek, that 
 the king was at hand with a vast army, march- 
 ing in order of battle ; which occasioned a 
 general confusion among the Greeks, all ex- 
 pecting he would charge them, before they had 
 put themselves in order: but Cyrus leaping 
 from his car, put on his corslet, then mounting 
 his horse, took his javelins in his hand, ordered 
 all the rest to arm, and every man to take his 
 post : by virtue of which command they quickly 
 formed themselves, Clearchus on the right 
 wing close to the Euphrates, next to him 
 Proxenus, and after him the rest : Menon and 
 his men were posted on the left of the Greek 
 army. Of the Barbarians, a thousand Paphla- 
 gonian horse, with the Greek targeteers, stood 
 next to Clearchus on the right : upon the left 
 Ariseus, Cyrus's lieutenant-general, was placed 
 with the rest of the Barbarians : they had large 
 corslets, and cuirasses, and all of them helmets 
 but Cyrus, who placed himself in the centre 
 with six hundred horse, and stood ready for 
 the charge, with his head unarmed : 4 in which 
 
 Aft$\ uyo(x,v 7i-A.ij$oy<rav. It is very common with 
 the Greek authors to denote the time of the day by the 
 employment of it ; thus ne^ xu%v<v ${ is often used 
 by Dionysius Halicarnassensis to signify the evening, 
 and^?i TrXviS-ouo-oev K-yoqxv, as Kuster has proved in hig 
 notes upon Suidas, what they called the third hour, 
 that is, nine o'clock with us. Possibly jrMSouo-* iyog* 
 may not improperly be rendered in English Full Change. 
 There is a very particular description of the evening 
 in the Odyssey, where Ulysses says he hung upon the 
 wild fig-tree, till Charybdis had cast up his raft, which 
 appeared at the time when the judge left the bench to 
 go to supper, 
 
 __ 'H/uoj S'ifl-i Sogvov ecv^g st.yc(v\Sev Kvsa-rt, 
 
 XAOtif Hi f rag <}/Xis r"j xi$- 
 
 vSuvsuii'.-D'Ablancourt hasleft 
 
188 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 manner, they say, it is also customary for the 
 rest of the Persians to expose themselves in 
 day of action : all the horses in Cyrus's army 
 had both frontlets and breast-plates, and the 
 horsemen Greek swords. 
 
 It was now in the middle of the day, and no 
 enemy was yet to be seen ; but 1 in the after- 
 noon there appeared a dust like a white cloud 
 which not long after spread itself like a dark- 
 ness over the plain ! when they drew -nearer, 
 the brazen armour flashed, and their spears and 
 ranks appeared, having on their left a body of 
 horse armed in white corslets, (said to be com- 
 manded by Tissaphernes,) and followed by 
 those with 2 Persian bucklers, besides heavy- 
 armed men with wooden shields, reaching down 
 to their feet, (said to be Egyptians) and other 
 horse, and archers, all which marched 3 accord- 
 
 out all this, unless he designed that selon la costume 
 des Psrses should be taken for a translation of it. I 
 have said that Cyrus stood ready for the charge with 
 his head unarmed, and not bare, in which I have dif- 
 fered from all the translators, but am supported by Bris- 
 seniup, who iu his third hook de Regno Persarum, from 
 whom Hutchinson has taken his whole annotation up- 
 on this passage, is of opinion, which he proves from 
 Herodotus, that both Cyrus and the rest of the Persians, 
 though they had no helmets in a day of battle, wore 
 however tiaras upon their heads. This is confirmed 
 by Plutarch, who says, that in this battle the tiara of 
 Cyrus fell from his head. Besides, 4"*-?. which is the 
 word our author uses upon this occasion, has a visible 
 relation to what goes before ; after he has said, there- 
 fore, that the six hundred horse had all helmets but 
 Cyrus, when he adds that he had 4"M" i xt^*x^v, 
 he does not mean that he stood with his head bare, but 
 that he had no helmet: in the same manner when Ar- 
 rian calls the light-armed men 4/iM> ; j S , he does not 
 mean they were naked, but that they had neither cors- 
 lets, shields, greaves, or helmets, which the reader 
 will see in his own words in note 6, page 167. 
 
 Hvix* Si Sit^n iyivsro. Hutchinson quotes upon 
 this occasion a passage out of Dio Chrysostomus, in 
 in which he divides the day into five parts : 1. 5rji. 2. 
 
 jrX.^douo-cev xyoqav. 3. fij jur>j/</3f is. 4. SiiK>tv. 5. 
 
 ia-rs^xv : this division of the day perfectly agrees with 
 that of Xenophon : and, as STA^S-DUO-* K-yoq* is the mid- 
 dle hour between the morning and noon, so M will 
 be the middle hour between that and the evening, that 
 is, three o'clock. 
 
 3rppo^ooi. Htg<rix* fttv Tma, t oa-\ TO, "ytf'p* ttrri. 
 
 Harpocration. This kind of buckler is also mentioned 
 by Homer in the following verse, 
 
 where Eustathius explains ye?p by ara-.^s ris <rxj 
 ix, Kuyuiv Persian bucklers made of wickers. 
 
 3 Kara. id**. This seems to have been customary 
 among the Persians : for we find in Herodotus, that in 
 the prodigious army with which Xerxes invaded 
 Greece, each nation was drawn up by itsolf, X*T* t$vi 
 
 ing to their respective countries, each nation 
 being drawn up in a * solid oblong square ; and 
 before them were disposed, at a considerable 
 distance from one another, chariots armed with 
 scythes fixed aslant at the axle-trees, with 
 others under the 5 body of the, chariot, pointing 
 downwards, that so they might cut asunder 
 every thing they encountered, by driving them 
 among the ranks of the Greeks to break them ; 
 but it now appeared that Cyrus was greatly 
 mistaken when he exhorted the Greeks to 
 withstand the shouts of the Barbarians; for 
 they did not come on with shouts, but as 
 silently and quietly as possible, and in an 
 equal and slow march. Here Cyrus riding 
 along the ranks with Pigres the interpreter, 
 and three or four others, commanded Clearchus 
 to bring his men opposite to the centre of the 
 enemy, (because the king was there,) saying, 
 " If we break that, our work is done ;" but 
 Clearchus observing their centre, and under- 
 standing from Cyrus that the king was beyond 
 the left wing of the Greek army, (for the king 
 was so much superior in number, that, when 
 he stood in the centre of his own army he was 
 beyond the left wing to that of Cyrus,) Clear- 
 chus, I say, would not, however, be prevailed 
 on to withdraw his right from the river, fearing 
 to be surrounded on both sides f ; but answered 
 Cyrus, he would take care all should go well. 
 Now the Barbarians came regularly on ; and 
 the Greek army standing on the same ground, 
 the ranks were formed as the men came up ; 
 in the meantime, Cyrus riding at a small dis- 
 tance before the ranks, surveying both the 
 enemy's army and his own, was observed by 
 Xenophon, an Athenian, who rode up to him, 
 and asked whether he had any thing to com- 
 mand : Cyrus, stopping his horse, ordered him 
 
 4 Ei/ a-^xifna. As TrKocurtev and 5rXiv5oi/ are disposi- 
 tions often mentioned by Xenophon and other Greek 
 authors, it may not be amiss to show the 1 difference be- 
 tweeti them. They are thus defined by Arrian in hia 
 
 TaCtiCS, 7r\ctHTH>v OVOftx'CtTKi, O-STOTKV Tr^lq srio-wj retf 
 5r\Ufs w**Taj->jTJ Tf Iv sTsgo M*it (T^^ar i- irKtv. 
 Siov , #T*V Iv riTf xyuivta <r%J)/ustT< ctinb TOUTO irfijr)), 
 
 (rather yr^*%^aa :) so that TT^KHTKIV is an oblong square, 
 and srxvSoi/ an equilateral square. Had D'Ablancourt 
 attended to this, he would not have translated Iv ^A-OK- 
 
 c.), avec autant de front que de hauteur. 
 
 * T*r& TOIS j<j>gois. The grammarians derive Suf^cg 
 from <pof 05, because both the >i>"o%oj, the charioteer, 
 and the sre*gaiSTn;, the soldiers, sat in the body of the 
 chariot. This hint may be of use to historical painter?, 
 who oftentimes place the charioteer upon a seat by 
 tiimself in the modern way. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 189 
 
 to let them all know, that the l sacrifices and 
 victims promise success. 
 
 While he was saying this, upon hearing a : 
 noise running through the ranks, he asked him ; 
 what meant it 1 Xenophon answered, that 
 the word was now giving for the second 
 time ; Cyrus, wondering who should give 
 it, asked him what the word was: the 
 other replied, 2 Jupiter the preserver, and 
 victory ;" Cyrus replied, I accept it, let that 
 be the word," after which, he immediately re- 
 turned to his post, and the two armies being 
 now within three or four stadia of each other, 3 
 the Greeks sung the paean, and began to ad- 
 vance against the enemy ; but the motion occa- 
 sioning a small 4 fluctuation in the line of battle, 
 those who were left behind, hastened their 
 march, and at once gave a general 5 shout, as 
 their custom is when they invoke the god* of 
 war, and all ran forward, striking their shields 
 with their pikes (as some say) to frighten the 
 enemy's horses : so that, before the Barbarians 
 came within reach of their darts, they turned 
 their horses and fled, but the Greeks pursued 
 them as fast as they could, calling out to one 
 another not to run, but to follow in their ranks; 
 some of the chariots were borne through their 
 own people without their charioteers, others 
 through the Greeks, some of whom, seeing 
 them coming, 6 divided ; while others, being 
 
 i fa. lif* xi T3. <rtpxyi*. The last of these properly 
 signifies, victims, though I am sensible the first is some- 
 times taken also for lejsT* ; but in this place I should 
 rather think it means some religious rites, upon which 
 conjectures were formed of future events. 
 
 szsuj SCUT.,? xi Nix>f. Dion Cassius tells us, that 
 at the battle of Phillippi, Brutus's word was eJuuSigi*, 
 libertas ; at the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar's word was 
 'A<p ? o SIT*, v.x!r*<r*, Venus victrix ; and that of Pompey, 
 'Hfxxlti avixn-roj, Hercules invictus. 
 
 'Ejraivtoi/ 01 'EKKwig. Achilles, after he has slain 
 fleclor, says thus to his men, in Homer, 
 
 whence the Greek Scholiast observes, that the ancients 
 sung two paeans ; the first before the battle, to Mars ; 
 and the second after it to Apollo. 
 
 *'f,exvp*ivs T< TV,; q>a.Kat.yyos. This expression is 
 celebrated by Demetrius Phalereus, as an instance of the 
 beauty which metaphors give, when they descend from 
 greater things to smaller. 
 
 S'EA.Xiovo-. 'EA.sA.ju, in-tqaivwet, iroKiftixov. Hesy- 
 
 chius. From thence comes ixsXi^u. I am at a loss to 
 guess what D'Ablancourt means by translating this, 
 comme on fait dans les solemnites de Mara. 
 
 Of Si, lint yrftiSaitv, S'<TTVTO. Hutchinson has em- 
 ployed his whole annotation upon this passage, in show- 
 ing that o.' Si in this place signifies TJVJJ, which to be 
 
 amazed, like spectators in the 7 Hippodrome, 
 were taken unawares , but even these were 
 reported to have received no harm, neither 
 was there any other Greek hurt in the action, 
 except one upon the left wing, who was said to 
 have been wounded by an arrow. 
 
 Cyrus seeing the Greeks victorious on their 
 side, rejoiced in pursuit of the enemy, and was 
 already worshipped as king by those about him; 
 however, he was not so far transported as to 
 leave his post, and join in the pursuit: but, 
 keeping his six hundred horse in a body, 
 observed the king's motions, well knowing that 
 he was in the centre of the Persian army , 
 8 for in all Barbarian armies, the generals evei 
 place themselves in the centre, looking upon 
 that post as the safest, on each side of which 
 
 sure is so ; but he has said nothing of a much greater 
 difficulty that occurs in it. If we are to read Vo-ravro in 
 this place, as all the translators have rendered it, the 
 sense will be, that when the Greeks saw the chariots 
 coming towards them, they stood still, which surely waa 
 not the way to avoid them. I find in Leunclavius's 
 edition the word Si <TTVTO in the margin, and also in the 
 Eton manuscript, quoted by Hutchinson in his addenda, 
 though neither of them have followed it in their trans- 
 lations, or said any thing to support it ; however, I make 
 no doubt but this is the proper reading, and then the 
 sense will be very plain : the Greeks avoided the chari 
 ots, by dividing. This is confirmed by a passage in 
 Arrian which fully explains that before us. At the bat- 
 tle of Arbela, or, as he will have it, of Gaugamela, Da- 
 rius had placed before his left wing one hundred of 
 these chariots armed with scythes, which proved of no 
 greater effect than those of Artaxerxes; for Alexan- 
 der, who was upon the right of his own army, and 
 consequently opposite to the chariots, had ordered his 
 men to divide, when they saw them coming, which 
 they did accordingly, and by that means rendered them 
 ineffectual. But the words of Arrian are the best com- 
 ment upon this passage, which it is probable he had in 
 
 view, IOTI Si x Xitltvtrt St T T(*gir *i(r%o 
 
 . 
 
 'Ev !a-7roSfOftio. This word is used also by Homer 
 to signify the place where the chariots ran the lists : 
 
 -- Xsic; ' to-a-oSgOftos atfttf'S. 
 
 At the battle of Thurium, where Sylla defeated Arche- 
 laus, one of the generals of Mithridates, the Roman 
 soldiers treated these chariots armed with scythes, with 
 so great contempt, that after the first which were sent 
 against them had proved ineffectual, as if they had been 
 spectators of a chariot race, they called out for more 
 
 aA.A.1* K'TOUV, 38 Plutarch Says, ^<r-if c'nad-cto-iv sv TOSIJ 
 
 rb BUTWV ijyouvTo. Thus Arrian tells us that Darina 
 placed himself in the centre of his army at the battle of 
 Issus, according to the custom of the kings of Persia ; 
 the reason of which custom, he says, Xenophon as 
 signgin the passage now before us. 
 
190 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 their strength is equally divided ; and if they 
 have occasion to give out any orders, they are 
 received in half the time by the army. The 
 king, therefore, being at that time in the cen- 
 tre of his own battle, was, however, beyond the 
 left wing of Cyrus ; and, when he saw none 
 opposed him in front, nor any motion made to 
 charge the troops that were drawn up before 
 him, he wheeled to the left in order to sur- 
 round their army ; whereupon Cyrus, fearing 
 he should get behind him, and cut off the Greeks, 
 advanced against the king, and charging with 
 his six hundred horse, broke those who were 
 drawn up before him, put the six thousand men 
 to flight, and, as they say, killed A.rtaxerses, 
 their commander, with his own hand. 
 
 These being broken, and the six hundred 
 belonging to Cyrus dispersed in the pursuit, 
 very few were left about him, and those almost 
 all persons who used to eat at his table : how- 
 ever, upon 1 discovering the king properly 
 attended, and unable to contain himself, im- 
 mediately cried out, " I see the man !" then ran 
 furiously at him, and striking him on the breast, 
 wounded him through his corslet (as Ctesias 
 the physician says, who affirms that he cured 
 the wound,) having, while he was giving the 
 blow, received a wound under the eye, from 
 somebody, who threw a javelin at him with 
 great force ; at the same time, the king and 
 Cyrus engaged hand to hand, and those about 
 them, in defence of each. In this action Ctesias 
 (who was with the king,) informs us how many 
 fell on his side ; on the other, Cyrus himself 
 was killed, and eight of his most considerable 
 friends 2 lay dead upon him. When Artapates, 
 
 I cannot help translating a very fine passage in Plu- 
 tarch, in his Life of Artaxerxes, where he excuses him- 
 self for not entering into the detail of this battle, be- 
 cause Xenophon had already described it inso masterly 
 a style, that he thinks it folly to attempt it after him ; 
 lie says, that "many authors have given an account of 
 this memorable action, but thatXenophon almost shows 
 it, and, by the clearness of his expression, makes his 
 reader assist with emotion at every incident and partake 
 of every danger, as if the action was not past but pre- 
 sent." However, that I may neither rob Xenophon of 
 he praise Plutarch gives him, or Plutarch of his man- 
 ner of giving it, I shall transcribe the whole passage : 
 
 T-/IV Se ftxxv.v txj/vqv, says Plutarch, sro\\a>v fiiv u.Trny- 
 yt\x.OTu>v, Sfvo$<ovTt>; Si /tovovou^i ^eiXvuovTOf o\J/, xi 
 -roif x-f xypxrtv, 105 ou yiytvYiptvon; ) .\\y. yivopsvoii;, i$i. 
 
 (TTC4VTOC TO* ittXPOCtT&V tV 7TO[,Ssi. Xflt* <TU VX * t/S'vVUO VTC6. 5i36 
 
 / tvxfyi 
 
 oV* TIOV i'.v A.oyoo. The same author calls the place 
 where this battle was fought Cunaxa. 
 !EX<I/TO is-' tuTj. J am so much pleased with the 
 
 who was in the gieatest trust with Cyrus of 
 any of his sceptred ministers, saw him fall, they 
 say, he leaped from his horse, and threw him- 
 self about him ; when (as some say) the king 
 ordered him to be slain upon the body of 
 Cyrus ; though others assert, that, drawing his 
 scimitar, he slew himself; for he wore a 
 golden scimitar, a chain, bracelets, and other 
 ornaments which are worn by the most con- 
 siderable Persians; and was held in great 
 esteem by Cyrus, both for his affection and 
 fidelity. 
 
 IX. Thus died Cyrus ! a man universally 
 acknowledged by those who were well acquaint- 
 ed with him, to have been, of all the Persians 
 since the ancient Cyrus, endued with the most 
 princely qualities, and the most worthy of em- 
 pire. First, while he was yet a child, and 
 educated with his brother, and other children, 
 he was looked upon as superior to them all in 
 all things. For all the children of the great 
 men in Persia are brought up 3 at court, where 
 they have an opportunity of learning great 
 modesty, and where nothing immodest is ever 
 heard or seen. There the children have con- 
 stantly before their eyes those who are honour- 
 ed and disgraced by the king, and hear the rea- 
 sons of both ; so that, while they are children, 
 they presently learn to command as well as to 
 obey. Cyrus was observed to have more 
 docility than any of his years, and to show 
 more submission to those of an advanced age 
 than any other children, though of a condition 
 inferior to his own. He was also observed to 
 excel not only in his love of horses, but in his 
 management of them ; and in those exercises 
 that relate to war, such as archery and lancing 
 of darts, they found him the most desirous to 
 learn, and the most indefatigable. When 
 in the flower of his age, he was, of all 
 others, the fondest of hunting, arid in hunt- 
 ing, of danger : and once, when a bear 
 rushed upon him, he did not decline the en- 
 counter, but closed with her, and was torn 
 from his horse, when he received those wounds, 
 
 reason D'Ablancourt gives for not translating these 
 words, that I must mention it; he says, le Grec dit, qui 
 se firent. tons tuer sur lui, mais cela est repete ensuite 
 dans son eloge, etj'avois besoin de cette expression la 
 dix lignes apres. There is a frankness in this acknowl- 
 edgement that has more merit in it than the best trans- 
 lation. 
 
 Ev Tctif |8*(riX<.o5 Svoctig 7rxi$EuovTxi. Literally at 
 
 the door of the king, concerning which, see note 9, 
 page 172, 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 191 
 
 of which he ever wore the scars : at last he 
 killed the bear, and the person that ran to his 
 assistance, he made a happy man in the eyes of 
 all that knew him. 
 
 When he was sent by his father governor of 
 Lydia, the greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia, 
 and was declared general of all those who are 
 obliged to assemble in the plain of Castolus, 
 the first thing he did was to show, that, if he 
 entered into a league, engaged in a contract, or 
 made a promise, his greatest care was never to 
 deceive ; for which reason, both the cities that 
 belonged to his government, and private men, 
 placed a confidence in him. And if any one 
 had been his enemy, and Cyrus had made peace 
 with him, he was under no apprehension of 
 suffering by a violation of it. So that when 
 he made war against Tissaphernes, all the 
 cities, besides Miletus, willingly declared for 
 him ; and these were afraid of him, because he 
 would not desert their banished citizens ; for 
 he showed by his actions, as well as his words, 
 that after he had once given them assurance of 
 his friendship, he would never abandon them, 
 though their number should yet diminish, and 
 their condition be yet impaired. It was evi- 
 dent that he made it his endeavour to out-do 
 his friends in good and his enemies in ill offices ; 
 and it was reported, that he wished to live so 
 long, as to be able to overcome them both, in 
 1 returning both. There was no one man, there- 
 fore, of our time, to whom such numbers of 
 people were ambitious of delivering up their 
 fortunes, their cities, and their persons. 
 
 Neither can it be said that he suffered male- 
 factors and robbers to triumph ; for to these 
 he was of all men the most inexorable. It 
 was no uncommon thing to see such men in 
 the great roads, deprived of their feet, their 
 hands, and their eyes ; so that any person, 
 whether Greek or Barbarian, might travel 
 whithersoever he pleased, and with what- 
 soever he pleased, through the country under 
 his command, and provided he did no in- 
 
 i AA.goiUvo;. It is to be observed that i.l5er3:u, 
 in this place, signifies to reward and to revenge, both 
 which significations this word admits of. 'AXE^O-*?, 
 Bo(i$u* **l AVT.'TIO-.,-. Hesychius i.uuKsn-Er*. is used in 
 the same manner by Thucydides, where Hermocrates 
 of Syracuse tells the inhabitants of Sicily, TOV s5 i 
 
 xaxffif SjcDvi-ce " o-ou ctfiTYj a.uuvovjUES-a, where xpvvov- 
 
 M* is thus explained by the Greek Scholiast, n/rav^a 
 
 jury, be sure of receiving none. It is univer- 
 sally acknowledged that he honoured, in a par- 
 ticular manner, those who distinguished them- 
 selves in arms. His first expedition was 
 against the Pisidians and Mysians, which he 
 commanded in person ; and those whom he 
 observed forward to expose themselves, he 
 appointed governors over the conquered coun- 
 tries, and distinguished them by other presents ; 
 so that ^ brave men were looked upon as most' 
 fortunate, and cowards as deserving to be their 
 slaves ; for which reason, great numbers pre- 
 sented themselves to danger, where they ex- 
 pected Cyrus would take notice of them. 
 
 As for justice, if any person was remarkable 
 for a particular regard to it, his chief care was, 
 that such a one should enjoy a greater affluence 
 than those who aimed at raising their fortunes 
 by unjust means. Among many other instan- 
 ces, therefore, of the justice of his administra- 
 tion, this was one, that he had an army which 
 truly deserved that name, for the officers did 
 not come to him from countries on the other 
 .side of the sea, for gain, but because they were 
 sensible that a ready obedience to Cyrus's com- 
 mands was of greater advantage to them than 
 their monthly pay ; and, indeed, if any one was 
 punctual in execution of his orders, he never suf- 
 fered his diligence to go unrewarded ; for which 
 reason, it is said, that Cyrus was the best serv- 
 ed of any prince in all his enterprises. If he 
 observed any governor of a province joining the 
 most exact economy with justice) improving 
 his country, and increasing his revenue, he never 
 took any share of these advantages to himself, 
 but added more to them : so that they labour- 
 ed with cheerfulness, enriched themselves with 
 confidence, and never concealed their posses- 
 sions from Cyrus, who was never known to 
 envy those who owned themselves to be rich ; 
 but endeavoured to make use of the riches of 
 all who concealed them. It is univerally ac- 
 knowledged, that he possessed, in an eminent 
 degree, the art of cultivating those of his friends, 
 whose good-will to him he was assured of, and 
 whom he looked upon as proper instruments to 
 assist him in accomplishing any thing he pro- 
 
 TOUS JSXMXOU;' JcuXoo; TOUTtovetSiauarS-^i. D'AManCOUrt 
 
 has not taken the least notice of these lines in his trans- 
 lation : if the render will give himself the trouble of 
 comparing his version with the original in this character 
 of Cyrus, lie will find many omissions, as well ae 
 atrange liberties. 
 
192 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 posed ; as an acknowledgment for which, he 
 endeavoured to show himself a most powerful 
 assistant to them in every thing he found they 
 desired. 
 
 As, upon many accounts, he received, in my 
 opinion, more presents than any one man ; so, 
 of all men living, he distributed them to his 
 friends with the greatest generosity, and in 
 this distribution consulted both the taste and 
 the wants of every one. And as for those 
 ornaments of his person that were presented to 
 him, either as of use in war, or embellishments 
 to dress, he is said to have expressed his sense 
 of them, that it was not possible for him to 
 wear them all, but that he looked upon a prince's 
 friends, when richly dressed, as his greatest 
 ornament. However, it is not so much to be 
 wondered at, that, being of greater ability than 
 his friends, he should out-do them in the mag- 
 nificence of his favours ; but that he should 
 surpass them in his care and his earnestness 
 to oblige, is, in my opinion, more worthy of 
 admiration. He frequently sent his friends 
 small * vessels, half-full of wine, when he re- 
 ceived any that was remarkably good, letting 
 them know, that he had not for a long time 
 tasted any that was more delicious; besides 
 which, he also frequently sent them half-geese, 
 and half-loaves, &c. ordering the person who 
 carried them to say, Cyrus liked these things, 
 for which reason he desires you also to taste 
 of them. Where forage was very scarce, and 
 he, by the number and care of his servants, 
 had an opportunity of being supplied with it, 
 he sent to his friends, desiring they would give 
 the horses that were for their own riding their 
 share of it, to the end they might not be oppres- 
 sed with hunger, when they carried his friends. 
 When he appeared in public upon any occa- 
 sion, where he knew many people would have 
 their eyes upon him, he used to call his friends 
 to him, and affected to discourse ^ earnestly 
 
 i B.xcu,-. BIXOJ, O-TXJUVO? U,T* "%v. Hesychius. It 
 was a wine vessel. 
 
 a 'Eo-Tj-ouSajoxoj^rTo. Hutchinson has rendered this 
 grambus derebus sermonem hub e bat, which is,no doubt, 
 the general sense of the Greek word, but does not, in 
 my opinion, explain that which our author has given it 
 in this place. The subject of the discourse between 
 Cyrus and his friends was of little consequence; to let 
 the spectators know how much he honoured them, his 
 manner of conversing with them could only do it; and, 
 as o-Trouox; signifies earnestness in the manner of speak- 
 ing, as well as the seriousness of the subject, I thought 
 
 with them, that he might show whom he 
 honoured. So that, by all I have heard, no 
 man, either of the Greeks or Barbarians, ever 
 deserved more esteem from his subjects. 
 This, among others, is a remarkable instance : 
 no one ever deserted from Cyrus, though a 
 subject, to the king: Orontas alone attempted 
 it, 3 yet he soon found, that the person on 
 whose fidelity he depended, was more a friend 
 to Cyrus than to him. Many who had been 
 most in favour with Cyrus, came over to him 
 from the king, after the war broke out between 
 them, with this expectation, that in the service 
 of Cyrus their merit would be more worthily 
 rewarded than in that of the king. What hap- 
 pened also to him, at his death, made it evi- 
 dent, that he was not only himself a good man, 
 but that he knew how to make choice of those 
 who were faithful, affectionate, and constant ; 
 even when he was killed, all his friends and 
 his 4 favourites died fighting for him, except 
 Ariffius, who, being appointed to the command 
 of the horse on the left wing, as soon as he 
 heard that Cyrus was killed, fled with all that 
 body which was under his command. 
 
 X. When Cyrus was dead,, his head and 
 right hand were cut off upon the spot, and the 
 king, with <his men, in the pursuit, broke into 
 his camp ; while those with Ariseus no longer 
 made a stand, but fled through their own 
 camp to their former post, which was said to 
 be four parasangs from the field of battle. 
 The king, with his forces, among many other 
 things, took Cyrus's mistress, a 5 Phocaean, who 
 
 proper to give it that sense in the translation. This 
 puts me in mind of a practice of some persons of quality 
 in Scotland, when King Charles the First made a pro- 
 gress thither : my Lord Clarendon says, that in order 
 to render themselves considerable in the eyes of their 
 countrymen, they used to whisper the king when he 
 appeared in public, though the subject of those whispers 
 was often of very little consequence. I have known 
 some men of gallantry so happy in this practice, that, 
 upon no other foundation than the art of whispering 
 trifles, they have been thought to be well with women 
 of distinction, which possibly was all they aimed at. 
 
 s OVTOC J>, &c. The Latin translators have render- 
 ed this parenthesis, as if OUTOS related to the king, for 
 which, I think, there is no foundation. I have under- 
 stood it of Orontas, who intrusted a person, in whom he 
 thought he might confide, with his letter to the king 
 but soon found, to his cost, that he wos more attached 
 to Cyrus than to him. 
 
 4 2 uv " f jr-o. Properly those who eat at his table 
 * TV fcwxai'Jse. As this favourite mistress of Cyrus 
 was afterwards very near being the cause of a revolu- 
 tion in the Persian empire, it may not be amiss to give 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 193 
 
 was said to be a woman of great sense and 
 beauty. The other, a Milesian, who was the 
 younger of the two, was also taken by the 
 king's troops, but escaped naked to the quarter 
 of the Greeks, who were left to guard the bag. 
 gage. These, forming themselves, killed many 
 of those who were plundering the camp, and 
 lost some of their own men; however they 
 did not fly, but saved the Milesian, with the 
 men and effects, and, in general, every thing 
 else that was in their quarter. The king and 
 the Greeks were now at the distance of about 
 thirty stadia from one another, pursuing the 
 enemy that were opposite to them, as if they 
 had gained a complete victory ; and the king's 
 troops plundering the camp of the Greeks, as 
 if they also had been every where victorious. 
 But, when the Greeks were informed that the 
 king, with his men, were among their baggage, 
 and the king, on his side, heard from Tissa- 
 phernes, that the Greeks had put those before 
 them to flight, and were gone forward in the 
 
 some account of her. She was of Phocea in Ionia (the 
 mother-city of Marseilles,) and the daughter of Hermo- 
 tymus, her name Milto; she was mistress of so much 
 wit and beauty, that Cyrus, who was very fond of her, 
 called*' her Aspasia, from Aspasia, the mistress of the 
 great Pericles, who was so much celebrated for those 
 accomplishments. After the death of Cyrus, she was 
 in the same degree of favour with his brother Artaxer- 
 xes, whose eldest son Darius had so unfortunate a pas- 
 sion for her, that, upon his being declared by his father 
 successor to the crown, when, it seems, it was custom- 
 ary for the successor to ask some favour of the king, 
 which was never refused, if possible to be granted, he 
 demanded Aspasia. The king, though besides his wife 
 Atossa, he had three hundred and sixty ladies in his 
 seraglio, one for every night, according to the old Baby- 
 lonian year, yet was unwilling to part with Aspasia, 
 though she was now far from being young ; so told his 
 son that she was mistress of herself, and, if she con- 
 sented to be his, he should not oppose it, but forbid him 
 to use violence. It seems this caution was unnecessary, 
 for Aspasia declared in favour of the son, which so dis- 
 pleased Artaxerxes, that, though he was under a ne- 
 cessity of yielding her to Darius, yet he shortly after 
 took her from him, and made her a priestess of Diana. 
 This exasperated Darius to that degree, that he con- 
 epired with Teribazus to put his father to death ; but 
 his design being discovered, ended in his own destruc- 
 tion. After this short account of Aspasia's adventures, 
 I believe the reader will smile to find her called la belle 
 and la sage by D'Ablancourt. She was the occasion of 
 so much mischief, that I am persuaded even the Persian 
 ladies could not refuse her the first of these qualities ; 
 bat there is little room to call her chaste, for that is the 
 sense of the word sage in his language when applied to 
 a woman. Had Xenophon designed to give her that 
 character, he would have called her <r>tppov, instead of 
 troqqv : the last of which! I should think, might be more 
 properly translated in French by sensee than sage. 
 17 
 
 pursuit, he then rallied his forces, and put 
 them in order. On the other side, Clearchus 
 consulted with Proxenus, who was nearest to 
 him, whether they should send a detachment, 
 or should all march to relieve the camp. 
 
 In the meantime, the king was observed to 
 move forward again,- and seemed resolved to 
 fall upon their rear : upon which, the Greeks * 
 faced about, and put themselves in a posture 
 to march that way, and receive him. How- 
 ever, the king did not advance that way ; but 
 as before, passed 2 beyond their left wing, led 
 his men back the same way, taking along with 
 him those who had deserted to the Greeks 
 during the action, and also Tissaphernes with 
 his forces ; for Tissaphernes did not fly at the 
 first onset, but penetrated with his horse, 
 where the Greek targeteers were posted, quite 
 as far as the river. However, in breaking 
 through, he killed none of their men, but the 
 
 i Suo-Tpa^fv-pjf. I am sorry to find myself obliged to 
 differ from Hutchinson in translating this. I agree with 
 him that conglobati, the sense he has given of it, is the 
 general sense of the word, as he has proved from Hesy- 
 chius and Phavorinus ; as for those synonymous words 
 he has quoted from Julius Pollox, I do not look upon 
 them to concern the present case, since they relate only 
 to the contraction of the human body, as the title of that 
 chapter plainly shows, Tie^i TOO O-VO-T^ tfyut TO o-to/ua, XM< 
 'ra-Xcuo-i. But, in order to form a right judgment of 
 the sense of this word in this place, we are to consider 
 the situation of the two armies ; the Greeks, after they 
 had broken that part of the enemy's army that stood op- 
 posite to them, were engaged in pursuing them; and 
 the king, having plundered Cyrus's camp, followed the 
 Greeks, in order to fall upon their rear, 7?% oa-tiov oiric-Siv ; 
 but the latter seeing this motion of the king, faced about 
 to meet him. Now I believe it will be allowed, that it 
 was not enough for the Greeks (though they had been 
 dispersed, which we do not find) to get together in a 
 body, in order to meet the king, who was following 
 them; I say, I believe it will be thought that it was also 
 necessary for them to face about, in order to put them- 
 selves in a proper posture to receive him. This motion 
 effacing about to receive the enemy, is often described 
 by this verse iii Homer, 
 
 ^Oi ' eXX%3-|<rav xeei tvxvriot tfrxv A%*ta>v, 
 Which the Greek Scholiast explains by the very word 
 made use of by our author in this place, <rvvt<nt<*.$ii<r*v, 
 fteTK&x^epfvai '<x>)3->)o-e6i/. It is with pleasure I lay hold 
 on this opportunity of doing justice to D'Ablancourt, 
 who had said, I think, in a very proper and military 
 manner, " les Gfrecs jirent la conversion pour Valler re~ 
 cevoir; cela s'appelle parler guerre." Leunclavius has 
 also given it the same sense. 
 
 a 'H Ss x-x^KSiv f%u> TOW tvusvvpov x*TOff. Xenophon 
 considers the Greek army as it stood when the battle 
 began, otherwise after they had faced about, their left 
 wing was become their right. This D'Ablancourt has 
 observed, but Leunclavius and Hutchinson take no no 
 tice of it. 
 
194 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 Greeks l dividing, wounding his people both 
 with their swords and darts. Episthenes of 
 Amphipolis commanded the targeteers, and is 
 reported to have shown great conduct upon 
 this occasion. Tissaphernes, therefore, as 
 sensible of his disadvantage, departed, when 
 coming to the camp of the Greeks, found the 
 king there, and reuniting their forces, they ad- 
 vanced and presently came opposite to the left 
 of the Greeks, who being afraid they should 
 attack their wing, by wheeling to the right 
 and left, and annoy them on both sides, they 
 resolved to open that wing, and cover the rear 
 with the river. While they were consulting 
 upon this, the king 2 marched by them, and 
 drew up his army opposite to theirs in the 
 same order in which he first engaged : where- 
 upon, the Greeks, seeing they drew near in 
 order of battle, again sung the pa3an, and went 
 on with much more alacrity than before ; but 
 the Barbarians did not stay to receive them, 
 having fled sooner than the first time to a vil- 
 lage, where they were pursued by the Greeks, 
 who halted there : for there was an eminence 
 above the village, upon which, the king's forces 
 faced about. He had no foot with him, but 
 the hill was covered with horse, in such a 
 manner that it was not possible for the Greeks 
 to see what was doing. However, they said 
 they saw the royal ensign there, which was a 
 8 golden eagle with its wings extended, resting 
 
 t AjaTTctv-rs;. This is the word contended for in note 
 6, p. 189. The motion made by the Greeks to let Tissa- 
 phernes and his men pass through their body, upon this 
 occasion, is the same they then made to let the chariots 
 pass through them. 
 
 rtxv rqv eaXayya, Wjref , &c. I have translated this 
 passage, as if there was a comma after TTO,^ a/tej^/ot^svos, 
 which I have rendered " marching by them," a signifi- 
 cation very common to the word; for Xenophon does 
 not say that the Greeks did actually oph their wing; 
 but that, while they were consulting about doing so, the 
 king drew up his army against theirs, upon which the 
 Greeks advanced to attack him: this I do not under- 
 stand how they could well do, while the enemy was 
 upon their flank ; but, if we suppose the king marched 
 by them, and drew up upon the same ground, and in 
 the same disposition in which he first came on, we may 
 easily understand how the Greeks, by facing about 
 again, might pnt themselves again in a posture to at- 
 tack him. And this seems to agree very well with their 
 pursuing the king's troops to a village, which pursuit 
 led them to some distance from their camp, since they 
 made it a matter of consultation, whether they should 
 send for their baggage, or return thither. 
 
 SASTOVTJVoe %fJ<rOUV 67TI gwCTTOWaVWTSTa^EVOV. I think, 
 
 Hutehinson has been very happy in substituting S-UO-TOO 
 
 upon a spear. When the Greeks advanced 
 towards them, the horse quitted the hill, not 
 in a body, but some running one way, and 
 some another. However, the hill was cleared 
 of them by degrees, and at last they all left it. 
 Clearchus did not march up the hill with his 
 men, but halting at the foot of it, sent Lyciua 
 the Syracusan, and another, with orders to re- 
 connoitre the place, and make their report : 
 Lycius rode up the hill, and, having viewed it, 
 brought word that the enemy fled in all haste. 
 Hereupon the Greeks halted, (it being near 
 sun-set) and lying under their arms, rested 
 themselves : in the meantime wondering that 
 neither Cyrus appeared, nor any one from him, 
 not knowing he was dead, but imagined that 
 he was either led away by the pursuit, or had 
 rode forward to possess himself of some post : 
 however, they consulted among themselves, 
 
 for S-vXou, but then I do not see what T inKr*? has to 
 do here, unless it is supposed to signify a shield upon 
 which the eagle rested ; however, I cannot think Xeno- 
 phon saidSTOv ITTI iriXr))?, ejri U<TTOU av<*T8Tcej8vov,and 
 if ITTI xtK-cw is to be changed into tvi yrxKrov as Lenn- 
 clavius will have it, it will be visibly a marginal expla- 
 nation of tTri gu<rrow. Xenophon, in his Institution of 
 Cyrus, tells us, that the ensign of the first Cyrus was a 
 golden eagle upon a spear, with its wings extended, 
 which, he says, still continues to be the ensign of the 
 Persian kings, and which we find by Curtius continued 
 to be so, as long as the Persian empire subsisted. The 
 description Xenophon gives us of this eagle, comes so 
 very near to that given by Dion Cas'sius of the Roman 
 eagle, and also to the representation of it upon Twijan'a 
 pillar, that one may reasonably conclude the Romans 
 received theirs from the eastern part of the world. 
 I owu it is very probable that the Romans had an eagle 
 for their ensign before the battle in which the first 
 Cyrus defeated Crcesus, and in which Xenophon says 
 he had an eagle for his ensign, for this battle was 
 fought in the first year of the 58th Olympiad, that is, 
 about the 205th year of Rome. Indeed the earliest men- 
 tion I can find of the Roman eagle, is in the year of 
 Rome 299, and the third of the eighty-first Olympiad, 
 T. Romilius and C. Veturius being consuls ; where 
 Siccius Dentatus tells the people, that, in an action ha 
 there mentions, he recovered the eagle from the enemy ; 
 but it must be owned also, that it is there spoken of aa 
 a thing already established. I say this to show the 
 mistake of some learned men, who have maintained 
 that Marias was the first who introduced the use of 
 this ensign. I will hazard a conjecture: it is this If 
 the account given by Dionysius Halicarnassensis ba 
 true, which he supports by so many probable circum- 
 stances, that .(Eneas, after the destruction of Troy, came 
 into Italy, and built Lavinium, whose inhabitants built 
 Alba, of which the city of Rome was a colony ; if, I say 
 this account be as true as it is probable, why may not 
 .iEneas have brought this ensign with him from the 
 East? where possibly it might have been in uso long 
 before the conquest of Cyrus. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 195 
 
 whether they should stay where they were> and 
 send for their baggage, or return to their camp. 
 To the latter they resolved upon, and arriving 
 at their tents about supper-time, found the 
 greatest part of their baggage plundered, with 
 all the provisions, besides the carriages, which, 
 as it was said, amounted to four hundred, full 
 
 of flour and wine, which Cyrus had prepared, in this manner they passed the night. 
 
 in order to distribute them among the Greeks, 
 lest at any time his array should labour undei 
 the want of necessaries ; but they were all sc 
 rifled by the king's troops that the greatest part 
 of the Greeks had no supper, neither had they 
 eaten any dinner ; for, before the army could 
 halt in order to dine, the king appeared. And 
 
X E N O P H O N 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK U. 
 
 [197] 
 
 17* 
 
CONTENTS OP BOOK II. 
 
 . The Greeks, informed of the death of Cyrus, and Ariaeus' design to return to Ionia Clearchua promises 
 Ariseus the empire of Persia Artaxerxes orders the Greeks todeliver up their arms, Is attacked by them, and 
 flies. II. The Greeks repair to Ariaeus, and having entered into a confederacy, take counsel concerning 
 their return Setting forth at day -break, they arrive in the evening at some villages, and judge that the king's 
 camp is in the neighborhood Clearchus leads the army so as to appear neither to seek nor to fear a con- 
 flictAt sunset they come to villages which had been plundered by the king's troops ; and passing the night 
 In a state of uncertainty, are struck with fear, which a stratagem of Clearchus subdues. III. Artaxerxes, 
 terrified at the sudden arrival of the Greeks, sends ambassadors to treat of peace the Greeks, at his command, 
 led to villages abounding in provisions Three days afterwards Tissaphernes is sent by the king to ask them 
 why they had borne arms against him Clearchus returns a true and sufficient answer, and the king makes 
 a treaty with the Greeks. IV. Whilst the Greeks are in expectation of Tissaphernes, who had returned to 
 the king, they form suspicions of the sincerity of Ariaens On the arrival of Tissaphernea to conduct their 
 march, the Greeks, suspecting him also of insincerity, begin to march and encamp apart Their route descri- 
 bed, from its outset at the wall of Media not far from Babylon The cowardice and pretended snares of the 
 Persians are noted, and the king's brother is terrified at the appearance of the multitude of the Greek for- 
 ces. V. The Greeks become confirmed in their suspicions against the Persians ; and Clearchus, in a confer- 
 ence with Tissaphernes, uses his utmost efforts to bring matters to a more amicable footing Tissaphernes 
 replies with such civility, that Clearchus, moved by his discourse, returns to him with four other generals 
 and twenty colonels The Greek generals made prisoners, and the colonels and others, who accompanied 
 them, put to death. Ariseus comes to the Grecian camp, and demands a surrender of their arms Cleanor 
 returns a contumelious answer. VI. The character of each of the five generals described, namely, that of 
 Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 I. Is the foregoing book we have shown 
 by what means Cyrus raised an army of the 
 Greeks, when he marched against his brother 
 Artaxerxes ; what was performed during his 
 march, and in what manner the battle was 
 fought; how Cyrus was killed; and the 
 Greeks, thinking they had gained a complete 
 victory, and that Cyrus was alive, returned to 
 their camp, and betook themselves to rest. 
 As soon as the day approached, the generals, 
 being assembled, wondered that Cyrus neither 
 sent them any orders, nor appeared himself; 
 resolved therefore to collect what was left of 
 their baggage, and armed themselves to move 
 forward in order to join Cyrus; but just as 
 they were on the point of marching, and as 
 soon as the sun was risen, * Procles, who was 
 governor of Teuthrania, a descendant from 
 Damaratus the Lacedaemonian, and Glus, the 
 son of 2 Tamos, came to them, and declared 
 that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariseus had left 
 the field, and was retired, with the rest of the 
 Barbarians, to the^camp they had left the day 
 before ; where 3 he said he would stay for them 
 that day, if they thought fit to come ; but that 
 
 i n e ox\;k. Teuthrania was a city of Mysia in Asia 
 Minor, of which Procles was governor ; he was de. 
 scended from Damaratus, one of the kings of Sparta, 
 who was deprived of his kingdom by his colleague Cleo- 
 menes; upon which he fled to Darius Hystaspes, who 
 entertained him with great magnificence : he afterwards 
 attended Xerxes in his expedition to Greece. 
 
 a Tstpui. He was of Memphis, and admiral to Cyrus; 
 after his death, he sailed with his fleet to Egypt, and, 
 having formerly conferred some obligations on Psam- 
 mitichus, who was then king of that country, he made 
 no doubt of his protection ; but Psammitichus, forget- 
 ting all obligations, as well as the laws of hospitality, 
 put him to death, and seized his fleet. 
 
 3 K*l KfJ-Ql CT TKUTSJV fltV TJ>I/ qftlQXV TTlflftlVHiV S.V 
 
 avToi>5. i pi\}.otev jxsV T>j St a,KKy KTTICVXI $u>tyi SJTI Itav't. 
 
 *;, o'Sivs-e ?x5-i. AH this is left out by D'Ablancourt. 
 
 the next he should return to Ionia, whence he 
 came. The generals, and the rest of the 
 Greeks, hearing this, were greatly afflicted : and 
 Clearchus with astonishment said, 4 Would 
 to God Cyrus was alive ! but since he is dead, 
 let Ariseus know, that we have overcome the 
 king, and, as you see, meet with no further 
 resistance, and that, if you had not come, we 
 had marched against the king ; at the same 
 time, assure Ariaeus from us, that, if he will 
 come hither, we will place him on the throne ; 
 for those who gain the victory, gain with it a 
 right to command." After he had said this, 
 he directly sent back the messengers, together 
 with Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, and 
 Menon the Thessalian ; for Menon himself 
 desired it, he being a friend to Ariaeus, and 
 engaged to him by an intercourse of hospitali- 
 ty. Clearchus staid till they returned, making 
 provisions as well as he could, by killing the 
 oxen and asses that belonged to the baggage ; 
 and instead of other wood, made use of f the 
 arrows, which they found in great quantities in 
 the field of battle, not far from the place where 
 their army lay, (and which the Greeks obliged 
 the deserters to pull out of the ground,) and 
 also of the Persian bucklers, and the Egyp- 
 tian shields, that were made of wood, besides 
 a great many targets, and empty waggons ; 
 
 nosxs fisv KSfos tfv. titptxoi/ is here joined with 
 an infinitive mood, though in an optative sense. In all 
 these phrases a,9sxov, or the Ionic o^ixov, is not an ad- 
 verb, whatever the grammarians say, <ug or itSe being 
 always understood, which construction of the phrase is 
 so true, that one of them is frequently expressed. 
 Thus Helen, reproaching Paris for his inglorious beha- 
 viour in the duel between him and Menelaus, tells him, 
 
 HXu3-sj ix. jroXe^ou' tuj <o$sXlf UTod' oKtr$*i, 
 Avi Suites xt*Ti(a>, eg i/tog jr ? OTj$oj *r:xr<? r,ev. 
 
 Many other examples may be given from the same au- 
 thor, where *>$t or n5f is expressed. 
 
 199 
 
200 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 with all which they dressed their victuals, and 
 in this manner supported themselves that dayv 
 It was now * about the time the market is 
 generally full, when the heralds arrived with 
 the message from the king and Tissaphernes, 
 all of whom were Barbarians, (except Phali- 
 nus, who was a Greek, and happened then to 
 be with Tissaphernes, by whom he was much 
 esteemed ; for he pretended to understand tac- 
 tics and the 2 exercise of arms) who, after 
 assembling together the Greek commanders, 
 said, that the king, since he had gained the 
 victory, and killed Cyrus, ordered the Greeks 
 to deliver up their arms, and, repairing to 
 3 court, endeavour to obtain some favourable 
 terms from the king. The Greeks received 
 this with much indignation ; however, Clear- 
 chus said no more to them than that, " It was 
 not the part of conquerors to deliver up their 
 arms : but," addressing himself to the generals, 
 do you make the best and most becoming 
 answer you can, and I will return immedi- 
 ately ;" he being called out by one of his ser- 
 vants to inspect the entrails of the victim, 
 which he was then offering up in sacrifice. 
 Whereupon, Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest 
 person present, made answer, They would 
 sooner die than deliver up their arms." Then 
 Proxenus the Theban, said, "I wonder, 
 Phalinus ! whether the king demands our arms 
 
 1 ngi 7r\Yt$v\i<r*v iyojav. See note 3, page 187. 
 
 * OjrXo/*se;ii'v. Leunclavius has translated this gla- 
 diatoria peritiam, which I cannot think BO proper as 
 artem armis depugnandi, in Hutchinson: D'Ablan- 
 court has artfully evaded this difficulty, by compre- 
 hending both Ti2v5rfi Tasrags'S rs xai oa-Xo/t*%i'p in 
 these general words, Part rn.ilita.ire. It is very certain 
 the Romans took many things, both in civil and milita- 
 ry affairs, from the Greeks, but I believe the gladiato- 
 rian spectacles were in use in Rome, before they were 
 heard of in Greece ; the origin of which seems to have 
 been the early custom in use among most nations, of 
 sacrificing captives to the manes of great generals, who 
 were slain in war. Thus Achilles sacrifices twelve 
 Trojans to the inanes of Patroclus ; and ^Eneas sends 
 captives to Evander, to be sacrificed at the funeral of his 
 son Pallas. Valerius Maximus says, that M. and D. 
 Brutus in the consulship of A pp. Claudius and M. Ful- 
 vius, honoured the funeral of their father with a gladi- 
 ator ian spectacle, which from that time became frequent 
 upon those occasions ; but this was many years after 
 the time our author speaks of, when I am convinced the 
 Greeks had never heard of these spectacles : my reason 
 is, that whenever any Greek author of, or near the age, 
 Xenophon lived in, speaks of o5rXo/u*%a*, I dare say 
 they always understand masters appointed to teach 
 military exercises. 
 
 'Ea-i T*S /3*<rX6,{ 3uj j. gee note 8, page 171. 
 
 as a conqueror, or as a friend desires them by 
 way of present ? If, as a conqueror, what 
 occasion has he to demand them 1 4 Why does 
 he not rather come and take them 1 If he 
 would persuade us to deliver them, say, what 
 are the soldiers to expect in return for so great 
 an obligation ?" Phalinus answered, " The 
 king looks upon himself as conqueror, since he 
 has killed Cyrus ; for who is now his rival in 
 the empire 1 He looks upon you, also, as his 
 property, since he has you in the middle of his 
 country, surrounded by impassable rivers ; and 
 can bring such numbers of men against you 
 that, though he delivered them up to you, your 
 strength would fail you before you could put 
 them all to death." 
 
 After him, Xenophon, an Athenian, said, 
 " You see, Phalinus ! that we have nothing 
 now to depend upon, 5 but our arms, and our 
 courage ; and while we are masters of our 
 arms, we think we can make use of our courage 
 also ; but that, when we deliver up these, we 
 deliver up our persons too ; do not therefore 
 expect we shall deliver up the only advantages 
 we possess ; on the contrary, be assured, that 
 with these we are resolved to fight with you 
 even for those you are in possession of." Pha- 
 linus, hearing this, smiled, and said, 6 " Young 
 man ! indeed you seem to be a philosopher, 
 
 * T JiT tturiv TV,eXV ou X#i?V ix^ovrx ; Thus, 
 
 when Xerxes sent to Leonidas at Thermopylae to deliv- 
 er up his arms, the latter bid him come and take them, 
 xc*i /uoxuiv, says he, according to the concise style of 
 his country. 
 
 * E ^ oVx * ifTK. 'A^iT), is here taken for 
 courage, in which sense it is frequently used by the best 
 authors ; in this sense Idomeneus says an ambuscade is 
 the trial of a soldier's courage, 
 
 OK iv&* juaXJO-T' ctf ITJJ SixslSirai ivJjffly, 
 TI JuXbf av>jf, Of T'otXxjjttoj, ii$uxv$)i. 
 
 In this sense also Virgil says, 
 
 Dolus, an virtus quis in hoste requirit ? 
 
 After this, I believe, it will be allowed, that D'Ablan- 
 court does not give the author's sense, when he says, 
 il ne nous est reste autre chose, que Us armes et la 
 liberte; to justify this, he says the Greek word signifies 
 la vertu, though Mfirij in this place signifies neither 
 liberty nor virtue. 
 
 s ? ii vavio-x. I find all the translators have rendered 
 this in the same manner I have done ; though, if Lu- 
 cian's account of our author be true, that is, that he was 
 above ninety years old when he died ; and if, according 
 to Laertius, he died in the first year of the hundred 
 and fifth Olympiad, he must have been fifty, at least, 
 at the time of this expedition : which I mention for the 
 sake of some worthy gentlemen of my acquaintance, 
 who will not be sorry to find a man of fifty treated as 
 a young man. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 201 
 
 and speak handsomely ; but, believe me, you 
 are mistaken, if you imagine that your courage 
 will prevail over the power of the king." How 
 ever, it was reported, that others, whose reso- 
 lution began to fail, said, that, as they had 
 been true to Cyrus, they would also be of great 
 service to the king, if he were disposed to be 
 their friend ; and that, whatever commands he 
 had for them, they would obey him ; and, if he 
 proposed * to invade Egypt, they would assist 
 him in the conquest of it. In the meantime 
 Clearchus returned, and asked if they had al 
 ready given their answer. To whom Phalinus 
 said, " These men, Clearchus ! say one, one 
 thing, and another, another; but pray let us 
 have your thoughts." To which he replied, 
 " I rejoice, Phalinus ! to see you, as, I am 
 persuaded, all these do, who are present; for 
 you are a Greek, as well as we, whom you see 
 before you in so groat numbers ; wherefore, in 
 our present circumstances, we desire you to 
 advise us what we ought to do with regard to 
 the proposals you bring ; 2 and entreat you, by 
 all the gods, give us that advice which you 
 think best, and most becoming, and which will 
 do you most honour in the eyes of posterity, 
 when it shall be said, that Phalinus, being sent 
 by the king with orders to the Greeks that 
 they should deliver up their arms, and, being 
 consulted by them, gave them this advice : for 
 you are sensible that your advice, whatever it 
 is, must be reported in Greece." Clearchus 
 insinuated this with a view of engaging the 
 lung's ambassador himself to advise them not 
 to deliver up thek arms, that, by this means 
 the Greeks might entertain better hopes : but 
 3 Phalinus artfully avoided the snare, and, con- 
 trary to his expectation, spoke as follows : 
 
 i Esr'A<yujrTov a-TfitTiviiv. This expedition is pro- 
 posed, because the Egyptians had several years before 
 withdrawn themselves from their subjection to the 
 Persians, and were at this time governed by a king 
 of their own, called Psammitichus, descended from the 
 ancient Psammitichus, who, being one of the twelve 
 kings, put all the rest to death and, by that means, 
 made himself king of all Egypt. 
 
 aEu^/Sovxsuo^tS-i <ro. See note 8, page 169. 
 
 *sex.ivo 5' ujrocTTfl^cef . It is with great reason that 
 Hulchinson rejects the sense Leundavius gives to 
 ujroo-T^I4/; in this place, as if it signified returning; 
 he has shown out of Julius Pollux, that Jz-aTrarav a-r^i. 
 
 very properly derives the Latin word stropha,a deceit, 
 to which I shall add, that Pliny the younger makes use 
 of the word in this sense, in one of his epistles, where he 
 &ye,inveniam aliquamstropham,agamquecausam tuam. 
 
 " If you had the least hope of a thousand to 
 preserve yourselves by making war against the 
 king, I should advise you not to deliver up 
 your arms ; but if you cannot hope for safety 
 without his concurrence, I advise you to pre- 
 serve yourselves by the only means you can." 
 Clearchus replied, " This, I find, is your sense 
 of the matter ; and this answer you are desired 
 to return from us ; that we think, if it is pro- 
 posed we should be friends to the king, we 
 shall be more valuable friends by preserving 
 our arms than by parting with them ; and that, 
 if we are to go to war with him, we shall make 
 war with greater advantage by keeping our 
 arms, than by delivering them." Phalinus 
 said, " I shall report this answer. However, 
 the king ordered me also to let you know, 
 that, if you stay where you are, you will have 
 peace ; but if you advance or march back, you 
 must expect war. Let me have your answer 
 also to this ; and whether I shall acquaint the 
 king, that you will stay here, and accept of 
 peace, or that you declare for war." Clear- 
 chus replied, " Let the king know, that in this 
 we are of the same opinion with him." " What 
 is that?" said Phalinus. Clearchus answered, 
 " If we stay, there may be peace, but if we 
 march back, or advance, war." Phalinus again 
 asked, " Shall I report peace or war." Clear- 
 chus replied, " Peace* if we stay, and if we 
 march back or advance, war;" but he did not 
 declare what he proposed to do. So Phalinus 
 and those with him went away.- 
 
 II. In the meantime Procles and Cheiriso- 
 phus came from Ariseus, leaving Menon with 
 him, and brought word that Arisus said, there 
 were many Persians of greater consideration 
 than himself, who would never suffer him to 
 be their king; but desires, if you propose 
 marching away with him, that you will come 
 to him to-night; if not, he says he will depart 
 ihe next morning early. Clearchus answered, 
 What you advise is very proper, if we join 
 
 There is also a passage in Aristophanes, where o~r e o$i is 
 used in the same signification, **' oux * r ov l<rT ' u ^" 
 ofpu.i', which the Scholiast explains^ a manner very 
 agreeable to the sense of Wotrrf ity f in this place: or? o- 
 s*t, says he, ci (rujun-fwX.ey/'svoi, x*i Joxeo K'oym. 
 D'Ablancourt was aware of the difficulty of this word, 
 and has left it out. Nothing surprises me so much, cs 
 
 hat Hutchinson, after having so justly condemned re- 
 
 tersus in his notes, should follow it in his translation. 
 The French language ha? an expression, which very 
 
 iroperly explains v*o<rr^*; in this place, detournavt 
 
 e coup. 
 
 2A 
 
202 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 ["BOOK n. 
 
 aim; if not, do whatever you think expedient 
 to your advantage ;" for he would not acquaint 
 iven these with his purpose. After this, when 
 it was sunset, he assembled the generals and 
 captains, and spoke to them as follows : Gen- 
 tlemen, I have consulted the gods by sacrifice, 
 concerning marching against the king ; and the 
 victims, with great reason, forbid it ; for I am 
 now informed, that between us and the king 
 lies the Tigris, a navigable river, which we 
 "annot pass without boats, and these we have 
 not; neither is it possible for us to stay 
 here, for we are without provisions. But the 
 victims were very favourable to the design of 
 joining Cyrus's friends. The order therefore 
 we ought to pursue is this : let every man re- 
 tire and sup upon what he has, and when the 
 horn sounds to rest, pack up your baggage ; 
 when it sounds a second time, charge the 
 sumpter horses ; and when a third, follow your 
 leader, and let the baggage march next to the 
 river, and the heavy-armed men cover it." 
 The generals and captains hearing this, depart- 
 ed, and did as they were directed: Clearchus 
 having taken upon him the command of the 
 army, who submitted to him, not as having 
 elected him to that employment, but because 
 they were sensible that he alone was equal to 
 the command, the rest being without experi- 
 ence. They had made 'from Ephesus (a city 
 of Ionia) to the field of battle ninety-three 
 marches, which amounted to five hundred and 
 thirty-five parasangs, or * sixteen thousand and 
 fifty stadia ; 2 and, from the field of battle to Ba- 
 
 Fins confirms what was advanced in note 7, page 170, 
 namely, that a parasang contained thirty stadia. 
 
 * 'Aaro Si T>J; /&))? i^J^ovTO nvt ij BoeSuX.ui'M, <rri- 
 
 To i>ixovr* x* Tr%i\io. Here must be some mis- 
 :ake, probably, in the transcriber, though Xenophon 
 lays upon the report only, that there were three thou- 
 sand and sixty stadia from the field of battle to Babylon. 
 However, Plutarch seems to come much nearer the 
 iruth, when he says there were but five hundred; fbr, if 
 the reader will compute the distances mentionedby our 
 author from Thapsacus, where Cyrus passed the Eu- 
 phrates, to the field of battle, he will find that tbey 
 imounted to no less than four thousand six hundred 
 ind fifty stadia. Now the ancient geographers allow 
 no more than four thousand eight hundred from Thap- 
 jacus to Babylon, in following the course of the Euphra- 
 tes, which we find was the route the army took; so 
 that there will, in that case, remain no more than one 
 Imndred and fifty stadia from the field of battle to Ba- 
 bylon, which is so vastly short of the distance mention- 
 ed by Xenophon, that the difTerenae seems to be rather 
 
 bylon, it was computed there were three thou- 
 sand and sixty stadia. 
 
 After this, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes, 
 the Thracian, with his horse, being forty in 
 number, and three hundred Thracian foot, de- 
 serted to the king. Clearchus, in the manner 
 he had appointed, led the rest, and about mid- 
 night arrived at their first camp, where they 
 found Ariaeus with his army ; and the men be- 
 ing drawn up and standing to their arms, the 
 generals and captains of the Greeks went in a 
 body to Ariaeus, and both they and he, with 
 the most considerable men about him, took an 
 oath not to betray one another, and to become 
 allies. The Barbarians also swore that they 
 would conduct them without deceit. This 
 was the substance of the oath, which was pre- 
 ceded by the 3 sacrifice of a boar, a bull, a wolf, 
 and a ram, whose blood being all mixed together 
 in the hollow of a shield, the Greeks dipped 
 a sword therein, and the Barbarians a spear. 
 When they had pledged their faith, Clear- 
 chus said, Since, O Ariaeus ! your 4 route 
 and ours are the same, say, what is your 
 opinion concerning our march 7 Shall we re- 
 turn the same way we came, or have you 
 thought of any other more convenient 3" Ari- 
 aeus answered, " If we return the same way we 
 came, we shall all perish with hunger ; since 
 we are now entirely destitute of provisions ; 
 for during the last seventeen days' march, we 
 could supply ourselves with nothing out of the 
 country, even in our way hither ; and, what- 
 ever was found there, we have consumed in 
 our passage ; so that though the way we now 
 propose to take is longer, yet we shall be in no 
 want of provisions. We must make our first 
 marches as long as ever we can, to the end we 
 may get as far as possible from the king's 
 
 owing to a fault in the transcriber, than to a mistake 
 in those from whom Xenophon received his informa- 
 tion. I am surprised none of the translators have 
 thought fit to take notice of this passage. 
 
 a$<iJ;sevTij xiarfov, &.c. The custom of giving a sanc- 
 tion to solemn leagues and treaties, by the sacrifice of 
 particular animals, is very ancient : thus the agreement 
 between the Greeks and Trojane, and the single combat 
 of Paris and Menelaus, which was consequent to it, 
 was preceded by the sacrifice of three lambs, one to the 
 Earth, another to the Sun, and a third to Jupiter. The 
 blood of the victims was often mixed with wine, and 
 sometimes received in a vessel, in which the contrac- 
 ting parties dipped their arms, as Herodotus informs u* 
 was practised by the Scythians. 
 
 Srixej. See note 5, page 170. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 203 
 
 army : for, if we can once gain two or 
 three days' march of him, it will not after 
 that be in his power to overtake us : since 
 with a small army he will not dare to follow 
 us, and with a great one he will not be able 
 to mak*e quick marches ; it is also probable 
 he may want provisions." This, says he, is my 
 opinion. 
 
 This scheme for the march of the army was 
 calculated for nothing but a retreat or a flight ; 
 but fortune proved a more glorious conductor. 
 As soon therefore as it was day they began 
 their march,, with the sun on their right, ex- 
 pecting to arrive by sunset at some village that 
 lay in the country of Babylon, and in this they 
 were not mistaken. But * in the afternoon 
 they thought they saw the enemy's horse ; upon 
 which not only the Greeks, who happened to 
 have left their ranks, ran to them in all haste, 
 but Ariseus also alighting, (for being wounded 
 he was carried in a chariot,) put on his corslet, 
 as did all those about him. But while they 
 were arming, the scouts, who had been sent 
 out, brought word, that they were not horse, 
 but only sumpter horses at pasture, whence 
 every one presently concluded that the king's 
 camp was not far off: for* a smoke also appear- 
 ed in the neighbouring villages. However, 
 Clearchus did not lead them against the enemy 
 (for he knew the men were tired, and had 
 eaten nothing all day, besides it was late ;) 
 neither did he march out of the way, avoiding 
 the appearance of a flight ; but leading them 
 directly forward, at sunset he quartered with 
 the vanguard, in the villages nearest to him, 
 out of which the king's army had carried away 
 even the timber that belonged to the houses. 
 Those who arrived first, encamped with some 
 kind of uniformity, but the others who follow- 
 ed, coming up when it was dark, quartered as 
 they could, and made so great a noise in call- 
 ing out to one another, that the enemy heard 
 them, of whom those who lay nearest to the 
 Greeks ran away, leaving even their tents; 
 which being known the next day, no sumpter 
 'horses or camp appeared, neither was there any 
 smoke to be seen in the neighbourhood : and 
 the king himself it seems was struck at the 
 approach of our army, by what he did the 
 next day. 
 
 On the other side, the night advancing, the 
 Greeks also were seized with fear, which was 
 
 iX(|v. See note 3, page 187. 
 
 attended with a tumult and noise, usual in such 
 cases ; upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides 
 of Elis, the best crier of his time, whom he 
 happened to have with him, to command si- 
 lence, and make proclamation from the com- 
 manders, that whoever gave information of the 
 person who had turned the 2 ass into the quar- 
 ter of the heavy-armed men, should receive the 
 reward of a 3 silver talent. By this proclama- 
 tion, the soldiers understood that their fear 
 was vain, and their commanders safe. At 
 break of day, Clearchus ordered the Greeks to 
 stand to their arms in the same disposition 
 they had observed in the action. 
 
 III. What I said concerning the king's 
 being terrified at our approach, became then 
 manifest ; for, having sent to us the day before, 
 demanding our arms, he sent also heralds by 
 sunrise to treat of a truce ; who coming to the 
 out-guards, inquired for the commanders. 
 Clearchus, who was then viewing the ranks, 
 ordered .them to stay till he was at leisure ; 
 and, as soon as he had drawn up the army 
 with much elegance, 4 the ranks being clos- 
 ed on all sides, and no unarmed men to be 
 
 Of &v KQiivr* rlv evov iij r* o^X*, &c. Hutchin- 
 son, I think very justly, finds fault with Leunclavius 
 forchangingTovovovintOToi' <foSov, without the authori- 
 ty of any manuscript ; for as he observes, we find in 
 the beginning of this book, that they had asses among 
 their beasts of burden : but then I cannot think exer- 
 eitui in Leunclavius, or in castram Hutchinson, a close 
 translation of <s T* ef^xa, which last sense I find 
 D'Ablancourt has also given to it. I rather take r 
 bVx* in this place to signify the quarter of the heavy- 
 armed men, in which sense I dare say our author uses 
 it afterwards, where he says that Proxenus and him- 
 self were walking a^b TK 6VA.v ; and in this sense I 
 am sure Thucydides uses the word in the beginning 
 of the third book, where he says, that " the Pelopon- 
 nesians being encamped in Attica, laid waste the coun- 
 try, till the Athenian horse coming up, put a stop to 
 the excursions of the light-armed men and hindered 
 them from leaving the heavy-armed, and continuing 
 their depredations in the neighbourhood of the city:" T*V 
 
 9TA.n<rrOV tiftlKOV TUV l}/*X<BV HfyOV, T& jttlj JTfOfJlSVTtuV 
 
 TIOV JjrXwv, T* iy-yvs TJJJ sroXtwj x*ovfyi7v, where T> 
 
 QKKaiv is explained by the Greek Scholiast by rwv o*-- 
 
 XlTWIf. 
 
 T*xvT9v a f yu^ou. See note 2, p. 169. Possibly, 
 the drachmae and minse of which this talent was com- 
 posed, might be of a different standard from those 
 there mentioned. 
 
 4 *iA. B> -y<* jruxvSv. II6xv.<r<j -rjjf (piXosyyo;, among 
 
 the Greek masters of tactics signifies properly the clos- 
 ing both of the ranks and files. Ecrri sruxvwo-*; ^ i* 
 TOO e*iOTf poo is TO 5ruxvoTf ev (rvvctyuiyri X*T* irxg x<rr ' 
 
 K rr,v re xi ivurTHTtv. Arrian. This unfortunately is 
 rendered by D'Ablancourt apres avoir range Varm.ee en, 
 bataille au meilleur etat qu'elle put etre. 
 
204 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK IT 
 
 seen, sent for the messengers ; came forward 
 himself, attended by those of his soldiers who 
 were the best armed, and most graceful in 
 their persons, desiring the rest of the generals 
 to do the like, and asked the messengers what 
 they wanted! they replied, they were per- 
 sons come to treat of a truce, being properly 
 
 lying upon the ground, and others they cut 
 down. Upon this occasion it might be ob- 
 served, how equal Clearchus was to the com- 
 mand ; for taking his pike in his left hand, and 
 a 2 staff in his right, if he saw any of those he 
 had appointed to this service, backward in the 
 execution of it, he displaced him, and substi- 
 
 qualified to carry messages between the king j tuted a proper person in his room, he himself 
 
 and the Greeks. He answered, "Let the 
 king know, that first we must fight: for we 
 have nothing to dine on, and there is no man 
 so hardy as to mention a truce to the Greeks, 
 unless he first provides them a dinner." The 
 messengers hereupon departed, but returning 
 presently, (by which it appeared that the king 
 was near at hand, or some other person who 
 was appointed to transact this matter) brought 
 word, the king thought their demand very 
 reasonable," and that they had with them guides, 
 who if a truce were concluded, should conduct 
 them to a place where they should find pro- 
 visions. Clearchus then asked, whether the 
 king proposed to comprehend those only in the 
 truce who went between him and them, or 
 whether it should extend to all 1 They said, 
 to all, till the king is informed of your propo- 
 sals. Whereupon Clearchus, ordering them 
 to withdraw immediately, held a council, where 
 it was resolved to conclude a truce, and to 
 march peaceably to the place where the provi- 
 sions were, and supply themselves therewith. 
 Clearchus said, I join with you in this opin- 
 ion ; however, I will not directly acquaint the 
 messengers with our resolution, but defer it 
 till they 1 apprehend lest we should reject the 
 truce. I imagine that our soldiers also will lie 
 under the same apprehension." Therefore, 
 when he thought it time, he let them know 
 that he would enter into a truce, and immedi- 
 ately ordered the guides to conduct them where 
 they might get provisions. 
 
 Clearchus, upon marching with his army in 
 order of battle, to conclude the truce, having 
 himself taken charge of the rear, met with 
 ditches and canals full of water, so that they 
 were not able to pass without bridges, which 
 they made with palm-trees, having found some 
 
 1 ETT' xv oxv/)o-eoirv of otyyiXu. Oxvw $ oSouytt**' 
 CfOvouvTc* yj vtv owx av jSso-T^v oxvw. 
 
 This is from Suidas, whom I quote upon this occasion, 
 because this word, in its general acceptation, signifies 
 to be unwilling, to be backward. 
 
 at the same time, going into the dirt, and as- 
 sisting them ; so that every one was ashamed 
 not to be active. He had appointed men of 
 thirty years of age to this service ; but when 
 those of a more advanced age saw Clearchus 
 forwarding the work in person, they gave their 
 assistance also. Clearchus pressed it the more, 
 because he suspected the ditches were not al- 
 ways so full of water, (for it was not the season 
 to water the country) imagining the king had 
 ordered the waters to be let out, with this 
 view, that the Greeks might foresee great diffi- 
 culties attending their march. 
 
 At last, coming to the villages, where the 
 guides told them they might supply themselves 
 with provisions, they found plenty of corn, and 
 3 wine made of the fruit of the palm-tree, and 
 also vinegar, drawn by boiling from the same 
 fruit. These dates, such as we have in Greece, 
 they give to their domestics ; but those which 
 are reserved for the masters, are chosen fruit, 
 and worthy of admiration, both for their beauty 
 and size, having in all respects the appearance 
 of amber, and so delicious, that they are fre- 
 quently dried for sweet-meats. The wine 
 that was made of it was sweet to the taste, 
 but apt to give the head-ache. Here the sol- 
 diers eat, for the first time, 4 the pith of the 
 
 a Ev Si TV Si^tS. /3axT>if txv. The Lacedaemonian com- 
 manders carried a staffer stick, (I am afraid of calling 
 it a cane) possibly for the same purpose as the Roman 
 centurions used a vitis, that is, to correct their soldiers. 
 Thucydides gives one toAstyochus, the Lacedaemonian 
 commander ; and we find in Plutarch, thatEurybiades, 
 the Lacedaemonian admiral, and Themistocles, differ- 
 ing in opinion concerning the operations of their uni- 
 ted fleet, the former, impatient of contradiction, held 
 up his stick, threatening to strike Themistocles, who, 
 instead of being diverted by this outrage from sup- 
 porting his opinion, upon which he knew the safety of 
 all Greece depended, generously sacrificed his resent- 
 ment for a private indignity to his zeal for the public 
 good, and made him that memorable answer, " Strike, 
 if you will, but hear me," jrara^ov piv, xou<rov SL 
 
 * Oivo; (|>O*I//XGOV. See note 4, page 182. 
 
 * Tbv jyxs^axov ro5 $ovixoj. Pliny and Theopbras- 
 tus both say that the pith here mentioned grows on the 
 top of the palm-tree. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 205 
 
 palm-tree, many admiring both the 1 figure and 
 its peculiar sweetness, although it also occa- 
 sioned violent head-aches; but the palm-tree, 
 whence this pith was taken, withered entirely. 
 Here they staid three days ; during which Tis- 
 saphernes, with the queen's brother, and three 
 other Persians, coming from the great king, 
 attended by many slaves, were met by the 
 Greek generals, when Tissaphernes, by an in- 
 terpreter, first spoke in the following manner : 
 I live, Greeks ! in the neighbourhood 
 of Greece ; and seeing you involved in many 
 insuperable difficulties, looked upon it as a 
 2 piece of good fortune that I had room to re- 
 quest the king to allow me to conduct you safe 
 into Greece; for I imagine I shall find no 
 want of gratitude either in you or in the whole 
 Greek nation ; upon which consideration, I 
 made my request to the king, alleging, that I 
 had a title to this favour, because I was the 
 first person who informed him that Cyrus was 
 marching against him, and, together with this 
 information, brought an army to his assistance ; 
 and also, because I was the only commander 
 in that part of the army, opposite to the 
 Greeks, who did riot fly, but broke through 
 and joined the king in your camp, whither he 
 came, after he had killed Cyrus ; and, with 
 these troops, here present, who are most faith- 
 ful to him, I pursued the Barbarians belonging 
 to Cyrus. These things, the king said, he 
 would take into consideration ; but command- 
 ed me to ask you, what motive induced you to 
 make war upon him ? I advise you to answer 
 with temper, that I may, with the greater ease, 
 obtain some favour for you, from the king." 
 
 t E?Jaf. I cannot like genus ipsum in the Latin 
 translators for ?5o; : had Xenophon meant the kind of 
 food, as Hutchinson, I find, understands it, since he has 
 added the word cibi, he sure would also have added row 
 iSio-ftttros. I rather think that our author meant the 
 particular figure of it, which is no uncommon significa- 
 tion of the word efaoj ; D'Ablancourt has also under- 
 Stood it in this sense. 
 
 * E8eij"* jroitjo-a/^if. in this sense tv f w* is used 
 by Thucydides, where Nicias tells the Athenians that 
 the affairs of the Lacedaemonians having taken an un- 
 happy turn, they would look upon it as "a piece of 
 good fortune to have it in their power immediately to 
 hazard a battle," */vos J $v<rrv%ov<riv } OT T%<a-T( 
 5i)/** tivxt $ixx.iv$wtvirxt. I think Leunclavius has 
 not said properly, reperiundum mihi aliquid duxi ; how 
 much happier has Hutchinson rendered it, in lucro 
 mihi deputandum censui ? J'ai tache d'apporter quelque 
 remede a vos maux in D'Ablancourt, has not the least 
 pretence to a translation to this passage. 
 18 
 
 Upon this the Greeks withdrew, and, hav- 
 ing consulted together, Clearchus made an- 
 swer : We did not come together with a 
 design of making war upon the king, neither 
 did we march against him : but Cyrus found 
 many pretences, as you very well know, that 
 he might take you unprepared, and lead us 
 hither. However, when we saw him in diffi- 
 culties, our respect both to gods and men, 
 would not allow us to abandon him, especially 
 since we had formerly given ourselves leave to 
 receive obligations from him : but since Cyrus 
 is dead, we neither contend with the king for 
 his kingdom, nor have any reason to desire to 
 infest his country : neither do we mean to 
 destroy him, but to return home, provided no 
 one molests us ; but if any man offers an injury 
 to us, we shall, with the assistance of the gods, 
 endeavour to revenge it. And if any one con- 
 fers a favour on us, we shall not, to the ut- 
 most of our power, be behind-hand in return- 
 ing it." 
 
 Tissaphernes, in answer to this, replied, I 
 shall acquaint the king, and immediately return 
 with his sentiment; till then, 3 let the truce 
 continue : in the mean time we will provide a 
 market for you." The next day he did not 
 return, which gave the Greeks some uneasi- 
 ness ; but the third day he came, and informed 
 them, " that he had prevailed upon the king to 
 allow him to conduct them safe to Greece, 
 though many opposed it, alleging that it was 
 4 unbecoming the dignity of the king, to suffer 
 those to escape who had made war upon him." 
 He concluded thus : And now you may rely 
 upon the assurance we give you, that we will 
 effectually cause the country to treat you as 
 friends, conduct you without guile into Greece, 
 and provide a market for you ; and whenever 
 we do not provide one, we allow you to supply 
 yourselves out of the country. On your side, 
 you must take an oath to us that you will 
 march as through a friend's country, without 
 doing any damage to it, and only supply your- 
 selves with meat and drink, when we do not 
 provide a market for you ; and when we do, 
 
 a AI o-^-ovJ*! ftivlvriav. See note 4, page 184. 
 
 'Us cOx agiov <>i ,ZXTI>.*.'I. Tbucydides uses thu 
 word in the same sense, where the ambassadors of Pla- 
 teea tell Archidamus and the Lacedaemonians, that by 
 making an irruption into their country, they act unjust, 
 ly, and in a manner unbecoming both themselves and 
 their ancestors, u Jixst** woi*!", ou J' own vpZv o. 
 
 T JTBTtJOUV U>V <TT5, 11$ y>jv rtjV H\*T*lta>V <TTf BTeWOVTff . 
 
206 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 that you will pay for what you want." This 
 was agreed upon ; and Tissaphernes, with the 
 queen's brother, took the oath, and gave their 
 hands to the Greek generals and captains, anfl 
 received those of the Greeks; after which, 
 Tissaphernes said, "I must now return to 
 
 1 the king, and, when I have despatched what 
 is necessary, I will come back to you with all 
 things in readiness both to conduct you into 
 Greece, and return myself to my own govern- 
 ment." 
 
 IV. Hereupon, the Greeks and Ariaeus, 
 being encamped near to one another, waited 
 for Tissaphernes above twenty days: during 
 which the brothers, and other relations of Ari- 
 aeus, came to him, and some of the Persians 
 came to those who were with him, giving them 
 encouragement, and assurance from the king, 
 that he would forget their taking up their arms 
 against him in favour of Cyrus, and every 
 thing else that was past. While these things 
 were transacting, it was manifest that Arissus 
 and his people paid less regard to the Greeks ; 
 many of whom therefore being dissatisfied, 
 came to Clearchus, and to the rest of the gen- 
 erals, saying, " Why do we stay here 1 Do we 
 not know, that the king desires, above all 
 things, to destroy us, to the end that all the 
 rest of the Greeks may be deterred from mak- 
 ing war against him 1 He now seduces us to 
 stay, because his army is dispersed, which be- 
 ing re-assembled, it is not to be imagined but 
 that he will attack us : possibly also he may 
 obstruct our march, either by digging a trench, 
 or raising a wall in some convenient place, in 
 such a manner as to render it impracticable. 
 
 2 For he will never willingly suffer us to return 
 to Greece, and publish, that, being so few in 
 number, we have defeated his army at the 
 very gates of his palace, and returned in tri- 
 umph." 
 
 Clearchus replied to those who alleged this : 
 " I consider all these things as well as you ; 
 
 i 'fi s g>a,<riKi*., See note 4, page 170. 
 
 Tij 'EX^aJ* israyys >.<**, euf vfteTs roirofSs Ovrtf Jvixffi- 
 
 HtV fijl/ /3tt<TiX.E(i>; SvvXft'V isTI Tr$ &Vfl( CtUTOU, XCCI Xft- 
 
 r*yt*,ot,<rxvTs$ KtrfaSofttv. I have transcribed this pe- 
 riod, that the reader may confront it with D'Ablan- 
 court's translation. Thus he has rendered it, "car il ne 
 souffrira jamais que nous repassions eu Grece poury 
 publier notre gloire et sa honte." This is one of those 
 many periods in that translator, the vivacity of which 
 could not fail to please, were they not designed for 
 translations. 
 
 but I consider at the same time, that, if we now 
 depart, it will be thought our intention is to 
 declare war, and to act contrary to the terms 
 of the truce ; the consequence of which will 
 be, that no one will provide a market for us 
 or a place where we may supply ourselves: 
 besides, we shall have no guide to conduct us; 
 and the moment we enter upon these measures, 
 Ariseus will desert us; so that we shall pre- 
 sently have no friend left, and even those who 
 were so before, will become our enemies. I 
 do not know whether we have any other river 
 to pass, but we all know that it is not possible 
 for us to pass the Euphrates, if the enemy 
 oppose it. If we are obliged to fight, we have 
 no horse to assist us, whereas those of the 
 enemy are very numerous, and very good ; so 
 that, if we conquer, how many shall we be able 
 to kill 1 And, if we are conquered, none of us 
 can possibly escape. Therefore I do not see 
 why the king, who is possessed of so many 
 advantages, should, if he desires to destroy us, 
 think it necessary first to take an oath, and 
 pledge his faith, then to provoke the gods by 
 perjury, and show both the Greeks and Bar- 
 barians, how little that faith is to be relied 
 on." He said a great deal more to the same 
 purpose. 
 
 In the meantime Tissaphernes arrived with 
 his forces, as if he designed to return home, 
 and with him Orontas also with his men, and 
 the king's daughter, whom he had married. 
 From thence they began their march, Tissa- 
 phernes leading the way, and providing them 
 with a market. Ariseus marched at the head 
 of the Barbarians, who had served under Cyrus, 
 with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and encamp- 
 ed with them. The Greeks, being diffident of 
 these, marched by f themselves, having guides 
 to conduct them. Each of them always en- 
 camped separately at the distance of a para- 
 sang, or less ; and were each upon their guard 
 against one another, as against an enemy ; and 
 this immediately created a suspicion. Some- 
 times, while they were providing themselves 
 with wood, forage, or other things of that na- 
 ture, they came to blows ; which also bred ill 
 blood between them. After three days' march, 
 they came to, and passed through the wall of 
 Media, 3 which was built with burned bricks 
 
 ' 'Hv Ss tuxoSoftypivov frKivSotf lirratis tv Kf^xKreo 
 
 XK/UBVOKJ. The walls of Babylon were also built with 
 burned brie ks,cemented with bitumen instead of mortar. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 207 
 
 laid in bitumen : being twenty feet in thick- 
 ness, one hundred in height, and, as it was I 
 said, twenty parasangs in length, and not far 
 from Babylon. 
 
 From thence they made, in two days* march, 
 eight parasangs, and passed two canals, one 
 upon a bridge, the other upon seven pontons. 
 1 These canals were derived from the Tigris ; 
 from them ditches were cut that ran into the 
 country, the first, broad, then narrower, which 
 at last ended in small water-courses, such as 
 are used in Greece to water panic. Thence 
 they came to the river Tigris, near which stood 
 a large and populous city, called Sitace, at the 
 distance of fifteen stadia from the river; the 
 Greeks encamped close to the town, near a 
 large and beautiful 2 park, thick with trees of 
 every kind, and the Barbarians on the other 
 side of the Tigris, but out of sight of our army. 
 After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happen- 
 ed to be walking before the 3 quarter where the 
 heavy-armed men lay encamped ; when a man 
 came and asked the out-guards, where he 
 might 4 speak with Proxenus or Clearchus ; 
 
 *vr*f tv xaftivotrt' pfrx, Si TX/UT %f juj/ijvot ao-^iXreo 
 a/>Aiit. I am convinced, from these an* several other 
 passages among the ancients, that they employed raw 
 bricks for many uses, otherwise it cannot well be under- 
 stood why these two authors should lay so much stress 
 upon these bricks being burned. But this is not all : I 
 am persuaded that the directions given by Vitruvius and 
 Palladium, for making bricks, relate chiefly to raw 
 bricks, for they both direct the earth, of which 
 the bricks are made, to be wrought up with straw. 
 These directions are, no doubt, very proper, where 
 the bricks are not to be burned, because the straw 
 ' holds the earth together: but, if bricks made in 
 this manner were to be burned, the consequence would 
 be, that the straw being consumed in the fire, as many 
 pieces of straw as there were in every brick, so many 
 hollow places there would be in them. There is a pas- 
 sage in Pausanias, where he tells us, that Agesipolis, 
 making an irruption into the country of Mantinea turn- 
 ed the river Ophis, that ran near the town, against the 
 wall, and, by that means, dissolved it : the reason he 
 gives for it is, that it was built of raw brick, /*>!? wxo. 
 Sonnftivtiig TJJJ 5r\v5ou. Upon this occasion, he says, 
 that raw bricks are better to resist battering engines, 
 than stones, because they are not so subject to break 
 and fly otft of their courses ; but then he adds, that 
 raw bricks are as easily dissolved by water, as wax is 
 by the sun. 
 
 AoTai Jf r,<r* ia-orau Tyg>|TO? a-orajusu. See note 
 
 1, page 187. 
 
 a Eyyus rr*e*J<roo. See note 1, page 171. 
 
 a n ? o TCUV oVxwv. See note 5, page 170. 
 
 4iio3 *iUo n^oS-svov i Kxiagxov. Both the Latin 
 translators have said ubinam Proxenum vel Clearchum 
 
 but did not enquire for Menon, though he 
 came from Arisus, with whom Menon lived 
 in 5 hospitality : and, when Proxenus told him 
 he was the person he inquired after, the man 
 said, "Ariseus and Artaezus, who were faith- 
 ful to Cyrus, and wish you well, sent me to 
 advise you, to stand upon your guard, lest the 
 Barbarians attack you to-night, there being 
 numerous forces posted in the neighbouring 
 park. They advise you also to send a detach- 
 ment to guard the bridge over the Tigris, be- 
 cause Tissaphernes designs, if he can, to break 
 it down to-night; to the end, that you may 
 not be able to pass the river, but be shut in be- 
 tween the Tigris and the canal." Hereupon, 
 they carried him to Clearchus, and informed 
 him of what he said ; upon which, Clearchus 
 was in great consternation ; when a young 
 man, who was present, having considered the 
 matter, said, "To attack us, and break down 
 the bridge too, are things inconsistent ; for it 
 is plain, if they attack us, they must either 
 conquer, or be conquered : if they conquer, 
 why should they break down the bridge 1 for, 
 in that case, though there were many bridges, 
 we should have no place to retreat to with 
 safety : on the other side, if we conquer them, 
 and the bridge be broken down, they them- 
 selves will have no place to fly to ; neither can 
 the rest of their army, though in great numbers 
 on the other side, if they break it down, give 
 them any assistance." 
 
 Clearchus, hearing this, asked the messenger, 6 
 of what extent the country was, that lay be- 
 tween the Tigris and the canal : he answering, 
 it was of a large extent, and contained, besides 
 
 reperirent ; D'Ablancourt has translated it in the same 
 sense. There is a passage in Thucydides which induces 
 me to differ from them. He says, TOV Hi( /xxv 
 
 flvxyxaff-sev, wf iv TOV Bf ariSzv LJiiV ;rC:;riX3-EiV; where 
 
 srfivToj' Bfa<n'*v ISsTv is thus explained by the Greek 
 
 Scholiast, 5Tf iv J<*A.s%S-Mva T Bjas-JJa, OU'TW y*( of 'Ar- 
 TJXSJ Xsyouo-JVj 015 rb i JsiV TI <rt iSouXo^>)v KT TCU *X{. 
 
 %3-ji; <roi TI. And indeed frequent instances of this 
 Atticism are to be met with in the best authors. 
 
 tzivov. See note 3, page 169. 
 
 n6<ri) TK it* %*. D'Ablancourt has visibly mis- 
 taken the sense of this expression. He says, "Clearque 
 demanda au messager quel etoit le pais entre Ie Tigre 
 et le Canal," whereas *-o<ros denotes quantity, not qua- 
 lity, as the grammarians speak : for which reason he 
 should have said, "de quelle etendue etoit le pais;" had 
 Xenophon said sro/* T<? >i %e*,his translation would* 
 have been proper. The Latin translators have rendered 
 it as they ought. What I have said is justified by the 
 messenger's answer, 5 to tt*tv JTI 
 
208 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 villages, m-my large cities ; they concluded that 
 the Barbarians had sent this man insidiously, 1 
 from an apprehension, lest the Greeks should 
 not pass the bridge, but remain in the island, 
 which was defended on one side by the Tigris, 
 and on the other by the canal; where the coun- 
 try that lay between, being large and fruitful, 
 and in no want of labourers to cultivate it, 
 might both supply them with provisions, and 
 afford them a retreat, if they were disposed to 
 make war upon the king: after which, they 
 went to rest ; however, they sent a detachment 
 to guard the bridge ; but no attempt of any kind 
 was made upon their camp, neither did any of 
 
 1 'OxvouvTtj ftfi of 'EXXiivtf StiKSovris Tqvyi$\>i>xv,f4i- 
 
 ri.iv if T>j vn<no. So the Latin translators give the text 
 without taking any notice of a very great difficulty 
 that occurs in it ; but, in order to understand this, let us 
 cast our eyes upon the situation of the Greeks. They 
 had passed the last of the two canals that lay in their 
 way, and were now encamped under the walls of a 
 town called Sitace,that stood close to the river Tigris. 
 While they lay there, the Persians, who were encamp- 
 ed on the other side of that river, sent this insidious 
 message to them. But what was the occasion of this 
 message ? Certainly not the fear, lest the Greeks, after 
 they had passed the bridge, should remain in the island, 
 " ne Graeci cum transiissent pontem, in insula mane- 
 rent," as Hutchinson has translated it. The bridge, 
 Xenophon has told us, lay over the Tigris, and the 
 island was the country that lay between that river and 
 the canal they had already passed, which island Xeno- 
 phon has already told us in two places, was a large 
 and plentiful country, and very populous. The end of 
 this message, therefore, was to divert the Greeks from 
 staying in this island, for the reasons alleged by our 
 author, and the readiest way to effect that, was to in- 
 duce them to pass the Tigris immediately, from an ap- 
 prehension lest the enemy should break down the 
 bridge ; and, that the view of the Persians was to engage 
 them to pass the river, and not to prevent their doing 
 so, as Hutchinson and Leunclavius have translated it, 
 appears very plainly from their behaviour afterwards ; 
 for we find they did not attempt to molest them in their 
 passage. By this time I believe the reader is satisfied 
 there must be some fault in the text, which I will ven- 
 ture to cure by the addition of one little word ; if we 
 
 read, oxvoCvrtj ft) 01 ''Ex^vs J M SnKSovrts Ttjv y!<pu. 
 
 *, ftivottv sv T}J vtjo-o*, the sense will be complete ; and 
 that this correction, which is the first I have made, 
 may not seem too bold, I will put the reader in mind 
 of a passage in our author, where there is exactly the 
 same turn of phrase I am here contending for. He 
 says of his master Socrates, iS*u/*s S' tt T<J C^STVJI/ 
 
 TO /ie^' 
 X* (foEs 
 
 fos i^ttVj qnXov ccv-'f tairov tnti<rftivos *K- 
 o yivofttvof x*Xbs xaywS-if, -rS> rx (ttyia: 
 ret tvifyirtiiravTt ft^ TJV ftsyia-Ttjv %aj iv 5%pi. D'Ablan- 
 
 court, by his translation, seems to have been aware of 
 this difficulty, in which he must be allowed to have the 
 advantage over the Latin translators, though neither 
 he nor they have said one word to clear it up, or even 
 to discover it. 
 
 the enemy come up to the bridge, as the guards 
 informed us. The next morning by break of 
 day they passed the bridge, which was support- 
 ed by thirty -seven pontons, with all possible 
 precaution : for some of the Greeks, who were 
 with Tissaphernes, sent word that the enenrr 
 designed to attack them in their passage; but 
 this did not prove true. However, while they 
 were passing the river, Glus appeared with 
 some others, observing whether they passed it 
 or not : when, perceiving they did, he rode off. 
 
 From the Tigris they made, in four days' 
 march, twenty parasangs, and came to the 
 river Physcus, one hundred feet in breadth, 
 having a bridge over it. Here stood a large 
 and populous city, called Opis, where they 
 were met by a natural brother to Cyrus and 
 Artaxerxes, who was marching to the assist- 
 ance of the king, at the head of a numerous 
 army, which he had drawn out of Susa and EC- 
 batana ; and, causing his troops to halt, he took 
 a view of the Greeks as they passed by him. 
 Clearchus led his men two by two, standing 
 still from time to time. Thus, while the van- 
 guard halted, the whole army was obliged to 
 stand still, which made their forces appear very 
 numerous, even to the Greeks themselves : and 
 the Persian was struck with the sight. From 
 thence he m*de, in six days' march, thirty pa- 
 rasangs, through the desert part of Media, and 
 arrived at the villages belonging to Parysatis, 
 the mother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes. These 
 Tissaphernes, to insult the memory of Cyrua, 
 gave the Greeks leave to plunder of every thing 
 but slaves ; by which means they found a great 
 quantity of corn, 2 cattle, and 3 other things. 
 From thence they made twenty parasangs, in 
 five days' march, through a desert, having the 
 Tigris on their left. At the end of their first 
 day's march, they saw a large and rich city, on 
 the other side of the river, called Caense, whence 
 the Barbarians transported bread, cheese, and 
 wine, 4 upon rafts made of skins. 
 
 V. After that, they came to the river Zaba- 
 tus, four hundred feet in breadth, where they 
 staid three days, during which time there were 
 jealousies, but no evidence of treachery ; Cle- 
 archus therefore resolved to have a conference 
 with Tissaphernes, and, if possible, to put au 
 end to these jealousies, before they broke oi t 
 
 ss. See note 1, page 175. 
 if. See note 2, page 182. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 209 
 
 into hostilities : with this view he sent a per- 
 son, to let him know that he desired a confer- 
 ence with him. Tissaphernes having readily 
 answered, " he might come ;" Clearchus spoke 
 thus : " I am sensible, Tissaphernes ! that 
 we have sworn, and pledged our faith, not to 
 do any injury to one another. Notwithstand- 
 ing which, I observe you are upon your guard 
 against us, as against an enemy ; and we, per- 
 ceiving this, stand also upon our guard. But 
 since, upon consideration, I cannot find that you 
 endeavour to do us any mischief, and am very 
 sure that we have not the least thought of hurt- 
 ing you, I judged it proper to have a conference 
 with you, to the end that we might, if possible, 
 extinguish our mutual diffidence : for I have 
 known men, who, while through calumnies or 
 jealousies, they stood in fear of one another, 
 have, with a view of inflicting a mischief be- 
 fore they received one, done irreparable injuries 
 to those, who never had either the intention or 
 desire to hurt them. As therefore I am of 
 opinion that such mistakes are easiest removed 
 by conferences, I come with an intention of 
 convincing you, that you have no reason to dis- 
 trust us : for to mention the first, which is of 
 the greatest moment, our oaths, to which we 
 have called the gods to witness, forbid us to be 
 enemies ; and that person who is conscious to 
 himself of having neglected them, in my opinion 
 can never be happy ; for whoever becomes the 
 object of divine wrath, I know no swiftness 
 can save him, no darkness hide him, no strong 
 place defend him ; since, in all places, all things 
 are subject to their power, and every where 
 they are equally lords of all. This is my opin- 
 ion concerning both our oaths, and the gods, 
 whom, by our agreement, we have made the 
 depositories of our friendship. As to human 
 advantages, I look upon you to be the greatest 
 we can promise ourselves at this juncture ; for 
 while we are with you, every road is pervious, 
 every river passable, and we are sure to know 
 no want : but without you, every road becomes 
 obscure, (for we are utterly unacquainted with 
 them,) every river impassable, every multitude 
 terrible, and solitude the most terrible of all ; 
 for * that is attended with the want of every 
 
 t MSO-T)) ?ro\X)}; 7rofs la-nv. The Latin translators 
 do not seem to have attended to the general contrast 
 there is between these two periods, otherwise they 
 would not have rendered f*E<rrii iroxxijj ia-o^a?, multis 
 difficultatibus referta; for, as 5&s * <rx&Too; is opposed 
 tO ofbj fvVojof, and Tf ^-onx^o,- Jwrn-afOj tO T;JTOT(X. 
 
 18* 
 
 thing. If therefore we should arrive to such a 
 degree of madness, as to put you to death, what 
 should we do else but destroy our benefactor ; 
 and still have the king, the most powerful of 
 all 2 avengers, to contend with 1 I shall now 
 let you see what hopes I should deprive myself 
 of, if I endeavoured to hurt you. I desired to 
 make Cyrus my friend, because I looked upon 
 him as the most capable of all men living to 
 serve those he wished well to. Now, I find, 
 you have not only obtained the army, but the 
 country, that belonged to Cyrus, as an accession 
 to your own ; and that the king's power, of 
 which he felt the weight, is become your sup- 
 port. In these circumstances, therefore, who 
 would be so mad as not to desire to be your 
 friend 1 Yet, further, I shall let you know 
 upon what I found my hopes, that you will also 
 desire to be a friend to us : I know the Mysi- 
 ans are troublesome to you ; these, with the 
 forces under my command, I hope I can oblige 
 to submit to your power : I know the same 
 thing of the Pisidians, and am informed that 
 many other nations are in the same disposition, 
 who, by my means, shall cease for ever to. dis- 
 turb your happiness. I find you are incensed 
 against 3 the Egyptians more than against any 
 other nation, and cannot see what forces you 
 can better employ than ours, to assist you in 
 chastising them. If you desire to be a friend 
 to any of your neighbours, your friendship, 
 through our means, will become most valuable ; 
 and, if any of them molest you, you may, as 
 their superior, destroy them by our assistance ; 
 for we shall not only be subservient to you for 
 the sake of our pay, but also in return for the 
 obligation we shall justly owe to you, as our 
 deliverer. When I consider all these things, I 
 am so much surprised to find you diffident of 
 us, that I would willingly know the person who 
 is so powerful an orator as to persuade you, 
 
 <ubf ^JseSotT&f, go /iSO-ri) sroXXij? KTrOftctg is visibly OppOS- 
 
 ed to r&v lirit^iiaiv ovx Kirofia. D'Ablancourt has, in 
 my opinion, said much better,parce qu'ette traine apres 
 soy la necessite. 
 
 'E?Jfoc. E$i ? of, according to the Greek Scholiast 
 upon Sophocles, is properly o ntfurxiuaa-fttvo^oritv Sva 
 iii^f wxiw<ri, 7raKifnv T<U vx>)<rT<. Plutarch very 
 beautifully applies this to Telesinus, who was very 
 near defeating Sylla, after so many victories, at the 
 
 gales Of Rome, TOV ^IVTO, TOXluTrov iywva, %*y.ir*i> 
 
 ? jj TJJS 'P^>J. This cannot be preserved in a modern 
 translation. 
 
 A.>ujTT*owf. See note l, page 201. 
 2B 
 
210 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK IT. 
 
 that we form designs against you." Tissa- 
 phernes answered him as follows : 
 
 I am pleased, O Clearchus, to hear you 
 speak with so much prudence ; for while you 
 entertain these thoughts, if you should medi- 
 tate any thing against me, you would, at the 
 same time, act contrary to your own interest ; 
 but do you hear me in your turn, while I inform 
 you, that yourselves cannot with justice distrust 
 either the king or me ; for, if we were desirous 
 to destroy you, do you think we are in any want 
 of numerous horse or foot to effect it 1 or of 
 arms defensive and offensive, with which we 
 have it in our power to do you mischief, without 
 the danger of receiving any 1 or do you think 
 we want proper places to attack you 1 Are 
 there not so many plains inhabited by our 
 friends, through which you must march with 
 great difficulty 1 So many mountains within 
 your sight, over which your road lies, and 
 which, by our possessing ourselves of them, we 
 can render impassable to you 1 So majw' rivers 
 which afford us the advantage of choosing out 
 what numbers of you we think proper to en- 
 gage ? Some of these you cannot even pass 
 but by our assistance. But say we are inferior 
 in all these ; fire at least will prove superior to 
 the fruits of the earth. By burning these, we 
 can oppose famine to you, with which, though 
 you are ever so brave, you will not be able to 
 contend. Why, therefore, should we, who 
 have so many opportunities of making war 
 upon you, none of which carry any danger with 
 them, choose the only one of all these, that is 
 both impious and dishonourable ; the refuge of 
 those, who are destitute of all others, distress- 
 ed and driven to extremities, and who, being at 
 the same time wicked men, resolve to accom- 
 plish their designs through perjury towards 
 the gods, and breach of faith towards men 1 
 We are not, Clearchus ! either so weak or 
 so void of reason. When it was in our power 
 to destroy -you, why did we not attempt it"? 
 Be assured, the desire I had of approving my 
 fidelity to the Greeks was the reason; and 
 that, as Cyrus marched against the king, rely- 
 ing on foreign forces, from the pay he gave 
 them, so I might return home supported by 
 the same troops, from the obligations I had 
 conferred on them. As to the many things, 
 in which you may be of service to me, some 
 of them you have mentioned ; but I know 
 which is the greatest : It is the prerogative of 
 
 the king to wear J an upright turban upon his 
 head ; but, with your assistance, possibly another 
 may with some confidence, wear it in his heart." 
 
 Clearchus thinking all he said to be true, 
 replied : " Since, therefore, we have so many 
 motives to be friends, do not those who, by 
 calumnies endeavour to make us enemies, de- 
 serve the severest punishment "I" " If you," 
 says Tissaphernes, with the rest of the gen- 
 erals and captains, think fit to come to me in 
 public, I will acquaint you with those who 
 aver that you have designs against me and my 
 army." " I will bring them all," says Clear- 
 chus ; " and, at the same time, let you know 
 in my turn, whence I received my information 
 concerning you." 
 
 As soon as this conference was over, Tissa 
 phernes showed him great civility, and, desir 
 ing him to stay, entertained him at supper. 
 The next day Clearchus, returning to the 
 camp, made it manifest that he entertained 
 very friendly thoughts of Tissaphernes, and 
 gave an account of what he proposed. He 
 said, those Tissaphernes demanded ought to 
 go to him ; and that the persons who were 
 found to be the authors of these calumnies, 
 ought to be punished as traitors, and ill-af- 
 fected to the rest of the Greeks : for he sus- 
 pected Menon to be one of them, knowing 
 that he and Ariaeus had been in conference 
 with Tissaphernes, and that he was forming a 
 party against him, and intriguing in order to 
 draw the whole army to a dependence upon 
 himself; and, by that means, to recommend 
 himself to Tissaphernes. Clearchus also him- 
 self was no less solicitous to engage the esteem 
 of the whole army, and to remove those who 
 opposed him : but some of the soldiers, in 
 contradiction to him, said, that all the generals 
 and captains ought not to go, neither ought 
 they to trust Tissaphernes. However, Clear- 
 
 i T*ey oe&w. Most authors who treat of the af- 
 fairs of Persia, have taken notice of this custom : but 
 there is a print of it on a Persian monument found 
 among the ruins of Persepolis by De Bruyn, and given 
 by Gronovius in his notes upon Herodotus, to show that 
 this is the very monument the latter says Darius Hys- 
 taspes caused to be erected in honour of his horse and 
 groom to whom he owed the kingdom. I take no no- 
 tice of the reasons alleged by Gronovius to support his 
 conjecture, which seems well founded, because this 
 monument is here exhibited with another view, name- 
 ly, to let the reader see the difference of the turbans 
 worn by the kings and subjects of Persia. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 211 
 
 chus so strongly insisted upon it, that he pre- 
 vailed to have five generals and twenty cap- 
 tains sent to him: about two hundred soldiers 
 followed under colour of going to the market. 
 
 When they came to the door of Tissapher- 
 nes, the generals, Proxenus a Boeotian, Menon 
 a Thessalian, Agias an Arcadian, Clearchus a 
 Lacedaemonian, and Socrates an Achaian, 
 were called in ; the captains staid without. 
 Not long after, at the same signal, those who 
 were within were apprehended and those with- 
 out, cut to pieces. After this, some of the 
 Barbarian horse, scouring the plain, killed all 
 the Greeks they met with, both freemen and 
 slaves. The Greeks, from their camp, seeing 
 these excursions of the horse, were surprised, 
 and in doubt of what they were doing, till 
 Nicarchus an Arcadian, came flying from 
 them, being wounded in the belly, and bearing 
 his bowels in his hands, and informed thera of 
 all that had passed. Upon this, the Greeks 
 were amazed, and expecting they would imme- 
 diately come and attack their camp, ran to their 
 arms. But they did not all come ; only Ari- 
 seus, with Artaezus and Mithridates, came, 
 persons who had shown the greatest fidelity to 
 Cyrus. However, the interpreter of the 
 Greeks said, he saw the brother to Tissapher- 
 nes with them, and knew him. They were 
 followed by three hundred other Persians, clad 
 in armour ; who, when they drew near, order- 
 ed, if any generals or captains of the Greeks 
 were present, they should .advance to the end 
 they might acquaint them with the king's plea- 
 sure. Upon this, the generals, Cleanor an 
 Orchomenian, and Sophaenetus a Stymphalian, 
 went out of- the camp with great caution ; and 
 with them Xenophon an Athenian, that he 
 might learn what was become of Proxenus. 
 (Cheirisophus happened to be absent, being 
 employed with others, in getting provisions in 
 some village.) When they came within hear- 
 ing, Ariseus said, Clearchus, Greeks ! 
 having been found guilty of violation both of 
 his oath and of the articles of peace, is' justly 
 punished with death ; while Proxenus and 
 Menon for having given information of his 
 designs, are in great honour. Of you, the 
 king demands your arms, for he says they are 
 his, as having belonged to Cyrus, who was his 
 1 subject." 
 
 i Aouxou. Literally, hi3 slave. This it seems, was 
 me style of the Persian court, which not only treated 
 
 Hereupon the Greeks made answer, Cleanor 
 the Orchomenian speaking in the name of the 
 rest : " O Ariseus ! thou most wicked of all 
 men, and the rest of you who were friends to 
 Cyrus ! have you no regard either to the gods 
 or men 1 You who, after you have sworn to ua 
 to look upon our friends and enemies as your 
 own, now conspire with Tissaphernes, the 
 most impious and deceitful of all men, to 
 betray us ; and having 2 both destroyed those 
 persons, to whom you gave your oaths, and 
 deceived the rest of us, now come with our 
 enemies to invade us?" To this Ariseus an- 
 swered, " But it first appeared that Clearchus 
 was forming designs against Tissaphernes, 
 Orontas, and all the rest of us. " Upon this 
 Xenophon replied, If Clearchus, contrary 
 to his oath, has been guilty of a violation of 
 the peace, he is justly punished ; for it is just 
 that those who are guilty of perjury should 
 be put to death. However, send Proxenus 
 and Menon to us, since they are both your 
 benefactors, and our commanders : for it is 
 evident that, being friends to both of us, they 
 will endeavour to advise that which is best 
 for both." To this the Barbarians made no 
 answer, but, haying conferred together for a 
 considerable time, they departed. 
 
 VI. The generals being thus apprehended, 
 were carried * to the king, by whose orders 
 their heads were cut off. One 4 of them, 
 Clearchus, was allowed by all that knew him 
 to have been a man both of military genius, 
 and one who delighted in war to the last de- 
 gree. For, as long as the Lacedaemonians 
 were at war with the Athenians, he continued 
 in the service of his country ; but, after the 
 
 their subjects as slaves, but had the insolence to call 
 them so. 
 
 a Of; &PMTS cS? a^-oXwXsxarj. Hutchinson with great 
 reason finds fault with Leunclavius for translating this, 
 " sacraraento confi rmabatis vos plane periisse ;" but 
 takes no notice of the difficulty arising from the par- 
 ticle c5j, which I own, weighs so much with me, that I 
 cannot persuade myself Xenophon wrote TOOJ n v ? <j 
 oTouf, of; W^VUTI, <L; asroXaixIxxTe ; at least not in the 
 sense he has translated it, " posteaquam viros ipsos, 
 quibus dedistis jusjurandum perdidistis." If, instead 
 of <us K5To\w>.jx*Ti, we might venture to read *:roxeox- 
 ty.vTig, without <L?, I think the period would be more 
 intelligible. I believe it will be owned, that ;rox>xjx6- 
 TSJ agrees very well with r^oSt $*.<>* H in the following 
 sentence ; and it seems to have been the author's design 
 to connect them together with the particles re and **'. 
 
 sig POLO-IKS*. See note 4, page 170. 
 
 4 E? s ft\v X-JTUV K>*e%cs. See the Introduction. 
 
212 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 peace, he persuaded his follow-citizens that 
 the Thracians oppressed the Greeks, and 
 having prevailed on the ephori, * by some 
 means or other, he set sail with a design to 
 make war upon the Thracians, who inhabit 
 above the Chersonesus and Perinthus. After 
 his departure, the ephori, for some reasons, 
 changed their minds, and recalled him from 
 the Isthmus ; but he refused to obey them, 
 and sailed away for the Hellespont; where- 
 upon he was condemned to die by the magis- 
 trates of Sparta, as guilty of disobedience. 
 Being now a banished man, he comes to Cyrus, 
 and by what means he gained his confidence, 
 has been mentioned in another place. Cyrus 
 gave him ten thousand 2 daricks. Having 
 received this money, he did not give himself 
 up to indolence, but, raising an army with it, 
 made war upon the Thracians ; and, overcom- 
 ing them in battle, plundered their country, 
 and continued the war, till Cyrus had occasion 
 for his army, when he departed, with a design 
 of attending him in his expedition. 
 
 These, therefore, seem to be the actions of 
 a man delighting in war, 3 who, when it is in 
 his power to live in peace without detriment 
 or dishonour, prefers war; when to live in 
 ease, chooses labour, with a view to war ; and 
 when to enjoy riches without danger, chooses 
 rather, by making war, to diminish them : so 
 that he spent his , money in war as cheerfully 
 as if it had been in gallantry, or any other 
 
 t n*gi TOJV E^ofwv. The ancient authors do not 
 agree concerning the person who instituted these ma- 
 gistrates. Herodotus attributes their institution to Ly- 
 curgus, and Xenophon to him, jointly with the most 
 considerable citizens of Sparta. On the other hand, 
 Plutarch says, Theopompus, who reigned many years 
 after Lycurgus, was the author of it. However, this is 
 certain, that the three orders of the state, that is, the 
 two kings, the senators, all the magistrates, even dur- 
 ing tneir magistracy, and the people, were subject to 
 their power. But the thing that gives the greatest re- 
 lief to the reputation of their college is, that it served 
 as a model to the institution of the Roman tribunes, 
 who, like the ephori, were only five in number, till the 
 year of Rome 297, and the first of the 81st Olympiad, 
 C. Horatius, and Q,. Minucius being consuls, when five 
 more were added to them. 
 
 Axexou5. See note 2, page 166. 
 
 8 { O<TT;,iov (ttiv n^vviv i%iv avsu iV%unf *i /3Xa- 
 
 6>i{, ff TT< 7roKtiJ.ilv. D'Ablancourt has strangely mis- 
 taken this passage. Thus he has rendered it, "que 
 pouvant vivre en repos apres la paix, cherche la guer- 
 re aux depens meme de son honneur, et de sa vie." 
 This he says is stronger than the text ; but I believe 
 the reader will be of opinion, that instead of strength- 
 ening the author's sense, he has destroyed it. 
 
 1 pleasure : so much he delighted in it. His 
 genius for war appeared by his forwardness to 
 expose himself, and to attack the enemy, 
 either by night or day, and by his conduct in 
 danger ; as those who attended him upon all 
 occasions universally acknowledged. He was 
 said to have possessed the art of commanding, 
 as far as could be expected from a man of his 
 temper ; for, being as capable as any other of 
 taking care his army was supplied with pro- 
 visions, and of providing them, he was not less 
 so of inspiring those who were present with a 
 dread of disobeying Clearchus. This he ef- 
 fected by severity ; for his look was stern, and 
 his voice harsh : he always punished with 
 rigour, and frequently in passion ; so that he 
 sometimes repented it. But he also inflicted 
 punishments with deliberation, looking upon 
 an army without discipline to be of no service. 
 He is reported to have said, that a 4 soldier 
 ought to fear his commander more than the 
 enemy, if it is expected that he should do his 
 duty upon guard, abstain from what belongs to 
 a friend, or attack the enemy without reluc- 
 tance. In dangers the men obeyed him abso- 
 lutely, nor ever desired to be commanded by 
 any other ; for they said his sternness seemed 
 then changed to cheerfulness, and his severity 
 to resolution ; so that they looked upon it no 
 longer as severity, but as their preservation. 
 However, when the danger was over, and they 
 had an opportunity of serving under other com- 
 manders, many of them left him ; for he was 
 not in the least gracious, but always rough and 
 cruel : so that the soldiers were in the same 
 disposition to him, as scholars to their master ; 
 none ever following him out of friendship or 
 good-will. Those who were appointed by his 
 country, or compelled through want, or any 
 other necessity, to serve under him, were per- 
 fectly obedient to him. And, when they be- 
 gan to conquer under his command, many 
 things concurred to make them good soldiers : 
 for their confidence in their own strength, 
 joined to their fear of him, made them obser- 
 
 l i;ioi -TfT<wT!iv <po/3e<rS*i /u\Xov, &.C. This 
 
 saying of Clearchus is imitated by Livy, where Camil- 
 lus, having restored the Roman army to its ancient 
 discipline, " effecil," says he, " ne hostis maxime ti- 
 mendus militi esset." D'Ablancourt has thought fit 
 to leave out above half this period, the reason he gives 
 for it is, " parce qu'il ne faut rien ajouter a un bon 
 mot." But surely this is a liberty no translator oughf 
 to indulge himself in. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 213 
 
 vant. This was his character as a commander ; 
 but it was said that he was unwilling to be 
 commanded by others. When he died he was 
 about fifty years of age. 
 
 Proxenus the Boeotian, even from a child, 
 was desirous of becoming equal to great em- 
 ployments : and, to satisfy this desire, gave a 
 sum of money to * Gorgias the Leontine. 
 After he had been some time with him, think- 
 ing himself now both able to command, and, 
 if he entered into the friendship of great men, 
 to return all obligations, he engaged in this 
 enterprise with Cyrus, whence he promised 
 to himself great reputation, great power, and 
 great riches : though he was earnest in the pur- 
 suit of these, yet, on the other side, his con- 
 duct plainly showed that he did not desire to 
 gain any of them through injustice ; but that 
 he ought to attain them with justice and 
 honour, and not otherwise. H6 was very ca- 
 pable of commanding an orderly and well-dis- 
 ciplined army ; but incapable of inspiring re- 
 spect or fear, and stood in greater awe of his 
 men than they of him ; it being visible, that 
 he was more afraid of disobliging them than 
 they of disobeying him. It was his opinion, 
 that all which was required to be, and seem to 
 be equal to the command, was to praise worthy 
 men, and not to praise the unworthy ; for 
 whick reason he was beloved by men of 
 worth and honour, while ill men were or ever 
 forming designs against him, as against a man 
 easy to be circumvented. He was about thirty 
 years old when he died. 
 
 Menon the Thessalian did not either con- 
 ceal his immoderate desire of riches, or his de- 
 
 irofyi*. This Gorgias was a celebrated master of 
 eloquence. He so far surpassed all the rest of his pro- 
 fession, that. Diodorus Siculus tells us be received no 
 less from his scholars than one hundred minm, that 
 is, 322Z. 185. 4d. sterling. This Gorgias, it seems, was 
 at the head of the embassy which the Leontines sent to 
 Athens, the second year of the 88th Oly mpiad, to desire 
 their assistance against the Syracusians. In the first 
 audience he had of the Athenians, his eloquence, or 
 rather the novelty of it, so enchanted that people, who 
 were great admirers of both, that they were unfortu- 
 nately prevailed upon to engage in the Sicilian war, the 
 event of which gave them so fatal a blow, that they 
 could never recover it. Diodorus Siculus says also, that 
 he was the inventor of the art of rhetoric, and the first 
 who made use of studied figures and laboured antith- 
 eses of equal length, and the same termination. This 
 manner of speaking, the same author says, pleased at 
 first from its novelty, but was afterwards looked upon 
 as affected, and, if frequently practised, ridiculous. 
 
 sire of commanding, in order to increase them, 
 or of being esteemed for the same reason. 
 He desired to be well with those in power, 
 that his injustice might escape punishment. 
 He thought the shortest way to accomplish 
 his designs were perjury, falsehood, and deceit ; 
 and that simplicity and truth were weaknesses. 
 He was observed to have no affection for any 
 man ; and, where he professed a friendship, 
 it was visible he designed to betray. He 
 never spoke with contempt of an enemy, but 
 was ever turning all those he conversed with 
 into ridicule. He never formed any design 
 against the possessions of an enemy, (for he 
 thought it difficult to rob those who were upon 
 their guard,) but looked upon himself as the 
 only person that was sensible, how very easy it 
 is to seize the unguarded possessions of a 
 friend. He stood in fear of those whom he 
 observed to be guilty of perjury and injustice, 
 as of men well armed ; but practised upon 
 persons of piety and truth, as upon those who 
 are defenceless. And, as others value them- 
 selves upon religion, veracity, and justice, so 
 Menon valued himself upon being able to de^ 
 ceive, to invent falsehoods, and abuse his 
 friends ; and looked upon those as ignorant, 
 who were without guile. When he endea- 
 voured to gain the first place in any man's 
 friendship, he thought the most effectual way 
 of recommending himself, was by slandering 
 those who were in possession of it. He 
 sought to make himself obeyed by the soldiers, 
 by becoming an accomplice in their crimes, 
 and aimed at being esteemed and courted, by 
 showing that he had both the power and the 
 will to commit great injustice. If any one 
 forsook him, he spoke of it as a favour, that 
 while he made use of his service, he did not 
 destroy him. Whatever is not publicly known 
 in this man's character, may seem to be feigned, 
 but the following particulars all the world is 
 acquainted with. While he was in the flower 
 of his youth, he obtained the command of the 
 mercenaries in the service of Aristippus. At 
 that age also he was in great favour with 
 Aria?us, a Barbarian, because he delighted in 
 beautiful youths ; and before he himself had a 
 beard, he had a b'earded favourite, called Tha- 
 rypas. When the rest of the generals suffered 
 for having made war against the king with 
 Cyrus, he, though equally guilty, did not lose 
 his life ; but was afterwards punished with 
 death by the king, not like Ctearchus, and the 
 
214 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 rest of the generals, by losing his head, which 
 was looked upon as the most honourable 
 death; but, as it is said, after he had been 
 tortured a whole year, like a malefactor. 
 
 Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the 
 
 Achaian, were both put to death at the same 
 time ; these were without reproach both in 
 war and friendship. They were then about 
 forty years of age. 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 ft 
 
 [215] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK III. 
 
 I. The Greeks anguishing in grief, Xenophon begins to arouse the courage of the colonels, who had been under 
 Proxenus Apollonides stupidly opposes Xenophon, and is therefore expelled his rank and occupation The 
 rest of the surviving generals assemble and are addressed by Xenophon in a vigorous speech New com- 
 manders are immediately elected. II. The troops briefly exhorted by Cheirisophus and Cleanor, in a longer 
 and eloquent speech by Xenophon, to prepare themselves valiantly to fight His speech applauded, and he 
 proceeds to lay down his plan for the conduct of the army, by the appointment of commanders to the seve- 
 ral corps. III. At the moment of departure the Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend He incurs their 
 suspicions, and they decree that as long as they shall remain in the enemy's territory, they will enter into 
 no negotiations for peace or truce with the Persian king On their passage of the river Zabatus, they are so 
 harassed by Mithridates, that Xenophon is made sensible of the great want the army had of slingers and 
 horsemen By his advice these two services are established. IV. Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, 
 and is easily repulsed They arrive at the river Tigris Here Tissaphernes attacks them with an immense 
 force ; but to no effect To march more securely, the Greeks adopt a change in the disposition of their army 
 In this way they arrive at a part of the road obstructed by hills, in crossing over which they are harassed 
 by the enemy, until they take up their quarters in some villages Setting out thence on the fourth day, they 
 are compelled to throw themselves into another village, from which marching- forth at nightfall, they perform 
 so long a route, that it is only on the fourth day the enemy overtakes them Having occupied a hill, under 
 which was the narrow descent into the plain, the Barbarians are thence dislodged by Xenophon. V. As soon 
 as the Greeks descend into the plain the Barbarians again make their appearance, and having killed some of 
 the Greeks, they begin to set fire to the vjilages Inclosed between the Tigris and the Carduchian moun 
 tains, the Greeks consult on the plan of ffieir march They reject the plan of the Rhodian, who offers to 
 pass them over on a bridge of leathern bottles, and marching some distance backwards the next day, they make 
 diligent inquiry of the prisoners concerning the nature of the surrounding countries They determine to take 
 their route through the mountains of the Carduchians. 
 
 [216] 
 
 U _J . - .f.'l-nr.-*. , ' - -- -* 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 I. IN the foregoing discourse, we have related 
 the actions of the Greeks, during the expedi- 
 tion of Cyrus, to the battle; and what hap- 
 pened after his death, when the Greeks marched 
 away with Tissaphernes upon the peace. After 
 the generals were apprehended, and the cap- 
 tains and soldiers who accompanied them put 
 to death, the Greeks were in great distress; 
 knowing they were not far from the king's 
 palace, surrounded on all sides with many 
 nations and many cities, all their enemies ; 
 that no one would any longer supply them 
 with provisions : that they were distant from 
 Greece above ten thousand stadia, without a 
 guide to conduct them, and their road thither 
 intercepted by impassable rivers ; that even 
 those Barbarians, who had served under Cyrus, 
 had betrayed them, and that they were now 
 left alone, without any horse to assist them. 
 By which it was evident, that if they overcame 
 the enemy, they could not destroy a man of 
 them in the pursuit, and if they themselves 
 were overcome, not one of them could escape. 
 These reflections so disheartened them, that 
 few ate any thing that evening, few made fires, 
 and many that night never came to their * quar- 
 ter, 2 but laid themselves down, every man in 
 
 t Esri r* owx*. See note 2, page 203. Here it plainly 
 signifies that part of the camp which was appointed for 
 the quarters of the several companies, particularly of 
 the heavy-armed men. D'Ablancourt has left it out, 
 as he generally does this expression where he meets 
 with it. 
 
 * AvejraOfTO 51 JTTOU sruy^seviv SX<TTOJ, ou Svvxftivci 
 x*5iv$tiv JJJTO Xu7T!)S xi a-i^ou srcerf JW, yovlcev, yuvaix- 
 
 V, TTO.lS-aV, C'Jf OU JTOTI tVOyUJ^OV T1 0^/I<T^*I, ThJS pC- 
 
 riod, so beautifully melancholy, is cruelly mangled by 
 D'Ablancourt, whose translation I shall also transcribe, 
 that the reader may compare it with the original. "Us 
 etolent si abbatus qu'ils ne pouvoient reposer, comme 
 19 
 
 the place where he happened to be, unable to 
 sleep through sorrow, and a longing for their 
 country, their parents, their wives and children, 
 whom they never expected to see again. In 
 this disposition of mind they all lie down to 
 rest. 
 
 There was in the army an Athenian, by 
 name Xenophon, who, without being a general, 
 a captain, or a soldier, served as a volunteer ; 
 for, having been long attached to Proxenus by 
 the rights of hospitality, the latter sent for him 
 from home, with a promise, if he came, to re- 
 commend him to Cyrus ; from whom, ne said, 
 he expected greater advantages than from his 
 own country. Xenophon, having read the let- 
 ter, consulted Socrates the Athenian concern- 
 ing the voyage, who 3 fearing lest his country 
 might look upon his attachment to Cyrus as 
 criminal, because that prince was thought to 
 have espoused the interest of the Lacedaemo- 
 nians against the Athenians with great Warmth, 
 advised Xenophon to go to Delphos, and con- 
 sult the god of the place concerning the matter. 
 Xenophon went thither accordingly, and asked 
 Apollo to which of the gods he should offer 
 sacrifice, and address his prayers, to the end 
 that he might perform the voyage he proposed 
 in the best and most reputable manner, and, 
 after a happy issue of it, return with safety. 
 Apollo answered, that he should sacrifice to 
 the proper gods. At his return, he acquainted, 
 Socrates with this answer ; who blamed him, 
 because he had not asked Apollo in the first 
 place, whether it were better for him to under- 
 take this voyage, than to stay at home : but, 
 having himself first determined to undertake it, 
 
 ne devant plus revoir ni femme, ni enfans, ni patrie." 
 i K*t o Stcxfi-Dis IsroTTTsCo-*?. See the introduction. 
 2C 217 
 
218 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 he had consulted him concerning the most pro- 
 per means of performing it with success ; but 
 since, says he, you have asked this, you ought 
 to do what the god has commanded. Xeno- 
 phon, therefore, having offered sacrifice to the 
 gods, according to the direction of the oracle, 
 set sail, and found Proxenus and Cyrus at 
 Sardes ready to march towards the Upper Asia. 
 Here he was presented to Cyrus, and Proxenus 
 pressing him to stay, Cyrus was no less earnest 
 in persuading him, arid assured him that, as soon 
 as the expedition was at end, he would dis- 
 miss him ; this he pretended was designed 
 against the Pisidians. 
 
 Xenophon, therefore, thus imposed on, en- 
 gaged in the enterprise, though Proxenus had 
 no share in the imposition, for none of the 
 Greeks, besides Clearchus, ,knew it was in- 
 tended against the king : but, when they arri- 
 ved in Cilicia, every one saw l the expedition 
 was designed against him. Then, though they 
 were terrified at the length of the way, and un- 
 willing to go on, yet the greatest part of them, 
 out of 2 a regard both to one another, and to 
 Cyrus, followed him : and Xenophon was of 
 this number. When the Greeks were in this 
 distress, he had his share in the general sorrow, 
 and was unable to rest* However, getting a 
 little sleep, he dreamed he thought it thundered, 
 and that a flash of lightning fell upon his pater- 
 nal house, which upon that was all in a blaze. 
 Immediately he awoke in a fright, and looked 
 upon his dream as happy in this respect, be- 
 cause, while he was engaged in difficulties and 
 dangers, he saw a great light proceeding from 
 Jupiter. On the other side, he was full of fear, 
 when he considered that the fire, by blazing all 
 around him, might portend that he should not 
 be able to get out of the king's territories, but 
 should be surrounded on all sides with difficul- 
 ties. 
 
 i > <TTO>.OS. See note 5, page 170. 
 
 a A,' l<r%wnv Si aKKv.vuv. Where any number of 
 men are embarked in the same design, they generally 
 meet with success, but always deserve it, if they are 
 once brought to be ambitious of one another's praises, 
 and to stand in awe of one another's reproaches. Ho- 
 mer, who knew every spring of the human soul, was 
 sensible how powerful a motive this mutual respectisto 
 a proper behaviour in a day of battle, when he makes 
 Agamemnon say to his men, 
 
 AtXofiivuiv KvSfiav TrKt'ovsg <roo,))c ireQxvrttt. 
 
 By the way, it is from this sense of the word aiJij, that 
 the Latin authors have used verecundia to signify re- 
 spect. 
 
 However, the events, which were consequent 
 to this dream, sufficiently explain the nature of 
 it; for presently these things happened.* As 
 soon as he awoke, the first thought that occur- 
 red to him was this ; Why do I lie here 1 the 
 night wears away, and as soon as the day ap- 
 pears, it is probable the enemy will come and 
 attack us : and if we fall under the power of 
 the king, 3 what can preserve us from being 
 spectators of the most tragical sights, from suf- 
 fering the most cruel torments, and from dying 
 with the greatest ignominy. Yet no one makes 
 preparation for defence, or takes any care about 
 it : but here we lie, as if we were allowed to 
 live in quiet. From what city, therefore, do I 
 expect a general to perform these things 1 what 
 age do I wait for 1 But, if I abandon myself 
 to the enemy this day, I shall never live to see 
 another. Upon this he rose, and first assem- 
 bled the captains who had served under Proxe- 
 nus ; and when, they were together, he said to 
 them, " Gentlemen ! I can neither sleep (which 
 I suppose is your case also) nor lie any longer, 
 when I consider the condition to which we are 
 reduced. For it is plain the enemy would not 
 have declared war against us, had they not first 
 made the necessary preparations, while, on our 
 side, none takes any care how we may resist 
 them in the best manner possible. If we are 
 remiss, and fall under the power of the king, 
 what have we to expect from him, who cut off '* 
 the head and hand of his brother, even after he 
 was dead, and fixed them upon a stake 1 How 
 then will he treat us, who have no support, and 
 have made war against him, with a design to 
 reduce him from the condition of a king to that 
 of a subject ; and, if it lay in your power", to 
 put him to death 1 Will he not try the power 
 of every extremity, to the end, that, by torturing 
 us in the most ignominious manner, he may 
 deter all men from ever making war against 
 him 1 We ought, therefore, to do every thing, 
 rather than fall into his hands. While the peace 
 lasted, I own I never ceased to consider our- 
 selves as extremely miserable, and the king, 
 with those who belonged to him, equally happy. 
 When I cast my eyes around, and beheld how 
 
 3 Tl il 
 
 t>vras t ' 
 
 irat Si TX S'nvoroiTO, irxS'ovrag, IS? io,Uv3u; U.TT- 
 
 o5,vsT v ; thus translated by D'Ablancourt, " quelle espe- 
 ranee nous reste il que d'une mort cruelle ?" So pa- 
 thetic a description of the miseries, which our author 
 had then in view, deserved, methinks, that he shoul . 
 have been more particular in his translation. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 219 
 
 spacious and beautiful a country they were mas- 
 ters of, how they abounded in provisions, slaves, 
 cattle, gold, and rich apparel ; and, on the other 
 hand, reflected on the situation of our men, who 
 had no share of all these advantages, without 
 paying for them, which I knew very few were 
 any longer able to do, and that our oaths forbade 
 us to provide ourselves by any other means ; 
 when I reflected, I say, on these things, I was 
 more afraid of peace than now I am of war. 
 But since they have put an end to the peace, 
 there seems to be an end also both of their in- 
 solence and our jealousy. And these advan- 
 tages lie now as a prize between us, to be given 
 to the bravest. In this * combat the gods are 
 the umpires, who will, with justice, declare in 
 our favour ; for our enemies have provoked 
 them by perjury, which we, surrounded with 
 every thing to tempt us, have, with constancy, 
 abstained from all, that we might preserve our 
 oaths inviolate. So that, in my opinion, we 
 have reason to engage in this combat with 
 greater confidence than they. ' Besides, our 
 bodies are more patient of cold, of heat, and of 
 labour than theirs, and our minds, with the di- 
 vine assistance, more resolved. And if, as be- 
 fore, the gods vouchsafe to grant us the victory, 
 their men will be more obnoxious to wounds 
 and death. But possibly others may also en- 
 tertain these thoughts. For heaven's sake, 
 then, let us not stay till others come to en- 
 courage us to glorious actions, but let us pre- 
 vent them, and excite even them to virtue. 
 * Show yourselves the bravest of all the captains, 
 and the most worthy to command of all the 
 generals. As for me, 2 if you desire to lead the 
 way in this, I will follow you with cheerfulness, 
 and if you appoint me to be your leader, I 3 
 shall not excuse myself by reason of my age, 
 but think myself even in the vigour of it to re- 
 pel an injury." 
 
 The captains, hearing this, all desired he 
 would take upon him the command, except a 
 certain person, by name Apollonides, who af- 
 fected to speak in the Boeotian dialect. This 
 
 S 1 of 3i9I<ri. This alludes to the um- 
 pires who were chosen to preside at the Olympic and 
 other games. This allusion, which gives great beauty 
 to the whole passage, is entirely left out by D'Ablan- 
 court. 
 
 a Ei /*v {5-lxiTi iZtfftaiv tVr TcsSra. The reader will 
 observe, that t?9/**M is here used neutrally, it was 
 used actively a few lines above. 
 
 a OvStv jrg 09*0-1 <>,< T>jv !j\x3v. See note 5, page 
 200, and particularly the life of Xenophon. 
 
 man said, that whoever proposed any other 
 means of returning to Greece, than by endea- 
 vouring to persuade the king to consent to it, 
 talked impertinently; and, at the same time, 
 began to recount the difficulties they were en- 
 gaged in. But Xenophon, interrupting him, 
 said, " Thou most admirable man ! who art 
 both insensible of what you see, and forgetful 
 of what you hear. You were present when 
 the king, after the death of Cyrus, exulting in 
 his victory, sent to us to deliver up our arms ; 
 and when, instead of delivering them up, we 
 marched out ready to give him battle, and en- 
 camped near him, what did he leave undone, 
 by sending ambassadors, begging peace, and 
 supplying us with provisions, till he had ob- 
 tained it 1 And afterwards, when our generals 
 and captains went to confer with them, as you 
 advise us to do, without their arms, relying on 
 the peace, what has been their treatment 1 ? Are 
 not these unfortunate men daily scourged, 4 tor- 
 tured, and insulted, and forbid even to die, 
 though I dare say they earnestly desire it? 
 When you know all this, can you say that those 
 who exhort us to defend ourselves, ta\k imper- 
 tinently, and dare you advise us to sue again to 
 the king for favour 1 For my part, gentlemen ! 
 I think we ought not to admit this man any 
 longer into our company, but use him as he de- 
 serves, by removing him from his command, 
 and employing him in carrying our baggage; for, 
 by being a Greek with such a mind, he is a 
 shame to his country, and dishonours all 
 Greece." 
 
 Then Agasias of Stymphalus said, " This 
 man has no relation to Boeotia, or to any other 
 part of Greece ; for, to my knowledge, both'his 
 ears are bored, like a Lydian." Which was 
 found to be true : so they expelled him their 
 company. The rest went to all the quarters of 
 the army, and where any generals were left, 
 they called them up ; where they were wanting, 
 their lieutenants ; and where there were any 
 
 * KfVTOw^ivoj. I have ventured to depart from the 
 Latin translators in rendering this word. Leiincl,) vius 
 has said vulneribus affecti, and Hutchinson vulnerapas- 
 si ; D'Ablancourt has left it out: I have translated it 
 tortured: in the same sense Xenophon, a little above, 
 speaking of the usage the Greeks were to expect, if 
 they fell into the king's hands, says >i^; T* ajr%c-ra 
 
 axi<ra/iv3y, and a little before that, TTXVTX ri Siivarr 
 
 wa^cvraj. It is from this sense of the word XKTJ*>, 
 that Suidas tells us a thief is 'Called x^-r^v, because, as 
 he says, xsvTf* were part of their torture. Kivrguv o 
 
220 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 captains left, they called up them. When they 
 were all assembled, they placed themselves A 
 before the quarter where the heavy-armed men 
 lay encamped ; the number of the generals and 
 captains amounting to about a hundred. While 
 this was doing, it was near midnight. Then 
 Hieronymus of Elis, the oldest of all the cap- 
 tains, who had served under Proxenus, began 
 thus : " Gentlemen ! we have thought proper, 
 in the present juncture, both to assemble our- 
 selves, and call you together, to the end we 
 may, if possible, consider of something to our 
 advantage. Do you, Xenophon ! represent 
 to them what you have laid before us." Upon 
 this Xenophon said, 
 
 " We are all sensible that the king and Tis- 
 saphernes have caused as many of us as they 
 could to be apprehended, and it is plain they 
 design, by the same treacherous means, if they 
 can, to destroy the rest. We ought, therefore, 
 in my opinion, to attempt every thing not only 
 to prevent our falling under their power, but, 
 if possible, to subject them to ours. Know 
 then, that, being assembled in so great num- 
 bers, you have the fairest of all opportunities ; 
 for all the soldiers fix their eyes on you : if they 
 see you disheartened, their courage will forsake 
 them ; but, if you appear resolute yourselves, 
 and exhort them to do their duty, be assured, 
 they will follow you, and endeavour to imitate 
 your example. It seems also reasonable that 
 you should excel them in some degree, for you 
 are their generals, their leaders, and their cap- 
 tains ; and as in time of peace you have the 
 advantage of them both in riches and honours, 2 so 
 now in time of war, you ought to challenge the 
 pre-eminence in courage, in counsel, and, if 
 
 C ve<><rSriv TS,V ojrxv. See note 6, page 203. 
 
 TOUTIOV, xi jj-fojj-ovii'i', jjv sroDSIti. D'Ablancourt has left 
 out every title of this fine period : the reason he gives 
 for it in his own words is ; parce qu'elle est deja expri- 
 mee: I am afraid the reader will not think that reason 
 to have much weight. The Attic writers, when they 
 speak of their affairs, always use the word ^e oSowXeu. 
 ^*, for an act passed by the senate before it was sent 
 down to the people; for the same reason the Greek 
 writers of the Roman History call zsenatus consultum 
 srgoSoixju^a, and this sense seems to agree better with 
 Jct$Eg(v and i jrA-tofsxTjiYi, which our author ap- 
 plies to the generals a few lines above, and which seem 
 very naturally to introduce xftelvav; ffvou^TrfoSovKivuv, 
 and Trftirovf'tv. The Latin translators have given it 
 another sense ; Leunclavius has said horum causa con- 
 silia suscipienda, and Hutchinsonpro us consilia cape- 
 re: the decision therefore is left to the reader. 
 
 necessary, in labour. In the first place then, 
 it is my opinion, that you will do great service 
 to the army, if you take care that generals and 
 captains are immediately chosen in the room of 
 those who are slain : since, without chiefs, no- 
 thing either great or profitable can indeed be 
 achieved upon any occasion, but least of all in 
 war ; for as discipline preserves armies, so the 
 want of it has already been fatal to many. 
 After you have appointed as many command- 
 ers as are necessary, I should think it highly 
 seasonable for you to assemble and encourage 
 the rest of the soldiers ; for no doubt you must 
 have observed, as well as I, how dejectedly 
 they came to their quarters, and how heavily 
 they went upon guard : so that, while they are 
 in this disposition, I do not know what service 
 can either by night or day be expected from 
 them. They have at present nothing before 
 their eyes but sufferings : if any one can turn 
 their thoughts to action, it would greatly en- 
 courage them ; for you know, that neither 
 numbers nor .strength give the victory : but 
 that side which, with the assistance of the gods, 
 attacks with the greatest resolution, is generally 
 irresistible. I have taken notice also, that 
 those men who in war seek to preserve their 
 lives at any rate commonly die with shame and 
 ignominy ; while those who look upon death as 
 common to all, and unavoidable, and are only 
 solicitous to die with honour, oftener arrive at 
 old age, and while they live, live happier. As 
 therefore we are sensible of these things, it be- 
 hoves us, at this critical juncture, both to act 
 with courage ourselves, and to exhort the rest 
 to do the same." 
 
 After him Cheirisophus said : " Before this 
 time, Xenophon ! I knew no more of you 
 than that you were an Athenian ; but now 1 
 commend both your words and actions, and 
 wish we had many in the army like you ; for it 
 would be a general good. And now, gentle- 
 men ! let us lose no time : those of you who 
 want commanders depart immediately and 
 choose them : and when that is done, come in- 
 to the middle of the camp, and bring them 
 with you ; after that, we will call the rest of 
 the soldiers hither : and let Tolmides the crier 
 attend." Saying this, he rose up, that what 
 was necessary might be transacted without 
 delay. After this, Timasioh, a Dardanian, 
 was chosen general in the room of Clearchus ; 
 Xanthicles, an Achaian, in the room of Socra- 
 tes ; Cleanor, an Orchomenian, in the room of 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 221 
 
 Agias, an Arcadian ; Philysius, an Achaian, in | vide ; for he thought if the gods granted him 
 
 the room of Menon ; and Xenophon, an Athen- 
 ian, in that of Proxenus. 
 
 II. As soon as the election was over, it be- 
 ing now near break of day, the officers advanced 
 to the middle of the camp, and resolved first 
 to appoint outguards, and then to call the sol- 
 diers together. When they were all assembled, 
 Cheirisophus, the Lacedaemonian, first got up, 
 and spoke as follows : Soldiers ! we are at 
 present under great difficulties, being deprived 
 of such generals, captains, and soldiers. Be- 
 sides, the forces of Ariaeus, who were before 
 our auxiliaries, have betrayed us. However, 
 we ought to emerge out of our present circum- 
 stances like brave men, and not be cast down, 
 but endeavour to redeem ourselves by a glori- 
 ous victory. If that is impossible, let us die 
 with honour, and never fall alive under the 
 power of the enemy : for in that case, we should 
 suffer such things, as I hope the gods keep in 
 store for them." 
 
 After him Cleanor, of Orchomenus, rose up 
 and said : You see, soldiers ! the perjury 
 and impiety of the king, as well as the perfidy 
 of Tissaphernes, who amused us by saying that 
 he lived in the neighbourhood of Greece, and 
 should of all things be most desirous to carry 
 us in safety thither. It was he that gave us 
 his oath to perform this ; he that pledged his 
 faith ; he that betrayed us, and caused our ge- 
 nerals to be apprehended : and this he did in 
 defiance even of 1 Jupiter, the avenger of vio- 
 lated hospitality ; for having entertained Clear- 
 chus at his table, by these arts he first deceived, 
 and then destroyed our generals. Ariaeus al- 
 so, whom we offered to place upon the throne, 
 with whom we were engaged by a mutual ex- 
 change of faith not to betray one another ; this 
 man, I say, without either fear of the gods, or 
 respect for the memory of Cyrus, though of all 
 others the most esteemed by him when alive, 
 now revolts to his greatest enemies, and endea- 
 vours to distress us who were his friends. But 
 of these may the gods take vengeance ! It be- 
 hoves us, who have these things before our 
 eyes, not only to take care that these men do 
 not again betray us, but also to fight with all 
 possible bravery, and submit to what the gods 
 shall determine." 
 
 Then Xenophon rose up, dressed for the 
 war in the most gorgeous armour he could pro- 
 
 A<*$tvov. See note 3, page 169. 
 19* 
 
 victory, these ornaments would become a con 
 queror, and, if he were to die, they would de- 
 corate his fall. He began in the following 
 manner : " Cleanor has laid before you the 
 perjury and treachery of the barbarians : which, 
 to be sure, you yourselves are no strangers to. 
 If, therefore, we have any thoughts of trying 
 their friendship again, we must be under great 
 concern, when we consider what our generals 
 have suffered, who, by trusting to their faith, 
 put themselves in their power. But, if we 
 propose to take revenge of them with our 
 swords for what they have done, and persecute 
 them for the future with war in every shape ; 
 we have, with the assistance of the gods, many 
 fair prospects of safety." While he was speak- 
 ing one of the company sneezed : upon this, the 
 soldiers all at once adored the god. Then 
 Xenophon said, Since, soldiers ! while we 
 were speaking of safety, Jupiter the preserver 
 sent us an 2 omen, I think we ought to make 
 a vow to offer sacrifice to this god, in thanks- 
 giving for our preservation, in that place where 
 we first reached the territories of our friends ; 
 and also to the rest of the gods, in the best 
 manner we are able. Whoever, then, is of this 
 opinion, let him hold up his hand." And they 
 all held up their hands ; and then made their 
 vows, and sung the Paean. After they had 
 performed their duty to the gods, he went on 
 thus: 
 
 " I was saying that we had many fair pros- 
 pects of safety. In the first place, we have 
 observed the oaths, to which we called the gods 
 to witness, while our enemies have been guilty 
 of perjury, and have violated both their oaths 
 and the peace. This being so, we have reason 
 to expect the gods will declare against them, 
 and combat on our side : and they have it in 
 their power, when they think fit, soon to hum- 
 ble the high and, with ease, to exalt the low, 
 though in distress. Upon this occasion, I shall 
 put you in mind of the dangers our ancestors 
 were involved in, in order to convince you that 
 it behoves you to be brave, and that those who 
 
 OKDVO; TOU Ail 1 ? TOW 2arrif 05. Ocovoj is here taken 
 for the omen itself; in which sense we find it in that 
 noble sentiment of Hector to Polydamas. 
 
 Es oiiuvof (> TTOS xpuvurSau irifi vr^^. 
 
 This superstition of looking upon sneezing as ominous, 
 is very ancient, and to be met with in many Greek au- 
 thors : possibly it may have given rise to the modern 
 custom of saying, God bless you ! upon that occasion 
 
222 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK m. 
 
 are so, are preserved by the gods amidst the 
 greatest calamities : l for when the Persians, 
 and their allies, came with a vast army to de- 
 stroy Athens, the Athenians, by daring to op- 
 pose them, overcame them ; and having made 
 a vow to Diana to sacrifice as many goats to 
 her as they killed of the enemy, when they 
 could not find enough, they resolved to sacri- 
 fice five hundred every year : and even to this 
 day they offer sacrifice in thanksgiving for that 
 victory. 2 Afterwards when Xerxes invaded 
 Greece, with an innumerable army, then it 
 was that our ancestors overcame the ances- 
 tors of these very men, both by sea and land ; 
 
 t ExSovTwv ftiv y*e riig <rv. This was the first expe- 
 dition of the Persians against the Greeks, when, under 
 the command of Datis and Artaphernes, they invaded 
 their country, and were defeated by Miltiades at the 
 battle of Marathon. This invasion seems to have been 
 occasioned by the twenty ships which the Athenians 
 sent to Miletus, under the command of Melanthius, at 
 the instigation of Aristagoras, to assist the lonians 
 against the Persians ; this, and their peremptory refusal 
 to receive Hippias their tyrant, who had fled to Persia 
 for refuge, provoked Darius Hystaspes to send a power- 
 ful fleet to invade Athens, the success of which has been 
 mentioned. In this defeat the Persians lost six thousand 
 four hundred men, and the Athenians, with their allies, 
 the Platteans. only one hundred and ninety-two : but on 
 the Persian side fell Hippias, and lost that life in the 
 field, which had been long due to the sword of justice. 
 This battle was fought on the sixth day of the Attic 
 month Boedromion, (with us, September,) the third 
 month from the summer solstice, and the third year of 
 the seventy-second Olympiad, Phenippus being archon, 
 and four years before the death of Darius. 
 
 a^En-MTdoTt Stefyf. This is the second expedition of 
 the Persians against the Greeks, in which Xerxes him- 
 self commanded. The ye.ar in which this was under- 
 taken, was the tenth from that in which the battle of 
 Marathon was fought. Xenophon had reason to call this 
 army innumerable, since Herodotus makes it amount to 
 about three millions: which number is expressed in the 
 epitaph that was inscribed on the monument erected at 
 Thermopy loe , in honour of those Greeks who died there 
 in the service of their country. This inscription says, 
 that in that place four thousand Peloponnesians engaged 
 three millions of the enemy. The words are these; 
 Mu e .i<r. 5TOTJ rqfi Ti<n*o<ri*is !M%ovTO 
 'Ex Hi Koa-o vvao-cuv %iKia.$ts TtTOftj. 
 
 This seems very authentic, though I am sensible that 
 Diodorus Siculushas i>ixe<r<*i; instead of Tg)xoo-<* 
 however, an army of two millions of men, will, I am 
 afraid, scarce gain that general credit which possibly it 
 may deserve. The victories here tinted at by Xeno- 
 phon, which the Athenians, with their allies, gained 
 over the Persians, by sea and land, were Artemisium 
 and Salamine, Plate and Mycale ; the two last being 
 gained the same day, that is, the third of the Attic 
 month Boedromion, September, a day, it seems, auspi 
 cious to the cause of liberty, the first in Boeotia, and the 
 last at Mycale, a promontory of Ionia. 
 
 f which the trophies that were erected up- 
 n that occasion, are lasting monuments still 
 to be seen. But of all monuments, the 
 most considerable is the liberty of those ci- 
 ies, in which you have received your birth 
 and education : for you pay adoration to no 
 ther master than the gods. From such ances- 
 tors are you descended : neither can I say that 
 fou are a dishonour to them, since, within 
 hese few days, you 3 engaged the descendants 
 of those men, many times superior to you in 
 number, and, with the assistance of the gods, 
 defeated them. Then you fought to place 
 /yrus on the throne, and in his cause fought 
 Bravely : now your own safety is at stake, you 
 ought certainly to show more courage and ala- 
 crity. You have also reason now to entertain 
 greater confidence in- your own strength than 
 before ; for though you were then unacquainted 
 with the enemy, and saw them before you in 
 vast numbers, however you dared to attack 
 them with the spirit of your ancestors : where- 
 as now you have had experience of them, 
 and are sensible that, though they exceed you 
 many times in number, they dare not stand be- 
 fore you, why should you any longer fear 
 them ? Neither ought you to look upon it as 
 a disadvantage, that the Barbarians belonging 
 to Cyrus who before fought on your side, have 
 now forsaken you ; for they are yet worse sol- 
 diers than those we have already overcome. 
 
 " They have left us, therefore, and are fled to 
 them : and it is our advantage that those who 
 are the first to fly, should be found in the 
 enemy's army rather than in our own. If any 
 of you are disheartened because we have no 
 horse, in which the enemy abound, let them 
 consider that ten thousand horse are no more 
 than ten thousand men ; for no one was ever 
 killed in an action by the bite or kick of a 
 horse. The men do every thing that is done 
 in battle. But further we are steadier upon 
 the ground than they on horseback: for they, 
 hanging upon their horses, are not only afraid 
 of us, but also of falling ; while we standing 
 firmly upon the ground, strike those who 
 
 3 AvTT*ayttVO TOUTOIJ TO?? iXEl'voiV iyyOVOlf EVJXT5. 
 
 This is ridiculously translated by D'Ablancourt, " vous 
 avez vaincu les descendans de Xerxes en bataille ran- 
 gee." Xerxes must indeed have a numerous posterity 
 if the whole army of Artaxerxes were his descend- 
 ants : but 01 ixiivtov ty-yovot visibly signifies the descend- 
 ants of those Persians who were defeated under 
 Xerxes. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 223 
 
 approach us with greater force, and a surer 
 aim. 
 
 " The horse have but one advantage over 
 us, they can fly with greater security. But if 
 you are confident of your strength in battle, yet 
 look upon it as a grievance that Tissaphernes 
 will no longer conduct us, or the king supply 
 us with a market ; consider which is the most 
 advantageous, to have Tissaphernes for our 
 conductor, who, it is plain, has betrayed us, or 
 such guides as we shall make choice of who 
 will be sensible that, if they mislead us, they 
 must answer it with their lives. Consider 
 also whether it is better for us to purchase, in 
 the markets they provide, small measures for 
 great sums of money, which we are no longer 
 able to furnish, or, if we conquer, to make use 
 of no other measure but our will. If you are 
 convinced that these things are best in the way 
 they are in, but think the rivers are not to be 
 repassed, and that you have been greatly delud- 
 ed in passing them, consider with yourselves 
 whether the Barbarians have not taken very 
 wrong measures even in this ; for all rivers, 
 though, at a distance from their springs,, they 
 may be impassable, yet if you go to their 
 sources, you will find them so easily fordable, 
 as not even to wet your knees. But if the 
 rivers refuse us passage, and no guide appears 
 to conduct us, even in that case we ought not 
 to be disheartened ; for we know that the 
 Mysians, who are certainly not braver men 
 than ourselves, inhabit many large and rich 
 cities in the king's territories against his will. 
 The Pisidians, we also know, do the same. 
 We have ourselves seen the Lycaonians, who, 
 after they had made themselves masters of the 
 strong places that command the plains, enjoy 
 the product of the country. And I should 
 think we ought not yet to betray a desire of 
 returning home ; but prepare every thing as if 
 we proposed to settle here : for I am well as- 
 sured that the king would grant many guides 
 to the Mysians, and give them many hostages, 
 as a security to conduct them out of his terri- 
 tories without fraud ; he would even level 
 roads for them, if they insisted upon being 
 sent away in chariots. And I am con- 
 vinced he would, with great alacrity, do the 
 same for us, if he saw us disposed to stay 
 here : but I am afraid, if once we learn to 
 live in idleness and plenty, and converse with 
 the fair and stately wives and daughters 
 of the Medes and Persians, we shall, like 
 
 the * Lotophagi, forget to return home. It 
 seems, therefore, to me both just and reason- 
 able that we first endeavour to return to Greece, 
 
 'ilorwjg oJ xTo<pyoi. This tradition seems derived 
 from Homer, who says that those who eat of the lotus 
 never think of returning home, 
 
 T&v J' o'o-TijA.aiToi'o $ayoi ftt\i^t xw^Trbv, 
 Oux T'a?r(*yysiXj 3-iA.jv t\$il.iv\ oiiSe vn<r$xi. 
 
 Enstathius, in his explication of this passage, quotes 
 many authors, but, I think, none whose account of the 
 lotus seems so satisfactory as that of Herodotus, who 
 says that when the Nile overflows the country, there 
 grow in the water great quantities of lilies, which the 
 Egyptians call lotuses ; these, he says, they dry in the 
 sun, and of the heads of them, which are like the heads 
 of poppies, they make bread ; the root of it, he says, is 
 also eatable and sweet ; he adds, that it is round, and 
 about the size of an apple. But there is another kind of 
 lotus, described by Theophrastus, and after him by 
 Pliuy. This is a tree of the size of a pear-tree, or some- 
 
 thing less, ti/fti-ytSi;, (jXixov ajrioj, 5j nix.gov iXarTCy, 
 
 magnitudo quae piro, says Pliny : the leaves are jagged 
 like those of the ilex, <pu\xoi> ft sv T o/i s %ov, **1 v flv . 
 3>$is, thns translated by Pliny, incisurae folio crebriores 
 quffi ilicis videntur. Theophrastus and his translator 
 Pliny thus pursue the description ; the wood is black, 
 TO IJ.IM guxov, jusx*v, ligno color niger. There are dif- 
 ferent kinds of this plant distinguished by the differ- 
 
 ence Of their fruit, Sivy Si MUTOU ir\nu> Sia<fHf*f %o- 
 TOS TO?? xafn-oT;, differentiae plures eaeque maxime fruc- 
 tibus fiunt. The fruit is like a bean, and changes its 
 colour, as it ripens, like grapes. The fruit of this lotus 
 grows opposite to one another, like myrtle-berries, and 
 
 thick upon the boughs; o St xxf-n-o; faixo; xu*^o;- -m. 
 jraiVT Ss } UXTTTIQ oi /iOTgvjf, /U{Ti\A.aii> TCCS Xf 01 *;' 
 Qverstt Se xafiia-fg TO, fivgrx frag xKKqK*' jruxvoj trrt 
 
 rs>v $KO.<TT>V. Magnitude huic fabae, color ante matu- 
 ritatem alius atque alius, sicut in uvis ; nascitur den- 
 sus in ramis myrti modo: Theophrastus adds that 
 the fruit is sweet, pleasant to the taste, and without 
 any ill quality ; on the contrary, that it helps digestion : 
 the most delicious are those that have no stone, which 
 one of the kinds has not ; he says the inhabitants also 
 make wine of them, yxuxuj- '*.$(- x*i <rv*i;- xi m 
 
 dulci ibi cibo, ut nomen etiam genti terraeque dederit, ni- 
 mis hospitali advenarum oblivione patriae. Ferunt ven- 
 tris non sentire morbum, qui eum mandant. Melior sine 
 interiore nucleo, qui in altero genere osseus videtur : 
 vinum quoque exprimitur illi. I have been so particu- 
 lar in translating the description of this plant, because 
 I have never yet met with an account of it in any 
 modern writer that agreed with this given by Theo- 
 phrastus; and, what is more extraordinary, Monsieur 
 Maillot, who was many years consul at Cairo, says he 
 never saw any plant in that country that had any re- 
 semblance to the lotus of the ancients. I have read 
 the description of the lotus given by the polite and learn- 
 ed author of the Spectacle de la Nature, which agrees 
 no doubt very well with the Nelumbo of the East Indies; 
 but, I believe, he will own that it does not, in all re- 
 spects, answer this description of Theophrastus. But 
 there seems to be a third kind of lotus, upon which 
 the horses belonging to the companions of Achilles fed 
 during his inaction. 
 
224 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 and to our families, and let our countrymen see 
 that they live in voluntary poverty, since it is 
 in their power to bring their poor hither and 
 enrich them ; for all these advantages, gentle- 
 men ! are the rewards of victory. The next 
 thing I shall mention to you is, in what manner 
 we may march with the greatest security, and, 
 if necessary, fight with the greatest advan- 
 tage. In the first place," continued he, I 
 think we ought to burn all the carriages, that 
 the care of them may not influence our march, 
 but that we may be directed in it by the advan- 
 tage of the army. After that, we ought to 
 burn our tents also ; for -they are troublesome 
 to carry, and of no use either in fighting or in 
 supplying ourselves with provisions. Let us 
 also rid ourselves of all superfluous baggage, 
 and reserve only those things that are of use in 
 war, or for our meat and drink ; to the end as 
 many of us as possible may march in their 
 ranks, and as few be employed in carrying the 
 baggage ; for the conquered, you know, have 
 nothing they can call their own : and, if we 
 conquer, we ought to look upon the enemy as 
 servants to be employed in carrying our baggage. 
 It now remains that I speak of that which is, 
 in my opinion, of the greatest consequence. 
 You see that even the enemy did not dare to 
 declare war against us, till they had seized our 
 generals ; for they were sensible that, while we 
 had commanders, and yielded obedience to them, 
 we were able to conquer them : but, having 
 seized our commanders, they concluded that we 
 should, from a want of command and discipline,- 
 be destroyed. It is necessary, therefore, that 
 our present generals should be more careful 
 than the former, and the soldiers more obser- 
 vant, and more obedient to them than to their 
 predecessors ; and, if you make an order, that 
 whoever of you happens to be present, shall 
 assist the commander in chastising those who 
 are guilty of disobedience, it will be the most 
 effectual means to frustrate the designs of the 
 enemy ; for, from this day, instead of one 
 
 This fe thought to be a kind of trefoil, and this, I ima- 
 gine, was the lotus that, together with saffron and hya- 
 cinths, formed the couch of Jupiter and Juno upon a 
 very amiable occasion, 
 
 ToTo-* $' u?rb %5<S)v &.?* tpdtv vioStiKs* irotqv, 
 AOITOV d' ^a-xivr*, ISl xgoxsv, >)' iixivSov 
 Iluxvbvxxi /uotXetxov. 
 
 Clearchus, they will find ! a thousand, who will 
 suffer no man to neglect his duty. But it is 
 now time to make an end, for it is probable the 
 enemy will presently appear ; and, if you ap- 
 prove of any thing I have said, ratify it imme- 
 diately, that you may put it in execution. But 
 if any other person thinks of any thing more 
 proper, though a private man, let him propose 
 it ; for our preservation is a general concern." 
 
 After that, Cheirisophus said, " If it is ne- 
 cessary to add any thing to what Xenophon has 
 laid before us, it may be done by and by ; at 
 present I think we ought to ratify what he has 
 proposed, and whoever is of that opinion, let 
 him hold up his hand :" and they all held up 
 their hands. Then Xenophon, rising up again, 
 said, Hear then, O soldiers ! what, in my 
 opinion, we are to accept. It is evident that 
 we must go to some place where we may get 
 provisions. I am informed there are many fair 
 villages, not above twenty stadia from hence ; I 
 should not therefore be surprised if the enemy, 
 like cowardly dogs that follow, and, if they can, 
 bite those who pass by, but fly from those who 
 pursue them, should also follow us when we 
 begin to move. Possibly therefore we shall 
 march with greater safety, if we dispose the 
 heavy-armed men in a hollow square, to the 
 end the baggage, and the great number of those 
 who belong to it, may be in greater security 
 If then we now appoint the proper persons to 
 command the front, each of the flanks, and the 
 rear, we shall not have to consider of this, 
 when the enemy appears ; but shall presently 
 be ready to execute what we have resolved. 
 If any other person has any thing better to 
 propose, let it be otherwise ; if not, let Cheiri- 
 sophus command the front, 2 since he is a La- 
 cedaemonian ; let two of the oldest generals 
 command the flanks ; and Timasion and my- 
 self, who are the youngest, will, for the pre- 
 sent, take charge of the rear. Afterwards, 
 when we have had experience of this disposi- 
 
 l MuflOUJ O'.J'OVTCH. Mt> JTOXXli, XS6I aVOtfJ^T*' 
 
 /tv* i, o i5/<oj. Suidas. Sexcenti is used in the 
 same manner in Latin to signify an indefinite number : 
 I have translated /*"? '<"? a thousand, because I think 
 our language makes use of this riumber in that sense : 
 in French cent has the same effect, for which reason I 
 was surprised D'Ablancourt did not say, Us en verront 
 renaitre cent, rather than diz mille. 
 
 En-M^ii Kxi Axf $*i(*6\nos <rr. The reason why 
 Xenophon does this honour to the Lacedaemonians 
 will appear in the Introduction. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 225 
 
 tion, we may consider what is best to be 
 done, as occasion offers. If any one thinks 
 of any thing better, let him mention it." But 
 nobody opposing what he offered, he said, 
 Let those who are of this opinion hold up 
 their hands:" so this was resolved.' "Now," 
 says he, " you are to depart, and execute 
 what is determined : and whoever among you 
 desires to return to his family, let him 
 remember to fight bravely, for this is the 
 only means to effect it : whoever has a mind 
 to live, let him endeavour to conquer; for 
 the part of the conqueror is to inflict death, 
 that of the conquered to receive it. And 
 if any among you covet riches, let him endea- 
 vour to overcome : for the victorious not only 
 preserve their own possessions, but acquire 
 those of the enemy." 
 
 III. After he had said this, they all rose up, 
 and, departing, burnt their carriages and tents ; 
 as for the superfluous part of their baggage, 
 they gave that to one another where it was 
 wanted, and cast the rest into the fire, and then 
 went to dinner. While they were at dinner, 
 Mithridates advanced with about thirty horse, 
 and, desiring the generals might come within 
 hearing, he said, " 6 Greeks ! I was faithful 
 to Cyrus, as you yourselves know, and now 
 wish well to you : and do assure you, that while 
 I remain here, I am under great apprehensions. 
 So that, if I saw you taking salutary resolu- 
 tions, I would come over to you, and bring all 
 my people with me. Inform me therefore of 
 what you resolve, for I am your friend and 
 well-wisher, and desire to join you in 1 your 
 march." After the generals had consulted to- 
 gether, they thought proper to return this an- 
 swer, Cheirisophus speaking in the name of 
 the rest. " We resolve," says he, " if we are 
 suffered to return home, to march through 
 the country with as little damage to it as pos- 
 sible; but, if any one oppose our march, to 
 fight our way through it in the best manner 
 we are able." Mithridates, upon this, endea- 
 voured to show how impossible it was for them 
 to return in safety, without the king's consent. 
 This rendered him suspected : besides, one be- 
 longing to Tissaphernes was in his company 
 as a spy upon him. From this time forward, 
 the generals determined that they would admit 
 of no other treaty, while they continued in 
 
 i Tbv O-TOXOV. See note 5, page 170. 
 
 the enemy's country : for, by coming in this 
 manner, they not only debauched the soldiers, 
 but Nicarchus, an Arcadian, one of the cap- 
 tains, deserted to them Chat night, with about 
 twenty men. 
 
 As soon as the soldiers had dined, the army 
 passed the river Zabatus, and marched in order 
 of battle, with the baggage, and those who at- 
 tended it, in the middle. They had not gone 
 far before Mithridates appeared again with 
 about two hundred horse, and four hundred 
 archers and slingers, very light and fit for ex- 
 pedition. He advanced as a friend : but when 
 he came near, immediately both horse and foot 
 discharged their arrows ; the slingers also made 
 Use of their slings, and wounded some of our 
 inen, so that the rear of the Greeks received 
 great damage without being able to return it; 
 for the bows of the Cretans did rtot carry so 
 far as those of the Persians. The former also, 
 being lightly armed, had sheltered themselves 
 in the centre of the heavy-armed men, neither 
 could our darters reach their slingers. Xeno- 
 phon, seeing this, resolved to pursue the ene- 
 my ; and the heavy-armed men and targeteers, 
 who were with him in the rear, followed the 
 pursuit. But they could come up with none 
 of them ; for the Greeks had no horse, and 
 their foot could not in so short a space, over- 
 take those of the enemy who had so much the 
 start of them. Neither durst they in the pur- 
 suit separate themselves too far from the rest 
 of the army : for the Barbarian horse wounded 
 them as they fled, shooting backward from 
 their horses ; and as far as the Greeks were ad- 
 vanced in the pursuit, so far they were obliged 
 to retreat fighting ; insomuch that they could 
 not march above five and twenty stadia all that 
 day ; however, in the evening they arrived in 
 the villages. Here the troops were again dis- 
 heartened, and Cheirisophus, with the oldest 
 generals, blamed Xenophon for leaving the 
 main body to pursue the enemy, and exposing 
 himself without any possibility of hurting 
 them. 
 
 Xenophon hearing this, said they had reason 
 to blame him, and that they were justified by 
 the event. " But," says he, I was under a 
 necessity of pursuing the enemy, since I saw 
 our men suffer great damage by standing still, 
 without being able to return it ; but when we 
 were engaged in the pursuit," continued he, 
 " we found what you say to be true ; for we 
 2D 
 
226 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 were no more able to annoy the enemy than 
 before, and retreated with great difficulty. We 
 have reason, therefore, to thank the gods that 
 they came upon us only with a small force and 
 a few troops, so that, instead of doing us great 
 damage, they have taught us our wants. For 
 now the enemy's archers and slingers wound 
 our men at a greater distance than either the 
 Cretans or the darters can reach them ; and 
 when we pursue them, we must not separate 
 ourselves far from the main body ; and in a 
 short space our fpot, though ever so swift, can- 
 not come up with theirs, so as to reach them 
 with their arrows. If we mean, therefore, to 
 hinder them from disturbing us in our march, 
 we must immediately provide ourselves with 
 slingers and horse. I hear there are Rhodianf . 
 in our army, the greatest part of whom, they 
 say, understand the use of the sling, and that 
 their slings carry twice as far as those of the 
 Persians, who, throwing large * stones, cannot 
 offend their enemy at a great distance : whereas 
 the Rhodians, besides stones, make use of 
 leaden balls. If, therefore, we inquire who 
 have slings, and pay them for them, and also 
 give money to those who are willing to make 
 others, granting at the same time some other 
 immunity to those who voluntarily list among 
 the slingers, possibly some will offer themselves 
 who may be fit for that service. I see also horses 
 in the army, some belonging to me, and some 
 left by Clearchus ; besides many others that 
 we have taken from the enemy, which are em- 
 ployed in carrying the baggage. If, therefore, 
 we choose out all the best of these, and ac- 
 coutre them for the horse, giving to the owners 
 2 sumpter horses in exchange, possibly these 
 also may annoy the enemy in their flight." 
 These things were resolved upon, and the 
 same night two hundred slingers listed them- 
 selves. The next day proper horses and horse- 
 laen were appointed to the number of fifty, 
 and 3 buff coats and corslets were provided 
 for them, and the command of them was given 
 to Lycius, the son of Polystratus an Atheni- 
 an. 
 
 IV. That day the army staid in the same 
 
 Xii^oirxii 5-80-1 TO"? x S'si;. Literally, stones so large, 
 that every one of them is a handful. 
 
 Sxeuo$c e x. See note 6, page 174. 
 
 a 2rox*Jt,-. Hutchinson inclines to read o-sroxiS'is, 
 which has the sense T have here given to rroXa^,-, 
 though Suidas acknowledges T-reKiSis in the sense our 
 author takes it. 
 
 place, and the next day they began their march 
 earlier than usual, for they had a valley 4 form- 
 ed by a torrent to pass, and were afraid the 
 enemy should attack them in their passage. 
 As soon as they had passed it, Mithridates 
 appeared again with a thousand horse and four 
 thousand archers and slingers ; for so many 
 Tissaphernes had granted him at his desire, 
 and upon his undertaking with that number to 
 deliver the Greeks into his power : for having, 
 in the last action, with a small force, done them 
 (as he imagined) great damage, without receiv- 
 ing any, he had a contempt for them. When 
 the Greeks were advanced about eight stadia 
 beyond the valley, Mithridates also passed it 
 with the forces under his command. The 
 Greek generals had given orders to a certain 
 number, both 'of the targeteers and heavy-arm- 
 ed men to follow the chase, and also to the 
 horse to pursue them boldly, with assurance 
 that a sufficient force should follow to sustain 
 them. When, therefore, Mithridates overtook 
 them, and was now within reach of their slings 
 and arrows, the trumpet sounded, and those of 
 the Greeks, who had orders, immediately at- 
 tacked the enemy, the horse charging at the 
 same time. However, the Persians did not 
 stand to receive them, but fled to the valley. 
 In this pursuit, the Barbarians lost many of 
 their foot, and about eighteen of their horse 
 were taken prisoners in the valley. The Greeks 
 of their own accord mangled the bodies of those 
 that were slain, to create the greater horror in 
 the enemy. 
 
 After this defeat the Persians retired, and 
 the Greeks, marching the rest of the day with- 
 out disturbance, came to the river Tigris, where 
 stood a large uninhabited city, called 5 Laris- 
 
 4 x* ? i?e*v. In this sense %* e J f t is taken by Ho- 
 mer in that sublime description of an inundation, in 
 which the Bishop of Thessalonica thinks he had the 
 universal deluge in his eye 
 
 ToDv St rt irxvTig /ulv worsijUOi 5rX>i$ou<r fsovreg , 
 IIoJlX*; Si X?.TU; TOT' KJrOT/KjjyovTi %,xga,$(ia,i } 
 
 where %*e*e t is thus explained by the Greek Scho- 
 liast, Oi n-jr'h ruiv xsiftxppuv 6Xfii<r<ro^voi x-JKuvig- irx.%* 
 TO %a,g x<r<ruv, **i Tf*%uveii> rqv y5}v 01 xoTxej roiroi 
 xai %si/**ppoi, so that %*$ * f is a valley formed by a 
 torrent. 
 
 iA f .T<r. It is very judiciously remarked by the 
 great Bochart that it is improbable there should be any 
 such name of a town in this part of the world as La- 
 rissa, because it is a Greek name; and though there 
 were several cities so called, they were all Greek : and 
 as no Greeks settled in these parts till the time of Alex- 
 ander's conquests, which did not happen till many years 
 after Xenophon's death, so he concludes they could meet 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 227 
 
 sa, anciently inhabited by the Medes, the 
 walls of which were five and twenty feet in 
 breadth, one hundred in height, and two para- 
 sangs in circuit ; all built with bricks, except 
 the plinth, which was of stone, and twenty 
 feet high. This city, when besieged by the 
 king of Persia, at the time the Persians were 
 wresting the empire from the Medes, he could 
 not make himself master of by any means ; 
 when it happened that * the sun, obscured by a 
 cloud, disappeared, and the darkness continued 
 till the inhabitants being seized with conster- 
 nation, the town was taken. Close to the city 
 stood a 2 pyramid of stone, one hundred feet 
 
 with no such name so far from Greece as beyond the 
 river Tigris. He therefore conjectures that this city is 
 the Resen, mentioned by Moses, Gen. x. ]2, where he 
 says, " Ashur built Resen between' Nineveh and Ca- 
 lah : the same is a great city." This agrees exactly with 
 what Xenophon says of it, who calls it jroxif /ujyix.*), and 
 affirms the walls of it to be in circumference two para- 
 sangs. Bochart, therefore, supposes, that when the 
 Greeks asked the people of the country, what city are 
 these the ruins of ? they answered-p-^ Laresen, that 
 is, of Resen. It is easy to imagine how this word 
 might be softened by a Greek termination, and made 
 Larissa. 
 
 i 'HA.40W Si vi$ix>) Tf oaXu4/*<r, etc. This passage, I 
 find, admits of different readings; however, I prefer 
 that of Hutchinson, which is supported by Stephens and 
 Murctus, but differ both from him and Leunclavius, and 
 also from D'Ablancourt, in translating it. They all make 
 j}$viri to relate to the town, which, I think, is neither 
 so agreeable to the sense, nor to the genius of the Greek 
 language, since fixov being the accusative case, govern- 
 er by *( ox^xu^oto-*, I think li^ivio-s ought to relate to 
 the same, which every body knows is very common in 
 Greek, and not to another thing, which has not been 
 mentioned in this sentence. 
 
 a IIu Bjttij Xi&ivj), rb /itiv uj Of Svl; jrXsSf flu, TO Si 5 {'Off 
 Jvo rxiSfcov. These are very extraordinary dimensions 
 for a pyramid, and very different from those of the Egyp- 
 tian pyramids ; so that we find the Egyptian and Asiatic 
 taste disagreed very much in this respect. For, though 
 there is some diversity in the accounts given by the an- 
 cient authors of the dimensions of the Egyptian pyra- 
 mids, yet they all make them very different in their pro- 
 portions from this described by Xenophon. Herodotus 
 makes the great pyramid at Memphis eight hundred 
 Greek feet square, and as many in height, T^,- lo-ri votv- 
 
 Kai wtj/oj itrav. If the reader pleases to turn to page 
 170, Dote 7, of the first book, he will find that the 
 Greek foot exceeded ours by 0875 decimals of an inch. 
 Diodorus Siculus says the great pyramid was four 
 square, and that each side of the base was seven hun- 
 dred feet, and the height above six hundred. Miyia-mt, 
 TST^iarXiugoj ouo-56 rut <rx,t\fiatTi, Tyv sari rijs 3x<rcu,- TrKiv. 
 (*v EXXTTJIV 5%si a-XsS-jMV (Try., TO S' S-yOj % TrKnvruiv 
 i 7r\t$z cav. There is another account given of its di- 
 mensions by a modern author, Thevenot, who says the 
 great pyramid is five hundred and twenty feet high and 
 tit hundred and eighty-two square. Of these three 
 
 square, and two hundred high, in which a great 
 number of Barbarians, who fled from the 
 neighbouring villages, had conveyed them- 
 selves. 
 
 Thence they made in one day's march six 
 parasangs, to a large uninhabited castle, stand- 
 ing near a town, called Mespila, formerly in- 
 habited also by the Medes. The plinth of the 
 wall was built with polished stone full of 
 shells, being fifty feet in breadth, and as many 
 in height. Upon this stood a brick wall fifty 
 feet also in breadth, one hundred in height, 
 and six parasangs in circuit. Here Media, the 
 king's consort, is said to have taken refuge, 
 when the Medes were deprived of the empire 
 by the Persians. When the Persian king be- 
 sieged this city, he could not make himself 
 master of it either by length of time or force, 
 but Jupiter 3 having struck the inhabitants with 
 a panic fear, it was taken. 
 
 From this place they made, in one day's 
 march, four parasangs. During their march 
 Tissaphernes appeared with his own horse, 
 and the forces of Orontas, who had married 
 the king's daughter, together with those Bar- 
 barians who had served under Cyrus in his ex- 
 pedition ; to these was added the army which 
 the king's brother had brought to his assistance, 
 and the troops the king had given him. All 
 these together made a vast army. When he 
 approached, he placed' some of his forces 
 against our rear, and others against each of our 
 
 accounts, that of Diodorus Siculus seems to give tha 
 most rational proportion of a pyramid, which, if sup- 
 posed to be an equilateral triangle, and the base to con-' 
 tain seven hundred feet, as he says, will, in that case, 
 have six hundred and six feet, and a fraction of two 
 thousand one hundred and seventy-seven for its per- 
 pendicular height ; for if an equilateral pyramid, of 
 which the base contains seven hundred feet, he divided 
 into two equal parts by a perpendicular let down from 
 the top, it will make two right angled triangles, of which 
 the hypothenuse will contain seven hundred feet, the 
 square of which will consequently be equal to the square 
 of the two other sides. If, therefore, from four hundred 
 and ninety thousand, the square of seven hundred, you 
 deduct one hundred and twenty-two thousand five 
 hundred, the square of three hundred and fifty, of which 
 the base consists, there will remain three hundred and 
 sixty-seven thousand five hundred for the square of the 
 perpendicular, the square root of which will be six 
 hundred and six, with a fraction of two thousand one 
 hundred and seventy-seven ; so that the perpendicular 
 height of an equilateral pyramid, the base of which is 
 seven hundred feet, will be six hundred and six feet 
 with that fraction. 
 
 3 'E^U.QfOVT^TOUJ. 'E.4/3f JVT>|TO{ ' xagJowX^XTS / 
 
 tnvos'l*$e*' SuSdas. 
 
228 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 flanks, but durst not attack us, being unwilling 
 to hazard a battle : however, he ordered his 
 men to use their slings and bows. But when 
 the Rhodians, who were disposed in platoons, 
 began to make use of their slings, and the 
 Cretan bowmen, in imitation of the Scythians, 
 discharged their arrows, none of them missing 
 the enemy (which they could not easily have 
 done, though they had endeavoured it) both 
 Tissaphernes himself quickly got out of their 
 reach, and the other divisions retired. The re- 
 maining part of the, day the Greeks continued 
 their march, and the others followed without 
 harassing them any more with skirmishes : for 
 the slings of the Rhodians not only carried 
 further than those of the Persians, but even than 
 most of the archers could throw their arrows. 
 The Persian bows are long, so that their ar- 
 rows, when gathered up, were of service to the 
 Cretans, who continued to make use of them, 
 and accustomed themselves to take a great eleva- 
 tion, in order to shoot them to a greater distance. 
 Besides, there were found a considerable quan- 
 tity of bow-strings in the villages, and some lead, 
 both which were employed for the slings. 
 
 This day, after the Greeks were encamped 
 in the villages, the Barbarians, having suffered 
 in the skirmish, retired : the next the Greeks 
 staid where they were, and made their provi- 
 sions ; for there was plenty of corn in the vil- 
 lages. The day after, they marched over the 
 open country, and Tissaphernes followed, ha- 
 rassing them at a distance. Upon this occa- 
 sion the Greeks observed that an equilateral 
 square was not a proper disposition for an army 
 when pursued by the enemy : for whenever the 
 square has a narrow road, a defile between hills, 
 or a bridge to pass, the wings must close, and 
 consequently the heavy-armed men be forced 
 out of their ranks, and march uneasily, being 
 both pressed together and disordered ; so that 
 of necessity they become useless for want of 
 order. On the other side, when the wings 
 come to be again extended, the men who be- 
 fore were forced out of their ranks must divide, 
 and consequently leave an opening in the centre, 
 which very much disheartens those who are 
 thus exposed, when the enemy is at their heels. 
 Besides, when they have a bridge or any other 
 defile to pass, every man is in a hurry, wanting 
 to be first, upon which occasion the enemy has 
 a fair opportunity of attacking them. After 
 the generals had discovered this, they formed 
 six companies of one hundred men each, whom 
 
 they subdivided into others of fifty, and these 
 again into others of twenty-five, and appointed 
 officers to all of them. The captains of these 
 companies upon a march, when the wings clos- 
 ed, staid behind, so as not to disorder the rear, 
 they at that time marching clear of the wings. 
 And when the sides of the square came to be 
 again extended, 1 they then filled up the centre, 
 
 l Ti fiKrov ai/tj-uri/xB-Xaflrai/jfi julwrfvort^ov H^TO Sn- 
 
 JCOV, KXTCt. TOUJ A.OX,OU$' 41 St 5TX*TUTIf V, X06T* JTI1/T>)*0 T- 
 
 TU?,SI Si TTXVV srAaru, XUT' tvaftonx;- titnt KEI txirKfuiv 
 
 ilvm rb /ttl<rov. Here a great difficulty presents itself, 
 which the translators have either not seen, or if they 
 have seen it, they.have not thought fit to take notice of 
 it. But let us follow Xenophon in stating the inconveni- 
 ences to which the equilateral square was subject, with 
 the remedies proposed by the generals to cure them. 
 The inconveniences, it seems, were two ; the first, that 
 in passing through defiles, the wings closed, which put 
 the men in disorder ; the second, that, after they had 
 passed the defiles, and the wings were again extended, 
 the men were forced to run to the wings, in order to 
 recover their ranks, by which means there was a void 
 in the middle. In order, therefore, to remedy these in- 
 conveniences, the generals formed six companies or 
 bodies of one hundred men each, which they subdivi- 
 ded into others of fifty, and these again into others of 
 twenty-five, and appointed officers to each of these bod- 
 ies. The captains of these companies, when the wings 
 closed, marched clear of them, so as not to put them 
 into any disorder : by this means the first inconvenience 
 was cured, but how was the second to be remedied 1 
 If you believe the text as it now stands, by filling up 
 the void, if it was narrow, with the companies of one 
 hundred men each, if larger, with those of fifty, and 
 if very large, with those of twenty-five ; so that the 
 narrower the interval, the greater was the number of 
 men to be made use of in filling it up, and the larger, 
 the fewer were to be employed for that purpose. But 
 this is obviously contrary to common sense. If there- 
 fore, the text be so far altered as to transpose **TJ. 
 roil? xoxvs and **f' IVW/UOTI*?, every thing will be 
 natural. This correction, however, I have not follow- 
 ed in the translation, because it is very possible to ex- 
 plain the text as it now stands, and if so, no alteration 
 ought to be made in it. It is possible,! say, very possi- 
 ble, that the meaning of Xenophon may be this. Let 
 it be supposed that the square has passed some defile, 
 and that the men running to each of the wings in order 
 to recover their ranks, there remains a void in the 
 centre ; in that case, I say, possibly the captains of 
 these six companies, marching in the rear, filled up the 
 void, if it was narrow, with their six companies of one 
 hundred men each, drawn up, for example, twenty- 
 five in front, and twenty-four in depth ; if the void was 
 larger, with those of fifty men each, drawn up fifty in 
 front, and twelve in depth ; and if very large, with the 
 companies of twenty-five men each, drawn up one 
 hundred in front, and six in depth ; and by thia means, 
 as our author says, the centre was always full. This 
 passage seems very well to have deserved the attention 
 of the translators, for if I am not mistaken, this is a 
 very fine disposition, and very well calculated to cure 
 the two inconveniences to which a square was subject 
 when an cuemy followed. But the merit of this, 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 229 
 
 if the opening was narrow, with the companies 
 }f one hundred men each ; if larger, with those 
 of fifty ; and if very large, with those of five 
 and twenty ; so that the centre was always full. 
 If, therefore, the army were to pass any defile 
 or bridge, there was no confusion, the captains 
 of these several companies bringing up the 
 real ; and if a detachment were wanted upon 
 any occasion, these were always at hand. In 
 this disposition they made four marches. 
 
 While they were upon their march the fifth 
 day, they saw a palace and many villages lying 
 round it. The road which led to this palace 
 lay over high hills that reached down from the 
 mountain, under which there stood a village. 
 The Greeks were rejoiced to see these hills, 
 and with great reason, the enemy's forces con- 
 sisting in horse. But after they had left the 
 plain, and ascended the first hill, while they 
 were descending thence in order to climb the 
 next, the Barbarians appeared, and from the 
 eminence showered down upon them, under 
 1 the scourge, darts, stones, and arrows. They 
 wounded many, and had the advantage over the 
 Greek light-armed men, forcing them to retire 
 within the body of the heavy-armed ; so that 
 the slingers and archers were that day entirely 
 useless, being mixed with those who had charge 
 of the baggage. And when the Greeks, being 
 thus pressed, endeavoured to pursue the enemy, 
 as they were heavy-armed men, they moved 
 slowly to the top of the mountain, while the 
 enemy retreated ; and when the Greeks retired 
 
 and of all other dispositions practised by our author in 
 this memorable retreat, must be submitted to the mili- 
 tary men, who alone are the proper judges in these 
 cases. As to the signification of STIVTHKOO-TUJ and iva>- 
 foT<*, they were both military terms among the Lace- 
 daemonians; the first explains itself, and the second is 
 thus explained by Suidas. 'Evo^o-m*- rx^ig TJ o-Tgafi. 
 
 a>rx>| ivi'fwv ' x*i x', a-*f AaxiSxtpavmts, ti(t\TXt St 
 I* TOO o/tvuvcet cturou; .)) Xf<4/<v Tt) rxfiv, a body Of 
 
 soldiers among the Lacedsemonians, consisting of 
 twenty-five men. It must be observed, that in the first 
 book, where Xenophon mentions two of Menon's \ofco 
 or companies to have been cut off, he says they amount- 
 ed to one hundred men, whereas these companies con- 
 sisted of one hundred men each, but these seem to have 
 been formed for this particular purpose. 
 
 i 'TOb ftxtmrvv. It was part of the Persian disci- 
 pline to make their soldiers do their duty, as Xenophon 
 says.uTo Mo-Tyu.v, under the scourge. So Xerxes, after 
 he had landed in Europe, saw his army passing the 
 Hellespont under the scourge, I^IITO TO* <rr e *T^v Osri 
 /kau-T.^v St&<t\vovT* ; D'Ablancourt has left it quite 
 out, choosing rather to leave his readers uninformed of 
 this custom, than to clog his translation with so un- 
 common a circumstance. 
 
 20 
 
 to their 2 main body, the same thing happened 
 to them again. They found the same difficulty 
 in passing the second hill ; so that they deter- 
 mined not to order out the heavy-armed men 
 from the third hill ; but instead of that, brought 
 up the targeteers to the top of the mountain 
 from the right of the square. When these 
 were got above the enemy, they no longer 
 molested our men in their descent, fearing to 
 be cut off from their own body, and that we 
 should attack them on both sidies. In this 
 manner we marched the rest of the day, some 
 in the road upon the hills, and others abreast 
 of them upon the mountain, till they came to 
 the villages ; when they appointed eight 3 sur- 
 geons, for there were many wounded. 
 
 Here they staid three days, both on account 
 of the wounded, and because they found plenty 
 of provisions, as wheat-meal, wine, and a great 
 quantity of barley for horses ; which was 
 laid up for the satrap of the country. The 
 fourth day they descended into the plain, where, 
 when Tissaphernes had overtaken them with 
 the army under his command, he taught them 
 how necessary it was to encamp in the first 
 village they came to, and to march no longer 
 fighting : for some being wounded, some em- 
 ployed in carrying those that were so, and others 
 in carrying the arms of the latter, great num- 
 bers were not in a condition to fight. But 
 when they were encamped, and the Barbarians, 
 coming up to the village, offered to skirmish, 
 the Greeks had greatly the advantage of them ; 
 for they found a great difference between sally - 
 
 \\o <rT*Tiu<u. Schil. Barbarorum. says 
 Hutchinson in his notes ; Leunclavius has also trans- 
 lated it in the same sense. I am sorry to find myself 
 obliged to differ from them both ; but I think it plain 
 that Ti *\\o o-Tf BTivfia here signifies the main body of 
 the Greeks, from which these heavy-armed men were 
 detached to drive the enemy from the eminence, which 
 after they had effected, the enemy attacked them in 
 their retreat to their main body. Our author used the 
 same expression in the same sense some pages before, 
 
 yroKv yif oi>% OIOVTS >)v jrb Tflu XXoo trrf Tu/*aTOj Stoi. 
 
 xnv, where all the translators have translated TO A.XO 
 o-TfiTeu^a, in the same manner I have rendered it here. 
 besides, the word XTTHUV shows clearly that the thing 
 here spoken of is their return. 
 
 * 'lTgouj. I have said surgeons instead of physicians, 
 because both professions being anciently exercised by 
 the same persons, they were chiefly employed as sur- 
 geons upon this occasion. There are two verses in Ho- 
 mer, upon Machaon's being wounded by Paris, which 
 show both the great regard that was paid to the profes- 
 sion, and that surgery, as I said, was a branch of it. 
 
 lovj T' ix.ro.ftvt * 
 
 <pf/u*xe ir*<rern 
 
230 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 ing from their camp to repulse the enemy, and 
 being obliged to march fighting, whenever they 
 were attacked. When the evening approach- 
 ed it was time for the Barbarians to retire ; be- 
 cause they never encamped at a less distance 
 from the Greeks than sixty stadia, for fear 
 these should fall upon them in the night. A 
 Persian army being then subject to great incon- 
 veniences, for their horses are tied, and gene- 
 rally shackled, to prevent them from running 
 away; and if an alarm happens, a Persian has 
 the ! housing to fix, his horse to bridle, and his 
 corslet to put on, before he can mount. All 
 these things cannot be done in the night with- 
 out great difficulty, particularly if there is an 
 alarm. For this reason they always encamped 
 at a distance from the Greeks. When these 
 perceived they designed to retire, and that the 
 word was given, they in the enemy's hearing 
 received orders to make ready to march ; where- 
 upon the Barbarians made a halt ; but when it 
 grew late they departed ; for they did not hold 
 it expedient to march and arrive at their camp 
 in the night. 
 
 When the Greeks plainly saw they were re- 
 tired, they also decamped, and marching away, 
 advanced about sixty stadia. The two armies 
 were now at so great a distance from one an- 
 other, that the enemy did not appear either the 
 next day or the day after. But on the fourth, 
 the Barbarians having got before the Greeks in 
 the night, possessed themselves of an eminence 
 that commanded the road through which the 
 Greeks were to pass. It was the brow of a 
 hill, under which lay the descent into the plain. 
 As soon as Cheirisophus saw this eminence 
 possessed by the enemy, he sent for Xenophon 
 from the rear, and desired him to bring up the 
 targeteers to the front. Xenophon did not take 
 these with him, (for he saw Tissaphernes ad- 
 vancing with his whole army) but riding up to 
 him himself, said, Why do you send for me V' 
 Cheirisophus answered, " You see the enemy 
 
 i 'E7ri(ri^* rlv nmsv. I was surprised to find this 
 translated by D'Ablancourt. selle son cheval, which I 
 had rather attribute to his inadvertence than to his ig- 
 norance, since he could not but know that the ancients, 
 instead of saddles, used a kind of housing or horse-cloth, 
 which the Greeks called <r*y>i, and the Latins sagum* 
 This housing is to be seen upon the horses represented 
 on Trajan's pillar, and in many other monuments of 
 antiquity. The Romans called these housings also 
 strata, the invention of which, together with that of 
 bridles, Pliny ascribes to Pelethronius, framos et strata 
 equarum Peletkronium. 
 
 have possessed themselves of the hill that com- 
 mands the descent, and unless we dislodge them 
 it is not possible for us to pass : but," adds he, 
 " why did you not bring the targeteers with 
 you?" Xenophon replied, because he did not 
 think proper to leave the rear naked, when the 
 enemy was in sight : " but," says he, " it is 
 high time to consider how we shall dislodge 
 those men." Here Xenophon observing the 
 top of the mountain that was above their own 
 army, found there was a passage from that to 
 the hill where the enemy was posted. Upon 
 this he said, " Cheirisophus ! I think the 
 best thing we can do is to gain the top of this 
 mountain as soon as possible ; for if we are 
 once masters of that, the enemy cannot main- 
 tain themselves upon the hill. Do you stay 
 with the army ; if you think fit, I will go up 
 to the hill ; or do you go, if you desire it, and 
 I will stay here." Cheirisophus answered, I 
 give you your choice ; to this Xenophon re- 
 plied, that as he was the younger man, he chose 
 to go: but desired he would send with him 
 some troops from the front, since it would take 
 a great deal of time to bring up a detachment 
 from the rear. So Cheirisophus sent the tar- 
 geteers that were in the front : Xenophon also 
 took those that were in the middle of the 
 square. Besides these, Cheirisophus ordered 
 the three hundred chosen men, who attended 
 on himself in the front of the square, to fol- 
 low him. 
 
 After that they marched with all possible 
 expedition. The enemy, who were upon the 
 hill, the moment they saw them climb the 
 mountain, advanced at the same time, striving 
 to get there before them. Upon this occasion 
 there was a vast shout raised both by the Greek 
 army, and that of Tissaphernes, each encour- 
 aging their own men. And Xenophon, riding 
 by the side of his troops, called out to them, 
 " Soldiers ! think you are this minute contend- 
 ing to return to Greece, this minute to see 
 your wives and children : after this momentary 
 labour we shall go on without any further op- 
 position." To whom Soteridas, the Sicyonian, 
 said, " We are not upon equal terms, O Xeno- 
 phon ! for you are on horseback, while I am 
 greatly fatigued with carrying my shield." Xe- 
 nophon, hearing this, leaped from his horse, and 
 thrust him out of his rank ; then, taking hia 
 shield, marched on as fast he could. He 
 happened to have a horseman's corslet on ai 
 that time which was very troublesome. How 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 231 
 
 ever, he called to those who were before to 
 mend their pace, and to those behind, who fol- 
 lowed with great difficulty, to come up. The 
 rest of the soldiers beat and abused Soteridas, 
 and threw stones at him, till they obliged him 
 to take his shield, and go on. Then Xenophon 
 remounted, and led them on horseback, as far 
 as the way would allow ; and, when it became 
 impassable for his horse, he hastened forward 
 on foot. At last they gained the top of the 
 mountain, and prevented the enemy. 
 
 V. Hereupon the Barbarians turned their 
 backs, and fled every one as he could, and the 
 Greeks remained masters of the eminence. 
 Tissaphernes and Ariaeus with their men, turn- 
 ing out of the road, went another way, while 
 Cheirisophus with his forces came down into 
 the plain, and encamped in a village abounding 
 in every thing. There were also many other 
 villages in this plain, near the Tigris, full of 
 all sorts of provisions. In the evening the 
 enemy appeared on a sudden in the plain, and 
 cut off some of the Greeks who were dispers- 
 ed in plundering; for many herds of cattle 
 were taken, as the people of the country were 
 endeavouring to make them pass the river. 
 Here Tissaphernes and his army attempted to 
 set fire to the villages ; whereby some of the 
 Greeks were disheartened, from the apprehen- 
 sion of wanting provisions if he burned them. 
 About this time Cheirisophus and his men 
 came back from relieving their companions, 
 and Xenophon being come down into the 
 plain, and riding through the ranks, after the 
 Greeks were returned, said, " You see, O 
 Greeks ! the enemy already acknowledge the 
 country to be ours ; for when they made peace 
 with us, they stipulated that we should not 
 burn the country belonging to the king, and 
 now they set fire to it themselves, as if they 
 looked upon it no longer as their own. But 
 wherever they leave any provisions for them- 
 selves, thither also they shall see us direct our 
 march. But, O Cheirisophus ! I think we 
 ought to attack these burners, as in defence of 
 our country." Cheirisophus answered, " I am 
 not of that opinion. On the contrary, let us 
 also set fire to it ourselves, and by that means 
 they will give over the sooner." 
 
 When they came to their tents, the soldiers 
 employed themselves in getting provisions, and 
 the generals and captains assembled, and were 
 in great perplexity ; for on one side of them 
 were exceeding high mountains, and on the 
 
 other a river so deep, that when they sounded 
 it with their pikes, the ends of them did not even 
 appear above the water. While they were in 
 this perplexity, a certain Rhodian came to them, 
 and said, " Gentlemen, I will undertake to 
 carry over 1 four thousand heavy-armed men at 
 a time, if you will supply me with what I 
 want, and give me a 2 talent for my pains." 
 Being asked what he wanted, " I shall want," 
 says he, two thousand leather bags. I see 
 here great numbers of sheep, goats, oxen, and 
 asses : if these are flayed, and their skins 
 blown, we may easily pass the river with them. 
 I shall also want the girths belonging to the 
 sumpter-horses : with these," adds he, " I will 
 fasten the bags to one another, and hanging 
 stones to them, let them down into the water 
 instead of anchors, then tie up the bags at both 
 ends, and when they are upon the water, lay 
 fascines upon them, and cover them with 
 earth. I will make you presently sensible," 
 continues he, that you cannot sink, for every 
 bag will bear up two men, and the fascines and 
 the earth will prevent them from slipping." 
 
 The generals, hearing this, thought the in- 
 vention ingenious, but impossible to be put in 
 practice ; there being great numbers of horse 
 on the other side of the river to oppose their 
 passage, and these would at once break all their 
 measures. The next day the army turned 
 back again, taking a different road from that 
 which leads to Babylon, and marched to the 
 villages that were not burned, setting fire to 
 those they abandoned, insomuch that the enemy 
 did not ride up to them, but looked on, wonder- 
 ing which way tlie Greeks meant to take, and 
 what their intention was. Here, while the 
 soldiers were employed in getting provisions, 
 the generals and captains re-assembled, and 
 ordering the prisoners to be brought in, in- 
 quired concerning 3 every country that lay round 
 them. The prisoners informed them that 
 there was to the south a road that led to 
 Babylon and Media, through which they came : 
 another to the east, leading to Susa and Ecba- 
 tana, where the king is said to pass the sum- 
 mer and the spring ; a third to the west over 
 the Tigris, to Lydia and Ionia ; and that the 
 road which lay over the mountains to the 
 
 i K*T* TETexrx<x<ou;. This is the known force of 
 the preposition x*i-.-i, as might be shown by many ex- 
 amples taken from the best authors. 
 
 a TXVTOV. See note 2, page 169. 
 
 'H^exxo". 'iA.tj'Sf <r*vicii. Hesychius. 
 
232 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 north, led to * the Carduchians. This people, 
 they said, inhabited those mountains, and that 
 they were a warlike nation, and not subject to 
 the king ; and that once the king's army, con- 
 sisting of one and twenty thousand men, pene- 
 trated into their country, whence not one of 
 them returned, the roads being hardly passable. 
 
 t Kf ou%ous. This people came afterwards to be 
 better known under the name of Parthians. I should 
 not have advanced this upon an authority of less weight 
 than Chat of Strabo : n e ls SI T T/y ? s, says he, T* TV 
 
 IIa{^ua<wv %<O$<B otif of jraKat K*g/Jou%0t<f sXsyov. It 
 
 was the posterity of this very people with whom we 
 shall find the Greeks engaged in the next book, who, 
 under the conduct of their king Arsaces, freed their 
 country from the dominion of the Seleucides, and after- 
 wards became a terror even to the Romans, who were 
 o to the rest of mankind. They are still called Curdes, 
 and their country Curdistan. Plutarch informs us that 
 Artazerxes (the same against whom this expedition 
 was formed) afterwards marched into the country of 
 the Carduchians, at the head of three hundred thou- 
 sand foot and ten thousand horse, and that his army 
 had in all probability been destroyed by famine, had 
 not Taribazus, by infusing into the minds of the 
 two kings of the Carduchians a mutual distrust, indu- 
 ced them to make peace with the Persians. 
 
 But that whenever there was a peace subsist- 
 ing between them and the governor residing in 
 the plain, there was an intercourse between 
 the two nations. 
 
 The generals, hearing this, kept those pri- 
 soners by themselves from whom they received 
 the intelligence of each country, without dis- 
 covering what route they designed to take. 
 However, they found there was a necessity to 
 pass the mountains, and penetrate into the coun- 
 try of the Carduchians : for the prisoners in- 
 formed them, that, as soon as they had passed 
 through it, they should arrive in Armenia, which 
 was a spacious and plentiful country, and of 
 which Orontas was governor : whence they 
 might, without difficulty, march which way so- 
 ever they pleased. Upon this they offered sacri- 
 fice to the end that when they found it conve- 
 nient they might depart, (for they were afraid 
 the pass over the mountains might be possessed 
 >y the nemy,) and commanded the soldiers, as 
 soon as they had supped, to get their baggage 
 ready, then all to go to rest, and march upon 
 the first order 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 30* 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. 
 
 I. The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchians They are harassed by enemies ; and by tempestuous wea- 
 ther ; and arriving at a steep pass beset by the Barbarians, they question two captives, whether there was 
 any other road One of them affecting ignorance, they cut to pieces ; his companion, fearing the same fate, 
 promises to lead them by a circuitous and more convenient path. II. Two thousand chosen men under his 
 guidance are sent to occupy the heights These overpower the Barbarians, and enable the rest of the Greeks 
 with Cheirisophus to ascend in safety Xenophon follows with the baggage, but has to fight his way with 
 some slaughter The Greeks march over the mountains with great difficulty, and, closely pursued by the en- 
 emy, descend into the plain on the banks of the river Centrites.-rlll. Here they halt in some villages, and 
 looking round them after a repose from a harassing march of*even days, find themselves beset with new 
 difficulties Three obstacles oppose their passage of the river-^By Xenophon's dream, the army, as it were, 
 freed from impediments, crosses by a ford, and the skilful management of Xenophon crowns the stratagem 
 with complete success. IV. They enter the province of Armenia, and having passed the fountains of the 
 river Tigris, arrive at the Telcboas, in Western- Armenia Here, they make a truce with Terebazus ; but are 
 notwithstanding, pursued and waylaid by his numerous forces. V. Having left the villages they encamp 
 in the open air, and suffer much from the snow For some days they are near per*shin<? by the cold, the 
 depth of the snow, and the necessity of marching without food, to escape the pursuit of the enemy At length 
 they come to villages replete with provisions, where they live sumptuously, and amuse themselves for seven 
 days. VI. Setting out thence with a guide, they lose him on the third day, by the fault of Cheirisophus ; and 
 ^'''wandering without guidance, arrive on the seventh day at the river Phasias After two days' march they 
 approach the mountains, which they find occupied by the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasiani. VII. They ad- 
 vance through the possessions of the Taochi, storm a fort, and take many cattle, on which they subsist dur- 
 ing their march through the territory of the Chalybes Having passed the Harpasus, they journey through 
 the country of the Scythini, and procure a quantity of provisions The fortune of the Greeks now assumes 
 a more cheerful aspect Leaving the country of the Scythini, they reach Gymnias, and from the governor 
 of that district, they receive a voluntary offer of a guide, who, as he promised, brings them to the mountain 
 Theches, whence, to their unspeakable joy, they behold the sea, and throwing together a heap of stones as a 
 trophy, they crown it with offerings to the gods The guide takes his leave, laden with valuable presents. 
 VIII. Arriving among the Macronians, they traverse their territory, and ascend the mountains of the Col- 
 chians, whom they find drawn up in battle array on the plateau Having routed them, they descend to well- 
 stocked villages in the plain Hence in two days they arrive at the sea-side, and enter Trapezus, a Grecian 
 city For a whole month they pass their time in plundering the Colchians, paying Vflair vjws to the gods, 
 and celebrating festive games and entertainments. 
 
 [234] 
 
THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 I, WE have hitherto given an account of what 
 happened in the expedition of Cyrus to the 
 time of the battle ; of what happened after the 
 battle, during the truce concluded between the 
 king and the Greeks who had served under 
 Cyrus ; and in what manner, after the king and 
 Tissaphernes had broken the truce, the Greeks 
 were harassed, while they were followed by the 
 Persian army. 
 
 When the Greeks came to the place, where 
 the river Tigris is, both from its depth and 
 breadth, absolutely impassable, and no road 
 appeared, the craggy mountains of the Car- 
 duchians hanging over the river, the generals 
 resolved to march over those mountains : for 
 they were informed by the prisoners, that, af- 
 ter they had passed them, they would have it 
 in their power to cross the head of the Tigris, 
 in Armenia, if they thought proper ; if not, to 
 go round it. l The source of the Euphrates 
 
 i K*i TOU Euip^aTOu TI T*f rrtiyxg i\tyTO ou 7Tf&T> 
 
 TOU T.'y^tiTos nvttt. Strabo informs us that the Euphra- 
 tes and Tigris both rise out of mount Taurus, the 
 former on the north of it, and the latter on the south, 
 and that the sources of these rivers are distant from one 
 another about two thousand five hundred stadia, <- 
 
 %9uo-4 Si \X.t|Xwv MI srvjyoci TOU rt EuipgxTOU xsei TOU Ti- 
 
 cannot omit, upon this occasion, an observation of the 
 learned bishop of Avranches, who says that the name 
 of mount Taurus comes from the general word "HE 
 torn, which in the Chaldaic language signifies a moun- 
 tain, and is applicable to every mountain in the world : 
 this he confirms by the testimony of Diodorus Siculus, 
 who speaking of the building of Taurominium in Sicily, 
 calls the mountain Taurus upon which it stood x.o<po;, 
 a hill. But it must be observed, that the mountain 
 from whence the Euphrates rises, is more properly a 
 branch of mount Taurus, which Strabo in the same 
 book calls Abos. Tournefort. who was upon the place, 
 says, that the Euphrates has two sources rising out of 
 that mountain, which sources form two beautiful rivu- 
 
 also was said not to be far distant from that of 
 the Tigris : and, indeed, the distance between 
 these two rivers is in some places but small. 
 To the end, therefore, that the enemy might 
 not be acquainted with their design of pene- 
 trating into the country of the Carduchians, and 
 defeat it, by possessing themselves of the 
 eminences, they executed it in the following 
 manner : when it was 2 about the last watch, 
 and so much of the night was left, as to allow 
 them to traverse the plain while it was yet 
 dark, they encamped ; and, marching when the 
 order was given, came to the mountains by 
 break of day. Cheirisophus commanded the 
 vanguard with his own people, and all the 
 light-armed men ; and Xenophon brought up 
 the rear with the heavy-armed, having none 
 of the light-armed, because there seemed no 
 danger of the enemy's attacking their rear, 
 
 lets, both called by the name of Frat ; and that these 
 rivulets make a kind of peninsula of the plain, in which 
 Erzeron, the capital of Armenia, stands, and after- 
 wards unite their streams at a village called Momma- 
 cotum, which, he says, is about three days' journey 
 from Erzeron. I shall only add that Moses in 
 his description of paradise, calls this river j"n) 
 Pkrath, which the Septuagint has translated Eu$>e- 
 TIJS ; though by the way it is pretty plain these letters 
 were not those made use of by Moses ; since the Jews 
 used the Samaritan letters till their captivity at Baby- 
 Ion, and adopted the Syriac or Chaldaic at their return, 
 a Tt\tvri*v <$v\*Ktiv. The author of the Etymologi- 
 cum thinks that <pux*xij comes from fuM; the reason he 
 gives for it is, because the watches were kept by the 
 
 tribes, Xlyouo-i y e OT T * S <JuA.x*si>uXa; tt%ov SSv 
 KiytT*t x*i 7ri><i>Tvi $uA.ax>) rijf vox-riff, x Sivrtfot, xi 
 TfiT|' X*T* yif Tf8~s aifoej >yX*TTi pia <puX$. From 
 
 thence, says he, they say the first, second, and third 
 watch, because one tribe watched three hours. The 
 invention of these watches, together with that of many 
 other military institutions, Pliny ascribes to Paleme- 
 des, " Ordinem exercitus, signi dationem, tesseras, vi- 
 gilias inventit Palemedes Trojano bello." 
 
 235 
 
236 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 while they were marching up the mountain, 
 Cheirisophus gained the top before he was per- 
 ceived by the enemy : then led forward ; and 
 the rest of the army, as fast as they passed the 
 summit, followed him into the villages, that lay 
 dispersed in the valleys and recesses of the 
 mountains. 
 
 Upon this, the Carduchians left their houses, 
 and, with their wives and children, fled to the 
 hills, where they had an opportunity of supply- 
 ing themselves with provisions in abundance. 
 The houses were well furnished with all sorts of 
 brass utensils, which the Greeks forbore to plun- 
 der : neither did they pursue the inhabitants, in 
 hope, by sparing them, to prevail upon the Car- 
 duchians, since they were enemies to the king, to 
 conduct them through their country in a friendly 
 manner : but they took all the provisions they 
 met with, for they were compelled to it by ne- 
 cessity. However, the Carduchians paid no re- 
 gard to their invitations, nor showed any other 
 symptoms of a friendly disposition ; and when 
 the rear of the Greek army was descending 
 from the top of the mountains into the villages, 
 it being now dark, (for as the way was narrow, 
 they spent the whole day in the ascent of the 
 mountains, and the descent from thence into 
 the villages,) some of the Carduchians, gather- 
 ing together, attacked the hindmost, and killed 
 and wounded some of them with stones and 
 arrows. They were but few in number, for 
 the Greek army came upon them unawares. 
 Had the enemy been more numerous at that 
 time, great part of the army had been in dan- 
 ger. In this manner they passed the night in 
 the villages; the Carduchians made fires all 
 round them upon the mountains, and both had 
 their eyes upon one another. 
 
 As soon as it was day, the generals and the 
 captains of the Greeks assembled, and resolved 
 to reserve only those sumpter-horses upon their 
 march that were necessary and most able, and 
 to leave the rest, and dismiss all the slaves they 
 had newly taken : for the great number of 
 sumpter-horses and slaves retarded their march ; 
 and many of their men, by having charge of 
 these, were unfit for action. Besides, there 
 being so many mouths, they were under a 
 necessity of providing and carrying double the 
 quantity of provisions. This being resolved, 
 they gave orders to have it put in execution. 
 
 While, therefore, they were upon their march 
 after dinner, the generals placed themselves in 
 a narrow pass, and, whatever they found re- 
 
 served by the soldiers, contrary to order, they 
 took it away : and the men submitted, unless 
 any of them happened privately to have retained 
 some boy or beautiful woman he was fond of. 
 In this manner they marched that day, some- 
 times fighting, and sometimes resting them- 
 selves. The next day there was a great storm : 
 however, they were obliged to go on ; for their 
 provisions failed them. Cheirisophus led the 
 van, Xenophon brought up the rear. Here, 
 the ways being narrow, the enemy made a brisk 
 attack upon them, and, coming up close, dis- 
 charged their arrows, and made use of their 
 slings ; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursu- 
 ing, and sometimes retreating, were obliged to 
 march slowly : and Xenophon often ordered 
 the army to halt, when the enemy pressed hard 
 upon them. Upon one of these orders, Chei- 
 risophus, who used to stand still on the like 
 occasions, did not stop, but marched faster than 
 usual, and ordered the men to follow. By this 
 it appeared there was something extraordinary, 
 but they were not at leisure to send to him to 
 inquire the cause of this haste ; so that the 
 march of those in the rear had the resemblance 
 more of a flight than a retreat. Here fell a 
 brave man, Cleonymus, a Lacedaemonian, who 
 was wounded in the side by an arrow, that 
 made its way both through his shield and his 
 buff coat. Here also fell Basias, an Arcadian, 
 whose head was pierced quite through with an 
 arrow. When they arrived at the place, where 
 they designed to encamp, Xenophon imme- 
 diately went as he was to Cheirisophus, and 
 blamed him for not stopping, but obliging the 
 rear to fly and fight at the same time. " Here 
 we have lost two brave and worthy men," says 
 he, " without being able either to bring them 
 off, or to bury them." To this Cheirisophus 
 answered, " Cast your eyes upon those moun- 
 tains, and observe how impassable they all are. 
 You see there is but one road, and that a steep 
 one. It is, you may observe, possessed too by 
 a great multitude of men, who stand ready to 
 defend it. For this reason, I marched hastily, 
 without staying for you, that, if possible, I 
 might prevent the enemy, and make myself 
 master of the pass ; for our guides assure us 
 there is no other road." Xenophon replied, 
 " I have two prisoners : for, when the enemy 
 molested us in our march, we placed some men 
 in ambush, which gave us time to breathe, and, 
 having killed some of them, we were also de- 
 sirous of taking some alive, with this view, that 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 237 
 
 we might have guides who were acquainted 
 with the country. 
 
 The prisoners, therefore, being brought be- 
 fore them, they J questioned them separately, 
 whether they knew of any other road than that 
 which lay before them. One of them said he 
 knew no other, though he was threatened with 
 divers kinds of torture. As he said nothing 
 to the purpose, he was put to death in the pre- 
 sence of the other. The survivor said, this 
 man pretended he did not know the other road, 
 because he had a daughter married to a man 
 who lived there; but that he himself would 
 undertake to conduct us through a road that 
 was passable even for the sumpter-horses. 
 Being asked whether there was any difficult 
 pass in that road, he said there was a summit, 
 which, if not secured in time, would render 
 the passage impracticable. Upon this it was 
 thought proper to assemble the captains, the 
 targeteers, and some of the heavy-armed men ; 
 and, having informed them how matters stood, 
 to ask them whether any of them would show 
 their gallantry, and voluntarily undertake this 
 service. Two of the heavy-armed men offered 
 themselves : Aristonymus of Methydria, and 
 Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians. But 
 Callimachus of Parrhasie, an Arcadian, and 
 Agasias, had a contest who should undertake it. 
 The latter said that he would go, and take 
 with him volunteers out of the whole army. 
 " For I am well assured," says he, " if I have 
 the command, many of the youth will follow 
 me." After that they asked if any of the light- 
 armed men, or of their officers, would also be 
 nf the party. Upon which Aristeas of Chios, 
 presented himself. He had, upon many occa- 
 sions of this nature, done great service to the 
 army. 
 
 II. The 2 Jay was now far advanced ; so the 
 generals ordered these to eat something, and 
 set out, and delivered the guide to them bound. 
 It was agreed that if they made themselves 
 masters of the summit, they should make it 
 good that night, and as soon as it was day, give 
 them notice of it by sounding a trumpet ; and 
 that those above should charge that body of the 
 enemy that was posted in the passage that lay 
 before them, while those below marched up to 
 their assistance with all the expedition they 
 were able. When things were thus ordered, 
 
 i 'H^x. See note 3, page 231. 
 Ki v ft iv J ,XM. That is, the middle of the after- 
 noon. See note j, page 203. 
 
 they set forward, being about two thousand in 
 number. And, notwithstanding it rained most 
 violently, Xenophon marched at the head of 
 the rear-guard towards the passage before them, 
 in order to draw the attention of the enemy that 
 way, and conceal as much as possible the march 
 of the detachment. When Xenophon, with 
 the rear-guard, came to 3 a valley which they 
 were to pass, in order to climb the ascent, the 
 Barbarians rolled down 4 vast round stones, 
 each a ton in weight, with others Doth larger 
 and smaller. These being dashed against the 
 rocks in their fall, the splinters * were hurled 
 every way, which made it absolutely impossible 
 to approach the road. Some of the captains 
 despairing to gain this passage, endeavoured to 
 find out another, and employed themselves in 
 this manner till it was dark. When they ima- 
 gined they could retire without being seen, they 
 went away to get their supper; for the rear- 
 guard had not dined that day. However, the 
 enemy continued to roll down stones all night, 
 as was perceived by the noise they made in 
 their fall. In the meantime, those who marched 
 round with the guide, surprised the enemy's 
 guard as they were sitting round a fire ; and 
 having killed some of them, and forced others 
 
 X*e *3> *v. See note 4, page 226. 
 
 * 'OxoTfoxauj ju*gi*ot/$. 'O/.or^o%o$ is here a sub- 
 stantive, like oxooTox;cj in Homer, and used in the 
 same sense with that in the following verse, 
 
 'P)j*S artrtTto o/tgf a, in*ite>s i%/tT jrsTf j)j, 
 
 where o\oo<Tfo%o; is thus explained by the Greek scho- 
 
 liast, Kt$t>S 7TteK$l(*.S, O-TfOy^uXuj. <A,UOtj;ai<U Xl'$0 
 
 literally signifies stones so large, that each of them 
 was a cart load, or what we call a ton weight. 
 
 &n<r$iv$ov&vTt>. This word happily expresses the 
 impetuous dispersion of the splinters, when the stones 
 were shattered by falling against the rocks. There is a 
 passage in Euripides where this word without the pre- 
 position is very beautifully, or rather dreadfully, made 
 use of, to express the scattering of the limbs of Capa- 
 neus, when he was dashed to pieces by a thunderbolt, 
 just as he was scaling the battlements of Thebes. 
 
 Koyui* ftiv (If OX.il/uwov' ctt,ux S J it; x,$9v* 
 Kci^i; Sc xai xX' tag xuxXtou' 'IJiovoff 
 'EKta-a-tr'' fig y>jv $' tftTrvqis -Trtmif vsxfo;. 
 "While o'er the battlements Capsnus sprung, 
 Jove struck him with his thunder, and the earth 
 Resounded with the crack ; mean while mankind 
 Stood all aghast ; from off the ladder's height 
 His limbs were far asunder hurl'd, his hair 
 Flew towards Olympus, to the ground his blood. 
 His hands and feet whirl'd like Ixion's wheel, 
 And to the earth his flaming body fell." 
 
238 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv 
 
 down the precipice, they staid there, thinking 
 they had made themselves masters of the sum- 
 mit. But in this they were mistaken, for there 
 was still an eminence above them, near which 
 lay the narrow way, where the guard sat. 
 There was indeed a passage from the post they 
 had taken, to that the enemy were possessed of, 
 in the open road. Here they remained that night. 
 As soon as it was day, they put themselves 
 in order, and marched in silence against the 
 enemy ; and, there being a mist, came close to 
 them before they were perceived. When they 
 saw one another, the trumpet sounded, and the 
 Greeks, shouting, made their attack. How- 
 ever, the Barbarians did not stand to receive 
 them, but quitted the road, very few of them 
 being killed in the flight : for they were pre- 
 pared for expedition. Cheirisophus and his 
 men hearing the trumpet, immediately marched 
 up the passage which lay before them. The 
 rest of the generals took bye-paths, each of 
 them where he happened to be, and, climbing 
 as well as they could, * drew up one another 
 with their pikes ; and these were the first 
 who joined the detachment that had gained 
 the post. Xenophon, with one half of the 
 rear guard, marched up the same way those 
 who had the guide went, this road being the 
 most convenient for the sumpter-horses ; the 
 other half he ordered to come up behind the 
 baggage. In their march they came to a hill 
 that commanded the road, and was possessed 
 by the enemy, whom they were either to dis- 
 lodge, or to be 'severed from the rest of the 
 Greeks. The men indeed, might have gone the 
 same way the rest took, but the sumpter-horses 
 could go no other. Encouraging, therefore, one 
 another, they made their attack upon the hill 2 in 
 
 i 'Av./to,!/, from i>*j ; but iv^av in the best authors 
 signifies to draw up any thing generally. fo Dion.Cas- 
 sius us3s the word, when he says Mark Antony begged 
 of those who were about him to carry him to Cleopa- 
 tra's sepulchre, and draw him up to the top of it by the 
 ropes that hung down to draw up the stones employed 
 in the structure of it: ixs-rivi TOU? jr*eovTf, &Va>s srgof 
 
 Tl T3 (*V?lt4* CtCrbv KO/0(TCUT(, X8I $ I X. TtaV <T%0V)I> TCUV 
 
 yrg^S T ^ v avoXxijv rtav KtStav xftftstfisvuiv u,vtftti<ru><rt. 
 
 * 'O^oj{ ToTjXo%o<j. What Xo%o; Of 3*0 j, or <?*.}-" 
 
 oe$u* is, we may learn from Arrian in his Tactics : 
 
 $! ($a\cty) says he, orotv SJTI xtf ces, (or xsgu>s) TTOf. 
 
 jTjj xv TO juixo; %>! STrjjrXtTov TOU $i5-ouj* oj3-is EJ OTI 
 yrsf <*v TO *3oj TOU /unxov;. SO that oj$ia (faXoeyg is 
 
 properly an army, and xo%o o f do are companies 
 drawn up in columns, where, as Arrian says, there are 
 many more men in depth than in front. 
 
 columns, not surrounding it, but leaving the 
 enemy room to run away, if they were so 
 disposed. Accordingly, the Barbarians see- 
 ing our men marching up the hill, every 
 one where he could, without discharging eith- 
 er their arrows or their darts upon those who 
 approached the road, fled, and quitted the 
 place. The Greeks, having marched by this 
 hill, saw another before them also possess- 
 ed by the enemy. This they resolved to 
 attack likewise ; but Xenophon, considering 
 that if he left the hill they had already taken 
 without a guard, the enemy might repossess it, 
 and from thence annoy the sumpter-horses as 
 they passed by them ; (for the way being nar- 
 row, there was a long file of them.) He 
 therefore left, upon this hill, Cephisodorus, 
 the son of Cephisiphon, an Athenian, and 
 Archagoras, a banished Argive, both captains ; 
 while he with the rest marched to the second 
 hill, and took that also in the same manner. 
 There yet remained a third, by much the steep- 
 est. This was the eminence that commanded 
 the post where the guard was surprised at the 
 fire, the night before, by the detachment. 
 When the Greeks approached the hill, the Bar- 
 barians quitted it without striking a stroke : so 
 that every body was surprised and suspected they 
 left the place, fearing to be surrounded and be- 
 sieged in it. But the truth was, that seeing from 
 the eminence what passed behind, they all made 
 haste away with a design to fall upon the rear. 
 Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, 
 ascended to the top of this hill, and ordered 
 the rest to march slowly after, that the two 
 captains, who were left behind, might jqin 
 them : and that when they were all together, 
 they should choose some even place in the road, 
 and there stand to their arms. He had no 
 sooner given his orders than Archagoras, the 
 Argive, came flying from the enemy, and 
 brought an account, that they were driven 
 from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus and 
 Amphicrates, and all the rest who had not 
 leaped from the rock and joined the rear, were 
 slain. The Barbarians, after this advantage, 
 came to the hill opposite to that where Xeno- 
 phon stood ; and Xenophon treated with them, 
 by an interpreter, concerning a truce, and de- 
 manded the dead. They consented to deliver 
 them, provided he agreed not to burn their 
 villages. Xenophon came into this. While 
 the other part of the army approached, and 
 these were employed in treating, all the men 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 239 
 
 moved from the post they were in towards the 
 same place. Upon this the enemy made a 
 stand, and when the Greeks began to descend 
 from the top of the hill to join those who were 
 drawn up in order of battle, they advanced in 
 great numbers, and with tumult; and, after 
 they had gained the top of the hill, which 
 Xenophon had quitted, they rolled down stones, 
 and broke the leg of one of our men. Here 
 Xenophon's armour-bearer deserted him, taking 
 away his shield : but Eurylochus of Lusia, an 
 Arcadian, and one of the heavy-armed men, 
 ran to his relief, and covered both himself and 
 Xeaophon with his shield, while the rest joined 
 those who stood ready drawn up. 
 
 .And now the Greeks were altogether, and 
 quartered there, in many fine houses, where 
 they found provisions in abundance : for there 
 was so great a plenty of wine, that they kept it 
 in plastered cisterns. Here Xenophon and 
 Cheirisophus prevailed upon the Barbarians to 
 deliver up their dead in exchange forjhe guide. 
 These, as far as they were able, they buried 
 with all the honours that are due to the memo- 
 ry of brave men. The next day they march- 
 ed without a guide, and the enemy, both 
 by fighting with them, and seizing all the 
 passes, endeavoured to hinder them from ad- 
 vancing. Whenever, therefore, they opposed 
 the vanguard, Xenophon, ascending the moun- 
 tains from behind, endeavoured to gain some 
 post that commanded the enemy, and by this 
 means opened a passage for those who were 
 in the van : and, when they attacked the rear, 
 Cheirisophus ascended the hills, and endeav- 
 ouring also to get above the enemy, removed the 
 obstruction they gave to the march of the rear. 
 Thus they were very attentive to relieve one 
 another. Sometimes also the Barbarians, after 
 .the Greeks had ascended the eminences, gave 
 them great disturbance in their descent, for 
 they were very nimble ; and, though they came 
 near to our men, yet still they got off, having 
 no other arms but bows and slings. They 
 were very skilful archers; their bows were 
 near three cubits in length, and their arrows 
 above two. When they discharged their ar- 
 rows, ithey drew the string by pressing upon 
 
 t EJ^KOK Si T? v(Vf*s, OJTOTI rt>ivaiiv, ir^o; TO xiroo 
 TOU Togau-rijiiftTTiev wo*. r ? oS*/vovrt j. This passage 
 has, I find, very much pnzzled.the translators. Both Le- 
 unclavius and Hatchinson have attempted to mend it: 
 but without entering into the merits o r those amendments, 
 I shall produce a passage out of Arrian, which will, I be- 
 
 the lower part of the bow with their left foot. 
 2 These arrows pierced through the shields and 
 corslets of our men, who, taking them up, 
 made use of them instead of darts, by fixing 
 thongs to them. In these places the Cretans 
 were of great service. They were commanded 
 by Stratocles, a Cretan. 
 
 III. This day they staid in the villages 
 situate above the plain that extends to the 
 river Centrites, which is two hundred feet 
 broad, and the boundary between Armenia and 
 the country of the Carduchians. Here the 
 Greeks rested themselves. This river is about 
 six or seven stadia from the Carduchian moun- 
 tains. Here, therefore, they staid with great 
 satisfaction, having plenty of provisions, and 
 
 lieve, not only explain this, but also show that no amend- 
 ment at all is necessary. The passage I mean, is, where 
 he is speaking of the Indian archers, who, like these 
 Carducbians in Xenophon, assisted themselves with their 
 left foot in drawing their strong bows. It is this, o ^.v 
 
 TTt^ol UT07<T (TOTo-JV 'I5or(T)TO%OV Tl tXOVG-lV /<TOjU|XJ 
 T<U qjOflOVT* TO TO^SV ' Xl TOUTO XTOI IZTI T^V y5jl 5iVTl$ t 
 
 TV\V vtvc^v t7t\ ptty* ojr*yw KTrxy&j'CVTts. "Where Xeno- 
 phon says n-(o&ttivavTis, which all translators have been 
 desirous to alter, Arrian says xvri&xvrfs, which, I think, 
 sufficiently explains it. The only thing that remains is 
 to take away the comma after TOJ-OU, that Ti-gos TO XT<O 
 TOU TOOU may belong to T&> ajio-Tij <u noSl TTfoftxivovTif, 
 and not to tfxxov T*J vio^ij, as both Leunclavius and 
 Hutchinson have translated it; the first having said, 
 nervos, emissuri sagittas, versus imam partem arcus 
 tendebant; and Hntchinson nervos, cum sagittas mis- 
 suri esscnt, ad imam arcus partem adducebant: neither 
 of which has any meaning, for I appeal to all my brother 
 archers, (having the honour to be of that number,) or 
 indeed to any other person, whether they understand 
 what is meant by drawing the string to the lower part of 
 the bow. After all this, I desire I may not be thought 
 to claim any advantage over those two learned gentle- 
 men by this discovery, since I am entirely persuaded, 
 that had they chanced to cast their eyes upon Arrian, 
 while the difficulties of this passage were fresh in their 
 memories, which happened to be my case, they would 
 have made the same or a better use of it. D'Ablan- 
 court has left out that part of the passage that occasions 
 the difficulty. 
 
 o Ti Si -ro^tvftxrct lycwfH Si* rav uinrtSuv xxi Six 
 TOJV jufxxvv. We find the posterity of these Carduchi- 
 ans using the same weapons with the same success against 
 the Romans in the expedition of Marcus Crassus, the 
 death of whose son, who was pierced by these irresisti- 
 ble arrows, is so pathetically described by Plutarch. 
 Mark Antony, and his men, in their unfortunate re- 
 treat, felt the violent effect of them, which drew from 
 him this exclamation, ' M" ' Happy the ten thou- 
 sand Greeks, who, being pursued by the same enemies, 
 retreated with so much better success! but, alas! his 
 thoughts and heart were in Egypt, whither he wai 
 hastening, for which reason all the disadvantages hit 
 army suffered from the Parthians were grievous to him, 
 rather as they were delays than defeats. 
 
240 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv 
 
 often calling to mind the difficulties they had 
 undergone; for, during the seven days they 
 had marched through the country of the Car- 
 duchians, they were continually fighting, and 
 suffered more than from all the attempts of the 
 king and Tissaphernes. Looking upon them- 
 selves, therefore, as freed from these hardships, 
 they rested with pleasure, But, as soon as it 
 was day, they saw a body of horse on the other 
 side of the river, completely armed, and ready 
 to oppose their passage ; and, above the horse, 
 another of foot drawn up upon an eminence, to 
 hinder them from penetrating into Armenia. 
 These were Armenians, Mygdonians, and 
 Chaldaeans, all mercenary troops, belonging to 
 Orontas and Artuchus. The Chaldseans were 
 said to be a free people, and warlike; their 
 arms were long shields and spears. The emi- 
 nence upon which they were drawn up, was 
 about three or four hundred feet from the 
 river. The only road the Greeks could dis- 
 cover, led upwards, and seemed to have been 
 made by art. Over against this road the 
 Greeks endeavoured to pass the river : but, 
 upon trial, they found the water came up above 
 their breasts ; that the river was rendered un- 
 even by large slippery stones ; and that it was 
 not possible for them to hold their arms in the 
 water; which, if they attempted, they were 
 borne away by the stream, and, if they carried 
 them upon their heads, they were exposed to 
 the arrows, and the other missive weapons of 
 the enemy. They retired, therefore, and en- 
 camped on the banks of the river. 
 
 From hence they discovered a great number 
 of armed Carduchians, who were got together 
 upon the mountain, in the very place where 
 they had encamped the night before. Here 
 the Greeks were very much disheartened, see- 
 ing on one side of them a river hardly passable, 
 and the banks of it covered with troops to ob- 
 struct their passage, and, on the other, the 
 Carduchians ready to fall upon their rear, if 
 they attempted it. This day, therefore, and 
 the following night, they remained in the same 
 place under great perplexity. Here Xenophon 
 had a dream : he thought he was in chains, and 
 that his chains breaking asunder of their own 
 accord, he found himself at liberty, and went 
 whithersoever he pleased. As soon as the first 
 dawn of day appeared, he went to Cheiriso- 
 phus, and told him he was in hopes every thing 
 would be well, and acquainted him with his 
 dream. Cheirisophus was pleased to hear it : 
 
 and, while the morn advanced, all the generals 
 who were present offered sacrifice, and the very 
 first victims were favourable. As soon therefore 
 as the sacrifice was over, the generals and cap- 
 tains departing ordered the soldiers to J get their 
 breakfast. While Xenophon was at breakfast, 
 two young men came to him, for it was well 
 known that all persons might have free access 
 to him at his meals; and, that, were he even 
 asleep, they might wake him, if they had any 
 thing to communicate concerning the opera- 
 tions of the war. These youths informed him, 
 that while they were getting brush-wood for 
 the fire, they saw on the other side of the 
 river, among the rocks that reached down to 
 it, an old man, and a woman with some maid- 
 servants, hiding something, that looked like bags 
 full of clothes, in the hollow of a rock. That, 
 seeing this, they thought they might securely 
 pass the river, because the place was inaccessi- 
 ble to the enemy's horse. So they undressed 
 themselves^, and taking their naked daggers in 
 their hands, proposed to swim over; but the 
 river being fordable, they found themselves on 
 the other side before the river came up to their 
 middle, and having taken the clothes, repas- 
 sed it. 
 
 Xenophon hearing this made a libation 
 himself, and ordered wine to be given to the 
 youths to do the same, and that they should 
 address their prayers to the gods, who had sent 
 the dream, and discovered the passage to com- 
 plete their happiness. After the libation, he 
 immediately carried the two youths to Cheiri- 
 sophus, to whom they gave the same account. 
 Cheirisophus, hearing this, made libations also. 
 After that, they gave orders to the soldiers to 
 get their baggage ready. Then, assembling 
 the generals, they consulted with them in what 
 manner they should pass the river with most 
 advantage, and both overcome those who op- 
 posed them in front, and secure themselves 
 against the others, who threatened their rear. 
 And it was resolved that Cheirisophus should 
 lead the van, and pass over with one half of 
 the army, while the other staid with Xeno- 
 phon: and that the sumpter-horses, with all 
 those that attended the army, should pass in 
 
 i 'Agio"ro5roii70-.&a<. I have translated this in the 
 same sense Homer says of Ulysses and Enmseus, 
 
 T<J> ' *Sr' Iv xX<r5 O(r<rii>j x*i Silo? 'TfpOfEc; 
 
 where a 
 
 ig thus explained by the Greek Scholiast, 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 241 
 
 the middle. After this disposition was made, ' 
 they began their march. The two youths led j 
 the way, keeping the river on their left. They 
 had about four stadia to go before they came ' 
 to the ford. 
 
 As they marched on one side of the river, 
 several bodies of horse advanced on the other J 
 opposite to them. When they came to the 
 ford, and to the bank of the river, the men 
 stood to their arms, and first Cheirisophus, 
 with a garland upon his head, pulled off his 
 clothes, and, taking his arms, commanded all : 
 the rest- to do the same ; he then ordered the ; 
 captains to draw up their companies in * co- j 
 lumns, and march some on his left hand, and j 
 some on his right. In the meantime the j 
 priests offered sacrifice, and poured the blood 
 of the victims into the river ; and the enemy, 
 from their bows and slings, discharged a volley 
 of arrows and stones, but none of them reached 
 our men. After the victims appeared favour- 
 able, all the soldiers sung the paean and 3 shout- 
 ed, all the women answered them ; for the men 
 had many mistresses in the army. 
 
 Immediately Cheirisophus, with his men, 
 went into the river; and Xenophon, taking 
 those of the rear-guard, who were most pre- 
 pared for expedition, marched back in all 
 haste to the passage opposite to the road that 
 led to the Armenian mountains, making a feint 
 as if his design was to pass the river in that 
 place, and intercept the horse that were march- 
 ing along the bank of it. The enemy, seeing 
 Cheirisophus with his men passing the river 
 with great ease, and Xenophon with his forces 
 marching back in all haste, were afraid of be- 
 ing intercepted, and fled with precipitation to 
 the road that led from the river up into the 
 country. Having gained that road, they con- 
 tinued their march up the mountains. As 
 soon as Lycius, who had the command of the 
 horse, and JEschines, who commanded the 
 targeteers belonging to Cheirisophus, saw the 
 enemy flying with so much haste, they pur- 
 sued them, the rest of the soldiers crying out 
 to them that they would not be left behind, but 
 
 Ao^oos of&iouj. See note 2, page 238. 
 
 a Of <TTQ To5Tei .Vf l Ka.K^v s 0-uvwA.oA.w^ov Si l yuv- 
 
 ^xfs. The first is known to be a military shout, the 
 other is properly a supplicatory acclamation of women : 
 so Homer says of the Trojan women addressing their 
 prayers to Minerva, 
 
 Af $' oX.oA.uytj jrSrai 'A^vr ^iTgMf ii><r%ov. 
 
 Upon which the Greek Scholiast observes, <f>avt\ &t vrr 
 
 yuvy.ix.uv tu^afttviav -JloTj. 
 
 21 
 
 would march up the mountain in a body. 
 When Cheirisophus had passed the river with 
 his forces, he did not pursue the horse, but 
 marched along the bank against the other body 
 of the enemy that was posted upon the upper 
 ground. These, finding themselves abandoned 
 by their horse, and seeing our heavy-armed 
 men coming up to attack them, quitted the 
 eminence that commanded the river. 
 
 Xenophon therefore perceiving every thing 
 went well on the other side, returned in all 
 haste to the army that was passing over ; for, 
 by this time the Carduchians were seen descend- 
 ing into the plain, as if they designed to fall 
 upon the rear. Cheirisophus had now pos- 
 sessed himself of the eminence, and Lycius, 
 while he was pursuing the enemy, with a few 
 of his men, took part of their baggage that was 
 left behind, and in it rich apparel, and drinking 
 cups. The baggage of the Greeks, with those 
 who had charge of it, was yet passing ; when 
 Xenophon, facing about, 3 drew up his men 
 against the Carduchians. He ordered all the 
 captains to divide their several 4 companies into 
 5 two distinct bodies of twenty-five men each, 
 and to extend their 6 front to the 7 left, and that 
 the captains with the leaders of these distinct 
 bodies should march against the Carduchians, 
 while the ^ hindmost men of every file posted 
 themselves upon the bank of the river. 
 
 Now the Carduchians, when they saw the 
 rear reduced to a few by the departure of those 
 who had the charge of the baggage, advanced 
 the faster, singing as they came on. Upon this, 
 Cheirisophus, seeing all on his side was secure, 
 sent the targeteers, the slingers, and archers to 
 Xenophon, with directions to do whatever he 
 commanded : but he, as soon as he saw them 
 
 i 'AI/T.'* T* OTTX.* s8iT 9 . See note 2, page 188. 
 
 *A6%ov. See note 1, page 174. 
 
 KT' Ivittftormtf. See note 1, page 228. 
 
 'ETTI qxix.ssj'yos. This is the reverse of <VT xf?, 
 which was explained in note 1, page 238. As therefore 
 SJTI xif-ag is a disposition, in which the depth very 
 much exceeds the front, so > <pi\xx5 is another, in 
 which the front very much exceeds the depth. 
 
 i n e io-w/^s. All the ancient masters of tactics 
 inform us that ia-i S'o(v x\JVov, sV-ia-sn'J* x\?vov f were 
 words of command among Greeks for the foot ; the first 
 signifying to the pike, that is to the right, and the se- 
 cond to the shield, that is to the left : and that the 
 words of command for the horse were the same as to 
 the first, but that instead of the second they said <p' 
 nv<v jtxiVov.to the bridle. 
 
 s O0f ayouj. These, in Arrian are what we call the 
 bringers-up, that is, the hindmost men of every file. 
 2F 
 
242 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 coming down the .lill, sent a messenger to them 
 with orders to halt, as soon as they came to 
 the river ; and that, when they saw him begin 
 to pass it with his men, they should come for- 
 ward in the water on each side opposite to 
 him, * the darters with their fingers- in the 
 2 slings of their darts, and the archers with 
 their arrows on the string, as if they designed 
 to pass over, but not advance far into the river. 
 At the same time he ordered his own men, 
 when they came near enough to the enemy to 
 reach them with their slings, and the heavy- 
 armed men 3 struck their shields with their 
 pikes, to 4 sing the psean, and rush at once upon 
 the enemy : and, when they were put to flight, 
 and the trumpet from the river 5 sounded a 
 charge, to face about to the right, 6 and that the 
 hindmost men of every file should lead the 
 way, and all make what haste they could to the 
 river, which they were to pass in their ranks, 
 that they might not hinder one another ; telling 
 them that he should look upon him as the 
 br&vest man, who first reached the opposite side. 
 The Carduchians, seeing those who remain- 
 ed, but few in number, (for many even of those 
 
 i 'AxovTi<rra{ . The ax'ovTHtv, or dart, was properly 
 part of the arms both of the targeteers and light-armed 
 men, as the reader will see, if he pleases to cast his 
 eye upon note 6, page 167, where he will also find that 
 these were different corps, and differently armed ; so 
 that D'Ablancourt should not have comprehended un- 
 der the general name of gens de trait, the targeteers, 
 elingers, and archers, whom Cheirisophus sent to the 
 relief of Xenophon. 
 
 AnyxuX<j7tsiouj, etc. AiyxuX7(r9i -rb tvi7ft TOUJ 
 JaxTuXov; -rij ayyvXv) TOU ixovTou. HesychiUB. 'AyyuXij 
 
 is what the Romans called amentum, the thong or sling, 
 with which they lanced their darts. 
 
 a 'AO-TTIS 4 /0 $'i. I have said " when the heavy-armed 
 men struck their shields with their pikes," because the 
 wo-jrif, or shield, properly belonged to the heavy-armed 
 men, as may be seen in note 6, page 167. The light- 
 armed men being *viv io-w.Jo;, as Arrian says there, 
 without a shield, and the targeteers having artx.Txv, 
 their pikes upon an attack, continued among the Greeks 
 in Alexander's time, as may be seen in Arrian. 
 
 4 n.v9-*vTif . See note 3, page 189. 
 
 o <rx*-<yxTiis ( r)iMii>tTo woxi^.xov. This seems to 
 have deserved the attention of the commentators ; TO 
 sroxjjMxiv rtipxtvuv, every body knows, signifies to 
 sound a charge, as TO ivxx|Txov ruftxivnv, to sound 
 a retreat: why therefore should Xenophon order a 
 charge to be sounded, when his men were to retreat? I 
 imagine his intention was to make the enemy fly the 
 faster, that so they might be at a greater distance from 
 them, when they were engaged in passing the river ; 
 and this seems to have been the effect of it, for Xeno- 
 phon will tell us presently, that when the trumpet 
 sounded, the enemy fled much faster than before. 
 
 e 'a-i J 0f ou See note 7, page 24] . 
 
 who had orders to stay, were gone, some to 
 take care of the sumpter-horses, some of their 
 baggage, and others of 7 other things) came up 
 boldly "towards them, and began to use their 
 slings and bows. But, when the Greeks, 
 singing the paean, ran forward to attack them, 
 they did not stand to receive them, (for though 
 they were well enough armed for a sudden on- 
 set, and retreat upon the mountains they in- 
 habited, yet they were not all so to fight hand 
 to hand.) In the meantime the trumpet 
 sounded, upon which the enemy fled much 
 faster than before ; and the Greeks, facing 
 about, passed the river in all haste. Some of 
 the enemy seeing this, ran back to the river, 
 and wounded a few of our men with their ar- 
 rows ; but many of them, even when the Greeks 
 were on the other side, were observed to con- 
 tinue their flight. In the meantime those who 
 had met them in the river, carried on by their 
 courage, advanced unseasonably, and repassed 
 it after Xenophon and his men were on the 
 other side ; by this means some of them also 
 were wounded. 
 
 IV. The army having passed the river about 
 noon, drew up in their ranks, and, in this man- 
 ner, marched at once over the plain of Ar- 
 menia, intermixed with hills of an easy ascent, 
 making no less than five parasangs : for there 
 were no villages near the river, by reason of the 
 continual wars with the Carduchians. How- 
 ever at last they came to a large village, that 
 had a palace in it belonging to the 8 satrap, 
 and upon most of the houses there were tur- 
 rets : here they found provisions in abundance. 
 From this place they made, in two days' march, 
 ten parasangs, till they were advanced above 
 the head of the Tigris. From thence they 
 made fifteen parasangs in three days' march, 
 and came to the river Teleboas. The 9 river, 
 though not large, was beautiful, and had many 
 fine villages on its banks : this country was 
 called the western part of Armenia. The 
 governor of it was Teribazus, who had behaved 
 
 i 'Zrffav. I have followed the Eton manuscript in 
 translating this word. Hutchinson says it should be 
 |T* ? V, because Xenophon has very lately told us, that 
 the soldiers had a great many mistresses with them ; 
 but in that case it should have been ln^siv t not r ; f ^ v . 
 
 To. <rT f *5Tfl. See note 5, page 167. 
 
 Ourej $' w <uiyf M iy eO, x xif f- Demetrius Pha- 
 lereus gives great commendations to this period. He 
 says, that by the conciseness of it, and its termination 
 in St, the author almost lays before our eyes the small- 
 new of the river. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 243 
 
 himself with great fidelity to the king, and, 
 when he was present, no other, * lifted the king 
 on horseback. This person rode up towards 
 the Greeks with a body of horse, and, sending 
 his interpreter, acquainted them that he desired 
 to speak with their commanders. Upon this 
 the generals thought proper to hear what he 
 had to say, and advancing within hearing, ask- 
 ed him what he wanted. He answered that 
 he was willing to enter into a league with them 
 upon these terms : that he should not do any 
 injury to the Greeks, or they burn the houses, 
 but have liberty to take what" provisions they 
 wanted. The generals agreed to this : so they 
 concluded a league upon these conditions. 
 
 From thence they advanced through a plain, 
 and in three days' march made fifteen para- 
 sangs, Teribazus following them with his for- 
 ces at the distance of about ten stadia, when 
 they came to a palace, surrounded with many 
 villages, abounding iu all sorts of provisions. 
 While they lay encamped in this place, there 
 fell so great a 2 snow in the night, that it was 
 
 /8*o-A.l ivi riv 7srjrOr iviCatAAov. I 
 
 was desirous to excuse D'Ahlancourt, when in the 
 third book, he made the Persians saddle their horses ; 
 but do not know what to allege in his defence upon this 
 occasion, where he has given them stirrups as well as 
 saddles. I shall say no more than that " il lui tenoit 
 i'etrier lorsqu'il montoit a clieval," is an unfortunate 
 translation of- /8*o-x.i* jsri Tb iWov ve*>.xf. It is 
 very well known that the ancients, having no stirrups, 
 had a person whom the Greeks called ivxo>.{/5, and 
 the Latins strator, to lift them on horseback. 
 
 a 'EJTJJTJJTTJ* xiiiv Hir^nTcs. Lest the veracity of our 
 author should be suspected, when he speaks of deep 
 snows and excessive frosts in Armenia, a country lying 
 between the fortieth and forty-third degrees of latitude, 
 I desire it may be considered that all authors, both an- 
 cient and modern, agree that the hills of this country 
 are covered with snow ten months in the year. Tour- 
 nefort, who was an eye-witness of it, thinks that the 
 earth, upon these hills, being impregnated with sal am- 
 moniac, the cold occasioned by it, may hinder the snow 
 from melting : to support this, he says, that this salt 
 being dissolved into any liquor, renders it excessive 
 cold. This puts me in mind of an experiment mentioned 
 by Boerhaave, as having been made by himself: he says, 
 that four ounces of this salt being infused in twelve 
 of water generated twenty-eight degrees of cold ; though 
 I rather believe that the reason why the tops of moun- 
 tains in the warmest climates are generally covered 
 with snow, while the plains below are often parched 
 with beat, is because the atmosphere is vastly less com- 
 pressed upon the top than at the foot of those moun- 
 tains. Whatever may be the cause, the fact is certain. 
 When Lucullus, in his expedition against Mithridates, 
 marched through Armenia, his army suffered as much 
 by the frost and snow, as the Greeks under Xenophon. 
 And when Alexander Severus returned through this 
 
 resolved the next morning the soldiers, with 
 their generals, should remove into the villages, 
 and quarter there, for no enemy appeared ; and 
 the great quantity of snow seemed a security to 
 them. Here they found all sorts of good pro- 
 visions, such as cattle, corn, old wines exceed- 
 ing fragrant, raisins and legumens of all kinds. 
 In the meantime, some of the men, who had 
 straggled from the camp, brought word that 
 they had seen an army, and that in the night 
 many fires appeared. For this reason the gen- 
 erals thought il not safe for the troops to quaf* 
 ter in the villages at a distance from one an- 
 other : so resolved to bring the army together. 
 Upon this they re-assembled, and it was de- 
 termined to encamp abroad. While they 
 passed the night in this camp, there fell so 
 great a quantity of snow, that it covered both 
 the arms and the men as they lay upon the 
 ground ; the sumpter-horses also were so be- 
 numbed with the snow, that it was with 
 difficulty they were made to rise. It was a 
 miserable sight to see the men lie upon the 
 ground still covered with snow. But, when 
 Xenophon was so hardy as to rise naked, and 
 rive wood, immediately another got up, and 
 taking the wood from him, cleft it himself. 
 Upon this they all rose up, and making fires, 
 anointed themselves; for they found there 
 many sorts of ointments, which served them 
 instead of oil, as hog's-grease, oil of sesame, 
 of bitter almonds, and of turpentine. There 
 was also found a precious ointment made of all 
 these. 
 
 After this they determined to disperse them- 
 selves again in the villages, and quarter under 
 cover. Upon which the soldiers ran with great 
 shouts and pleasure to the houses and provi- 
 sions ; but those who had set fire to the houses, 
 when they left them before, were justly pun- 
 ished by encamping abroad, exposed to the in- 
 clemency of the weather. From hence they 
 sent that night a detachment to the mountains, 
 where the stragglers said they had seen the 
 fires, under the command of Democrates of 
 Temenus, because* he was ever thought to give 
 a true account of things of this nature, report- 
 ing matters as they really were. At his return 
 he said he had seen no fires, but, having taken 
 
 country, many of his men lost their hands and feet 
 through excessive cold. Tournefort also complains, 
 that, at Erzeron, though situated in a plain, his fingers 
 were so benumbed with cold, he could not write tili 
 an hour after sun-rise. 
 
244 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 a prisoner, he brought him with him. This 
 man had a l Persian bow and quiver, and 2 an 
 Amazonian battle-axe ; and, being asked of what 
 country he was, he said he was a Persian, and 
 that he went from the army of Teribazus to 
 get provisions. Upon this they asked him of 
 what numbers that army consisted, and with 
 what intention it was assembled. He answer- 
 ed, that Teribazus, besides his own army, had 
 mercenary troops of Chalabians and Taochi- 
 ans ; and, that his design was to attack the 
 greeks in their passage over the mountains, as 
 they marched through the defile, which was 
 their only road. 
 
 The generals, hearing this, resolved to as- 
 semble the army, and, leaving a guard in the 
 camp under the command of Sophsenetus of 
 Stymphalus, they immediately set forward, tak- 
 ing the prisoner with them for their guide. Af- 
 ter they had passed the mountains, the targeteers, 
 who marched before the rest, as soon as they 
 discovered the enemy's camp, ran to it with 
 shouts, without staying for the heavy-armed 
 men. The Barbarians, hearing the tumult, 
 did not stand their ground, but fled. How- 
 ever some of them were killed, and about 
 twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of 
 Teribazus, in which they found beds with sil- 
 ver feet, and drinking cups, with some prison- 
 ers, who said they were his bakers and cup- 
 bearers. When the commanders of the heavy- 
 armed were informed of all that passed, they 
 determined to return in all haste to their own 
 camp, lest any attempt should be made upon 
 those they had left there ; and immediately or- 
 dering a retreat to be sounded, they returned, 
 and arrived there the same day. 
 
 V. The next day they resolved to march 
 away with all the haste they could, before the 
 enemy should rally their forces, and possess 
 themselves of the pass. Their baggage therefore 
 being presently ready, they set forward through 
 a deep snow with many guides ; and having 
 the same day passed the eminence upon which 
 Teribazus designed to attack them, they en- 
 camped. From thence they made three march- 
 es through a desert, and came to the Euph- 
 rates, which they passed, the water coming up 
 to their navel. It was said the sources of this 
 
 i Tot-ov ris e <rxov. See page 226, where Tissaphernes 
 attacks the Greeks. 
 
 a Siy f <t/. 2*y e S - XOJTIS' $ srfcexuj 
 
 Where he quotes this passage. 
 
 river were not far off. From thence they 
 made, in three days' march, fifteen parasangs, 
 over a plain covered with deep snow. The 
 last day's march was very grievous, for the 
 north wind, blowing full in their faces, quite 
 parched and benumbed the men. Upon this 
 one of the priests advised to sacrifice to the 
 wind, which was complied with, and the vehe- 
 mence of it visibly abated. The snow was a 
 fathom in depth, insomuch that many of the 
 slaves and sumpter-horses died, and about 
 thirty soldiers. They made fires all night, for 
 they found plenty of wood in the place where 
 they encamped ; and those who came late, hav- 
 ing no wood, the others whjo were before arrived, 
 and had made fires, would not allow them to 
 warm themselves till they had given them a 
 share of the wheat, or of the other provisions 
 they had brought with them. By this ex- 
 change they relieved one another's wants. In 
 the places where the fires were made, the 
 snow being melted, there were large pits which 
 reached down to the ground ; this afforded an 
 opportunity of measuring the depth of the snow. 
 From thence they marched all the next day 
 through the snow, when many of them contract- 
 ed the 3 bulimy. Xenophon, who commanded 
 the rear, seeing them lie upon the ground, 
 knew not what their distemper was : but being 
 informed by those who were acquainted with 
 it, that it was plainly the bulimy, and that, if 
 they ate any thing, they would rise again, he 
 went to the baggage, and, whatever refreshments 
 he found there, he gave some to those who 
 were afflicted with this distemper, and sent 
 persons able to go about, to divide the rest 
 among others, who were in the same condi- 
 tion : and as soon as they had eaten something, 
 they rose up, and continued their march. Dur- 
 ing which, Cheirisophus came to a village, 
 just as it was dark, and, at a fountain, without 
 
 a 'ESouXijuiceo-av. The bulimy is a distemper creating 
 excessive hunger. It is thus described with all its symp- 
 toms by Galen : BouXs^os ia-rt $fx$e<ns, x*3-'i}v ia-^i,T)|. 
 <rs ix /ux65v <Xe^/*aTu>v yivtrni TfO^Jjf . 'ExXoovrrsc* 
 SI **ixiTc<7r7rTOucrj,xi %f oou<r, xi x*T\j/6%ovT* TO, 
 ax^a, 3-xiSovT<* n TbvO-TOjua%ov, xi 6 a-^vyftag ITT UVTOIV 
 
 K/tvSe is yiviT<*. " The bulimy is a disorder in which 
 the patient frequently craves for victuals, loses the use 
 of his limbs, falls down, and turns pale ; his extremities 
 become cold, his stomach oppressed, and his pulse 
 scarcely sensible." The French Philosophical Transac- 
 tions speak of a countryman who was violently afflict- 
 ed with this distemper, but was cured by voiding sev- 
 eral worms of the length and bigness of a tobacco pipe. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 245 
 
 the walls, be found some women and girls 
 who belonged to it, carrying water. These in 
 quired who they were ] The interpreter an 
 swered, in Persia, that they were going to 
 the satrap from the king. The women re 
 plied, that he was not there, but at a place dis- 
 tant about a parasang from thence. As i 
 was late, they entered the walls together with 
 the women, and went to the bailiff of the 
 town. Here Cheirisophus encamped with al 
 that could come up. The rest, who were un- 
 able to continue their march, passed the night 
 without victuals or fire, by which means some 
 of them perished : and a party of the enemy 
 following our march, took some of the sump- 
 ter-horses that could not keep pace with the 
 rest, and fought with one another about them. 
 Some of the men also, who had lost their sight 
 by the snow, or whose toes were rotted off by 
 the intenseness of the cold, were left behind. 
 The eyes were relieved against the snow by 
 wearing something black before them, and the 
 feet against the cold, by continual motion, and 
 by pulling off their shoes in the night. If any 
 slept with their shoes on, the latchets pierced 
 their flesh, and their shoes stuck to their feet : 
 for when their old shoes were worn out, they 
 wore J carbatines made of raw hides. These 
 grievances therefore occasioned some of the 
 soldiers to be left behind ; who, seeing a piece 
 of ground that appeared black, because there 
 was no snow upon it, concluded it was melted ; 
 and melted it was by a vapour that was con- 
 tinually exhaling from a fountain in a valley 
 near the place. Thither they betook them- 
 selves, and, sitting down, refused to march any 
 further. Xenophon, who had charge of the 
 rear, as soon as he was informed of this, tried 
 all means to prevail upon them not to be left 
 behind, telling them that the enemy were gotten 
 together in great numbers and followed them 
 close. At last he grew angry. They bid him 
 kill them, if he would, for they were not able 
 to go on. Upon this, he thought the best 
 thing he could do, was, if possible, to strike a 
 terror into the enemy that followed, lest they 
 should fall upon the men that were tired. It 
 
 1 K*g6*T/v:e<. KafSotTivij ftiv, yjoxoi> C^cJj)/**, 
 
 xM3-ivusrb KgZv. Julius Pollux. I hope I shall be 
 excused for calling these lyroStiftarx, shoes. All the 
 monuments of antiquity show the ancients wore a 
 kind of sandal instead of shoes, but, as this is not gen- 
 erally understood, I have chosen the latter. 
 21* 
 
 was now dark, and the enemy came on with 
 great tumult, quarrelling with one another 
 about their booty. Upon this, such of the 
 rear-guard as were well, rising up, rushed upon 
 them ; while those who were tired, shouted out 
 as loud as they could, and struck their shields 
 with their pikes. The enemy, alarmed at this, 
 threw themselves into the valley through the 
 snow, and were no more heard of. 
 
 Then Xenophon, with the rest of the forces, 
 went away, assuring the sick men, that, the 
 next day some people should be sent to them : 
 but before they had gone four stadia, they 
 found others taking their rest in the snow, and 
 covered with it, no guard being appointed. 
 These they obliged to rise, who acquainted 
 him, that those at the head of the army did 
 not move forward. Xenophon, hearing this, 
 went on, and sending th ablest of the targe- 
 teers before, ordered them to see what was the 
 occasion of the stop. They brought word 
 that the whole army took their rest in that 
 manner. So that Xenophon and his men, 
 after they had appointed such guards as they 
 were able, passed the night there also without 
 either fire or victuals-. When it was near day, 
 he sent the youngest of his men to oblige the 
 sick to get up and come away. In the mean- 
 time Cheirisophus sent some from the village 
 to inquire into what condition the rear was. 
 These were rejoiced to see them, and having 
 delivered their sick to them to be conducted to 
 the camp, they marched forward ; and, before 
 they had gone twenty stadia, they found them- 
 selves in the village where Cheirisophus was 
 quartered. When they came together, they 
 were of opinion that the army might quarter in 
 the villages with safety. So Cheirisophus 
 staid in the place he was in, and the rest went 
 to the several villages that were allotted to 
 them. 
 
 Here Polycrates, an Athenian, one of the 
 captains, desired he might have leave to ab- 
 sent himself; and, taking with him those who 
 were most prepared for expedition, he made 
 such haste to the village that had fallen to 
 Xenophon's lot, that he surprised all the in- 
 habitants, together with their bailiff, in their 
 louses. He found here seventeen colts, that 
 were bred as a tribute for the king ; and also 
 the bailiff's daughter, who had not been mar- 
 ried above nine days. However, her husband 
 jeing gone to hunt the hare, was not taken in 
 any of the villages. Their houses were under 
 
246 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv 
 
 ground ; the mouth resembling that of a well, but 
 spacious below ; there was an entrance dug for 
 the cattle, but the inhabitants descended by 
 ladders. In these houses were goats, sheep, 
 cows, and fowls, with their young. All the 
 cattle were maintained within doors with fod- 
 der. There was also wheat, barley, and legu- 
 mens, and l beer in jars, in which the malt it- 
 self floated even with the brims of the vessels, 
 and with it reeds, some large and^others small, 
 without joints. These, when any one was 
 dry, he was to take into his mouth and suck. 
 The liquor was very strong, when unmixed 
 with water, and exceeding pleasant to those 
 who were used to it. 
 
 Xenophon invited the bailiff of this village 
 to sup with him, and encouraged him with this 
 assurance, that his children should not be taken 
 from him, and that, when they went away, they 
 would leave his house full of provisions in re- 
 turn for those they took, provided he perform- 
 ed some signal service to the army, by con- 
 ducting them, till they came to another nation. 
 The bailiff promised to perform this, and, as 
 an instance of his good-will, informed them 
 where there was wine buried. The soldiers 
 rested that night in their several quarters in 
 the midst of plenty, keeping a guard upon the 
 bailiff, and having an eye at the same time 
 upon his children. The next day Xenophon, 
 taking the bailiff along with him, went to 
 Cheirisophus, and, in every village through 
 which he passed, made a visit to those who 
 were quartered there ; and found them every- 
 
 1 0<vo$x e ..vof. Literally, barley wine. Diodorus 
 Siculus tells us, that Osiris, that is, the Egyptian Bac- 
 chus, was the inventor of malt liquor, as a relief to those 
 countries where vines did not succeed, which is the 
 reason assigned by Herodotus for the Egyptians using 
 it. This was also the liquor used in France, till the 
 time of the emperor Probus, when vines were first 
 planted there. Pliny says they called it cervisia, a 
 word probably derived from cervoise, which, among the 
 ancient Gauls, signified beer. Julian, who was governor 
 of France, before he was emperor, vents his spleen 
 against malt liquor, which necessity, or rather igno- 
 rance in his time, had made tiie drink of that country. 
 As there is a great deal of poetry in the invention both 
 of the person of this unknown Bacchus, and of his 
 qualities, the reader may not be displeased to find the 
 epigram here : 
 
 T*c ; rraSiv tt Aiovuo-i ; py, yxg rlv xX.t)3-6 BKX^OK 
 Ou <r> {jriyiyvcio-xto- rov A<ij oiJ* fiavev. 
 
 Kifvog vi*T*g. ISuSt <rD ii T^xy-ov ? pi <ri KsVroi, 
 Ty sr.v,, 6oT6v, TJ Cc.v * i<rT X 6. 
 
 Toi <r x^ xA.itiv A>ijttt)Tioi; oil AIOVUTOV. 
 IlufJ^tv^ waXXoVj xai Bf epov, oO B^o/uiov. 
 
 where feasting and rejoicing. They all would 
 force him to sit down to dinner with them, 
 and he every where found the tables covered 
 with lamb, kid, pork, veal, and fowls ; with 
 plenty of bread, some made of wheat, and some 
 of barley. When any one had a mind to 
 drink to his friend, he took him to the jar, 
 where he was obliged to stoop, and, sucking, 
 drink like an ox. The soldiers gave the bailiff 
 leave to take whatever he desired ; but he took 
 nothing ; only wherever he met with any of 
 his relations, he carried them along with him. 
 
 When they came to Cheirisophus, they found 
 them also 2 feasting, and crowned with gar- 
 lands made of hay, and Armenian boys, in 
 Barbarian dresses, waiting on them. TT o these 
 they signified by signs what they would have 
 them do, as if they had been deaf. As soon 
 as Cheirisophus and Xenophon had embraced 
 one another, they asked the bailiff, by their 
 interpreter, who spoke the Persian language, 
 what country it was. He answered, Armenia. 
 After that they asked him for whom the horses 
 were bred. He said for the king, as a tribute. 
 He added that the neighbouring country was 
 inhabited by the Chalybians, and informed 
 them of the road that led to it. After that 
 Xenophon went away, carrying back the bailiff 
 to his family, and gave him the horse he had 
 taken some time before, which was an old one, 
 with a charge that he should recover him for a 
 sacrifice (for he had heard he was consecrated 
 to the sun), being afraid that, as he was very 
 much fatigued with the journey, he should die. 
 At the same time he took one of the young hor- 
 ses for himself, and gave one of them to each 
 of the generals and captains. The horses of 
 this country are less than those of Persia, but 
 have a great deal more spirit. Upon this occa- 
 sion the bailiff taught us to tie bags to the feet 
 of the horses and beasts of burden, when they 
 travelled through the snow, for, without them, 
 they sunk up to their bellies. 
 
 VI. After they had staid here eight days, 
 Xenophon delivered the bailiff to Cheirisophus, 
 
 a Sx>jvo3vTj. Xenophon uses O-XHVIJ in the same 
 sense in his Cyropaedia, where he says n-v <rx.Yv>v iij 
 XO.THV J.fXuov, they dissolved the feast to retire to rest. 
 Hutchinson has supported this sense of the word from 
 other passages out of our author. Had Leunclaviug 
 attended to them, he would not have rendered this pas- 
 sage illos etiam milites et ab tectis reperiunt. D'Ablan- 
 court has said much better, Us trouverent tout le monde 
 a table. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 247 
 
 to serve him as a guide, and left him all his j generals and captains together, and spoke to 
 family, except his son, a youth just in the flower j them in this manner. The enemy, you see, 
 of his age. This youth he committed to the 
 charge of Episthenis of Amphipolis, with a de- 
 sign to send him back with his father, if he con- 
 ducted them in a proper manner. At the 
 same time they carried as many things as they 
 could into his house, and, decamping, marched 
 away. The bailiff conducted them through 
 the snow unbound. They had now marched 
 three days, when Cheirisophus grew angry 
 with him for not carrying them to some vil- 
 lages. The bailiff said there were none in that 
 part of the country. Upon this Cheirisophus 
 struck him, but did not order him to be 
 bound : so that he made his escape in the 
 night, leaving his son behind him. This ill 
 treatment and neglect of the bailiff was the 
 cause of the only difference that happened 
 between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during 
 their whole march. Episthenis took an affec- 
 tion to the youth, and, carrying him into 
 Greece, found great fidelity in him. 
 
 After this they made seven marches at the 
 
 rate of five parasangs each day, and arrived at 
 the river * Phasis, which is about one hundred 
 feet in breadth. From thence they made, in 
 two marches, ten parasangs ; when they found 
 the Chalybians, Taochians, and Phasians post- 
 ed upon the passage that led over the moun- 
 tains to the plain. As soon as Cheirisophus 
 saw the enemy in possession of that post, he 
 halted at the distance of about thirty stadia, 
 that he might not approach them while the 
 army marched in a column ; for which reason 
 he 2 ordered the captains to bring up their com- 
 panies in the front, that the army might be 
 drawn up in a line. 
 
 When the rear guard came up, he called the 
 
 1 rtagi rev Qxriv & o T /no v . It must be observed that 
 this is not the river Phasis which falls into the Euxine 
 sea, and to which sportsmen are obliged for the breed 
 of pheasants. Delisle is of opinion, that the Phasis 
 here mentioned is the Araxes, which falls into the 
 Caspian sea, the same whose impetuous course is so 
 boldly described by Virgil, 
 
 Pontem indignatus Araxes. 
 
 anxf^yjiX.! Se rots XXoi; jr* f iyev Touf Xoj0u{, 
 
 TTSU; ijri ^ix^yyoj yjvocro rb o-T^iriu^a. The transla- 
 tors do not seem to have attended to the force of the 
 word Trxfxj-itv in this place ; it is a military term, and 
 signifies to bring up the files in front, and march in a 
 line, in which disposition Cheirisophus proposed to at- 
 tack upon this occasion : this is called x-xga-yvy) by 
 Arrian, the reverse of which is iiry.yMy* as*-<rrTj|s 
 
 IS Of 3"*f X9-TTI|f. 
 
 are masters of the pass over the mountains. 
 We are therefore now to consider in what 
 manner we may charge them with the greatest 
 advantage. It is my opinion, that while the 
 soldiers get their dinner, we should consult 
 among ourselves, whether it will be most pro- 
 per to attempt the passage to-day, or stay till 
 to-morrow." " My advice is," says Cleanor, 
 " that, as soon as we have dined, we should 
 take our arms, and attack the enemy ; for, if 
 we defer it till to-morrow, this delay will in- 
 spire those who observe us with confidence, 
 and their confidence will, in all probability, draw 
 others to their assistance." 
 
 After him Xenophon said, " This is my 
 sense of the matter. If we are obliged to 
 fight, we ought to prepare ourselves to fight 
 with all possible bravery ; but if we propose to 
 pass the mountain in the easiest manner, we 
 are to consider by what means we may receive 
 the fewest wounds, and lose the fewest men. 
 The mountain that lies before us, reaches 
 above sixty stadia in length, and, in all this 
 extent, no guard appears to be posted any 
 where, but only in this part. For which rea- 
 son I should think it more for our advantage 
 to endeavour to surprise some unguarded place 
 upon the mountain, and, if possible, prevent 
 their seizing it, than to attack a post already 
 fortified, and men prepared to resist ; for it is 
 easier to climb a steep ascent, without fighting, 
 than to march upon plain ground, when the 
 enemy are posted on both sides of us. We 
 can also better see what lies before us in the 
 night, when we are not obliged to fight, than 
 in the day time, when we are ; and the rough- 
 est way is easier to those who march without 
 fighting, than an even way to those whose 
 heads are exposed to the darts of an enemy. 
 Neither do I think it impossible for us to 
 steal such a march, since we may have the ad- 
 vantage of the night to conceal us, and may 
 take so great a circuit as not to be discovered. 
 I am also of opinion, that, if we make a false 
 attack upon the post which is possessed by 
 the enemy, we shall, by that means, find the 
 rest of the mountain more unguarded ; for this 
 will oblige them to keep all their forces in a 
 body. But why do I mention stealing 1 3 Since 
 
248 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 LBOOK iv. 
 
 I am informed, Cheirisophus ! that among 
 you Lacedaemonians, those of the first rank, 
 practise it from their childhood, and that, in- 
 stead of being a dishonour, it is your duty to 
 steal those things which the law has not for- 
 bidden : and to the end you may learn to steal 
 with the greatest dexterity and secrecy imagi- 
 nable, your laws have provided that those who 
 are taken in a theft, shall be whipped. This 
 is the time, therefore, for you to show how far 
 your education has improved you, and to take 
 care that, in stealing this march, we are not 
 discovered, lest we smart severely for it." 
 
 Cheirisophus answered, " I am also inform- 
 ed, that you Athenians are very expert in 
 stealing the public money, notwithstanding the 
 great danger you are exposed to, and that your 
 best men are the most expert at it, that is, if 
 you choose your best men for your. magis- 
 trates. So this is a proper time for you 
 also to show the effects of your education." 
 " I am ready," replies Xenophon, " to march 
 with the rear-guard, as soon as we have 
 supped, in order to possess myself of the 
 mountain. I have guides with me : for our 
 light-armed men have, in an ambuscade, 
 taken some of the marauders, that follow the 
 army. By these I am informed that the 
 mountain is not inaccessible, but that goats and 
 oxen graze upon it, so that, if we are once 
 masters of any part of it, it will be accessible 
 also to our sumpter-horses. Neither do I believe 
 the enemy will keep their post, when they see 
 we are masters of the summit, and upon an 
 equality with themselves ; because they are 
 now unwilling to come down to us upon equal 
 ground." But Cheirisophus said, " Why should 
 you go, and leave the charge of the rear 1 Ra- 
 ther send others, unless any offer themselves 
 to this service." Upon this Aristonymus of 
 Methydria presented himself with his heavy- 
 armed men ; and Aristeus of Chius, and Nico- 
 machus of Oete, both with their light-armed. 
 And it was agreed that, when they had pos- 
 sessed themselves of the summit, they should 
 light several fires. When these things were 
 settled, they went to dinner. After which 
 Cheirisophus led the whole army within ten 
 
 Those who among the Lacedsemonians were called 
 ?<MOO, and among the Persians O,U;>TI,UO(, by theGreeks, 
 under which name Xenophon often speaks of them in 
 his Institution of Cyrus, agree very well with what 
 the Gothic government calls peers, with us, and with 
 the French, pairs, persons of equal dignity. 
 
 stadia of the enemy, as if he had absolutely re- 
 solved to march that way. 
 
 Supper being ended, and night coming on, 
 those who had orders marched away, and made 
 themselves masters of the top of the mountain. 
 The others went to rest where they were. 
 The enemy finding our men were possessed of 
 that post, remained under arms, and made 
 many fires all night. As soon as it was day, 
 Cheirisophus, after he had offered sacrifice, led 
 his forces up to the road, while those who had 
 gained the summit attacked the enemy : great 
 part of whom staid to defend the pass, and the 
 rest advanced against those who were masters 
 of the eminence. But before Cheirisophus 
 could come up to the enemy, those upon the 
 summit were engaged ; where our men had the 
 advantage, and drove the enemy before them. 
 In the meantime, the Greek targeteers ran on 
 from the plain to attack^ those who were ready 
 drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus at 
 the head of the heavy-armed men, followed as 
 fast as was consistent with a regular march. 
 However, the enemy that were posted in 
 the pass, when they saw those above give 
 way, fled also ; when great numbers of them 
 were slain, and many of their bucklers taken, 
 which the Greeks, by cutting them to pieces, 
 rendered useless. As soon as they had gained 
 the ascent, they offered sacrifice, and having 
 erected a trophy, marched down into the plain, 
 where they found villages well stored with all 
 sorts of provisions. 
 
 VII. From hence they came to the country 
 of the Taochians, making, in five marches, 
 thirty parasangs : and here their provisions 
 began to fail them ; for the Taochians inha- 
 bited fastnesses, into which they had conveyed 
 all their provisions. At last the army arrived 
 at a strong place, which had neither city nor 
 houses upon it, but where great' numbers of 
 men and women, with their cattle, were assem- 
 bled. This place Cheirisophus ordered to be 
 attacked the moment he came before it, and 
 when the first company suffered, another went 
 up, and then another ; for the place being sur- 
 rounded with precipices, they could not attack 
 it on all sides at once. When Xenophon came 
 up with the rear guard, the targeteers and 
 heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus said to him, 
 " You come very seasonably, for this place 
 must be taken, otherwise the army will bo 
 starved." 
 
 Upon this they called a council of war, and 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 249 
 
 Xenophon demanding what could hinder them 
 from carrying the place, Cheirisophus answer- 
 ed, " There is no other access to it but this, 
 and when any of our men attempt to gain it, 
 they roll down stones from the impending rock, 
 and those they light upon are treated as you 
 see ;" pointing, at the same time, to some of 
 the' men whose legs and ribs were broken. 
 " But," says Xenophon, " when they have con- 
 sumed all the stones they have, what can hin- 
 der us then from going up ! for I can see no- 
 thing to oppose us, but a few men, and of these 
 not above two or three that are armed. The 
 space, you see, through which we must pass, 
 exposed to these stones, is about one hundred 
 and fifty feet in length, of which that of one 
 hundred feet is covered * with large pines, grow- 
 ing in groups, against which, if our men place 
 themselves, what can they suffer, either from 
 the stones that are thrown, or rolled down by 
 the enemy ] The remaining part of this space 
 is not above fifty feet, which, when the stones 
 cease, we must despatch with all possible expe- 
 dition." " But," says Cheirisophus, "the mo- 
 ment we offer to go to the place that is covered 
 with the trees, they will sh'ower down stones 
 upon us." " That," replies Xenophon, " is 
 the very thing we want, for by this means they 
 will be consumed the sooner. However," con- 
 tinues he, " let us, if we can, advance to that 
 place from whence we may have but a little 
 way to run, and from whence we may also, if 
 we see convenient, retreat with ease." 
 
 Upon this, Cheirisophus and Xenophon, 
 with Callimachus of Parrhasie, one of the 
 captains, advanced, (for the last had the com- 
 mand that day of the captains in the rear ;) all 
 the rest of the officers standing out of danger. 
 Then about seventy of the men advanced under 
 the trees, not in a body, but one by one, each 
 sheltering himself as well as he could ; while 
 Agasius the Stymphalian, and Aristonymus of 
 Methydria, who were also captains belonging 
 
 i A*e-u 7rTu<r $ictKiiirov<ris /yx*s. The explica- 
 tion of S~i!xn3-ouTa, brought by Hutchinson out of 
 Suidas and Phavorinus, *.\\vK<av asrtxou<r<, does not, 
 in my opinion, give the author's sense of it in this place : 
 nobody doubts but these pines grew at some distance 
 from one another : but Xenophon means that they grew 
 in groups, and then $i.Knwo\><ra.t will have the same 
 sense with SmrH^Snvn? in the second book, where he 
 speaks of the Rhodians being disposed in platoons, for 
 groups in planting and painting are the same thing with 
 platoons in tactics. D'Ablancourt has artfully avoided 
 the difficulty by saying generally, semes de grands pins. 
 
 to the rear, with some others, stood behind, 
 without the trees, for it was not safe for more 
 than one company to be there. Upon this oc- 
 casion, Callimachus made use of the following 
 stratagem. He advanced two or three paces 
 from the tree under which he stood ; but as 
 soon as the stones began to fly, he quickly re- 
 tired, and, upon every excursion, more than ten 
 cart-loads of stones were consumed. When 
 Agasius saw what Callimachus was doing, and 
 that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, 
 fearing lest he should be the first man who en- 
 tered the place, he, without giving any notice 
 to Aristonymus, who stood next to him, or to 
 Eurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his 
 friends, or to any other person, advanced alone, 
 with a design to get before the rest. When 
 Callimachus saw him passing by, he laid hold 
 on the 2 border of his shield. In the mean- 
 time, Aristonymus, and after him Eurylochus, 
 ran by them both : for all these were rivals in 
 glory, and in a constant emulation of each 
 other. And, by contending thus, they took the 
 place ; for the moment one of them had gained 
 the ascent, there were no more stones thrown 
 from above. 
 
 And here followed a dreadful spectacle in- 
 deed ; for the women first threw their children 
 down the precipice, and then themselves. The 
 men did the same. And here Jilneas the 
 Stymphalian, a captain, seeing one of the Bar- 
 
 a'E;r<\,uG:et/T aurcu TM? YTUO?. I am surprised to 
 find ITOC renderedboth by Leunclaviusand Hutchinson, 
 umbo, when Suidas has explained it so particularly by 
 TrfftQieitu sVxou, and to support that explanation, has 
 quoted this very passage of Xenophon now before us ; 
 and for fear this authority should not be thought suffi- 
 cient to establish this sense of the word, the same au- 
 thor quotes part of an inscription on the shield of Alex- 
 ander of Phyllos, where TTUJ is very particularly dis- 
 tinguished from o/u^axb;, which is properly umbo. 
 
 Tv,exXt ftlv Iruv TroKi/utuv -jjrbj yygtiKl* St 
 'O^<pXov. 
 
 D'Ablancourt has evaded this difficulty also, by trans- 
 lating it generally, "le prit en passant par son bouc- 
 Her ;" ITU; therefore is what Homer calls *vTug jru/uiTjj, 
 where the ocean flowed in. the divine shield which Vul- 
 can made for Achilles. 
 
 *Ev ' TiO( OT-OTceuoTo psy* O-SSKO; 'Ox*voio 
 
 Which Mr. Pope has translated with his usual elegance 
 and exactness : 
 
 "In living silver seem'd the waves to roll, 
 
 And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole." 
 The Latin translators, therefore, ought to have render- 
 ed it ora, as Virgil has in that verse, where he speaks 
 of the javelin thrown by Pallas at Turnus, 
 
 Viam clypei molita per oras. 
 
 Tandem etiam magno strinxerat il de corpore Tumi. 
 
 2G 
 
250 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 barians, who was richly dressed, running with 
 a design to throw himself down, caught 
 hold of him; and the other drawing him 
 after, they both fell down the precipice to- 
 gether, and were dashed to pieces. Thus 
 we made very few prisoners, but took a 
 very considerable quantity of oxen, asses, and 
 sheep. 
 
 From thence the Greeks advanced through 
 the country of the 1 Chalybians, and, in seven 
 marches, made fifty parasangs. These being 
 the most valiant people they met with in all 
 their march, they came to a close engagement 
 with the Greeks. They had linen corslets that 
 reached below 2 their navel, and, 3 instead of 
 tassels, thick cords twisted. They had also 
 greaves and helmets, and at their girdle 4 a short 
 falchion, like those of the Lacedaemonians, 
 with which they cut the throats of those they 
 overpowered, and afterwards, cutting off their 
 heads, carried them away in triumph. It was 
 their custom to sing and dance, whenever they 
 thought the enemy saw them. They had pikes 
 fifteen cubits in length, 5 with only one point, 
 They staid in their cities till the Greeks 
 marched past them, and then followed, harass- 
 ing them perpetually. After that they retired 
 to their strongholds, into which they had con- 
 veyed their provisions: so that the Greeks 
 
 t A* X*\u3,v. It is difficult to say what nation 
 these were ; I am sensible Diodorus Siculus calls them 
 Chalcideans ; but we are much in the dark aa to them. 
 The reader will, however, observe, that these Chaly- 
 bians were a different people from those he will find 
 mentioned by our author in the next book. 
 
 Mtxgirou JjTfOu. Tb fttvTti ujrb riv i^seXbv srav, 
 &%{< riuv ua-ig ttlSata, Tgi%w<rcuv, VII^QV TI KI OTTO yo"Tf . 
 
 ov. Julius Pollux. 
 
 'Avri TV 7TTS(\jyi(av. These tassels with which the 
 skirts of the ancients' armour were adorned, are, by 
 our author, in his treatise of horsemanship, called TTI- 
 ey?, which he says should be so large and in so great 
 quantity, as to hide the lower part of the ielly and 
 thighs of the horseman, a-tf i SI T& IJT^OV xi r lSoT 
 
 *l T* XOX 061 57-TSf O^lf TO*UT* XGtl TO<r*UT ia-TcoO-*!/, 
 OITTS (TTtyjIV T* fltKrl. 
 
 5u>)X>)v. JsuiiXfi' j-((p<S'iov, o Tivtj SfiTfxvov Xsyouc-i. 
 
 Hesychius. 
 
 M.stvxoyxttv i X ov. This seems to have deserved 
 some attention from the translators. What Xenophon 
 calls xoyxi here, Julius Pollux, speaking of the differ- 
 ent parts of a spear, calls IXPI. The sharp iron at 
 the other end, with which they fixed their pikes in the 
 ground, the same author calls <ruj WT iei after Homer, 
 who describes the pikes of Diomede and his companions 
 in that posture, 
 
 I imagine the pikes of the ChalyWans had hot this 
 lower iron. 
 
 could supply themselves with nothing out of 
 their country, but lived upon the cattle they had 
 taken from the Taochians. 
 
 They now came to the river Harpasus, which 
 was four hundred feet broad ; and from thence 
 advanced through the country of the Scythians 
 and, in four days' march, made twenty para- 
 sangs, passing through a plain into some 
 villages ; in which they staid three days, and 
 made their provisions. From this place they 
 made, in four days' march, twenty parasangs, 
 to a large and rich city well inhabited : it was 
 called Gymnias. The governor of this coun- 
 try sent a person to the Greeks, to conduct them 
 through the territories of his enemies. This 
 guide, coming to the army, said he would un- 
 dertake, 6 in five days, to carry them to a place 
 from whence they should see the sea. If not, 
 he consented to be put to death. And when 
 he had conducted them into the territories be- 
 longing to his enemies, he desired them to lay 
 waste the country with fire and sword : by 
 which it was evident that he came with this 
 view, and not from any good-will he bore to 
 the Greeks. The fifth day, they arrived at the 
 holy mountain called Theches. As soon as 
 the men who were in the van-guard ascended 
 the mountain, and saw the sea, they gave a 
 great shout ; which, when Xenophon and those 
 in the rear heard, they concluded that some other 
 enemies attacked them in front ; for the people 
 belonging to the country they had burned, fol- 
 lowed their rear, some of whom those who had 
 charge of it had killed, and taken others prisoners 
 in an ambuscade. They had also taken twenty 
 bucklers made of raw ox -hides, with the hair on. 
 
 The noise still increasing as they came 
 nearer, and the men, as fast as they came up, 
 running to those who still continued shouting, 
 their cries swelled with their numbers, go that 
 Xenophon, thinking something more than 
 
 'O3sv TTtvrt iifteqwv O^OVTOH 3-XTiv. I donOtknOW 
 
 whether the Latin translators have rendered this pas- 
 sage with perspicuity enough ; they have said, "a quc 
 etunde dierum quinque spatio mare conspecturi es- 
 sent." Of which this seems to be the sense, that the 
 guide said he would carry them to a place, from 
 whence they should see the sea in five days after they 
 arrived there : but this is not the sense of our author ; 
 for it is obvious from what follows, that the five days 
 were to be counted from the time he began to conduct 
 them, not from the tin e they arrived at the place to 
 which he was to conduit them. Accordingly we find, 
 that in five days he led them to the mountain, from 
 which they saw the sea. D'Ablancourt has said much 
 better, ' il promit de montrer la mer aux soldats dan/ 
 cinq jours." 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 251 
 
 ordinary had happened, mounted on horseback, 
 and, taking with him Lysius and his horse, 
 rode up to their assistance : and presently they 
 heard the soldiers calling out, * SEA ! SEA !' and 
 cheering one another. At this they all set a 
 running, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and 
 the beasts of burden, and horses were driven 
 forward. When they were all come up to the 
 top of the mountain, they embraced one an- 
 other, and also their generals and captains, 
 with tears in their eyes ; and immediately the 
 men, by whose order it is not known, bringing 
 together a great many stones, made a large 
 mount, upon which they placed a great quantity 
 of shields made of raw ox-hides, staves, and 
 bucklers taken from the enemy. The guide 
 himself cut the bucklers in pieces, and exhorted 
 the rest to do the same. After this, the 
 Greeks sent back their guide, giving him pre- 
 sents out of the public stock ; these were a 
 horse, a silver cup, a Persian dress, and J ten 
 daricks. But, above all things, the guide 
 desired the soldiers to give him some of their 
 rings, many of which they gave him. Having 
 therefore shown them a village, whire they 
 were to quarter, and the road that led to the 
 Macronians, when the evening came on, he 
 departed, setting out on his return that night. 
 From thence the Greeks, in three days' march, 
 made ten parasangs, through the country of 
 the Macronians. 
 
 VIII. During their first day's march, they 
 came to a river, which divided the territories 
 of the Macronians from those of the Scy- 
 thians. The Greeks had on their right an 
 eminence of very difficult access, and on their 
 left another river, into which the river that 
 served for a boundary between the two nations, 
 and which the Greeks were to pass, emptied 
 itself. The banks of this river were covered 
 with trees, which were not large, but grew 
 close to one another. These the Greeks 
 immediately cut down, being in haste to get 
 out of the place. The Macrontans were drawn 
 up on the opposite side, to obstruct their 
 passage. They were armed with bucklers and 
 spears, and wore vests made of hair. They 
 animated one another, and threw stones into 
 the river ; but as they did not reach our men, 
 they could do us no damage. 
 
 Upon this one of the targeteers coming to 
 
 o-J ? Six*. See note 2 , 
 
 Xenophon, said, he had formerly been a slave 
 at Athens, that he understood the language of 
 these people : and," says he, if I am not 
 mistaken, this is my own country, and, if there 
 is no objection, I will speak to the people." 
 Xenophon answered, " There is none, so speak 
 to them," says he, " and first inquire what 
 people they are." He did so, and they an- 
 swered, they were Macronians. Ask them, 
 therefore," says Xenophon, " why they are 
 drawn up against us, and seek to be our 
 enemies?" To which they answered, " Be- 
 cause you invade our country." The generals 
 then ordered him to let them know, it was not 
 with a view of doing them any injury ; " but 
 that, having made war against the king, we 
 were returning to Greece, and desirous to 
 arrive at the sea." The Macronians asked, 
 " whether they were willing to give assurance 
 of this." The Greeks answered, that they 
 were willing both to give and take it. Upon 
 this the Macronians gave -the Greeks a Bar- 
 barian spear, and the Greeks gave them one of 
 theirs ; for this, they said, was their method 
 of pledging their faith ; and both parties cal- 
 led upon the gods to be witnesses to their 
 treaty. 
 
 When this ceremony was over, the Macro- 
 nians came in a friendly manner among the 
 Greeks, and assisted them in cutting down the 
 trees, in order to prepare the way for their pas- 
 sage. They also supplied them with a market, 
 in the best manner they were able, and con- 
 ducted them through their country during three 
 days, till they brought them to the moun- 
 tains of the 2 Colchians. One of these was 
 
 a Tav KOX^OJV. We have been a long time following 
 Xenophon through countries, the greatest part of whose 
 inhabitants are scarcely known but by his history. We 
 are now beginning to tread upon classical ground, 
 where almost every mountain, every river, and everj 
 city, is rendered famous by the actions of the Greeks 
 and Romans, but more so by their writings. The Col- 
 chians are immortalized by the Argonautic expedition, 
 but their origin is not so generally known. Dionysius 
 Periegetes, after Herodotus, makes them a colony of the 
 ./Egyptians. 
 
 Herodotus says they were either settled there by Sesos- 
 tris, or, being unwilling to follow him any further, re- 
 mained there. This he supports by several argumenti, 
 as that they were blacks, and had curled hair, but 
 chiefly because the Colchians. the Egyptians, and 
 
252 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 very large, but not inaccessible. And upon 
 this the Colchians stood in order of battle. 
 The Greeks, at first, drew up their army in a 
 line, with a design to march up the mountain 
 in this disposition ; afterwards, the generals, 
 being assembled, thought proper to deliberate 
 in what manner they should engage the enemy 
 with most advantage ; when Xenophon said it 
 was his opinion they ought to change the dis- 
 po'sition, and dividing the heavy-armed men 
 into companies of a hundred men each, to 
 throw every company into a separate column ; 
 " for," says he, " the mountain being in some 
 places inaccessible, and in others of easy ascent, 
 3 the line will presently be broken, and this 
 will at once dishearten the men ; besides, if 
 we advance with many men in file, the enemy's 
 line will outreach ours, and they may apply 
 that part of it which outreadhes us, to what 
 service they think proper ; and if with few we 
 ought not to wonder, if they break through our 
 line wherever their numbers and weapons unite 
 to make an impression ; and if this happens in 
 any part, the whole line must suffer. To 
 avoid, therefore, these inconveniences, I think 
 the several companies being thus drawn up in 
 separate columns, ought to march at so great a 
 
 Ethiopians, were the only peopla^in the world that 
 originally used circumcision ; the rhosnicians and Sy- 
 rians in Palestine themselves acknowledging that they 
 learned it from the Egyptians : Herodotus adds, that 
 the Egyptians and Colchians agreed also in their way 
 of Ihring, and spoke the same language. If by the 
 Syrians in Palestine, he means the Jews, as it is very 
 probable, his opinion opens so large afield for argument, 
 that, to treat it. cursorily would not be doing justice to 
 a subject of so much consequence, and to go the whole 
 length of it, would be not only invading the province of 
 gentlemen much more capable of discussing it than 
 myself, but would also swell this annotation much 
 beyond its due length. 
 
 i 1 K ntvyv,t <pix^2 Sixo-n-xa-uiiartritt sufiuj. The rea- 
 sons given here by Xenophon for attacking this moun- 
 tain in columns, rather than in a line, being the same 
 with those alleged by Polybius, in his dissertation upon 
 the Macedonian phalanx, for the advantages which the 
 Roman legions had over it, I thought the English reader 
 would not be displeased with a translation of this Dis- 
 sertation, wherein we find a much more particular de- 
 scription of the Macedonian phalanx, and of all its 
 operations, than is to be met with in any other author, 
 particularly, since the seventeenth book of Polybius, 
 in which this Dissertation is, not being entire, has not, 
 that I know of, been translated into our language. 
 From the reasoning both of Xenophon and Polybius, it 
 may be gathered that Philip, the son of Amyntas, and 
 father to Alexander the Great, who we find, by Dio- 
 dorus Siculus, instituted the Macedonian phalanx, did 
 not improve the Greek discipline by that institution. 
 
 distance from one another, that the last on each 
 side may reach beyond the enemy's wings : by 
 this means, not only our last companies will 
 outreach their line, but, as we make our attack 
 in columns, the bravest of our men will charge 
 first ; and let every company ascend the moun- 
 tain in that part where it is of easy access : 
 neither will it be an easy matter for the enemy 
 to fall into the intervals, when the companies 
 are placed on each side, or to break through 
 them, when they advance in columns ; and if 
 any of the companies suffer, the next will re- 
 lieve them, and if any one of them can by any 
 means gain the summit, the enemy will no 
 longer stand their ground." t This was resolved 
 on, so they divided the heavy-armed men into 
 companies, and threw every company into a 
 separate column ; then Xenophon, going from 
 the right of the army to the left, spoke thus 
 to the soldiers : " Gentlemen ! the enemy you 
 see before you, are now the sole remaining ob- 
 stacle that hinders us from being already in the 
 place whither we are long since hastening. 
 These, if we can, we ought even to eat alive." 
 Whe^ every man stood in his place, and all 
 the companies were drawn up in columns, they 
 amounted to about eighty companies of heavy- 
 armed, each of which consisted of near a hun- 
 dred men ; the targeteers and archers they 
 divided into three bodies of near six hundred 
 men each, one of which they placed 'beyond the 
 left wing, another beyond the right, and the 
 third in the centre. Then the generals ordered 
 the soldiers to make their vows to the gods, 
 and after they had made them, and sung the 
 pagan, they marched. Cheirisophus and Xeno- 
 phon advanced at the head of those targeteers, 
 who were beyond the enemy's line ; these, see- 
 ing them coming up, moved forward to receive 
 them, and some filed off to the right, and others 
 to the left, leaving a great void in the centre. 
 When the Arcadian targeteers who were com- 
 manded by ^Eschines, the Arcadian, saw them 
 divide, they ran forward in all haste, thinking 
 they fled, and these were the first who gained 
 the summit. They were followed by the Ar- 
 cadian heavy-armed men, commanded by Clea- 
 nor the Orchomenian. The enemy, when 
 once they began to give ground, never stood 
 after, but fled some one way, and some another. 
 After the Greeks had gained the ascent, they 
 encamped in many villages full of all sorts of 
 provisions. Here they found nothing else 
 worthy of their admiration ; but their being 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 253 
 
 great quantities of J bee-hives in those villages, 
 all the soldiers who ate of the honeycombs 
 lost their senses, and were seized with a vomit- 
 ing and* purging, none of them being able to 
 stand upon their legs. Those who ate but 
 little, 2 were like men very drunk, and those 
 who ate much, like madmen, and some like 
 dying persons. In this condition great num- 
 bers lay upon the ground, as if there had been 
 a defeat, and the sorrow was general. The 
 next day, none of them died, but recovered 
 their senses about the same hour they were 
 seized ; and the third and fourth day, they got 
 up as if they had taken physic. 
 
 From thence they made, in two days' march, 
 seven parasangs, and arrived at the sea, and 3 at 
 Trebisond, a Greek city, well inhabited, and 
 situated upon the Euxine sea ; it is a colony of 
 the Sinopians, but lies in the country of the 
 Colchians. Here they staid about thirty days, 
 encamping in the villages of the Colchians, and 
 from thence made excursions into their coun- 
 try, and plundered it. The inhabitants of 
 Trebisond supplied them with a market in 
 their camp, and received the Greeks \fith great 
 
 i T* Si oviiiv)). The accident, here mentioned by 
 Xenopbon, is accounted for by Pliny, and further ex- 
 plained by Tournefort. The first says there is a kind 
 of honey found in this country, called, from its effect, 
 manomenon ; that is, that those who eat of it are seized 
 with madness. He adds, that the common opinion is, 
 that this honey is gathered from the flowers of a plant, 
 called rhododendros, which is very common in those 
 parts. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw 
 there two plants, which he calls chamtsrhododendros, 
 the first with leaves like the medlar, and yellow flow- 
 ers ; and the other with leaves like the laurocerasus, 
 and purple flowers ; this, he says, is probably the rho- 
 dodendros of Pliny, because the people of the country 
 look upon the honey that is gathered from its flowers to 
 produce the effects described by Xenophon. 
 
 * ?GJ ? ^fluou(r*v tooxi<r*. Ressembloisnt a des 
 yvrognes, says D'Ab'.ancourt. Methinks he should 
 have rather said, a des gens yvres, for I believe it will 
 be allowed, that in his language, un yvrogne signifies 
 an habitual drinker, and un homme yvre, a man who is 
 actually drunk. 
 
 Ei ? T ? *?ri^oSvT. As this was a Greek city, the 
 Greeks found themselves here in safety, after their long 
 and glorious march. The port, which is on the east of 
 the town, was built by the emperor Adrian, as we find 
 by Arrian, who, in his Periplus of the Euxine Sea, 
 which he dedicates to that emperor, says, "that he 
 was making a port there, for, before, there was no more 
 than a station, where ships could only ride at anchor, 
 with safety,in the summer-time." irravS* a-\> irouls 
 
 *.ifttv- a-xKxt yif #<rov iirotrxKivtiv &* *TOof, o^fto; ?v. 
 
 Tournefort says this part is now called Platana, and 
 is much neglected by the Turks. 
 
 22 ^ 
 
 hospitality, making them presents of oxen, bar- 
 ley-meal, and wine ; they also concluded a 
 treaty with them in favour of the neighbouring 
 Colchians, the greatest part of whom inhabit 
 the plain, and from these also the Greeks re- 
 ceived more oxen, as a mark of their hospital- 
 ity. After this they prepared the sacrifice 
 they had vowed. They had received oxen 
 enough to offer to Jupiter the preserver, and 
 to Hercules, in return for their having con- 
 ducted them with safety, andalso to the other 
 gods what they had vowed. They also cele- 
 brated a Gymnic game upon the mountain 
 where they encamped, and chose Dracontius 
 of Sparta (who having involuntarily killed a 
 boy with his falchion, fled from his country 
 when he was a child) to take care of the course, 
 and preside at the game. 
 
 When the sacrifice was over, they delivered 
 the hides of the victims to Dracontius, and de- 
 sired he would lead them to the place, where 
 he had prepared the course. This hill, says 
 he, pointing to the place where they stood, is 
 the properest place for running, let them take 
 which way they will. But, said they, how is 
 it possible for them to wrestle in so uneven 
 and so bushy a place ? He that is thrown, re- 
 plied he, will feel the greater anguish. 4 The 
 course was run by boys, the greatest part of 
 whom were prisoners, and the long course by 
 above sixty Cretans : others contended in 
 wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. All 
 which made a fine sight : 5 for many entered 
 the lists, and, as their friends were spectators, 
 there was great emulation. Horses also ran ; 
 
 five games, so much celebrated in Greece, are contain- 
 ed in the following pentameter verse, 
 
 Leaping, running, throwing of the disk, and of darts, 
 and wrestling. The first is not here taken notice of; 
 under the second is comprehended o-rxStav and 6x%oj, 
 the former being a course of six hundred feet, TO C-T- 
 Siov l%tt sroSaf %'. Suidas, and the latter containing 
 twenty-four stadia, <TTI SI 5 9X%o$ x S'. <TT, id. It 
 is possible that vxM may, in that verse, be taken for 
 ivxxn-oa-ix>i, that is, that both boxing and wrestling 
 might be comprehended under the word srx>i, which 
 in that case will be the same with w*yx^iTo, since 
 this consisted both of boxing and wrestling, sryx f T- 
 
 TUM%OU<T<. Suidas. However, we find them distin- 
 guished by Xenophon upon this occasion. 
 
 *noxxoi" yif x*TS>itr*v. In this sense Horace ueee 
 the word descendo. 
 
 hie generosior 
 
 Descendat in campum petitor 
 
254 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK iv 
 
 they were obliged to run down to the sea, and 
 turning there, to come up again to the * altar. 
 In the descent, many rolled down the hill, but, 
 when they came to climb it, the 2 ascent was so 
 
 i n f Is rbv /3)^ov. it is very probable, as Hutchinson 
 has observed, that this altar might be one of those ta- 
 ken notice of by Arrian, in his Periplus, which, he says, 
 were standing in his time, and built of rough stone. 
 
 a 'Avco ?t x-tfs Tb V%we>f e f $H>v ptMs /3i JV tsrof I vov- 
 
 TO of twot. Not only tfte sense of the words, but their 
 order admirably represents the labour of the horsea, in 
 
 very steep the horses could scarcely come in at 
 a foot pace. Upon this the spectators shouted, 
 and laughed, and animated their friends. 
 
 climbing the steep ascent. Homer has led the way in 
 this, as in all other beauties both of thought and style. 
 With what difficulty does Sisyphus crowd up the stone 
 to the top of the hill ! 
 
 A2v av<o wSiarxe srori \o$ov 
 
 And then, with what celerity does it come bout ding 
 down! 
 
THE 
 
 DISSERTATION OF POLYBIUS 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 MACEDONIAN PHALANX. 
 
 HAVING promised, in the l fourth Book, to 
 compare, upon a proper occasion, the arms of 
 the Romans and Macedonians, and the dif- 
 ferent dispositions of their respective armies, 
 as also to consider the advantages and dis- 
 advantages of both ; I shall take the oppor- 
 tunity of their being engaged together, to 
 endeavour to perform my promise. For since 
 the Macedonian disposition, recommending 
 itself by success, formerly prevailed over that 
 of the Asiatics and Greeks ; and on the other 
 side, the Roman disposition has been victo- 
 rious over Xhat of the Africans, and of all the 
 inhabitants of the western part of Europe ; 
 and since, in our time, there has been not only 
 one, but many trials of the dispositions and 
 soldiers of both nations ; it will be a useful and 
 a creditable undertaking to inquire into the 
 difference of their discipline, and consider the 
 cause of the victories of the Romans, and of 
 their excelling all other nations in military 
 achievements, to the end we may not, by 
 attributing their success to fortune, like weak 
 men, compliment the victorious without foun- 
 dation ; but, by being acquainted with the true 
 reasons of it, celebrate and admire the con- 
 querors with justice. 
 
 As to what relates to the battles, in which the 
 Romans were engaged with Hannibal, and the 
 defeats they received from him, it is unneces- 
 sary to enlarge upon them, since they were not 
 owing either to their arms, or their disposition, 
 
 See page 252, note 1. 
 
 but to a superiority of genius, and conduct in 
 Hannibal. This we have made appear in the 
 relation of those battles : and this is farther 
 confirmed by the event of the war, (for as soon 
 as the Romans were commanded by a general 
 equal to Hannibal, they presently became victo- 
 rious,) and also by the conduct of Hannibal him- 
 self, who, disliking the arms his men had till 
 then made use of, upon the first victory he gain- 
 ed over the Romans, immediately armed his 
 forces with the arms of the latter, and con- 
 tinued to use them ever after. It is also cer- 
 tain, that Pyrrhus not only made use of Italian 
 arms, but also of Italian forces, in his engage- 
 ments with the Romans, placing a body of 
 Italians, and of his own men, drawn up in a 
 phalanx, alternately : however, not even by 
 this means, was he able to beat the Romans, 
 but the event of all their battles proved doubt- 
 ful. It was necessary to premise these things, 
 to the end that nothing may seem to contradict 
 our assertions. I now return to the proposed 
 comparison. Many arguments may convince 
 us that nothing can resist the phalanx in front, 
 or withstand its onset, when possessed of all 
 the advantages that are peculiar to it : for each 
 man, with his arms, when drawn up in order of 
 battle, takes up three feet in depth ; and their 
 pikes, though originally sixteen cubits in length, 
 are however, in reality, fourteen ; of these, 
 four are taken up by the distance between his 
 hands, and so much of the hinder part of the 
 pike, as is necessary to balance the fore part, 
 when presented to the enemy. This being so, 
 
 255 
 
256 
 
 DISSERTATION 
 
 it is plain that .the pike, when grasped with 
 both hands and presented, roust project ten 
 cubits before each man. Hence it happens, 
 that the pikes of the fifth rank will project two 
 cubits, and those of the second, third, and 
 fourth, will project more than two before the 
 file leaders, and when the intervals between 
 the ranks and files of the phalanx are properly 
 observed, as Homer has shown in these verses, 
 
 " An iron scene gleams dreadful o'er the fields. 
 Armour in armour lock'd, and shields in shields, 
 Spears lean on spears, on targets targets throng, 
 Helms struck to helms, and man drove man along." 
 
 Pope, 
 
 This being truly and beautifully expressed, it 
 follows, that five pikes, differing two cubits 
 from one another, in length, must project be- 
 fore each of the file-leaders ; so that it is an 
 easy matter to represent to one's self, the ap- 
 pearance, and strength of the whole phalanx, 
 when being, as usual, drawn up sixteen deep", 
 presenting its pikes, it makes an attack. Of 
 these sixteen ranks, those that exceed the fifth 
 cannot contribute, with their pikes, to annoy 
 the enemy ; for which reason they do not pre- 
 sent them, but each rank inclines them over 
 the shoulders of that before it, in order to se- 
 cure them from above ; the pikes, by their 
 closeness defending them from the missive 
 weapons, which might otherwise, by flying 
 over the foremost ranks, fall upon those who 
 stand behind them. Besides, each of these 
 ranks, pressing in file, with the whole weight 
 of their body, the rank which immediately pre- 
 cedes, they not only strengthen the attack, but 
 make it impossible for the foremest ranks to 
 retreat. This being the disposition of the 
 phalanx in the whole, and in part, we are now 
 to give an account of the properties and differ- 
 ence of the Roman arms and disposition, by 
 comparing them together. The Romans like- 
 wise, with their arms, take up three feet in 
 depth : but, as they cover their bodies with 
 their shields, changing their guard at every 
 stroke, and make use of their swords both to 
 cut, and thrust, it happens that their line of 
 battle is in a perpetual fluctuation ; this makes 
 it necessary for each man to have room, and an 
 interval of, at least, three feet, both in rank and 
 in file, if it is expected he should do his duty ; 
 from whence it follows, that one Roman will 
 stand opposite to two file-leaders of the pha- 
 lanx, and consequently be exposed to, and en- 
 gaged with ten spears which it is ( not possible 
 
 for one man, when once the armies close, to 
 cut to pieces, before he is annoyed by them, or 
 easy to break through, since the hindmost ranks 
 can contribute nothing either to the force of the 
 file-leaders, or to the efficacy of their swords. 
 From what has been said it may be easily con- 
 cluded that, as I before observed, nothing can 
 withstand the onset of the phalanx in front, 
 while it preserves all the advantages that are 
 peculiar to it. What, therefore, is the cause 
 that gives the victory to the Romans, and de- 
 feats those who make use of the phalanx ? It 
 is this : military operations are uncertain both in 
 time and place ; whereas the phalanx has but 
 one time, one place, and one disposition, in 
 which it can perform the service that is expec- 
 ted from it. If, therefore, there was a neces- 
 sity for the enemy to engage the phalanx at its 
 own time and place, in every decisive action, it 
 is reasonable to conclude, from what has been 
 said, that the latter would always prove vic- 
 torious. But, if this is possible, and easy to 
 be avoided, why should that disposition be any 
 longer looked upon as formidable 7 And, in- 
 deed, it is allowed that the phalanx stands in 
 need of an even and open ground ; where there 
 is no impediment, such as ditches, chasms, val- 
 leys, eminences, and rivers : for all these are 
 capable of confounding, and breaking its ranks. 
 It must also be allowed, that it is almost im- 
 possible, at least, very rare, to find places of 
 twenty or more stadia, in which there is no- 
 thing of this nature ; however, admit there are 
 such places ; if the enemy does not think fit to 
 engage the phalanx there, but, instead of that, 
 marches round, and lays wastje the towns and 
 country of their friends, what will be the ser- 
 vice of such a disposition 1 Since, while the 
 phalanx remains in the places that are proper 
 for it, so far is it from being able to relieve its 
 friends, that it is incapable even of preserving 
 itself; for the enemy will easily cut off their 
 provisions, the moment they have, without op- 
 position, made themselves absolute masters of 
 the country : and, if the phalanx quits the places 
 that are proper for it, to engage in any enter- 
 prise, it will become an easy conquest. But if 
 the enemy, resolving to engage the phalanx in 
 an even place, should, instead of exposing his 
 whole army at once to the onset of the pha- 
 lanx, retreat a little the instant it charges, the 
 event may be easily foreseen from what the 
 Romans now practise. For I desire no judg- 
 ment to be formed of my assertion from what 
 
ON THE MACEDONIAN PHALANX. 
 
 257 
 
 I say, but from what has already happened : 
 since the Romans do not engage the phalanx 
 with all their legions drawn up in a line parallel 
 to the former ; but some divisions of them He 
 behind in reserve, while others are engaged ; so 
 that, whether the phalanx forces those who are 
 opposite to it to give way, or is itself forced by 
 them to give way, the property of it is destroyed : 
 for, in order to pursue those who fly, or to fly 
 from those who pursue, some parts of the line 
 must leave the rest ; which no sooner happens, 
 than an opening is given for the reserve to take 
 the ground they left, and, instead of attacking 
 those who remain in front, to break in upon their 
 flanks, or their rear. Since, therefore, it is an 
 easy matter to avoid the opportunities and ad- 
 vantages of the phalanx, but impossible for the 
 latter to avoid those the Romans have over it, 
 how is it possible there should not in reality 
 be a great difference between them "? Besides, 
 it is sometimes necessary for the phalanx to 
 march trough, and encamp in all sorts sf 
 22* 
 
 places ; at others, to prevent the enemy by 
 seizing some advantageous post ; sometimes to 
 besiege, at others, to be besieged, and to meet 
 with unexpected occurrences ; for all these 
 things are incident to war, and either decide 
 the victory, or greatly contribute to it : and, in 
 all these, the disposition of the Macedonians 
 is of little or no use ; it being impossible for 
 the men, either in companies, or singly, to per- 
 form any service : whereas that of the Romans 
 is properly adapted to all ; for every Roman, 
 when once armed for action, is equally fit for 
 all places, for all times, and all occurrences ; he 
 is also ready and equally disposed either for a 
 general, or a particular action, to charge with 
 his company, or engage in a single combat. 
 As, therefore, the disposition of the Romans 
 is vastly superior to that of the Macedonians 
 in the use of all its parts, so the enterprises of 
 the former are vastly more successful than 
 those of the latter 
 
 3H 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION 
 
 [259] 
 
The following Geographical Dissertation is a work of so much learning, that lam con- 
 fident it will be thought not only to explain, but even to adorn the Expedition of Cy- 
 rus ; and though at first, I believe, only designed as a compliment to my book- 
 seller, is received with as great acknowledgment by the author, as it will be with ap- 
 probation by the public. There are, I observe, some points, in which this learned 
 gentleman differs from me in Chronology, and the computation of the Greek mea- 
 sures, or rather from Diodorus Siculus, and Jlrbuthnot, whom I have followed ; but 
 I could never answer it either to the public, or myself, if any difference of opinion in 
 those points could create in me a wish to deprive them of so great an improvement, or 
 my work of so great an ornament. 
 
 T260] 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION. 
 
 IT is observed by a late ingenious author, that 
 a prince so entirely bent upon the enlarging 
 of his territories, as Lewis XIV. was, could 
 not be very well pleased with the mathema- 
 ticians who measured his kingdom; for that, 
 by fixing the true boundaries of his dominions, 
 they robbed him of more land, than he could 
 have any hopes of regaining by four or five of 
 his most successful campaigns. The Mahom- 
 medan princes have still a stronger tie (if 
 stronger can be than ambition) in this respect ; 
 their religion obliges them, both to extend 
 their borders, and to be in a peculiar manner 
 tenacious of what they already possess. How 
 therefore the Grand Seignior may relish the 
 measures of our modern geographers, I cannot 
 take upon me to say; but certain it is, that 
 they have deprived him of so much land (which 
 before he had an uncontested title to), that had 
 the Grand Monarque suffered in such a de- 
 gree, the world would never afterwards have 
 had any reason to fear the Gallic power. 
 
 The Arabians, who are the geographers the 
 Turks are most conversant with, lay down 
 Byzantium, and the northern parts of Asia 
 Minor, in about 45 degrees of north latitude ; 
 Ptolemy in l about 43 ; and the southern parts 
 of Cih'cia, Pamphilia, &c. in 2 36 30' ; where- 
 
 He places Byzantium in 43' 5'. Bithynise Promon- 
 torium in 43 20'. Heraclea, Ponti 43" 10'. Parthenii 
 Ostia 43 10'. Sinope44. Halys Ostia 43 10'. Amisus 
 43 6', and Trapezus 43'5'. So that M. Greaves (PM- 
 losopb. Transact. No. 178.) had no occasion to have re- 
 course to Ptolemy's Almagest. Magn. to prove there is 
 no error crept into the text, with regard to the latitude 
 of Byzantium, since all these places correspond with it, 
 and particularly CUalcedon, which stood over against 
 it, he puts exactly in the same latitude, viz. 43 5'. 
 
 s I say in 36" 30', though I might have said less : for 
 he places the middle of Rhodes in 35. Xanthi Fluv. 
 Ostia in 36 0'. Phaselis 36* 25', and Issus 36 25'. 
 
 as in fact the former lie in about 41, and the 
 latter in 37. So that the Arabians make this 
 part of the Grand Seignior's dominions four 
 degrees and a half; Ptolemy, and by far the 
 greatest part of the geographers ever since, two 
 degrees and a half broader than in reality it is ; 
 which, considering the length of the Euxine 
 sea, namely, more than a thousand miles, is so 
 considerable a portion of country, as a super- 
 stitious Mahommedan could not be easily 
 brought to part with. 
 
 I think I may venture to say, that the 
 Arabians are not to be complimented with 
 having made any great improvements in geo- 
 graphy. It is probable, the first of them 
 made use of a faulty copy of Ptolemy in laying 
 down the places above mentioned, or, it may 
 be, instead of 43 5', he mistook the letters, and 
 made it 45, and the rest followed him without 
 ever inquiring into the truth. But for Pto- 
 lemy, who will, I believe, be allowed to be the 
 greatest geographer the world ever produced, 
 to fall into such a mistake, is very surprising ; 
 when we consider, that 3 Herodotus posi- 
 tively affirms, that a man, prepared for expedi- 
 tion, could go on foot from the Cilician sea to 
 the Euxine in five days. Indeed Ptolemy 
 makes a degree of the great circle to consist of 
 but five hundred stadia, and consequently the 
 breadth of Asia Minor (as it is commonly 
 called) will not be increased in proportion to 
 the number of degrees, it being, according to 
 this computation, about four hundred miles 
 English : but this is a great deal too much, es- 
 pecially as the country is very mountainous, 
 for a footman to despatch in so short a time as 
 five days. 
 
 Strabo, from Eratosthenes, 4 places the 
 
 3 In Clio, cap. 72. 
 
 Book ii. in the beginning. 
 261 
 
262 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 Sinus Issicus in the same parallel with the 
 Fretum Gaditanum ; which is pretty near the 
 truth : but then he says again from Hipparchus, 
 ithat Narbon, Massalia, and Byzantium lie 
 under one parallel. This it is probable 2 led 
 Ptolemy into the mistake above-mentioned. 
 The latitude of Massalia had been determined 
 to be about 43, by the observations of Py theas. 
 He therefore placed Byzantium and the shore 
 of the Euxine in the same latitude, and of con- 
 sequence made all this country almost double 
 what it is in reality. Indeed Strabo" proves 
 afterwards, by an 3 odd sort of reasoning, that 
 
 Book ii. page 212, and in other places. 
 
 a There might another reason be assigned for Pto- 
 lemy's placing Byzantium so far to the northward, and 
 that is his making a degree of the great circle to con- 
 sist of but five hundred stadia, whereas in reality it 
 contains very near six hundred and five: so that the 
 greater the distance, the more in proportion are the 
 number of degrees increased; six of Ptolemy's not 
 being quite equal to five of the great circle. And 
 thus we find that the distance between Alexandria, 
 in Egypt, the place of Ptolemy's residence, and By- 
 zantium, is in reality about ten degrees, the former 
 being near thirty -one, the latter in forty -one ; whereas 
 Ptolemy increasing one degree in five, has placed By- 
 zantium in forty-three. However, as Hipparchus in 
 Strabo does affirm, that Byzantium is by observation 
 exactly in the same latitude with Massalia, *>i<n y* e iv 
 BUVT/W rlv ctv-rlv iivat toyov TOU yviufiovos a-fos TJJV 
 o-xiiv. ov ilirsv o nw$!*{ iv Mxo-ir*A.ia ; and as Ptolemy 
 makes them exactly the same, viz. py. S. 43, 5. 1 think 
 it is most probable he was misled by those authorities. 
 We may from this be convinced how little stress ought 
 to be laid upon the observations of the ancients, and 
 how far their authority is to be relied on, with regard to 
 the motion of the poles of the earth. Mr. Cassini, in the 
 Mem. of the Acad. Koyale, has treated this subject in a 
 very curious and ample manner ; after which I am sur- 
 prised how M. Voltaire (Philosophic de Nueton, cap. 
 23) could espouse this opinion of the poles shifting after 
 the rate of one minute in 100 years, and affirm that the 
 Egyptian astronomers had made regular observations 
 of the heavens for two whole revolutions of the poles: 
 which makes the Egyptians a very ancient nation in 
 deed: for two revolutions amount to no less than 
 4,320,000 years. This he gathers from Herodotus, who 
 says that the Egyptian annals mention the sun's rising 
 twice in the west. A consequence this, which nothing 
 but an exalted genius could have drawn ! But we must 
 remember this gentleman is a poet as well as a philo- 
 sopher. 
 
 He says, "It is allowed by most people, that the 
 line which is drawn from the straits of Gibraltar 
 through the fare of Messina, Athens, and Rhodes, 
 makes all these places lie under the same parallel. It is 
 also allowed that this line (from the Straits to the 
 fare) passes somewhere very near the middle of the 
 eea. Now we are assured by navigators, that the great 
 est distance from France (from the gulf of Lyons to 
 Africa, is no more than 5000 stadia: and consequently 
 that this is the breadth of the Mediterranean in the 
 
 the parallel of Byzantium is much more north- 
 ward than that of Massalia : because from By- 
 zantium to Rhodes, (which lies in the same 
 parallel with the Fretum Gaditanum) he says, 
 is allowed by all, to be four thousand nine hun- 
 dred stadia: but that from Massalia to the 
 aforesaid parallel is not quite two thousand five 
 tiundred. We may presume that Strabo, 
 though a very cautious and very modest writer, 
 did not attend to the words of Herodotus : for, 
 if he had, he must have concluded, that upon 
 the supposition of Hipparchus and Eratosthe- 
 nes, a footman could travel in five days the 
 whole breadth of Spain, that is, from the Fre- 
 tum Gaditanum (the straits of Gibraltar) to 
 the Mare Cantabrium, (the bay of Biscay) 
 and upon his own supposition in much less ; 
 either of which a man of his intelligence must 
 know to be quite impracticable. 
 
 All that can be said in this case is, that the 
 greatest part of the ancients looked upon He- 
 rodotus, as an author that indulged himself too 
 much in the privilege of travellers ; and there- 
 fore in general seem to give very little credit to 
 what he advances : though time and experience 
 have at last convinced the world, that he had 
 a genius superior to the rest of mankind : that 
 his diligence and veracity were equal to his 
 genius ; and that he, like our countryman R. 
 Bacon, discovered truths too sublime for the 
 contemplation of the age he lived in. 
 
 This I thought proper to premise, because 
 several modern map-makers, and 4 some late 
 authors, still adhere to Ptolemy, in placing By- 
 zantium and the Euxine two degrees too far to 
 the northward. I shall for the future confine 
 myself to the proper subject of this dissertation, 
 namely, to the route which the Greek army took, 
 
 broadest place. So that from the aforesaid line to the 
 farthest corner of the gulf of Lyons, must be 2500 
 stadia, and to Massalia somewhat less, because it stands 
 more southward than the bight of the Bay. But from 
 Rhodes to Byzantium is 4900 stadia : so that the paral- 
 lel of Byzantium must be a great deal more northward 
 (sroxu u,fx.rix<S>rif 05) than that of Massalia." page 115. 
 The fallacy of this argument is quickly perceived, by 
 only casting an eye upon any common map where we 
 shall find the difference of latitude between Rhodes 
 and Constantinople is not four degrees, that is, not 2500 
 stadia; and that the parallel of the Straits runs into the 
 coast of Africa. 
 
 * Some of these Mr. Spelman has followed in note 11, 
 book iv. page 243, where he says that Armenia lies be- 
 tween the 40th and 43rd degrees of latitude; whereas 
 Trebisond lies in 40 4', so that Armenia cannot reach at 
 most to above forty and a half. 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 261 
 
 in their expedition to Babylon, and in their re- 
 turn back again. 
 
 Xenophon begins his account of their march 
 from Sardes, the capital of Lydia, because he 
 there joined the army, but afterwards constantly 
 computes from Ephesus, the sea-port from 
 whence he began his journey. They directed 
 their 1 march through the middle of the country ; 
 through Lydia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Cappado- 
 cia, and 2 Cilicia, to the gates of Syria, near the 
 upper end of Sinus Issicus. 
 
 From thence they proceeded to Myriaudrus, 
 a sea-port town, of which no footsteps that I 
 can hear of at present remain. Ptolemy 3 
 places it twenty minutes south of Alexandria 
 penes Issum (Scanderun,) upon the same me- 
 ridian ; but whoever casts his eye upon the 
 chart of the bay of Scanderun, will soon per- 
 ceive this to be impossible; because the bay 
 lies near the north-east and south-west, and 
 both these towns stood upon the shore. All 
 that we can gather, from it is, that they were 
 distant from each other twenty of Ptolemy's 
 minutes, i. e. nineteen English miles ; and that 
 therefore Myriandrus is to be placed at the en- 
 trance into the bay, just within the Scopulus 
 Rhossicus, now called, Ras al Khanzir. 
 
 From hence, the army, in four days' march, 
 made twenty parasangs, (in our language 
 leagues) and came to the river Chalus, very just- 
 ly, by the great Delisle, supposed to be the Cha- 
 lib, or Alep, the river of Aleppo ; because the 
 name is not only the same, allowing for the 
 different genius of languages ; but the distance 
 shows it can be no other. For as Aleppo is 
 about twenty small hours' journey from Scande- 
 run, so it must be something more from 
 Myriandrus, which lay near south-west from 
 the latter of those places ; and as there lies a 
 great bog in the direct road, which was made 
 
 passable but of late years, and which Cyrus's 
 army was to go almost round ; we may con- 
 clude, that all these put together, must make 
 the distance from Myriandrus to the Chalus, 
 twenty parasangs, or Persian leagues. In 
 mentioning the Chalus, I cannot but make one 
 remark, and that is, that it is, in one respect, 
 very different from what it was formerly. 
 Xenophon says, it was full of fish in his time ; 
 and gives a very good 4 reason for it. Rauwolf 
 says, there is great scarcity of fish at Aleppo, 
 though the inhabitants do not esteem them ; 
 but the reason he gives for their indifference to 
 this sort of victuals, seems to me a little extra- 
 ordinary ; he says, " It is because most of them 
 drink water instead of wine." 5 
 
 From the Chalus, in five days' march, they 
 made thirty parasangs, and came to the sources 
 of the river Daradax, which Xenophon affirms 
 to be one hundred feet broad ; by which we 
 must naturally conclude, that the army march- 
 ed along the bank of it a considerable way ; 
 because we cannot suppose any river in this 
 country, the edge of the desert of Arabia, to be 
 one hundred feet in breadth at the source. 
 What river this was, or what is the present 
 name of it, is difficult, perhaps impossible, to 
 determine. The plethrum, or measure of one 
 hundred feet, is but a lax way of reckoning, 
 and might, perhaps, be applied to rivers a 6 great 
 deal less than one hundred feet in breadth : 
 as our 7 measures, in modern times, are of- 
 ten applied to rivers in a very random manner. 
 However, as modern travellers take no notice 
 of any such river, we must let it rest as it is, 
 till more satisfactory discoveries are made in 
 these parts. What surprises me most in this 
 very particular account of their march is, that 
 our author takes no notice of the river, now 
 called 8 Ephrin, about half way between the bay 
 
 1 1 shall apeak more particularly of this march, when 
 I come to take notice of M. Delisle's computations. 
 
 I would recommend the following passage in Dio- 
 dorus Siculus to the consideration of the next editor of 
 
 that author ; 'O SI KDf 05, ia-u Jjj JiijxS-f rijv KiMxi'av, xul 
 ir*yevn$>i yr^af woKtv 'lo-o-bv, iiri ^X.TTIJ /uiv xfijui- 
 ', iB-xirm- J' ou<r T.JJ K.Xxi s , xT*-Mu<r<f f i c u. 
 T*V. Booth translates it, " Having marched almost 
 through all Cilicia, he took shipping, and arrived at last 
 by sea at Issus, the utmost city of that country, near 
 the sea-side." Which is indeed a verbal translation of 
 the Latin version ; but how to reconcile it with the ori- 
 ginal, or with Xenophon's account of this march, I 
 confess, I cannot tell. 
 
 s Alexandria penes Issum long. 69* 10', lat. 36 10', 
 Myriandrus 69 10', lat. 35 50'. Mr Delisle has placed 
 this town fifteen minutes to the north of Alexandretta. 
 
 Because the inhabitants of that country worshipped 
 them as gods. See Book i. page 172. 
 Travels published by J. Ray, part, i. c. 8. 
 
 Thus we find Xenophon applies the measure of one 
 hundreo 1 feet to some of the rivers of Cilicia, which other 
 authors call no more than brooks falling from Mount 
 Taurus cross a small plain into the sea. 
 
 'In this manner Rauwolf says the Euphrates is half a 
 league broad at Babylon ; whereas Sir Thomas Herbert 
 says it is only almost double the breadth of the Thames 
 at London. At Bir, Rauwolf says, it is a mile broad ; 
 Maundrel, that it is as broad as the Thames at London. 
 
 Tavernier mentions two rivers between Alexan- 
 dretta and Aleppo : over the first he says is a bridge 
 very long and strongly built, Book i. cap. 1. But in 
 this he is mistaken, the bridge and causeway being laid 
 
264 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 of Scanderun and Aleppo ; and which the army 
 must of necessity pass in their march to the 
 East; for it rises in the mountains above 
 Korus, and falls into the lake of Antioch. This 
 river is at least as considerable as the Chalus, 
 and much more so, I dare venture to say, than 
 any river between Aleppo and the Euphrates. 
 This, among a great many others, some of 
 which I shall have occasion to mention in the 
 sequel of this discourse, does almost prevail 
 upon me to think, that Xenophon kept no 
 journal, at least no regular one, of this ex- 
 pedition ; but that he drew it up a great many 
 years afterwards, at his leisure, in his 1 exile, 
 from the several particulars, which must have 
 made a very strong impression upon his me- 
 mory. This will not seem so strange, when 
 we consider, that, in Xenophon's days, writing 
 was not what it is in our's ; the materials were 
 not easy to be had, nor were they easy to be 
 carried in such marches as they performed. 
 
 From the source of the Daradax, they march- 
 ed, in three days, fifteen parasangs, to Thap- 
 sacus, upon the Euphrates. This city, though 
 nothing at .present remains of it but the name, 
 was formely a place of great note : it was the 
 frontier town of the kingdom of Israel, in the 
 days of David and Solomon : for it is said, 1 
 Kings iv. 24, that Solomon ^33 mi HT! 
 
 imn -lay ^Sn Spa nry ijn naariD 
 
 that is, He had dominion over all on 
 this side the river, from Thapsakh even to Ngaza 
 over all the kings on this side the river, viz. the 
 Euphrates. Our translators have rendered 
 them Tiphsah and Azzah, which puts such a 
 disguise upon these two noted cities, that I dare 
 to say, very few people, upon seeing these 
 names in the bible, have been able to know 
 them. Such confusion has the pointing of 
 the Hebrew brought into that primitive and 
 sacred language ! Thapsakh, in the original, 
 signifies a pass, or passing over, or perhaps, 
 in this place, more properly a ford ; for as 
 in our nation, there are at present bridges over 
 most of the rivers at such places as end in 
 
 over the bog above mentioned ; the other he calls Af- 
 rora, and says that upon rains it is not fordable. This 
 is the Ephrin, the fording of which does frequently so 
 much damage to the bales of goods, that our Turkey 
 merchants, some years ago, proposed to build a bridge 
 over it at their own expense ; but the Turks would not 
 consent, and^o the design was dropped. 
 
 1 1 shall speak of this more particularly towards the 
 etid of this dissertation. 
 
 ford, such as Oxford, Wallingford, Hertford, 
 and the like, yet it is certain that these names 
 were given them from fording the rivers at 
 those places before the bridges were built. In 
 like manner, it is more than probable, that 
 Thapsakh was so called, from the Euphrates 
 being fordable at that place ; because it was a 
 town of note in David's time, and consequently 
 must have had its name long before, in those 
 times of simple nature, when ferry-boats, and 
 bridges of boats, were not invented. Ptolemy 
 makes the Euphrates fordable here ; and Ran-' 
 wolf, about the same place found the river so 
 full of shoals, that though their boats could 
 draw but little water, the navigation was ex- 
 tremely dangerous. And, indeed. Merion, who 
 was a man of great cunning, must have drawn 
 this secret from somebody, else it can scarcely 
 be supposed, he would attempt to pass a river 
 near half an English mile in breadth, that is 
 broader than the Thames at Woolwich. This 
 
 1 have been the more particular in, with a de- 
 sign to show what a notable compliment the 
 inhabitants of Thapsacus paid Cyrus, when 
 they told him that the gods had wrought a 
 miracle in his favour, by making the river, the 
 great river, to submit to his authority ; inas- 
 much as it was never known to be fordable be- 
 fore this time. 
 
 I cannot here pass without taking notice of 
 a great error crept into the copies of Strabo , 
 where speaking of Alexander's design of sub- 
 duing the Arabs, he tells us, That great con- 
 queror, seeing the impossibility of attacking 
 them by land, proposed to build a great quan- 
 tity of boats, in Phoenicia and Cyprus, and 
 
 2 transporting them seven stadia, to Thapsacus, 
 to convey them, by means of the river, to Ba- 
 bylon." Which makes it not a mile from the 
 coast of the Mediterranean to Thapsacus, 
 whereas, it must be at least one hundred and 
 fifty. I cannot find that any of the learned 
 
 a Book xvi. page 741. 'A XO^.O-SIVT* tl ? e*4/x9v f 
 
 (TTaJo<j eirr* tira rta Troretfjtto jcaTaxo/ufcrSijvai i"%f ' Ba- 
 
 eu\!ovo?. It is certain that Strabo, in composing such 
 a work as his Geography is, must consult a very great 
 variety of authors; and though he himself always 
 makes use of the stadium in computing of distances, 
 yet in transcribing other writings, he might sometimes 
 be forced to adopt other terms : for instance, in this 
 place, he might meet with o-T5uor s i *n-i, and put it 
 down so, as not being able to determine the exact quan- 
 tity; which some ignorant scribe, seeing <rT*Ja<s in 
 all other places made use of, might change, and think 
 he had done his author great service. 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 265 
 
 men, who have made their observations upon 
 this author, have taken any notice, much less 
 made any attempt towards the clearing up of 
 this passage. 
 
 Pliny, Stephanus of Byzantium, and Lucan, 
 affirm, that Alexander passed the Euphrates 
 at Zeugma, (a place near two hundred and 
 thirty miles higher up the river than Thapsa- 
 cus,) contrary to the authority of all other his- 
 torians, and the nature of the thing itself; for 
 as Alexander was at Tyre, in his return from 
 Egypt, and was to direct his march towards 
 Arbela, it would have been near four hundred 
 miles out of his way to have gone to Zeugma. 
 What might probably lead Pliny and the rest 
 into this mistake, was the name of the place : 
 for * Zeugma was so called, because a bridge 
 was laid over the Euphrates there ; and as 
 there was also a bridge over the Euphrates 
 at Thapsacus, it might easily lead authors, 
 at so great a distance, into such a mistake. 
 The reason Mr. Hutchinson gives, namely, 
 that 2 these authors must speak of different 
 expeditions, sounds somewhat strange to me : 
 because it is certain, that Alexander made but 
 one expedition against the Persians ; at least, 
 (which is most to our purpose) that he never 
 passed the Euphrates but once in these parts. 
 
 As to Ptolemy's placing Thapsacus in 
 Arabia Deserta, whereas all other authors 
 place it irv Syria, it is but very little material ; 
 because though it is really within the limits of 
 Syria, yet it stands 3 in the desert which ad- 
 joins to Arabia. This great geographer places 
 Thapsacus in thirty-five degrees of latitude; 
 but as he puts all the sea-coast half a degree 
 too far towards the south, so I have ventured 
 to place this in 35 30'. 
 
 i What Pliny says, Book v. cap. 26. Scinditur Eu- 
 phrates a Zeugmate octpginta tribus millibus passuum; 
 et parte lavn in Mesopotamia, vadit per ipsam Seleu- 
 dam, circa earn pratfluenti infusus Tigri, is sufficient 
 to persuade us, that either there is some error in the 
 text, or that Zeugma was a lax term applied to several 
 places'; for Zeugma, properly so called, stood some- 
 where near the place where Bir now stands, from 
 whence, to the end of the mountains of Mesopotamia, 
 is near three hundred miles : and from thence to the 
 plain country of Babylonia, where this division most 
 assuredly was, must be above four hundred miles ; BO 
 that instead of eighty, perhaps it should be eight 
 hundred. 
 
 3 De divcrsis nimirum expeditiortibus intelligenda 
 videntur discrepantes auctorum narralioncs. Dissert. 
 pageS. 
 
 * The desert begins two or three leagues from Alep- 
 po. Tavernier, Book ii. cap. 3. 
 23 
 
 The army having passed the Euphrates, 
 marched upon the banks of it, for the most 
 part: I say, for the most part, because they 
 did not do it constantly ; since Xenophon tells 
 us, pag. 26. b. i. that some of their marches 
 were very long, when Cyrus had a mind the 
 army should go on, till they came to water or 
 forage. Now they cannot be supposed to 
 quicken their marches for want of water, while 
 they travelled on the bank of so fine a river. 
 We are but little acquainted with the course 
 of the Euphrates, though several travellers 
 have sailed down it. It is probable, that the 
 river makes some great windings towards the 
 south, where no man that is acquainted with 
 the country, would keep to the bank of it ; one 
 of these Rauwolf mentions, 4 which took them 
 up more than half a day to pass. 
 
 Strabo makes the distance between Thap- 
 sacus and Babylon, following the course of the 
 Euphrates, (that is, the route this army took) 5 
 to be four thousand eight hundred stadia, and, 
 as it is repeated very often, we depend upon it, 
 there is no error crept into the text : and as the 
 Greeks in Alexander's time, and for several 
 years afterwards, travelled this way, the dis- 
 tance must be very well known. However, 
 Xenophon, in his account of this march, makes 
 it a great deal more, as we shall see by laying 
 the several numbers together : namely, 
 
 From Thapsacus, through Syria, } 
 
 to the river 6 Araxes, in 9 days, 5 
 To the river Masca, unknown to ^ 
 
 modern writers, in 5 days, 3 
 To Pylse, in 13 days, .... 
 In Babylonia, 3 days, .... 
 March in order of battle, p. 187, } 
 
 1 day, 5 
 
 March with less circumspection, ^ 
 
 1 day, suppose, 5 
 
 Parasangs. 
 50 
 
 35 
 
 90 
 12 
 
 * He says, that " on the ninth of October they came 
 to a point called Eusy, which took them up more than 
 half a day to pass." So that if they were above half a 
 day in reaching the point, it is probable that the bent of 
 the river was more than double, and must take them 
 more than a day to get round, which could not be an in- 
 considerable distance, as the stream was in their favour. 
 
 * Book ii. page 82, &c. 
 
 6 This river Rauwolf calls Chabu, (not observing the 
 r in the termination) and says there is a castle named 
 Sore at the mouth of it, p. ii. cap. 5. There was a castle 
 in this place in the days of Julian the Apostate, which 
 Zosimus calls Circesium, Book iii. 
 21 
 
266 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 It is plain from what is said conO 
 earning the retreat of Ariaeus, I 
 after the battle, p. 192, that up- > 
 on the day of battle, they had 
 marched, J 
 
 197 
 
 Which amounts to no less than five thousand 
 nine hundred and ten stadia : now if we con- 
 sider that they were yet a considerable distance * 
 on this side Babylon, (Plutarch says five hun- 
 dred stadia) we must perceive this account 
 swelled prodigiously above the truth. All the 
 solution that I can pretend to give to this dif- 
 ficulty is, that the Persians, who were the 
 guides of this expedition, must mark out the 
 distances according to their fancies : that ex- 
 cessive heat and hunger are companions, that 
 make a journey seem tedious and long ; and 
 consequently, when their Persian friends told 
 them they had marched so many parasangs, 
 the Greeks made no hesitation to believe them, 
 in- order to rest themselves. And, indeed, if 
 we attentively consider the marches, as set 
 down in Xenophon, we shall find most of them 
 too long for so great an army to perform, es- 
 pecially as they must have a prodigious quan- 
 tity of carriages along with them, not only to 
 convey their provisions, but also the accoutre- 
 ments of the heavy-armed men. For instance 
 from the Araxes to the Masca, they marched 
 in five days thirty-five parasangs, which is 
 very near twenty-four miles a day. From 
 Masca to Pylse, they despatched in thirteen 
 days ninety parasangs. which is very near 
 twenty-four miles one day with another ; too 
 much to be performed by an army of near one 
 hundred and twenty thousand men, in the mid 
 die of summer, in the latitude of thirty-four 
 and with such great numbers of attendants as 
 they must of necessity have along with them. 
 In marching through the country of Baby 
 Ion, they came to the canals which were cu 
 between the Tigris and Euphrates, in order, ai 
 most authors agree, to circulate the waters o 
 the latter, which would otherwise drown al 
 the adjacent country, when the snows mel 
 upon the Armenian mountains. Xenophon 
 says, these canals fall out of the Tigris into 
 the Euphrates; whereas. 2 Strabo and Pliny 
 
 i Xenophon Bays no less than three thousand an 
 skty stadia, but this T shall speak more particularly t 
 by .-nd oy. 
 
 a See Mr. Spelman's note 1, page 187. 
 
 ay the contrary, and Arrian goes so far as to 
 affirm, that the level of the Tigris is much 
 ower than that of the Euphrates ; so that the 
 water must necessarily run always one way. 
 Our modern travellers inform us, that the 
 country between these two rivers is, in these 
 >arts, rich low land, something like the pro- 
 vince of Holland : so that it is more than pro- 
 >able, that these canals were cut to circulate 
 ,he waters of the one river as much as the 
 other ; and that as the Tigris is by much the 
 most rapid of the two, the water must come 
 down with greater fury, and stand in more 
 need of being diverted when it arrived in the 
 evel country. It is worth our observation, 
 that these two great rivers could never swell at 
 the same season ; because as the mountains out 
 of which the Tigris rises, lie in the south of 
 Armenia, and those in which the Euphrates 
 has its source in the north, it is certain that 
 the snows upon the former must melt sooner 
 than those upon the latter. Accordingly, we 
 find the author of Ecclesiasticus mentions the 
 overflowing of the Tigris 3 in the* latter end of 
 March, and beginning of April. And Pliny 
 assures us, that the Euphrates overflows in 
 4 July and August. It might so happen that 
 the Greek or Roman travellers, from whom 
 these authors could have had their intelligence 
 (all travellers generally choose the spring to 
 perform long journeys in) might not arrive at 
 Babylon early enough in the season, to see any 
 thing of the rise of the Tigris. But having 
 spent March, April, May, and perhaps June, 
 in their journey, they must find the channel of 
 the Euphrates quite full, and discharging the 
 superfluous waters with great rapidity, into the 
 Tigris ; sufficient to persuade any common ob- 
 server, that the level of the former must be 
 above that of the latter. However, had it been 
 so in reality, the Euphrates must quickly have 
 forsook his old course, and in a few years have 
 joined the Tigris, by one or more of these 
 
 Chap. xxiv. 25. Pliny also says, that the Tigris 
 overflows in such a manner, as to run into a river which 
 falls into the Euphrates, B. vi. cap. 27. Now, if it does 
 this in the upper parts, where its current is so very swift, 
 as to merit the appellation of arrow, what can we expect 
 in the lower country, where the land is flat, and its 
 stream more gentle ? 
 
 * Increscit (nempe Euphrates) stalls diebus, Mesopo- 
 tamtam inundans, sole obtinente vicesimam partem 
 Cancri: minui incipit in Virgine, Leone transgresso. 
 In totum vero remeat in mcesima nona parte Virginia 
 Book v. 26. 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 207 
 
 canals ; for Strabo, and modern observers have 
 assured us, that the land between these rivers 
 is fat and very rotten, and, consequently must 
 soon have been worn deep and broad enough to 
 convey any quantity of water, which, for a 
 constancy, could run through it. When our 
 author was in this country, I find, by computa- 
 tion, was towards the latter end of September, 
 a time when both the Euphrates and Tigris 
 must be very low ; and, therefore, some art 
 must be used in order to make these canals so 
 full of water. Olearchus, we see, suspected it 
 to be the case, and no doubt but he had good 
 reason for these suspicions. The Tigris was 
 much the smaller river of the two, and conse- 
 quently the more manageable. It is therefore 
 probable, that they had some works in it, in 
 order to raise the water to a proper height; 
 and that when Cyrus approached with his 
 army, it is likely the king ordered the country 
 to be laid under water, as far as they were able 
 to do it, with a design to retard and harass 
 them as much as possible. This would turn 
 the water through the canals into the Eu- 
 phrates, and may be the reason why Xenophon 
 differs from other authors in this particular. 
 
 Speaking of the magnitude of the Euphrates, 
 puts me in mind of what Strabo says of it, 
 where he informs us that it runs through the 
 middle of ancient Babylon, and was a stadium 
 in breadth, * { O yag irora./*^ Jaj jui^y /> Tf 
 sroxsaj o-r&ftsttos TO fl-xoTo? : which Calmet, 
 with the generosity of 2 modern writers, takes 
 for granted, without examining what difficulties 
 such an assertion is loaded with. Xenophon, 
 who forded it himself, affirms, that this river 
 is four stadia broad at Thapsacus, above five 
 hundred miles higher than Babylon : and all 
 the world is sensible, that rivers do not grow 
 narrower the further they proceed in their 
 course. What surprises me most is, that 
 Calmet should fall into this mistake, when he 
 
 t Book xvi. p. 738. 
 
 * Dean Prideaux, Connec. Part I. Bookii. adheres to 
 this sense of Strabo, though he quotes Diodorus Sicu- 
 lus, who tells us, Book ii. that the bridge of Babylon 
 was five stadia long. Now instead of correcting Stra- 
 bo by such an authority, he gives it this unnatural turn, 
 viz. that the bridge must be a great deal longer than 
 the river was broad: though he himself has but just 
 before told us, that the person who built this bridge 
 had banked up the river on each side with brick, in 
 such a manner as the river could never overflow ; so 
 that to make the bridge five times aa long as the dis- 
 tance between these two banks, must be a needless, not 
 to say a ridiculous piece of work. 
 
 had Rauwolf before him, and quotes him in 
 this very article, as an author of considerable 
 credit. This writer travelled through these 
 parts two hundred years ago, and speaking of 
 the bridge of Babylon (some of the piers of 
 which at this day remain), says thus ; The 
 arches of it are built of burnt brick, and so 
 strong that it is admirable : and that so much 
 the more, because all along the river, as \ve 
 came from Bir, where the river is a great deal 
 smaller, we saw never a bridge : wherefore, I 
 say, it is admirable which way they could 
 build a bridge here, where the river is at least 
 3 half a league broad, and very deep besides." 
 p. ii. c. 7. Sir Thomas Herbert, who had been 
 in these parts, and it is probable had taken 
 a view of the river hereabouts, who, though he 
 falls into a great many 4 mistakes in matters of 
 learning, yet he must be allowed to be a com- 
 petent judge in those things that are the objects 
 of sense, assures us, that the Euphrates at 
 ancient Babylon was well nigh double the 
 breadth of the Thames at London. That 
 Xenophon was not mistaken in the breadth of 
 the 'river at Thapsacus, and that there is no 
 error crept into the text, we may be convinced 
 from what our ingenious countryman Maundrel 
 says on the same subject, where he assures us, 5 
 
 3 It must here be observed, that when travellers men- 
 tion the breadth of rivers, we must not take what they 
 say to be strictly true : they have no instruments with 
 them to determine distances ; and had they instruments, 
 the generality would not know how to make use of 
 them. What Rauwolf says in this place, must be under- 
 stood as spoken very much at large, half a league being 
 thirteen stadia. Diodorus Siculus, we have seen, makes 
 the bridge over it five stadia. Now, as a bridge is 
 much more easily measured than a river, and as Xeno- 
 phon makes it four stadia at Thapsacus, we may sup- 
 pose that five stadia, a little more than half an English 
 mile, was the breadth of the Euphrates at Babylon. 
 
 * For instance, he tells us that Ninus enlarged Nine- 
 veh the Great upon Tigris, formerly called Nysib and 
 Rauhabpth, and since Mosul, being indeed rather the 
 ruins of Seleucia. Page 226. He also informs us from 
 Xenophon, that Cyrus had one hundred and twenty- 
 five millions of pounds when he marched against big 
 brother Artaxerxes. Page 249. 
 
 s Journey from Aleppo to Beer, April 20, where he 
 tells us, that the river is as broad as the Thames at 
 London, and that a long bullet-gun could not shoot a 
 ball over it, but it dropped into the water. By this it ap- 
 pears that it is a great deal broader than the Thames at 
 London, for a common fowling-piece will carry a ball, 
 without any elevation, more than twice the breadth of 
 the Thames at Blackwall. At London bridge the 
 Thames is nine hundred feet over : now supposing it 
 one hundred feet more at Blackwall, will make it one 
 thousand, that doubled is two thousand, almost three 
 
268 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 that a long bullet gun could not shoot a ball 
 over the Euphrates at Jerabolus. This I take 
 to be the * ancient Zeugma, above two thousand 
 stadia, or two hundred and thirty miles, higher 
 up the river than Thapsacus. So that if it is 
 so broad at Jerabolus, we cannot think four 
 stadia (not quite half a mile) any thing extraor- 
 dinary for its breadth at Thapsacus. 
 
 As to the situation of Babylon, I confess, I 
 can find nothing to determine it with^any ex- 
 actness. Though astronomical observations 
 were made there constantly for several centu- 
 ries, yet less remains (if less can remain) of 
 these, than of that once so famous city. Mr 
 Bedford 2 has reckoned up a great variety of 
 opinions concerning the situation of this place, 
 and at last himself adheres to one of the worst. 
 He quotes three of the principal Arabians, 
 who, it is highly probable, had every one of 
 them been upon the spot, and made some sort 
 of observation to determine the latitude. For 
 as they differ among themselves, they could not 
 copy from any that went before, nor from one 
 another ; and as the difference is but very 
 small, it might be owing to the inaccuracy of 
 their instruments. But he chooses to forsake 
 these, and follow Bochart, who places it 3 al- 
 most a whole degree further to the north. As 
 to the longitude, he, again from Bochart, makes 
 it 77 46', which is a great deal too much : for 
 as the longitude of Scanderun has been deter- 
 mined 4 to be 55 25', so upon the foregoing 
 
 stadia and one half: so that we may conclude this 
 at least to be the breadth of the Euphrates .at Jerabo- 
 lus. Pliny says, Book v. cap. 2'4. " Arabiam inde laeva, 
 Oreon dictam regionem, trischoena mensura, dextra- 
 que Commagenem, disterminat (nempe Euphrates)." 
 P. Hardouin observes upon the place, " Amnem ibi 
 latum fisse ait schoenis tribus." Now Pliny assures 
 us, Book xii. cap. 14. the schoenus consists of forty 
 stadia, or five Roman miles ; so that according to Har- 
 douin, the Euphrates must be fourteen English miles 
 broad at Bir. However, as the sentence will admit 
 another construction, we have no occasion to father 
 puch an absurdity upon Pliny. I do not know whether 
 it is worth while to take notice of a small mistake or 
 two in Delisle's maps. He makes the Euphrates five 
 hundret! feet broad, and the pyramid near Larissaupon 
 the Tigris two hundred paces high, and one hundred 
 paces square. Whereas Xenophon makes the river 
 four stadia broad, i. e. five hundred paces, or two thou- 
 sand five hundred feet; and the pyramid one hundred 
 feet square, and two hundred high. 
 
 t I conclude so from the many beautiful ruins found 
 there, and especially from the remains of abridge said 
 to be thereabouts. Vide Maundrel ubi supra. 
 
 * Scripture Chronology, Book i. cap. 1. 
 
 The Arabians place it in 33 20'. Bochart in 34. 15'. 
 The French place Paris in 20 long, and therefore Mr 
 
 supposition, the meridian distance between 
 Babylon and Scanderun must be 22 21', which, 
 upon a little examination, will be found very 
 much to exceed the truth. For instance, from 
 Scanderun to Aleppo, is not sixty miles ; 
 which, considering the winding of roads and the 
 difference of latitude, cannot exceed one de- 
 gree. From Aleppo to Thapsacus, Xenophon 
 makes forty-five parasangs, which upon this 
 parallel, the difference of latitude above one 
 degree, cannot make above two and a half de- 
 grees. From Thapsacus to Babylon was four 
 thousand eight hundred stadia, following the 
 course of the Euphrates. Now, allowing for 
 the difference of latitude, and bending of the 
 river, we will suppose 5 Babylon more to the 
 east by three hundred geographical miles, (and 
 this I am persuaded will be thought too much) 
 which being reduced, will be found to be six 
 degrees. So that the meridian distance be- 
 tween Scanderun and Babylon, cannot upon 
 any reasonable calculation be supposed more 
 than 6 nine and a half degrees, which added to 
 the longitude of Scanderun, makes 64 55', the 
 longitude of Babylon. Bochart therefore has 
 placed this city no less than thirteen degrees 
 too far to the east. As for the Arabians, 
 Eachard, &c. they followed Ptolemy ; and as 
 he had, for the most part, nothing but ima- 
 gination to determine the longitude of places 
 by, it is not to be wondered at, if he gener- 
 ally does it in a manner very wide from the 
 truth. 
 
 DelisJe makes the longitude of Alexandretta to be but 
 54" 15'. However, as we reckon London 19 9 east from 
 Ferro, and Paris 2 s 25' from London, and as Mr 
 Chazelles found the meridian distance between Paris 
 and Scanderun to be 2h 16', i. e. 34^, so the true lon- 
 gitude of Scanderun is 55 9 15'. 
 
 s This way of reckoning is in some measure con- 
 firmed by Josephus, Antiq. viii. c. 6. where he says that 
 Thadomira (that is Palmyra) was one day's journey 
 from the Euphrates, and six from Great Babylon. Here 
 by day's journey, is meant the horseman's journey, or 
 sixty miles ; so that from the Euphrates over-against 
 Palmyra to Babylon is three hundred miles. But Tbap- 
 sacus stands somewhat more to the west than this part 
 of the Euphrates ; that is, the course of the river is S. 
 and by E. and S. S. E. so that three hundred geographi- 
 cal miles must be pretty near the true meridian distance 
 between Thapsacus and Babylon. Pliny indeed affirms, 
 Book v. cap. 25. that from Palmyra to Seleucia upon the 
 Tigris is three hundred and thirty-seven miles ; but as 
 other copies say five hundred and thirty-seven, I must 
 leave it to the decision of the critics. 
 
 MrDelisle makes the distance between Babylon and 
 Scanderun to be pretty nearly equal to that between 
 Babylon and Smyrna. Now the meridian distance of 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 269 
 
 After the 1 battle, and the death of Cyrus 
 the Greeks, though victorious, had no hope left 
 but that of getting back again to their own 
 country. But to effect this was a matter oJ 
 considerable difficulty. To return by the sam 
 way they came, was impossible, because al 
 their provisions were spent, and they were t 
 march through the deserts of Arabia : and they 
 wanted guides to show them another road. A 
 last they entered into a truce with the king 
 one of the conditions of which was, that he 
 should conduct them safe to their own country 
 The officers sent by the king to perform this 
 led them through the middle of Babylonia, 
 country intersected with canals and ditches 
 kept full of water, in order to convince the 
 Greeks that all endeavours to arrive at Babylon 
 must be in vain, if the people of the country 
 were their enemies. I am far from being of 
 Mr Spelman's opinion, where he supposes the 
 distance mentioned by Xenophon between the 
 field of battle and Babylon, three thousand and 
 sixty stadia, to be a mistake of the transcriber 
 The Persians, without doubt, persuaded them 
 the distance was so great, and led them through 
 the country with a design to convince them, 
 that whoever should attempt to march thither, 
 must be entirely discouraged and baffled by the 
 many difficulties he would meet with. They 
 were no strangers, it is likely, to Daniel's proph- 
 ecies, which were wrote in their capital, and in 
 their language : and which plainly foretold that 
 their empire should be overturned by the Greeks. 
 
 the two latter of these places is by observation found to 
 be nine degrees ; so, as the difference of longitude be- 
 tween Scanderun and Babylon is nine degrees. 
 
 Plutarch (in Artax.) speaking of the loss of this 
 Dattle, lays all the blame upon Clearchus, for not ac- 
 cording to Cyrus's order, bringing his Greeks to front 
 the king's centre ; but I think the conduct of Clearchus 
 may be easily vindicated. This general very well knew, 
 from the mock-encounter at Tyriaeum, what was to be 
 expected from the rest of Cyrus's forces, viz. that they 
 would run away at the first onset, and himself with his 
 handful of Greeks be left alone to encounter with the 
 king's army. A handful they might be called with the 
 greatest propriety, being thirteen thousand against one 
 million two hundred thousand, (for so many the king's 
 army was supposed to consist of) Clearchus therefore 
 kept close to the river, with a design not be surrounded 
 by such prodigious numbers ; which had it happened at 
 the beginning of the battle, before the Greeks had tried 
 the Persian metal, might have disheartened his men, 
 and lost the day. Had Cyrus relied upon Clearchus's 
 promise, (viz. that all should go well) and waited pa- 
 tiently for the event, all had gone well, he had won the 
 day, and been king of Persia. 
 23* 
 
 This they might endeavour to avert by such 
 arts as I have mentioned ; with a design that 
 if any of these soldiers should get back again 
 to Greece, (which however they did all in their 
 power to obstruct) they should spread such an 
 account among their countrymen of the diffi- 
 culties they had met with, as should for the fu- 
 ture put a stop to all undertakings of this kind. 
 There can no other reason, I believe, be as- 
 signed for conducting them to Sitace : for it 
 was entirely out of their way, and they must 
 pass 2 by Babylon to arrive at it. This town 
 stood near the Tigris, and part of the province 
 of Babylon was from it called Sitacene. Stra- 
 bo says, the road from Babylon to Susa lay 
 through it. Now, as Susa was near S. E. from 
 Babylon, Sitace must lie beyond Babylon from 
 hence, at the distance of five hundred stadia, as 
 the same author informs us. Xenophon con- 
 firms this, by making it twenty parasangs, or 
 six hundred stadia, from Sitace to Opis, a large 
 trading town upon the Tigris, about the place 
 where Bagdat now stands. 
 
 From Opis the army marched up the Tigris, 
 till they arrived at the mountains of the Car- 
 duchians, at present called the Curdes, the 
 same untractable people, and show the same 
 regard to travellers they did to these Greek 
 wanderers. They stroll about upon the moun- 
 tains from hence as far as the springs of the 
 Euphrates, and plunder every one they meet 
 with, that is weaker than themselves. They 
 will be under no sort of government, and pay 
 as little respect to the Turk, who pretends to 
 be their master, as their forefathers did to the 
 kings of Persia. In all this tract, I can find 
 very little for a geographer to exercise himself 
 upon. If Rauwolf had Xenophon's Anabasis 
 along with him, or the contents of it fresh in 
 tiis memory, he might have made several re- 
 marks, which would have given great light into 
 our author : for he travelled over the same 
 ground from Bagdat to these mountains. 
 
 It took up the army seven day* to cross this 
 nhospitable country, wherein fley ' suffered 
 more than from all the great armies of the Per- 
 sians. At last they came to the Centrites, a 
 river which, in those days, served as a boundary 
 >etween the Curdes and Armenia. Mons. 
 )elisle has made the river run eastward, and 
 
 3 I suppose here that they were conducted to the left 
 owards the Tigris, and not suffered to pass within 
 ight of Babylon. 
 
270 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 fall into the 1 lake of Van. I have ventured 
 to turn its course westward ; because I take it 
 to be a branch of the Lycus, which, when it 
 falls into the Tigris, is so very considerable a 
 river, that Rauwolf 2 says, is at least a long mile 
 broad, and must come out of this country from 
 the east ; for had it come from the north, the 
 Persians, after the rout at 3 Arbela, would 
 have been under no necessity of running such 
 risks in attempting to pass it. Besides, we 
 ought to reflect, that in these seven days the 
 Greeks could not have travelled more than 
 seventy miles, considering the many obstruc- 
 tions they met with in the country of the Car- 
 duchians ; and that as the course of the Tigris 
 is in these parts from the N. W. and the course 
 of the army to the north, they could not be fifty 
 miles from the Tigris at the place where they 
 crossed the Centrites. This river was not a 
 very small one ; Xenophon makes it two hun- 
 dred feet broad, and consequently, if it runs 
 towards the east, must rise at least thirty miles 
 towards the west ; and then what room can we 
 find for the rise and progress of so large a river 
 as the Lycus, which must drain the East for a 
 considerable distance 1 
 
 From hence the army marched over the 
 plains of Armenia to the river Teleboas, 
 which Mons. Delisle in his 4 dissertation and 
 map, in the Memoirs of the Royal Academy 
 of Sciences, entirely overlooks, and passes 
 from the 5 head of the Tigris to the Euphrates, 
 without taking any notice of, or laying down 
 any river between them; however, in his 
 large map published in the year 1723, entitled, 
 
 i He does not indeed give it any name in his maps of 
 this expedition, but in his other maps he makes it the 
 lake of Van. 
 
 a Part ii. cap. ix. This must be understood with some 
 allowance : Rauwolf assures us he was in very great 
 fear wmle he forded this river, and therefore might 
 think it four or five times bigger than in reality it is. 
 
 a This place is still known by the name of Harpel. 
 Eauwolf, ubi siyy. 
 
 * Entitled, ".Determination Geographique de la Si- 
 tuation etde rfltendue de Pays Traversee," &c. in the 
 Memoirs of the'^Acad. Roy ale, An. 1728, p. 55. 
 
 * M. Delisle brings Herodotus to prove, that there 
 were in these parts three rivers of the name of Tigris. 
 This he does in order to show that the Greeks did not 
 approach near the head of the Tigris properly so call- 
 ed, viz. that which flows by Diarbekir; but supposes it 
 the most easterly branch. However, he might have 
 saved himself a good deal of trouble, had he attended 
 to Xenophon's words, who does not say they passed 
 the head of the Tigris, or were near it, but only, that 
 they were now advanced above it. Vol. i. page 268. 
 
 Retraites des Dix Mille, he has rectified this 
 mistake, and laid down the Teleboas as an 
 arm of the most easterly branch of the Eu- 
 phrates, which M. Delisle has discovered from 
 Ptolemy, to rise fifty leagues to the south-east 
 of the springs above Ertzrum ; and which he 
 makes the Greeks pass just at the fountain. 
 So that their passing of this branch of the Eu- 
 phrates, must be more to the eastward by at 
 least two degrees than the meridian of Ertz- 
 rum : but how little this squares with the situ- 
 ation of these countries, a small degree of re- 
 flection will convince us. We have seen above, 
 that, upon the most favourable calculation, the 
 longitude of Babylon cannot be more than 
 64 55'. After the battle, the Greeks travel- 
 led upon the banks of the Tigris, till they 
 came to the Carduchian mountains : now, as 
 the course of this river is from the N. W. and 
 W. N. W. so they must diminish the longitude 
 considerably by this long march. Delisle's 
 map makes it three degrees ; so that they en- 
 tered the Carduchians' country in longitude 
 51 55'. But the Royal Academy of Sciences, 
 of which M. Delisle was geographer, places 
 Ertzrum 6 in 68 45', so that the sources of the 
 Euphrates, which M. Delisle, from Ptolemy, 
 places fifty leagues S. E. of the Ertzrum, must 
 be at least in 70 45' longitude. Upon this 
 supposition, therefore, the Greeks, in travel- 
 ling three degrees of latitude, for so much M. 
 Delisle makes it from their entering .the Car- 
 duchians' country to their fording the Eu- 
 phrates, must deviate to the east no less than 
 nine degrees ; which is quite incredible, espe- 
 cially as Xenophon himself tells us, and M. 
 Delisle repeats his words, that their course 
 was north. Again, let us view this affair in 
 another light : Tournefort informs us, (vol. ii. 
 
 This places Ertzrum farther to the east, than any 
 geographer I can meet with will allow. I am surprised 
 that neither Mr D'Anville, nor the English editor of Du 
 Halde's China, in folio, takes any notice at all of thia 
 circumstance, in determining the situation of the Cas- 
 pian sea. The greatest longitude they are willing to 
 allow to Astrakhan, is but 68" 55', very little more 
 than that of Ertzrum ; whereas there must be at least 
 four degrees of difference between them. Observations 
 are material evidences in geography. The Acad. Roy- 
 al, An. 1699, assures us these situations were grounded 
 upon observations. How therefore this article could 
 slip the notice of persons so much interested in the dis- 
 covery of it, is to me very surprising. Not but that I 
 have reasons (to myself very strong ones) to think that 
 those places are not situated so far to the east ; howr. 
 ever, as there is no reasoning against facts, I desist. 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 271 
 
 let. 6.) that from Ertzrum to Aleppo is thirty- 
 five days' journey; and Tavernier (bookii.c. 
 4.), that from Bir to Mousul is but fifteen 
 days' journey. Now, as Bir is in the road from 
 Aleppo to Ertzrum, or very near it, and ] four 
 days' journey from Aleppo, so it will be thir- 
 ty-one days' journey from Bir to Ertzrum. 
 Bir is in lat. 37 10' ; Ertzrum in 39 56' 35", 
 and Mousul is about 35 30'. So that Ertz- 
 rum is more to the northward with respect to 
 Bir, than Mousul is the southward by 1 6' 35", 
 for which we must allow five days' journey ; 
 therefore Ertzrum is more to the east than 
 Mousul by eleven days' journey. But M. De- 
 lisle makes the Greeks enter the Carduchian 
 mountains a little 2 to the west of Mousul ; 
 and consequently as they travelled north, must 
 pass the Euphrates a great deal to the west of 
 Ertzrum ; whereas he has laid down their route 
 above two hundred miles to the east of Ertz- 
 rum. M. Delisle tells us of one M. Duval, 
 formerly geographer to the king of France, 
 who drew a map of this expedition, and laid 
 down the countries as best suited his own no- 
 tions, without any regard to their true dimen- 
 sions ; by which he doubled the Persian do- 
 minions, and made Asia Minor to contain one 
 thousand five hundred square leagues, instead 
 of six hundred. How much M. Delisle has 
 succeeded better, we have in some measure 
 seen above. He quotes P. Beze's authority 
 for the latitude of Trebisond, but says not one 
 word about the longitude : the reason of this 
 seems to me to be, that, if he had, it would 
 have overset his whole scheme. He. places 
 Babylon in 62 long. The Royal Academy 
 places Trebisond in 65 long., so that had the 
 places been laid thus down, and the route of 
 the army made somewhere towards the north, 
 they must have arrived 3 at the Euxine a good 
 deal to the west of Trebisond. In order to 
 
 Taveruier says it is four days' journey for the horse 
 caravan : but then I imagine he must reckon the pass- 
 ing of the river into the time. Book ii. cap. iv. 
 
 This cannot be, because had they advanced up the 
 Tigris as far as Mousul, they must have passed the Ly- 
 cus, which, as it is larger than any river they passed 
 after the Tigris, Xenophon must have taken notice of it. 
 
 ' Especially if we allow, as above, three degrees for 
 their westing on the banks of the Tigris. There is in 
 Xenophon one material article not taken notice of by 
 Mr Delisle, and that is, that where they crossed the ri- 
 ver Teleboas, the country was called the Western Ar- 
 menia ; which name would but ill suit with the country 
 two hundred miles east of Ertzrum. 
 
 remedy this, he has laid down Trebisond in 57 
 and a half, and Ertzrum in 58 ; has made the 
 ten thousand, from the Carduchian mountains, 
 steer a N. N. E. course ; so that when they 
 came into Georgia, they turned to their left, 
 and, travelling afterwards near three hundred 
 miles due west, arrived at Trebisond. Whereas 
 had the Black Sea been 4 extended to its due 
 length, the Greeks must have arrived at the 
 shore of it where he places Taochir, the place 
 where he makes them to turn to the left. 
 
 I think I may venture to say, that M. De- 
 lisle is equally unhappy in his guesses, with 
 respect to the ancient measures of the Greeks. 
 He compares the distances of places, mention- 
 ed by Xenophon, with their true distance de- 
 termined by astronomical observations. Xeno- 
 phon makes the distance between Ephesus and 
 the gates of Syria nearly equal to that between 
 the gates of Syria and Babylon. Modern ob- 
 servers have discovered, that from Smyrna 
 (near Ephesus) to Scanderun (near the gates 
 of Syria) is pretty near equal to the distance of 
 Scanderun from Bagdat (near ancient Baby- 
 lon). 5 The same, he tells us, may be said of 
 their return from Babylon to Trapezus ; but 
 that comparing these distances together, he 
 concludes, that the measures of the ancient 
 Greeks were much smaller than we suppose 
 them ; that a stadium in Xenophon's days was 
 but about half so much as it was in the times 
 of the Romans. He supposes, that in ancient 
 times they made use of a common pace in the 
 mensuration of land, which is no more than 
 6 two feet and a half ; whereas, afterwards the 
 pace was double, i. e. five feet. He says, what 
 confirms him in this opinion is, the quantity of 
 a degree determined by Aristotle, who says, in 
 his book De Crelo, that the circumference of 
 the earth is four hundred thousand stadia, 
 which being reduced, gives one thousand one 
 
 * Arrian, who measured the Euxine, makes it from 
 the mouth of the Thracian Bosphorus to Trebisond 
 seven thousand and thirty-five stadia, that is, about 
 eight hundred and five miles English. Tournefort does 
 notalways mention the distances; but, by what he says, 
 we may gather he made it about eight hundred miles, 
 whereas, Tavernier makes it nine hundred and seventy 
 miles, and Gimelli nine hundred. 
 
 His meaning is, that upon his supposition it agrees 
 pretty well with modern observations, i.e. from Babylon 
 to Trebisond is about half as much asXenophon makes it. 
 One step or common stride in walking ; whereas the 
 pace was the return of the same foot, or two strides. 
 
272 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 hundred and eleven and one-third to each de- 
 gree. However, upon examination, we cannot 
 find that Aristotle ever determined the quan- 
 tity of a degree, or that it was at all determined 
 in his days. He is in this book speaking of 
 the smallness of the body of the earth, plainly 
 discoverable from the different elevations of the 
 stars at different places, not far distant from 
 each other : where he says, " 1 That all the 
 mathematicians who have attempted by reason- 
 ing to discover the earth's circumference, affirm 
 that it is four hundred thousand stadia." All 
 we can gather from hence is, that, comparing 
 the different elevations at several places toge- 
 ther, they made a guess at the earth's periphery. 
 Strabo seems to intimate, that Eratosthenes 
 was the first who applied celestial observa- 
 tions to determine the magnitude of the earth ; 
 and 2 M. Cassini is positive in this opinion. 
 However, we will suppose that Aristotle did 
 determine the quantity of a degree to be one 
 thousand one hundred and eleven and one-third 
 of the stadia of his time, and that Eratosthenes 
 discovered it to contain seven hundred of his 
 time, it will then of consequence follow, that 
 between the days of Aristotle and Eratosthenes, 
 the Greek measures were changed in the same 
 proportion as one thousand one hundred and 
 eleven and one-third bears to seven hundred, 
 which is a supposition that will hardly be al- 
 lowed, when we consider, that from the death 
 of the one to the birth of the other was little 
 more than 3 forty -years. Besides, if this me- 
 thod of arguing is to take place, there would be 
 no end of altering the measures of antiquity. 
 Xenophon makes it from Thapsacus to the 
 place of battle five thousand nine hundred and 
 ten stadia, which, with the five hundred^en- 
 tioned by Plutarch, makes the distance from 
 Thapsacus to Babylon six thousand four hun- 
 dred and ten stadia. But in Aristotle's time, 
 i. e. at Alexander's expedition, about seventy 
 
 * Kxi rZv pa&tfMtTUlA* o'o-oi TO ptyiSos v*A.oyiey3- 
 trtt(S>vri T>IS jr{gi${gt*;, it's rerrttf SCXOVT* Kiyova-tv ti~ 
 
 v nv$i,$x ; o-roeJi'-ov. Which cannot be understood 
 that any one had actuaHy measured the contents of a 
 degree ; but only that they had guessed at the whole by 
 a computation or reckoning. 
 
 Acad. Royale, anno 1C94. Pliny calls this undertak- 
 ing of Eratosthenes, Improbum annum ; but adds, Ve- 
 rumita subtili argumentation comprehensum, ut pu- 
 deat non credere. Book ii. cap. 198. 
 
 Aristotle died in the hundred and fourteenth Olym- 
 piad, and Eratosthenes was born in the hundred and 
 twenty-sixth. 
 
 years after Xenophon was in this country, it 
 was found to be four thousand eight hundred ; 
 so that the stadium must be increased near 
 one-fourth in this space of time. 
 
 It is very unlucky for 1 M. Delisle's hypothe- 
 sis, that the ancient Greeks never made use of 
 such a measure as the pace, or had any such 
 term that I can find : all their measures were 
 by the foot, and by such compositions of it, as 
 are very well known, such were the fathom, 
 six feet ; plethrum, one hundred ; and stadium, 
 six hundred. This last was the longest mea- 
 sure, and therefore they always compute large 
 distances by it. When the Greek foot was 
 first fixed, is, like the beginning of most 
 other things, I believe, quite unknown ; but to 
 be sure, a great many centuries before the times 
 we are treating of. And when the standard- 
 measure of any nation is once fixed, and be- 
 comes current, it is not only needless, but ex- 
 tremely difficult, afterwards to alter it. Perhaps 
 nothing less than the total destruction of a 
 people, or a universal change of custom can 
 effect this. But suppose, for argument's sake, 
 we allow that the Greeks had such a measure 
 as the pace, and that originally this pace con- 
 tained two feet and a half, but afterwards was 
 disused, and the geometrical pace, that of five 
 feet, took place : yet how could this effect the 
 stadium, which contained six hundred of such 
 feet as the pace was composed of 1 ' As the 
 foot was the foundation of both, so they could 
 have no influence the one upon the other. 
 Indeed, had the stadium been composed of a 
 determinate number of paces, as the Roman 
 mile was, M. Delisle's argument would have 
 had some show of reason in it, some probability 
 to support it : but to apply two sorts of paces, 
 which consisted of different numbers of feet, to 
 the stadium which consisted of a determinate 
 number of feet of the same length, is such an 
 impropriety, as I am surprised so sagacious a 
 person as M. Delisle most assuredly was, 
 should fall into. 
 
 But it may be answered, that the difficulty 
 still remains. If Xenophon's measures are 
 applied to the true distances, determined by 
 astronomy, they will be found double : for from 
 Ephesus to the gates of Syria, is made to be 
 about eight thousand stadia ; whereas its real 
 distance is not five thousand. To this it may 
 be replied, that great armies, with such num- 
 bers of carriages as they must always have with 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 273 
 
 them, cannot go the nearest way ; they must 
 observe the disposition of mountains and rivers, 
 and call at towns a good distance from the di- 
 rect road, upon the account of provisions. 
 This was undoubtedly the case of the army 
 before us, which, if joined to what I said above 
 about their Persian guides, may give a tolerable 
 account why the distances are so magnified in 
 their march from Ephesus to Babylon. But 
 in their return the case is very different : at 
 this time they reckoned for themselves, and if 
 we take the distance from Opis (near which 
 Bagdat now stands) to their passing the Eu- 
 phrates below Ertzrum, we shall find, allowing 
 for their course westward along the bank of 
 the Tigris, I say we shall find it .correspond 
 pretty near with the astronomical observations. 
 Whereabouts they passed the Euphrates, I 
 cannot take upon me to say ; but we have seen 
 above, that it must be considerably to the west 
 of Ertzrum, below the junction of its * two 
 branches; for had they passed two rivers by 
 the name of Euphrates, Xenophon would cer- 
 tainly have taken notice of it. Indeed he says 
 the springs of this river were not far off; but 
 he speaks hot of his own knowledge, and ol 
 vgaVa is an indeterminate expression, which 
 does not at all fix the distance ; besides, the 
 river was so deep, that it reached up to their 
 middle, which is very considerable, as it was in 
 the depth of winter, the snow lay upon the 
 ground, and consequently could be supplied 
 with no water but from the springs. 
 
 1 1 cannot pass without taking notice of a mistake in 
 Tourtiefort, who says, vol. ii. let. 6. that one 6f these 
 branches runs a day's journey to the south of Ertzrum, 
 the other a day and a half, or two days' journey to the 
 north of it ; whereas, he has told us but just before, 
 that the bridge of Elijah is but about six miles from 
 Ertzrum. > It is well known that, in the East great dis- 
 tances are measured by days' journeys, small ones by 
 hours : it is therefore probable, that in discoursing about 
 the-country, he was told it was so many hour's jour- 
 ney, which he puidown^'ournee, without distinguishing 
 it from a day's journey. Calmet says, that Strabo and 
 Pliny differ from each other almost in every thing con- 
 cerning the Euphrates. For that Pliny represents it first 
 running to the south, and then to the west: whereas 
 Strabo affirms that it first runs west, and then south'. 
 However, upon examination, I believe they will be 
 found to agree exactly ; and that Calmet has mistaken 
 Pliny's meaning. This great naturalist, B. v. cap. 24. 
 compares Mount Taurus and the Euphrates to two 
 great champions contending with each other ; that the 
 mountain, though twelve miles broad, is not able to 
 stop the river; but however, prevails so far, as not to 
 suffer it to have its way, but diverts it to the south, 
 whereas before its course was westward. 
 
 From the Euphrates they proceeded still 
 north for three days. We are certain that their 
 course was north, because our author informs 
 us, that civs/toe Be f pat ivAvrios ITTVII' viz. that the 
 north wind blew full in their faces, in so fierce 
 a manner as to scorch and benumb the men. 
 Now had they not thought themselves under a 
 necessity of travelling north, they would ne- 
 ver have chose to face so terrible a wind as 
 this. They still proceeded one day farther ; we 
 must naturally conclude towards the same 
 point of the compass : and then put them- 
 selves under the conduct of the bailiff of the 
 village. 
 
 And here we meet with the greatest diffi- 
 culty in the whole book. 2 Ertzrum is but 
 five days' journey from the Euxine : and tho 
 Greeks, where they passed the Euphrates, 
 could not be much farther from it. We have 
 seen they marched to the northward three days 
 fifteen parasangs ; and another day, the dis- 
 tance not mentioned, (suppose five parasangs) 
 which amount to above sixty miles ; so that 
 they must be at this time half way to the coast 
 of the Black Sea. Insomuch that, had they 
 kept still on in the same course, they must in 
 three or four days more have arrived at Cera- 
 zunt, Trebisond, or somewhere thereabouts. 
 But, instead of this, we find they made it no 
 less than forty-five days' march, and several of 
 these very long ones, before they came to Tre- 
 bisond. This is very surprising, and the more 
 so, when we consider, that from the sources of 
 the Euphrates to the banks of the Caspian, is 
 not more than thirteen days' journey. So that 
 these wanderers were enclosed between the 
 Euxine, the Caspian, the Euphrates, and 
 MounttCaucasus : and how they could make 
 such marches for forty-five days together, in 
 this space, is, I confess, entirely beyond my 
 comprehension. 
 
 We find after the battle, when the Greeks 
 were without guides, that they directed them- 
 selves 3 by the sun ; and Xenophon in his 
 speech to the army, in the fifth book plainly 
 shows, that they understood their compass well 
 enough to know the four principal points. 
 How therefore they could be so prodigiously 
 misled is very strange. However, we must 
 remember, that in after-times, when these 
 parts were better known, Artavasdes, the king 
 
 Tournefort, vol. ii. let. 6. 
 Page 203. 
 
 2K 
 
274 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 of the country, abused Antony J by mislead- 
 ing him. We must consider also, that when 
 the Greeks were in this country it was in the 
 middle of winter ; my account makes it Janu- 
 ary ; and that these countries are at this time 
 of the year extremely subject to fogs ; so that 
 they might not see the sun for several days to- 
 gether : and consequently the old bailiff, like a 
 true subject to the king of Persia, might take 
 such an opportunity to mislead them, in order 
 to distress and destroy them. It is highly pro- 
 bable it was this that made him run away, and 
 leave his son behind him : 2 for had he done 
 his duty, it is not at all likely that he would 
 have left his son in such circumstances. He 
 might have some ambition in him, though his 
 estate was low : though he was but the supe- 
 rior of a 3 Troglodyte village, yet he might 
 hope that the sacrificing of a son might raise 
 him to the government of a province : as we see 
 great numbers of garreteers among us, who 
 think themselves qualified to be at least minis- 
 ters of state. 
 
 After the Greeks had lost their guide, they 
 marched seven days thirty-five parasangs, and 
 arrived at the Phasis. This M. Delisle strives 
 4 to prove is the Araxes. But by what is 
 
 * B. xi.p. 524. Where he says he led him round 
 about more than double the-direct way, isroin<ri srA.ovj 
 
 That is, had he conducted them to towns where 
 they could get provisions. But instead of this, he carri- 
 ed them into desolate countries, where he concluded 
 they must of course he starved ; where the first people 
 they could meet with were the Taochians and Chaly- 
 bians, who kept all their provisions in such fastnesses, 
 as the bailiff might imagine it was impossible for them 
 to force. And indeed he was not much mistaken in his 
 nim ; for had they not with great courage, and no small 
 address, stormed theTaochian mountain.it is more than 
 probable they had every one perished with hunger. 
 
 * The villages of this country do retain the same form 
 to this day. Gimelli, P. i. b. 3. c. 3. tells us, " He was 
 in dispute with himself, whether to call the houses 
 caves, or stables, for they are dug out of the earth ; that 
 the roofs are upon a level with the surface of the earth, 
 and that the men and beasts lodge together in them." 
 
 The main of his argument consists in this, that Con- 
 stantine Porphyrogonetes says, that the Phasis runs 
 near Theodosipolis, that it parted his erripire from 
 Iberia, and was likewise called Erax. Now Theodosi- 
 polis stood near the place where Ertzrum now stands ; 
 and therefore if the Colchian Phasis rises somewhere 
 in this country, and flows north, it would run as near 
 that city as the Araxes could do, and would naturally 
 erve as a boundary between Iberia and the Greek em- 
 pire. As to the name, it proves very little ; for as aras 
 signifies a rapid stream, the Persians applied it to a 
 great many rivers. 
 
 said above, it is quite improbable they could 
 deviate so far to the east. And to suppose 
 they came to the Araxes, after they had pass- 
 ed the Euphrates, is still more unlikely ; be- 
 cause these two rivers rise out of the same 
 mountain, about 5 six miles distant from each 
 other ; the Euphrates runs west, and the Araxes 
 east, and then south-east. Now, as the Greeks 
 had passed the Euphrates, and travelled north- 
 ward four days, they must have left the Araxes 
 so far behind them, that it is very unlikely they 
 could ever come back again to it. I would ra- 
 ther for the present, till this country is better 
 discovered, suppose it to be the noted Colchian 
 Phasis. Strabo affirms, that this river has its 
 source in Armenia, 6 Odtrtt (j&ya* TroretfAOf \% 'Ag- 
 puvi&s Taf dg^af tx,uv. Dionysius the geographer 
 says, 
 
 So that the ancients, who knew these countries 
 much better than we do, gave the Phasis a very 
 different rise to what is assigned to it by the 
 moderns, placing its source in the mountains of 
 Armenia, probably, by what they say of its 
 long, course, not at a great distance from 
 the fountains of the Euphrates and Araxes, 
 especially as Dionysius calls it, the Arme- 
 nian mountain, out of which the Euphrates 
 rises. 
 
 This will appear still the more probable, if 
 we seriously attend to what Moses says in his 
 description of Paradise, Gen. ii. v. 10, &c. 
 where he informs us, that a river proceeded out 
 of Ngeden to water the garden ; and there fig??, 
 in that place, i. e. in the garden, it was divided 
 and became into four heads CTtMO Capita, as 
 the Latin accurately express it. The name 
 of the first Phisun, which encompasses the 
 whole country of 7 Khoilh (for so it is written in 
 the original, or perhaps Kloilkh,) where there is 
 
 8 Pliny, Book vi. cap. 9. says, " Araxes eodem monte 
 oritur, quo Euphrates vi. mill, passuum intervallo ;" 
 which is confirmed in some measure by Tournefort, 
 who tells us, vol. ii. 1. 7. that the Araxes runs by As- 
 sancala, which is but six hours from Ertzrum. 
 
 B. x. p. 498. and again B. xi. p. 529. he says, 
 
 IIoTa^bi Si jrXsiOuj f*iv elfiv iv rq %<a$n' yvtaft/tuiretTOt 
 Si $itri$ ftlv x*i Auxof, 
 
 ' I can find nothing to convince me that the Hebrews 
 ever used the >\ as a consonant. The 3 pronounced soft, 
 as some European nations do at present, supplied the 
 place of v. Thus I'D S^lfi Thubal Cain, is Vulcan ; 
 yZV shebang, is seven, and the like. The 1 is, I im- 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 275 
 
 gold, and the gold of that country is good ; 
 there is also the nVl3 and the stone 07180. All 
 which particulars, viz. the name of the river, 
 for Phisun and Phasis are very near the same, 
 the name of the country, and the products of 
 it, do plainly point out the Colchian Phasis, we 
 are now treating of. The ancients are so full 
 of the Colchian gold, that it would be endless 
 to quote all' they say upon this subject. The, 
 bare mentioning the Argonautic expedition 
 (whether real or fictitious) will be sufficient to 
 persuade any one that Colchis was formerly 
 noted for the best gold. What Pliny 1 says 
 of it may convince us, that the character Moses 
 gives of it is just, where he tells us that the 
 gold of that country is good. As to the nSl3 
 it is supposed by the most learned writers, both 
 Jews and Christians, to signify Crystal, and 
 OHS? Emeralds ; both which the ancients make 
 Scythia, the country about Phasis, famous for. 
 Solinus 2 informs us that though crystal was 
 the produce of several parts of Europe, and 
 some places in Asia, yet that of Scythia 1 was 
 the most valuable. And Pliny mentions the 
 emeralds of Scythia in such strong terms, that 
 I must beg leave to transcribe his words, it not 
 being an easy matter to translate them, 3 " No- 
 bilissimi Scythici, ab ea gente, in qua ; reperiun- 
 tur, appellati : nullis major austeritas, nee min- 
 us vitii : et quantum Smaragdi a ceteris gem- 
 mis distant, tantum Scythici e ceteris Smarag- 
 dis." 
 
 It may be objected against what I have here 
 said, that it is entirely improbable four rivers 
 should have the same source, and that accord- 
 ingly these four, which I suppose the rivers of 
 Paradise, namely the Phasis, the Aras, the 
 Tigris, and the Phrat, have their sources at a 
 considerable distance from one another. To 
 this I answer, that the time Moses speaks of 
 was before the flood, when the surface of the 
 earth was very different from what it is at pre- 
 sent : For that the universal deluge wrought 
 prodigious changes in the outward parts of this 
 globe, I think, is manifest from the very ruin- 
 ous appearance of mountains, the unequal dis- 
 
 agine, the waw, the o or u of the East, and is always 
 used as a vowel. 
 
 B. xxxiii. c. 3. 
 
 C. xv. speaking of Scythia, " Istic et crystallus, 
 quern licet pars major Europse et particula Asiae sub- 
 ministrat, pretiosissi mum taraen Scythia edit." 
 
 a B. xxxvii. c. 5. 
 
 position of their parts, (I mean the heaviest 
 bodies mixed with and often placed above the 
 lightest) and sea-shells found in great quantities, 
 and surprising varieties upon some of the high- 
 est of them. Should I attempt to explain the 
 cause and manner of these alteration* , or to 
 write a geographical dissertation upon the an- 
 tediluvian earth, what fate could I expect, when 
 so many great men have handled this subject 
 with so little success. 
 
 I am sensible the current of learned men is 
 against me, who almost all agree that Paradise 
 was situated about the place where Babylon 
 afterwards stood; that the Tigris and Euph- 
 rates met near that place, and afterwards part 
 again : one, therefore, that the heads mentioned 
 by Moses, are those two partings, making four 
 divisions ; the two upper being Hiddekil and 
 Phrat, the two lower Phison and Gihon. But 
 with due submission to those great names, who 
 have espoused this opinion, I believe it is 
 founded upon a 4 mistake : for that the Euph- 
 
 * The original of this mistake seems to have come 
 from Pliny, who says that the Euphrates is divided: 
 (vide p. 20.) that one branch falls into the Tigris at Se- 
 leucia, the other runs through Babylon, and is lost in the 
 bogs. However, in another place he informs us, that 
 this part of the river which runs through Seleucia was 
 an artificial canal. Book vi. cap. 28. he calls it Fosa, 
 and tells us who it was that made it. This was known 
 afterwards by the name of Nahar Malcha, the King's 
 River. Strabo tells us the land was so rotten, that the 
 canals which circulated the water were very subject o 
 fill up, so that Alexander caused new ones to be made. 
 At the junction of one of these' with the Tigris, Seleu- 
 cia was built. Trajan and Severus afterwards clean- 
 sed this canal for the passage of their fleets to the 
 Tigris. Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxiv. cap. 6. says, 
 id. (viz."Flumen Regium, (which he also calls fossile 
 flumen,) antehac Trajanua, posteaque Severus, egesto 
 solo, fordiri in modum canalis amplissimi studio cura- 
 verat summo, ut aquis illuo ab Euphrate transfusis, 
 naves .id Tigridem commigrarent." Notwithstanding 
 which, when Julian the Apostate came hither, he was 
 forced to cleanse it. Zosimus indeed says (B. iii.) the 
 King's River had water in it, but not enough to carry 
 the emperor's fleet without being cleansed : whereas 
 Amm. Marcell. positively affirms that it was quite dry; 
 all which plainly proves that this was not the natural 
 course of the river. Rauwolf and Herbert both aflirm 
 that these two rivers meet a little below Babylon ; but 
 as they took it upon trust we must believe Tavernier, 
 who was an eye-witness. Besides, did the rivers join so 
 near Bagdat, why do they complain of selling their boats 
 for a trifle at Elago 1 They might carry them to Bagdat, 
 and have as good a market for them as any in the East. 
 But the truth is, the canals are choked up, and there 
 is no getting thither in a boat, but by going above eight 
 hundred miles round about. 
 
276 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 rates and Tigris do not meet together till a 
 great many hundred miles below Babylon ; 
 nay, it is positively affirmed by the ancients, 
 that originally they did not meet at all, but had 
 their channels distinct quite to the sea; and 
 that the 1 inhabitants of the country by stop- 
 ping up the Euphrates, in order to water their 
 lands, diverted its course, and turned it into 
 the Tigris. In this manner were the Rhine 
 and the Maese joined together by an earth- 
 quake in latter times ; Tavernier, who himself 
 sailed down the Tigris, makes the present 
 -junction of these two rivers, to be at Gorno, 
 at the distance of one hundred and forty-five 
 leagues, or four hundred. and thirty-five miles 
 from Bagdat, only fifteen leagues from Balsora. 
 Indeed, Delia Valle, and the East India Pilot, 
 make the river to part again, and fall into the 
 Persian Gulf, by two mouths ; but then who- 
 ever considers the situation of the country, that 
 it is near the sea, and marshy, that the river is 
 three or four miles broad, and that it overflows 
 the adjacent country every year, will think it a 
 very improper place to make a garden of, for 
 the entertainment and delight of man in his 
 state of innocence. Moses, indeed, says, that 
 this garden was in the east from the place he 
 wrote in, that is, from Arabia Petrsea ; but 
 this will prove nothing at all, because the 
 Hebrews took no notice of the intermediate 
 points ; so that when a place lay any where to- 
 wards the east, they said it was situated D1DD 
 in the east ; in the same manner as we say, 
 that Riga, Revel, and Petersburg, are in the 
 east country. Job says, that " Gold cometh 
 out of the north ;" meaning, without doubt, 
 the gold of the Phasis ; but then we must 
 consider, that Job lived a great deal fur- 
 ther east, than where Moses wrote, bordering 
 upon the Sabeans and Chaldeans, and con- 
 sequently would have the Colchians near full 
 north. 
 
 But to return from this long, and, I am 
 afraid, tedious digression : The Greeks, after 
 they had passed the Phasis, wandered into 
 countries, of which there are but few marks at 
 present to know them by. There is, indeed, 
 
 Pliny, B. vi. c. 27. " Inter duorum amnium ostia 
 xxv. mill, passuum fuere. aut (ut alii tradunt vii.) mill, 
 jtruque.navigabili : sed longotempure Euphratem prse- 
 clusere Orcheni et accolaj agros rigantes : nee nisi 
 Pasitigri defertur in mare." 
 * Book ii. c. 8. 
 
 a province of Georgia, called Taochir, which, 
 as it has a plain resemblance to the Taochians, 
 and as the Greeks must be in these parts, it 
 may be presumed to have been formerly inha- 
 bited by this people. Who the Chalybians 
 were, or where they lived, I can find nothing 
 remaining. What Mr Hutchinson 3 quotes 
 from Strabo, that XcoJauoi Xa\yCf TO Tra^aucr 
 ZvofAafovro, is plainly meant of the Chalybians, 
 in the next book, who, as Mr Hutchinson him- 
 self allows, were very different both in country 
 and manners, from the people the Greeks had 
 to deal with in this place. 
 
 After this they came to the river Harpasus. 
 I do allow with Delisle, that there is a river of 
 this name in this country, which Tournefort 
 calls 4 Arpagi, and makes to fall into the 
 Araxes ; but how to bring the Greeks hither, 
 and where to assign them the long marches they 
 had before performed, is, I confess, quite above 
 my sphere. To do any thing tolerable in this 
 particular, we must wait till this country is per- 
 fectly discovered ; and whenever there shall be 
 a complete map of it exhibited to the world, 
 we may venture to affirm, that then the learned 
 will be able to lay down the march of this army 
 with some accuracy. The next people the 
 Greeks met with in their progress, were the 
 Scythians ; probably the same with those Scy- 
 thians, 5 whom Diodorus places in this country. 
 From hence they came to a city called Gym- 
 nias ; of which I can meet with nothing, but 
 that the same is called Gymnasia by Diodorus. 
 At this place they were furnished with a guide, 
 who was more just to them than the bailiff 
 had been : for in five days 6 he conducted them 
 to the top of a mountain, from whence they 
 could plainly discern the sea. A sight they 
 had long desired ! In a short time after this, 
 they arrived at 7 Trebisond a Greek city ; and 
 keeping near the sea-shore, marched, all that 
 were able, to Cotyora. 
 
 * Dissert, p. xiv. 
 
 * So that Mr Hutchinson had no occasion to correct 
 Diodorus. 
 
 B. ii. C. 43. To ftiv ovv TrgSirov (sc. x0) **!* rlv 
 
 'Acixi-v -/T0ra,bv o;Uyoi xetruiXOvv TrxvTsXij XKI Jix T(j 
 
 8 Diodorus Siculus says fifteen days : but in this, and 
 several other particulars, he differs so much from Xeno- 
 phon, that I suspect, in drawing up the account of this 
 expedition, he made use of some other author. 
 
 * 1 take no notice of the places they touched at, be- 
 cause Mr Spelman's notes are as full as can be desired 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 277 
 
 And here Xenophon puts an end to his jour- 
 ney ; making this the conclusion of the K*TU- 
 Bauris (Retreat,) as the place of battle was of 
 the ' Avdfia.<7is (Expedition). The reason of this 
 is, because they afterwards sailed much the 
 greatest part of their way to Greece. 
 
 Xenophon himself says that from the field 
 of battle, in Babylonia, to Cotyora, they made 
 eight months ; and in the conclusion he informs 
 us, that the whole expedition and retreat took 
 up fifteen months. Now whoever will be at the 
 pains to compute the marches and halts from 
 Sardes to the battle, will find them to amount 
 to exactly six months ; but as Xenophon be- 
 gins the expedition from Ephesus, we should 
 reckon the time from the same place. There- 
 fore, allowing something for their march to, 
 and stay at Sardes ; their 1 consulting, and 
 passing the Cilician mountains ; their 2 stay 
 and quarrel at Carmande ; and the 3 affair of 
 Orontas, (where the soothsayer's ten days 
 plainly show the time not accounted for :) I 
 say, allowing for these, as Xenophon has said 
 nothing about their continuance, we cannot 
 think a month too long a time for them all : 
 which .will make just fifteen months from their 
 departure from Ephesus to their arrival at 
 4 Cotyora. Our author placing this account at 
 the end of his book, has induced all the learned 
 men, I can meet with, to suppose, that the 
 whole of their transactions, from their first 
 setting out, to their joining of Thimbron, took 
 up no more than fifteen 'months. This has 
 introduced still a worse mistake, by misplacing 
 the year of the expedition in all the chronolo- 
 gical tables. Diodorus Siculus places the ex- 
 pedition in the last of the ninety-fourth Olym- 
 piad ; and Thimbron's passing over into Asia, 
 to make war upon Tissaphernes, in the first of 
 the ninety-fifth Olympiad, and all have follow- 
 ed him, as far as I can perceive, without ex- 
 amining into the affair. However it is most 
 certain, that from their departure under Cyrus, 
 to their junction with Thimbron, was very 
 
 Page 173. Page 182. * Page 184. 
 
 What puts this beyond all dispute, are the dig- 
 tances, which are only computed to Cotyora : for from 
 Ephesus to the battle are one million six thousand and 
 fifty, and from the battle to Cotyora one million eight 
 thousand six hundred stadia, in all three million four 
 thousand six hundred and fifty, the whole sum men- 
 tioned by Xenophon at the end of the book, without 
 taking any notice of their travels after they left Co- 
 tyora. 
 
 24 
 
 near if not quite two full years ; and conse- 
 quently* that the year of the expedition ought 
 to be fixed in the third of the ninety-fourth 
 Olympiad, and this will account for the chasm 
 or .non-action which, Mr Spelman has 5 dis- 
 covered in Diodorus, that year. In order to 
 make out what I advance, I reckon up the time 
 thus; namely, 
 
 Months, 
 
 From Ephesus to the battle, 7 
 
 From the battle to Cotyora, 8 
 
 From their arrival at Cotyora, to their join- 
 ing Seuthes, (upon a moderate computa- 
 tion,} 6 
 
 Serve under Seuthes, 2 
 
 From their leaving Seuthes, to their joining 
 Thimbron, must be near 2 
 
 25 
 
 The two months they served under Seuthes, 
 were in the middle of winter (suppose Decem- 
 ber and January), which is the only mention 
 of the season of the year in the whole book. 
 From thence we gather, that the battle was 
 fought about the latter end of September ; that 
 they were in the snows of Armenia about the 
 beginning of January, came to Trebisond to- 
 wards the end of February, and arrived at Co- 
 tyora about the beginning of June. They set 
 out from hence towards the latter end of July, 
 joined Seuthes at the end of November, and 
 were incorporated with the troops under Thim- 
 bron, the March following, two full years from 
 their first departure from Ephesus, to serve 
 under Cyrus. The Greeks, it is Well known, 
 began their year from the 6 summer solstice. 
 Therefore, as this army returned when Thim- 
 bron passed over into Asia, (as is plain from 
 Xenophon) that is, in the spring of the first of 
 the ninety-fifth Olympiad ; so it is apparent, 
 that Cyrus mustered his forces, and departed 
 from Sardes in the spring of the third of the 
 ninety -fourth Olympiad ; which was two years 
 before their junction with the Lacedaemonian 
 general. Archbishop Usher plainly saw some 
 difficulty in this particular ; for, in repeating 
 Xenophon's words, where he tells us, they 
 were eight months from the battle to Cotyora, 
 this learned prelate says, 7 " It ought to be five, 
 
 * Introduction, p. viii. 
 
 s That is, the first month after the summer solstice. 
 
 * " Cotyora venerant octo (vel quinqiie potius ut Se- 
 ries Histories postulare videtur)postpugnam mensibus." 
 
278 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL 
 
 as the course of the history afterwards re- 
 quires ;" meaning, without doubt, that out of 
 the fifteen months mentioned by Xenophon, 
 at the end of the book, some time ought to be 
 allowed for their joining the Lacedemonians. 
 But, with all due respect be it spoken, three 
 months is not sufficient for this by a great deal ; 
 for instance, they staid at Cotyora forty-five days, 
 and served under Seuthes two months, besides 
 a very considerable train of actions both before 
 and after ; all of which together could not, ac- 
 cording to my computation, take up jnuch less 
 than ten months. But further, if we collect 
 the days from the field of battle, to their arri- 
 val at Cotyora, as they lie scattered in Xeno- 
 phon, we shall find more than seven months 
 accounted for, besides two or three places 
 where time is not strictly mentioned ; which 
 plainly shows that no error can be crept into 
 the text ; but that eight months was the time 
 they spent in this march. 
 
 It is true, indeed, that the battle was fought 
 in the fourth of the ninety-fourth Olympiad ; 
 but then it was in the beginning of it ; where- 
 as, Diodorus affirms, that Cyrus * hired his 
 mercenaries, sent to the Lacedaemonians for 
 assistance, mustered his army at Sardes, and 
 began his march this same year ; ( 2 supposing, 
 without doubt, that they spent but fifteen 
 months in the whole of their travels) all which, 
 as I think, I have proved beyond all contradic- 
 tion, ought to be placed in the third of the 
 ninety-fourth Olympiad, Micion being archon 
 of Athens. 
 
 At Cotyora they took shipping, and sailed 
 to Harmene, a port near Sinope ; and from 
 thence to Heraclea. In this second trip, Xeno- 
 phon informs us, that they saw the mouths of 
 several rivers; first, that of the Thermodon, 
 then of the Halys, and, after this, that of the 
 Parthenius ; whereas- it is most certain, that 
 the Thermodon and Halys are a great way on 
 the other side of Sinope, and consequently, 
 Xenophon must have seen the mouths of them 
 in the former run, that is, from Cotyora to 
 
 t Usher copies Diodorus in all these particulars, and 
 yet afterwards says, " rommissa pugna est sub initium 
 Anni 4. Olympiadis xciv." 
 
 He supposes that Cyrus, having spent the summer 
 and winter in preparing for the expedition, ?et out in 
 the spring of the fourth of the ninety-fourth Olympiad, 
 and that the Greeks returned late in the spring follow- 
 ing. 
 
 Harmene. This will render what I hinted at 
 above very probable, viz. that our author kept 
 no regular journal of this expedition ; for, if he 
 had, where could he have more leisure to write 
 than on board, where he could have nothing 
 else to do, there being pilots to steer the course, 
 and sailors to manage the ships 1 
 
 It is evident, from the digression in the fifth 
 book 3 about Diana's offering, that our authoi 
 did not write 4 this history in its present form 
 till several years after his return from the Ex 
 pedition : for he there makes mention of hi? 
 sons going a-hunting ; whereas it is pretty 
 plain, that at the time we are speaking of, 5 he 
 had no children. He staid in Asia with the 
 troops, fill Agesilaus was recalled, and after 
 the battle of Chseronea he retired to Scilus. 
 This battle was fought in the second of the 
 ninety-fourth Olympiad, near five years after 
 his return from the expedition. In this inter- 
 val he married, and had two sons ; and when 
 these were grown up, which we must suppose 
 would take up about twenty years, 6 he wrote 
 this account of the transactions of the Greeks, 
 
 a Page 287. 
 
 * This work came out under the name of Thermsto- 
 genes of Syracuse ; and Xenophon himself refers to it 
 under this title in the second book of his history. But 
 the world was soon convinced who was the true author; 
 for there are not only several passages in it which Xeno- 
 phon himself alone could know, but it is likewise pen- 
 ned with so much harmony and sweetness, as could flow 
 from no other than the Attic Bee. Indeed it is the opin- 
 ion of some learned men, that Themistosenes did 
 write an account of the expedition, which Xenophon 
 refers to, as above ; but that he afterwards wrote one 
 himself, which is the work we have now extant. How- 
 ever, we shall find this very unlikely, when we reflect 
 that our 'Avieo-j was wrote while Xenophen lived in 
 ease and peace at Scilus, and his sons were alive ; 
 whereas his Greek history was not drawn up till after 
 the battle of Mantinea ; when Scilus was destroyed, 
 Xenophon removed to Corinth, and one of his sons 
 slain ; so that Scilus was destroyed some time before 
 this battle, and the expedition must be written before 
 the Greek History. 
 
 * See Book vii. 
 
 It is probable he wrote this history to vindicate his 
 honour, and published it under another name to avoid 
 the imputation of vanity. There were other accounts, 
 it is likely, of this expedition, which either blamed his 
 conduct, or were silent as to its merit. What confirms 
 me in this opinion, is the relation which Diodorus Sicu- 
 lus gives of the same transactions, which not only va- 
 ries from Xenophon in abundance of particulars, but 
 never mentions his name where he most deserves it, 
 viz. in conducting the most memorable retreat thai ev- 
 er was performed in any period of time. This he attri- 
 butes to Cheirisophus, by saying that he was chosen 
 
DISSERTATION. 
 
 279 
 
 in Upper Asia. So that if some trivial mat- 1 under Proxenus ; else what he said must have 
 ters have slipped his memory, it is not at all to i been looked upon as a banter upon the years of 
 be wondered at, since it was penned so many his friend, and upon the men who served under 
 
 years after the affairs it mentions were trans- 
 acted. 
 
 And here I cannot forbear to express some 
 doubt, concerning our author's age at the time 
 we are treating of. Diogenes Laertius, affirms 
 that he died in the first of the one hundred and 
 fifth Olympiad ; and Lucian, that he lived to 
 be upwards of ninety years of age. So, when 
 he accompanied Cyrus into Asia, he must be 
 at least fifty-one : which to me seems quite 
 irreconcilable with the account he gives us of 
 himself. When their commanders were all 
 destroyed, the Greeks were under great anxiety, 
 as being in the heart of the Persian empire, in 
 the neighbourhood of a great army, and all 
 their best officers murdered. The army was 
 so dispirited, that no one seemed to take any 
 care for its preservation. Xenophon, revolv- 
 ing these things in his mind, says to himself, 
 1 " Do I stay for the arrival of a general from 
 Greece to take the command upon him ? Or 
 do I wait for years to accomplish myself 1 
 But I shall in vain hope to grow older, if I 
 this day surrender myself up to the enemy." 
 He therefore immediately calls up the captains 
 who had served under his friend Proxenus, and 
 proposes the election of officers in the room of 
 those who were put to death ; and concludes 
 his speech with saying, that if they should 
 choose him for their commander, he would 
 not excuse himself by reason of his age. These 
 two passages, compared with Phalinus calling 
 him boy 2 in the second book, and his taking 
 notice of himself frequently as the youngest 
 officer, do almost prevail upon me to think, 
 that he was no more than twenty-three or 
 twenty-four years of age ; his beard not fully 
 grown, and therefore he might with some pro- 
 priety be called boy. Proxenus was but thirty 
 when put to death, and consequently we must 
 suppose Xenophon to be less, when he talks 
 of excusing his age to the officers who served 
 
 general, B. xiv.c. 5. The only time lean find he men- 
 tions Xenophon's name, is his warring against the Thra- 
 cians. B. xiv. c.6. 
 
 l 'Eyu> ovv TOV i* sraieij woJUtoj <n^T^y'cv jrfoJoxw 
 
 r*Dr<* 7T(M^ltV ; TT-Hy.V $' f|XlXV ifJ.cr.UTCV iA-SfTv KVXfteVUI 
 
 jv yxq tyiay' In ir( KT^UTI^OJ Io-o/*i, i.v TY\HI^DV jr^oJw 
 
 ipxvrcv TO?; 7ro\6juo(5, where it is plain by 5rf<r/6oTs f oj, 
 that he looked upon himself as too young to command, 
 a Page 201. 
 
 such a boy. It may be answered that as the 
 Athenians never pressed men into their armies, 
 who were above the age of forty, so Xenophon 
 might say he would not refuse the command 
 by pleading this custom : but this will be found 
 to square but very indifferently with all the 
 other particulars ; for had he been upwards of 
 fifty, he had been older than Clearchus, 3 whom 
 all the rest submitted to of course, and con- 
 sequently can never be supposed to be the 
 youngest commander, when new ones were 
 chosen. Besides, it is not credible, that a rnan 
 would go volunteer in such an expedition as this, 
 that is, to march one thousand two hundred 
 miles into an enemy's country, and then, when 
 a command was offered him, talk of refusing it 
 upon the account of his advanced age. And 
 though the Athenians did exempt men from 
 forced service at the age of forty, yet this was 
 only with respect to the common soldiers ; 
 their generals were not thought the worse for 
 being above that age. I think I may leave it 
 to all the world to judge, whether it would not 
 be ridiculous in any general to talk of resigning 
 upon account of his age at fifty-one, especially 
 when he was affirming upon every occasion, 
 that he was one of the youngest officers in the 
 army. 
 
 I cannot take my leave without pointing out 
 a very considerable error in Arbuthnot's tables, 
 which has misled Mr Spelman in reducing the 
 Greek to the English measures at the end of 
 the book ; for who could have any suspicion of 
 the correctness of a work, which, it is sup- 
 posed, was overlooked by some of the greatest 
 geniuses in Europe 1 These tables make the 
 Greek foot somewhat larger than the English 
 foot: the pace to contain five feet English, 
 and yet the stadium to contain about one hun- 
 dred paces, four feet four and a half inches ; 
 so that six hundred Greek feet are not equal 
 to five hundred and five English feet ; and so 
 the piucv, which contains four thousand eight 
 hundred Greek feet, is made equal to eight hun- 
 dred and five paces five feet, that is four thou- 
 
 3 Page 202. As the oldest officer, the rest being with- 
 out experience. If we may guess at the rest by the 
 ages of those mentioned, they must all be young men. 
 Proxenus was but thirty, Agias and Socrates about 
 forty, when put to death. 
 
280 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL DISSERTATION. 
 
 sand and thirty English feet. This error arises 
 from computing by the fathom, instead of the 
 pace ; and if this mistake be rectified in the 
 next edition, the tables will be correct for any 
 thing I know at present to the contrary. The 
 surest way of reducing the ancient measures to 
 those of the moderns, is to keep in mind the true 
 proportion of their respective feet. Thus nine, 
 hundred and sixty Greek feet are equal to nine 
 hundred and sixty-seven English, and therefore 
 
 the thirty four thousand six hundred and fifty 
 stadia, contained in the whole expedition and 
 return of this army, will, when reduced to our 
 measures, amount to three thousand nine hun- 
 dred and sixty-six miles. The Greek mile, or 
 JU.IMW is less than an English mile by four hun- 
 dred and forty five English feet. An English 
 mile contains five thousand two hundred and 
 forty-one Greek feet. 
 
 R. FOBSTEB. 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, 
 
 BOOK V 
 
 [281] 
 
 24 2L 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK V. 
 
 I. The Greeks decide on the prosecution of thei* journey Dy sea, and send Cheirisophus to obtain ships Xeno- 
 phon takes prudent measures for their other concerns, and provides both that they shall have sufficient ships 
 for a sea voyage, and, should they go by land, that they shall find the roads duly prepared for them Dexip- 
 pus is sent to bring in vessels, but sails off with his galley Polycrates succeeds to the duty, and performs it 
 faithfully. II. Led by the inhabitants of Trebisond to collect provisions, one half of the forces march out 
 against the Drillians The Greeks attack their metropolis, and, after great difficulties, obtain success, and 
 return the following day in safety to the camp. III. Unable any longer to wait for the return of Cheiriso- 
 phus, they ship their invalids, and march themselves along the coast tojCerasuj Here they review the army 
 They divide the money arising from the sale of the captives, and a tenth part of it, which had been vowed 
 to Apollo and Diana, is distributed by the generals among themselves Xenophon shows how at a future time_ 
 he employed his share in the service of Diana. IV. Arrived on the confines of the Mosynoecians, w; " 
 trusting to their strongholds, dare to prohibit their advance, the Greeks form a treaty of alliance with ano 
 nation of Mosyncecians against their common enemy These allies, with whom some of the Greeks 
 prudently united themselves, are repulsed with great slaughter The next day, having encouraged th 
 of his soldiers, Xenophon leads them, with their barbarian allies, against the enemy, whom he vanq 
 and disperses Two forts burned with their garrisons and inhabitants, the capital city plundered, and so' 
 other places either taken by storm or admitted to surrender The barbarity of the Mosy^KEcian manners 
 described. V. They arrive at the frontiers of the Tibarenians, with whom they enter into a treaty, and in 
 two days afterwards reach the city of Cotyora Here they supply themselves with provisions, by plundering 
 from the neighbouring Paphlagonia, and from the territory of the Cotyorians themselves To the ambassador 
 of the Sinopians, Xenophon reports a grave and bold answer. VI. By the advice of Hecatonymus, ambas- 
 sador from Sinope, it is resolved to prosecute their journey by sea Xenophon's design of building a city in 
 the Pontus frustrated by the calumny of Silanus the soothsayer Others, also, are desirous of persuading the 
 army to settle on that coast. VII. Xenophon, being reported as the author of the above design, is induced 
 to defend himself in a speech ; in the course of which he gives a cij^jimslantial account of the cruel and 
 nefarious conduct of certain Greeks An inquiry into tbe affair, and the punishment of the malefactors, are 
 unanimously decreed by the council. VIII. The generals, by the same decree, being called to an account 
 of their conduct, Xenophon is arraigned by some of the privates for violence and blows He confesses that ha 
 had sometimes dealt disciplinary blows among them bat maintains that they were bestowed without tyranny 
 or injustice; and by solid argument and detail of facts, removes all ground of accusation. 
 
 [282] 
 
THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 I. WE have hitherto related the actions of the 
 Greeks in their expedition with Cyrus, and in 
 the march to the Euxine sea ; how they arrived 
 at Trebisond, a Greek city, and offered the 
 sacrifices they had vowed to the gods, in return 
 for their safety, in the place where they first 
 came into the territories of their friends. 
 
 After that they had assembled to consider of 
 the remainder of their march, and Antileon of 
 Thuria first rose up, and spoke in the follow- 
 ing manner. " For my part, gentlemen ! I am 
 already tired with preparing my baggage, with 
 walking and running, carrying my arms, and 
 marching in my rank, and with mounting the 
 guard and fighting ; and therefore now desire, 
 since we are arrived at the sea, to l sail from 
 hence forward, freed from these labours, and 
 stretched out, 2 like Ulysses, sleeping to arrive 
 
 i rUsn/ TO XOJJTOV. Xenophon.as we shall see after- 
 wards, perpetually uses TTI^ a-o(s\ir^sn, to travel by 
 land, in opposition to n-xiiV, to travel by sea. There is a 
 very remarkable passage in the Institution of Cyrus, 
 where our author, speaking of the posts instituted by 
 the first Cyrus, says that these posts, performed by 
 horses, were the most expeditious method of travelling 
 
 by land, TCOI; xv$-airtv<av TTt'C^ TTOftttov uvTti TXXHTTtl. 
 
 But our author is not singular in this use of the word ; 
 Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the expedition of Arta- 
 xerxes against Evagoras, king of Cyprus, calls his land- 
 army, though it consisted of horse, as well as foot, TTI^V 
 o-TfxTivfiy. : his words are these ; TO p\v yxg wi^bv TTgi- 
 nu^t* ,ttufiSa)v r.v T^iixovT* <ruv iVwiCtr*. I imagine this 
 sense of the word in Greek may have given occasion to 
 the phrase pcdibus ire in the Latin authors, and to Caesar, 
 in particular, to say, Lucius Caesar pedibus Adrametum 
 profugerat. 
 
 a 'atra-sf 'OJua-o-suj. This relates to Ulysses arriving 
 isleep in Ithaca, where the Phaeacian sailors left him in 
 ihat condition. 
 
 K*' ag'tTri vj/* i t3'to tS'io-oeVj SiSfty/tsvov STTVU. 
 I mention this verse to show that D'Ahlancourt had no 
 reason to excuse his leaving out dormant, by saying that 
 it is only an ornament, and not a point of history. 
 
 in Greece." The soldiers, hearing this, ap- 
 plauded him, and first another, and then all 
 present expressed the same desire. Upon this 
 Cheirisophus rose up and said, " Gentlemen ! 
 Anaxibius is my friend, and, at present, admi- 
 ral ; if, therefore, you think proper to send me 
 to him, I make no doubt of returning with 
 galleys and ships to transport you ; and since 
 you are disposed to go by sea, stay here till 
 I return, which will be very suddenly." The 
 soldiers, hearing this, were very well satisfied, 
 and decreed that he should set sail immediately. 
 After him, Xenophon got up and spoke to 
 this effect. " Cheirisophus is gone to provide 
 ships for us ; in the meantime, we propose to 
 stay here. I shall therefore acquaint you with 
 what I think proper for us to do during our 
 stay. In the first place, we must supply our- 
 selves with provisions out of the enemy's coun- 
 try, for the market here is not sufficient to 
 supply us : besides, few of us are furnished 
 with money to provide ourselves with what we 
 want, and the country is inhabited by the ene- 
 my. We shall therefore expose ourselves to 
 lose many of our men, if, when we go in search 
 of provisions, we are careless and unguarded : 
 so that I am of opinion, when you go out upon 
 these expeditions, you ought to take 3 guides, 
 
 SLi> Trgovc^xT; . I suspect there is here some corrup- 
 tion in the text; I do not know what to make of o-Ov 
 3r e ovo^*r ; ; Muretus has a mind it should be <K.v a- t o$e<>. 
 /uo s , but that does not satisfy: both the Latin transla- 
 tors have said per excursions; but how could they get 
 provisions otherwise than by excursions ? D'Ablanconrt 
 has made very good sense of it by saying, qu'on iCy aille 
 point suns escorte; but I do not think it can be shown 
 that ir s svopt) signifies the escort that attends on foragers. 
 I shall therefore venture to make a small variation in 
 the text, a liberty I believe I have not above twice in- 
 
 283 
 
284 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 in order to be safe, and not wander about the 
 country without them, and that the care of pro- 
 viding them be left to us." This being re- 
 solved, he went on. " Hear also what I have 
 farther to say. Some of you will, no doubt, 
 desire to go out for plunder. Let all such 
 therefore acquait us with their intentions, and 
 to what part of the country they propose to go ; 
 that we may know the number both of those 
 who go, and of those that stay, and assist the 
 former in any thing they want ; and if it shall 
 be found necessary to send out succours, that 
 we may know whither to send them ; and that, 
 if any person of less experience undertakes any 
 thing, by endeavouring to know the strength of 
 the enemy, we may be able to advise him." 
 This also was resolved. " In the next place, 
 consider this," says he : " The enemy having 
 leisure to make reprisals, may, with justice, lay 
 snares for us, for we have possessed ourselves 
 of what belongs to them, and they have the ad- 
 vantage of us by being posted upon eminences 
 that command our camp. For which reason I 
 think we ought to place out-guards round the 
 camp ; and if, by turns we mount the guard, 
 and watch the motions of the enemy, we shall 
 be the less exposed to a surprise. Take this 
 also into your consideration. If we were as- 
 
 dulged before; it is this, I would read <ruv >jy/to<ri in- 
 stead of <rlv v^vo/nxl?; but, in order to support this al- 
 teration, I find myself obliged to put the reader in mind 
 of what our author says immediately before ; be tells 
 the men they will expose themselves, %v K/*e\u>s n x*i 
 eo<puA.axT<s sroj UU>I<T ETTI T sirtTtfet*: thefirstof these 
 I think he guards against, by advising them to go out 
 for provisions <ri> 5yMcr. This reading seems to lead 
 naturally to what he adds, *K\a>s$l ^ n-i.xva.rSxi, and 
 further to V"*; TOUT> 5r.jus\))3->)vo5<. Those who are 
 acquainted with the ancient writers, must be sensible 
 that there is so much method in them, and so close a 
 connection between their general assertions and the de- 
 tail of them, the latter perpetually growing out of the 
 former, that I hope this alteration will not seem too vio- 
 lent, particularly where some was necessary. But there 
 was another danger against which he was to warn them, 
 and that related to private plunder, for that is the sense 
 ofiTrl \si*v5ro f u5<rS*!, as it is particularly distinguish- 
 ed from public expeditions in the sixth book, where Xe- 
 nophon tells us the soldiers made an order that when the 
 army staid In the camp, l&v i*-i xnv lev*,, the men' 
 were then allowed to go out for private plunder ; and 
 presently he will give us an account of the misfortune 
 of Cleaenetus, when the Greeks went out upon that ac- 
 count, ITT\ x.i*v $>j(rs6vo 'EKK^vtf i but when he comes 
 to the public expeditions of the army to get provisions, 
 which he calls l^-i ri inn^u* TTO^ juo-3-a, and which 
 were made in consequence of their resolution upon what 
 he proposed, he there tells us that he himself took the 
 guides appointed by the Trapezuntiane, and led out one 
 balf of the army, leaving the other to guard the camp. 
 
 sured that Cheirisophus would return with a 
 sufficient number of ships to transport us, what 
 I am going to say would be unnecessary : but, 
 as that is uncertain, I think we ought, at the 
 same time, to endeavour to provide ourselves 
 with ships from hence : for, if we are already 
 supplied, when ho arrives we shall have a great- 
 er number of ships to transport us ; and, if he 
 brings none, we shall make use of these we 
 have provided. I observe many sSips sailing 
 along this coast ; these, if "we desire the inhabi- 
 tants of Trebisond to supply us with ships of 
 strength, we may bring to the shore, and, taking 
 off their rudders place a guard upon them, till we 
 have enough to transport us in such a manner as 
 we propose." This also was resolved. The next 
 thing I would recommend to your consideration,' ' 
 says he, " is, whether it may not be reasonable 
 to subsist those belonging to the ships, as long as 
 they stay in our service, out of the public stock, 
 and pay them their freight, that they may find 
 their account in serving us." This was also 
 resolved. " I think," added Xenophon, " that 
 if by this means we should be disappointed of 
 a sufficient number of ships, we ought to order 
 the towns, that border on the sea, to repair 
 the roads, which, as we are informed, are hard- 
 ly passable : for they will obey our orders, both 
 through fear and a desire to be rid of us." 
 
 Upon this they all cried out, that there was 
 no necessity to repair the roads. Xenophon, 
 therefore, seeing their folly, declined putting * 
 
 i 'Eve^r. <?i^ tn.lv ovSsv. Leunclavius mistook this pas- 
 sage when he said nihilsanzit, which Hutchinson has 
 properly explained by nihil eos sententias rogavit. 
 Thus issVj}/!j(?<wmade use of more than once by Thu- 
 cydides, and in this sense he makes Nicias use it upon a 
 very important occasion : the Athenians, at the insti- 
 gation of Alcibiades, resolved to send a fleet of sixty 
 ships under his command, and that of Nicias and La- 
 machus, to assist the Egestieans against the Selinun- 
 tians, or rather to conquer Sicily. Five days after this 
 resolution, there was another assembly of the people, 
 where everything that was necessary towards equip- 
 ping and manning the fleet was to be provided. Here 
 Nicias did all that was in his power to divert them from 
 the expedition, and after many very solid arguments to 
 that purpose, he proposes to them to revoke their form- 
 er votes, and leave the Sicilians to enjoy what they pos- 
 sessed, and compose those differences without their in- 
 terposition ; after proposing this, he calls upon the pre- 
 sident of the assembly, (if he thought it his duty to take 
 care of the commonwealth, and desired to show himself 
 a good citizen) to put the question and again to take 
 the opinion of the Athenians; xi <K> < n-fOretvi, raSr* 
 
 sTOT3{ u3-<f 'AS>]vio;. D'Ablancourt has said very 
 carelessly, ne laissa pas d'y donner ordre. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 285 
 
 any question relating to th.at, but prevailed on 
 the towns near the sea to mend their roads, of 
 their own accord; telling them, that if the 
 roads were good, the Greeks would the sooner 
 leave their country. The inhabitants of Tre- 
 bisond let them have a galley with fifty oars, 
 of which they gave the command fo * Dexip- 
 pus, who lived in the neighbourhood of Sparta : 
 but he, neglecting to take any transport ships, 
 went away with the galley, and sailed out 
 of the Euxine sea. However, he afterwards 
 received condign punishment; for, being in 
 Thrace in the service of Seuthes, and car- 
 rying on some intrigues there, he was slain by 
 Nicander the Lacedaemonian. The inhabitants 
 of Trebisond also supplied them with a galley 
 of thirty oars, of which Polycrates an Athe- 
 nian, had the command, who brought all the 
 transport ships he seized to the shore before 
 the camp, and the Greeks, taking out their 
 cargoes, appointed guards to take charge of 
 them, and retained the ships for their passage. 
 In the meantime, the soldiers went out to get 
 plunder, some succeeding, and others not. 
 But Clesenetus, in attacking a strong place with 
 his own, and another company, was slain to- 
 gether with many others. 
 
 II. When the provisions in the neighbour- 
 hood were so far consumed, that the parties 
 could not return the same day, Xenophon, 
 taking some of the inhabitants of Trebisond 
 for his guides, led out one half of the army 
 against the Drillians, leaving the other to guard 
 the camp : because the Colchians, being 
 driven out of their houses, were got together 
 in great numbers, and encamped upon the 
 
 t As?iVjrov Axooijxbv jreg/oixoi-. Hutchinson has ren- 
 dered this Dexippum Laconem istius loci accolam, and 
 D'Ablancourt, in the same sense, qui demeuroit en ces 
 quartiersla. This I do not take to be the sense of 
 !rt e i'oxo ? , in this place, which I think Leunclavius has 
 rendered very properly Dexippum Laconem e Sparta 
 vicinia. The ancient authors in treating of the affairs of 
 the Lacedaemonians, almost always distinguish between 
 the inhabitants of Sparta and those of Lacedsemon, that 
 is of the country adjoining to it, the former of whom at 
 the time of the invasion of Xerxes, consisted but of 
 eight thousand men,, and were looked upon as better 
 soldiers than the latter; for we find Demaratus, in 
 Herodotus, saying to Xerxes at the affair of Thermopylae 
 5<TT iv TH AxxtSsuftovt EyrufTctj sroXi; wv^jav oxraxto-- 
 %Xov/*\i<rra- xcti OUTO STVTJS fljuoroi iV TOUT* ev$jt,$t 
 ttX,i<raftiv6i<ri' a'! ye fti\v x\o< AaxiJstijuivio*, TOUTOT 
 juW ou% Sjuoieijseya^oi St. These inhabitants of the 
 country of Lacedaemon are particularly called ^.a.xe. 
 by Strabo: who, he tells us, were freed by the Romans, 
 when those of Sparta were under the oppression of their 
 tyrants. 
 
 eminences. These guides did not lead them 
 to those places where provisions were easy to 
 be had, because the inhabitants were their 
 friends ; but conducted them with great cheer- 
 fulness into the territories of the Drillians, by 
 whom they had been ill treated. This is a 
 mountainous country, and of difficult access, 
 and the people the most warlike of all those 
 who live near the Euxine sea. 
 
 As soon as the Greeks entered their coun- 
 try, the Drillians set fire to all the places they 
 thought easy to be taken, and then went away. 
 So that the Greeks found nothing but swine 
 and oxen, and some other cattle that escaped 
 the fire. There was one place called their 
 metropolis, whither they had all betaken them- 
 selves. This place was surrounded by a . 2 val- 
 ley, exceeding deep, and the access to it was 
 difficult. However, the targeteers, advancing 
 five or six stadia before the heavy-armed men, 
 passed the valley, and seeing there a great 
 many cattle with other things, attacked the 
 place. They were followed by many pikemen, 
 who had left the camp to get provisions : so 
 that the number of those who passed the valley, 
 amounted to above two thousand men. These 
 finding themselves unable to take the place by 
 storm (for it was surrounded with a large ditch 
 and a rampart, upon which there were pal- 
 isades, and many wooden towers) endeavoured 
 to retreat; but the enemy attacked the rear, 
 so that, not being able to make their retreat 
 (for the pass, which led from the place to the 
 valley, was so narrow they could only go one 
 by one) they sent to Xenophon, who was at 
 the head of the heavy-armed men. The mes- 
 senger acquainted him that the place was fur- 
 nished with great quantities of effects ; But," 
 says he, it is so strong, we cannot make our- 
 selves masters of it : neither is it easy for us to 
 retreat ; for the enemy sallying from the place, 
 attacks our rear, and the recess is difficult." 
 
 Xenophon, hearing this, advanced to the 
 brink of the valley, and ordered the heavy- 
 armed men to stand to their arms ; then passing 
 over with the captains, he considered whether 
 it were better to bring off those who had al- 
 ready passed, or to send for the heavy-armed 
 men to come over also, in expectation of 
 taking the place. He found the first could not 
 be brought off without considerable loss, and 
 the captains were also of opinion that the 
 place might be taken. So Xenophon consented, 
 
 a X*{i *. See note 4, page 226. 
 
286 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [[BOOK v. 
 
 relying upon the- victims; for the priests 
 had foretold there would be an action, and 
 that their 1 excursion would be attended with 
 success. He sent therefore the captains to 
 bring over the heavy-armed men, and him- 
 self staid there, and drew off the targeteers 
 without suffering any of them to skirmish. 
 As soon as the heavy-armed men came up, he 
 ordered each of the captains to draw up their 
 several companies in such a manner as they 
 thought most advantageous. He did this, be- 
 cause those captains, who were in a perpetual 
 emulation of gallantry, stood near to one an- 
 other. While these orders were putting in 
 execution, he commanded all the targeteers to 
 advance with their fingers 2 in the slings of 
 their darts, which, when the signal was given, 
 they were to lance, and the archers with their 
 arrows on the string, which, upon a signal also, 
 they were to discharge ; at the same time he 
 ordered the light-armed men to have their 
 pouches full of stones; and appointed proper 
 persons to see these orders executed. When 
 every thing was ready, and the captains and 
 lieutenants, and the men, who valued them- 
 selves no less than their leaders, stood all in 
 their ranks, and viewed one another, (for by 
 reason of the ground the army made a fine ap- 
 pearance) they sung the psean, and the trumpet 
 sounded ; then the army shouted, the heavy- 
 armed men ran on, and javelins, arrows, leaden 
 balls, and stones thrown by hand, flew among 
 the enemy ; some of the men even throwing 
 fire at them. The great quantity of these mis- 
 sive weapons forced them both from the pali- 
 sades and the towers ; so that Agasias of 
 Stymphalus, and Philozenus of Pelena, laying 
 down their arms, mounted the rampart in their 
 vests only; when some, being drawn up by 
 their companions, and others getting up by 
 themselves, the place was taken, as they imagin- 
 ed. Upon this, the targeteers and light-armed 
 men, rushing in, plundered every thing they 
 could find, while Xenophon, standing at the 
 gates, kept as many of the heavy-armed men 
 as he could, without : because other bodies of 
 the enemy appeared upon some eminences, 
 
 i TSX.OS TJ; i6Jou. Hutchinson understands i&So; 
 in this place to relate to the retreat of the Greeks from 
 the place, where they seem to have engaged themselves 
 rashly ; I have rather chosen to explain it of their ex- 
 cursion in quest of provisions, which sense I find Le- 
 unclavius has followed. 
 
 a Ai>iyxuxcr>tvou$ uv*. See note 2, page 242. 
 
 strongly fortified. Not long after, there was a 
 cry heard within, and the men came flying, 
 some with what they had got-, and others, pos- 
 sibly, wounded. Upon this, there was great 
 crowding about the gates. Those who got 
 through, being asked what the matter was, said 
 there was a fort within, from which the enemy 
 sallied, and wounded our men who were in the 
 place. 
 
 Xenophon, hearing this, ordered Tolmides 
 the crier to publish, that all who desired to 
 partake of the plunder should go in ; many, 
 therefore, prepared themselves to enter, and, 
 rushing in, drove back those who were endea- 
 vouring to get out, and shut up the enemy 
 again wfthin the fort. The Greeks plundered 
 and carried off every thing they found without 
 it; while the heavy-armed men stood to their 
 arms, some round the palisades, and others 
 upon the road that led to the fort. Then Xe- 
 nophon and the captains considered whether it 
 were possible to take it, for in that case, they 
 secured their -retreat, which, otherwise, would 
 be exceeding difficult : but, upon consideration, 
 the fort was found to be altogether impregna- 
 ble. Upon this they prepared for their retreat, 
 and each of the men pulled up the palisades 
 that were next to him ; then the *useless peo- 
 ple, together with the greatest part of the 
 heavy-armed men, were sent out to get plun- 
 der ; but the captains retained those, in whom 
 each of them confided. 
 
 As soon as they began their retreat, the ene- 
 my sallied upon them, in great numbers, armed 
 with bucklers, spears, greaves, and Paphlago- 
 nian helmets ; while others got upon the houses 
 on each side of the street that led to the fort, 
 so that it was not safe to pursue them to the 
 gates of it, for they threw great pieces of tim- 
 ber from above, which made it dangerous both 
 to stay, and to retire ; and the night coming on, 
 increased the terror. While they were engaged 
 with the enemy under this perplexity, some god 
 administered to them a means of safety; for 
 one of the houses on the right hand took fire 
 on a sudden : who set fire to it is not known ; 
 but, as soon as the house fell in, the enemy 
 quitted all those on the right, and Xenophon 
 being taught this expedient by fortune, ordered 
 all the houses on the left to be set on fire. 
 These being built of wood were soon in a flame, 
 upon which the enemy quitted them also. 
 There only now remained those in the front 
 to disturb them, it being evident they designed 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 287 
 
 to attack them in their retreat and descent ' 
 from the fort. Upon this, Xenophon ordered ; 
 all who were out of the reach of the missive 
 weapons to bring wood, and lay it in the mid- j 
 way between them and the enemy. When 
 they had brought enough, they set fire to it ; 
 setting fire at the same time to the houses that 
 were next the rampart, in order to employ the 
 enemy. Thus, by interposing fire between 
 themselves and the Barbarians, they, with dif- 
 ficulty, made good their retreat ; the city, with 
 all the houses, towers, palisades, and every 
 thing else but the fort, was reduced to ashes. 
 
 The next day the Greeks marched away with 
 the provisions they had taken ; but apprehend- 
 ing some danger in the descent to Trebisond 
 (for it was a steep and narrow defile) they 
 placed a false ambuscade. A certain Mysian 
 by birth as well as name, taking four or five j 
 Cretans with him, stopped in a thicket, affect- 
 ing an endeavour to conceal himself from the j 
 enemy, while the flashing of their brazen buck- j 
 lers discovered them here and there. The ene- 
 my, therefore, seeing this, were afraid of it, as 
 of a real ambuscade ; in the meantime the ar- 
 my descended. As soon as the Mysian judged 
 they were advanced far enough, he gave the 
 signal to his companions to fly in all haste ; and 
 he himself, leaving the thicket, fled, and they 
 with him. The Cretans (expecting to be over- 
 taken) left the road, and rolling down into the 
 valleys, got safe to a wood; but the Mysian, keep- 
 ing the road, called out for help, when some ran 
 to his assistance, and brought him off wounded. 
 These, after they had rescued him, retreated 
 slowly, though exposed to the enemy's missive 
 weapons, while some of the Cretans discharged 
 their arrows in return. Thus they all arrived 
 at the camp in safety. 
 
 III. When neither Cheirisophus returned, 
 nor the ships they had provided were sufficient 
 to transport them, and no more provisions were 
 to be had, they determined to leave the coun- 
 try. To this end they put on board all their 
 sick, and those above forty years of age, toge- 
 ther with the women and children, and all their 
 baggage, that was not absolutely necessary, and 
 appointed Philesius and Sophaenetus, the old- 
 est of the generals, to go on board, and take 
 care of them. The rest travelled by land, the 
 roads being mended ; and the third day they 
 arrived at Cerazunt ; 1 a Greek city, situated 
 
 EIJ. Kt e *TQWT*. Cerazunt was the place whence 
 
 in the country of the Colchians near the sea, 
 and a colony of the Sinopians. Here they 
 staid ten days, during which the soldiers were 
 reviewed in their arms, and an account taken 
 of their number, which amounted to eight 
 thousand six hundred. These were all that 
 were saved out of about ten thousand ; the rest 
 were destroyed by the enemy and by the snow, 
 and some by sickness. Here each man receiv- 
 ed his share of the money that had been raised 
 by the sale of the captives, the tenth part of 
 which they consecrated to Apollo, and to Di- 
 ana of Ephesus. Of this each of the generals 
 received a part, to be appropriated by them to 
 that service. Neon the Asinian received that 
 which was designed for Cheirisophus. 
 
 Xenophon, therefore, having caused an of- 
 fering to be made for Apollo, consecrated it in 
 the treasury of the Athenians at Delphos, in- 
 scribing it with his own name and that of 
 Proxenus, who was slain with Clearchus, there 
 having been an intercourse of hospitality be- 
 tween them. As to that part of the money 
 which was appropriated to Diana of Ephesus, 
 he left it with Megabysus, the sacristan of 
 that goddess ; 2 when he departed out of Asia 
 in company with Agesilaus, with a design to 
 go to Boeotia, conceiving it might be exposed 
 to some danger with him at Chseronea. He 
 enjoined Megabysus, if he escaped, to restore 
 the money to him, otherwise to make such an 
 offering with it, as he thought would be most 
 acceptable to the goddess, and dedicate it to 
 her. Afterwards, when Xenophon was ba- 
 nished from Athens, and lived at Scilus, a town 
 built by the Lacedaemonians near Olympia, 
 Megabysus came to Olympia to see the games, 
 and restored the deposit. With this money, 
 Xenophon purchased some lands in honour of 
 the goddess, in the place directed by the ora- 
 cle, through which the river Sellenus happens 
 to run, a river of the same name running also 
 hard by the temple of the Ephesian Diana, 
 
 LncuUus, in his return from his expedition against Mi- 
 thridates, brought cherry-trees into Italy, in the year of 
 Rome 680; one hundred and twenty years after that 
 they were carried into Britain : they seem to have had 
 their name from this city, or the city from them. Tour- 
 nefort tells us, that he found all the hills, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of it, covered with those trees. Cerazunt 
 was afterwards called Pharnaceia, though Ptolemy, 
 Strabo, and Pliny make them different towns. 
 
 a 'OT isrin'. <ruv 'Ay>i<r.A.w. See the Life of Xeno- 
 phon prefixed to this translation, where this and many 
 other subsequent passages are explained. 
 
288 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK 
 
 and in both there are shell-fish, l as well as 
 other fish ; besides, there are in this place, near 
 Scilus, wild beasts of all kinds that are proper 
 for the chase. Xenophon also built a 2 temple 
 and an altar with this consecrated money ; and 
 from that time offered to the goddess an an- 
 nual sacrifice of the tenth of the product of 
 every season ; and all the inhabitants, with the 
 men and women in the neighbourhood, partook 
 of the feast ; and all who were present at it have 
 barley meal, bread, wine, and sweetmeats in 
 honour of the goddess, and also their share of 
 the victims that are killed from the consecrated 
 lands, and of the game that is taken. For the 
 sons of Xenophon, and those of the rest of the 
 inhabitants, always make a general hunting 
 against the feast, when all who desired it hunt- 
 ed along with them ; and wild boars, with 3 roe 
 and red deer, were taken both upon the conse- 
 crated lands, and upon a mountain called 
 Pholoe. The place lies near the road that leads 
 from Lacedsemon to Olympia, about twenty 
 stadia from the temple of Jupiter, that stands 
 in the last of these cities. There are groves 
 belonging to it, and hills covered with trees, 
 very proper to feed swine, goats, sheep, and 
 horses; so that those belonging to the per- 
 sons who come to the feast, find plenty of 
 pasture. 
 
 The temple itself stands in a grove of fruit 
 trees, that yield all sorts of fruit proper to the 
 
 t K.ay%xi. Under the title of Koy% in Greek, and 
 concha in Latin, are comprehended the infinite variety 
 of shell fish described by Pliny ; most of which, I dare 
 gay, I have seen in Sir Hans Sloane's magnificent and 
 curious collection of the product of all the four parts of 
 the earth ; which collection I look upon as a much bet- 
 ter comment upon that author, than all that has been 
 written to explain him. 
 
 a'Es-o.^o-i &l-**l vbv, etc. Pausanias tells us that 
 near to this temple stood a monument, said to be erected 
 for Xenophon, with his statue in Pentelesian marble. 
 The quarry of this marble, so much celebrated among 
 the statuaries, was upon a mountain of that name near 
 Athens ; whatever merit this marble might have, we 
 find in Pliny that the first statuaries made use of no 
 other than that of Paros, though, since that time, he 
 says, many whiter kinds of marble have been discover- 
 ed, and, not long before he wrote, in the quarries of 
 Luna, a sea-port town of Tuscany. I have lately seen, 
 in the hands of a very curious person, a piece of marble 
 just brought from the island of Paros: it is exceedingly 
 white, and sparkles like the fragments of the most an- 
 cient statues, which, by these circumstances, as well as 
 by the authority of the best authors, plainly appears to 
 have been of that marble. 
 
 a AogxiJis. See note 5, page 180, upon the first book. 
 The mountain Pholoe in Arcadia was famous for all 
 sorts of game. 
 
 season. 4 It resembles in little the temple of 
 Ephesus, and the statue of the goddess is as 
 like that of Ephesus, as a statue of cypress 
 can be to one of gold. Near to the temple 
 stands a pillar with this inscription ; " These 
 lands are consecrated to Diana. Let the pos- 
 sessor offer up the tenth part of the annual pro- 
 duct in sacrifice, and out of the surplus, keep 
 the temple in repair. If he fails, the goddess 
 will punish his neglect." 
 
 * *O St vabj, to; ^i 
 xi TO ootvov lotxiv, <5j xv7r*f HTytvov %,(v<rio ovrt rco sv 
 
 'Eipiorw. Hutchinson has, upon this occasion, quoted a 
 passage out of Pliny, wherein that author gives the 
 dimensions of the temple of Ephesus ; but it must be 
 observed, that the temple there described by Pliny, was 
 not in being at the time of our author ; since it was 
 only begun after the first was burned down by Heros- 
 tratus, which happened the same night Alexander the 
 Great was born, that is, in the Attic month Boedromion 
 (September), in the first year of the hundred and sixth 
 Olympiad : which gave occasion to Timaeus, the his- 
 torian, to say, that it was no wonder Diana's temple was 
 burned, since the goddess was from home attending 
 Olympiasin her labour. The temple, therefore, which 
 was burned down by Herostratus, not that described by 
 Pliny, (which was not begun till some years after Xe- 
 nophon's death, and was two hundred and twenty 
 years in building) must have been the model of the tem- 
 ple built by Xenophon at Scilus. The last temple of 
 Ephesus, Alexander, it seems, was so desirous to have 
 inscribed with his name, that he offered the Ephesiana 
 to bear all the expense they had been, and should be 
 at, in building it, provided they would consent to the in- 
 scription. This they refused with as great vanity as 
 he desired it; but, being sensible that a flat denial might 
 be attended with dangerous consequences, they clothed 
 theirs with a piece of flattery, and told Alexander that 
 it was not decent for one god to dedicate temples to an- 
 other. The same judgment is to be made of the quota- 
 tion brought by Hutchinson out of Pliny, in relation to 
 the wood of which the statue of the Ephesian Diana 
 was made, since we find, by this passage of Xenophon, 
 that the statue in the first temple was of gold. I am 
 apt to believe also that the representations of the 
 Ephesian Diana, which are to be met with in several 
 monuments of antiquity, are all taken from the statue 
 in the last temple. The great numbers of breasts with 
 which the body of this statue is surrounded, (from which 
 she was called multimammia, a-oxu/tio-ros ) confirm the 
 opinion of some learned men, that the Egyptian Isis, 
 and the Greek Diana, where the same divinity with 
 Rhoja from the Hebrew word nj?*% Rahah, to feed. The 
 Diana of Ephesus also, like Rhoea or Cybele, was 
 crowned with turrets, which symbol of Rhota, together 
 with her fecundity, are both set forth in those beautiful 
 verses, where Virgil compares Rome to this goddess : 
 " En huius, Nate, Auspiciis ilia inclyta Roma 
 Imperium Terris. animos sequabit Olympo ; 
 Septemque una sibi Muro circumdabit Arces, 
 Felix Prole virum ; qualis Berecynthia mater 
 Invehitnr curru Phrygias turrita per urbes, 
 Laeta Deum partu, centum complexa Nepotes, 
 Omnes CoBlicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes." 
 I am surprised that Montfaucon, in liis account of the 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 289 
 
 IV. From Cerazunt those who went on 
 board before continued their voyage by sea, 
 and the rest proceeded by land. When they 
 came to the confines of the * Mosynoecians, 
 they sent Timesitheus of Trebisond to them, 
 (between whom and them there was an inter- 
 course of hospitality) to ask them, in their 
 name, whether they desired the Greeks should 
 march through their country as friends or as 
 enemies 1 The Mosyncecians answered it was 
 equal to them ; for they trusted to their places 
 of strength. Upon this, Timesitheus informed 
 the Greeks, that the Mosynoecians, who inhab- 
 ited the country beyond these, were at enmity 
 with them : so they resolved to send to this 
 people to know whether they were disposed to 
 enter into an alliance ; and Timesitheus being 
 sent upon this occasion, returned with their 
 magistrates. When they were arrived, they had 
 a conference with the generals of the Greeks, 
 
 Diana of Ephesus, and of the various representations 
 of that goddess, does not distinguish between the two 
 temples and the two statues, but contents himself with 
 quoting the same passage out of Pliny, to show the dif- 
 ferent opinions of people concerning the wood of which 
 the statue was made. But to return to the Greek Diana, 
 the Phrygian Rhoia, or the Egyptian Isis, all emblems 
 of fecundity, it is very observable that almost all the 
 statues of the Ephesian Diana have a crab upon the 
 breast: of which Montfaucon, after he has given the 
 opinions of the antiquaries, says the signification is un- 
 certain. However uncertain it may be, I beg I may be 
 allowed to offer a conjecture about it. Every one agrees 
 that the representation of the Ephesian Diana was ta- 
 ken from the Egyptian Isis, and all authors, both an- 
 cient and modern, affirm that the overflowing of the 
 Nile becomes remarkable generally at the summer sol- 
 stice; how then could the Egyptians represent fertility 
 better than by placing on the breast of their goddess 
 Isis, or universal nature, that sign in the zodiac, which 
 denotes the summer solstice, when the fertile water of 
 the Nile begins to diffuse plenty over the face of their 
 country ? This hieroglyphical manner of representing 
 fertility is agreeable to the genius of the Egyptians, 
 who seem to have pursued it in the com position of their 
 fictitious animal, the sphinx, a figure composed of the 
 body of a lion, and the head of a virgin, with the same 
 view of denoting plenty spread over Egypt by the over- 
 flowing of the Nile, during the time the sun passes 
 through the signs of the lion and virgin, which immedi- 
 ately follow the summer solstice, y2W, Sphang, in He- 
 brew, from whence the word sphinx is visibly derived, 
 signifying overflowing. 
 
 t MOO-UVOJXCOV. The Mosyncecians are thus paraphra- 
 sed by Dionysius Periegetes, 
 
 t't /*oo-<rufces "XOVTI 
 
 AoUfl*TIOU{. 
 
 Upon which Eustathius observes Kiyn ju-,<rut/*,- I%siv 
 Jouf e*reouj Jj^ouv J-uiuvouj. It seems the Greeks gave 
 them the name of Mosyncecians, from the wooden tow- 
 ers they inhabited, ^<rw signifying in Greek a wooden 
 tower. 
 
 25 
 
 and Xenophon spoke to them in this manner, 
 Timesitheus being the interpreter : 
 
 " O Mosynoecians ! we propose to go to 
 Greece by land, for we have no ships : but 
 these people, who, as we understand, are your 
 enemies, oppose our passage. You have it in 
 your power, therefore, if you think proper, by 
 entering into an alliance with us, both to take 
 revenge of them for any injuries they may have 
 formerly done you, and to keep them in sub- 
 jection for the furture. Consider then, whether, 
 if you neglect this opportunity, you are ever 
 like to be supported with so powerful an alli- 
 ance." To this the chief magistrate of the 
 Mosyncecians made answer, that he approved 
 of this, and accepted our alliance. " Let us 
 know then," said Xenophon, what use you 
 propose to make of us, if we become your al- 
 lies 1 And of what service you can be to us in 
 our passage 1" They answered, We have it 
 in our power to make an irruption, on the 
 other side, into the country of those who are 
 enemies to us both, and to send hither ships 
 with men, who will be both auxiliaries, and 
 your guides." 
 
 Upon these terms they gave their faith and 
 received ours, and then returned. The next 
 day they came back with three hundred canoes, 
 three men being in each, two of whom disem- 
 barking stood to their arms in order of battle, 
 and the third remained on board. These went 
 away in their canoes, and the rest disposed 
 themselves in the following manner. They 
 drew up in several lines, each consisting of 
 about one hundred men, which, like rows of 
 dancers faced one another ; they had all buck- 
 lers, made of the hides of white oxen with the 
 hair on, and shaped like an ivy-leaf; and in 
 their right hands a spear, six cubits in length, 
 with a point on the upper part, and on the 
 lower a ball of the same wood. They wore 
 vests, which did not reach to their knees, of 
 the thickness of the linen bags 2 in which car- 
 pets are usually packed up : and on their heads 
 helmets made of leather, like those of the 
 Paphlagonians, from the middle of which there 
 rose a tuft of hair 3 braided to a point, resem- 
 
 3 Linen bag. STJ w^iro SKT^OS. It was in one of these 
 sacks that Cleopatra conveyed herself in order to de- 
 ceive Ccesar's guards, and solicit him against her broth- 
 
 er iwofou Jf,says Plutarch, TOU Xa^siV OVTOJ aXXwf, 
 
 Tuft of hair. KjvA.9v. I shall quote a passage of 
 2M 
 
290 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 bling a tiara. They had also battle-axes made 
 of iron. Then one of them led the way, and 
 all the rest followed, singing also, and march- 
 ing in time ; when passing through the ranks 
 of the Greeks, as they stood to their arms, 
 they advanced immediately against the enemy, 
 to a fort that seemed in no degree capable of 
 making resistance. This fort stood before the 
 city, which they called the metropolis, that 
 contained within it the most considerable cita- 
 del of the Mosynoecians. This citadel was 
 the subject of the present war between them ; 
 for those who were in possession of it were 
 always looked upon to have the command of 
 all the rest of the Mosyncecians : they told us, 
 that the others had seized this place contrary 
 to all justice, it belonging to both nations in 
 common, and by seizing it had gained the as- 
 cendant over them. 
 
 Some of the Greeks followed these men, not 
 by the orders of their generals, but for the 
 sake of plunder. The enemy, upon their ap- 
 proach, kept themselves quiet for a time ; but, 
 when they came near the fort they sallied out, 
 and, putting them to flight, killed many of the 
 Barbarians, together with some of the Greeks 
 who were of the party, and pursued them till 
 they saw the Greek army coming up to their 
 assistance. Upon which they turned and fled : 
 
 Thucydides, upon this occasion , not only to explain the 
 signification of this word, but also because the passage 
 itself contains an account of a very odd dress in use 
 among the Athenians of old, with the observation of the 
 Greek Scholiast upon it. Thucydides tells us, that not 
 long before his time, the old men at Athens, of the rich- 
 er sort wore linen vests, and the braids of their hair 
 interwoven with golden grasshoppers : x* o.' w ? i<r/36Tj- 
 
 pOt CtVTGl's TC0V fU^eCf jCtOfttV, ltt TO 0o* 06 1TO Vj OU 9TOXll 
 
 xi9*x>) T ( ix<av. TheGreek Scholiast, in his observation 
 .upon this passage, fully explains the word xfw/Suxoj, 
 made use of by Xenophon in that now before us : *t<a- 
 0X05, says he, ia-rlv liSls srXiy/Tb; ra>v Tf %iv, ia-b 
 fXKTt^cuv ti j 6u ajrcX^yov exceXsiVo d's TWV /uiv wv^^utv, 
 Xf ri(3uXof TtBV i^l yuvaixwv, xo^w/u^os* Ta)i> Js sroeiS'wv rxog- 
 jro; i^o^oui' Ji TSTTJ^*?, JIM TO jUOuTixof, ii J Tb 
 uro%^oy*f j'f**, x*i yif Tb wov ytiyivtf. And this is 
 
 the sense I have given to the word x e coySuXo, in my 
 translation of this passage. The last reason given by 
 the Greek Scholiast for the Athenians wearing grass- 
 hoppers in their hair seems the best founded, that is, that 
 they did it to show they were the original inhabitants of 
 the country ; for every body knows this was their pre- 
 tension. Tarn at a loss to know what induced D'Ablan- 
 court to translate xfoi^uxof, un cercle defer. He hasbeen 
 equally unfortunate in rendering the following passage 
 xT<ov<rxouj Si iviSiSvx.i<rstvvirttyov*T a ,v > "ilsavoient 
 des cottes d'armes, qui leur passoient les genoux." 
 
 and, cutting off the heads of the slain, they 
 showed them both to the Greeks and to the 
 Mosynoecians, their enemies ; dancing at the 
 same time, and singing a particular tune. 1 This 
 accident gave the Greeks great uneasiness, both 
 because it encouraged the enemy, and because 
 their own men, who were of the party, in great 
 numbers ran away ; which had never happened 
 before during the whole expedition. Upon 
 this Xenophon, calling the soldiers together, 
 spoke to them in this manner. " Gentlemen ! 
 do not suffer yourselves to be cast down by 
 what has happened ; for the good that attends 
 it is not less than the evil. In the first place 
 this has convinced you, that our guides are in 
 reality enemies to those to whom we are so 
 through necessity. Secondly, those Greeks 
 who despised our discipline, and thought them- 
 selves able to perform as great things, in con- 
 junction with the Barbarians, as with us, are 
 justly punished: so that for the future they 
 will be less desirous of leaving our army. Pre- 
 pare yourselves, therefore, to let those Barba- 
 rians, who are your friends, see that you are 
 superior to them in courage, and to show those 
 who are your enemies, that they will not find 
 you the same men now, as when they engaged 
 you, while you were in disorder." 
 
 Thus they passed, this day. The next, as 
 soon as they had offered sacrifice, and found 
 the victims favourable, they took their repast. 
 After that, the army being drawn up in co- 
 lumns, and the Barbarians placed on their left 
 in the same disposition, they went on, the 
 archers marching in the intervals, a little within 
 the foremost ranks of the heavy-armed men ; 
 for the enemy's forlorn consisting of light- 
 armed, advanced before the rest, and discharged 
 a volley of stones among the Greeks. These 
 were repulsed by the archers and targeteers. 
 The rest marched slowly on, and first went 
 against the fort, before which the Barbarians 
 and the Greeks, who were with them, had been 
 put to flight the day before : for here the ene- 
 my was drawn up. The Barbarians received 
 the targeteers, and fought with them: but, 
 when the heavy-armed men came up, they 
 fled ; and the targeteers immediately followed, 
 
 1 Singing a particular tune. No/taini-i aJovrij. No^e? 
 is used in the same sense by Herodotus, where speaking 
 of the adventure of Arion, he says, roc Si ('A? oi/) iv. 
 
 TOlVl w 
 
 Sit JjfX$liV VO/UOKTOV 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 291 
 
 pursuing them up the hill to the metropolis, 
 while the heavy-armed men marched on in their 
 ranks. As soon as the Greeks had gained the 
 top of the hill, and came to the houses of the 
 metropolis, the enemy being now got together 
 in a body, engaged them, and lanced their jave- 
 lins ; and with other spears, which were of that 
 length and thickness that a man could scarce 
 wield one of them, they endeavoured to defend 
 themselves hand to hand. 
 
 However, the Greeks pressing hard upon 
 them, and engaging them in a close fight, they 
 fled, and presently all the Barbarians quitted 
 the town. But their king, who resided in a 
 woodeft tower situated upon an eminence, 
 (whom, while he resides there, and guards the 
 place, they maintain at the public expense,) re- 
 fused to leave it, as did also those who were 
 in the place that was first taken ; so they were 
 burned there, together with their towers. The 
 Greeks, in sacking the town, found in the 
 houses great heaps of bread, made according to 
 the custom of the country the year before ; as 
 the Mosyncecians assured us ; and the new 
 corn laid up in the straw ; * it was most of it 
 spelt. They found also dolphins cut to pieces, 
 lying in pickle in jars ; and in other vessels the 
 fat of the same fish, which the Mosynoecians 
 used as the Greeks do oil. In their garrets 
 were great quantities of 2 chestnuts. These 
 they boil, and generally use instead of bread 
 There was found wine also, which when un 
 mixed was so rough that it appeared sour, but 
 being mixed with water became both fragranl 
 and sweet. 
 
 The Greeks, having dined there, went for- 
 ward, delivering up the place to those Mosy- 
 ncecians who had assisted them in taking 
 it. As for the rest of the towns they arrivec 
 at, which belonged to the enemy, the easiest 
 of access were either abandoned or surrender 
 ed ; the greatest part of which are of this 
 
 i Zi. ZE , or i* in Greek, is what the Romans 
 called far, as we find very particularly in Dionysiui 
 Halicarnassensis, where speaking of the matrimonia 
 ceremony, by them called, " confarreatio," he says i 
 had its name iwb rfc xo,i.is T o5 <pf>^s, 5 x*xoc^ji 
 tjfttTs J*v ; I am apt to believe it was what we cal 
 spelt. Pliny says the epithet of{ii$<eo$, which Homer 
 gives so often to *e io, is derived from s, not froi 
 jf, according to the general opinion. 
 
 9 Kijo* ri wKani* oux IjOVT* Sitt<f\iv 6uStftt 
 
 Literally "flat nuts without any cleft ;" ?* signi 
 fies nuts in general ; by these additions they are distin 
 gnishcd both from common nuts and walnuts. 
 
 lature. They are distant from one another 
 
 ighty stadia, some more and some less ; and 
 
 r et, when the inhabitants call out to one 
 another, they can be heard from one town to 
 another ; so mountainous and so hollow is the 
 country. The Greeks proceeding still for- 
 ards, arrived among their allies, who showed 
 
 hem boys belonging to the rich men, fatted 
 with boiled chestnuts : their skin was delicate 
 and exceeding white, and they were very 
 near as thick as they were long. Their backs 
 were painted with various colours, and all their 
 
 'ore parts 3 impressed with flowers. They 
 wanted publicly to make use of the women the 
 
 Greeks brought with them. It seems this is 
 their custom. The people of this country, 
 
 30th men and women, are very fair. All the 
 
 3 'o-Tyjutvooi; uvStptov. I am not at all suprised that 
 the translators are puzzled at the word uvSifuov in 
 this place, for I believe it is no easy matter to find it 
 used in this sense by any other author. Hutchinson 
 has said, after LeuncJavius, "pictura fiorida distinctis," 
 which though I am far from condemning, yet I think 
 sn'-.v is the word used by all authors in that sense. 
 This is the epithet Homer gives to the basin or charg- 
 er which Achilles proposes as ono of the prizes to the 
 victor in throwing the dart. 
 
 K*tf; At)JT' CtJTVftV obj*CV XVCSftSVTX 
 
 >jx' is K-yuvx <f sj wv. 
 
 Which Mr Pope has translated, as he ever does, with 
 great propriety, 
 
 " An ample charger of unsullied frame. 
 With flowers high wrought." 
 
 The lexicons are as silent, in relation to this sense of the 
 word xvhfttov, as the authors. Hesychius says it signi- 
 fies a winding line in pillars, ye*,i>t T'S JA.x9>j{ i v 
 r3iy xo<ri. I suppose he means twisted pillars; it ia 
 therefore submitted to the reader whether Xenophon 
 may not say that the fore-parts of this people were im- 
 pressed with this kind of flourishes. D'Ablancourthas 
 said, with great art and little fidelity, " ils avoient le doa 
 et 1'estomac peints de diverses couleurs," by this means 
 he has left out ivfl,ov. The custom, mentioned by 
 Xenophon, to have been in practice among the Mosynce- 
 cians, of painting their bodies, was also used by our 
 ancestors, as we find in Caesar, who says that all the 
 Britons painted themselves with woad, which makes a 
 blue dye. "Omnes se Britanni vitro inficiunt, quod 
 caeruleam eflicit colorem." This word vitrum has, I 
 find, puzzled the commentators : but it signifies here the 
 plant which the Greeks call T*TI, in English, woad, 
 a plant well known to the dyers, who use great quanti- 
 ties of it to make their blue dye. " Herba," says Mar- 
 cellus Empiricus, " quam nos vitrum, Graeci Isatida 
 vocant." The French called this herb, in Pliny's time, 
 glastum, and, in this day they call it guesde, as well as 
 pastel. I am informed that the Welch, as well as the 
 inhabitants of lower Brittany in France, still call & 
 glass, so that it is probable the equivocal application of 
 vitrum may have given occasion to the equivocal sense 
 of the word glass. 
 
292 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 array agreed that these were the most barba- 
 rous people they had met with in all their ex- 
 pedition, and the most distant from the man- 
 ners of the Greeks. For 1 they do those things 
 in public which others do in private, otherwise 
 they dare not do them at all : and in private, 
 they behave themselves as if they were in pub- 
 lic. They talk to themselves, they laugh by 
 themselves, and dance, wherever they happen 
 to be, as if they were showing their skill to 
 others. The Greeks were eight days in pass- 
 ing through the enemy's country, and that 
 which belonged to the Mosynoecians their 
 allies. 
 
 V. After that they arrived among the 
 2 Chalybians. These are few in number, and 
 subject to the Mosynoecians ; and the greatest 
 part of them subsist by the manufacture of 
 iron. From thence they came to the 3 Tibare- 
 nians. This is a much more campaign coun- 
 try, and their towns near the sea are not so 
 strong. These the generals were disposed to 
 attack, that the army might have the advantage 
 of some plunder. For this reason they declin- 
 ed receiving the presents which the Tibarenians 
 sent them as a token of hospitality : but, hav- 
 ing ordered those who brought them, to wait 
 till they had conferred together, they offered 
 sacrifice ; and, after many victims were slain, 
 all the priests agreed that the gods by no means 
 allowed them to make war upon this people. 
 Hereupon they accepted their presents, and 
 marching as through a country belonging to 
 their friends, they came to 4 Cotyora, a Greek 
 
 1 'Evrt x*e 8x*- ovrts. This account of the very 
 odd manners of this people is transcribed almost word 
 for word by Eustathius, in his notes upon Dionysius 
 Periegetea. Upon this occasion, I cannot help men* 
 tioning what Strabo says of the Irish, <p*vg>s tturyt- 
 
 ff-San TeTj rs ccAAoti; yuvatjji, xoti /uifT^io-* xai uSt^Qatf; ; 
 
 but, lest we should think ourselves less barbarous than 
 our neighbours, Cajsar says the same thing of the 
 Britons. 
 
 * E.j Xi>.ue*s. Strabo is of opinion that these were 
 the same with the Alizonians mentioned by Homer, 
 
 TiiXoSsv sjj 'AxOStiJ Sfl 
 
 And that either the poet wrote Ix X*xuS>is, or that the 
 inhabitants were originally called Alybians. By this 
 passage of Homer it seems they were, at that time, as 
 famous for their mines of silver as they were afterwards 
 for those of iron. 
 
 Tee.tvou{. These were called by Dionysius Perie- 
 getes, woxupp^ej Tigcf>ii'o, which epithet agrees very 
 well with the account our author gives of their country. 
 
 Koruu)f*. This town was no more than a village 
 in Arrian's time, and, as he says, a small one. 
 
 city, and a colony of the Sinopians, situated in 
 the territory of the Tibarenians. 
 
 Thus far the army travelled by land, having, 
 in their retreat from the field of battle near 
 Babylori to Cotyora, made, in one hundred and 
 twenty-two marches, six hundred and twen- 
 ty parasangs, that is, eighteen thousand six 
 hundred stadia, in which they spent eight 
 months. Here they staid forty -five days ; 
 during which they first offered sacrifice to the 
 gods ; 5 then, dividing themselves according to 
 their several nations, made processions, and 
 celebrated gymnic games. After that they 
 went out to get provisions, taking some but of 
 Paphlagonia, and the rest out of the country 
 of the Cotyorians : for they refused to supply 
 them with a market, or to admit their sick in- 
 to the city. 
 
 In the meantime ambassadors arrived from 
 Sinope ; these were in pain both for the city 
 of the Cotyorians, which belonged to them, and 
 paid them tribute, and for the country, which 
 they heard was plundered. When they came 
 to the camp of the Greeks, they spoke thus, 
 Hecatonymus, who was esteemed a man of 
 great eloquence, speaking for the rest : " Gen- 
 tlemen ! the city of Sinope hath sent us hither, 
 first to commend you, for that, being Greeks, 
 you have overcome the Barbarians ; next, to 
 congratulate you upon your safe arrival, through 
 many, and, as we are informed, grievous hard- 
 ships. But we have reason to expect that, as 
 we are Greeks also, we shall rather receive 
 favours, than injuries from Greeks : parti- 
 cularly, since we have never provoked you by 
 any ill treatment. I must acquaint you then, 
 that Cotyora is our colony, and that having 
 conquered this country from the Barbarians, we 
 have given it to them. For which reason, 
 they pay us the tribute at which they are taxed, 
 in the same manner with the inhabitants of 
 Cerazunt and Trebisond ; so that whatever in- 
 jury you do them, the city of Sinope will look 
 upon it as done themselves. Now, we are in- 
 formed that you have entered their town by 
 
 K*T' Ijvof. Leunclavius has translated this, I think, 
 properly, " Graecis per singulasnationes distinctls," and 
 Hutchinson, who takes notice of this 'translation of 
 Leunclavius in his notes without any mark of disappro- 
 bation, has, however, chosen to render it " quisque pro 
 more gentis ;" I own I doubt whether XT* Sflvoj signi- 
 fies " pro more gentis." By the little acquaintance I 
 have had with the Greek authors, I observe thatxar* 
 T n-ar^ia is almost always the expression they make 
 use of upon that occasion. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 293 
 
 force ; that some of you are quartered in their 
 houses, and that you take what you want, out 
 of the country, without their consent. These 
 things we cannot approve of; and, if you con- 
 tinue this behaviour, we shall be obliged to 
 enter into an alliance with Corylas, and the 
 Paphlagonians, and with any other nation we 
 can prevail upon to assist us." 
 
 Then Xenophon rose up, and spoke thus in 
 behalf of the soldiers. "We come hither, 
 O men of Sinope ! well satisfied with having 
 preserved our persons, and our arms ; for, to 
 bring our booty along with us, and at the same 
 time to fight with our enemies, was impossible. 
 And now, since we arrived among the Greek 
 cities, at Trebisond, for example, we paid for 
 all the provisions we had, because they supplied 
 us with a market ; and, in return for the ho- 
 nours they did us, and the presents they gave to 
 the army, we paid them all respect, abstaining 
 from those Barbarians who were their friends, 
 and doing all the mischief we were able to their 
 enemies, against whom they led us. Inquire 
 of them what usage they have received from 
 us ; for the guides, whom that city has sent 
 along with us through friendship, are here 
 present. But wherever we find no market 
 provided for us, whether among the Barbarians 
 or Greeks, we supply ourselves with provi- 
 sions, not through insolence, hut necessity. 
 Thus we made the Oarduchians, the Chal- 
 dseans, and the Taochians, (though no subjects 
 of the king, yet very warlike nations,) our ene- 
 mies, by being obliged to take what we wanted, 
 because they refused to supply us with a 
 market; while we treated the Macronians, 
 though Barbarians, as friends, and took nothing 
 from them by force, because they supplied us 
 with the best market they were able. And if 
 we. have taken any thing from the Cotyorians, 
 who, you say, are your subjects, they are them- 
 selves the cause of it : for they have not be- 
 haved themselves to us as friends ; but, shut- 
 ting their gates, would neither suffer us to 
 come within their walls, nor supply us with a 
 market without : and of this they lay the fault 
 upon the person you have sent hither as their 
 governor. As to what you say concerning our 
 quartering in their houses by force, we desired 
 them to receive our sick under their roofs : 
 they refusing to open the gates, we passed 
 through them into the city, without committing 
 any other act of violence, and our sick lodged 
 25* 
 
 now in their houses, without putting them to any 
 expense. We have, it is true, placed a guard 
 at the gates, that our people may not be under 
 the power of your governor, but that we may be 
 at liberty to carry them away whenever we may 
 think proper. The rest of us, as you see, en- 
 camp, in order, in the open air, prepared, if any 
 one does us a favour, to return it; if an injury, 
 to resent it. You threaten to enter into an 
 alliance with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, 
 if you see convenient, against us. Know then, 
 that if you force us to it, we will encounter you 
 both (for we have already engaged much more 
 numerous enemies ;) besides, we have it also 
 in our power, if we think fit, to enter into an 
 alliance with the Paphlagonian ; for we are 
 informed that he wants to make himself master 
 both of your city and of the maritime towns. 
 We shall therefore endeavour, by assisting him 
 in attaining what he desires, to gain his friend- 
 ship." 
 
 Upon this, the rest of the ambassadors showed 
 a visible dislike of what Hecatonymus had said ; 
 and another of them advancing, said they were 
 not come to declare war, but to express their 
 friendship. " And if," says he, " you think 
 fit to come to Sinope, we will receive you in a 
 hospitable manner, and for the present, direc- 
 tions shall be given to the inhabitants of this 
 place to supply you with every thing ; for we 
 are sensible you advance nothing but what is 
 true." After this v the Cotyorians sent presents 
 to the army, and the generals of the Greeks 
 also treated the ambassadors with all hospita- 
 lity. They all conferred together a considera- 
 ble time in a very friendly manner ; and, among 
 other things, the generals inquired concerning 
 the remainder of the way, and both of every 
 thing that related to their respective concerns. 
 And thus ended that day. 
 
 VI. The next day the generals thought pro- 
 per to call the soldiers together, and to consider 
 of the rest of their march, in the presence of 
 the Sinopians; for, if they determined to 
 travel by land, they thought these might be of 
 service to conduct them, for they were well ac- 
 quainted with Paphlagonia ; and, if by sea, 
 they imagined they should also want the assist- 
 ance of the Sinopians, for they alone seemed ca- 
 pable of providing a sufficient number of ships to 
 transport them. Calling therefore the ambassa- 
 dors, they consulted together : and the generals 
 desired that, as they themselves were Greeks, 
 
294 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 they would first show their hospitality by their 
 benevolence to Greeks, and by giving them the 
 best advice they were able. 
 
 Then Hecatonymus rose up, and first made 
 an apology, for having said that they would 
 enter into an alliance with the Paphlagonian, 
 alleging, that he did. not say this with a view of 
 making war upon the Greeks, but to let them 
 see, that, having it in their power to make an 
 alliance with the Barbarians, they preferred 
 that of the Greeks. Being called upon to 
 give his advice, he first invoked the gods : then 
 said thus : " If the advice I am going to give 
 you, appears to me the best, may I be prosper- 
 ous ; otherwise, miserable ; for the present 
 counsel seems to be of the nature of those, 
 which are termed * holy. If, therefore, I am 
 found to advise you well, I shall have many to 
 applaud me, and, if ill, many to curse me. I 
 am sensible, then, that we shall have much 
 more trouble, if you return by sea ; for in that 
 case we shall be obliged to supply you with 
 ships : whereas if you go by land, it will be 
 incumbent on you to fight your way through. 
 However, I must speak what I think; for I 
 am well acquainted both with the country of 
 the Paphlagonians, and with their strength. 
 Their country contains many very fair plains, 
 and mountains of a prodigious height. And first 
 of all, I know the place where you must, of 
 necessity, enter it ; for there is but one pass, 
 and that lies between two points of a rock 
 exceeding high. These a very few men, posted 
 there, may defend ; and, if the enemy are once 
 masters of this pass, all the meh in the world 
 cannot force their way. This I can make 
 appear to any one you think proper to send 
 along with me. On the other side of this pass, 
 I am well assured, you will find plains, and 
 upon them a body of horse, which the Barba- 
 rians themselves think exceeds all the cavalry 
 the king is master of. These, though lately 
 summoned, did not attend him, their commander 
 
 . i 'l( f x iru^/Soux>i. We find by thia passage of Xeno- 
 phon, and by another in Plato, that it was a common 
 saying among the Greeks, that counsel was a divine 
 thing. " If." says the latter to Demodocus, " counsel is 
 called a divine thing, none can bo more so than that 
 which relates to the present question " this was educa- 
 tion. y.XA.i fj.tv $ij ui Anyuojoxe. xxi Key*rxt yi <ruyU(3ov\>) 
 <<?" %ei)A* ?>'*i. ^? oZv x* *XM HT.O-OUV ic-r.v i s? i 
 x* Muri) S.v (/. TTS^I ? f oi vDK (ru/^ouxtu.,. D'Ablan- 
 nourt was sensible this parenthesis could have no grace in 
 a modern language: but I doubt whether that reason will 
 be thought to justify his leaving it out. 
 
 being too haughty to obey. But, admit you 
 could even seize the pass between these moun- 
 tains unobserved, and prevent the enemy, and, 
 afterwards, in the plain, defeat their horse and 
 foot, whose numbers amount to above one hun- 
 dred and twenty thousand men, you will still find 
 several rivers in your way. First, the 2 Ther- 
 modon, which is three hundred feet over : the 
 passage of which seems to me very difficult, par- 
 ticularly, when you have a numerous army in 
 front, and another in your rear. Secondly, the 
 
 3 Iris ; this is also three hundred feet broad. 
 The third river you will meet with, is the 
 
 4 Halys, not less than two stadia in breadth. 
 This you cannot pass without boats ; and who 
 is there to supply you with them 1 The 5 Par- 
 thenius is, in like manner, impassable. This 
 river you would arrive at, if you could pass 
 the Halys. So that I do not look upon this 
 road as only difficult but absolutely impassable. 
 Whereas if you go by sea, you may sail from 
 hence to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea ; 
 and, from Heraclea, there will be no difficulty, 
 either in going by land, or by sea : for there 
 you will find great numbers of ships." 
 
 When he had done speaking, some suspected 
 he said this out of friendship to Corylas, for 
 there was an intercourse of hospitality between 
 them ; others, that he expected to be reward- 
 ed for his advice ; and some, that he said 
 it, fearing lest, if they went by land, they 
 should do some damage to the country of the 
 Sinopians. However, the Greeks voted to go 
 by sea. After that Xenophon said, " O men 
 of Sinope ! the soldiers have determined to go 
 in a manner you advise. But thus the case 
 stands. We are contented to go by sea, pro- 
 vided we are furnished with such a number of 
 ships, that not a man of us shall be left be- 
 hind. But if it is proposed, that some of us 
 should be left, and some set sail, we are re- 
 solved not to go on board at all : because we 
 are sensible, that wherever we are the strongest, 
 we shall not only be safe, but get provisions 
 also ; and that, if we are any where found 
 weaker than our enemies, we expect no better 
 
 a Tbv &eef*<u$ovTa,. See note upon the sixth book. 
 
 8 'if iv. This river rises out of the kingdom of Pon- 
 tus, and, having received the Lycus, runs through the 
 plain of Themiscyra, and, from thence, falls into the 
 Euxine sea. 
 
 * 'A\uv. See note upon the sixth book. 
 
 najstiuo;. See note upon the sixth book. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 295 
 
 uteage than to be made slaves." The Sino- 
 pians, hearing this, desired the Greeks to send 
 ambassadors to them, and accordingly they 
 sent Callimachus an Arcadian, Ariston an 
 Athenian, and Samylas an Achaian ; who set 
 out immediately. 
 
 In the meantime Xenophon, considering the 
 great number of Greek heavy-armed men, of 
 targeteers, archers, slingers, and horse, who, by 
 long experience, were now become good troops, 
 looked upon it as an enterprise of great repu- 
 tation to add to the acquisitions of Greece, 
 that of a country, with the power annexed to 
 it, by building a city upon the Euxine sea, 
 where so great an army could not be got to- 
 gether without a vast expense. He had reason 
 to think this city would now grow considerable, 
 both from the number of his own men, and of 
 the neighbouring inhabitants. Calling, there- 
 fore, Silanus of Ambracia, to him, the same 
 who had been soothsayer to Cyrus, he offered 
 sacrifice upon this occasion, before he commu- 
 nicated his thoughts to any of the soldiers. 
 But Silanus, fearing this should take effect, 
 and that the army would settle in some place, 
 acquainted the soldiers that Xenophon pro- 
 posed to detain them there, and, by building a 
 city, to acquire reputation and power to him- 
 self. The design of Silanus in this was to get 
 to Greece as soon as possible, having saved 
 the three thousand 1 daricks which he received 
 from Cyrus, when sacrificing by his order, he 
 told him the truth concerning the ten days. 
 As soon as the soldiers were informed of this, 
 some thought it was best for them to stay 
 there ; but the greatest part disapproved 
 of it; and Timasion the Dardanian, and 
 Thorax the Boeotian, told some merchants of 
 Heraclea and Sinope, who were present, that 
 if they did not supply the men with money 
 sufficient to buy provisions when they set sail, 
 they were in danger of having so great an army 
 settle in their neighbourhood. "For," said 
 they, Xenophon is the author of this resolu- 
 tion, and advises us, as soon as the ships arrive, 
 immediately to speak to the army in these 
 terms: Gentlemen! we observe you are at a 
 loss both how to get provisions for your voy- 
 age, and enrich your families in some measure 
 when you come home ; but if you have a 
 mind to make choice of some part of the inha- 
 
 See note 6, page 169. 
 
 bited country that lies round the Euxine sea, 
 and possess yourselves of it, and that those 
 who are desirous to return home, may go away, 
 while the rest stay here, we are now furnished 
 with ships for that purpose ; so that you have 
 it in your power to make an unexpected descent 
 upon any part of the country you think fit." 
 
 The merchants, hearing this, informed their 
 cities of it; and Timasion of Dardanus sent 
 Eurymachus, also of Dardanus, and Thorax of 
 Boeotia with them, to confirm it. As soon 
 as the inhabitants of Sinope and Heraclea were 
 acquainted with this, they sent to Timasion, to 
 engage him, in consideration of a sum of money, 
 to persuade the army to sail out of the Euxine 
 sea. He was pleased with the offer, and sp'oke 
 thus to the assembly of the soldiers : " Gentle- 
 men ! we ought not to think of staying here, 
 or to prefer any other country to Greece. I 
 hear some people are offering sacrifice upon 
 this occasion, without even acquainting you 
 with their purpose : but I promise you, if you 
 sail from hence, the first 2 day of the month, to 
 
 a 'A-b VOU/OJVIMS. We find by several passages in 
 Xenophon and other authors, that the soldiers among 
 the Greeks received their pay monthly. The interest 
 of money was also payable monthly among the Greeks 
 as it was among the Romans. As the payment both of 
 the principal and interest, and the rigorous methods al- 
 lowed by law to compel it often occasioned great con- 
 vulsions among the latter, it may not be amiss to make 
 some cursory observations upon this subject, particular- 
 ly since Dacier, in his notes upon Horace, and many 
 other modern authors, have very much misrepresented it. 
 It is certain, then, that this monthly interest was one 
 per cent, by the law of the twelve tables, that is, twelve 
 per cent, per annum; this they called " unciariur.i 
 feenus:" and, what is very extraordinary, Livy says, that 
 by the establishment of this interest, usury was mada 
 easy, " unciario foenore facto levata usura erat;" an 
 evident sign of the scarcity of money; but then it must 
 be considered that the year to which this reflection of 
 Livy relates, was so early as the three hundred and 
 ninety-ninth of Rome. Afterwards, that is, in the four 
 hundred and eightieth year of Rome, T. ManliusTorqua- 
 tus and C. Plautius being consuls, this monthly interest 
 was reduced to half per cent, that is, to six per cent, 
 per annum, " semunciarum ex unciario feenus factum." 
 But to return to the vou/ojna, the year of the Greeks 
 was luni-solar, that is, formed of twelve synodical 
 months, making in all but three hundred and fifty-four 
 days, with an intercalation of seven months in nineteen 
 years, invented by Meton, (from whom it was called 
 MSTWVO; ii/iauTo;) to answer the annual difference of 
 eleven days between the lunar and solar year ; this was 
 their civil year: and as their new year began at the first 
 new moon of the summer solstice (the Romans begin- 
 ning theirs at the first after the winter solstice) it neces- 
 
296 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 give each of you a * Cyzicene, for your monthly 
 pay. My design is to lead you into Troas, 
 from whence I am banished ; where my fellow- 
 citizens will assist you, for I know they will 
 receive me with pleasure. Thence I propose 
 to carry you to those parts, where you shall 
 enrich yourselves ; for I am acquainted with 
 ^Eolia, Phrygia, and Troas, and with all the 
 country belonging to the government of Phar- 
 nabazus; with one of them by being born there, 
 and with the other, by having served there un- 
 der Clearchus and Dercellidas." 
 
 Immediately Thorax the Boeotian, who had 
 a perpetual contest with Xenophon for the 
 command, rose up, and said, if they sailed out 
 of the Euxine sea, they might settle in the 
 Chersonesus, a country of great beauty and 
 fertility ; where those who were willing, might 
 inhabit, and from whence those, who were not 
 so, might return home. He added, that it was 
 ridiculous to hunt after lands, among the Bar- 
 
 sarily happened that the first day of the year of both be- 
 gan about sun-set, for at that time only the new moon 
 became visible. It is very possible that the crescent 
 with which Diana is represented, is owing to .the cus- 
 tom of proclaiming the new moon, particularly if, as I 
 observed upon another occasion, Diana and the Egyptian 
 Isis, who is often represented with a crescent upon her 
 head, were the same divinity. This ceremony of pro- 
 claiming the new moon still continues in the Levant, 
 where the Turks, whose year is lunar, publish, with 
 great solemnity, the first appearance of the new moon 
 of their month of Ramazan, which is their Lent. 
 
 i Ku(f<x>)vov. Hesycbius and Phavorinus inform us, 
 that the Cyzicene was a coin famous for being well 
 struck ; and that it had a woman's head on one side ; to 
 which Suidas adds, that, on the other, was the head of 
 a lion. Demosthenes tells us they were worth twenty- 
 eight Attic drachms, that is 18s. and Id. sterling. The 
 woman's head is possibly Cybele, who was supposed to 
 be drawn by lions, and who was worshipped in a par- 
 ticular manner at Pessinus in Phrygia, not far from 
 Cyzicus, whose tutelar god, however, was, I imagine, 
 Hercules, whom they looked upon as the founder of their 
 city, as may be seen by a medal of Domitian, on the 
 reverse of which is a Hercules, with this inscription: 
 TON KTISTHN KTZIKHNHN. But we have great 
 reason to conclude that the woman's head is designed 
 for Cybele, from whal we find in Strabo, who says, that 
 near to Cyzicus stood a temple of Cybele built by the 
 Argonauts, upon the mountain Dindymon, from which 
 Cybele was called Dindymene. This being so, the globe 
 and the fish, and particularly the ears of corn and bunch- 
 es of grapes with which she is crowned, will be very 
 proper symbols of universal nature, which, as I endea- 
 voured to show upon another occasion, was represented 
 by Cybele. D'Ablancourt is of opinion that the Turkish 
 sequin is derived from Cyziquin ; but Menage says that 
 it comes from the Italian zecchino. a Venetian ducat, 
 which takes its name from Zecca, the place where it is 
 coined. 
 
 barians, when others, of a great extent, offered 
 themselves in Greece. " And, till you arrive 
 there," says he, " I, as well as Timasion, pro- 
 mise you pay." This he said from being ac- 
 quainted with what the inhabitants of Heraclea 
 and Sinope had promised to Timasion, upon 
 condition the army set sail. All this time 
 Xenophon was silent Then Philesius and 
 Lycon, both Achaians, said, it was not to be 
 suffered, that Xenophon should persuade the 
 soldiers in private to stay, and offer sacrifice 
 upon this occasion, without letting the army 
 partake of the sacrifice, yet say nothing of all 
 this in public. So that he was under a neces- 
 sity of rising up, and of speaking as follows: 
 
 " Gentlemen ! I offer sacrifice, as you are 
 sensible, to the utmost of my abilities, both for 
 you and myself, to the end that my words, my 
 thoughts, and actions may be employed in those 
 things that are most for the credit and advan- 
 tage of us all. And even now I was consult- 
 ing the gods by sacrifice, whether it would be 
 more expedient to mention this and treat with 
 you about it, or not to concern myself at all in 
 the matter. Here Silanus, the soothsayer, as- 
 sured me, that the victims, which is of the 
 greatest moment, were favourable, (for he knew 
 that I, by being constantly present at the 
 sacrifices, was not unacquainted with these 
 things) but informed me, at the same time, 
 that, according to them, some fraud and treach- 
 ery seemed to threaten me : and in this, indeed, 
 he was in the right, since he himself designed 
 treacherously to accuse me before you : for he 
 has spread a report that I had already purposed 
 to effect this without your approbation. But 
 the truth is, when I saw you in want, I con- 
 sidered by what means you might possess 
 yourselves of some town, to the end that those 
 among you who are willing, might set sail im- 
 mediately, and that those who were not so, 
 might stay till they had acquired something 
 to carry home to their families. But now I 
 find both the inhabitants of Heraclea and Si- 
 nope are sending us ships, and that these men 
 promise you your pay from the beginning of 
 the month, I look upon it as an advantageous 
 circumstance for us to be conducted with safety 
 to the place we desire, and to be 2 paid for be- 
 
 a Micrflbv T>){ <rooT>)f 5. This appears to me far pre 
 ferable to,u<r6bv rijf a-o^eiets ; it not only makes the sense 
 stronger, but seems to be the natural result of <r<aofti- 
 voujj which immediately precedes it. I am sorry to dif- 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 297 
 
 ing preserved. For this reason, I not only 
 give over all thoughts of that kind myself, but 
 desire those who came to me to declare them- 
 selves in favour of that measure, to desist also. 
 For this is iny sense of the matter ; while you 
 continue together as you are now, in great 
 numbers, you will be sure to find esteem, and 
 never to want provisions, for victory carries 
 with it a right to whatever belongs to the con- 
 quered. But, if you suffer yourselves to be 
 divided, and the army to be broken into small 
 bodies, you will neither be able to find subsis- 
 tence, nor have reason to be pleased with your 
 treatment. My opinion, therefore, is the same 
 with yours, that we ought to go on to Greece : 
 and further, if any one stays behind, or is taken 
 endeavouring to desert his companions before 
 the whole army arrives in a place of safety, 
 that he be punished as an offender. And who- 
 ever is of this opinion, let him hold up his 
 hand." And they all held up their hands. 
 
 However Silanus cried out, and endeavoured 
 to show that every one ougb^t to be at liberty to 
 go away. This the soldiers would not bear, 
 but threatened him, if they took him endea- 
 vouring to make his escape, to inflict the pun- 
 ishment on him. After this, when the inha- 
 bitants of Heraclea were informed that the 
 Greeks had resolved to sail out of the Euxine 
 sea, and that Xenophon himself had * put the 
 question, they sent the ships, but disappointed 
 Timasion and Thorax of the money they had 
 promised them to pay the soldiers. Hereupon 
 those who undertook for it were confounded, 
 and afraid of the army ; and taking with them 
 the rest of the generals, who were privy to 
 their former designs, (these were all, except 
 Neon the Asinian, who commanded under 
 Cheirisophus, then absent) they came to Xeno- 
 phon, and told him they were sorry for what 
 had passed, and thought the best thing they 
 could do, since they had ships, was to. sail 
 to the river Phasis, and possess themselves of 
 the country belonging to the Phasians; of 
 whom the son of -(Etas was at that time king. 
 Xenophon made answer, that he would men- 
 tion nothing of this kind to the army ; " But," 
 
 fer both from Leunclavius and Hutchinson upon this 
 occasion. D'Ablancourt has said de reeevoir recom- 
 pense pour retourner en votre pais, which gives the 
 sense, but not the beauty of the Greek expression. 
 j. See note 1, page 287. 
 
 says he, " da you assemble them, and if you 
 think fit, propose it." Upon this, Timasion 
 the Dardanian gave his opinion that they 
 ought not to call the soldiers together ; but 
 that each of the generals should first endea- 
 vour to persuade his own captains to come 
 into it. So they departed to put this in execu- 
 tion. 
 
 VII. In the mean time the soldiers were 
 informed of what was in agitation ; and Neon 
 told them that Xenophon having prevailed 
 upon the rest of the generals, designed to de- 
 ceive the army, and carry them back to the 
 Phasis. The soldiers hearing this, resented it, 
 and holding assemblies and private meetings 
 among themselves, gave great reason to appre- 
 hend they would break out into the same violen- 
 ces they had committed upon the persons of the 
 heralds of the Colchians, and the commissaries 
 of provisions, all of whom they had stoned to 
 death, except those who escaped to the sea. 
 As soon as Xenophon perceived this, he re- 
 solved immediately to call the army together, 
 and not to suffer them to meet of their own 
 accord : so he ordered the crier to assemble 
 them. They readily obeyed the summons. 
 Then Xenophon, without accusing the other 
 generals of coming to him privately, spoke to 
 them in the following manner : 
 
 " I am informed, gentlemen ! that some 
 people accuse me of a design to deceive you, 
 and carry you to the Phasis. Hear me, there- 
 fore, for heaven's sake, and, if I appear guilty, 
 I do not desire to depart hence, before I re- 
 ceive the punishment that is due to my crime : 
 but if they find they accuse me wrongfully, I 
 hope you will treat them as they deserve. I 
 make no doubt but you all know in what quar- 
 ter the sun rises, and where it sets ; and that 
 the way to Greece lies westward, that to the 
 Barbarians, eastward. Is there any one there- 
 fore who can make you believe that the sun 
 rises where it sets, and sets where it rises 1 
 You are also sensible that the north wind 
 carries you out of the Euxine sea to Greece, 
 and the south to the Phasis ; and when the 
 wind is in the north, you always say it is fair 
 for Greece. Can any one therefore so far im- 
 pose upon you, as to persuade you to go on 
 board when the wind is in the south 1 But 
 suppose I embark you in a calm : I shall how- 
 ever sail but in one ship, while you sail, at 
 least, in a hundred. How therefore can I 
 2N 
 
298 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v 
 
 either compel you to keep me company against 
 your consent, or deceive you with regard to the 
 place to which I carry you 1 But let us fur- 
 ther suppose that I do deceive you, and, by 
 some magic art, carry you to the Phasis, and 
 also that we land there ; you will soon be sen- 
 sible that you are not in Greece; and I who 
 have deceived you shall be but one man, while 
 you who have been deceived by me, will be 
 near ten thousand with your arms in your 
 hands. By what means therefore can one man 
 court punishment more effectually, than by 
 forming designs so prejudicial both to himself 
 and you 1 But these rumours are spread by 
 weak men, who envy me because I am ho- 
 noured by you ; though without reason : for 
 which of them do I hinder from proposing any 
 thing for your advantage, if he can, from right- 
 ing both for you and himself, if he is willing, 
 or from watching for your safety, if he is dis- 
 posed to undertake that care. Why should I 
 hinder them ? When you choose your com- 
 manders, do I oppose the pretensions of any 
 person ? I * resign ; let him take the com- 
 mand ; only let him make it appear he can do 
 something for your advantage : but I have 
 said enough of this. If any of you thinks him- 
 self in danger of being deceived, or that any 
 other person has deceived him in this, let him 
 declare it ; but since you have heard enough of 
 this subject, I desire you would not depart 
 until I have acquainted you with a thing, that 
 I find begins to show itself in the army, which, 
 if it makes any progress, and becomes what it 
 threatens to be, it is high time for us to take 
 proper measures, that we may not appear both 
 to gods and men, to friends and enemies, the 
 most abandoned, and most infamous of all 
 men, and consequently incur a general con- 
 tempt." The soldiers hearing this, wondered 
 what it might be, and desired him to go on ; so 
 he resumed his discourse. You know there 
 were some towns upon the mountains belong- 
 ing to those Barbarians who were in alliance 
 with the inhabitants of Cerazunt ; from whence 
 some of the people came down to us, and sold 
 us cattle and other things. Some of you, I be- 
 lieve, went into the nearest of these towns, 
 
 i n*e <IA". Nicias, at the close of one of his speeches 
 to the Athenians, uses this word in the same sense, 
 with the addition of *%>iv i Si r<a BA.A.CU; JOXM, 9r*$i'>t/* 
 
 and after you had bought provisions there, re- 
 turned to the camp. Clearatus, one of the 
 captains, finding this place both small and un 
 guarded, because the inhabitants looked upon 
 themselves to be in friendship with us, marched 
 against them in the night, with a design to 
 plunder it, without acquainting any of us with 
 his purpose. For he determined, if he had 
 made himself master of the place, to have 
 returned no more to the army, but to have 
 gone on board the ship in which his com- 
 panions were sailing by the coast, and, with his 
 booty, to have escaped out of the Euxine sea. 
 And all this was concerted between him and 
 his companions, who were on board, as I am 
 now informed. Calling, therefore, together as 
 many as he could prevail upon to follow him, 
 he led them against the town. But the day 
 surprising them in their march, the inhabitants 
 got together, and defended themselves from 
 their strong places so well, both with mis- 
 sive weapons, and their swords, that Clea- 
 ratus himself, and 4 several others, were slain; 
 part of them, however, escaped to Cerazunt. 
 This happened the same day we left Cera- 
 zunt to march hither. Some of those also 
 who were to sail along the coast, were still 
 in that city, having not as yet weighed an- 
 chor. After this, as the inhabitants of 
 Cerazunt inform us, three of the elders came 
 from the town, desiring to be introduced 
 to the assembly of the Greeks; but not 
 finding us, they told the citizens of Cera- 
 zunt, they wondered what we meant by attack- 
 ing them. These assured them, that the at- 
 tempt was not countenanced by public autho- 
 rity ; with which they were very well satisfied, 
 and resolved to sail hither, in order to give us 
 an account of what had passed, and to let us 
 know that they gave leave to those who were 
 willing to carry off the dead, and bury them. 
 It happened that some of the Greeks, who had 
 fled to Cerazunt, were still there. These, per- 
 ceiving whither the Barbarians purposed to go, 
 had the confidence to throw stones at them 
 themselves, and to encourage others to do the 
 same. By this means these ambassadors, being 
 three in number, were stoned to death. After 
 the fact was committed, some of the inhabi- 
 tants of Cerazunt came to the generals, and 
 informed us of what had happened. These 
 proceedings gave us great concern, and we con- 
 sulted together with them, in what manner the 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 299 
 
 Greeks who were slain might be buried. While 
 we were sitting in consultation without the 
 quarter of the heavy-armed men, on a sudden 
 we heard a great uproar, and people crying out, 
 < Knock ! them down, knock them down, stone 
 them, stone them ;' and immediately we saw 
 great numbers running to those who cried out, 
 some with stones in their hands, others taking 
 them up. Upon this the inhabitants of Cera- 
 zunt, 2 having been witnesses of what had hap- 
 pened in their own town, were frightened, and 
 ran to their ships : some of us also, I do assure 
 you, were not without fear. For my part, I 
 went directly up to them, and asked them what 
 the matter was 1 Some of those I inquired of 
 knew nothing about it ; yet had stones in their 
 hands. At last, meeting with one who did 
 know, he told me that the commissaries of pro- 
 visions oppressed the army in a most grievous 
 manner. While he was saying this, one of the 
 soldiers perceived the commissary Zelarchus, 
 retiring towards the sea, and cried out ; the 
 rest, hearing this, as if a wild boar or a stag 
 had been roused, ran at him. The citizens of 
 Cerazunt, seeing the soldiers making towards 
 them, and thinking themselves aimed at, fled 
 in all haste, and ran into the sea. Some of our 
 men ran in after them, and those who could not 
 swim were drowned. What do you think these 
 men were afraid of? They had committed no 
 crime ; they must imagine that some madness 
 like that of dogs had seized our men. If 
 these things continue, consider what will be 
 the condition of the army. You will not have 
 
 i n*r,-, 57-*r ? , SiA.A.i, xx.s. Literally, attack them 
 both sword in hand, and with missive weapons, comi- 
 nus eminusque incesse, which I should think might do 
 as well as cade, cade, feri, feri, in the Latin translators. 
 I have considered the Greeks here as a mob, which 
 they were upon this occasion, and have consequently 
 made use of terms very familiar to an English mob in 
 tumults. For the same reason I think D'Ablancourt 
 has said very properly tue, tuc, though I am very sen- 
 sible that the French troops use this word when they 
 pursue the enemy, as they call it, Vepee dans lea reins. 
 
 'tl s S,v 'u>e*xOTis -rl *r 6 ' iuTO?5 KfZyf**. If the 
 
 Latin translators, by rendering this,u< quif acinus apud 
 se designatum etiam vidissent, mean perpetratum, I 
 think that signification of the word designo, is too un- 
 common for a translation; but, if they mean it in the 
 ordinary acceptation of the word, the fact was not only 
 designatum but commissum ; for what is said of the 
 fear of the inhabitants of Cerazunt, visibly relates to 
 the outrage committed by the Greeks upon the persons 
 of the three ambassadors, who were stoned to death in 
 their town. D'Ablancourt has I think said much bet- 
 ter, instruits pares qui s'etoit passe dans leur ville. 
 
 it in your power, by a general coi.sent, to make 
 either war or peace, as you see convenient ; 
 but every private man may lead the army upon 
 whatever enterprise he pleases. And if, at any 
 time, ambassadors come to you to sue for 
 peace, or for any thing else, any one may put 
 them to death, and thereby prevent your being 
 informed of their demands. The consequence 
 of which will be, that those, whom you, by a 
 general voice appoint to command you, will be 
 no longer regarded ; but whoever erects him- 
 self to be your general, and pleases to cry 
 1 Stone them, stone them/ may, if he finds the. 
 same obedience that was lately given, put to 
 death not only your commander, but any pri- 
 vate man, untried. Consider what services 
 these self-elected generals have done for us. 
 If Zelarchus, the commissary, is guilty, he has, 
 by sailing away, escaped punishment ; if he is 
 innocent, he has left the army, from the fear of 
 being unjustly put to death without trial. 
 Those who have stoned the ambassadors, have 
 done you this piece of service they have made 
 it unsafe for you alone, of all the Greeks, to 
 go to Cerazunt, without a force sufficient to 
 protect you : and not less so even with 3 a 
 herald to bring off your dead, whom, before 
 this, the same persons who killed them, gave 
 you leave to bury : for who that had a hand in 
 killing heralds, will serve in that capacity ? 
 However, we have desired the citizens of Ce- 
 razunt to bury them. If these things are right, 
 give them a public sanction, that, as attempts 
 of this kind are to be expected, every man may 
 be upon his guard, and endeavour to pitch his 
 tent upon places of advantage and strength. 
 But, if you look upon them rather as the ac- 
 tions of wild beasts, than of men, consider how 
 to put a stop to them : otherwise, how, in the 
 name of the gods, shall we offer sacrifice with 
 cheerfulness, if we are guilty of impiety ? Or 
 how shall we fight with our enemies, if we 
 kill one another 1 What city will receive us 
 
 uv xnfjiua). K^uxiov or xiuxs<oi>, for it is written 
 both ways, was the caduceus which heralds carried in 
 their hands, when they were sent upon public occa- 
 sions from one army to another. It is particularly 
 described by the Greek Scholiast upon Thucydides; 
 but so mnny bas-reliefs, and other monuments of an- 
 tiquity represent Mercury with his caduceus in his 
 hand, that I think it needless to translate what he says 
 of it. It is reported to have been a present from 
 Apollo to Mercury, in exchange for the harp, which 
 tradition I find, by Diodorus Siculus, was derived from 
 the Egyptians. 
 
300 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 as friends, when they see us guilty of such 
 enormities 1 Who will bring provisions to us, 
 with any confidence, if we are found to offend 
 in things of so great moment 1 As to the ap- 
 plause which we promised ourselves with so 
 much confidence, who will speak well of us if 
 we dishonour ourselves by such actions ] For 
 I am well assured, that we should condemn 
 others, were they guilty of them." 
 
 Upon this, they all rose up, and said the au- 
 thors of these disorders should be punished ; 
 that it should be unlawful to begin such enor- 
 mities for the future, and that those who were 
 guilty of it should be put to death. They 
 then ordered that the generals should bring 
 them all to their trial ; where it should be in- 
 quired whether any person had received any 
 other injury since the death of Cyrus ; and ap- 
 pointed the captains to be the judges. At the 
 same time, upon Xenophon's * motion, and the 
 concurrence of the priests, it was resolved to 
 purify the army. And the army was purified 
 accordingly. 
 
 VIII. They furthur decreed that the gene- 
 rals themselves should be called to an account 
 for their past conduct; and, upon their trial, 
 Philesius and Xanthicles were condemned in 
 a fine of twenty mines, to the amount of which 
 sum they had embezzled 2 the effects that had 
 
 TO (TTf*Tiu/x. Xenophon seeins to imitate Agamemnon 
 upon this occasion, who, as Homer tells us, having at 
 last sent Chryseis back to her father with a hecatomb, 
 to appease the anger of Apollo, orders the Greek army 
 to be purified, and it was purified accordingly: 
 
 been taken out of the ships, and committed to 
 their charge. Sophsenetus was fined ten mines, 
 for that, being chosen a commander, he had 
 neglected his duty. Some accused Xenophon, 
 complaining they had been beaten by him, and 
 brought their accusation against him for abus 
 ing them. Upon this Xenophon rising up, 
 desired the first person who appeared against 
 him, to acquaint the judges where he had been 
 beaten. He answered, < Where we were dy- 
 ing with cold, and there was abundance of 
 snow." Xenophon replied : " If, during the 
 storm you speak of, when we had no victuals, 
 nor so much wine as would serve us to smell 
 to ; when many of us were spent with labour, 
 and the enemy at our heels, if, in that season I 
 was abusive, I own myself more 3 vicious than 
 asses, which, through viciousness, are said to 
 be insensible to fatigue. However, say for 
 what reason you were beaten. Did I demand 
 any thing of you, and beat you because you re- 
 fused it 1 Did I insist upon your restoring any 
 thing ? Was it in. struggling to subdue you to 
 my passion, or when I was drunk, that I abus- 
 ed you ?" And upon his saying that it was 
 nothing of all this, Xenophon asked him 
 " whether he belonged to the heavy-armed 
 men 1" He answered, No." " If to the tar- 
 geteers ?" Neither," says he : but I was 
 driving a mule at the desire of my comrades, 
 being a free man." Upon this Xenophon call- 
 ed him to mind, and asked him, " Are you not 
 the man who carried a sick person 1" " The 
 
 Of 
 
 roXu/iivf<r3-i 
 x*i 1 15 *. Xu 
 
 Thus translated by Mr. Pope, 
 
 The host to expiate, next the king prepares, 
 With pure lustrations, and with solemn prayers, 
 Wash'd by the briny wave, the pious train 
 Are cleansed ; and cast th' ablutions on the main. 
 
 There can be no doubt, as Mr. Pope has very properly 
 observed from Eustatbius, that xu^ara i s derived from 
 xou*, which justifies him in the use of the word ablu- 
 tions, a word much more decent than those made use 
 of upon this occasion by all former translators. It was 
 a prevailing opinion, it seems, among the ancients, 
 that the water of the sea had a sovereign virtue in ex- 
 piations : it was from this opinion that Iphigenia says 
 in Euripides, 
 
 GaXoeo-o-a xXui sranT* T' at-3-f IOSTWV xsexa. 
 
 aT*i/ ysux.i-.xu.v xfi/**T WV . The ancient Lexicons 
 pay that >-*uxoj signifies a certain kind of ship used by 
 the Phoenicians, but I find y u xo s in Herodotus for a 
 Phoenician ship, where he says that Dionysius of Pho- 
 ca;a sailed to Phoenicia, and having sunk the merchant 
 
 ships, and taken a great booty, sailed to Sicily, Aiovuo-io; 
 
 IS's o QtuxxiEv; ssj-Xsi MS $OJv/xjv' yauXouj Si v5UT* 
 xserSWs, xi x;?>IMT* X*ev jroXXtt, jrXs j SxiX)v ; 
 
 j so that yauxjxi %e it** may, no doubt, signify the 
 freight of those ships ; but in this place I imagine it 
 I means the cargoes of those ships the Greeks had taken, 
 which cargoes our author in the beginning o^his book 
 calls Ky^-yipa; he also says in the same place that 
 the Greeks having taken out the cargoes of these 
 ships, appointed guards to take care of them. It is 
 very probable that Philesius and Xanthicles might have 
 the command of these guards, and consequently the 
 charge of these effects, and that they might have em- 
 bezzled as much of them as amounted to twenty 
 mines; if the reader will cast his eye on note ], page 
 175, he will find that X(*H*T* is often made use of by 
 the best authors to signify effects. There seems to be 
 I so great a relation between this passage, and that in 
 I the beginning of this book, that I cannot approve of 
 I pecuniam de navigiis coactam in Leunclavius and 
 I Hutchinson, and much less of du prix des navires in 
 I D'Ablancourt. 
 
 j Tu,v Z vaiv u6 ? rTxoT5 ? 8 S ?v*f. Everybody knows 
 that asses, and mules, their offspring, have such an in- 
 bred viciousness, that no fatigue can subdue it. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 301 
 
 same," says he ; for you forced me to it, and 
 threw about the baggage that belonged to my 
 comrades." " But," says Xenophon, " in this 
 manner I threw about their baggage ; I distri- 
 buted it to others to carry, with orders to re- 
 turn it to me ; and having received every thing 
 safe, I restored them to you, after you had 
 shown me the man I gave you in charge." 
 But I desire," says he, "you will hear how 
 this matter was, for it is well worth while." 
 
 One of the men being unable to continue 
 his march, was left behind. This man I knew 
 no otherwise than that he belonged to the ar- 
 my ; however, I obliged you to carry him, that 
 he might not perish : for, as I remember, the 
 enemy were at our heels." This the other 
 confessed. "Then," says Xenophon, "after 
 I had ordered you to go before, I quickly over- 
 took you again, as I came up with the rear 
 guard, and found you digging a pit, with a de- 
 sign to bury the man ; and stopping, I com- 
 mended you : but the man drawing in his leg 
 while we stood by, all who were present cried 
 out, that he was alive ; and you said whatever 
 you thought fit, as, < I will not carry him.' 
 Upon which I struck you, you say, and you 
 say true ; for you seemed to me to be sensible 
 that the man was alive." " But," says the 
 other, did he die the less after I showed him 
 to you 1" " We must all die," replies Xeno- 
 phon, " but are we for that reason to be buried 
 alive 1" At this they all cried out, that he had 
 not beaten him so much as he deserved. Then 
 Xenophon desired the rest to inform the judges 
 for what reason each of them had been beaten ; 
 but they not rising up, he spoke thus : 
 
 " I own, gentlemen, that I have struck a 
 great many of the men, for not keeping their 
 ranks. These ought to have been contented 
 with being preserved by your means, while you 
 marched in order, and fought where it was ne- 
 cessary; but instead of that, they wanted to 
 leave their ranks, and run before you for plun- 
 der, that they might have the advantage over 
 you. Had we all done the same, we had all 
 been destroyed. I own also, that finding some 
 overcome with sloth, unwilling to rise, and 
 ready to abandon themselves to the enemy, I 
 struck them, and forced them to march. For 
 being myself once obliged, when it was exces- 
 sive cold, to stay for some of the men who 
 were getting their baggage ready, and sitting 
 for a considerable time, I found myself scarcely 
 26 
 
 able to rise and stretch out my legs. Having, 
 therefore, had the experience of this in myself, 
 afterwards, when I saw any one sitting down, , 
 and indulging his sloth, I drove him before me ; 
 for motion and vigorous efforts created warmth 
 and * suppleness, while sitting down and rest, 
 I observed, made the blood to congeal, and the 
 toes to rot off; which you are sensible was the 
 case of a great many. Others, who suffered 
 themselves to be left behind through laziness, 
 and by that means hindered you, who were in 
 the van, and us, who were in the rear, from 
 advancing, I might possibly strike with my fist, 
 that they might not be struck by the spear of 
 the enemy. These, therefore, who have been 
 thus preserved, may, if they have suffered any 
 unjust treatment from me, now be relieved : 
 whereas, had they fallen under the power of 
 the enemy, what relief could they have had 
 though their treatment had been ever so griev- 
 ous 1 I speak to you in all simplicity. If I 
 have punished any one for his own good, I am 
 willing to submit to the same chastisement that 
 parents receive from their children, and mas- 
 ters from their scholars. Physicians, also, use 
 incisions and caustics for the good of their pa- 
 tients. If you imagine I did these things 
 through insolence, consider with yourselves, 
 that now, with the assistance of the gods, I en- 
 tertain greater hopes and confidence than at 
 that time, and drink more wine, yet strike no 
 man ; for I see you are now in a calm. But 
 when a storm arises, and the sea funs high, do 
 not you find that the 2 pilot, for a nod only, 
 quarrels with those who are at the head of the 
 ship, and the steersman with those at the 
 stern 1 because, upon those occasions, the least 
 fault is enough to ruin every thing. You 
 yourselves then determined that their chastise- 
 
 t 'T-y^'arniTa. "fye OTIJS, in this place, is used by Xeno- 
 phon in the same sense in which the Greeks say ly^ttl 
 iyxixai, which Horace has finely translated in that ode, 
 where he represents the false Nesera holding him in her 
 arms, while she swears fidelity to him. 
 
 Arctius atque hedera procera astringitur ilex, 
 
 Lentis adhasrens brachiis. 
 
 And when our author, in his Art of Horsemanship, re- 
 commends a colt that mores his knees with freedom, he 
 
 a Hftafevs. n^wgsuj in Greek, and proreta in Latin 
 signify an officer, whose business it was to keep a loo> 
 out, as the sailors call it, at the head of the ship. I av 
 informed that we have no term in our naval institution 
 that properly explains it; that of pilot, the gentlemen of 
 the navy tell me, comes the nearest to it. 
 
302 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 f BOOK V. 
 
 ment was just ; for you were present with arms 
 in your hands, to assist them if you had thought 
 proper, not * with billets to give your votes in 
 their behalf. However, in reality, you neither 
 assisted them in escaping the punishment due 
 to their irregularity, nor me in inflicting it. Thus 
 by suffering their insolence, you have given a 
 sanction to their remissness : for I am of opin- 
 ion, if you observe, you will find that those 
 who were then most rem'arkable for their ne- 
 glect of duty, are now so for their insolence. 
 An instance of this you see in Boiscus, the 
 Thessalian boxer: he then contended, under 
 pretence of sickness, not to carry his shield, 
 and now, I am informed, he has stripped se- 
 veral of the inhabitants of Cotyora. If you 
 are wise, therefore, your treatment of this man 
 will be the reverse of that bestowed on dogs ; 
 for these, when they are cursed, are tied up in 
 
 i Y^ouf. Yijipos signifies literally a pebble; and as 
 the Greeks give their voles with these, their votes came 
 to be called 4"i? 81 : this literally translated would not 
 be intelligible to an English reader, so that it seems ne- 
 cessary to render it in such a manner as may relate to 
 our customs ; and as every person who votes by ballot 
 puts a billet into the ballot box, signifying his sense of 
 the question, I thought <}"t<P ' could not upon this occa- 
 sion be properly translated by any other word than 
 billets. D'Ablancourt seems to have been sensible of 
 the difficulty of translating t{i<po with propriety, by 
 bis leaving it out. 
 
 the day-time, and let loose in the night ; where- 
 as, if you do well, you will tie him up in the 
 night, and let him loose in the day. I own I 
 am surprised to find, that if I have given 
 offence to any of you, you call it to mind, and 
 publish it ; but if I have defended any from 
 the cold, or from the enemy, or relieved them 
 when they were sick, or in want, these things 
 are remembered by none of you : if I have 
 commended any for a proper behaviour, or ho- 
 noured brave men to the utmost of my power, 
 these things also are not remembered. Yet it 
 is certain, there is more honesty, justice, piety, 
 and pleasure in remembering good than ill 
 offices." 
 
 Upon this the assembly rose, and called to 
 mind what was passed: so Xenophon was 
 2 acquitted, and all was well. 
 
 a Hifnyiviro. Both the Latin translators have said 
 hie exitus erat: I have rather chosen to render it in the 
 same sense in which Thucydides uses the word in the 
 speech of the Corinthians to the Lacedemonians, 
 where they tell them that in the war between them 
 and the Athenians they often owed the advantages 
 they gained to the oversights of the enemy, rather than 
 to the assistance they received from the Lacedsemoni- 
 
 ansj xei *%<>$ auruuf TOJ 'A^jfvuiouf sroXXi Jj^af j^ 
 TO~S Zft*fTti!*x<rtv aurtov /uS\\ov 5 T( i<p' v/ta>v riftoft* 
 
 fri(iytyivt,ftivi>vf. So that I imagine Xenophon means 
 that at his trial he bad the advantage over his ene- 
 Bta, that is, he waa acefUted. 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 [303] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. 
 
 I. The Paphlagonian ambassadors sent to negotiate a peace, are treated by the Greeks with a sumptuous 
 banquet Peace being concluded, the Greeks set sail from Cotyora, and land at Harmene Here they remain 
 five days, and, weary of indecision, offer the command of the whole army to Xenophon He prudently re- 
 fuses, and Cheirisophus is placed at the head of affairs. II. The army sails to Heraclea, where a sedition 
 arises among the troops, and they divide themseves into three distinct bodies: one, and the largest, consisting 
 of Arcadians and Achseans, chooses for itself ten commanders; another remains under the command of 
 Cheirisophus; the third is attachrd to Xenophon.^111. The Arcadians, eager of booty, set out the first, and 
 being arrived in the port of Calpe, march forth and plunder the Bithynians Presently they are beset by them 
 on a rising ground, and are in danger of destruction Xenophon, hearing of their distress, terrifies the Bithy- 
 nians by fires in the night They raise the siege and depart Xenophon arrives in safety the next day with 
 the Arcadians at the port of Calpe, where he finds Cheirisopus landed with his troops IV. Port of Calpe 
 described The soldiers refuse to encamp there, lest they be detained to build a city ; and prefer passing the 
 night on the open shore They pass a decree that no one, under punishment of death, shall hereafter propose 
 to divide the forces Desirous of marching out to collect provisions, they consult the entrails, but find them 
 unfavourable Neon nevertheless leads out two thousand men to forage The cavalry of Pharnabazus kills 
 five hundred of them; and the rest, who had taken refuge on a mountain, are at length brought back by 
 Xenophon to the camp. V. Admonished by their danger, the soldiers suffer their camp to be pitched in the 
 fortified place, and surround it with intrenchments Xenophon, having sacrificed with favourable auspices, 
 leaves the camp under a guard, and leads out the armed forces They bury the dead whom they find on their 
 path, and having captured some booty in the villages, they behold the barbarians posted on a hill Forming 
 their line of battle, they advance on the enemy, and the barbarians are vanquished and put to flight. VI. The 
 Greeks gather booty on all sides from the lands of the Bithynians In the interim arrives Cleander, a Spartan 
 governor, and with him appears Dexippus, by whose knavery Cleander is indisposed towards the Grecian 
 army By Xenophon's endeavour he is reconciled, and being offered the command, he declines it Under its 
 former leaders the army marches through the territory of the Bithynians, and laden with plunder arrives at 
 Chrysopolis of Chalcedonia. 
 
 [304] 
 

 THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 I. FROM: this time, some of the Greeks, while 
 they staid here, subsisted themselves by the 
 provisions they bought in the market, and 
 others, by those they got in plundering the 
 country of Paphlagonia. On the other side, 
 the Paphlagonians lost no opportunity of rob- 
 bing the stragglers, and, in the night-time, en- 
 deavoured to annoy those who were encamped 
 in places more advanced than the rest. These 
 proceedings increased the ill blood that was be- 
 tween them. Upon this, Corylas, who was at 
 that time governor of Paphlagonia, sent ambas- 
 sadors to the Greeks in costly robes, and well 
 mounted, with instructions to acquaint them 
 that Corylas desired neither to do an injury to 
 the Greeks, nor receive any from them. To 
 this the generals answered, that they would 
 consider of it with the army. In the mean- 
 time, they entertained them with all hospitali- 
 ty, and invited such of the army as they judged 
 most proper: then having killed some of the 
 oxen they had taken, and other cattle, they 
 gave them a handsome entertainment, the 
 company lying l on beds made of brushwood, 
 covered with grass and leaves, and drinking 
 out of horn cups which they found in the 
 country. 
 
 As soon as the libations were over, and they 
 had sung the paean, two Thracians first rose 
 up, and danced with their arms to the sound of 
 a flute : they capered very high, and with great 
 agility; then made use of their swords. At 
 last one of them struck the other in such 
 a manner, that every one thought he had kill- 
 ed him, (but the stroke was given with art,) 
 
 i ST/S(TIV. This is the explication giTen by Hesy- 
 cluus and Phavorinus of o-T/6*j. 
 
 upon which the Paphlagonians cried out; and 
 the other, having despoiled him of his arms, 
 went out ^ singing a song of triumph in ho- 
 nour of Sitalces : then other Thracians carried 
 off the man as if he had been dead, though 
 indeed he was not hurt. After this, some 
 3 ^Enians and Magnesians rose up, and danc- 
 ed 4 in their arms, what they call the Carpaean 
 
 a 'AJcDv ZirxKxxv. Herodotus, Thucydides, and Dio- 
 dorus Siculus speak much in commendation of Sitalces, 
 king of Thracia, in whose honour, no doubt, this song 
 of victory was composed by the Thracians: Thucydides 
 tells us that he was slain iri a battle against the Tribal- 
 tians, and that his nephew Seuthes succeeded him. As 
 this happened the first year of the eighty-ninth Olym- 
 piad, that is, the eighth of the Peloponnesian war, and 
 only twenty years before the time of this expedition, it 
 is possible this Seuthes may be the prince in whose ser- 
 vice the Greeks engaged, as we shall find in the seventh 
 book ; though I am sensible that Thucydides makes him 
 the son of Sparadocus, and Xenophon of Macsades. 
 
 3 Av*i/s xssi Mix v 1 TS ?- Possibly the first might 
 belong to ^Enea, a town said by Dionysius of Halicar- 
 nassus to have been built by ^Eneas, after the taking of 
 Troy. 
 
 4 Oi <of %OUVTO TJV xit(7ri*v x.Kv\>Hfvviv iv nsT; OTr^otf. 
 The pantomime representation of the ancients is so often 
 confounded in translations of their works iuto modern 
 languages with what is now called dancing, that I think 
 myself obliged to explain my sense of this passage, in 
 order to prevent my translation of it from being thought 
 to fall under the general mistake. It is certain that the 
 Greeks and Romans had, besides their tragedies and co- 
 medies, a mute pantomime representation, which was 
 called by the former oejn<rs, and by the latter saltatio. 
 This is that representation, in praise of which Luciau 
 has written a particular treatise ; what lie designed for 
 praise, we may make use of for information. After 
 having run through a detail of the vast knowledge an 
 oex>i<rrijj or pantomime ought to be master of, he says, 
 that as his profession consists in imitation, and as he un- 
 dertakes to represent, by his gestures, what the chorus 
 sings or recites, his chief business is perspicuity, to the 
 end that none of his actions may stand in need of an ex- 
 planation, but that the spectators may, like the Pythian 
 
 2 305 
 
306 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 dance; the manner of which is as follows. 
 One of them having laid down his arms, sows, 
 and drives a yoke of oxen, looking often behind 
 him, as if he were afraid ; then a robber ap- 
 proaches, whom the other perceiving, he catches 
 up his arms, and advancing, fights with him * 
 in defence of his oxen (and all this these men 
 performed in time to the flute). At last, the 
 robber binds the ploughman, and carries him 
 off with the oxen. Sometimes the ploughman 
 overcomes the robber, and, fastening him to the 
 oxen, ties his hands behind him, and so drives 
 him away. 
 
 After this, Mysus entered with a buckler in 
 each hand, and danced sometimes, as if he had 
 been engaged with two adversaries ; then used 
 his bucklers, as if engaged with only one ; 
 
 oracle, understand the pantomime though mute, and 
 hear him though he does not speak. By the way, the 
 Greek verse attributed to the Pythian oracle, to which 
 Lucian alludes, is preserved by Plutarch, 
 
 Kx, x?o <r V u,p< x*; ov XX VTO S i*,. 
 Upon this occasion Lucian tells a story of a famous pan- 
 tomime in Nero's time, who, to show the excellence of 
 his art to Demetrius the Cynic, commanded the music 
 and even the chorus to he silent, while he represented 
 by himself (!<?' ixvrou GO^O-XTO) the amour of Venus 
 and Mars, the Sun giving reformation, and Vulcan 
 catching them both in a net, the gods standing by, Venus 
 blushing and Mars trembling and asking forgiveness: 
 Lacian adds, that Demetrius was so well pleased with 
 the performance, that he cried out, I not only see but 
 hear what you represent, for you seem even to speak 
 with your hands. The reader will pardon this short, 
 dissertation upon an art, which is so far lost, that it is 
 thought by many never to have existed. Lucian applies 
 the word eewvpevtx; with great humour to the unfortu- 
 nate companion of his captivity and his labour, as he calls 
 
 him, TOV aS^Ov xoivuvov xa? T>,J *J%.tt**.<rcj, x*; TJ,{ 
 
 %^?e*s, I mean the poor ass that was thrown down 
 the precipice, upon which he says, 5 i, av^n xarw, TOW 
 SMVXTQV ojXoo^svo;, which I do not translate, because I 
 cannot. The dance here mentioned by Xenophon is, by 
 Hesychius, called a Macedonian dance ; it is so particu- 
 larly described by Xenophon, that I think I may venture 
 to call it after him, the Carpaean dance, without trans- 
 lating the word. 
 
 1 Mi%-r*i *& TOU (fioyouf. Both the Latin trans- 
 lators have said ante jugum dimicat, which D'Ablan- 
 court has followed ; but as wjo is very frequently used 
 in the sense I have given it upon this occasion, that is 
 for lir'if, I thought it more natural to say that the hus- 
 bandman fought with the robber in defence of his oxen, 
 than before them, particularly as the oxen seem to be 
 the prize contended for : since, when the robber gets 
 the better, he drives away the oxen ; but, if there can 
 Jjs any doubt whether irt I is used in this sense, the fol- 
 lowing passage in Euripides will clear it up; it is in 
 Alce|tis, where Admetus says to Pheres, 
 
 Oux $Ss\|<r<*s ouJ' iroK(t>i<rstf Sve~v 
 
 Toy o-cu jrjb jToeiJJy. . . 
 
 '- 
 
 sometimes he 2 whirled round ; then threw 
 himself head foremost and fell upon his feet, 
 without parting with the bucklers : this made 
 a fine sight. Last of all he danced the Per- 
 sian dance, striking his buckjers against each 
 other, and in dancing, fell upon his knees, then 
 sprung up again, and in all this he kept time to 
 the flute. He was succeeded by some Manti- 
 neans and other Arcadians, who, being dressed 
 in the handsomest armour they could provide, 
 rose up, and advanced in time to a flute that 
 played a point of war. They sung the paean, 
 and danced in the same manner that is practised 
 in solemn processions. The Paphlagonians 
 were amazed to see all these dances performed 
 by men in arms. Upon this, Mysus, perceiv- 
 ing their astonishment, prevailed upon one of 
 the Arcadians, who had a woman dancer, to 
 let him bring her in ; which he did according- 
 ly, after he had dressed her in the handsomest 
 manner he was able, and given her a light 
 buckler. She danced the Pyrrhic 3 dance with 
 great agility : upon which there was great clap- 
 ping ; and the Paphlagonians asked whether 
 the women also charged with their troops. The 
 others answered, that it was they who drove the 
 king out of their camp. This was the end of 
 that night's entertainment. 
 
 The next day the generals brought thp am- 
 bassadors to the army : when the soldiers came 
 to a resolution neither to do any injury to the 
 Paphlagonians, nor suffer any from them. After 
 that, the ambassadors departed : and the Greeks, 
 finding they had as many ships as they wanted, 
 embarked and sailed with a fair wind all that 
 day and the next night, keeping Paphlagonia 
 on their left hand ; and the day after they ar- 
 rived at Sinope, and anchored in 4 Harmene, 
 
 TorlSe iSiverro x? igsxuS.TT*. Homer tells us that 
 Vulcan represented two dancers performing a dance of 
 this kind upon Achilles's shield, 
 
 And Tournefor't says that the Turkish der vises preserve 
 this kind of dancing, which they make a religious cere- 
 mony ; and that upon a signal from their superior, they 
 turn round with an amazing velocity. 
 
 * Uvpfiwv. This dance is called by Dionysius of Ha- 
 licarnassus and Hesychius f07rA.ojo e ^^o-<5, the first leav- 
 ing it in doubt whether Minerva or th-e Curetes were 
 the authors of it ; and the second whether one Pyrri- 
 chus a Cretan, or Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, was the 
 inventor of it. 
 
 * 'A-fW**. Both Strabo and Arrian make mention 
 of Armene or Harmeue as a sea-port belonging to Sinope, 
 from which the former says it was distant fifty stadia, 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 307 
 
 one of its ports. Sinope is situated in Paph- 
 lagonia ; it is a colony of the Milesians. The 
 inhabitants sent the Greeks, as a mark of hos- 
 pitality, three thousand medimni * of flour, and 
 fifteen hundred 2 ceramia of wine. Hither 
 Cheirisophus came with some galleys. The 
 soldiers expected he would bring them some- 
 thing : however he brought nothing, but gave 
 them an account that both Anaxibius the ad- 
 
 and the latter forty. Herodotus says that the Cimme- 
 rians flying from the Scythians into Asia, built a town 
 upon the peninsula, where Sinope, a Greek city, now 
 stands. But we find by Strabo that the inhabitants of 
 Sinope looked upon Autolycus, one of the Argonauts, to be 
 their founder, whose statue, made by Sthenif, Lucullus 
 carried away when he took the town. The same author 
 tells us, that the Milesians, observing the advantageous 
 situation of the place, and the weakness of the inhabitants, 
 sent a colony thither. And by the account that author 
 gives of Sinope, no city could be more advantageously 
 situated ; for he says it stood upon the isthmus that 
 joined the peninsula to the main land, having on each 
 side a sea-port, where great quantities of the tunny fish 
 were taken as they swam along the Asiatic coast, from 
 the Palus Maeotis, where they are bred, to the Bospho- 
 rus. He adds, that the peninsula was surrounded with 
 sharp rocks which made the access to it very difficult, 
 that the land above the town was very fertile, and dis- 
 posed into gardens, and that the city was well built and 
 adorned with a place of exercise, a market, and magni- 
 ficent porticoes. This account both of the situation of 
 Sinope, and of the country round it, is confirmed by 
 Tournefort, who was there himself; and, in the relation 
 he gives of it, is grievously out of humour with the mo- 
 dern geographers for taking no notice either of the pen- 
 insula, or of the sea-ports lying on each side of it. Sinope 
 is famous for having given birth to two considerable men 
 of very different characters, Diogenes, the Cynic philoso- 
 pher, and the great Mithriclates. Strabo says it was in 
 his time (that is, in the reign of Augustus) a Roman co- 
 lony. I cannot part with this subject without taking no- 
 tice that Sinope furnished the ancient painters with a red 
 earth, which is one of the four colours with which alone. 
 Pliny tells us, Apelles, Echion, Melanthius, Nicomachus 
 painted those immortal works; "quatuor coloribus solis 
 immortalia ilia opera fecere ; ex albis Melino, ex silaciis 
 Attico, ex rubris Sinopide Pontica, ex nigris Atramento, 
 Apelles, Echion, Melanthius, Nicomachus." 
 
 l MiSiftvcrvs. MlJjyttvoj ftirfov sVri g^toi/, fli'sv irufjuv 
 it x e i$*v i%,tt Si %oi'i/ixaf ixrui xi ri<r<rotf ixovfoe. Har- 
 pocration. So that the medimnus was a dry measure 
 containing forty-eight chsenixes, each of which Arbuth- 
 not makes equal to an English pint ; but then he says a 
 medimnus contains four pecks and six pints, which is a 
 mistake ; for if, as he says, sixteen pints make a peck, 
 it is plain that forty-eight pints will make but three 
 pecks : so that, in reality, a medimnus is equal to three 
 English pecks. 
 
 a Kefx/utx. Kffijuioi', TO TOU oivoo Jj CSaro; <ni,ftvit>v. 
 Hesychius. And in another place ** So?, xsg x/uiov. Now 
 the cadus Arbuthnot makes equal to the metretes, which 
 he saya contains ten gallons, two pints, so that xspi^iov, 
 upon these authorities, will be a liquid measure contain- 
 ing ten gallons, two pints. 
 
 miral, and the rest of the Lacedsemonians, cele- 
 brated their praise, and that the former promised 
 \ them, if they would come out of the Euxine 
 ; sea, they would have pay. 
 
 The soldiers staid five days at Harmene : 
 and looking upon themselves to be in the neigh- 
 I bourhood of Greece, they were more desirous 
 j than before to carry some booty home with 
 ! them. 3 They thought, if they made choice 
 rof one general, that single person would find a 
 readier obedience from the army both by night 
 i and day, than if the command were vested in 
 i many : where it was necessary for him to con- 
 i ceal his designs, he would conceal them better, 
 j and where to prevent the enemy, he would use 
 i greater expedition, for there would then be no 
 need of conferences, but whatever that single 
 person resolved upon, would be put in execu- 
 tion : for hitherto in all operations the generals 
 were governed by the majority. While they 
 had these things under consideration, they cast 
 their eyes on Xenophon ; and the captains 
 came to him and acquainted him with the re- 
 solution of the army : and each of them, ex- 
 pressing his affection to him, endeavoured to 
 prevail upon him to undertake the command. 
 Xenophon was not Averse to it, when he con- 
 sidered that he should, by this means, increase 
 both his credit with his friends, and his repu- 
 tation in his country, and that possibly also, 
 he might be the cause of some advantage to 
 the army. 
 
 These considerations led him to desire to be 
 commander-in-chief. On the other side, when 
 he reflected that future events being concealed 
 from all mankind, he might, for that reason, 
 run a hazard of losing the glory he had already 
 gained, he was in suspense. While he was in 
 this doubt, he thought the best .thing he could 
 do was to consult the gods : ir; the presence 
 therefore of two priests, he offered sacrifice to 
 4 Jupiter the king, to whom he was directed by 
 
 a 'Hy;<r=evTO ouv, tl 
 
 *i vux.ro; xc 
 w S.v x*i xO 
 
 Sioi Xav-Txvf Jv, 
 
 *AA re S'o^oev TOO ivl vtf ttivtrSai . I have transcri- 
 bed this whole passage, that the reader may see how 
 dreadfully D'Ablancourt has mangled it; these are hw 
 words, " Les soldats done, pour mieux couvrir leur enter- 
 prise, et 1'executer plus promptement resolurent d'elire 
 nn general." 
 
 4 AM TO) ;3*<riXf?. Harpocration mentions two porti- 
 coes dedicated at Athens to Jupiter under two different 
 
308 
 
 the orai;le of Delphos to address himself; and 
 whom he looked upon to be the author of the 
 dream he had, when, together with the other 
 generals, he was first appointed to take charge 
 of the army. He called to mind also, that, 
 when he left Ephesus in order to be presented 
 to Cyrus, * an eagle cried on his right, sitting 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 appellations; the first to Jupiter t^.v^s^og, because the 
 people of Athens, as Dydimus says, were freed from the 
 Persians by his assistance ; the other to Jupiter e,o-xeuf. 
 This passage explains what our author mentions in the 
 third book, where he says the oracle of Delphos directed 
 him to sacrifice to the proper gods, by which, we find 
 here, he means Jupiter the king. 
 
 AITOV vf/u/uvxirxiTO t.-MiTM sov. It was an old su- 
 perstition among the Greeks to look upon all appearances, 
 and particularly that of an eagle on the right hand, as an 
 omen of success. When Telemachus takes his leave of 
 Menelaus, Homer makes an eagle appear on his right, 
 with a goose in his talons. 
 
 however on the ground, which the priest, who 
 accompanied him, said was an omen, that por- 
 
 merit are of little consequence ; but when ushered into 
 the world under the sanction of a name deservedly 
 famous? for critical learning, they are either taken for 
 truths, or at best pass uncontradicted. That this is an 
 error will appear to a demonstration, from the two 
 following passages of those two oracles of the Ro:nan 
 history, Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The 
 first, speaking of the inauguration of Numa Pompilins, 
 says, " Augur ad laevam ejus, capite velato sedem ceepit 
 dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem 
 lituum appellaverunt. Inde, ubi, prospectu in urbem 
 agrumque capto, Deos precatus, regionem ab oriente ad 
 occasum determinavit : dextras ad meridiem partes, 
 laevas ad septentrionem esse dixit." In this division 
 then we find the south was on his right hand, and the 
 north on his left, consequently his face was turned to 
 the east. Dionysius of Halicarnassus not only confirms 
 this, but gives several reasons why the augurs, upon 
 these occasions, turned their faces to the east. The 
 
 This omen Helen, who was present, takes upon herself to 
 interpret, and says it signifies that Ulysses shaU return 
 and punish the suitors, who, it seems, were represented 
 by the white goose. By the way, Homer makes Helen 
 rather than Menelaus interpret this omen, possibly to 
 avoid making the good man indirectly reproach his wife 
 by this interpretation ; for Menelaus seems to have 
 forgotten or forgiven all thal^as past. an( * they then 
 lived very well together. It may be asked why the 
 Greeks looked upon the omens that appeared on thek 
 right to be prosperous, and the Romans on those that 
 appeared on their left to be so ? This question, though, 
 at first sight, it may appear frivolous, is of so great 
 consequence to the understanding many passages both 
 in the Greek and Roman authors, that I really think it 
 very well deserves to be discussed. The first thing to 
 be considered is, that the Greeks and Romans did not 
 turn their faces towards the same quarter of the heavens 
 when they took their stand in their augural ceremonies, 
 the former turning theirs to the north, and the latter 
 theirs to the east. But this deserves something more 
 than a bare assertion. Homer, who is always a religious 
 observer of the ceremonies of his country, makes Hector 
 reprimand Polydamas for advising him to attend to the 
 flight of birds, anM seys he cares not whether they fly 
 to the right, that is, to the east, or to the left, that is, to 
 the west. 
 
 T&V o'urt ftsrxTfix-Ofi'i ouo* aXsyi^oi, 
 
 E?T' isr' Kg tarrsga. Toiyi, TTOTI o$ov IJJJOJVTM. 
 It may not possibly be so easily allowed that the Ro- 
 mans, upon these occasions, turned their faces towards 
 the east : 1 say this because I remember to have seen 
 the contrary asserted by a very learned man, I mean 
 Daoier, in his Notes upon Horace ; he there says, 
 " ceux qui prenoient les auspices, tournoient toujours 
 le visage vers le midi ;" and a little after he adds, " cela 
 a toujours ete observe de meme par les Romains, sans 
 qui'l y ait jamais eu aucun changement ; et o'est une 
 verite si constante, que Ton ne scauroit expliquer ni 
 consilier autrement tous les passages des anoiens, ou il 
 est parle de ces matieres." Errors in authors of little 
 
 first is this, 
 
 6V* X.6tSf/ fttv 0-TI XMI <TT0-I{ f 
 
 ITTIf TOOV 
 
 )j\iou re x 
 
 vxqogxi yvoi/T xsei o-iXijviis, xi 
 
 
 srXav>|TvT 
 
 xai u,V\ttVU3V >JTJ TOU XOfl-jUOU 7Tfi$0( 
 
 i.SVijir 
 
 TOT jU.V U5T 
 
 ? y*IS iitravTrit T* iv tuiiTio y tvir * t , 
 
 TOTfc J 1 
 
 ITTO yy,g, 
 
 xefStv Kf%aftiv>i Tijv ^xuxXov 0171 
 
 oStSuia-t 
 
 xv>i<r<v. This reason, according to the system of astrono- 
 my then in vogue, was a very plausible one, that is, be- 
 cause the heavenly bodies began their motion from the 
 east. To this I shall add the reason given by the same 
 author, why the Romans looked upon the lightning that 
 appeared on the left hand, as a happy omen. I mention 
 this not only to confirm what has been said, but also to 
 show that a passage in Virgil, which, like many others, 
 is looked upon as poetical, is, like them, merely historical. 
 Dionysius says that Ascanius, the son of ^Eneas, being 
 besieged by the Tuscans, under Mezentius, and upon the 
 point of making a sally, prayed to Jupiter, and to the 
 rest of the gods, to send him a happy omen; upon which, 
 they say, the sky being clear, it lightened on his left. 
 Now let us see what use Virgil has made of this tradi- 
 tion. Ascanius is besieged by the Rutulans and Tuscans, 
 commanded by Turnus and Mezentius ; he is insulted 
 by Remulus, but, before he takes revenge of him, he 
 prays to Jupiter to favour his coup d'essai ; Upon this 
 a clap of thunder was heard on the left, where the sky 
 was dear, 
 
 " Audiit, et coali genitor de parte serena 
 
 Intonuit larvum." 
 
 This is told almost in the same words by the Greek his- 
 torian, $ct<rit/ aiSf ij ouo-i)? ex TWV x^ia-ct^uv K0"rf cttj/at 
 
 TOP Ov(*v!lV. 
 
 However, I desire I may not be understood as if I 
 meant by this that Virgil took this passage from Dio- 
 nysius. I am very sensible that the Greek historian 
 speaks of the seven hundredth and forty-fifth year, as 
 of the year then present, in the preface to his history, 
 Claudius Nero for the second time, and Calpurnius Piso 
 being consuls ; and that Donatus tells us, in his life of 
 Virgil, that, designing to return to Rome with Augus- 
 tus, whom he met at Athens, as the latter was coming 
 out of the east, he died at Brundusium, Cn. Plautius 
 and Q,u. Lucretius, being consuls. Now Dion Cassiiu 
 says, that Augustus went into the east in the spring of 
 the year, in which M. Apuleius and P. Silius were oon- 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 309 
 
 tended something great, and above a. private 
 station, something illustrious, though toilsome ; 
 for other birds attack the eagle chiefly when 
 she is sitting upon the ground. He added that 
 the omen foretold nothing lucrative, because, 
 when the eagle preys, she is generally upon the 
 wing. While therefore he was offering sacri- 
 fice upon this occasion, the god plainly signified 
 to him, that he ought neither to seek the com- 
 mand, nor, if they chose him, to accept it : and 
 this was the issue of the affair. However the 
 army assembled, and they all agreed to choose 
 a single person to command them : this there- 
 fore being determined, they proposed him : 
 when it was manifest they would choose him, 
 if any one put the question, he rose up, and 
 spoke as follows : 
 
 Gentlemen ! as I am a man, I take a plea- 
 sure in the honour you design me, and return 
 you thanks for it ; I also beseech the gods to 
 give me an opportunity of being the occasion 
 of some advantage to you : but I cannot think 
 it will be any either to you or myself to give 
 me the preference, when a Lacedaemonian is 
 present : on the contrary, if you should want 
 their assistance in any thing, you will, by this 
 means, be the less entitled to it. Neither do 
 I look upon this as a thing altogether safe for 
 me to engage in ; for I am sensible they never 
 ceased making war upon my country, till they 
 made the whole city acknowledge, that the 
 Lacedaemonians were the masters of Athens, 
 as well as of the rest of Greece : however, up- 
 on this acknowledgement, they desisted, and 
 immediately raised the siege of that city. If, 
 therefore, I, who am sensible of this, should 
 seem, where I have it in my power, to invali- 
 date their authority, I have reason to fear that 
 I should very soon be taught my duty. As to 
 your opinion, that the command of a single 
 person will leave less room for contest, than 
 that of many, be assured that, if you choose an- 
 other, you shall find I will not oppose him : 
 for I look upon it, that, in war, whoever op- 
 poses his commander, opposes his own safety : 
 1 whereas, if you choose me, I shall not be 
 surprised, if you find others who will be of- 
 fended both at you and me." 
 
 suls, which, in the fasti consulares, is the 733d of Rome, 
 and that he returned to Rome the next year. All that I 
 mean by what I have said, is that both the poet and the 
 historian took the passage from the history of Rome. 
 
 i ''Av $' ifts X;T5, oux iv duff.a,a-atfti tlf TI lug otn 
 xce! vf*7v xotl *>oi KxSiftivov. D'Ablancourt has left out 
 all this sentence 
 
 After he had said this, much greater num- 
 bers than before rose up, and said, he ought to 
 take upon him the command. And Agasias 
 the Stymphalian alleged it would be ridiculous 
 to suppose what was mentioned to be true ; 
 because, at any rate, the Lacedaemonians might 
 as well be angry, if, when they met to sup to- 
 gether, they did not choose a Lacedaemonian 
 for their president ; for, says he, if that is the 
 case, neither ought we, it seems, to be captains, 
 because we are Arcadians. Upon this the as- 
 sembly showed by their murmur that they ap- 
 proved of what they said. 
 
 Xenophon seeing it was necessary to enforce 
 what he had alleged, advanced and went on. 
 " But, gentlemen ! that you may know all the 
 circumstances of this affair, I swear by all the 
 gods and goddesses, that, after I was acquaint- 
 ed with your resolutions, I sought by sacrifice 
 to know whether it were for your advantage to 
 confer this command upon me, and for .mine to 
 accept it : 'and the gods signified to me, by the 
 victims, in so clear a manner that the most ig- 
 norant man could not mistake it, that I ought 
 to decline the command." Upon this they 
 chose Cheirisophus, who, after he was chosen, 
 came forward and said, " Be assured, gen- 
 tlemen ! I shoulcr*have given you no opposi- 
 tion, if your choice had fallen upon another. 
 But," says he, " you have done a service to 
 Xenophon by not choosing him, since Dixip- 
 pus has lately accused him to Anaxibus, in the 
 strongest manner he was able, though I en- 
 deavoured all I could to silence him." Cheiri- 
 sophus added that he thought Anaxibus would 
 rather desire Timasion of Dardanus, who had 
 served under Clearchus, for his colleague, than 
 himself, though he was a Lacedemonian. 
 " But," says he, " since you have made choice 
 of me I shall endeavour, on my part, to do you 
 all the service in my power. In the mean- 
 time, be ready to sail to-morrow, if the weather 
 is favourable. Heraclea is the port we must 
 all endeavour to arrive at. When we are 
 there we will consider of what we have farther 
 to do." 
 
 II. The next day they weighed anchor with 
 a fair wind, and sailed two days along the 
 coast : and, in their passage, saw the Jasonian 
 shore, where the ship Argo is said to have 
 come to land ; and the mouths of several rivers; 
 first that of the 2 Thermoden ; then of the 
 
 a Tcu 0e.uJcvTo 5 . This river, after it has received 
 many others, runs through a plain called Themiscyra, 
 
310 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 1 Halys, and, afterwards that of the 2 Parthe- 
 nius : and having sailed by the last, they ar- 
 rived at 3 Heraclea, a Greek city, and a colony 
 of the Megarians, situated in the country of 
 the Maryandenians. They came to anchor 
 near to the peninsula of Acherusias, where 
 Hercules is said to have descended to bring up 
 Cerberus, and where they show, at this day, a 
 chasm, two stadia in depth, as a monument of 
 his descent. The inhabitants of Heraclea 
 sent the Greeks three thousand medimni of 
 barley meal, and two thousand ceramia of wine, 
 as hospitable presents, with twenty oxen, and 
 one hundred sheep. Here the river Lycus, 
 about two hundred feet broad, runs through the 
 plain. 
 
 The soldiers being assembled, deliberated 
 
 for not endeavouring to find money for us to 
 buy provisions ; for the presents we have re- 
 ceived will not subsist the army three days ; 
 neither is there any place," says he, " from 
 whence we can supply ourselves. My advice 
 therefore is, that we demand of the inhabitants 
 of Heraclea no less than three thousand 5 cyzi- 
 cenes." Another said a month's pay, no less 
 than ten thousand : and that we ought to 
 choose ambassadors, and send them immedi- 
 ately to the town while we were assembled, to 
 the end we might know what answer they 
 thought proper to return, and thereupon con- 
 sider what measures to take." Upon this they 
 proposed sending, as ambassadors, first Cheiri- 
 sophus, because they had chosen him for their 
 general ; and some named Xenophon. But 
 
 whether they should proceed the rest of the I both these declined it absolutely ; for they 
 
 way till they were out of the Euxine, by land 
 or by sea ; when Lycon of Achaia rising up 
 said, " I 4 wonder, gentlemen ! at your generals, 
 
 formerly inhabited by the Amazons, and then falls into 
 the Euxine sea. 
 
 t Tou AKVK>$. This river, Strabo says, took its name 
 from the bods of salt through which it runs, *& T<OV 
 K*V ,- xaTsfpsr. He adds, that its source is in the 
 
 Greater Cappadocia: and, upon, this occasion, Arrian 
 blames Herodotus for saying it flows from the south, 
 whereas it comes, as he says, from the east. This river 
 formerly parted the Persian and Lydian empires. 
 Tournefort says this country is so full of fossil salt, 
 that it is to be found in the high roads, and ploughed 
 lands. 
 
 * Tou rixpjsv.ou. The Parthenius rises, according to 
 Strabo, in Paphlagonia, and derives its name from the 
 cheerful meadows through which it runs. 
 
 3 E,; 'Hfixxeav. Heraclea was anciently a city of 
 great consideration, and in alliance with Rome, till 
 Mithridates made himself master of it by corrupting 
 Lamachus, one of their magistrates, which furnished 
 Cotta, who served under Lucullus, with a pretence 
 both of plundering it, and reducing it to ashes, for 
 which he was deservedly censured at his return to 
 Rome. I find Strabo makes Heraclea to have been a 
 colony of the Milesians, but Xenophon seems to de- 
 serve most credit, since he is supported by Diodorus 
 Piculus.Pausanias, and many other authors of the best 
 note. Heraclea was afterwards called by the modern 
 Greeks, to whom it belonged, Penderachi, and by the 
 Turks, in whose possession it now is, Eregri. There 
 are many medals to be seen at this day, formerly struck 
 by this city in honour of the Pvoman emperors, with a 
 Hercules on the reverse, by which it appears that he 
 was the pairon of it ; and when Cotta took it, there 
 was a sratue of Hercules in the market place, with all 
 his attributes of gold. But it must be observed, that 
 this was the Grecian, not the Egyptian Hercules, from 
 whom Diodorus Siculus observes the Greeks borrowed 
 most of the great actions which they ascribed to their 
 Hercules. 
 
 concurred in opinion, that they ought not to 
 constrain a Greek city, in friendship with them, 
 to supply them with any thing against their 
 will. When they found these were unwilling 
 to go, they sent Lycon of Achaia, Callimachus 
 of Parrhasie, and Agasias of Stymphalus. 
 These, going to the town, informed the inha- 
 bitants of the resolutions of the army : it was 
 said Lycon even added threats, if they did not 
 comply with all their demands. The inhabi- 
 tants hearing this, said they would consider of 
 it, and immediately removed all their 6 effects 
 out of the country, and carried all their provi- 
 sions into the town ; at the same time the 
 gates were shut, and men in arms appeared up- 
 on the walls. 
 
 Hereupon, the authors of th'ese disturbances 
 accused the generals of having defeated the 
 design ; and the Arcadians and Achaians as- 
 sembled together ; (they were chiefly headed 
 by Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Lycon the 
 Achaian.) They said it was a shame that one 
 Athenian, who brought no forces to the army, 
 should have the command both of the Pelo- 
 ponnesians and Lacedaemonians. . They said 
 they had the labour, and others the profit, 
 which was the less to be suffered, because the 
 preservation of the army was owing to them ; 
 for they said the Arcadians and Achaians had 
 
 book. 
 
 book. 
 
 r*Tix^v, re irrxtv-ji. Suidas. 
 
 fou?. See note 1, page 296, upon the fifth 
 
 rce. See. note 7, page 175, upon the first 
 

 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 811 
 
 preserved it, and that the rest of the army was 
 nothing; (and it was true the Arcadians and 
 Achaians made above half the army) if, there- 
 fore, they were wise, they ought to assemble, 
 and having chosen their own generals, to march 
 by themselves, and endeavour to get some 
 booty. This was resolved: and those Arca- 
 dians and Achaians, who served under Cheiri- 
 sophus, leaving him and Xenophon, joined to 
 the rest, and chose their own generals, to the 
 number of ten. These they voted to execute 
 whatever should be approved of by the majo- 
 rity. Here, therefore, ended the generalship 
 of Cheirisophus, the sixth or seventh day after 
 he was chosen. 
 
 Xenophon was inclined to march in their 
 company, looking upon that as safer than for 
 every one to travel by himself; but Xeon, who 
 had been informed by Cheirisophus, that Ole- 
 ander, the Lacedaemonian * governor of By- 
 zantium, said he would come to the port of 
 Calpe, with some galleys, persuaded him to go 
 by himself. He gave him this advice to the 
 end that none should partake of this oppor- 
 tunity, but only they, with their own soldiers, 
 should go on board the galleys ; and Cheiriso- 
 phus, partly discouraged at what had happened, 
 and partly through the hatred he, from that 
 time, conceived against the army, permitted 
 Xenophon to do as he thought fit. The latter 
 had some thoughts also of leaving that part of 
 the army that remained with him, and of sail- 
 ing away ; but while he was offering sacrifice 
 to Hercules the Conductor, and consulting that 
 god, whether it were better for him to march 
 on with the rest of the soldiers, or to leave 
 them, the god signified, by the victims, that he 
 should go on with them. By this means the 
 army was divided into three bodies : the first 
 consisted of Arcadians and Achaians, being 
 above four thousand five hundred in number, 
 all heavy-armed men ; the second, of fourteen 
 hundred heavy-armed men, and seven hundred 
 targeteers, belonging to Cheirisophus, the last 
 being Thracians, who had served under Clear- 
 chus; and the third of seventeen hundred 
 heavy-armed men, and three hundred targe- 
 teers, who followed Xenophon ; the horse, 
 which amounted to about' forty, were solely 
 commanded by him. 
 
 re AxsSse<Ofxv tlf rif 
 
 roftivAi. Harpocration. 
 
 The Arcadiajas, having furnished themselves 
 with ships from the inhabitants of Heraclea, 
 first set sail, that, by falling upon the Bithy- 
 nians unawares, they might get the greater 
 booty. With this view they landed in the 
 port of Calpe, situated about the middle of 
 2 Thrace. Cheirisophus, leaving Heraclea, tra- 
 velled through the country ; but when he ar- 
 rived in Thrace, he kept near the sea, because 
 he was in an ill state of health ; and Xeno- 
 phon, having provided himself with ships, 
 landed upon the confines of Thrace, and of the 
 territory of Heraclea, and from thence, marched 
 through the middle of the country. 
 
 III. In what manner, therefore, the general- 
 ship of Cheirisophus was abrogated, and the 
 Greek army divided, has been already related. 
 The actions of each of them were as follows: 
 the Arcadians, landing by night at the port of 
 Calpe, marched to the next villages, at the 
 distance of about fifty stadia from the sea. 
 When it was light, each of their generals led 
 his own division to a village, and, where any of 
 the villages seemed larger than the rest, they 
 marched in a body formed of two divisions : at 
 the same time they fixed upon a hill where 
 they were all to re-assemble ; and, as their 
 irruption was unexpected, they 3 took many 
 slaves, besides great numbers of cattle. 
 
 The Thracians who escaped, got together : 
 for, being targeteers, many of them made their 
 escape from the Greeks, who were heavy- 
 armed men. Being now assembled in a body, 
 they first attacked the division commanded by 
 Smicres, one of the Arcadian generals, while 
 he was upon his march to the place of rendez- 
 vous with a considerable booty. For some 
 time, the Greeks fought as they marched ; but, 
 while they were passing a valley, the Thra- 
 cians put them to flight, and killed Smicres 
 with all his men. They also defeated another 
 division commanded by Hegesander, one of the 
 ten generals, eight only escaping; and with 
 them Hegesander himself. The rest of the 
 generals came to the place of rendezvous, some 
 
 T>? *fx>!5. These are the Thrncians, who, as 
 Herodotus says, having settled in Asia, were called 
 Bithynians. He adds, tliat they were driven out of 
 Thrace ffy the Teucrians and Mysians. 
 
 n.gis.oixovTO. ile( t &a\K<>ftivos' srea<rrfi<rx,6vo,-. 
 
 Suidas. Phavorinus. So that I cannot think the 
 wortbiolleffo, made use of by both the Latin translators 
 so .proper upon this occasion. 
 
312 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 with difficulty, and others without any at all. 
 The Thracians, after this advantage, gave no- 
 tice to one another, and assembled, with great 
 resolution, in the night: and as soon as it 
 was day, great numbers of horse and targeteers 
 were 'drawn up round the hill, upon which 
 the Greeks were encamped; and their num- 
 bers continually increasing, they attacked the 
 heavy-armed men, with great security ; for the 
 Greeks had neither archers, darters, or horse;' 
 while the others, advancing with their light- 
 armed men, and horse, lanced their darts, and 
 when the Greeks offered to attack them, re- 
 treated with ease; and assailing them in dif- 
 ferent places, gave several wounds, without 
 receiving any ; so that the Greeks could not 
 stir from the place, and were at last debarred 
 from water by the Thracians. Being reduced 
 to great extremity, terms of. accommodation 
 were proposed, and other things were agreed 
 upon ; but the Thracians refused to give hos- 
 tages, which the Greeks insisted on. This put 
 a stop to the treaty ; and this was the situation 
 of the Arcadians. 
 
 In the meantime, Cheirisophus, marching 
 with safety along the coast, arrived at the port 
 of Calpe. While Xenophon was upon his 
 march through the middle of the country, his 
 horse, who were upon the scout, met with 
 some ambassadors, who were travelling the 
 road. When they were brought to Xenophon, 
 he asked them, whether they had any where 
 heard of another Greek army. These men 
 informed him of every thing that had passed ; 
 that the Greeks were actually besieged upon a 
 hill, and that the whole army of the Thracians 
 had surrounded them on all sides. Upon this 
 he ordered the men to be strictly guarded, that 
 he might use them as guides, where it was 
 necessary; and having placed his scouts, he 
 assembled the soldiers, and spoke to them as 
 follows : 
 
 " Gentlemen ! part of the Arcadians are 
 slain, and the rest besieged upon a hill. It is 
 my opinion,' that if these are destroyed, all 
 hopes of our own safety are desperate, the 
 enemy being so numerous, and so much em- 
 boldened by their success. The best thing 
 therefore, we can do, is immediately to march 
 to their relief: that if they are still alive, we 
 may have their assistance in battle, rather 
 than, by being left alone, be alone exposed to 
 the danger of it. Let us, therefore, for the 
 present, march on till supper-time, and then 
 
 encamp ; and while we are upon our march, 
 let Timasion, with the horse, advance before, 
 keeping us still in sight, and reconnoitre the 
 country, to prevent surprise." At the same 
 time, he sent those of the light-armed men, 
 who were most prepared for expedition, to the 
 sides and tops of the hills, with orders if they 
 saw any thing to give notice. He ordered 
 them also to set fire to every combustible 
 thing they met with. " For," says he, we 
 have no place to fly to : it is a great way back 
 to Heraclea ; a great way through the country 
 to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is near at hand. 
 Indeed, it is not far from the port of Calpe, 
 where we conclude Cheirisophus is arrived, if 
 he has met with no accident ; but, when we 
 are there, we shall find neither ships to trans- 
 port us, nor provisions to subsist us even for 
 one day. However, if those who are besieged 
 should perish, it will be more disadvantageous 
 for us to hazard a battle in conjunction with 
 the troops belonging to Cheirisophus only, 
 than, if they are preserved, to join all our 
 forces, and make our preservation a common 
 concern. But let us go with this resolution, 
 either to die with honour, upon this occasion, 
 or perform the greatest of all actions in pre- 
 serving so many Greeks. Possibly, God has 
 ordained this with a design of humbling those 
 who magnified their prudence, as superior to 
 ours, and of rendering us, who derive all our 
 hopes from the gods, more renowned than 
 they. Follow then your leaders, and be atten- 
 tive to the orders you receive, that you may 
 obey them." 
 
 When he had said this, he put himself at 
 their head. The horse, spreading themselves 
 over the country, as far as was proper, set fire 
 to every thing where they passed, and the 
 targeteers, marching abreast upon the emi- 
 nences, set fire also to every thing they found 
 combustible, as did the army also to what the 
 others happened to leave ; so that the whole 
 country seemed in a blaze, and the army ap- 
 peared very numerous. When it was time, 
 they encamped on a hill, and discovered the 
 enemy's fires, from whom they were distant 
 about forty stadia ; upon this they made as 
 many fires as they could. But when they had 
 supped, orders were given that all the fires 
 j should immediately be put out : and having 
 j placed guards they went to sleep. The next 
 | morning, by break of day, after they had 
 J invoked the gods, they put themselves in 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 313 
 
 order of battle, and marched with all the haste | 
 they could. Timasion and the horse, with 
 the guides, advancing before the army, found 
 themselves, before they were aware, upon the 
 hill where the Greeks had been besieged. 
 Here they saw neither friends nor enemies, j 
 (of which they gave notice to Xenophon and \ 
 the army) but only some old men and women, j 
 with a few sheep and oxen that were left I 
 behind. At first, they wondered what the [ 
 matter was, but, afterwards, they understood 
 by the people who were left, that the Thra- 
 cians went away, as soon as the evening came 
 on ; and the Greeks the next morning ; but 
 whither, they said, they cauld not tell. 
 
 Xenophon and his men, hearing this, after 
 they had eat their breakfast, got their baggage 
 ready, and marched on, desiring as soon as 
 possible, to join the rest of the Greeks at the 
 port of Calpe. In their march, they saw the 
 footing of the Arcadians and Achaians in the 
 road leading to Calpe ; and, when they overtook 
 them, they were pleased to see one another, 
 and embraced like brothers. The Arcadians 
 asked Xenophon's men, why they had put out 
 their fires 1 For," said they, " we thought 
 at first, when we saw no more fires, that you 
 designed to attack the enemy in the night ; 
 (and they, as we imagined, were apprehensive 
 of this, and for that reason went away, for they 
 retired about that time,) but you not coming, 
 and the time wherein we expected you being 
 expired, we concluded, that, being informed of 
 our situation, you were terrified, and had re- 
 tired to the sea-side. Whereupon, we resolved 
 not to be far behind you : and this was the 
 reason of our marching hither also." 
 
 IV. That day they encamped upon the shore 
 near the port. This place, which is called the 
 port of Calpe, is situated'in the Asiatic Thrace. 
 This Thrace begins at the mouth of the Eux- 
 ine Sea, and extends on the right hand, as far 
 as Heraclea. To which place, from Byzan- 
 tium, ^ it is as far as a trireme galley can row 
 in the longest day. Between these two cities 
 there is no town belonging either to the Greeks, 
 or their allies ; but all the coast is inhabited by 
 Thracians or Bithynians ; and whatever Greeks 
 are thrown upon their coast by shipwreck, or 
 
 1 'Hpie; ftxKtt [txxgZ; JT^OUJ. Xenophon has great 
 reason to say that it is a long day's work for a galley to 
 go from Byzantium to Heraclea, since Arrian, in his 
 Periplus, makes it 1670 stadia, 870 of which he reckons 
 from Byzantium to the port of Calpe, which agrees very 
 well with Xenophon's account. 
 27 
 
 by any other accident fall into their hands, 
 they are said to abuse them in the most savage 
 manner. The port of Calpe lies in the mid- 
 way between Heraclea and Byzantium. A 
 promontory runs out into the sea, of which that 
 part which lies contiguous to it, is a craggy 
 rock, in height, where it is lowest, not less 
 than twenty fathom. The neck of land, by 
 which this promontory is joined to the conti- 
 nent, is about four hundred feet in breadth; 
 and the space within this neck is ample enough 
 to afford habitation for ten thousand men. The 
 port lies under the rock upon the western 
 shore ; and, close to the sea, flows a spring 
 plentifully supplied with fresh water ; this 
 spring is commanded by the rock. This place 
 affords great plenty of timber, particularly that 
 which is proper for building ships, in great 
 quantities, and in great perfection close to the 
 sea. The mountain that lies next the port, 
 reaches about twenty stadia into the midland. 
 The soil is a mould free from stones ; but that 
 part of it which lies next the sea, and extends 
 above twenty stadia, is covered with great 
 numbers of stately trees of every kind. The 
 rest of the country is pleasant and spacious, 
 abounding with villages well inhabited ; for it 
 produces barley, wheat, and all sorts of legu- 
 mens, panic, sesame, a sufficient quantity of 
 figs, vines in abundance, yielding a sweet wine, 
 and every thing else but olive-trees. This is 
 the nature of the country. 
 
 The soldiers encamped along the shore : 
 had they entered into any of the villages, they 
 would not have quartered there ; because they 
 suspected they were drawn thither by the arti- 
 fice of some people, who were desirous to build 
 a city there. For the greatest part of them 
 had not engaged in this service through want, 
 but induced by the reputation of Cyrus, some 
 even bringing soldiers with them, who had 
 spent their fortunes, some having left their 
 fathers and mothers, and others their children, 
 with a design to return, when they had acquired 
 enough to enrich them ; for they heard that 
 the other Greeks, who before served under 
 Cyrus, had made their fortunes. This being 
 their situation, they were desirous to return in 
 safety to Greece. 
 
 The morning after the junction of their 
 forces Xenophon offered sacrifice concerning 
 their going out of the camp ; (for there was a 
 necessity to lead them out in order to get pro- 
 visions) he also proposed to bury the dead. 
 2 P 
 
314 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 The victims being favourable, the Arcadians 
 also followed him, and they buried the greatest 
 part of the dead, where each of them lay, (for 
 their bodies having lain five days, there was 
 no possibility of bringing them away) some of 
 them they removed out of the roads, and, lay- 
 ing them in a heap, buried them with all the 
 decency that their present circumstances would 
 admit of. As for those whose bodies could 
 not be found, they erected a large l cenotaph, 
 with a great funeral pile, which they crowned 
 with garlands. Having performed these things 
 they returned to their camp : and after they 
 had supped, went to rest. The next day there 
 was a general meeting of the soldiers, (they 
 were chiefly assembled by Agasias of Stym- 
 phalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymus 
 of Elis, a captain also, and by the oldest Ar- 
 cadian officers) in which they came to this re- 
 solution, that, for the future, whoever proposed 
 dividing the army should be punished with 
 death ; that the army should march in the same 
 disposition it was in before, and that the same 
 generals should command. Cheirisophus hav- 
 ing lost his life by a medicine he took in a 
 fever, Neon the Asintean succeeded him. 
 
 After this Xenophon rising up, said, " Gen- 
 tlemen ! it seems we are under a necessity both 
 of travelling by land, for we have no ships, and 
 of marching away immediately ; for, if we stay, 
 we shall want provisions. We, therefore, shall 
 offer sacrifice ; in the mean time, if, upon any 
 other occasion, you were prepared to fight,* 
 prepare yourselves for it now, for the enemy 
 have resumed their courage." After this, the 
 generals offered sacrifice in the presence of 
 Arexion of Arcadia, the priest : for Silanus of 
 Ambracia had hired a ship, and made his es- 
 cape from Heraclea. But the victims they 
 sacrificed concerning their departure were not 
 favourable ; so they staid there that day : and 
 some had the confidence to report, that Xeno- 
 
 t KSVOT$IOV. In the same manner we find in Thbcy- 
 dides, that the Athenians, in the funeral of the first of 
 their countrymen, who were killed in the Peloponne- 
 Bian war, besides a coffin for every tribe, carried also an 
 empty one in honour to the memory of those whose bo- 
 dies could not be found. Virgil has translated the Greek 
 word by tumulus inanis in the third book, where he 
 says Andromache had raised an empty monument to the 
 manes of Hector, 
 
 " Manesque vocabat 
 
 Hectoroum ad tumulum ; viridi quern cespite inanem, 
 Et gemma*, causam lachrimis, sacraverat aras." 
 
 phon, being desirous to build a city there, had 
 prevailed upon the priest to declare that the 
 victims were not favourable to their departure. 
 Upon this, Xenophon ordered a herald to pub- 
 lish that any one, who was willing, might be 
 present at the sacrifice the next day, and that, 
 if there was any priest among them, he should 
 also attend, and assist in inspecting the vic- 
 tims; he offered sacrifice accordingly in the 
 presence of great numbers; and, though victims 
 were three times sacrificed concerning their 
 departure, still they were not favourable. This 
 gave the soldiers great concern ; for the pro- 
 visions they had brought with them were all 
 consumed, and there was no market near. 
 
 Hereupon they re-assembled, and Xenophon 
 said, Gentlemen ! the victims, you see, are 
 not yet favourable to our departure ; at the 
 same time, I see you are in want of provisions ; 
 it is necessary, therefore, in my opinion, to 
 offer sacrifice concerning this." Upon which 
 one of the men, rising up, said, It is with 
 reason the victims do not favour our departure : 
 for a ship coming in yesterday by accident, I 
 was informed that Oleander, the Lacedaemoni- 
 an, governor of Byzantium, designed to come 
 hither from thence with transports and gallies." 
 Upon this they all concluded to stay for him. 
 However they could not avoid going out to get 
 provisions, concerning which he again offered 
 sacrifice three times, and still the victims were 
 not favourable ; the soldiers now came to 
 Xenophon's tent, complaining they had no 
 provisions : but he told them he would not lead 
 them out, while the viAims forbade it. 
 
 The next day he sacrificed again, and, it 
 being a general concern, almost all the army 
 crowded round the sacrifice : but the victims 
 fell short. Still the generals did not think fit 
 to lead out the army, however they called them 
 together ; and Xenophon said, Possibly the 
 enemy may be assembled in a body, and, then 
 we shall be under a necessity of fighting : if, 
 therefore, we leave our baggage in the place of 
 strength, and march out prepared to fight, it is 
 possible the victims may be more favourable." 
 The soldiers, hearing this, cried out it was to 
 no purpose to lead them to the place he men- 
 tioned, but that they ought immediately to offer 
 sacrifice. They had no victims left : so they 
 bought some oxen out of a cart, and sacrificed 
 them; and Xenophon begged of Cleanor the 
 Arcadian, to show an earnestness, if this sac- 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 315 
 
 rifice promised any thing. Notwithstanding 
 this the victims were not favourable. 
 
 Here Neon, who had succeeded Cheiriso- 
 phus, seeing the men oppressed with want, 
 was desirous to gratify them, and, having found 
 out a man belonging to Heraclea, who said he 
 was acquainted with some villages in the neigh- 
 bourhood, where they might get provisions, 
 ordered proclamation to be made, that whoever 
 was willing might go out to supply themselves, 
 there being a guide ready to conduct them. 
 Upon this two thousand men went out of the 
 camp with javelins, leather bags, sacks, and 
 other vessels. While they were in the villages 
 dispersed in plunder, some horse, belonging 
 to Pharnabazus, first fell upon them : these 
 were come to the assistance of the Bithynians, 
 designing, jointly with them, to hinder, if pos- 
 sible, the Greeks from penetrating into Phry- 
 gia. This body of horse killed no less than 
 five hundred of the Greeks : the rest fled to a 
 mountain. 
 
 The news of this defeat was brought to the 
 camp by one of those who escaped. Xeno- 
 phon, since the victims were not favourable 
 that day, taking an ox out of one of the carts 
 (for there were no other victims) sacrificed it, 
 and then went out to their relief with all the 
 men who were not above forty years of age ; 
 and, having "brought off the rest, they returned 
 to the camp. It was now near sunset, and the 
 Greeks ate their supper in great consternation ; 
 when, on a sudden, some Bithynians, coming 
 up through the thickets, surprised the advanced 
 guard, and, killing some of them, pursued the 
 rest to the camp ; and the alarm being given, 
 all the Greeks ran to their arms. But it was 
 not thought advisable to pursue the enemy, or 
 leave their camp in the night ; for the country 
 was full of thickets ; so they lay that night up- 
 on their arms, taking care effectually to rein- 
 force their out-guards. 
 
 V. In this manner they passed the night. 
 The next day, as soon as it was light, the gen- 
 erals led them to the place of strength, and the 
 army followed, with their arms and baggage, 
 and before noon they had dug a trench quite 
 across the neck of land that leads to the pro- 
 montory, and fortified the whole length of it 
 with palisades, leaving three gates. In the 
 meantime a ship arrived from Heraclea, laden 
 with barley-meal, cattle, and wine. Xenophon 
 rising early offered sacrifice concerning an ex- 
 
 pedition against the enemy, and the first victim 
 was favourable. When the sacrifice was near 
 an end, Arexion of Parrhasie, the priest, saw 
 an eagle on the favourable side, and called out 
 to Xenophon to lead on. After the men had 
 passed the trench, they stood to their arms, and 
 the generals ordered proclamation to be made, 
 that the soldiers, as soon as they had dined, 
 should march with their arms, leaving those 
 who had care of the baggage, and the slaves be- 
 hind. All the rest went out except Neon ; for 
 it was thought most advisable to leave him to 
 command those who remained in the camp; 
 but, when the captains and soldiers were about 
 to leave them, they were ashamed to stay be- 
 hind, while the rest marched out ; so they left 
 only those who were above five and forty years 
 of age. These, therefore stayed in the camp, 
 and the rest marched forward. Before they 
 had gone fifteen stadia, they came to the dead 
 bodies, and, * extending one of their wings up- 
 on a single line, where the first of them lay, 
 they buried all those that fell within the line. 
 After they had buried these as they marched 
 along, they formed a line of the other wing, 
 where the first of the bodies lay unburied, and 
 in the same manner buried those that fell in 
 their way : and when they came to the road 
 that led from the villages, where the dead 
 bodies lay in heaps, they brought them all to- 
 gether, and buried them. 
 
 It being now past noon, they marched clear 
 of the villages, and, while the men were em- 
 ployed in taking whatever provisions they met 
 with within reach of the line, on a sudden 
 they discovered the enemy marching over some 
 hills opposite to them. Their army was dis- 
 posed in a line, and very numerous both in horse 
 and foot; for Spithridates and Rathines were 
 there with the forces they had received from 
 Pharnabazus. As soon as the enemy saw the 
 Greeks, they halted at the distance of about 
 fifteen stadia. Upon this, Arexion the Greek 
 priest, immediately offered sacrifice, and the 
 very first victim was favourable. Then Xeno- 
 
 X8f*s. I very much suspect that ct^iv TOV X.^^TCJ 
 )jir(r3-c. signifies to extend one of the wings of an 
 army upon a line; but, as I do not find this sense of 
 the expression supported by the authority of any au- 
 thor, or lexicon, though J have consulted many, I only 
 offer it as a conjecture, and leave it to the considera- 
 tion of the learned. 
 
316 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 phon said to the generals, Gentlemen ! it is 
 my opinion that we ought to place some bo- 
 dies of reserve behind the line of battle, to sus- 
 tain it, if necessary, and that the enemy when 
 disordered may be received by these bodies of 
 reserve, that will be fresh and in order." All 
 this met with general approbation. Do you 
 therefore," continues he, " advance against the 
 enemy, that now we have seen them, and been 
 seen by them, we may not stand still ; and I 
 will form the bodies of reserve in the rear, in 
 the manner you approve of, and follow you." 
 
 Upon this the generals advanced in silence ; 
 and Xenophon having separated from the main 
 body, the three hindmost ranks, consisting of 
 about two hundred men each, placed one, com- 
 manded by Samolas of Achaia, behind the right 
 wing, another of which Pyrias of Arcadia had 
 the command, behind the centre ; and the third, 
 commanded by Phrasias, an Athenian, behind 
 the left wing ; these had orders to follow the line 
 of battle at the distance of about one hundred 
 feet. As they marched on, those in the front 
 coming to a valley, 1 that was large and difficult 
 to pass, halted, not knowing whether it was 
 passable or not, and an order was given for all 
 the generals and captains to come up to the 
 front. Xenophon wondered what should stop 
 their march ; but, as soon as he heard the order, 
 he rode up in all haste. As soon as the offi- 
 cers were got together, Sopha^netus, the oldest 
 of the generals, said it 2 was not advisable to 
 pass a valley of such difficulty ; but Xenophon, 
 answering with some earnestness, said, 
 
 1 'Esn v.7rei pfyoiKia. I cannot approve of the word 
 altus, which both Leunclavius and Hutchinson have 
 made use of, upon this occasion, for V;TOS: I am very 
 sensible that vxx-os signifies saltus, but I do not look 
 upon that to be the signification of the word in this 
 place, because he tells us afterwards, that there was a 
 bridge over this vin-oj, which I am sure is, in no degree, 
 applicable to saltus, particularly since he calls it vawoj 
 ftiya, which addition puts it out of all doubt that bo- 
 cage epais, in D'Ablancourt, is improper, since bocage 
 is a diminutive. I have called it a valley, in which I 
 am supported by Phavorinus, who explains the word 
 in that sense : pijroj, l\ XOXOTJJS -rev c^ouj. 
 
 S"OT ovx ?iov en) Sia&xivuv. I agree with Hutchin- 
 eon, that Stephanus and Muretus had no reason to find 
 fault with this reading. I go farther ; he calls it satis 
 sana scrip tura, but I think the phrase perfectly elegant, 
 and of the same turn with a passage in Demosthenes, 
 
 quoted by Suidas Six y*.% TOUTO ^i^o-ra iov io-rt 
 c-iwTrav, O'T'OU'T <TTIV o x*T5TX^<TTa)v, Ou'i' 6 xseVaa-aii; Jj^uaj. 
 
 Upon which occasion Suidas explains the word in this 
 manner, &%iov ' P*) T e J s " TOU eOxoyto x*i x*ov 
 
 You know, gentlemen ! that I never wil- 
 lingly sought dangers for you ; because I am 
 sensible you want safety, more than glory ; but 
 this is our present situation. It is not possible 
 for us to go hence without fighting ; for, if we 
 do not engage the enemy, as soon as we offer to 
 depart, they will pursue us, and fall upon us in 
 our retreat. Consider therefore with your- 
 selves, whether it is better for us to attack 
 them with our arms to cover us, or to see them 
 pursuing us, when we are defenceless. You 
 know also that there is no honour to be got by 
 flying from an enemy, while even cowards gain 
 courage by pursuing ; for which reason I had 
 rather pursue with half the number of forces, 
 than retreat with twice as many. Besides, I 
 am confident that you yourselves do not 3 ex- 
 pect the enemy will stand, if we attack them ; 
 but we are all sensible, that if we retire, they 
 will have courage enough to follow us. How- 
 ever, to be on the other side, with a difficult 
 valley in our rear when we engage, is not 
 that an advantage worth contending for 1 
 May the enemy 4 find every passage open to 
 their flight ! whereas the situation of the place 
 ought to instruct us that we can have no hope 
 of safety, but in victory. I wonder any one 
 should think this valley more dreadful than so 
 many other places we have passed through. 
 Shall we not find this very place, where we 
 now are, difficult to march over, if we do not 
 overcome the horse 1 Will not the mountains 
 we have traversed be difficult to repass with 
 such numbers of targeteers at our heels 1 But 
 admit even that we arrived at the sea-coast in 
 
 s 'EK7rt{in. In this sense Thucydides uses the word 
 in the beginning of his history, where he says, that he 
 chose the Peloponnesian war for his subject, because 
 he expected it would be of more importance than any 
 before it, iKa-ta-x^,f^fyav ri ic-so-Swi, xi o.JioTk.o^wTssTOi/ 
 
 r&v TTgoyiyivvfisviav. Upon which the Greek Scholiast 
 
 Observes, rb IX.*-*?, ot) ftvvov ?ri xyaSov, A,\' MjrXwf 
 
 \7t\ T TOU itfAAovTe; ix/3<rj \iyiTai. Afler the exam- 
 ple of the Greeks, the Latins also gave this sense to the 
 word spero, as we find in Virgil, where Dido, in the 
 agony of her mind, tells her sister, 
 
 " Hunc ego si potui tantum sperare dolorem, 
 
 Et perferre, soror, potero." 
 
 7Tvrct $ eei>a-5<, W<TTI p.yis%u,fi'iv. Tnfs soldierly wish 
 of Xenophon, that the enemy might have hopes of 
 safety in a retreat, while his own men had nc&ie but in 
 victory, is thus disfigured by D'Ablancourt: " Je vou- 
 drois que nous fussions si bien rempares de toutes parts, 
 qu'ils ne scussent pas par ou nous attaquer, afin qu'ils 
 se retirassent plutot." 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 317 
 
 safety, how l large a valley is the Euxine sea 1 
 Where we shall neither find ships to transport 
 Us, or if we stay there, provisions to subsist us. 
 And, if we make haste thither, we must haste 
 abroad again to get provisions. We had better 
 therefore fight, now we have eaten something, 
 than to-morrow, when we are fasting. Gentle- 
 men ! the sacrifices are favourable, the omens 
 happy, and the victims assure us of success. 
 Let us go on. Since the enemy have seen us 
 all, they ought not to eat their supper with 
 satisfaction, or encamp where they please." 
 
 Upon this the captains bid him lead on, and 
 no one contradicted it: he therefore put him- 
 self at their head, and ordered every man to 
 pass the valley in his rank, for he thought it 
 would be more expeditious for the army to pass 
 over in a body, than if they filed off over 
 the bridge, that lay across the valley. After 
 they had passed it, Xenophon, coming up to 
 the foremost ranks, said, " Remember, gentle- 
 men ! how many battles, with the assistance of 
 the gods, you have gained, and what those are 
 to expect who turn their backs upon the ene- 
 my. Consider also that we are at the gates of 
 Greece. Follow Hercules your conductor, and 
 exhort one another by name.' There is a plea- 
 sure in reflecting that whoever, upon this occa- 
 sion, says or does any thing brave and glorious, 
 will be remembered by those whose applause 
 he is ambitious of." 
 
 This he said as he rode along the ranks: 
 then put himself at the head of the line of bat- 
 tle, and, having placed the targeteers upon the 
 wings, he marched against the enemy. He had 
 also ordered the heavy-armed men to carry their 
 pikes on their right shoulders, till the trumpet 
 sounded ; then to present them, and move slowly 
 on : and that none should run, when they pursu- 
 ed. Upon this the word was given, " Jupiter the 
 preserver, and Hercules the conductor." The 
 enemy encouraged by the advantage of their 
 post, stood their ground; and, when our men 
 drew near, the Greek targeteers shouted, and 
 
 t Iloa-oi/ TI vy.7reg o jrovrof. Methinks this expression 
 should have convinced the Latin translators that vHirag 
 was not, upon this occasion, to be translated by saltus, 
 However, they have, I find, still adhered to it. Hut- 
 chinson has said, "quantus tandem saltus ipse pontus 
 est ?" And Leunclavius, " quantus quaeso saltus ipsum 
 pelagus Ponticum erit?" I expected D'Ablancourt 
 would also have pursued this translation, and have 
 said, "quel bocage sera le Pont Euxin ?" But he has 
 prudently avoided this absurdity, by leaving out the 
 whole sentence 
 
 27* 
 
 ran on before they were ordered. The enemy's 
 horse, with the body of Bithynians, advanced 
 against them, and both together put the targe- 
 teers to flight : but, when the line of battle, 
 consisting of the heavy-armed men, marched 
 briskly up to meet them, and, at the same time, 
 the trumpet sounded, and the men sung 2 the 
 paean, then shouted and presented their pikes, 
 they no longer stood their ground, but fled. 
 Timasion pursued them with the horse; and 
 his men, being but few in number, killed as 
 many of them as they could. The enemy's left 
 wing, which was opposite to the Greek horse, 
 was presently dispersed; but the right, not 
 being closely pursued, rallied upon a hill. 
 As soon as the Greeks saw them make a stand, 
 they thought the easiest and safest thing they 
 could do, was to charge them immediately. 
 Accordingly, they sung the paean, and advanced 
 directly ; but the enemy did not stand : the 
 targeteers pursued them till their right wing 
 was also dispersed. However, few of them 
 were killed, for the enemy's horse being very 
 numerous, kept the Greeks in awe. When 
 our men saw the body of horse belonging to 
 Pharnabazus still unbroken, and the Bithynian 
 horse flocking to them, and observing, from a 
 hill, what was doing, though they were spent 
 with labour, yet they resolved to charge them 
 also, as well as they could, that they might 
 give them no time to recover their spirit and 
 breath. So they formed themselves, and 
 marched against them. Upon this, the enemy's 
 horse fled down the hill with as much precipi- 
 tation, as if they had been pursued by horse : 
 for there was a valley to receive them, which 
 the Greeks knew nothing of, because, as it was 
 late, they had given over the pursuit, before 
 they came to it. Then returning to the place, 
 where the first action happened, they erected a 
 trophy, and came back to the sea about sunset. 
 For they had been near sixty stadia from their 
 camp. 
 
 VI. After this, the enemy employed them- 
 selves in their own concerns, removing their 
 families and 3 effects to the greatest distance 
 they could. In the meantime, the Greeks 
 waited for the arrival of Oleander, with the 
 galleys and transports ; and going out every day 
 with their sumpter-horses and slaves, they fur- 
 
 a K*. tVa.iviifov. See note 8, page 189, upon the 
 first book. 
 I 3 T* f *<tt(*T*. See note 1, page 175, upon the first 
 
 hnnlr 
 
 I book. 
 
318 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 nished themselves in all security, with wheat, 
 barley, wine, legumens, panic, and figs ; for the 
 country produced every thing but oil. While 
 the army lay in their camp to refresh them- 
 selves, the men had liberty to go out for 
 plunder; and upon those occasions, the booty 
 was their own : but when the whole army 
 went out, if any 'one straggled from the rest, 
 and got any thing, they determined it should 
 belong to the public. The camp now abound- 
 ed in all things, for provisions came from 
 every side out of the Greek cities ; and people, 
 who sailed along the coast, being informed 
 that a city was going to be built with a ha- 
 ven, willingly put in there : and those of the 
 enemy, who lived in the neighbourhood, sent 
 to Xenophon, hearing he had the conduct of 
 the intended settlement, to know what they 
 should do to deserve his friendship ; and he 
 showed them to the soldiers: In the mean- 
 time, Oleander arrived with two galleys, but no 
 transports. It happened, that when he came, 
 the army was gone out to get provisions, and a 
 party of stragglers, going up the mountain in 
 search of plunder, took a great number of 
 sheep ; but being afraid they would be taken 
 from them, they informed Dexippus of it, the 
 same who ran away with the fifty-oar galley 
 from Trebisond, and desired him to secure the 
 sheep, agreeing that he should retain some of 
 them for his pains, and restore the rest. 
 
 Immediately Dexippus drove away the sol- 
 diers who stood round them, and told them the 
 sheep belonged to the public; then went to 
 Oleander, and informed him that they endeav- 
 oured to take them away by force. Oleander 
 ordered him to bring the man who attempted 
 it before him. Upon that, Dexippus seized 
 one of the men, and was carrying him away, 
 when Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man ; 
 for he belonged to his company : and the rest 
 of the soldiers who were present, threw stones 
 at Dexippus, calling him traitor. This put 
 not only him, but many of the men also, who 
 belonged to the galleys, in fear, and made them 
 fly to the sea; and Oleander hiifeself was 
 among those who fled. Hereupon, Xenophon 
 and the rest of the generals endeavoured to 
 suppress the tumult, and told Oleander, that 
 there was no danger, and that all this was oc- 
 casioned by the standing order of the army. 
 But Oleander, being inflamed by Dexippus, 
 and himself nettled for having discovered so 
 much fear, said he would sail away, and cause 
 
 them to be proclaimed enemies, and that as 
 such, none of the Greek cities should receive 
 them : for the * Lacedaemonians were, at that 
 time, the masters of all Greece. 
 
 The Greeks looked upon this as an affair of 
 bad consequence, and begged of him not to do 
 it ; but he said it could not be otherwise, un- 
 less they delivered up the man who began 
 throwing stones, together with the person who 
 rescued him. This was Agasias the constant 
 friend of Xenophon ; for which reason Dexip- 
 pus had accused him. In this perplexity, the 
 commanders called the army together, and some 
 of them treated Oleander as a man of no im- 
 portance ; but Xenophon thought the affair of 
 no small consequence, and, rising up, said : 
 
 " Gentlemen ! I look upon it as a matter of 
 great moment, if Oleander goes away, as he 
 threatens, in this disposition : for we are now 
 in the neighbourhood of the Greek cities, and 
 as the Lacedaemonians preside over Greece, 
 every single Lacedaemonian can effect what- 
 ever he pleases in these cities. If, therefore, 
 this man first shuts us out of Byzantium him- 
 self, then gives notice to the rest of the Lace- 
 daemonian governors, not to receive us into 
 their cities, as men refusing obedience to the 
 Lacedaemonians, and absolutely ungovernable : 
 this character of us will at last reach the ears 
 of Anaxibius, the admiral, and then it will be 
 difficult for us either to stay where we are, or to 
 sail away ; for, at this time, the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans command both at sea and land. We ought 
 not, therefore, for the sake of one or two men, 
 to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to obey 
 them in every thing; for the cities to which 
 we belong, obey them. As to my own parti- 
 cular (for I hear Dexippus tells Oleander, that 
 Agasias had never done this, if I had not given 
 him orders,) for my part, I say, I am ready to 
 clear both you and Agasias of this accusation, 
 if he will say that I was the author of any of 
 these things, and to condemn myself, if I be- 
 gan throwing stones, or any other violence, to 
 the last of punishments, and will submit to it. 
 My advice also is, that if Oleander should ac- 
 cuse any other person, he ought to surrender 
 himself to him to be tried ; by this means you 
 will be free from censure. As things now 
 stand, it will be hard if we, who expect to 
 meet with applause and honour in Greece, 
 
 1 "H^jt"' $* TOTS a-oivTaiv To)v*E\A.i)va>f Oi 
 
 See the Introduction, p. 101. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 319 
 
 should, instead of that, not even be in the 
 same condition with the rest of our country- 
 men, but be excluded from the Greek cities." 
 
 After this, Agasias rose up, and said, " Gen- 
 tlemen ! I call the gods and goddesses to wit- 
 ness, that neither Xenophon, nor any other 
 person among you, ordered me to rescue the 
 man ; but seeing Dexippus (who you know has 
 betrayed you) carrying away a brave man be- 
 longing to my company, I thought it was not 
 to be borne, and own I rescued him. Think 
 not of delivering me up, for I will surrender 
 myself to Oleander, as Xenophon advises, to 
 be tried by him, and used as he thinks fit. Let 
 this be no cause of war between you and the 
 Lacedaemonians ; but let every man return with 
 safety to whatever part of Greece he pleases. 
 I only desire you will choose some of your own 
 number, and send them with me, to Oleander, 
 that if I omit any thing, they may both speak and 
 act in my behalf." Upon this, the army gave 
 him leave to choose such persons as he thought 
 proper to accompany him ; and he chose the 
 generals. Agasias and the generals accordingly 
 went to Oleander, together with the man who 
 had been rescued by Agasias ; and the generals 
 spoke to Oleander in the following manner : 
 
 The army has sent us to you, Oleander, 
 and desires, if you accuse them all, that you 
 will yourself pass sentence upon them all, and 
 treat them as you think fit : if one, or two, or 
 more of them, they have thought proper they 
 should surrender themselves to you, and sub- 
 mit to your judgment. If, therefore, you ac- 
 cuse any of us, here we are before you : if any 
 other, let us know it ; for no man shall refuse 
 to submit to your judgment, who will submit 
 to our command." After this, Agasias, ad- 
 vancing, said, " I am the person, O Oleander, 
 that rescued the man whom Dexippus was car- 
 rying away, and that gave orders to our men to 
 strike Dexippus ; for I knew the soldier to be 
 a good man, and that Dexippus, who had been 
 chosen by the army to command the galley we 
 begged of the inhabitants of Trebisond, in or- 
 der to get ships together to transport us, had 
 run away with the galley, and betrayed the sol- 
 diers, to whonj he owed his preservation. Thus 
 he is the cause not only of our having deprived 
 the inhabitants of Trebisond of their galley, 
 but of our being looked upon as ill men, and, 
 as far as it lay in his power, of our ruin ; for 
 he had heard, as well as we, that if we went 
 by land, it was impossible for us to pass the 
 
 rivers that lay in our way and return to Greece 
 Such is the character of the person from whom 
 I rescued the man. If either you, or any one 
 belonging to you, had been carrying him away, 
 and not one of our own deserters, be assured 
 that I should have attempted no such thing. 
 Know, then, that if you put me to death, you 
 will destroy a brave man, for the sake of a 
 coward and a villain." 
 
 Oleander, hearing this, said he could not ap- 
 prove of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had 
 been guilty of these things ; But," adds he, 
 " in my opinion, though Dexippus were the 
 worst of men, no violence should be offered 
 to him, but that he ought to be tried, (in the 
 manner you yourselves propose,) and punished, 
 if guilty. As for you, leave Agasias with me, 
 and depart ; and when I give you notice, be 
 present at his trial. I neither accuse the army, 
 nor any other person, since Agasias himself 
 owns he rescued the man." Upon this, the 
 soldier who .had been rescued said, " Though 
 you seem to think, O Oleander, that I was ap- 
 prehended as an offender, yet know, that I nei- 
 ther struck any one, or threw stones at any ; I 
 only said the sheep belonged to the public : for 
 the soldiers had made an order, that when the 
 whole army went out, whatever booty was 
 taken by any particular person, should belong 
 to the public. This was all I said, and for this, 
 Dexippus seized me with a design to carry me 
 away, that every man's mouth being stopped, 
 he might have his share of the booty, and se- 
 cure the rest for his accomplices, contrary to 
 l the standing order of the army." To this 
 Oleander answered, " Since you are that kind 
 of man, stay here, that we may consider what 
 to do with you also." 
 
 After this Oleander and his company went 
 to dinner ; and Xenophon assembling the 
 army, advised them to send some persons to 
 Oleander to intercede for the men. Hereupon 
 they resolved to send the generals and captains, 
 together with Dracontius the Spartan, and 
 other proper persons, to entreat Oleander, by 
 
 n* e i T>jv pn-r e * v . I have taken JT ? * here hi the 
 same sense that Plutarch says Lycurgue used >t when be 
 called his decrees by that name. I am sensible that the 
 word also signifies an agreement, but as our author calli 
 the same thing rs,v yreart'jorzv Siypx, a few lines before, 
 t have chosen to give it that sense here also. Leuncla- 
 vius has said very pro| erly contra edictum, and Hut 
 chinson, I think, not so well, contra pactum. D'Ablan- 
 court has, according to his custom where he meets with 
 a difficulty, left it out. 
 
320 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 all means to release them. As soon as Xeno- 
 phon came to him, he said, The men you de- 
 manded, O Oleander ! are in your hands, and 
 the army makes you not only master of their 
 fate, but of its own. However, they now 
 conjure you to give up these two men to them, 
 and not to put them to death; because, upon 
 all occasions, both of them have taken great 
 pains to do service to the army. If they can 
 prevail upon you in this, they promise you, in 
 
 return, if you think fit to be their general, and and meeting nothing in the direct road to carry 
 
 and, when you are arrived at Byzantium, we 
 will receive you in the best manner we are 
 able." 
 
 Upon this, the soldiers thought proper to 
 make him a present of the sheep that belonged 
 to the public ; these he accepted, and gave 
 them to the army again, and then sailed away. 
 The soldiers having 3 sold the corn they had 
 brought with them, and the rest of the booty 
 they had taken, marched on through Bithynia ; 
 
 with them into the territories of their friends, 
 they resolved to march back one day and a 
 night : and, having done so, they took great 
 numbers both of slaves and cattle ; and after 
 six days' march, arrived at 4 Chrysopolis, a town 
 
 the gods are propitious, to let you see both 
 how observant they are, and. how incapable, 
 while they obey their commander, and heaven 
 assists them, of fearing an enemy. They also 
 beg of you, that, when you are with them, and 
 have taken upon you the command, you will 
 make trial of Dexippus, and of themselves and 
 others, and then reward each, according to his 
 merit." Oleander, hearing this, said, "By 
 1 Castor and Pollux, I will return you an an- 
 swer immediately. I not only give you up the 
 men, but will come to you myself; and, if the 
 gods are in any degree favourable, I will con- 
 duct you into Greece. Your discourse is very 
 -._. J . T L i i / with them into the territories of their friends, which 
 
 different from the reports I have heard of some I they might have done without marching back, had they 
 of you, as if you were endeavouring to ren- 
 to the Lacedsemo- 
 
 3 A$/ttevo TOV O-JTOV. I have been obliged to differ 
 from all the translators, both Latin and French, in the 
 sense I have given to the word $'*$ft*ivzi : the former 
 have rendered it "diviso, distribute frumento," and 
 D'Ablancourt " lessoldats le partagerent," which signi- 
 fication I will not say absolutely the word will not bear, 
 though I believe it very uncommon : but I really think 
 the sense will not really bear it here, for our author says 
 they marched back, that they might carry something 
 
 der the army disaffected 
 nians." 
 
 After this those who were sent by the army, 
 applauded him, and returned with the two 
 men. Oleander offered sacrifice concerning the 
 journey, and conversed in a friendly manner 
 with Xenophon, and they two contracted an 
 2 intercourse of hospitality ; and when he saw 
 the obedience, and exact discipline of the army, 
 he was still more desirous of commanding 
 them.: but after he had offered sacrifice for 
 three days, and the victims were not favourable, 
 he called the generals together, and said,. " The 
 victims will not allow me to conduct the army, 
 but let not that discourage you, for it looks as 
 if this was reserved for you. Go on, therefore ; 
 
 t Nai /a* TU) 2w. This was an oath much used by 
 the Lacedaemonians : by TW Z are meant the two bro- 
 ther gods, Castor and Pollux, as we find by what the 
 Greek scholiast observes upon the following passage of 
 Aristophanes, where Mercury says to Trygaeus, in the 
 Lacedaemonian style. 
 
 NMI r<i> .0), i/uir 'ATT<X.U,V Sw<rn .*.,*. 
 Upon this the scholiast says OUTWTOU; A i o<rxovfou; of A*. 
 
 cjji,uovio Sous iXsyov' <Lf 'A3-i)v*To Qeoug, A^M^T^ xeti 
 tlego-Kpoviiv. 
 
 a slv^ai. See note 7, page 169, upon the first book. 
 
 before divided among themselves the booty they had 
 taken. I have therefore said, after they had sold the 
 corn, and the rest of their booty, which is a very com- 
 mon acceptation of the word JxT3-so-5a, and the very 
 sense in which our author uses it in his Cyropredia, 
 where he makes Cyrus tell his officers, and those of the 
 Hyrcanians, that they should divide the money in such 
 a proportion among the horse and foot, v^st; Ss xaSovrs? 
 
 v, and 
 
 a little after that they should publish an order for the 
 sutlers and merchants to sell their commodities, and 
 when they had sold them to bring others, ^o.XjJ'v Si 
 
 xi TMUTC* $ict$i(iivau;, \x uystv. Upon this occasion 
 I desire the reader will take notice, first that $i*$i&oTf t 
 f-, is the word ma^e use of there, by our 
 'dividite, distribuite ;" secondly, that he 
 
 not StxriQtor 
 
 author, for 
 
 there uses $ix$i/usvoi in the same sense I have trans- 
 lated it upon this occasion ; in which sense also both 
 Leunclavius and Hutchinson have rendered the word, 
 in translating that passage of the Cyropaedia. 
 
 * Ei 5 Xfvo-o!To\iv. Chrysopolis was no more than a 
 village inStrabo'stime, that is, in the time of Augustus, 
 xI x.ii>w X^UO-OTTO^IS ; it is now called Scutari, and 
 though separated from Constantinople by the Bosphorus, 
 is looked upon by the Turks as one of the suburbs of 
 their capital. Polybius informs us that the Athenians, 
 being in possession of Chrysopolis, endeavoured, by the 
 advice of Alcibiades, to oblige those who sailed through 
 the Bosphorus into the Euxine sea, to pay toll. This was 
 many ages after put in practice with greater effect by 
 Mahomet the Second, by means of a castle which he 
 built upon a cape, on the side of Europe, where the 
 temple of Mercury, called by Polybius 'E^xi o v, formerly 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 321 
 
 of Chalcedonia, and there they staid seven 
 days, to sell their booty. 
 
 stood; opposite to this castle Mourat the Second had, 
 before, built a castle on the Asiatic side, called by the 
 modern Greeks Neocastron. This castle Mahomet the 
 Second, upon his succeeding Mourat, fortified consider- 
 ably. The strait between those two castles, Folybius 
 
 says, is the narrowest of the whole Bosphorus, it being 
 but about fire stadia (near half an English mile) ovei. 
 The same author adds that this was the pass over 
 which Darius Hystaspes caused Mandrocles of Samos, 
 as he is called by Herodotus, an eminent architect, to 
 lay a bridge, over which he passed his army, consist- 
 ing of seven hundred thousand men, to make war up- 
 on the Scythians. 
 
 2Q 
 
DISSERTATION 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 ARGONAUTIC EXPEDITION. 
 
 I SHALL take this opportunity to consider 
 what the learned and polite author of the His- 
 tory of Heaven has advanced upon the subject 
 of the Argonautic Expedition ; he contends, it 
 seems, that it is all a fiction ; his reasons are 
 these ; he begins by proving, from Herodotus 
 and Strabo, that the Colchians, who are sup- 
 posed to have been the possessors of the Gol- 
 den Fleece, were a colony of the Egyptians, 
 and that, like them, they were famous for 
 their linen manufacture, which drew the Greeks 
 to Colchis, in order to traffic with them : upon 
 this foundation that gentleman builds the fol- 
 lowing system ; he supposes that when the 
 Colchians were to be summoned to leave their 
 fishing for gold, with fleeces, in the river Phasis, 
 in order to apply themselves to their linen 
 manufacture, they put a shuttle into the hands 
 of Isis, and because pDJOJIN Argonatoun sig- 
 nifies, in Hebrew, the manufacture of linen, he 
 concludes that the Greek merchants, who were 
 at Colchis, called this shuttle, from the re- 
 semblance which it has to a ship, Argonaus. 
 He goes on, and says that TW jashon, signifies, 
 in Hebrew, to sleep, and filD mideh, a meas- 
 ure ; and that, when the Colchians were sum- 
 moned to leave fishing for gold, with their 
 fleeces, and apply themselves to their linen 
 manufacture, they were obliged to watch great 
 part of the night, and, consequently, their sleep 
 was regulated : from whence he infers, that the 
 Greeks hearing the words jashon and mideh 
 often pronounced by the Colchians, framed the 
 fable of the ship Argo, Jason, Medea, and the 
 
 Golden Fleece. This is the system of that 
 learned gentleman, which, I am apt to believe, 
 will hardly find so great success in the world as 
 all the rest of that author's writings have de- 
 servedly met with. I am very willing to allow 
 that the Colchians were a colony of the 
 Egyptians, and that, according to the testi- 
 mony of Herodotus, they spoke the same lan- 
 guage, and had the same religion, the same 
 laws, the same customs, and the same manufac- 
 tures, particularly that of linen. But is an 
 affinity between some Hebrew words, and the 
 names of Argonaut, Jason, and Medea a suffi- 
 cient authority to overthrow an expedition sup- 
 ported by the concurrent testimony of all ancient 
 authors, both Greeks and Romans, poets and 
 historians'? But this affinity will still have 
 less weight, when it is considered that the Ian 
 guage the Colchians spoke being, with great 
 reason, supposed, by this gentleman, to be the 
 Egyptian, an affinity between the Hebrew 
 words, and those names, will be no proof of 
 what is contended for, unless an affinity be 
 tween the Egyptian and Hebrew languages 
 be first established : but that is a task not easy 
 to be performed, since the Egyptian language 
 is so far lost, that not one letter of it has es 
 caped : there are, indeed, some few Egyptian 
 words to be met with in the Greek and Latin 
 authors, but then they are written in the cha- 
 racters of the language those authors write in ; 
 but even these few words contradict the sup- 
 position of that affinity between the Egyptian 
 and Hebrew languages ; as for example, Pliny 
 
 322 
 
THE ARGONAUTIC EXPEDITION. 
 
 323 
 
 tells us that Obeliscus signifies, in Egyptian, a 
 ray of the sun, which is very probable, because 
 their obelisks were dedicated to the sun, wherer 
 as, in Hebrew, pp kran, signifies a ray of the 
 sun. But the author, of all others, who will 
 furnish us with most materials for this purpose, 
 is Diodorus Siculus, from whom I shall take 
 some passages, which will evidently show that 
 the supposition of an affinity between the 
 Egyptian and Hebrew languages, which is the 
 point laboured throughout by the author of the 
 History, of Heaven, is without foundation. 
 Diodorus tells us that the two foremost of the 
 long catalogue of divinities, adored by the 
 Egyptians, were the sun and moon, worship- 
 ped by them under the well-known names of 
 Osiris and Isis, and that the first is an Egyp- 
 tian word, which being translated into the 
 Greek language, signifies ?roAus<.3-*tyco?> many- 
 eyed : this word is not, I believe, to be met 
 with in the sacred writings, but 31 rab, in He- 
 brew signifies many, and ^y ngin an eye, neither 
 of which has the least affinity to the Egyptian 
 word Osiris : the same author tells us that 
 Isis is an Egyptian word also, which, being 
 translated into Greek, signifies TTAXAIO. old, this, 
 in Hebrew, is rpf zeken : here again there is 
 not the least shadow of an affinity. The same 
 author says that Athena, the Egyptian Pallas, 
 is also an Egyptian word, signifying in Greek, 
 cwg the air, the sky, or visible heaven, so that 
 he very justly gathers that the epithet yKAuxZ- 
 vris blue-eyed, was much more applicable to 
 Pallas from that sense of the word, than be- 
 cause she was supposed by the Greeks to have 
 blue eyes. In Hebrew, the sky is CD^Dt? sha- 
 maim. Here again there is no pretence to any 
 affinity between the two languages. Towards 
 the end of the first book, the same author ob- 
 serves that Charon, in Egyptian, signifies nyt- 
 *y? in Greek, a pilot, from whence he says the 
 Greeks took the name of their imaginary ferry- 
 man, as they took the fable of his carrying 
 over the souls of the departed, and of their 
 trials before the three infernal judges, from the 
 real trial which all the deceased, among the 
 Egyptians, underwent, before they were suf- 
 fered to be honoured with funeral rites. Upon 
 this occasion, Diodorus Siculus, with great 
 reason, complains that the Greeks, by turning 
 this practice of the Egyptians into a fable, 
 have defeated the end of its institution ; for, 
 he says, the fictions propagated by their poets, 
 of the rewards of the virtuous, and of the pun- 
 
 [ ishments of the wicked, instead of promoting 
 a reformation of manners, are laughed at by ill 
 men, and received with general contempt ; 
 whereas, among the Egyptians, the punish- 
 ments of the wicked, and the rewards of the 
 virtuous, being not fictitious, but visible to all 
 the world, and the daily subject of honour or 
 infamy to the families of both, are, of all others, 
 the greatest incitement to virtue. Now the 
 Hebrew word for a pilot is S^n Hhoble, which 
 is far enough from Charon. The last Egyp- 
 tian word I shall make use of, shall be from 
 Herodotus, who says that, in the Egyptian 
 language, crocodiles are called champs, **xe- 
 ovrau Ss, oil x.goM<hi\ot' fa\a xx.fj.-^&L I am 
 sensible there is some diversity of opinions 
 concerning the sea monster, called in the book 
 of Job, fjVlS Leviathan ; however, there is lit- 
 tle room to doubt of its being a crocodile, which 
 opinion is supported by Bochart, who proves 
 it by a passage of the Thalmud, where it is 
 said that thefP^SD Calbith, or the Ichneumon, 
 as he calls it, is the terror of the Leviathan. 
 But the description of it, in the book of Job, 
 will, I believe, be found to be applicable to no 
 other animal. " Canst thou fill his skin with 
 barbed irons 1 or his head with fish-spears 1 
 Behold the, hope of catching him is vain : 
 Shall not a man be cast down even at the sight 
 of him 1 None is so fierce that dare stir him 
 up. Who can open the doors of his face ? 
 His teeth are terrible round about. His scales 
 are his pride, shut up together as with a close 
 seal ; one so near to another that no air ca.n 
 come between them : they are joined one to 
 another, they stick together, that they cannot 
 be sundered. When he sneezes, the light 
 flashes, and his eyes are like the eye-lids of the 
 morning. When he raiseth up himself, the 
 mighty are afraid. The sword of him that 
 layeth at him cannot hold ; the spear, the dart, 
 or the breast-plate. He esteemeth iron as 
 straw, and brass as rotten wood." After this 
 description of the fierceness of the Leviathan, 
 and of his offensive and defensive weapons, I 
 am surprised that it should ever have been 
 taken for the whale, which is a creature terri- 
 ble in nothing but his bulk, and of a sluggish, 
 rather thifn a fierce disposition. Now, it is 
 certain that no two words can be, in all re- 
 spects, more distant from one another, than 
 Leviathan and Chamsse : and, indeed, how 
 should the Egyptian language have any resem- 
 blance to any other, when, if the account given 
 
324 
 
 DISSERTATION. 
 
 by Herodotus is to be depended on, the loni- 
 ans and Carians, who assisted Psammitichus 
 in destroying his brother kings, being eleven 
 in number, were the first persons, speaking a 
 different language, who ever settled in Egypt, 
 TT^TOI ya$ WTU (icevk T *i cl Kagfc) a Airfare? 
 aK^cy^ua-a-ot x*T6uV3-<7W. From this settle- 
 ment of the lonians and Carians in Egypt, 
 Herodotus dates the beginning of the inter- 
 course between the Egyptians and the Greeks, 
 and, very probably, their intercourse with the 
 Phffinicians began soon after, from whom pos- 
 sibly they may have taken some terms relating 
 to commerce, and to some other things they 
 might have learned from them, which, from 
 the affinity between the Phoenician and He- 
 brew languages, may have some distant resem- 
 blance to a few terms of the latter. There 
 are a few more Egyptian words to be met with 
 in Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, which 
 have no more affinity with the Hebrew, than 
 tb-ose I have mentioned; it is possible the 
 Chinese language may, for some reasons that 
 ds not belong to this subject, be found to have 
 more affinity with that of the Egyptians. But, 
 if the concurrent testimony of so many authors 
 is not thought sufficient to establish the reality 
 of the Argonautic Expedition, we must call in 
 the assistance of the stars to support it ; half 
 the sphere is peopled with Argonauts, or fur- 
 nished with something relating to them ; no 
 wonder when either Chiron, the master of 
 Jason, or Musseus, one of the Argonauts, was 
 the first inventor of it, and adorned it with as- 
 terisms. There is the golden ram, the ensign 
 of the vessel in which Phryxus fled to Col- 
 chis ; the bull with brazen hoofs tamed by Ja- 
 son ; and the twins, Castor and Pollux, two of 
 the Argonauts, with the swan of Leda, their 
 mother. There is the ship Argo, and Hydrus 
 the watchful dragon, with Medea's cup, and a 
 raven upon its carcase, the symbol of death. 
 There is Chiron the master of Jason with his 
 altar and sacrifice. There is the Argonaut 
 
 Hercules with his dart and the vulture falling 
 down ; and the dragon, crab, and lion,, which 
 he slew ; and the harp of the Argonaut Orphe- 
 us. But, it may be said that the Argonautic 
 Expedition is as fictitious as the asterisms by 
 which it is delineated. However, the position 
 of the equinoxes, and solstices, in relation to 
 those asterisms, at the time of that expedition, 
 is not fictitious ; and we know that those four 
 cardinal points then answered in the middle, 
 that is the fifteenth degrees, of Aries, Cancer, 
 Chelae, and Capricorn ; this position, I say, is 
 not fictitious, any more than tne retrogradation 
 of the equinoxes and solstices, not after the 
 rate of one hundred years to a degree, as Hip- 
 parchus and the Greek astronomers thought, 
 but after the rate of seventy-two only, as the 
 modern philosophers have discovered ; the 
 cause of which retrogradation, or, to speak in 
 the language of the astronomers, of which pre- 
 cession of the equinoxes, was unknown to 
 all of them, till Sir Isaac Newton, by that 
 amazing sagacity, which was peculiar to him, 
 and which gave him so visible a superiority 
 over all other philosophers of all nations 
 and all ages, not only discovered, but clearly 
 demonstrated, that it is owing to the broad 
 spheroidical figure of the earth, and that this 
 figure arises from the rotation of the earth 
 round its axis. It will, I believe, be thought 
 strange that such a cloud of authorities should 
 be dispelled by the single breath of one man, 
 supported by no other arguments than a 
 strained analogy between three or four Hebrew 
 words, and the names of Argonaut, Jason, and 
 Medea. I shall end this long, and I fear, tedi- 
 ous note with declaring, that, though I have the 
 misfortune of differing in opinion with the au- 
 thor of the History of Heaven upon this occa- 
 sion, yet I have all the deference in the world 
 both for his learning and his polite manner of 
 communicating it to the public ; and all possi- 
 ble gratitude for the pleasure and instruction I 
 have had in reading his works. 
 
XENOPHON 
 
 ON THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 [325] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. 
 
 
 
 I. Anaxibius, admiral of the Spartan fleet, prevails on the Greeks to cross over to Byzantium Deceiving them 
 by a false hope, he draws them forth from the city The gates being closed, and none of his promises per- 
 formed, the soldiers break in again by main force They evacuate Byzantium a second time, and listen to 
 the proposals of Cyratades, who offers to be their leader Unable to satisfy the demands of the army, he re- 
 nounces his pretensions, and abdicates the command. II. The generals disagree about their route, and many 
 of the soldiers leave the army Three hundred sold as slaves by the governor of Byzantium He lays a plot 
 to seize Xenophon, who avoids it, and with a few chosen officers repairs to Seuthes. III. With the exception 
 of Neon and his men, the Greeks approve of the terms of Seuthes, and repair to his standard a banquet in \ 
 the Thracian style is attended by the generals Seuthes holds council with the Greeks on the plan of the 
 expedition They set out on their march against the enemy, and taking them by surprise, make a great prey 
 of slaves and cattle. IV. The villages of the enemy burned The Greeks, distressed by the cold in the open 
 field, retire to winter quarters in the farm bouses On the plea of negotiating terms of submission, the Bar- 
 barians present themselves to a conference ; but in the night-time they suddenly attack the Greeks, by whom 
 being repulsed, they surrender to the dominion of Seuthes. V. The Greeks receive a part only of their pay, 
 and, though dissatisfied, are prevailed on by Seuthes to assist him in reducing other Barbarians to his 
 authority The remainder of their pay is still withheld, and on that account are enraged against Xenophon. 
 VI. The Greeks are invited by the Lacedaemonians to serve against Tissaphernes, and an Arcadian takes 
 occasion to accuse Xenophon, for which he votes him guilty of the severest punishment Xenophon defends 
 himself in an able speech, and is defended also by the Spartan deputies, and by Polycrates an Athenian He 
 is asked by Seuthes to remain with him, retaining a thousand men under his command But Xenophon 
 having consulted the victims, determines to depart with the army, VII. The soldiers on their departure 
 furnish themselves with necessaries from the Thracian villages, and offend the avarice of Medosades He 
 uses endeavours to drive them thence, and prevails on Xenophon to have fresh recourse to Seuthes for the 
 pay Xenophon admonishes Seuthes that it is both honourable and useful to pay the Greeks what is due to 
 them Having received effects for that purpose, he delivers them to the Spartans for distribution among the 
 soldiers. VIII. They cross the sea to Lampsacus Xenophon is persuaded by Euclides the soothsayer, to 
 offer sacrifices to Jupiter Meilichius He does so on the following day, and passes through various places 
 with the army to Pergamus Hellas advises Xenophon to attack Asidates Xenophon obeys, and at first 
 retreats from an unsuccessful assault ; but on the next day he executes the enterprise with full success- 
 Returning to Pergamus, he receives a large share of the booty, and delivers the *-tny to Thimbron A sum- 
 mary of the route and of the distance marched in the Expedition and Retreat. 
 
 [326] 
 
THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 1. THE preceding discourse contains a relation 
 of the actiows the Greeks performed, during 
 their Expedition with Cyrus to the battle, of 
 those they Achieved after his death, during 
 their retreat, till they came to the Euxine sea, 
 and of those they performed, after their de- 
 parture thence, both by sea and by land, till they 
 arrived at Chrysopolis, a city of Asia, situated 
 without the mouth of that sea. 
 
 After this, Pharnabazus, fearing lest the 
 Greeks should make an irruption into the 
 country under his command, sent to Anaxi- 
 bius, the admiral, (who happened to be then at 
 Byzantium,) to desire he would transport the 
 army out of Asia, with assurance, that in re- 
 turn, he would do every thing that could 
 reasonably be expected. Hereupon, Anaxibius 
 sent for the generals and captains to Byzan- 
 tium ; and promised, if the army came over, 
 they should have pay. The rest of the officers 
 told him they would consider of it, and let him 
 know their resolution ; but Xenophon said he 
 proposed to leave the army, and wanted to sail 
 away. However, Anaxibius desired he would 
 come over with the army, before he left it, 
 which the other consented to. 
 
 In the meantime, Seuthes the Thracian, 
 sent Medosades to Xenophon, to desire he 
 would let him have his assistance in prevailing 
 upon the army to pass into Europe, assuring 
 him he should have no reason to repent it. 
 Xenophon said, The army will certainly pass 
 over : let him not, therefore, give any thing 
 either to me, or to any other person, upon that 
 account. As soon as it is transported, I shall 
 depart ; let him, therefore, apply to thfse who 
 stay, and may be of service to him, in such a 
 manner as he thinks fit." 
 
 After this, the whole army passed over to 
 
 Byzantium ; but Anaxibius gave them no pay ; 
 however, he published an order, that the sol- 
 diers should go out of the town, with their 
 arms and baggage, as if he designed to dismiss 
 them, and to take an account of their numbers 
 at the same time. The soldiers were uneasy 
 at this, because they had no money to furnish 
 themselves with provisions for their march, 
 and packed up their baggage with reluctance. 
 
 Xenophon, having before contracted an in- 
 tercourse of hospitality with Oleander, the La- 
 cedaemonian governor, went to take his leave 
 of him, designing to set sail immediately. But, 
 he said to him, " I desire you will not do it ; 
 if you do, you will be blamed ; for you aie 
 already accused by some people as the cause of 
 the army's creeping so slowly out of the town." 
 Xenophon answered, " I am not the cause of 
 this ; but the soldiers, being in want of money 
 to buy provisions, are for that reason, of them- 
 selves, unwilling to leave the town." " How- 
 ever," says Oleander, " I advise you to go out 
 with them, as if designing to proceed ; and, 
 when the army is out of the town, to depart." 
 Let us go then," says Xenophon, " to Anaxi- 
 bius, and settle it in this manner :" and coming 
 to him, they informed him of what they had 
 determined. He advised them to pursue it, 
 and that the army should immediately go out 
 with their baggage : at the same time he de- 
 sired they would also give notice, that whoever 
 absented himself from the review and muster, 
 should incur their censure. Upon this the 
 generals first, and after them the rest of the 
 army went out of the town. They were now 
 all out, except a few, and Eteonicus stood 
 already at the gates to shut and bolt them, as 
 soon as they were all gone. 
 
 Anaxibius, therefore calling together the 
 
 327 
 
328 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 generals and captains, said, You may supply 
 yourselves with provisions out of the Thracian 
 villages, where there is great plenty of barley 
 and wheat, and of all things necessary: as 
 soon as you have furnished yourselves, go on to 
 the 1 Chersonesus, where Cyniscus will give you 
 pay." Some of the soldiers overheard this, or, 
 possibly, one of the captains informed the army 
 of it. In the meantime, the generals inquir- 
 ed concerning Seuthes, whether he were a 
 friend, or an enemy ; and whether they were 
 to march over the holy mountain, or round 
 through the middle of Thrace. 
 
 While they were engaged in this discourse, 
 the soldiers snatched up their arms, and ran 
 hastily to the gates, with a design to force their 
 way back into the town. But Eteonicus, with 
 those about him, when they saw the heavy- 
 armed men running to the gates, immediately 
 shut and bolted them. Upon this, the soldiers 2 
 knocked at the gates, and complained they 
 were treated with great injustice, in being shut 
 out of town, as a prey to the enemy ; threaten- 
 ing to cut the gates asunder, if they would not 
 open them. Some ran to the sea, and got over 
 the 3 mole into the town ; and others, who hap- 
 pened to be within, observing what was doing 
 at the gates, cleft the bars with hatchets, and 
 set them open ; upon this they all rushed in. 
 
 Xenophon, seeing what passed, and being 
 afraid the army should fall to plundering, and, 
 by that means, an irreparable mischief should 
 be done, not only to the town but to himself, 
 
 i Eif rqv Xspp6vi(rov. The Thracian Chersonesus was 
 separated from the rest of Thrace by a wall, reaching 
 from the Propontis, to the bay celled Sinus Melas, hi 
 the jEgean Sea. This wall was built by Dercyllidas, 
 the Lacedaemonian general, the second year of the 
 ninety-fifth Olympiad, that is the year after Xenophon 
 brought back the remains of the soldiers, who had ser- 
 ved under Cyrus. This wall was begun in the spring, 
 and ended before the autumn of the same year ; it 
 reached from sea to sea, quite across the Isthmus, and 
 was in length thirty-seven stadia, that is, about three 
 English miles and three quarters: this Chersonesus 
 contained in it eleven towns, many sea-ports, and a 
 large extent of arable land, Woods, and rich pastures. 
 It afterwards belonged to Agrippa, son-in-law to Au- 
 gustus, and one of the greatest men of that or of any 
 other age. At his death U came to Augustus. It is a 
 great pity that part of the seventh book of Strabo is 
 lost, where he treats of this Chersonesus. 
 
 3"Exo*-Tov T* ? 7TvKf. Lucian for ever uses this 
 word in the sense I have given it here. 
 
 StX. T) 
 
 f* TO 
 
 oif. Suidas. 
 
 and the soldiers, ran with all haste, and got with- 
 in the gates, together with the crowd. As soon 
 as the inhabitants saw the army break in, they 
 fled out of the market, some hurrying to the 
 ships, others to their houses, and those, who 
 were within doors, ran out : some hauled down 
 the galleys into the sea, in hopes of saving 
 themselves in them : and all thought themselves 
 undone, the town being taken. Upon this, Eteo- 
 nicus fled to the citadel ; and Anaxibius run- 
 ning down to the sea, sailed round to the same 
 place, in a fisher-boat, and immediately sent for 
 the garrison from Chalcedon ; for he did not 
 think that in the citadel sufficient for its defence. 
 
 As soon as the soldiers saw Xenophon, they 
 crowded about him, and said, " You have now 
 an opportunity, O Xenophon \ of making your- 
 self a man. You are master of a town, of gal- 
 leys, of money, and of so many people : you 
 have now the power, if you think fit, of mak- 
 ing us rich, and we that of making you con- 
 siderable." " You say well," says Xenophon : 
 " and I will follow your advice ; if, therefore, 
 this is your desire, place yourselves in your 
 ranks immediately and handle your arms." He 
 gave these orders with a design to quiet them, 
 and, for the same reason, directed the rest of 
 the officers to give orders that their men also 
 should stand to their arms. The soldiers drew 
 up of their own accord, the heavy-armed men 
 presently forming themselves into a body of 
 fifty deep, and the targeteers repairing to each 
 of the wings. The place where they stood was 
 called the Thracian square, and being free from 
 houses, and even, was very proper for a parade. 
 When they all stood armed in their ranks, and 
 their minds were appeased, Xenophon addressed 
 himself to the assembly, in the following manner. 
 
 " Gentlemen ! I am not at all surprised at 
 your resentment, and that you look upon your- 
 selves as very ill used, by being imposed on. 
 But, if we indulge our anger, and not only take 
 revenge of the Lacedaemonians, who are pre- 
 sent, for this imposition, but plunder the city, 
 that is in no degree guilty, consider what will 
 be the consequence : we shall from that mo- 
 ment, be the declared enemies both of the La- 
 cedaemonians, and of their allies : and of what 
 nature this war will be, may be easily guessed, 
 by those who have seen, and call to mind what 
 has happened of late years. For, when 4 we 
 Athenians entered upon the war with the La- 
 cedaemonians, and their allies, we had a fleet of 
 
 . gee the Introduction. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 329 
 
 no less than four hundred galleys, some of which 
 were at sea, and others in l the docks : we had 
 a great sum of money in the treasury, and an 
 annual revenue payable both by the citizens, 
 and foreigners, of no less than 2 one thousand 
 talents : we had the command of all the islands ; 
 we were possessed of many cities both in Asia 
 and Europe, and even of Byzantium, where 
 we now are : yet, with all these advantages, 
 we were- overcome by them, as you all know. 
 What then have we now to expect, when the 
 Lacedaemonians and the Achaeans are united, 
 and the Athenians, with those who were then 
 in alliance with them, are all become an acces- 
 sion to their power 1 When 3 Tissaphernes, 
 and all the rest of the .Barbarians, who inhabit 
 the sea-coast, are our enemies, and the king of 
 Persia himself the most inveterate of all, against 
 whom we have made war with a design to de- 
 prive him of his kingdom, and, if possible, of 
 his life too 1 When all these join their forces 
 is there any one so void of sense, as to flatter 
 himself that we shall prove superior to them ? 
 For heaven's sake, gentlemen ! let us not go 
 mad, and perish with dishonour, by becoming 
 the proclaimed enemies to our fathers, our 
 friends, and our relations . For these all live 
 in the cities that will make war upon us : and 
 not without reason ; if, having declined to pos- 
 sess ourselves of any town belonging to the 
 Barbarians, whom we vanquished, we should 
 plunder the first Greek city we arrive at. For 
 my part, I wish, before I see you guilty of 
 such things, I may be buried ten thousand 
 fathom deep : and would advise you, as you are 
 Greeks, to endeavour, by your obedience to the 
 masters of Greece, to obtain justice. But, if 
 your endeavours should prove ineffectual, we 
 ought not, however, though wronged, to deprive 
 ourselves of all possibility of returning home. 
 My opinion therefore now is, that we should 
 send some persons to Anaxibius, to acquaint 
 him, that we did not come into the town with 
 a design to commit violence, but if possible, to 
 obtain favour ; and, if we fail in this, to let 
 
 l "Ei/ TO?; viuiQ of. Nf( \iysT 6 TOwOf 3,7Tg t si; 
 ov KV{/.XOVTI i Tf<|ji;, xset srix.lv f UTOU xaSe^xov 
 
 T*. Harpocration. For which he cites Lycurgus and 
 Andocidcs. 
 
 3 X<\, M TXil/T 
 
 fiint book. 
 
 Tnrc*$s f vov? . See note 1, page 168, upon the first 
 book. 
 
 28* 
 
 See note 6, page 169, upon the 
 
 him see that we are ready to leave it again, not 
 because we are imposed upon, but because we 
 are willing to obey." 
 
 This was resolved upon : so they sent Hie- 
 ronymus of Elis, Euryclochus of Arcadia, and 
 Philesius of Achaia to him with these instruc- 
 tions. While the soldiers were yet assembled, 
 Cyratades, a Theban, came to them. This 
 man was not banished from Greece, but wan- 
 dered about, from an ambition to command 
 .armies, offering himself to any city or nation 
 that had occasion for a general. He told them 
 he was ready to conduct them to that part of 
 Thrace, called the 4 Delta, where they should 
 make their fortunes, and that till they arrived 
 there, he would supply them with meat and 
 drink in plenty. While he was saying this, 
 the soldiers received an answer from Anaxibius, 
 who assured them they should have no cause 
 to repent of obeying him ; that he would give 
 an account of this to the magistrates of Sparta, 
 and would, himself, consider in what he could 
 be of most service to them. Upon this, they 
 accepted Cyratades for their general, and went 
 out of the town. And Cyratades appointed to 
 come the next day to the army, with victims, 
 and a priest, and also meat and drink for the 
 men. As soon as they were out of the town, 
 Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, and 
 public notice to be given, that if any of the 
 soldiers were found within the walls, they 
 should be sold for slaves. The next day, Cy- 
 ratades carne to the army with the victims, and 
 the priest : he was followed by twenty men, 
 loaded with barley-meal, and as many with 
 wine ; three more brought as many olives, an- 
 other, as much garlic, and a third, as many 
 onions as he could carry ; and having ordered 
 these things to be set down, as if he intended 
 to 5 divide them among the troops, he offered 
 sacrifice. 
 
 Here Xenophoh sent for Cleander, and de- 
 sired him to procure liberty for him to go into 
 the town, and embark at Byzantium. When 
 Cleander came, he said, " It is with great diffi- 
 culty that I have prevailed ; for Anaxibius says 
 
 * Tb &iKt x*Kt>-fttvov T>JJ 0eax?. Besides the 
 Egyptian Delta, other places were, from their triangular 
 figure, called by that name by the ancients ; for Strabo 
 mentions an island, called Pattalene, lying at the mouth 
 of the Indus, which he says, Onesicritus, calls by the 
 name of Delta. 
 
 'Hj LTJ $ci<riutvr>v. Aovv<rj' jif{cr<,-. Hesy- 
 
 chius. 
 
 2R 
 
330 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 it is not proper that the soldiers should be near 
 the town, and Xenophon within ; the inhabi- 
 tants being engaged in factions and animosities : 
 however, he says, you may come in if you pro- 
 pose to sail with him." Upon which, Xeno- 
 phon took leave of the soldiers, and went into 
 the town with Oleander. 
 
 The victims not being favourable to Cyra- 
 tades, the first day he distributed nothing to 
 the soldiers. The next, both the victims and 
 Cyratades, with a garland upon his head, pre- 
 paring to offer sacrifice, stood before the altar, 
 when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the Asi- 
 iiian, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came to 
 Cyratades, and forbade him to offer sacrifice, 
 adding, that unless he gave provisions to the 
 army, he should not command it. Upon this, 
 he ordered them to be distributed ; but the 
 provisions falling short of one day's subsistence 
 for every man, he renounced the generalship, 
 and, taking the victims, departed. 
 
 II. Hereupon Neon the Asinian, Phrynis- 
 cus of Achaia, and Timasion of Dardanus, who 
 staid with the army, led them into some vil- 
 lages of the Thracians, that lay near Byzanti- 
 um, where they encamped. Here the generals 
 disagreed, Cleanor and Phryniscus being desi- 
 rous to carry the army to Seuthes (for he gain- 
 ed them by making a present of a horse to one, 
 and of a woman to the other), and Neon, to 
 the Chersonesus, upon this presumption, that 
 if they came into the dominions of the Lace- 
 daemonians, he should have the sole command. 
 Timasion wanted to go back into Asia, ex- 
 pecting, by this means, to return home. The 
 soldiers were for this : but, much time being 
 spent in this contest, many of the soldiers sold 
 their arms in the country, and sailed away as 
 they could ; others gave them to the country- 
 people, and settled in the cities, mingling with 
 the inhabitants. Anaxibius was pleased to 
 hear the army was disbanding, for he concluded 
 this would be most acceptable to Pharnabazus. 
 
 While 1 Anaxibius was upon his voyage from 
 
 i 'ATTOST^IOVTI Si 'Avcttt&Hu Ix Bu^anTiov C-UVVT 'Aj i- 
 
 8-TKjxo? tv Kuixo>. I was surprised to find Hutchinson 
 translate his passage, "At Anaxibio, e Byzantio sol- 
 venti obriam venit apud Cyzicum Aristarchus ;" and 
 Leunclavius, " duum autem Byzantio solveret, obviam 
 ei venit apud Cyzicum Aristarchus/ 1 How could Ari- 
 starchus meet Anaxibius at Cyzicus, as the latter was 
 weighing anchor from Byzantium ? They have trans- 
 lated it as if our author had said, Kvn-yo^ivia Si 'Ai/*.- 
 01. It is very plain the sense is, that Aristarchus, who 
 
 Byzantium, Aristarchus met him at Cyzicus. 
 He was sent to succeed Cleander, as governor 
 of Byzantium. He informed Anaxibius, that 
 Polus was upon the point of coming into the 
 Hellespont, to succeed him in the command of 
 the fleet; and Anaxibius ordered Aristarchus 
 to sell all the soldiers of Cyrus, whom he found 
 in Byzantium. As for Cleander, he had sold 
 none of them, but out of compassion, took 
 care of those who were sick, and obliged the 
 inhabitants to receive them into their houses ; 
 but Aristarchus, as soon as he arrived, sold no 
 less than four hundred of them. When Ana- 
 xibius came to 2 Parium, he sent to Pharnaba- 
 zus in pursuance of their agreement ; but he 
 finding that Aristarchus was going -to Byzan- 
 tium, in quality of governor, and that Anaxi- 
 bius was no longer admiral, neglected him, and 
 made the same terms with Aristarchus, con- 
 cerning the army of Cyrus, that he had before 
 made with Anaxibius. 
 
 Upon this, Anaxibius, calling Xenophon to 
 him, desired, by all means, that he would set 
 sail for the army immediately, and both keep 
 them in a body, and draw together as many as 
 he could of those who were dispersed, then 
 leading them to 3 Perinthus, transpbrt them 
 forthwith into Asia. He ordered at the same 
 time, a thirty-oar galley to attend him, and not 
 only gave him a letter, but sent an express with 
 him, to let the Perinthians know that they 
 were immediately to furnish Xenophon with 
 horses to carry him to the army. Xenophon 
 crossed the Propontis, and arrived at the army. 
 He was received by the soldiers with great 
 joy, who followed him cheerfully, in hopes of 
 passing over from Thrace into Asia. 
 
 4 Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon was re- 
 turned, sent Medosades to him by sea, to 
 
 was sent to succeed Cleander, met Anaxibius at Cyzi- 
 cus, which every body knows is a city upon the Pro- 
 pontis, not far from the Hellespont, through which Ana- 
 xibius was to sail on his return home. It is with pleas- 
 ure I do justice to D'Ablancourt, upon this occasion : 
 he has said very properly, " Comme il fut parti de By- 
 zance, et arrive a Cyzique, il rencontra Aristarque." 
 
 a n*j<*5rxu<r;u; nfioi/. Parium was a town upon 
 the Propontis situated between Cyzicus and the Helles- 
 pont: it was built, according to Strabo, by the inhabi- 
 tants of the island of Paros; the same author adds, that 
 in Parium there was an altar, the sides of which were 
 six hundred feet in length. 
 
 a Ef negtvSav. Perinthus was a city of Thrace, in 
 the neighbourhood of Byzantium : it was otherwise 
 called Heraclea. Harduin says it is nowcalled Pantiro. 
 
 * ZswSus. See note 2, page 305, upon the sixth book. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 331 
 
 desire he would bring the army to him, promis- 
 ing whatever he thought most effectual to per- 
 suade him. Xenophon answered, " that it was 
 not possible for any thing of this kind to be 
 done :" whereupon the other went away. When 
 the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon drew off 
 his forces, and encamped apart with about eight 
 hundred men ; the rest remained together un- 
 der the walls of the town. 
 
 After this, Xenophon was employed in get- 
 ting ships to transport the troops into Asia ; 
 when Aristarchus the governor, arriving from 
 Byzantium with two galleys, at the desire of 
 Pharnabazus, forbade the masters of the ships 
 to transport them ; and, going to the army, 
 commanded the soldiers not to go over into 
 Asia. Xenophon told them that " Anaxibius j 
 had ordered it, and," says he, " he sent me hi- 
 ther for that purpose." Upon which Aristar- 
 chus replied, " Anaxibius is not admiral, and I 
 am governor here ; and if I take any of you at- 
 tempting to go over, I will throw them into 
 the sea." Having said this, he went into the 
 town. The next day he sent for the generals 
 and captains ; and when they came near the 
 walls, Xenophon had notice given him, that if 
 he went into the town, he should be appre- 
 hended, and either suffer some punishment 
 there, or be delivered over to Pharnabazus. 
 When he heard this, he sent them on before 
 him, saying, " he had a mind to offer sacrifice ; " 
 and returning, he sacrificed, in order to know 
 whether the gods would allow him to endea- 
 vour to carry the army to Seuthes : for he saw 
 that it was neither safe to pass over into Asia, 
 since the person 'who would oppose it had gal- 
 leys at his command ; neither was he willing to 
 shut himself up in the Chersonesus, and ex- 
 pose the army to a general scarcity, where, be- 
 sides the want of provisions, they would be un- 
 der a necessity of obeying the governor of the 
 place. 
 
 While Xenophon was thus employed, the 
 generals and captains came from Aristarchus, 
 and brought word that he had sent them away, 
 for the present, but had ordered them to come 
 back to him in the evening. This made the 
 treachery still more manifest : Xenophon there- 
 fore, finding the* sacrifice promised security 
 both, to himself and the army, in going to 
 Seuthes, took with him Poly crates the Athe- 
 nian, one of the captains, and from each of the 
 generals, except Neon, a person in whom they 
 
 confided ; and went that night to the army of 
 Seuthes, which lay at the distance of sixty sta- 
 dia. When they drew near to it, he found se- 
 veral fires, but nobody near them, which made 
 him at first conclude that Seuthes had decamp- 
 ed ; but hearing a noise, and the men calling 
 out to one another, he understood that Seuthes 
 had, for this reason, ordered fires to be made 
 before his night-guards, that they, being in the 
 dark, might not be seen, neither might it be 
 known where they were ; while those who ap- 
 proached the camp could not be concealed, but 
 were discovered by the light. Observing this, 
 he sent the interpreter, whom he happened to 
 have with him, and ordered him to acquaint 
 Seuthes that Xenophon was there, and desired 
 a conference with him. They asked whether 
 it was Xenophon the Athenian, one of the ar- 
 my ; and upon his saying it was he, they 
 returned with great alacrity, and presently af- 
 ter, about two hundred targeteers appeared, 
 who conducted Xenophon and his company to 
 Seuthes. They found him in a * castle very 
 much upon his guard, and round the castle 
 stood horses ready bridled : for, living in conti- 
 nual fear, he fed his horses in the day-time, and 
 stood upon his guard all night. It was reported 
 that formerly, 2 Teres, the ancestor of this 
 man, having entered this country with a con 
 siderable army, lost great numbers of his men, 
 and was stripped of his baggage by the inhabi- 
 tants : they are called Thynians, and, of all 
 people, are said to be the most dangerous ene- 
 mies in the night. 
 
 When they were near the castle, Seuthes 
 ordered Xenophon to come in with any two of 
 his company : as soon as they were entered, 
 they first saluted each other, and, according to 
 the Thracian custom, drank to one another in 
 horns full of wine, (Medosades being present, 
 who was the ambassador of Seuthes upon all 
 occasions,) then Xenophon began to speak: 
 " You sent Medosades to me, O Seuthes ! first 
 to Chalcedon, to desire I would co-operate 
 with you in getting the army transported out 
 of Asia ; and promised, if I effected it, to re- 
 turn the obligation, as Medosades informed 
 me." Having said this, he asked Medosades 
 if it was true, who owned it. Then Xenophon 
 
 i 'Ev -rifo-js. Turns' Trvtyo;. HesychlUS. 
 
 a T^saTfluToo5r ? oyovo{. This Teres was the father 
 of Sitalces.who was uncle to Seuthes ; see note 2, page 
 305, upon the sixth book. 
 
332 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 went on, " after I arrived at the army from 
 Parium, Medosades came to me again, and 
 assured me, if I brought the army to you, that 
 you would not only treat me as a friend, and a 
 brother, in other respects, but that you would 
 deliver up to me those maritime towns, of 
 which you are in possession." After this, he 
 again asked Medosades if he said so, who 
 owned that also. "Then," said Xenophon, 
 let Seuthes know the answer I made to you 
 at Chalcedon." " You answered first that the 
 army had resolved to go over to Byzantium, 
 and, therefore, there was no reason to give any 
 thing, either to you, or to any other person, 
 upon that account : you added that, as soon 
 as you had crossed the sea, you designed to 
 leave the army, which happened accordingly." 
 " What," says Xenophon, " did I say when 
 you came to l Selymbria 1 " " You said that 
 what I proposed was impracticable, because 
 the army had determined to go to Perinthus, 
 in order to pass over to Asia." " Here I am 
 then," said Xenophon, " with Phryniscus, one 
 of the generals, and Polycrates, one of the 
 captains ; and, without, are those who are most 
 confided in by each of the generals, except 
 Neon, the Lacedaemonian : and, if you desire 
 that our stipulation should receive a greater 
 sanction, let them also be called in. Do you, 
 therefore, Polycrates ! go to them, and tell 
 them, from me, that I desire they would leave 
 their arms without, and do you leave your 
 sword there also, and come in." 
 
 Seuthes, hearing this, said, he should dis- 
 trust no Athenian ; for he knew them to be 
 2 related to him, and looked upon them as his 
 
 t 'Zv s^xo^^fist. Selymbria was a town of Thrace 
 upon the Propontis, near Perinthus. Strabo says that 
 /S^ta in the Thracian language, signifies a town. Leun- 
 clavius says it is now called both by the Turks and 
 Greeks, Silyurian. 
 
 a K*y*e O'T o-uyytvM; 1 1 tv t ISsvxi. Hutchinson, upon 
 this occasion, quotes a passage out of the second book of 
 Thucydides, where that author says that Perdiccas gave 
 bis sister Stratonice in marriage to Seuthes. T own I do 
 not understand how Seuthes could be said to be related 
 to the Athenians by marrying a daughter of a king of 
 Macedon. We find in another part of the second book 
 of Thucydides, that the Athenians entered into an alli- 
 ance with Sitalces, and made hisson Sadocus a citizen of 
 Athens ; hut this, I own, does not seem to support what 
 Seuthes says of their relation : it is certain that Teres, 
 the father of Sitalces, was not the person who married 
 Procne, the daughter of Pandion, the son of Erectheus, 
 king of Athens, since Thucydides expressly tells us that 
 the name of the latter was Tereus, and that they were 
 not of the same part oif Thrace ; so that Seuthes could 
 
 affectionate friends. When all proper persons 
 were come in, first Xenophon asked Seuthes 
 what use he proposed to make of the army 1 
 To this he answered : " Msesades was my fa- 
 ther, under whose government were the Ma- 
 landeptans, the Thynians, and the Thranipsans. 
 My father, being driven out of this country, 
 when the affairs of the Odrysians declined, 
 died of sickness, and I, being then an orphan, 
 was brought ^up at the court of Medocus, the 
 present king. When I grew up, I could not 
 bear to subsist upon another man's liberality. 
 As I was sitting therefore, by him, I begged of 
 him to give me as many troops as he could 
 spare, that, if possible, I might take revenge 
 on those who had expelled our family, and be 
 no longer, like a dog, supported at his table. 
 Upon this, he gave me those forces, both of 
 horse, and of foot, which you shall see, as soon 
 as it is day ; and I now subsist by plundering 
 my paternal country with these troops : to 
 which if you join your forces, I have reason to 
 believe, that, with the assistance of the gods, I 
 shall easily recover my kingdom. This is 
 what I desire at your hands." 
 
 "Let us know then," says Xenophon, 
 " what you have in your power to give to the 
 army, the captains, and the generals, if we 
 come ; to the end that these may make their 
 report." He promised to every common sol- 
 dier a cyzicene, two to the' captains, and four 
 to the generals ; with as much land as they de- 
 sired, besides yokes of oxen, and a walled town 
 near the sea. " If," says Xenophon, I en- 
 deavour to effect what you desire, but am pre- 
 vented by the fear that may be entertained of 
 the Lacedaemonians, will you receive into your 
 country any who shall be desirous to come to 
 you?" He answered, "Not only that, but I 
 will treat them like brothers, give them a place 
 at my table, and make them partakers of every 
 thing we shall conquer : to you, Xenophon ! I 
 will give my daughter, and if you have one, I 
 will buy her, according to the Thracian cus- 
 tom, and give you Bisahthe for your habitation, 
 which is the handsomest town belonging to me 
 near the sea." 
 
 III. After they heard this, they exchanged 
 hands, and went away ; and arriving at the 
 camp before day, each of them made his report 
 to those who sent them. As soon as it was 
 
 not ground his relation to the Athenians upon the mar- 
 riage of Tereus with Procne. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 333 
 
 light, Aristarchus sent again for the generals 
 and captains to come to him, but they declined 
 it, and determined, instead of going to Aristar- 
 chus, to call the army together: and all the 
 soldiers assembled, besides those belonging to 
 Neon ; who encamped at the distance of about 
 ten stadia from the rest. When they were 
 assembled, Xenophon rose up, and spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 Gentlemen ! Aristarchus, with his galleys, 
 hinders us from sailing to the place we pro- 
 posed ; so that it is not safe for us to embark. 
 He would have us force our way, over the holy 
 mountain, into the Chersonesus. If we gain 
 that pass, and arrive there, he says he will nei- 
 ther sell any more of you, as he did in Byzan- 
 tium, nor deceive you any longer ; but that you 
 will then be the better entitled to receive pay. 
 He promises also that he will no longer suffer 
 us, as he does now, to want provisions. Thus 
 Aristarchus says. On the other side, Seuthes 
 engages that, if you go to him, you shall find 
 your account in it. Consider, therefore, whe- 
 ther you will deliberate upon this matter, while 
 you stay here, or after you are returned to the 
 place, where you may supply yourselves with 
 provisions. My opinion is, since we have nei- 
 ther money to purchase what we want, nor, are 
 suffered to supply ourselves without it, that we 
 return to the villages, where the inhabitants, 
 being weaker than we are, do not oppose it ; 
 and where, after we are supplied with what is 
 necessary, and have heard in what service each 
 of them propose to employ us, we may choose 
 that measure which shall appear most to our 
 advantage. Whoever, therefore, is of this 
 opinion, let him hold up his hand." And they 
 all held up their hands. Go then," continued 
 he, " and get your baggage ready, and, when 
 the order is given, follow your leader." 
 
 After this, Xenophon put himself at their 
 head, and they followed him. But Neon, to- 
 gether with some other persons sent by Aris- 
 tarchus, would have .persuaded them to turn 
 back : however, they regarded them not. When 
 they had marched about thirty stadia, Seuthes 
 met them. As soon as Xenophon saw him, 
 he desired he would draw near, that as many of 
 the army as possible might hear what he had 
 to propose for their advantage. When he came 
 up, Xenophon said, " We are marching to 
 some place, where the army may find provi- 
 sions, and where, after we have heard what you 
 
 and the Lacedaemonians have to propose to us, 
 we shall be determined by that which appears 
 most to our advantage. If, therefore, you will 
 conduct us to some place, where there is great 
 abundance, we shall look upon ourselves under 
 the same obligation to you as if you entertain- 
 ed us yourself." Seuthes answered, " I know 
 where there are many villages that lie together, 
 and are well supplied with all sorts of provisions ; 
 they are so near that you may march thither, 
 with ease, before dinner." "Lead the way, 
 therefore," said Xenophon. The army being 
 arrived in the villages in the l afternoon, the 
 soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke to them 
 in the following manner : " Gentlemen ! I de- 
 sire you will -assist me with your arms ; and I 
 promise to each of you a ^ cizycene for your 
 monthly pay, and to the captains and generals, 
 what is customary. Besides this, I will do 
 honour to every man, who shall deserve it. As 
 to meat and drink, you shall supply yourselves 
 with both, as you do now, out of the country. 
 But I must insist upon retaining the booty, 
 that by selling it, I may provide for your pay. 
 We ourselves shall be sufficient to pursue and 
 discover those of the enemy who fly, and seek 
 to conceal themselves, and, with your assist- 
 ance, we will endeavour to overcome those who 
 resist." Xenophon then asked him, " how far 
 from the sea he proposed the army should fol- 
 low him 1" He answered, never more than 
 seven days' march, and often less." 
 
 After that, every man who desired to offer 
 any thing, had liberty to speak, and several of 
 them agreed that the proposals of Seuthes were 
 very advantageous : for, it being now winter, 
 it was neither possible for those who desired 
 it, to sail home, nor for the army to subsist in 
 the territories of their friends, if they were to 
 pay for every thing they had. They consider- 
 ed also that it would be safer for them to re- 
 main, and find subsistence in an enemy's coun- 
 try, jointly with Seuthes, than by themselves ; 
 and that, if, while they were in possession of 
 so many advantages, they also received pay, it 
 would be a piece of good fortune they had no 
 reason to expect. Then Xenophon said, " If 
 any one has any thing to say against this, let 
 him speak, if not, 3 let him give his vote for 
 
 i 'ESTII S\ <f I'XOVTO its e60T*5 Tjj; SIA.>IJ. See note 1, 
 page 188, upon the first book. 
 
 a KU^IXIIVOV. See note 1, page 296, upon the fifth book, 
 a 'EsriJ/iian^es-a-tti TCT. I have followed the maim- 
 
334 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 it ;" and, there being no opposition, they gave 
 their votes for it, and it was resolved accord- 
 ingly ; and Xenophon immediately told Seu- 
 thes, " they would enter into his service." 
 
 After that, the soldiers encamped in their 
 ranks; while the generals and captains were 
 invited by Seuthes to sup with him at his 
 quarters in a neighbouring village. When they 
 came to the door, one Heraclides of Maronea 
 addressed himself to those he thought in a ca- 
 pacity of making presents to Seuthes, and first 
 to some Parian deputies, who were there, being 
 sent to establish a friendship with Medocus, 
 king of the Odrysians, and had brought presents 
 both for him and his queen : to these he said, 
 that Medocus lived up in the country, twelve 
 days' journey from the sea ; and that Seuthes, 
 now he had taken this army into his service, 
 would be master of the sea-coast ; being there- 
 fore your neighbour," says he, " it will be very 
 much in his power to do you both good and 
 harm : so that, if you are wise, you will make 
 a present to him of what you have brought, 
 which will be laid out much more to your 
 advantage, than if you give it to Medocus, who 
 lives at so great a distance from you : " by this 
 means, he prevailed upon them. Afterwards 
 he came to Timasion of Dardanus, hearing he 
 had cups, and l Persian carpets, and told him 
 it was the custom of those who were invited to 
 supper by Seuthes, to make him presents ; 
 adding, that, " if he becomes considerable in 
 this country, he will be able both to restore 
 you to yours, and to enrich you when you are 
 there." In this manner, he 2 procured for 
 Seuthes, addressing himself to each of them. 
 When he came to Xenophon, he said, " You 
 are not only of the most considerable city, but 
 are yourself in the greatest reputation with 
 Seuthes, and may possibly desire to be master 
 of some place of strength with lands, in these 
 
 script quoted by Hutchinson, rather than his conjecture, 
 though I think Vi-4/$i{<rdc, in him, is much better 
 than iirn!/ti$l'ne in Leunclavius; but (!r4"i<p''VS'w 
 seems to me to answer better to Myl, that immedi- 
 ately precedes it. 
 
 i Tisr.Ja; /SsfSetfixis. Persian carpets have always 
 been famous for their beauty, for which reason, and be- 
 cause these carpets were part of the spoils taken by the 
 Greeks from the Persians, I have ventured to call them 
 Persian carpets, rather than Barbaric after Milton : 
 Where the gorgeous East, with richest hand, 
 Showers on her king barbaric pearl and gold. 
 a ToauTc 5Tjou/*vaTo. n^o^v<u/*svoi, irfOnvtiTTlviixtvsi. 
 
 Hesychius. D'Ablancourt has left it out. 
 
 parts, as others of your countrymen are : it is 
 therefore worth your while to honour Seuthes 
 in the most magnificent manner. I give you 
 this advice, because I wish you well ; for I am 
 satisfied the more your presents exceed those 
 of your companions, the more the advantages 
 you will receive from Seuthes will exceed 
 theirs." When Xenophon heard this, he was 
 in great perplexity ; for he had brought with 
 him, from Parium, only one servant, and just 
 money enough for his journey. 
 
 Then the most considerable of the Thraci- 
 ans, who were present, together with the Greek 
 generals and captains, and all the deputies of 
 towns who were there, went in to supper ; at 
 which they placed themselves in a ring. After 
 that, every one of the guests had a tripod 
 brought him : these were about twenty in 
 number, full of meat cut in pieces, and large 
 leavened loaves were skewered to the meat. 
 The 3 dishes were always placed before the 
 strangers preferably to the rest of the company ; 
 for that was their custom. Seuthes then set 
 the example of what follows ; he took the 
 loaves that lay before him, and breaking them 
 into small pieces, threw them about to those 
 he thought proper; he did the same by the 
 meat, leaving no more for himself than what 
 served for a taste. The rest, before whom the 
 meat was served, did the same thing. There 
 was an Arcadian in company, whose name was 
 Aristus, a great eater: this man, instead of 
 employing his time in throwing about the vic- 
 tuals, took a loaf of three 4 choenixes in his 
 hand, and, laying some meat upon his knees, 
 ate his supper. In the meantime, they carried 
 about horns of wine, and every body took one. 
 When the cup-bearer brought the horn to 
 Aristus, he, seeing Xenophon had done supper, 
 said, " Go, give it to him, he is at leisure ; I 
 am not so yet." When Seuthes heard him 
 speak, he asked the cup-bearer what he said, 
 
 S M.x\t<rrx$l at Tgx.irtt XT* TOVJ Jje'vouj MCI STtyivTd. 
 
 Leunclavius and Hutchinson have very properly, I 
 think, rendered rgxTrt'^xi in this place, Fercula ; to 
 support which, they quote a passage out of Julius Pol- 
 lux, where he says that -re*;rs* were also called the 
 victuals that were placed upon the tables. There is a 
 passage in Atheneeus, by which it appears that the 
 word was understood in that sense by every body, !>- 
 
 Tatv rgxTri^xf xstXouvToiv TX? 7rff5ia-sis TUTJ. From 
 
 hence I imagine the Latins took their "secunda mensa, 
 et alterae mensae,"' for their second course. 
 
 4 T f i%o.'vixiv a^Tor. See note 11, page 181, upon the 
 first book. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 335 
 
 who told him : for he could speak Greek ; 
 upon this, there was great laughing. 
 
 The * cup. going round, a Thracian entered, 
 leading in a white horse, and taking a horn full 
 of wine, Seuthes !" says he, I drink to you, 
 and make you a present of this horse, with 
 which you may take any one you pursue, and, 
 in a retreat, you will have no reason to fear the 
 enemy." Another brought a boy, which he, in 
 the same manner, presented drinking to him : 
 and another, clothes, for his wife. Timasion, 
 drinking to him, made him a present of a sil- 
 ver cup, and a carpet worth ten 2 mines. Then 
 one Gnesippus, an Athenian, rose up, and 
 said, " There was a very good old custom, 
 which ordains that those who have any thing, 
 shall make presents to the king, to show their 
 respect ; but the king shall make presents to 
 those who have nothing. Let this custom be 
 observed," says he, " that I also may have 
 something to present you with, and show my 
 respect." Xenophon was at a loss what to do ; 
 for he had the honour done him to be placed 
 next to Seuthes ; and Heraclides had ordered 
 the cup-bearer to give him the horn. How- 
 ever he stood up boldly, (for by this time he 
 had drank 3 more than usual) and taking the 
 horn, said, " Seuthes ! I present you both 
 with myself, and with these my companions, as 
 your faithful friends : I am confident none of 
 them will refuse the condition, but all contend 
 with me in their zeal for your service. Here 
 they now are, with a view of asking no other 
 favour 4 of you, but to undertake labours and 
 dangers for your sake. By whose assistance, 
 if the gods are favourable, you may become 
 master of a large tract of country, by recover- 
 ing that part of it which belonged to your 
 paternal kingdom, and conquering the rest : by 
 their assistance, also, you will make yourself 
 master of many horses and of many men, and 
 beautiful women, whom you need not take 
 away by force ; on the contrary, they will come 
 and offer themselves to you, with presents in 
 their hands." Upon this Seuthes got up, and 
 pledged Xenophon, pouring 5 what remained 
 
 l 'Esrt* Ss srfOujtuSffi o sroTos. Ilorbs [atv TO 7Ttvoftsvov t 
 aroro; Si TO o-UjCtTroo-JO v. SuidaS. 
 
 a 'Agiav $i*a ftvuv. See note 6, page 169, upon the 
 first book. 
 
 8 'Yjrosrswootwf. 'AvTi TOU fti8v<rxia-Qiti. SuidaS. 
 
 4. Hesychius. 
 
 soWs. Suidas, upon the word xTi*<rxj. 
 
 in the horn upon the person who sat next to 
 him. After this, some Cerasuntaeans came in ; 
 these sounded a charge with pipes, and trum- 
 pets made of raw hides, keeping time, as if 
 they played upon the 5 magade. Upon this, 
 Seuthes himself got up, and shouted in a war- 
 like manner, then, with great agility, sprung 
 out of the place where he stood, imitating a 
 man who avoids a dart. There came in also 
 buffoons. 
 
 When it was about sunset, the Greeks rose 
 up, and said it was time to place the guards for 
 the night, and give the word. At the same 
 time, they desired Seuthes to give orders that 
 none of the Thracians might come into the 
 Greek camp in the night ; " for," said they, 
 " some of that nation are our enemies, though 
 you are our friends." As they went out, Seu- 
 thes got up, showing no signs of being drunk, 
 and going out also, he called the generals to 
 him, and said, Gentlemen ! the enemy as yet 
 knows nothing of our alliance ; if, therefore, 
 we fall upon them, before they are either upon 
 their guard against a surprise, or prepared for 
 their defence, it will be the most effectual 
 means of gaining great booty, and taking many 
 prisoners." The generals were of the same 
 opinion, and desired him to lead them. Then 
 Seuthes said, " Do you make yourselves ready, 
 and stay for me ; when it is time, I will come 
 back to you ; and taking the targeteers and 
 you with me, with the assistance of the gods, 
 I will lead you against the enemy." Upon 
 this Xenophon said, " Consider, then, since 
 we are to march by night, whether the Greek 
 custom is not preferable. In the day-time 
 either the heavy-armed men or the horse march 
 in the van, according to the nature of the 
 ground ; but in the night it is always the cus- 
 tom among the Greeks for the slowest corps 
 to lead the way. By this means the army is 
 less subject to be separated, and the men have 
 fewer opportunities of straggling without being 
 taken notice of; it often happening in the 
 
 Sa.fyi.v, says, it was a custom among Thracians, when 
 they had drunk as much wine as they could, to pour the 
 rest upon the clothes of the company, for which he 
 quotes Plato : this, he says, they called x*T<rxu* it/. 
 It was necessary just to take notice of this ridiculous 
 custom, in order to explain this passage of Xenophon. 
 O ( 7 ov /u.xyo.St. This musical instrument is said to 
 have been a kind of flute. Strabo reckons it among 
 those whose names were taken from the Barbarians 
 It was probably an instrument of war. 
 
336 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 night, that the troops, when separated, fall up- 
 on one another, and not being able to distin- 
 guish friends from enemies, both do and suffer 
 great damage," Seuthes answered, You say 
 well, and I will conform to your custom ; and 
 will take care you shall have guides, such as, 
 among the oldest of my people, are best ac- 
 quainted with the country ; while I bring up 
 the rear with the horse ; and if there is occa- 
 sion, I can soon come up to the front." The 
 Athenians gave the word by reason of their al- 
 liance to Seuthes. After this, they went to 
 rest. 
 
 When it was about midnight, Seuthes came 
 to them with the horse, clad in their coats of 
 mail, and the targeteers with their arms. Af- 
 ter he had delivered the guides tp them, the 
 heavy-armed men marched in the van, the tar- 
 geteers followed, and the horse brought up the 
 rear. As soon as it was day, Seuthes, riding 
 up to the front, extolled the Greek custom : 
 For it has often happened to me," said he, 
 " when I have been upon a march in the 
 night, though with a few troops, to have 
 my horse separated from the foot; where- 
 as now, at break of day, we appear, as we 
 ought, all together. But do you halt here, 
 and repose yourselves, and when I have taken 
 a view of the country, I will come back to 
 you." Having said this, he met with a path, 
 which led him to the top of a mountain, where, 
 coming to a great deal of snow, he examined 
 the road, to see whether there were any foot- 
 steps of men pointing either forward or back- 
 ward : and finding the way untrodden, he re- 
 turned presently, and said, " Gentlemen ! our 
 design will succeed, God willing : we shall sur- 
 prise the people : but I will lead the way with 
 the horse, that if we discover any one, he may 
 not escape, and give notice to the enemy : do 
 you come after; and, if you are left behind, 
 follow the track of the horse. After we have 
 passed these mountains, we shall come to a 
 great many rich villages." 
 
 When it was noon, Seuthes, having reached 
 the summit of the mountains, and taken a view 
 of the villages, rode back to the heavy-armed 
 men, and said, "I now propose to send the 
 horse to scour the plain, and the targeteers to 
 attack the villages ; do you follow as fast as 
 you can, that, if they find any resistance, you 
 may support them." When Xenophon heard 
 this, he alighted from his horse : upon which 
 
 Seuthes said, " Why do you alight, when ex- 
 pedition is required 1" The other answered, 
 " I know that, by myself, I can be of no ser- 
 vice ; besides, the heavy armed men will march 
 with greater speed and alacrity, if I lead them 
 on foot." 
 
 After this Seuthes, and, with him, Tima- 
 sion, with about forty of the Greek horse, went 
 away. Then Xenophon ordered those of each 
 company who were under thirty years of age, 
 and prepared for expedition, to advance ; and, 
 with these, he ran forward ; while Cleanor 
 brought up the rest of the Greeks. When 
 they were in the villages, Seuthes riding up to 
 Xenophon with about fifty horse, said, What 
 you foretold has happened : the men are taken 
 but our horse have left me, and are gone away 
 without a commander, some following the pur- 
 suit one way, some another ; and I am afraid 
 lest the enemy should rally, and do us some 
 mischief: some of us must also remain in the 
 villages, for they are full of men." Xenophon 
 answered, " With the troops I have, I will pos- 
 sess myself of the eminences. Do you order 
 Cleanor to extend his line in the plain, against 
 the villages." After they had put these things 
 in execution, they got together about one thou- 
 sand slaves, two thousand oxen, and ten thou- 
 sand head of other cattle ; and there they quar- 
 tered that night. 
 
 IV. The next day, after Seuthes had burned 
 all the villages, without leaving a single house, 
 (in order to terrify the rest by letting them see 
 what they were to expect, if they refused to 
 submit,) he returned ; and sent the booty to 
 Perintheus to be sold by Heraclides, that he 
 might, by that means, raise money to pay the 
 soldiers. In the meantime, Seuthes and the 
 Greeks encamped in the plain of the Thynians : 
 but the inhabitants left their houses and fled to 
 the mountains. 
 
 Here fell a great snow, and the cold was so 
 severe, that the water the servants brought 
 in for supper, and the wine in the vessels, 
 were frozen, and the noses and ears of many 
 of the Greeks were parched with the cold. 
 This explained to us the reason that induces 
 the Thracians to wear J foxes' skins over their 
 
 <r. After Xerxes had passed the Hellespont with hia 
 prodigious army, he reviewed them in the plain of Doris- 
 cus ; among his troops were Thraciana, who, according 
 to Herodotus, wore foxes' skins upon their heads, and 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 337 
 
 heads and ears, and vests, that not only cover 
 their breasts, but their thighs also, with cas- 
 socks reaching down to their feet, when they 
 ride, instead of cloaks. Seuthes sent some of 
 the prisoners to the mountains, to acquaint the 
 inhabitants that, if they did not come down, 
 and, returning to their habitations, submit to 
 him, he would burn their villages also, together 
 with their corn, and then they must perish 
 with hunger. Upon this, the women and 
 children, with the old men, came down, but 
 the younger sort encamped in the villages 
 under the mountain : which when Seuthes ob- 
 served, he desired Xenophon to take with him 
 the youngest of the heavy-armed men, and 
 follow him ; and, leaving their, camp in the 
 night, they arrived by break of day at the vil- 
 lages : but the greatest part of the inhabitants 
 quitted them : for the mountain was near. 
 However, Seuthes ordered all they took to be 
 pierced with darts. 
 
 There was present an Olynthian, his name 
 Episthenes, who was a lover of boys : this 
 man, seeing a handsome boy, just in his bloom, 
 with a buckler in his hand, going to be put to 
 death, ran to Xenophon, and begged of him to 
 intercede for so beautiful a youth. Upon this, 
 Xenophon went to Seuthes, and desired he 
 
 whose dress he describes not unlike that of the Thra- 
 cians, with whom Xenophon was acquainted. Whether 
 these Thracians wore foxes' skins upon their heads to 
 preserve them from the cold, as our author seems to 
 think, or whether they wore them by way of armour, 
 and as a distinction in war, I shall not determine ; but 
 we find that many nations, inhabiting the warmest cli- 
 mates, wore the skins of several beasts upon their heads, 
 when they went to war : upon those occasions, the up- 
 per jaw, or forehead of the animal, was fixed to the top 
 of their heads, I suppose to give them a fierce look. 
 Herodotus tells us, that, in the same army, the Indians, 
 whom he calls the Asiatic Ethiopians, of j* T>K 'AO-DJ? 
 A$iojrtj, wore upon their heads th skins of horses' 
 heads, with the mane flowing, and the ears erect. I 
 cannot help mentioning, upon this occasion, a passage 
 of Diodorus Siculus, because it shows the origin of a 
 very great folly committed by a very wise people, I 
 mean the worship of Anubis by the Egyptians ; he tells 
 us that Anubis and Macedon, two sons of Osiris, at- 
 tended him in his expedition to the Indies, and that their 
 armour was taken from animals, that bore some resem- 
 blance to their fortitude, Anubis wearing the skin of a 
 dog, and Macedon that of a wolf; for which reason, he 
 says, these animals were worshipped by the Egyptians. 
 The Roman Signiferi, upon Trajan's pillar, have most 
 of them their heads and shoulders covered with the 
 skins of lions, something like Aventinusin Virgil: 
 "Ipse pedes tegmen torque ns immane leonia 
 Terribili impexum seta cum dentibua albis 
 
 Indus capiti ." 
 
 29 
 
 would not put the boy to death, acquainting 
 him at the same time, with the character of 
 Episthenes, and that he once raised a com- 
 pany, in which he considered nothing but the 
 beauty of his men ; at the head of whom he 
 always behaved himself with bravery. Here- 
 upon, Seuthes said, " O Episthenes ! are you 
 willing to die for this boy 1 " The other, 
 stretching out his neck, answered, " Strike, if 
 the boy commands, and will think himself ob- 
 liged to me." Seuthes then asked the boy 
 whether he should strike Episthenes, instead 
 of him. This the boy would not suffer, but 
 begged he would kill neither. Upon this, 
 Episthenes embracing the boy, said, " Now 
 Seuthes ! you must contend with me for him ; 
 for I will not part with the boy." This made 
 Seuthes laugh ; who, leaving this subject, 
 thought proper they should encamp where they 
 were, to the end the people who had fled to 
 the mountains, might not be subsisted out of 
 these villages. So he, descending a little way 
 into the plain, encamped there ; and Xeno- 
 phon, with the chosen men, quartered in the 
 village that lay nearest the foot of the hill, and 
 the rest of the Greeks, not far from him, 
 among those they call the mountain Thracians. 
 
 A few days after, the Thracians, coming 
 down from the mountains to Seuthes, treated 
 concerning hostages and a peace. Hereupon, 
 Xenophon went to him, and let him know 
 that the post they were in was very disadvan- 
 tageous, that the enemy was not far off, and 
 that he had rather encamp abroad in any other 
 place, than in a strait, where they were in dan- 
 ger of being destroyed : but Seuthes bid him 
 fear nothing, and showed him their hostages, 
 then in his custody. Some of the Thracians, 
 coming down from the mountain, besought 
 Xenophon also to assist them in obtaining a 
 peace. He promised his assistance, and en- 
 couraged them with this assurance, that, if 
 they submitted to Seuthes, they had nothing to 
 fear. But they, it seems, were spies sent to 
 amuse them with these proposals. 
 
 This passed in the day time : the following 
 night, the Thynians came down from the 
 mountain, and attacked them ; their leaders 
 were the masters of every house, it being dif- 
 ficult for any other to find the houses in the 
 dark ; because they were surrounded with great 
 palisades to secure the cattle. When they came 
 to the door of each habitation, some threw in 
 2S 
 
338 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vu. 
 
 darts, others clubs, which they carried, with a 
 design as they said, of breaking off the points 
 of the pikes ; and some were employed in set- 
 ting fire to the houses: these called out to 
 Xenophon by name, to come out and meet 
 his fate, threatening, if he refused, to burn him 
 in the house. 
 
 By this time the fire came through the roof, 
 and Xenophon and his men were within, with 
 their corslets on, their shields and swords in 
 their hands, and their helmets upon their 
 heads; when Silanus Macestius, a youth of 
 eighteen years of age, gave the signal by sound- 
 ing a trumpet ; upon which the rest also, at 
 once, rushed out of the other houses with 
 their swords drawn. Whereupon the Thra- 
 cians fled, covering their backs with their 
 bucklers, according to their custom : and some 
 of them, endeavouring to leap over the pali- 
 sades, were taken hanging on them, their buck- 
 lers being set fast ; others, missing the way 
 out, were killed, and the Greeks pursued them 
 out of the village. However, a party of the 
 Thynians, coming back in the dark, threw darts 
 at some of the Greeks, as they ran by a house 
 that was on fire, taking their aim from an 
 obscure place at those who were in the light, 
 and wounded Hieronymus, Enodius, and 
 Theagenes, a Locrian, all captains ; but no- 
 body was killed, though some had their 
 clothes arid baggage burned. Seuthes came 
 to their relief with seven horse, the first 
 he met, bringing with him a Thracian trum- 
 peter, who, from the time the other found they 
 were attacked, and set out to relieve them, 
 continued sounding till the action was over; 
 which did not a little contribute to terrify the 
 enemy: when he came, he embraced the 
 Greeks, saying he expected to find a great 
 number of them slain. 
 
 After this, Xenophon desired Seuthes to 
 deliver to him the hostages, and march up to 
 the mountain with him, if he thought proper : 
 if not, that he would leave it to his conduct. 
 The next day, therefore, Seuthes delivered to 
 him the hostages, who were elderly men, 
 the most considerable, as they said, of the 
 mountain Thracians, and he himself set out 
 with his own forces. By this time, the army 
 of Seuthes was increased to three times the 
 number it before consisted of; for many of the 
 Odrysians, being informed of what Seuthes 
 was doing, came down to his assistance. When 
 
 the Thynians saw, from the mountain, great 
 numbers of heavy-armed men, of targeteers, 
 and of horse, they came down and sued for 
 peace, promising to do every thing that was 
 required of them, and desired Seuthes would 
 take pledges for their fidelity. He, calling 
 Xenophon to him, informed him of what they 
 said, letting him know at the same time, that 
 he would not make peace, if he desired to take 
 revenge of them for attacking him. Xenophon 
 answered, that he was sufficiently revenged, if 
 these people were, instead of free men, to 
 become slaves : but withal, advised him, for 
 the future, to take for hostages those who had 
 most power to do him harm, and to let the 
 old men stay at home. All the Thracians, 
 therefore, in this part of the country submitted 
 to Seuthes. 
 
 V. They next marched into the country 
 called the Delta, belonging to the Thracians, 
 which lies above Byzantium. This country 
 did not belong to the kingdom of Msesides, 
 but to that of Teres the Odrysian, one of 
 their ancient kings ; here they found Heracli- 
 des, with the money he had raised by the sale 
 of the booty. And here Seuthes, having 
 ordered three yokes of mules (for there were 
 no more) and several of oxen to be brought 
 out, sent for Xenophon, and desired he would 
 accept the first, and distribute the rest among 
 the generals and captains ; but Xenophon said, 
 " I shall be satisfied, if I, receiving your 
 favours another time, give these to the generals 
 and the captains, who, with me, have attended 
 you in this expedition." Upon which, Tima- 
 sion the Dardanian, received one yoke of 
 mules, Cleanor the Orchomenian, another, 
 and Phryniscus the Achaian, the third. The 
 yokes of oxen he distributed among the cap- 
 tains ; but gave the army no more than twenty 
 days' pay, though the month was expired ; for 
 Heraclides said he could not sell the booty for 
 more. Xenophon was concerned at this, and 
 said, " O Heraclides ! you do not seem to have 
 so great a regard for Seuthes, as you ought to 
 have : if you had, you would have brought the 
 army their full pay : though you had taken up 
 at interest, and even sold your own clothes to 
 raise as much as would have completed it, if 
 you could not get the money by any other 
 means." 
 
 This reproach gave Heraclides great uneasi- 
 ness, and made him apprehend he should lose 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 339 
 
 the favour of Seuthes ; and from that day, he 
 laboured all he could, to give Seuthes ill 
 impressions of Xenophon ; on whom ndt only 
 the soldiers laid the blame of their not receiv- 
 ing their pay, but Seuthes also resented his 
 earnestness in demanding it. And whereas, 
 before, he was for ever tailing him that, when 
 he arrived at the sea, he would put him in 
 possession of 1 Bisanthe, Ganus, and Neon 
 Teichus : from this time he never mentioned 
 any thing of that kind ; for Heraclides, upon 
 this occasion, had also recourse to calumny, 
 suggesting that it was not safe to intrust 
 places of strength with a person who was at 
 the head of an army. 
 
 Upon this, Xenophon considered with him- 
 self what was to be done 2 about pursuing their 
 expedition against the upper Thracians ; when 
 Heraclides, carrying the rest of the generals to 
 Seuthes, desired them to assure him that they 
 could lead the army as well as Xenophon, and 
 promised that, in a few days, he would give 
 them their pay complete for two months, ad- 
 vising them at the same time to continue in 
 the service of Seuthes. Upon which Tima- 
 sion said, " If you would give me five months' 
 pay, I would not serve without Xenophon ; " 
 and Phryniscus and Cleanor said the same 
 thing. 
 
 This made Seuthes chide Heraclides for not 
 calling in Xenophon ; so they sent for him 
 alone ; but he, being sensible this was an arti- 
 fice in Heraclides, contrived to create a jea- 
 lousy in the rest of the generals, took not 
 only all the generals, but likewise all the cap- 
 tains along with him : and, all of them approv- 
 ing of what Seuthes proposed, they pursued 
 their expedition, and marching through the 
 country of the Thracians, called the Melino- 
 phagi, with the Euxine sea on their right hand, 
 they arrived at 3 Salmydessus. Here many 
 ships upon their arrival in the Euxine sea 
 
 t BjiravS-^v, x*i Txvov xcei Nfbv TS~%OS. TOWHS Of 
 
 Thrace near the sea : if the reader pleases to turn to the 
 first note upon this book, he will find that the last has 
 nothing to do with the wall built by Dercyllidas, for 
 that was not built till the year after Xenophon engaged 
 the Greeks in the service of Seuthes. 
 
 3 IltfiToojTi avai <rT*TeuET9*. D'Ablancourt under- 
 stands this concerning his going over into Asia, but I 
 have chosen rather to make it relate to the expedition 
 of Seuthes, and the Greeks against those Thracians 
 who inhabited above Byzantium, in which I am sup- 
 ported by Leunclavius and Hutchinson. 
 
 3 Eax/tvJ^B-a-ot/. Salmydessus was a sea-port lying 
 upon the Euxine sea : it is mentioned by Arrian in his 
 
 strike, and are driven ashore, the coast being 
 full of shoals, that run a considerable way in- 
 to the sea. The Thracians, who inhabit this 
 coast, raise pillars, in the nature of bound- 
 stones ; and every man plunders the wreck that 
 is cast upon his own coast. It is said, that 
 before they erected these pillars, many of them 
 lost their lives by quarrelling with one another 
 about the plunder. In this place are found 
 many beds, boxes, books, and several other 
 things which sailors usually carry in their 
 chests. The army, after they had subdued 
 this people, marched back : that of Seuthes 
 was now grown superior in number to the 
 Greeks ; for many more of the Odrysians were 
 come down to him, and the Thracians, as fast 
 as they submitted, joined the army. They now 
 lay encamped in a plain about Selymbria, about 
 fifty stadia from the sea ; as yet no pay ap- 
 peared, and not only the soldiers were displeas- 
 ed at Xenophon, but Seuthes himself was no 
 longer disposed in his favour : and whenever 
 he desired to be admitted to him, business of 
 many kinds was pretended. 
 
 VI. Two months were very near elapsed, 
 when Charminus the Lacedaemonian, and 
 Polynicus, arrived from Thimbron. They 
 gave an account that the Lacedaemonians had 
 resolved to make war upon Tissaphernes, and 
 that Thimbron had sailed from Greece with 
 that design. They added that he had occasion 
 for this army, and that every common soldier 
 should have a 4 darick a month, the captains 
 two, and the generals four. Upon arrival of 
 the Lacedaemonians, Heraclides, hearing they 
 were come for the army, immediately told Seu- 
 thes it was a happy incident ; For," says he, 
 " the Lacedaemonians are in want of the army, 
 and you are not so. In resigning it, you will 
 confer an obligation on them, and the soldiers 
 will no longer ask you for their pay ; but will 
 leave the country." 
 
 Seuthes, hearing this, ordered the Lacedae- 
 monians to be brought in : and upon their say- 
 ing they came for the army, he told them he 
 was willing to resign it, and desired they would 
 account him their friend and ally : he also in- 
 vited them to his table pursuant to the laws of 
 hospitality, and gave them a magnificent enter- 
 tainment. But he did not invite Xenophon, 
 
 Periplus: the river, the town, and the bay had all the 
 same name. 
 Aafsixc;. See note 6, page 109. 
 
340 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 or any one of the other generals. The Lace- 
 daemonians inquiring what kind of man Xeno- 
 phon was, he answered that he was in other res- 
 pects, no ill man, but a friend to the soldiers ; 
 which hurts him. But," said they, " is he a po- 
 pular man with them ? " " Altogether so," says 
 Heraclides. Then," answered the Lacedae- 
 monians, will not he oppose our carrying away 
 the army 1 " If you call the soldiers together," 
 says Heraclides, and promise them pay, they 
 will have no regard for him, but will quickly fol- 
 low you." " How," replied they, " shall they be 
 assembled for that purpose 7 " " Early to-morrow 
 morning," says Heraclides, we will bring you 
 to them, and I am confident, added he, that as 
 soon as they see you, they will cheerfully assem- 
 ble." This was the result of that day's business. 
 The next, Seuthes, and Heraclides "brought 
 the Lacedaemonians to the army, which assem- 
 bled for that purpose. These informed them, 
 that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to make 
 war upon Tissaphernes, " who," said they, 
 has injured you. If, therefore, you engage 
 with us, you will both revenge yourselves of 
 an enemy, and receive each of you a darick a 
 month, the captains two, and the generals four." 
 This was well received by the soldiers : and 
 presently one of the Arcadians rose up to ac- 
 cuse Xenophon. Seuthes was also present, 
 being desirous to know the result, and, for that 
 purpose, had placed himself within hearing 
 with his interpreter : though he himself under- 
 stood most things that were spoken in Greek. 
 The Arcadian said: "Know then, Lace- 
 daemonians, that we should long since have en- 
 gaged ourselves in your service, if Xenophon 
 had not prevailed upon us to come hither ; 
 where, though we have been upon duty both 
 night and day, during this severe winter, we 
 have 1 acquired nothing, while he enjoys the 
 reward of our labour, and Seuthes enriches him 
 personally, and deprives us of our pay : so 
 
 i OuJ-v TriTT&ftfSx. TliTTKtrSisi' xsxTjjrSai. Hesychius. 
 Both which, in my opinion, signify muchoftenerto ac- 
 quire than to possess. I look upon the word to have the 
 same sense also in that very moral and sensible epigram 
 of Solon, the Athenian legislator, as quoted by Plutarch, 
 in his life of him, 
 
 XfVjjUscT* J' ijUMcojUtv t%tw, ij^xcof Ss wEJr*<r9 
 Ouic sStXto, n-xvrios va~ri(0v jj^Si Snnt. 
 
 But as 5rss-<r8i signifies also to possess, I will not blame 
 Hutchinson for translating it upon this occasion nihil 
 possidemus, though I have translated it otherwise my- 
 self; a little farther it signifies, beyond all doubt, to 
 
 that," continued he, " if I could see this man 
 stoned to death, and punished for leading us 
 about, I should think I had received my pay, 
 and no longer regret my labour." After him, 
 another got up, and then another : upon which 
 Xenophon spoke as follows : 
 
 There is nothing a man ought not to ex- 
 pect, since I find myself accused by you for 
 that, in which my conscience tells me I have 
 had all the zeal in the world for your service. 
 I was already set out in order to go home, when 
 I turned back, be assured, not because I heard 
 you were in prosperity, but rather because I 
 was informed you were in difficulties, with this 
 intent, that I might serve you, if it was in my 
 power, When I came to the army, though 
 Seuthes sent several messengers to me with 
 many promises, in case I prevailed upon you 
 to go to him, yet I never endeavoured it, as 
 you yourselves know; but led you to that 
 place, from whence I thought you would have 
 the quickest passage into Asia. This I look- 
 ed upon as a measure the most agreeable both, 
 to your interest and inclination. But when 
 Aristarchus arrived with the galleys, and pre- 
 vented your passage, I then (as it became me) 
 called you together, that we might consider 
 what was to be done. Upon that occasion you 
 heard, on one side, Aristarchus ordering you 
 to go to the Chersonesus, and, on the other, 
 Seuthes proposing terms to engage you in his 
 service, when all of you declared you would go 
 with Seuthes, and all gave your votes for it. 
 Say, then, if I committed any crime in carry- 
 ing you whither you all resolved to go. If, 
 when Seuthes began to break his promise con- 
 cerning your pay, I then commended him, you 
 would have reason both to accuse and hate me ; 
 but 'if I, who was before his greatest friend, 
 am now his greatest enemy, how can you any 
 longer with justice blame me, who have given 
 you the preference to Seuthes, for those very 
 things about which I quarrel with him 1 Pos- 
 sibly, you may say that I have received your 
 pay of Seuthes, and that all I say is artifice ; 
 but, is it not plain, that if Seuthes paid me any 
 thing, it was not with a view of being deprived 
 of that part of your pay which he gave me, and 
 of paying you the rest 1 On the contrary, if 
 he had given me any thing, I dare say, his de- 
 sign would have been to excuse himself from 
 paying you a large sum, by giving me a small 
 one. If, therefore, you are of opinion, that 
 this is the case, it is in your power presently 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 341 
 
 to render this * collusion useless to both of us 
 by ^ insisting upon your pay : for it is evident 
 that Seuthes, if I have received a bribe from 
 him, will, with justice, redemand. it, when 
 I fail in performing the contract, in consi 
 deration of which I was bribed. But my 
 conscience tells me that I am far from hav 
 ing received any thing that belongs to you : 
 for I swear by all the gods and goddesses, 
 that I have not even received from Seuthes 
 what he promised me in particular. He is 
 present himself, and, as he hears me, he knows 
 whether I am guilty of perjury or not ; and. that 
 you may still have more reason to wonder, I 
 also swear, that I have not only received less 
 than the rest of the generals, but even than 
 some of the captains. For what reason then 
 did I do this 1 I flattered myself, gentlemen, 
 that the greater share I had of this man's po- 
 verty, the greater I should have of his friend- 
 ship, when it was in his power to show it ; b.ut 
 I see him now in prosperity, and, at the same 
 time, discover his "temper. Possibly, some may 
 say, are you not then ashamed to be thus stupid- 
 ly deceived ? I should, indeed, be ashamed 
 to be thus deceived by an enemy ; but, in my 
 opinion, there is a greater shame in deceiving 
 a friend, than in being deceived by him. If it 
 is allowed to be upon one's guard against a 
 friend, I know you have all been very careful 
 not to give this man a just pretence to refuse 
 the payment of what he promised ? for we have 
 neither done him any injury, neither have we 
 hurt his affairs through negligence, or through 
 fear declined any enterprise he proposed to us. 
 But, you will say, we ought then to have taken 
 some assurance, that although he had been de- 
 sirous to deceive us, he might not even have 
 had it in his power. Hear then what I should 
 never have mentioned before him, unless you 
 had shown yourselves either entirely inconsi- 
 derate or very ungrateful to me. You remem- 
 ber under what difficulties you laboured, from 
 which I extricated , you by carrying you to 
 Seuthes. When you offered to go into Perin- 
 thus, did not Aristarchus the Lacedsemonian, 
 shut the gates against you 1 Did not you, 
 upon that, encamp in the open field ? Was not 
 this in the middle of winter ? Was there not a 
 scarcity of provisions in the market, and a 
 
 ? . n ?0 Jo8-;. Suidas. 
 
 TTi)T{ ttiiTov T Xf|/**Tcc. 
 
 . Phavorinus. 
 
 29* 
 
 scarcity of the means to purchase them ? In the 
 meantime you were under a necessity of stay- 
 ing in Thrace, (for the galleys lay at anchor 3 
 to observe your motions, and hinder your pas- 
 sage,) and while you staid, you staid in an 
 enemy's country, where great numbers both of 
 horsfc and targeteers were ready to oppose you. 
 It is true, we had heavy-armed men, who, by 
 going into the village in a body, might possibly 
 provide themselves with a small quantity of 
 corn ; but we were not prepared to pursue the 
 enemy or supply ourselves with slaves and cat- 
 tle ; for, at my return, I found neither the 
 horse nor targeteers any longer in a body. 
 While, therefore, you were in so great necessity, 
 if, without even insisting upon any pay, I had 
 procured Seuthes to become your ally, who had 
 both horse and targeteers, which you were in 
 want of, do you think I should have made ill 
 terms for you 1 It was owing to their assist- 
 ance that you not only found greater quantities 
 of corn in the villages, the Thracians being 
 thereby obliged to precipitate their flight, but 
 had also your share both of cattle and slaves 
 From the time also we had the assistance of 
 these horse we saw no enemy, though before 
 they boldly harassed us both with their horse, 
 and targeteers, and by hindering us from going 
 in small parties, prevented our supplying our- 
 selves with provisions in any quantity. But if 
 the person whose assistance produced you this 
 security, has not also paid you very considera- 
 bly for being secure, can you look upon this as 
 a moving calamity 1 And, for this, do you think 
 yourselves obliged, by no means, to suffer rne 
 to live ? But in what circumstances are you, 
 now you are leaving this country 1 After you 
 have passed the winter in plenty, have you not 
 as an occasion to this advantage, the money 
 you have received from Seuthes 1 For you 
 have lived at the expense of the enemy ; and 
 while you have been thus employed, none of 
 you have either been killed or taken prisoners, 
 [f you have gained some reputation against 
 the Barbarians in Asia, is not that entire, 
 and have you not added a new glory to it by 
 the conquest of the European Thracians ? 
 [ own I think you ought to return thanks to 
 he gods for those very things, as for so 
 many blessings, for which you are displeased 
 with me. This is the situation of your af- 
 
 iv a-Xoi 
 
 .?. Suidas. 
 
342 
 
 XENOPHON ON T.HE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 fairs : consider now, I beg of you, that of [ 
 mine. When I first set sail in order to return j 
 home, I went away attended with great praise 
 from you, and, through you, with reputation 
 from the rest of Greece : I had also the con- 
 fidence of the Lacedaemonians : (otherwise they 
 would not have sent me back to you ;) flow, 
 I go away suspected by the Lacedaemonians, 
 through your means, and hated by Seuthes, 
 upon your account, whom I proposed, by 
 uniting my "services to yours, to have made an 
 honourable refuge both to myself and my chil- 
 dren, if I should have any : while you, for 
 whose sake chiefly I have made myself odious, 
 and that to persons far more powerful than my- 
 self; while you, I say, for whom I cease not, 
 even now, to procure all the advantages I am 
 able, entertain such thoughts of me. You 
 have me in your power, I neither fled from you, 
 nor endeavoured it ; and if you do what you 
 say, know that you will put to death a man 
 who has often watched for your safety ; who 
 has undergone many labours and dangers with 
 you, while he not only did his own duty, but 
 that of others ; who by the favour of the gods, 
 has with you raised many trophies of the Bar- 
 barians' defeats, and who laboured to the ut- 
 most of his power to engage you to make none 
 of the Greeks your enemies. For you are now 
 at liberty to go whithersoever you please, either 
 by sea or land, without control. This then is 
 the season when there is so great an appearance 
 of prosperity ; now you are going to sail for a 
 country where you have long since desired to 
 be ; when those, who are most powerful, want 
 your assistance ; when pay is offered, and the 
 Lacedaemonians, who are allowed to be the best 
 generals, are come to command you : this, I 
 say, you think the proper season to put me to 
 death. You did not think fit to do it when we 
 were in difficulties ; men of admirable me- 
 mories ! then you called me father, and pro- 
 mised ever to remember me as your benefactor. 
 However, those who are now come to command 
 you are not void of sense ; so that I believe 
 your behaviour 3 me will not recommend you 
 to them. ; ' Xeiiophon said no more. 
 
 Then Oharminus the Lacedaemonian rose 
 up and spoke in the following manner : " Gen- 
 tlemen! you seem to have no just cause of dis- 
 pleasure against this man ; since I myself can 
 give testimony in his favour ; for Seuthes, when 
 Polynicus and I inquired what kind of man 
 Xenophon was, had nothing else to lay to his 
 
 charge, but that he was a great friend to the 
 soldiers, which, says he, hurts him both with 
 regard to the Lacedaemonians and to myself." 
 After him Eurylochus of Lusi, an Arcadian, 
 got up and said : " My opinion is, Lacedae- 
 monians, that the first act of generalship you 
 exercise, should be to obtain our pay of Seu- 
 thes, either with or without his consent ; and 
 that till then you ought not to carry us away." 
 Polycrates the Athenian next rose up, and 
 spoke in favour of Xenophon. " Gentlemen !" 
 says he, I see Heraclides also present in the 
 assembly, who, having received the booty we 
 acquired by our labour, and sold it, has neither 
 paid the 1 money to Seuthes, nor to us ; but 
 having robbed both, still keeps possession of 
 it. If, therefore, we are wise, let us apprehend 
 him ; for this man is no Thracian, but, being 
 himself a Greek, does an injury to Greeks." 
 
 Heraclides, hearing this, was thunder-struck, 
 and coming to Seuthes, said, " If we are wise, 
 we shall withdraw ourselves out of the power 
 of these people." So they mounted on horse- 
 back, and rode off to their own camp ; from 
 whence Seuthes sent Ebozelmius his interpre- 
 ter to Xenophon, to desire him to remain in 
 his service with a thousand of the heavy-arm- 
 ed men, assuring him, at the same time, that 
 he would give him the places of strength near 
 the sea, and every thing else he had promised 
 him. To this he added, as a secret, that he 
 was informed by Polynicus, that if he put him- 
 self in the power of the Lacedasrnonians, he 
 would certainly be put to death by Thimbron. 
 Many other persons also, between whom "and 
 Xenophon there was an intercourse of hospi- 
 tality, gave him notice, that he lay under a sus- 
 picion, and ought to be upon his guard. Xe- 
 nophon, hearing this, offered two victims to 
 
 t Ti yvojuv. I cannot agree with Hutchinson that 
 this word is taken by Thucydides, in the passage quo- 
 ted by him, nearly in the same sense our author takes 
 it here. In the passage quoted by him out of Thucy- 
 dides, that author says the Athenian tyrants, Hippiaa 
 and Hipparchus, adorned the city, carried on the wars, 
 and performed the sacrifices by exacting only the 
 twentieth part of the product of the country from the 
 
 Athenians, 'ASnvovs JIXOO-T>JV povov x-fxa-troptvoi rttv 
 
 ytyvoftsvaiv, which signification of the word is put out 
 of all dispute by what Meursius says of the tax of the 
 tenth part of the product of the country imposed upon 
 the Athenians by Pisistratus, which he calls $tx.u.T*v 
 r<av iv T>) %e* yivoftsvutv. In the passage, therefore, 
 of Thucydides, T yiyvvpiva, signifies the product of 
 the country ; but here it signifies, as Hutchinson him- 
 self, and all the other translators have rendered it, the 
 money raised by the sale of the booty. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 343 
 
 1 Jupiter the king, and consulted him whether 
 it were better and more advantageous for him 
 to stay with S^uthes upon the terms he pro- 
 posed, or to depart with the army ; and Jupiter 
 signified to him that he ought to depart. 
 
 VII. After that, Seuthes encamped at a 
 greater distance, and the Greeks quartered in 
 the villages, from whence they might get most 
 provisions, before they returned to the sea. 
 These villages Seuthes had given to Medo- 
 sades, who, seeing every thing in them con- 
 sumed by the Greeks, resented it ; and taking 
 with him an Odrysian, a man of the greatest 
 power of all those who had come from the 
 Upper Thracia, to join Seuthes, and about 
 fifty horse, came to the Greek army, and called 
 Xenophon to come to him, who, taking some 
 of the captains and other proper persons, went 
 to him. Then Medosades said : " You do us 
 an injury, O Xenophon, in laying waste our 
 villages. Wherefore we give you notice, I, in 
 the name of Seuthes, and this man from Me- 
 docus, king of the Upper Thrace, to leave the 
 country ; otherwise we shall not allow you to 
 remain here ; and if you continue to infest our 
 territories, we shall treat you as enemies." 
 
 When Xenophon heard this, he said : What 
 you say is of such a nature, that it is even a 
 pain to me to give an answer to it : however, I 
 shall return one for the information of this 
 youth, that he may be acquainted both with 
 your behaviour, and with ours. Before we en- 
 tered into an alliance with you, we marched 
 through this country at our pleasure, and laid 
 waste and burned any part of it we thought pro- 
 per ; and you yourself, when you came to us in 
 the quality of an ambassador, staid with us, 
 without the apprehension of an enemy. Where- 
 as you, who are subjects of Seuthes, either 
 never came into this country at all, or, if you 
 came hither, you kept your horses ready bridled 
 while you staid, as in a country belonging to 
 those who were more powerful than yourselves. 
 But now, since, by becoming our allies, you 
 have got possession of it, you would drive us 
 out of this country, though you received it from 
 us as a conquest we were willing to resign, for 
 you yourself are sensible the enemy was not 
 strong enough to dispossess us ; and not only 
 want to send us away 2 without any acknow- 
 
 To) A r<a Bo-A.r. See note 1, page 308, upon 
 the sixth book, 
 a O0% Xffus Soif* ouj. Ovx OTWJ signifies here not 
 
 ledgment for the benefits you have received, 
 but also to hinder us, as far as you are able, 
 from encamping in the country, as we pass 
 through it ; and this you urge, without rever- 
 ence either to the gods, or to this man, who 
 sees you now abounding in riches : you, who 
 before you entered into an alliance with us, liv- 
 ed by plunder, as you yourself have owned. 
 But why do you say this tome ?" continues he, 
 " for I have no longer the command ; but the 
 Lacedaemonians, to whom you resigned the 
 army, that they might carry it away, which you 
 did without consulting me, most admirable 
 men ! and without giving me an opportunity of 
 obliging them by delivering the army to them, 
 as I had disobliged them by carrying it to you." 
 As soon as the Odrysian heard what Xeno- 
 phon said ; " O Medosades !" says he, " I am 
 ready to sink into the earth with shame, when 
 I hear this. Had I known it before, I should 
 not have accompanied you, and shall now 
 depart ; for Medocus, my sovereign, will not 
 approve of my conduct, if I should drive our 
 benefactors out of the country." Having said 
 this, he mounted on horseback, and rode away 
 with all the rest of the horse, except four 
 or five. Upon which, Medosades (for he was 
 uneasy to see the country laid waste) desired 
 Xenophon to call the two LacedaBmonians. 
 He, taking some proper persons along with 
 him, went to Charminus and Polynicus, and 
 told them Medosades desired they would come 
 to him, designing to order them, as he had him, 
 to leave the country. " It is my opinion, there- 
 fore," says he, that you will receive the pay 
 due to the army, if you let him know that the 
 soldiers have desired you to assist them in ob- 
 taining it, either with or without the consent 
 of Seuthes ; and that they engage to follow 
 you with cheerfulness if they succeed in their 
 demands. Tell him, at the same time, that 
 you find their claim is founded in justice, and 
 that you have promised them not to depart 
 till they succeed in it." The Lacedaemoni- 
 
 only not in the same manner as Dion Cassius uses it, 
 where he says that Gahinius, being asked by Clodius 
 what he thought of the law he had brought in against 
 Cicero, not only did not commend Tully, but accused 
 he Roman knights to the senate. o% oVij exsfvov 
 
 [ make no doubt but this Grecism induced the Latins 
 to give the same force to " non modo ;" the following 
 passage of Tully is a remarkable instance of it : " Reg- 
 num non modo Romano homini, sed ne Persae quidem 
 cuiquam tolerabile." 
 
344 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 ans, hearing this, said they would acquaint him 
 with it. and with whatever else would prove 
 most effectual : and immediately set out with 
 proper persons to attend them. When they 
 arrived, Charminus said, O Medosades ! if 
 you have any thing to say to us, speak ; if not, 
 we have something to say to you." Medosa- 
 des, with great submission, answered, Seu- 
 thes and I have this to say : we desire that 
 those who are become our friends, may suffer 
 no ill treatment from you ; for whatever injury 
 you do to them, you will now do to us, since 
 they are our subjects." The Lacedaemonians 
 replied, " We are ready to depart, as soon as 
 those who have forced them to submit to you 
 have received their pay; otherwise, we are 
 come to assist them, and take revenge of those 
 men, who, in violation of their oaths, have 
 wronged them. If you are of that number, 
 we shall begin by doing them justice against 
 you." 
 
 Then Xenophon said : " Are you willing, 
 Medosades ! to leave it to the people, in 
 whose country we are, (since you say they are 
 your friends) to determine whether you or we 
 shall leave it 1 ?" This he refused, but desired, 
 by all means, the two Lacedsemonians would 
 go to Seuthes about their pay, and said it was 
 his opinion Seuthes would hearken to them : 
 but if they did not approve of that, he desired 
 they would send Xenophon with him, assuring 
 them of his assistance in obtaining it. In the 
 meantime, he begged they would not burn the 
 villages. Upon this, they sent Xenophon 
 with such persons as were thought most pro- 
 per to attend him. When he came to Seuthes, 
 he said, " I am not come, O Seuthes ! to ask 
 any thing of you, but to demonstrate to you as 
 well as I am able, that you had no just cause 
 to be displeased witlfr me for demanding of 
 you, on the behalf of the soldiers, the pay 
 which you cheerfully promised them ; since I 
 was convinced that it was not less your interest 
 to give it, than theirs to receive it : for I know, 
 in the first place, that next to the gods, they 
 have rendered you conspicuous, by making you 
 king over a large extent of country, and great 
 numbers of people : so that your actions, 
 whether commendable or infamous, cannot 
 possibly be concealed from public notice. In 
 this situation, I look upon it as a matter of 
 great moment to you not to have it thought 
 that you send away your benefactors without 
 rewarding their services ; and not less so, to 
 
 have your praise celebrated by six thousand 
 men. But, above all, that it concerns you, in 
 no degree, to derogate from the credit of what 
 you say : for I observe the discourse of men 
 without credit J;o be vain and ineffectual, and 
 to wander disregarded : while that of persons 
 who are known to practise truth, is not less 
 effectual to obtain what they desire than the 
 power of others ; I know, also, that if they 
 propose to reform any one, their threats are 
 not less powerful to that end, than the imme- 
 diate punishment inflicted by others; and if 
 such men promise any thing, they succeed no 
 less by promising than others by giving pre- 
 sently. Recollect with yourself what you paid 
 us, before you received our assistance. I know 
 you paid us nothing. But the confidence you 
 created in us of your performance of what you 
 promised, induced such numbers of men to join 
 their arms to yours, and conquer a kingdom for 
 you, not only worth fifty talents, (the sum 
 these men now look upon to be due to them,) 
 but many times that sum. In the first place, 
 therefore, for this sum you sell your credit, to 
 which you owe your kingdom. After .that, 
 call to mind of what consequence you thought 
 it to you to obtain what you now have con- 
 quered and possess. I know you wished to 
 obtain it rather than to gain many times that 
 sum. Now I look upon it to be a greater in- 
 jury, as well as disgrace, to lose the possession 
 of this conquest, than never to have gained it; 
 as it is more grievous to a rich man to become- 
 poor .than never to have been rich, and more 
 afflicting to a -king to become a private man 
 than never to have been a king. You are 
 sensible that these people, who are now be- 
 come your subjects, were not prevailed upon to 
 submit to you by their affection for you, but 
 by necessity : and that they would endeavour 
 to recover their liberty, if they were not re- 
 strained by fear. Whether, therefore, do you 
 think they will be more afraid and more de- 
 voted to your interest, if they see not only 
 these soldiers disposed to stay, if you desire 
 it, and presently to return, if necessary, but 
 others, from the advantageous character these 
 give of you, ready to come to your assistance 
 in any thing you require of them ; or, if they 
 are possessed with, an opinion that hereafter 
 none will ever engage in your service from 
 a distrust created by your present behaviour ; 
 and that these have a greater affection for 
 them than for you? Besides, these people 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 345 
 
 did not submit to you because they were infe- 
 rior to us in numbers ; but because they wanted 
 leaders. This danger, therefore, you are also 
 exposed to : they may choose for their leaders 
 some of our men, who think themselves wrong- 
 ed by you, or those who have still more power, 
 the Lacedaemonians : especially, on one side 
 the soldiers show greater alacrity to engage in 
 their service, upon condition that they force 
 you to give them their pay ; and, on the other, 
 the Lacedaemonians, from the want they have 
 of the army, consent to the condition. It is 
 also no secret that the Thracians, who are now 
 become your subjects, had rather march against 
 you than with you : for, if you conquer, they 
 are slaves ; and, if you are conquered, free. 
 But if you think it incumbent on you to have 
 any regard to the country, now it is your own, 
 whether do you think it will receive less dam- 
 age if these soldiers, having received what they 
 insist upon, leave it in peace, or if they stay in 
 it, as in an enemy's country ; while you endea- 
 vour to raise more numerous forces, which 
 must also be supplied with provisions, and 
 with these make head against them 1 And 
 whether do you think the expense will be 
 greater, if the money due to these is paid, or 
 if this is still suffered to remain due, and it be- 
 comes necessary for you to take other forces 
 into your pay l powerful enough to subdue the 
 former] But Heraclides, I find, by what he 
 declared to me, thinks this sum very consider- 
 able. It is certainly much less considerable to 
 you now both to raise and pay than the tenth 
 part of it was before we came to you : for the 
 quantity of money is not the measure of the 
 greatness or smallness of the sum, but the 
 ability of the person who is either to pay or to 
 receive it : and your annual income now ex- 
 ceeds the whole of what before you were 
 worth. In what I have said, Seuthes ! I 
 have had all the consideration for you that is 
 
 i 'AXAovs TB Kfttrrovees TOUTWV ,u.<rSov<r^. Hutch- 
 
 inson has great reason to find fault with Leunclavius 
 and Amasaeus for translating *? I'mova* here, majores 
 copite, major ezercitus. It most certainly signifies, as 
 he has rendered it, armis potentiores. D'Ablancourt's 
 .ranslation is still more loose than that of the two first, 
 he has said/air* de nouvelles levees pour nousfaire tete. 
 I shall add to what Hutchinson has said a passage in 
 Thucydides, where he not only uses *e i!rrovy in the 
 tame sense, but explains it himself by SwdrioTi^ai ; he 
 is giving an account of the state of Greece before the 
 Trojan war, and says, s$l/ivo yx^ fa* xt J<2v, o'!ri 
 
 due to a friend, to the end tnat both you may 
 appear worthy of the favours the gods have be- 
 stowed on you, and I not lose my credit with the 
 army. For be assured that if I desired to pun- 
 ish an enemy, it is not in my power to effect it 
 with this army, or to assist you, if I were again 
 inclined to attempt it : such is their disposition 
 with regard to me. And now I call both upon 
 you, and the gods, who know tbo truth of what 
 I say, to witness that I never had any thing 
 from you in return for the services you have 
 received from the army, or ever demanded of 
 you, for my own use, any thing that was due to 
 them, or claimed what you promised me. I 
 also swear that though you had been willing to 
 perform your promise to me, yet I would not 
 have accepted any thing, unless the soldiers, at 
 the same time, had received what was due to 
 them : for it would have been a shame for me 
 to succeed in my own pretensions, and to suf- 
 fer theirs to remain without effect; particu- 
 larly, since they had done me the honour to 
 choose me for one of their generals. Hera- 
 clides, I know, looks upon all things as trifles 
 when compared to possession of riches, by 
 what means soever acquired: but I, Seu- 
 thes! am of opinion, that no possession does 
 more become and adorn a man, particularly a 
 prince, than that of virtue, justice, and genero- 
 sity ; for whoever enjoys these, is not only rich 
 in the numerous friends he has, but in those 
 who desire to become so : if he is in prosperity, 
 he has many ready to rejoice with him ; and, if 
 in adversity, to relieve him. But if neither 
 my actions nor my words are able to convince 
 you that I am your sincere friend, consider 
 what the soldiers said ; for you were present 
 and heard the speeches of those who were de- 
 sirous to asperse rne. They accused me to the 
 Lacedemonians, that I was more devoted to 
 your interest than to that of the latter ; and, 
 at the same time, objected to me that I studied 
 your advantage more than theirs: they also 
 said that I had received presents 2 from you. 
 
 T; 
 
 a'E^iao-av Si pi xi Siugx e%etv TTX^X <rov. I have ren- 
 dered Swfa, here presents, not bribes, which would have 
 been inconsistent with what he says afterwards, though 
 I doubt not but every English reader will have 
 the same satisfaction I have in observing that neither 
 &u>(<>9 in Greek, donum in Latin, or un presAit in 
 French, have the force of our word bribe. A foreign- 
 er, who does not know us, may say that our man- 
 i ners have coined the word, but we, who know our- 
 selves, know how much we are above such an imputa- 
 tion. 
 
 2T 
 
346 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 Now, do ycu think they accused me of receiving 
 these presents, because they discovered in me 
 any indisposition to your service, or because they 
 observed in me the greatest zeal to promote it 1 
 I am indeed of opinion that all men ought to 
 show an affection to those from whom they 
 have received presents. Before I did you any 
 service, you gave me a favourable reception by 
 'your looks, your words, and your hospitality, 
 and never could satisfy yourself with making 
 promises. Now, you have accomplished what 
 you desired, and are become as considerable as 
 I could make you, finding me thus fallen into 
 disgrace with the soldiers, you dare neglect me. 
 But I am confident, time will inform you that 
 you ought to pay them what you promised, and 
 also that you yourself will not suffer those who 
 have been your benefactors to load you with 
 reproaches. I have, therefore, only this fa- 
 vour to ask of you, that when you pay it, you 
 will study to leave me in the same credit with 
 the army in which you found me." 
 
 When Seuthes heard this, he cursed the man 
 who had been the cause of their not having 
 been paid long since (every one concluding 
 he meant Heraclides). " For my part," says 
 he, " I never designed to deprive them of it, 
 and will pay them what is due." Then Xeno- 
 phon said again, " Since you are resolved to 
 pay the money, I desire it may pass through 
 my hands, and that, you will not suffer me to 
 be in a different situation with the army now, 
 from what I was in when we came to you." 
 Seuthes answered, " You shall not suffer in the 
 opinion of the soldiers by my means ; and if 
 you will stay with only one thousand heavy- 
 armed men, I will give you not only the places 
 of strength, but every thing else I promised." 
 The other made answer, " That is not possible, 
 so dismiss us." " I know," replies Seuthes, 
 '"* " you will find it safer for you to stay with 
 me, than to depart." Xenophon answered, 
 " I commend your care of me : however I can- 
 not possibly stay, but wheresoever I am in 
 credit, be assured that you shall also find your 
 advantage in it." Upon this Seuthes said, I 
 have very little money ; no more than one * ta- 
 lent, which I give you ; but I have six hundred 
 oxen, four thousand sheep, and one hundred 
 and. twenty slaves j take these with you, toge- 
 ther^ith the hostages of those who wronged 
 you." Xenophon replied smiling, " But if 
 
 See note L page 168, upcn the first book. 
 
 these are not sufficient to raise the money that 
 is due, whose talent shall I say I have ? Is it 
 not more advisable for me, since my return is 
 attended with danger, to take care I am not 
 stoned 1 You heard their threats." The re- 
 mainder of the day they staid there. 
 
 The next he delivered to them what he had 
 promised ; and sent persons with them to 
 drive the cattle. In the meantime, the soldiers 
 said that Xenophon was gone to Seuthes with 
 a design to live with him, and to receive what 
 the other had promised him : but, when they 
 saw him returned, they were rejoiced, and ran 
 to him. As soon as Xenophon saw Chai 
 minus and Polynicus, he said, " The army . 
 obliged to you for these things. I deliver them 
 to you ; do 2 you sell them, and distribute the 
 money among the soldiers." They, having 
 received the things, and appointed persons to 
 dispose of them, sold them accordingly, and 
 incurred great censure. Xenophon had no 
 share in the management, but openly prepared 
 to return home ; for he was 3 not yet banished 
 from Athens. But his 4 friends in the army 
 came to him, and begged he would not leave 
 them until he had carried away the army, and 
 delivered it to Thimbron. 
 
 VIII. After this they crossed the sea to 
 5 Lampsacus, where Euclides the Phliasian 
 priest, the son of 6 Cleagoras, who painted 
 
 a A.iTi6t(*ivoi. &ix$ort. See note 3, page 320, upon 
 the sixth book. 
 
 a Ov yo.^Trto ij/ijipc? aura) iVifXTO ' AS>|Kj|<r yrift Tjjs 
 
 <?r*g. See the author's life at the beginning of this 
 translation. 
 
 * 'EjTTI(JJO. ' EjTT)jJ'0$ > $IXO{' IVVSVf U(u'o$KS$, 
 
 Suidas. I have chosen the first of these with D'Ablan- 
 court. The two Latin translators have preferred the last. 
 
 * Eij A..fi.fyxx.ov. Lampsacus was a sea-port town 
 in Asia upon the Hellespont, over against ^Egos Pota- 
 mos ; that strait, is there about fifteen stadia over, that 
 is, about an English mile and a half. Lysander, the 
 Lacedaemonian general, took Lampsacus just before he 
 defeated the Athenians at the last mentioned place. 
 See the Introduction. 
 
 6 KXjayoeou oi'b; TOU T* tyvirvia iv AWXJKO yty( apo-rof . 
 
 Dr. Potter, the late worthy primate of England, in 
 his ArchseologiaGriEca,that treasure of Greek learning, 
 says Lyceum was situated upon the banks of the 
 Ilissus.and received its name from Apollo AUXOXTOVOJ 
 or Auxios, to whom it was dedicated. The Greek scho- 
 liast upon Aristophanes and Suidas says it was a place 
 designed for military exercises. I am sorry I cannot 
 get any light concerning the painter and picture men- 
 tiorfed by Xenophon, out nothing is to be found in Pliny 
 or Pausanius concerning either, though several consid- 
 erable painters, who flourished before this time, are 
 mentioned by the former, as Polygnotus and Micon, 
 who painted a portico at Athens called the Pzecile ; 
 and particularly Panaenus, brother to Phidias the famous 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 347 
 
 the dreams in the Lyceum, met Xenophon, 
 and after congratulating him upon his safe 
 return, asked him how much gold he had. 
 The other swore to him that he had not 
 money enough to carry him home, unless he 
 sold his horse and his equipage. However, 
 Euclides gave no credit to him ; but after the 
 inhabitants of Lampsacus had sent him pre- 
 sents in token of their hospitality, and Xeno- 
 phon was offering sacrifice to Apollo in his 
 presence, Euclides, upon viewing the entrails 
 of the victims, said, he was now convinced he 
 had no money : " But," added he, " I find if 
 there should ever be a prospect of any, that 
 there will be some obstacle, and, if no other, 
 that you will be an obstacle to yourself." Xe- 
 nophon owned this ; upon which Euclides said, 
 " The l Meilichian Jupiter is an obstacle to 
 
 statuary, who painted the battle of Marathon, where the 
 generals, both Greeks and Persians, were represented as 
 big as the life, which I take to be the signification of 
 iconici duces, the words made use of by Pliny upon that 
 occasion, since Athenseus calls statues as big as the life 
 jixoiuxi iyi\,u*T*,anr] Plato says sixbv* i<ro/utT^i)Toin 
 the seme sense. 
 
 i *O Zuj o Mf IA.%OS. There is a passage in Thucy- 
 dides, where, speaking of Cylon's seizing the citadel of 
 Athens, he mentions the Athenian festival celebrated 
 without the walls of the city in honour of the Meilichian 
 Jupiter, which he calls Algeria, Diasia, at which, he says, 
 all the people attended, and sacrificed not victims, but 
 cakes made .in the shape of animals, "according to the cus- 
 tom of the country," ou% It^u* xx' $vft*r jV<%a^; 
 for so the Greek scholiast explains the word 5(j/*arx. 
 The reason of my being so particular is, that Xenophon 
 says he offered sacrifice to the same Jupiter, and burn- 
 ed hogs whole to him, according to the custom of his 
 Country, =svoq>Zv tSuiro, xai WXOXXVTO j0ijouf ria Trar^iea 
 va/u?;. Are we then to imagine, that either Thucydi- 
 des or Xenophon were uninformed of the custom of their 
 country upon so great a solemnity? I should almost 
 be tempted to think the hogs, Xenophon says he burned 
 whole, were also cakes made in the shape of hogs. There 
 is a passage in Herodotus, that in some degree favours 
 this conjecture ; he says, the Egyptians, notwithstand- 
 ing their known aversion to hogs, sacrificed them one 
 day in the year to the Moon and Bacchus, when they 
 eat their flesh, which they tasted upon no other day, 
 and that the poorer sort made cakes resembling hogs, 
 and, roasting them, offered them in sacrifice : oi SI a-iv>i- 
 
 rif etvrtav UJT' arSlvsiJi? /3ou, <rT*iTiva; jrX<rVT{j oj, 
 xoei fcr-rtio-avTej, Tttd-rxg S-vou<r. But what affinity is 
 there between the religious customs of the Egyptians 
 and the Athenians ? So great an affinity that we find in 
 Diodorus Siculus, the Egyptians pretended that the 
 Athenians were one of their colonies, and had received 
 the Eleusinian mysteries from them, which they said 
 Erichtheus, an Egyptian, and afterwards king of Athens, 
 carried from Egypt, and instituted among the Athenians 
 in honour of Ceres. I cannot say that I ever met with 
 an account, in any Greek author, of cakes offered by the 
 Greeks in the resemblance of hogs ; but, besides the au- 
 thority of the Greek scholiast upon the passage already 
 
 you ;" and asked him whether he had, at any 
 time, offered sacrifice in the same manner, as 
 I," says he, " used to sacrifice for you at Athens, 
 and offer a holocaust." Xenophon answered 
 that since he had been from home, he had not 
 sacrificed to that god ; the other advised him 
 to offer sacrifice to that divinity, assuring him 
 that it would be for his advantage. The next 
 day, Xenophon going to 2 Ophrynion offered 
 sacrifice, and burned hogs whole, according to 
 the custom of his country ; and the entrails 
 were favourable. The same day, Biton and 
 Euclides arrived with money for the army. 
 These contracted an intercourse of hospitality 
 with Xenophon, and hearing he had sold his 
 horse at Lampsacus for fifty daricks, and sus- 
 pecting he had sold him through want, because 
 they were informed he was fond of him, they 
 redeemed the horse, and restored him to Xeno- 
 phon, refusing to accept the price they had 
 paid for him. 
 
 From thence they marched through Troas, 
 and passing over Mount Ida, came first to 
 3 Antandrus : then continued their march along 
 
 mentioned in Thucydides, where he explains S-.^ar*, 
 rivx. zrepftxT-a, ii; ciu>v ^of;?*; TtTvjrtopiva, cakes made 
 in the shape of animals generally ; I say, besides that pas- 
 sage, we find in Julius Pollux that the Greeks offered 
 cakes to all the gods, which cakes had their names from 
 their different shapes, as an .ox, which was a cake with 
 horns, and was offered to Apollo, and Diana, and He- 
 cate, and the Moon. JT*A.VO St xojvoi 7r.<ri S-ioTj, xs- 
 
 XKHIVTXI Si K7TO TOU (T^^aTO J, <o(Tjrf tfOVIJ' 7TtfJt.lJ.lt J-XQ 
 
 ia-Tij xifXTx I^ov yriTr^y'ff.tva, Trgctr^sfO/Uivav 'An-oXXuiv*, 
 xeti A$Ti / uS', x<*< 'ExixTi), x*i Zik.>n). I shall conclude 
 this note with observing that Apollo, when taken from the 
 sun, was the same, among the Egyptians, and, after- 
 wards, among the Greeks, with Dionysius, or Bacchus, 
 as Diodorus Siculus proves from this verse of Eumolpus, 
 
 'AyrfO^aij Atovuiroi; iv xrv<ro- wupousrov, 
 And from another in Orpheus. Now, every body knows 
 that these were the same with Osiris, as Diana, Hecate, 
 and the Moon were the same divinity with Isis ; so that the 
 custom mentioned by Julius Pollux, of offering cakes in the 
 shape of animals, to have been in practice among the 
 Greeks, seems to be derived from that mentioned by Hero- 
 dotus to have been in use among the Egyptians ; especial- 
 ly, since we find they were offered to the same divinities. 
 D'Ablancourt seems to have forgot that Jupiter was wor- 
 shipped at Athens under the title of Meilichius ; for he takes 
 the name to be allegorical to the mildness of Xenophon's* 
 character, who did not make his fortune "pour avoir trop 
 de pudeur," as he says, because he was too bashful. 
 
 <0<^Cviov. A town of Dardania, near which stood 
 the grove of Hector upon a conspicuous place. 
 
 3 A,i Tjjj T^o.f, xott ia-ifSxvrsg T*v ( I$>v. el; 'Avrav. 
 
 tv i<pixvour<. The misfortunes of Troy, or rathv 
 the fine relations of them, have rendered all these parts 
 famous, so that there is no necessity of saying any thing 
 either of Troas or mount Ida: Antandrus was the sea- 
 port where ^Gneas built his fleet to preserve the remain* 
 
348 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 toe coast of the Lydian sea, to the plain of 
 Thebes. From thence through JAtramyt- 
 tium, and Certonicum, by Aterne to the plain 
 of Caicus, and reached Pergamus, a city of 
 Mysia. Here Xenophon was entertained by 
 Hellas, the wife of Gongylus the Eretrian, 
 and the mother of Gorgion and Gongyius. 
 She informed him that Asidates, a Persian, 
 Fay encamped in the plain, adding, that with 
 three hundred men, he might surprise him in 
 the night, and take him with his wife and 
 children and all his riches, which were very 
 considerable. At the same time, she sent a 
 person who was her cousin-german, together 
 with Daphnagoras, for whom she had a parti- 
 cular value, to conduct them in the enterprise. 
 Xenophon, therefore, while these were with 
 him, offered sacrifice ; and Agasias the Helean 
 priest, being present, said the victims were very 
 favourable, and that the Persian might be 
 taken prisoner. Accordingly, after supper, he 
 set out, taking with him those captains who 
 were most his friends, and had ever been faith- 
 ful to him, that he might procure them some 
 advantage. Others, to the number of six hun- 
 dred, accompanied him whether he would or 
 no ; but the captains rode on before them, lest 
 they should be obliged to give them a share of 
 the booty, which they looked upon as their 
 own. 
 
 They arrived about midnight, when they 
 suffered the slaves that lay round the castle, 
 together with a considerable quantity of effects, 
 to 'escape, to the end they might take Asidates 
 himself with his riches ; but not being able to 
 take the place by assault, (for it was both high 
 and large, well fortified with battlements, and 
 defended by a good number of brave men,) 
 
 of his country : but one thing must not be forgot ; above 
 Antandrus was a mountain, called Alexandria, from 
 Paris, where they say he passed judgment upon the three 
 contending goddesses. The town that gave name to 
 the plain of Thebe, was called by the same name, and 
 belonged to Eetion, the father to Andromache, 
 
 i>XOjuS' I j Stifav ',t e t, v a-oX.v 'HSTK.VOS. 
 
 In the taking of this town Chryseis was taken prisoner, 
 and given to Agamemnon ; the restoring of whom, 
 with the difficulties that attended it, and the conse- 
 quences that flowed from it, are the subject of the Iliad. 
 
 Kxixou jrtJtov ex5ei>Tj, Tlegyaftov xHratKxft&ctvovri Ttjf 
 
 Mua-**;. The first of these is a sea-port that gives its 
 name to the bay, the other two are towns in, or near 
 the road from the first to the plain that is watered by 
 the river Caicus. Pergamus was the residence of the 
 Attalic kings, the last of whom left it with his kingdom 
 by will to the Roman people. 
 
 they endeavoured to make a breach in the wall, 
 which was eight bricks thick. However, by 
 break of day the breach was made ; which was 
 no sooner effected, than one of those who were 
 within, ran the foremost man through the thigh 
 with a 2 large spit. After that, they sent such 
 a shower of arrows, that it was no longer safe 
 to approach the wall. In the meantime, their 
 cries, and the signals they made by lighting 
 fires, drew Itabelius, with his forces, to their 
 assistance. There came also from Comania, 
 the garrison, consisting of heavy-armed men, 
 together with some Hyrcanian horse, who were 
 in the king's pay, being about eighty in num- 
 ber, and eight hundred targeteers ; besides 
 others from Parthenium, Apollonia, and the 
 neigbouring' places, and also horse. 
 
 It was now time for the Greeks to consider 
 how to make their retreat. To effect this, 
 they took all the oxen and sheep that were 
 there, and then forming themselves into a hol- 
 low square, and placing them with the slaves 
 in the middle, they marched a^way. They were 
 now no longer solicitous for their booty, but 
 only lest by leaving it behind, their retreat 
 might seem a flight, which would have in- 
 creased both the confidence of the enemy, and 
 the dejection of their own men. Whereas, 
 while they made their retreat in this disposition, 
 they seemed resolved to defend their bootv. 
 In the meantime Gongylus, seeing the number 
 of the Greeks was small, and that of the enemy, 
 who hung upon their rear, very considerable, 
 came out himself against his mother's will, at 
 the head of his own forces, being desirous to 
 have a share in the action. 3 Procles, also, 
 who was descended from Damaratus, came to 
 their assistance from Elisarne, 4 and Teuth- 
 rania. Now as Xenophon's men suffered very 
 much from the enemy's arrows and slings, while 
 they marched in a ring, in order to cover them- 
 selves from the arrows with their shields, it 
 was with great difficulty they passed the river 
 Caicus, near half their number being wounded. 
 Here Agasias of Stymphalus, one of the con- 
 tains, was wounded, having the whole time 
 
 Xio-xou;. Phavorinus. In this sense Euripides takes it 
 in his Cyclops, where Ulysses tells him, 
 
 See note 1, 
 
 'OiXoro-<. vnS-jv xx? yva.b 
 npoxxjjt. 5 i^J Aa 
 
 page 199, upon the second book. 
 
 . 
 
 These four towns are also placed by Pliny in Mysia. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 
 
 349 
 
 fought with great bravery. At last they ar- 
 rived safe with about two hundred slaves, and 
 cattle enough for sacrifice. 
 
 The next day Xenophon offered sacrifice, 
 and in the night led out the whole army with a 
 design to march as far as possible into Lydia, 
 to the intent that the Persian seeing him no 
 longer in his neighbourhood, might be free 
 from fear and unguarded. But Asidates hear- 
 ing that Xenophon had again offered sacrifice 
 concerning a second expedition against him, 
 and that he would return with the whole army, 
 quitted the castle, and encamped in some villa- 
 ges reaching to the walls of Parthenium. Here 
 Xenophon's men met with him, and took him, 
 with his wife and children, his horses, and all 
 his riches ; and this was the success promised 
 in the former 1 sacrifice. After that they re- 
 turned to Pergamus. Here Xenophon had no 
 reason to complain of Jupiter Meilichius^ for 
 the Lacedaemonians, the captains, the rest of 
 the generals, and the soldiers, all conspired to 
 2 select for him not only horses, but yokes of 
 
 t T* WZOTIQ* Iif*. I imagine with Hutchinson, that 
 Xenophon means the sacrifice he says he offered in the 
 presence of Agasias of Elis, to distinguish it from that 
 which he offered the day after their unsuccessful expe- 
 dition. 
 
 a'iiirTs igifTci x*/B/3avi<v. It was an early custom 
 among the ancients to select the most valuable part of 
 the booty for their generals, which makes the following 
 reproach from Thersites to Agamemnon very imperti- 
 nent, and consequently very agreeable to the character 
 of the man who makes it : 
 
 'Aff siSi^ J TJO ' UT' fiTTt.UijtKpsai, ^Ji %otT^sy j 
 n>.tia TO %*Xxou xA.J<ri*, sroXAoci SI yuvai'xif 
 
 Where E?*eTo. is thus very properly explained by the 
 
 Greekscholiast,afx<*T*TijUi)v5'5'o;Ujvf*j MTTO TV atx 
 
 XCOTWV. Virgil has preserved this custom, and translat- 
 ed 2 ? ?v in the ninth book, where he makes Ascani 
 us promise Nisus the war-horse, the shield, and helmet 
 of Turnus, at his return from the enterprise he and 
 Euryalus had undertaken, 
 
 " Vidisti quo Turnus equo, quibus ibat in arrais 
 Aureus ? ipsum ilium, clypeum cristasque rubenteg 
 Excipiam sorti, jam nunc tua praemia Nise." 
 In the eighth book, Virgil calls the horse, which was re 
 served for ^Eneas's own riding, when he went to the 
 30 
 
 oxen, and other things : so that he had it now 
 in his own power even to oblige a friend. 
 
 After this, Thimbron arrived, and taking 
 the command of the army, joined it to the rest 
 of the Greek forces, and made war upon Tis- 
 sapherues and Pharnabazus. 
 
 The following persons were the king's gov- 
 ernors of the countries, through which we 
 marched ; of Lydia, Artimas ; of Phrygia, Ar- 
 tacamas ; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mith- 
 ridates; of Cilicia, Syennesis; of Phoenicia 
 and Arabia, Dernis ; of Syria and Assyria, 
 Belesis ; of Babylon, Roparas ; of M*edia, Ar- 
 bacas ; of the Phasians and Hesperitans, Teri- 
 bazus ; (the Carduchians, the Chalybians, the 
 Chaldffians, the Macrons, the Colchians, the 
 Mosyncecians, the Coetans, and Tibarenians 
 being free nations) of Paphlagonia, Corylas ; 
 of the Bithynians, Pharnabazus ; and of the 
 European Thracians, Seuthes. 
 
 The whole of the way, both of the Expedi- 
 tion and Retreat, consisted of two hundred and 
 fifteen days' march, of 3 eleven hundred and fifty- 
 five parasangs, and of thirty-four thousand six 
 hundred and fifty stadia ; and the time employ- 
 ed, in both, of a year and three months. 
 
 Tuscans to implore their assitance, exsortem, which ia 
 a literal translation of *'e 8T s. 
 
 have followed Hutchinson's correction, who, very 
 properly, I think, instead of t*xo<ri, reads cxo<r, 
 and takes away the word wrs. Concerning these 
 measures of length, see note 7, page 170, upon the first 
 book. To which I shall only add, that these parasangs 
 or stadia being reduced to English miles, amount to no 
 more than 3305 miles and a half, and not to 4331, as 
 Hutchinson has computed it, who, I find, reckons eight 
 stadia to an English mile: eight stadia, indeed, make 
 a/*A.oi or Greek mile, but do not, by a great deal, 
 amount to an English mile: since an English mile, ac- 
 cording to Arbuthnot, contains 1056 geometrical paces, 
 and a Greek mile only 806 : so that an English mile is 
 to a Greek mile as 1056 to 806. 4331 Greek miles being, 
 therefore, contained in 34,650 stadia, if we say 1056: 
 806 : : 4331 : the proportional number will be 3305, with 
 a fraction of 668, so that 3305, and one half will be, to a 
 trifle, the number of English miles contained in the 
 34,650 stadia mentioned by Xenophon to have been the 
 amount both of the expedition and retreat 
 
XENOPHON'S HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 TRANSLATED BY 
 
 WILLIAM SMITH, A. M. 
 
 EK TH2 0AAATTH2 AHA2A TMIN HPTHTAI SttTHPIA. 
 
PREFAC E. 
 
 THE translator of this valuable piece of Xenophon looks upon himself as now discharg- 
 ing a debt to the public. The favourable reception of his translation of Thucydides was 
 urged, and, with gratitude be it spoken, was urged by the late Earl Granville, as an obli- 
 gation upon him to copy in the English language what Xenophon had written originally 
 in Greek in regard to the Peloponnesian war ; namely, the continuation of it till the naval 
 power of the Athenians was demolished, and the cky of Athens surrendered to her foes. 
 This is properly the end of the Peloponnesian war. But, as the state of Lacedsemon, 
 elated with the consequential enlargement of her power, exerted it in too haughty and 
 imperious a manner, the resentment of other states was raised, and a war ensued, in 
 which Sparta was well nigh ruined, and the sovereignty of Greece transferred to Thebes. 
 The battle of Mantinea, in which the Thebans, by losing Epaminondas, lost their all, 
 closed this eager struggle for supremacy in Greece, and left its several states a commodi- 
 ous prey to Philip of Macedon, who soon alter began to act. In this piece o Xenophon, 
 the history of Greece is continued from the time Thucydides breaks off, down to that 
 famous battle, including the space of near fifty years. 
 
 Never had historian who left his work imperfect so illustrious a continuator as Thucy- 
 dides found in Xenophon. They were both of them men of excellent aiense. They both 
 lived in the times, and had competent knowledge of the facts, they describe. They were 
 both Athenians, had been generals, and were both in exile when they wrote their histo- 
 ries. But a man more accomplished in all respects than Xenophon will not easily be 
 found. He was the greatest hero, and at the same time the genteelest writer of his age. 
 Instructed and formed by Socrates, he exemplified his useful philosophy in the whole 
 conduct of his life. And it will be hard to decide, which are most excellent in their 
 kind, his historical or his philosophical writings. The style of both hath that sweetness, 
 that ease, that perspicuity, and* that simplicity, which remain envied and unequalled, and 
 must give all his translators no small anxiety about their own success. He especially 
 has abundant reason to be alarmed, who after being so long employed in copying a 
 different style in Thucydides, has attempted the manner of Xenophon. He is sensible 
 of the daringness of such an attempt, has no small terrors about its success, and puts his 
 whole confidence in the judgment of the late Earl Granville, who had perused some parts 
 of it in manuscript, and honoured the translator with his commands to complete and 
 publish the work. 
 
 As the fGreek text is sometimes faulty, the translator hath made no scruple to adopt 
 the marginal reading of the best editions, if it fixed or cleared the sense to an English 
 reader. He hath also ventured to translate some passages according to the conjectural 
 but sagacious emendations of the late Rev. Dr. Taylor, residentiary of St Paul's. 
 
 30 * 2 U 353 
 
354 PREFACE. 
 
 The translator, in the life of Thucydides, hath said, ** There is a chasm between the 
 time the history of Thucydides breaketh off, and the Grecian history of Xenophori begin- 
 neth." He said it upon the authority of Archbishop Usher, but hath seen abundant 
 reason since to be diffident of the fact. The Jlnnahs Xenophonlei of the learned Dodwel! 
 seem to prove from variety of arguments a close connexion between them. 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 [355] 
 
CONTENTS Of BOOK I. 
 
 The war carried on rigorously at sea between the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians the battle of Cyzicua, 
 in which the latter are defeated, and Mindarus their admiral is slain Hermocrates turned out of his com 
 mand by the Syracusans, and banished Alcibiades recalled by the Athenians, but soon after disgraced again 
 and ruined Lysander sent by the Lacedemonians to command at sea ; and next year succeeded by Calicra- 
 tidas The sea-fight of Arginuse ; and the prosecution at Athens against their victorious commanders. 
 
 f356] 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 . I. NOT many days after this, Thymochares ar- 
 rived from Athens with a few ships ; and im- 
 mediately the Lacedaemonians and Athenians 
 had another engagement at sea ; but the Lace- 
 demonians, commanded by Hegesandridas, got 
 the victory. 
 
 Soon after, in the beginning of winter, Dorie- 
 us the son of Diagoras stands into the Helles- 
 pont, at daylight, with fourteen ships from 
 Rhodes. The sentinel of the Athenians, having 
 a sight of him, made proper signals to the com- 
 manders. They put out against him with 
 twenty ships ; and Dorieus, flying before them, 
 ran his ships on shore, as he was clearing it, 
 on the cape of Rbseteum. But, the enemy 
 coming up close to them, they defended them- 
 selves both from their ships, and the shore, till 
 at length the Athenians stood away to their 
 naval station at Madytus, after a fruitless at- 
 tack. Mindarus, who saw this attack, as he 
 was then at Ilium sacrificing to Minerva, has- 
 tened down to the sea to help his friends ; and, 
 after laying his vessels afloat, he sailed up 1 to 
 fetch off the ships under Dorieus. Upon this 
 the Athenians, putting out again, engaged him 
 on the coast near Abydus, and fought from 
 laorning till night. One while they had the 
 l>etter of it, another while they had the worse, 
 till Alcibiades joins them with eighteen sail. 
 Then began the flight of the Peloponnesians 
 to Abydus. But Pharnabazus marched down 
 to their relief; and, advancing on horseback 
 into the sea as far as possibly he could, he 
 exerted himself in their defence, and encour- 
 
 t The Gieck text is ajrijrXn.but the word required by 
 the sense ie is-tyXu. Dr. Taylor. 
 
 aged his troops both horse and foot to do their 
 best. The Peloponnesians, closing their ships 
 firm together with their heads towards the 
 enemy, continued the fight on the very beach 
 At length the Athenians, carrying off with 
 them thirty empty ships of the enemy and all 
 their own that were disabled, sailed away to 
 Sestus. From thence, all their ships except- 
 ing forty, went out of the Hellespont on dif- 
 ferent cruises to fetch in contributions. And 
 Thrasylus, one of the commanders, set sail 
 for Athens, to notify the late success, and to 
 beg a reinforcement of men and ships. 
 
 After these transactions, Tissaphernes came 
 to the Hellespont, where he arrested Alcibia- 
 des, who came in a single ship to visit him, 
 and to offer him the presents of hospitality and 
 friendship. He then sent him prisoner to Sar- 
 dis ; alleging express orders from the king to 
 make War upon the Athenians. Yet, thirty 
 days after, Alcibiades, and Mantitheus too, 
 who had been taken prisoners in Caria, having 
 provided themselves with horses, escaped by 
 night from Sardis to Clazomense. In the 
 meantime, the Athenians at Sestus, having re- 
 ceived intelligence that Mindarus was coming 
 against them with sixty ships, fled away by 
 night to Cardia. And here Alcibiades joined 
 them with five ships and a row-boat from 
 Clazomenje. But receiving advice that the 
 fleet of the Peloponnesians was sailed from 
 Abydus to Cyzicus he went himself to Sestus 
 by land, and ordered the ships round to the 
 same place. When the ships were arrived at 
 Sestus, and he was fully bent on going out to 
 sea and engaging, Theramenes joins him with 
 twenty ships from Macedonia, and Thrasybu- 
 
 357 
 
358 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 lus at the same time with twenty more from 
 Thasus, having both of them collected contri- 
 butions. Alcibiades, leaving orders with them 
 to follow, after they had taken out the great 
 masts of their vessels, sailed himself to Pa- 
 rium. And when the whole fleet was assem- 
 bled at Parium, to the number eighty-six 
 ships, the night following they went to sea, and 
 next day about the hour of repast they reach 
 Proconnesus. Here they were informed that 
 Mindarus is at Cyzicus, and Pharnabazus too 
 with the land force." This day therefore they 
 continued at Proconnesus. But the day follow- 
 ing Alcibiades called an assembly, and expa- 
 tiated on the necessity they were under of en- 
 gaging the enemy at sea, and engaging them 
 too at land, and also of attacking their towns : 
 " For we," says he, " are in want of money, 
 whilst our enemies are plentifully supplied by 
 the king." But the day before, when they came 
 to this station, he had drawn round about his 
 own vessel the whole force, both the great and 
 the smaller ships, that no one might be able to 
 inform the enemy exactly of their number ; 
 and made. public proclamation, that "whoever 
 should be caught attempting to cross over the 
 sea should be punished with death." And 
 now, after holding the assembly, and making all 
 needful preparations for an engagement, he set 
 sail for Cyzicus in a heavy rain. And when 
 he was near it, the weather clearing up and the 
 sun breaking out, he had a view of the ships 
 of Mindarus, to the amount of sixty, exercising 
 themselves at a distance from the harbour, and 
 fairly intercepted by him. On the other hand, 
 the Peloponnesians, seeing the ships of Alci- 
 biades to be much more numerous than usual, 
 and close in with the harbour, fled away to the 
 shore ; and there, having ranged into regular 
 order, they received the enemy's attack. But 
 Alcibiades, after stretching to a distance with 
 twenty of the ships, landed with his men. 
 Mindarus seeing this, landed also, and engag- 
 ing was killed on shore ; but all his men were 
 at once in flight. The Athenians returned to 
 Proconnesus, carrying away with them all the 
 ships of the enemy excepting three of the Sy- 
 racusans, for these were burnt by the Syracusans 
 themselves. Next day the Athenians returned 
 from thence to Cyzicus. And the inhabitants 
 of Cyzicus, as the Peloponnesians and Pharna- 
 bazus had abandoned the place, received the 
 Athenians. But Alcibiades, after continuing 
 with them twenty days, and exacting a large 
 
 sum of money from the Cyzicenes, though do- 
 ing no other harm in any shape to the city, sail- 
 ed back to Proconnesus. From thence he 
 sailed to Perinthus and Selymbria ; and the 
 Perinthians received his forces into their city ; 
 whereas the Selymbrians received them not, 
 but gave him a sum of money. Going from 
 thence to Chrysopolis of Chalcedonia, they 
 fortified the place, and appointed it to be the 
 station for collecting tenths : and here a tenth 
 was levied on all vessels from Pontus. Leav- 
 ing therefore thirty ships for the guard of Chry- 
 sopolis, and two of the commanders, Thera- 
 menes and Eubulus, to take care of its preserva- 
 tion, to oblige the ships to pay the duty, and 
 to lay hold of every opportunity to annoy the 
 enemy, the rest of the commanders departed to 
 the Hellespont. 
 
 The letter sent to Lacedsemon from Hippo- 
 crates, lieutenant to Mindarus, was intercepted 
 and carried to Athens. The contents were 
 these " Success is at an end. Mindarus is 
 killed. The men are starving. We know not 
 what to do." 
 
 But Pharnabazus was animating all the Peio- 
 ponnesians and Syracusans ; exhorting them, 
 " not to despond, so long as themselves were 
 safe, for the loss of a parcel of timber, since 
 enough might be again had in the dominions of 
 his master ;" and then he gave to every man a 
 suit of apparel and two months' pay. He also 
 distributed proper arms to the mariners, and 
 stationed them as guards of his own maritime 
 provinces. He then summoned the generals of 
 the different states and the captains of ships to 
 assemble, whom he ordered to rebuild at An- 
 tandros as many vessels as they had severally 
 lost, furnishing them with money, and directing 
 them to fetch the necessary timber from Mount 
 Ida. Yet, amidst the hurry of rebuilding the 
 fleet, the Syracusans assisted the Antandrians 
 in finishing a part of their walls, and of all the 
 people now within that garrison, were the most 
 obliging to them. Upon this account the 
 Syracusans are honoured with the solemn ac- 
 knowledgment of being benefactors to Antan- 
 dros, and with the freedom of the city. But 
 Pharnabazus, after putting affairs in this new 
 train, departed in all haste to the relief of 
 Chalcedon. 
 
 Just at this time it was notified to the gen 
 erals of the Syracusans, that " they are sentenc- 
 ed to exile by the people of Syracuse." Call- 
 ing therefore all their men together, Hermo- 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 359 
 
 crates speaking in the name of the rest, they de- 
 piored their " wretched fortune in being thus 
 iniquitously doomed to exile in their absence, 1 
 quite contrary to the laws." They advised 
 the men to adhere to the same spirited be- 
 haviour they had hitherto shown, and with fidel- 
 ity and bravery to execute all the orders of their 
 country." And then they ordered them " to 
 go and elect a set of generals, till the persons 
 appointed to take the command should arrive 
 from Syracuse." The whole assembly called 
 aloud upon them to continue in the command ; 
 and the captains of ships, the land-soldiers, and 
 the pilots, were loudest in their shouts. They 
 replied, that generals ought not to mutiny 
 against the orders of their country. But, in 
 case any criminal accusations were laid to their 
 charge, it was but justice to expect a true ac- 
 count from them, who would be still keeping 
 in remembrance how many victories at sea 
 you have gained under our direction without the 
 concurrence of others ; how many ships you 
 have taken ; and how often with the rest of the 
 confederates you have been saved from defeats ; 
 distinguished above all by having the post of 
 honour both at land and sea, while we prudent- 
 ly issue and you gallantly executed our orders." 
 Not one amongst them .having any thing to ob- 
 ject, and all persisting in the former demand, 
 they continued with them till their successors 
 arrived from Syracuse, Demarchus the son of 
 Pidocus, and Myscon the son of Menecrates, 
 and Potamis the son of Gnosias. Most of the 
 captains of ships promised them with an oath, 
 that on their return to Syracuse they would 
 endeavour their restoration ; and then dismiss- 
 ed them to go where themselves thought pro- 
 per ; loading them all with abundant commen- 
 dations : but such as were intimately acquainted 
 with Hermocrates most highly regretted the 
 loss of so vigilant, so humane, and so affable a 
 commander: for it had been his daily custom 
 to invite, both morning and evening, to his own 
 tent, such of the captains of ships and pilots 
 and land-soldiers as he knew to be men of 
 merit, and to communicate to them whatever 
 he intended either to say or to do, begging 
 them to favour him with their sentiments of 
 things, sometimes without premeditation, and 
 sometimes with a more deliberate answer. By 
 this means Hermocrates was heard with the 
 
 For 'xw-avr=5 in the original I read ' 
 advicoof Dr. Taylor. 
 
 J, by the 
 
 highest deference in all councils of war : his 
 expression and his matter were ever judged 
 the best. But having afterwards preferred at 
 Lacedsemon an accusation against Tissapher- 
 nes, which was supported by the evidence of 
 Astyochus, and had a great air of truth, he 
 went to Pharnabazus, and before he could ask 
 it received a subsidy from him, which enabled 
 him to provide himself both with men and ships 
 for his return to Syracuse. But now the suc- 
 cessors of the Syracusan commanders were ar- 
 rived at Miletus, and received the ships and 
 troops. 
 
 About the same time a sedition broke out 
 in Thassus, which ended in the ejection of the 
 party attached to the Lacedemonians, and of 
 Eteonicus the Lacedaemonian commandant. 
 Pasippidas the Lacedaemonian, who was accus- 
 ed, in concert with Tissaphernes, of being the 
 author of such miscarriages, was declared an 
 exile from Sparta ; and Cratesippidas was des- 
 patched to take the command of the fleet which 
 the other had assembled from the confederates ; 
 and he received it at Chios. 
 
 About this time also, while Thrasylus was 
 at Athens, Agis, making a grand forage from 
 Decelea, marched up to the very walls of 
 Athens. But Thrasylus, putting himself at 
 the head of the Athenians and of all persons 
 then residing in the city, drew up in order of 
 battle near the Lyceum, determined to fight in 
 case the enemy approached. Agis perceiving 
 this, immediately retired, with the loss of a few 
 men in the extremity of his rear, who were kill- 
 ed by the light-armed Athenians. For this piece 
 of conduct the Athenians became more and 
 more disposed to grant to Thrasylus the rein- 
 forcements he came for ; and decreed him in 
 form a thousand heavy-armed from the public 
 roll, a hundred horsemen, and fifty ships. But 
 Agis, seeing from Decelea that numerous 
 vessels laden with corn were running into the 
 Piraus, declared it " to be of no avail for his 
 army to block up the Athenians so long by 
 land, unless some stop could be put to the im- 
 portation of corn by sea ; and that it was most 
 advisable to send Clearchus the son of Ramphias 
 who was public host of the Byzantines, to 
 Chalcedon and Byzantium." This being ap- 
 proved, and fifteen ships, though transports 
 rather than ships of war, being manned out by 
 the Megarians and the rest of the Confederates. 
 Clearchus departed. Three indeed of these his 
 ships are destroyed in the Hellespont by nine 
 
360 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 ships of the Athenians, stationed there to awe 
 the enemy's navigation : the rest of them fled 
 to Sestus: and from thence got safe to By- 
 zantium. 
 
 And now the year ended, in which the 
 Carthaginians commanded by Hannibal, having 
 invaded Sicily with an army of a hundred thou- 
 sand men, take in three months' time two 
 Grecian cities, Selinus and Himera. 
 
 II. The year after (when the ninety-third 
 Olympiad was solemnized, in which Evagoras 
 the Elean conquered in the chariot-race, and 
 Eubotas the Cyrenian in the foot-race, Euarchip- 
 pides presiding in the college of Ephori at Sparta, 
 and Euctemon being Archon at Athens) the 
 Athenians fortified Thoricus. Now Thrasylus 
 taking the command of the ships decreed him, 
 and having provided five thousand seamen with 
 proper arms to act as targeteers, in the begin- 
 ning of summer sailed out to Samos. Having 
 staid there three days, he stood over to Pygela, 
 where he laid the adjacent country waste, and 
 made an assault on the city. But a body of 
 troops, marching out of Miletus to aid the 
 Pygeleans, put to flight the light-armed Athe- 
 nians who were dispersed about the country. 
 Yet the targeteers and two companies of 
 Heavy-armed, coming up to the relief of the 
 light-armed, put almost the whole body from 
 Miletus to the sword. They also took about 
 two hundred shields, and erected a trophy. 
 Next day they sailed to Notium; and, after 
 making all needful preparations, marched from 
 thence to Colophon. The Colophonians readi- 
 ly came over to them. The night after they 
 made an incursion into Lydia as the harvest 
 was ripe, where they burnt many villages, and 
 took a vast booty in money and slaves and 
 other articles. But Stages the Persian, who 
 was now in this province, when the Athenians 
 were straggled from their camp to pick up pri- 
 vate plunder, fell in amongst them with a party 
 of horse. He took but one Athenian prisoner, 
 though he killed seven. After this, Thrasylus 
 led off his army to the sea-coast, as resolved to 
 sail to Ephesus. But Tissaphernes, perceiv- 
 ing his intent, collected together a numerous 
 army, and sent his horsemen round the country 
 to summon every body into Ephesus to the aid 
 of Diana. It was the seventeenth day after his 
 incursion into Lydia that Thrasylus arrived be- 
 fore Ephesus. He disembarked his heavy- 
 armed at Coressus ; but his horse and targe- 
 teers and land soldiers, and all the rest of his 
 
 force, at the marsh on the other side of the 
 city ; and thus at break of day he approached 
 with two different bodies. The whole force of 
 Ephesus marched out in its defence ; the con- 
 federates too, whom Tissaphernes had brought 
 up ; the Syracusans also, as well from the 
 former ships as from the five others, which 
 happened to be just arrived, under the command 
 of Eucles the son of Hippo, and Heraclides the 
 son of Aristogenes, and were accompanied by 
 two ships from Selinus. All these advanced 
 first against the heavy-armed from Coressus; 
 and, after giving them an utter defeat, taking 
 about a hundred of them prisoners, and pursu- 
 ing them down to the sea, they turned to meet 
 the body from the marsh. Here also the 
 Athenians were put to flight, and about three 
 hundred of them were slain. The Ephesians 
 erected a trophy on the marsh, and another at 
 Coressus. But on many of the Syracusans 
 and Selinuntians, who had distinguished their 
 bravery on the late occasions, they conferred 
 the highest marks both of public and private 
 gratitude; a liberty of residing among them 
 at pleasure, with exemption from taxes, was 
 granted to them all in general; and to the 
 Selinuntians in particular, since their own city 
 was destroyed, a complete naturalization. The 
 Athenians, after fetching off their dead under 
 truce, sailed away to Notium ; and from thence, 
 after interring their dead, they sailed for Lesbos 
 and the Hellespont. But, as they were lying 
 at anchor at Methymne of Lesbos, they had a 
 view of five-and-twenty sail of Syracusans on 
 their course from Ephesus. They immediate- 
 ly gave chase, and took four of them with all 
 their crews, and pursued the rest into Ephesus. 
 All the prisoners taken on this occasion 
 Thrasylus sent away to Athens, except Alci- 
 biades an Athenian, a cousin of and involved 
 in the same sentence of exile with Alcibiades, 
 whom he stoned to death. From thence he 
 made the best of his way to Sestus to join the 
 rest of the fleet. 
 
 From Sestus the whole united force crossed 
 over to Lampsacus. And the winter now 
 came on, in which the Syracusan prisoners con- 
 fined in the quarries of the Pirseus, having dug 
 themselves a passage through the rock, made 
 their escape by night to Decelea, and some 
 of them to Megara. But at Lampsacus, where 
 Alcibiades was bringing the whole force into 
 regular order, the former soldiers refused to 
 rank with those who came with Thrasylus, be- 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 361 
 
 I/ 
 
 cause themselves had continued hitherto with- 
 out a defeat, whereas the latter came to them 
 defeated. Here however they all of them win- 
 tered, and fortified Lampsacus. They also 
 made an expedition against Abydus ; and Phar- 
 nahazus came to its aid with a numerous body 
 of horse : but, being defeated in battle, he fled. 
 Alcibiades, accompanied with some horse and 
 a hundred and twenty heavy-armed belonging to 
 Menander, went in pursuit of him till the dark- 
 ness of the night insured his safety. But this 
 action reconciled the whole soldiery to one an- 
 other, and those that came with Thrasylus 
 were heartily caressed. In the progress of the 
 winter they made some other incursions on the 
 continent of Asia, and laid waste the dominions 
 of the king. 
 
 About the same time, the Lacedaemonians, 
 by granting a truce, fetched off such of their 
 Helots as had deserted from Malea to Cory- 
 phasium. 
 
 About the same time also, when all parties 
 were drawn up in order of battle, against their 
 enemies the Oeteans, the Achseans betrayed all 
 those who belonged to the new colony of Hera- 
 clea in Trachinia, so that seven hundred of them, 
 with Labotas the Lacedaemonian commandant, 
 were put to the sword. 
 
 And thus the year ended, in which the 
 Medes, who had revolted from Darius king of 
 Persia, returned to their obedience. 
 
 III. In the succeeding summer the temple 
 of Minerva in Phocea was set on fire by light- 
 ning, and entirely consumed. 
 
 But when the winter was over (Pantacles 
 presiding amongst the Ephori, and Antigenes 
 being Archon, 1 five and twenty years of the war 
 being now completed) the Athenians with their 
 collected force sailed in the beginning of spring 
 to Proconnesus : and, proceeding from thence 
 against Chalcedon and Byzantium, they en- 
 camped themselves near to Chalcedon. But the 
 Chalcedonians, who had notice of the approach 
 of the Athenians, had deposited all their effects 
 with their near neighbours the Bithynian-Thra- 
 cians. Alcibiades, taking with him a few 
 of the heavy-armed and the horse, and having or- 
 dered the ships to coast it, marched up to the 
 Bithynians, and demanded the effects belonging 
 to the Chalcedonians ; in case of a refusal, he 
 declared, he would make war upon them ; upon 
 which they delivered them up. And now 
 
 returning to the camp, possessed of his booty 
 and secure of no future disturbance from the 
 Bithynians, he employed the whole of his 
 troops in throwing up a work of circumvallation 
 round Chalcedon from sea to sea, and secured 
 as much of the river as he possibly could by a 
 wooden rampart. Upon this, Hippocrates the 
 Lacedaemonian commandant led his troops out 
 of the city, as determined to engage. The 
 Athenians formed immediately for battle. 
 And Pharnabazus with his army and a numer- 
 ous cavalry came'up to the outside of the works 
 of circumvallation to be ready with his aid. 
 Hippocrates therefore and Thrasylus, each with 
 their heavy-armed, had a long engagement, till 
 Alcibiades marched in with some more heavy- 
 armed and the horse. Now Hippocrates was 
 slain, and his troops fled back into the city. 
 And at the same time Pharnabazus, who was 
 prevented from joining Hippocrates by the 
 narrowness of the passage between the river 
 and the wall of circumvallation, retreated to his 
 camp at the temple of Hercules in the district of 
 Chalcedon. After this, Alcibiades went off to 
 Hellespont and the Chersonesus to fetch in con- 
 tributions ; but the rest of the generals made an 
 agreement with Pharnabazus in relation to Chal- 
 cedon, that " Pharnabazus should pay down 
 twenty talents, to the Athenians 2 and should 
 convey an Athenian embassy to the king." They 
 swore to Pharnabazus and took an oath from him, 
 that " the Chalcedonians should punctually pay 
 their former tribute to the Athenians with the 
 full arrears, and the Athenians should suspend 
 all hostilities against the Chalcedonians, till 
 their ambassadors were again returned from the 
 king. Alcibiades was not present when these 
 conditions were sworn, for he was then before 
 Selymbria. But taking that place, he went 
 afterwards against Byzantium, having under 
 him the whole military force of the Chersonesus, 
 and the soldiers from Thrace, and more than 
 three hundred horse. Pharnabazus, insisting 
 that Alcibiades also should swear to the arti- 
 cles, waited at Chalcedon till he returned from 
 Byzantium. But, when returned, he would 
 not swear, unless Pharnabazus would swear 
 again to him. In consequence of this, he gave 
 his oath at Chrysopolis to Metrobates and 
 Arnapes, whom Pharnabazus sent thither to 
 receive it ; and Pharnabazus swore again ac 
 Chalcedon to Euryptolemus and Diotimu:*; 
 
 Marginal reading, Paris Ed. 1625. Leunclav. 
 31 
 
 a 3875J. 
 
 2V 
 
362 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 and beside the public oath, they mutually ex- 
 changed the solemn pledges of private regard 
 and friendship. Pharnabazus therefore imme- 
 diately departed, and ordered that the ambas- 
 sadors who were to go to the king should meet 
 him at Cyzicus. Those sent by the Athe- 
 nians were Dorotheus, Philodices, Theogenes, 
 Euryptolemus, Mantitheus ; they were accom- 
 panied by Cleostratus and Pyrrholochus from 
 Argos. An embassy also went from Lacedae- 
 mon, Pasippidas and his colleagues, and were 
 accompanied by Hermocrates, now an exile from 
 Syracuse, and his brother Proxenus. And 
 Pharnabazus began conducting them to the 
 king. 
 
 The Athenians were busy in the siege of 
 Byzantium. They had raised a circumvalla- 
 tion round it, and carried their skirmishes and 
 attacks quite up to the wall. Clearchus was 
 the Lacedoemonian commandant in Byzantium. 
 He had with him some persons of the neigh- 
 bourhood of Sparta, a few of the Spartans 
 newly enfranchised, some Megareans com- 
 manded by Helixus, general from Megara, and 
 Boeotians commanded by their general, Csera- 
 tadas. But the Athenians, when they were 
 not able to prevail by force, persuaded some of 
 the Byzantines to betray the city. Clearchus 
 the commandant, never suspecting that any of 
 them could be guilty of such treachery, had 
 made the best dispositions that occurred to his 
 own judgment : and leaving the care of the 
 place to Cseratadas and Helixus, crossed over 
 the sea to Pharnabazus. He went to receive 
 from him the pay for his troops; and he de- 
 signed to collect together all the ships, both 
 such as were left in the Hellespont for guard- 
 ships by Pasippidas, and such as were stationed 
 at Antandrus, and those under the command 
 of Hegesandridas, who 1 had been posted by 
 Mindarus on the coast of Thrace ; to procure 
 farther the building of more : and to draw them 
 all into one grand fleet, in order to annoy the 
 confederates of the Athenians, and oblige them 
 to quit the siege of Byzantium. So soon as 
 Clearchus was sailed, the Byzantines joined in 
 the plot to betray the city These were Cydon, 
 and Aristo, and Anaxicrates, and Lycurgus, 
 and Anaxilaus; the latter of whom, when tried 
 for his life at Lacedaemon for betraying this 
 place, pleaded successfully in his own defence, 
 that " so far from betraying, he had only pre- 
 
 .TT.xr>!;, the marginal reading, Ed. Par. 1625. 
 
 served it. He who was a Byzantine and not a La- 
 cedaemonian, saw their children and their wives 
 perishing with famine" (for Clearchus had distri- 
 buted all the provisions in the town to the 
 soldiers of the Lacedaemonians.) " For this 
 reason therefore, he declared he had given 
 admission to the enemy, and not for the sake 
 of money, or to gratify any rancour against the 
 Lacedaemonians." The Byzantines therefore 
 in the plot, when they had made all necessary 
 preparations, opened in the night the Thracian 
 gates, as they are called, and let in the troops 
 and Alcibiades. Helixus and Caeratadas, who 
 were quite ignorant of the plot, hastened with 
 all their men to the market-place to make head 
 against them. But, as the enemy were masters 
 of the avenues, and resistance was unavailing, 
 they surrendered themselves, and were sent 
 prisoners to Athens. Yet, as they were land- 
 ing in the Piraeus, Caeratadas slipped into the 
 crowd of people there ; and lurking for a time, 
 at length escaped safe to Decelea. * 
 
 IV. The account of what had been lately 
 done at Byzantium reached Pharnabazus and 
 the ambassadors at Gordium in Phrygia, where 
 they spent the winter. But as they were con- 
 tinuing their journey to the king early in the 
 spring, they were met by the Lacedaemonian 
 ambassadors, Boeotius and his colleagues, and 
 by other envoys who were on their return. By 
 these they were assured, that the Lacedaemo- 
 nians had been gratified by the king in all their 
 demands, and that Cyrus was appointed gover- 
 nor of all the maritime provinces, and was to 
 co-operate with the Lacedaemonians in the 
 war ; he also carried with him a letter to all 
 the people of those provinces, sealed with the 
 royal signet, and in these words " I send down 
 Cyrus to be Caranus of all the troops assembled 
 at Castolus." The word Caranus signifies 
 commander-in-chief. When the Athenian 
 ambassadors heard all this, and afterwards saw 
 Cyrus himself, they were desirous more than 
 ever to go up to the king ; if that was denied 
 them, to have a safe conduct back. But Cyrus, 
 who would fain have the people of Athens 
 kept in ignorance of what had beenMone, ad- 
 vised Pharnabazus, either to deliver up these 
 ambassadors to him, or by no means to give 
 them their dismission. Pharnabazus therefore 
 for the present, detained the ambassadors ; one 
 while pretending, that he would conduct them 
 forwards to the king ; another while that he 
 would convey them back : managing so well 
 

 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 363 
 
 that no one could blame him. But when three j justly ; since he had been merely circumvented 
 
 'years were thus elapsed, he begged leave from 
 Cyrus to dismiss them : alleging the oath he 
 had sworn, to re-conduct them to the sea, since 
 he could not carry them to the king. Upon 
 this they are sent to Ariobarzanes, with an or- 
 der to him to carry them back. He conducted 
 them to Chium in Mysia, and from thence 
 they went by sea, to the other station of the 
 Athenians. 
 
 Alcibiades, who now had a great desire with 
 a military force to return to Athens, set sail 
 immediately for Samos. Taking twenty ships 
 from that station, he stood over into the Cera- 
 mic bay of Caria; and, after collecting there 
 a hundred talents, 2 he returned to Samos. 
 Thrasybulus with thirty ships was gone to 
 Thrace, where he reduced the other cities that 
 had revolted to the Lacedaemonians and Tha- 
 sus too, miserably distressed by war, by sedi- 
 tions, and by famine ; and Thrasylus with an- 
 other part of the fleet was sailed for Athens. 
 Yet before his arrival the Athenians had chosen 
 for generals, Alcibiades though yet in exile, 
 and Thrasybulus who was absent, and, thirdly 
 Conon who was now at Athens. But Alci- 
 biades, taking the money from Samos, sailed 
 with twenty ships to Paros. From thence he 
 stood over to Gytheum, to discover in what 
 progress the thirty vessels were that he heard 
 the Lacedaemonians were fitting out there, and 
 what was the disposition of the Athenians in 
 regard to his returning home. And so soon as 
 he perceived they were in the right disposition, 
 nay, had even chosen him general, and his 
 friends privately invited him to make his ap- 
 pearance, he sailed into the Piraeus the very 
 day that the city was celebrating the Plynteria, 
 when the image of Minerva's temple was cov- 
 ered with a veil ; which some interpreted to be 
 a very bad omen both to himself and the state, 
 because on this day no Athenian whatever dares 
 to intermeddle in any serious affair. But on 
 his entering the harbour, the whole people, both 
 from the Piraeus and the city, came flocking 
 down to his ships, all full of wonder, and full 
 of desire too to see Alcibiades. Some of them 
 were maintaining, " he was the most excellent 
 citizen that Athens ever bred: the only one 
 who beyond all dispute had been banished un- 
 
 The learned Usher in his Annals doubts, and with 
 reason, whether it should not be months, 
 a 19,375/. 
 
 by the cabals of men of much less weight than 
 himself, of snarling malicious haranguers, who 
 had no other principle than that of plundering 
 the state. He on the contrary, had always 
 been promoting the public welfare, so far as 
 his own and the efforts of true patriots could 
 promote it. And when the accusation was 
 preferred against him for irreligious behaviour 
 in regard to the mysteries, he had declared 
 his readiness to submit to an immediate trial ; 
 whereas his enemies, who had overruled so 
 equitable a demand, had during his absence de- 
 prived him of his country. In the meantime, 
 his very necessities had reduced him to a state 
 of servility ; he had been forced to caress even 
 the bitterest of foes, and not a day past but his 
 life was in danger. He could henceforth per- 
 form no services to such of his fellow-citizens 
 as were most endeared to him, none to his re- 
 lations, none even to the state, though he saw 
 how sadly it was conducted, since he was 
 cramped by the restrictions of his exile. Such 
 a man, they affirmed, could not be suspected of 
 designing innovations in the state or a revolu- 
 tion of government. He could ever have ob- 
 tained, from the favour of the people, preceden 
 cy over those of his own age, and equality with 
 his seniors. Nay, his very enemies knew him, 
 even when they banished him, to be the same 
 true patriot he had always been : and yet they, 
 by forcing themselves into power, had destroyed 
 the best citizens of Athens ; and then, being 
 left alone in the administration of affairs, had 
 been countenanced by their fellow-citizens for 
 no other reason than because they had no bet- 
 ter men to countenance." In the meantime 
 others were averring, that " he was the sole 
 author of all the miseries they had lately ex- 
 perienced ; and was still the man, that would 
 precipitate his country into all the distresses 
 by which at present it was threatened." 
 
 Alcibiades was now at the shore. He did 
 not however quit his ship, since he was afraid 
 of his enemies ; but standing upon the deck, he 
 cast his view around to see whether his friends 
 were at hand ; and spying at length his cousin 
 Euryptolemus the son of Peisinax and his 
 other relations accompanied by their friends, he 
 then stepped ashore, and marcheth along with 
 them up into the city, having parties placed 
 near him ready to guard him against any vio- 
 lence. He then spoke in his own justification 
 both in the senate and the assembly of the peo- 
 
364 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 LBOOK i. 
 
 pie, maintaining he had never been guilty of 
 impiety, but had himself been sadly injured." 
 Much was said to this purpose, and nobody 
 presumed to say a word against him, because 
 the people would never have suffered it. Be- 
 ing afterwards declared a general-plenipoten- 
 tiary, as if he was able to raise the state to its 
 former power, he first of all placed himself at 
 the head of the whole military strength of 
 Athens, to guard by land the procession of the 
 mysteries, which during the war had gone by 
 sea. After this, he picked out a levy from the 
 public roll, fifteen hundred heavy-armed, a hun- 
 dred and fifty horsemen, and a hundred ships. 
 And in the third month after his return to 
 Athens, he set sail on an expedition against 
 Andros, which had revolted from the Atheni- 
 ans. Aristocrates and Adimantus the son of 
 Leucorophidas, who were chosen to command 
 the land-forces, were sent along with him. 
 
 Alcibiades, landed his troops at Gaurium on 
 the coast of Andros, who repulsed the Andri- 
 ans that sallied out to stop them, and shjit 
 them up within the city. Some few of them, 
 though not many, and what Lacedaemonians 
 were with them, they killed in the engagement. 
 Alcibiades upon this erected a trophy; and, 
 after continuing there a few days, sailed away 
 to Samos ; and having fixed his station there, 
 carried on the war against the enemy. 
 
 V. It was no long time before these last 
 transactions, that the Lacedaemonians, as the 
 time of the command of Cratesippidas was 
 elapsed, had sent away Lysander to command 
 the fleet. Lysander, after arriving at Rhodes, 
 and taking upon him the command, stood away 
 to Cos and Miletus. He proceeded from 
 thence to Ephesus at the head of seventy sail, 
 where he continued till he was sure that Cyrus 
 was arrived at Sardis. But so soon as Cyrus 
 was there, he went up to him along with the 
 embassy from Lacedsemon. Here they made 
 remonstrances against the past behaviour of 
 Tissaphernes, and begged of Cyrus that with 
 his utmost alacrity he would attend to the war. 
 Cyrus answered, his father had expressly en- 
 joined him to do so ; and for his own part, it 
 was a point he had entirely at heart : he had 
 brought down with him five hundred talents 1 
 in specie; and, if that was insufficient, he would 
 spend his own private money, which his father 
 had given him ; and, if that should fail, he would 
 
 96,875*. 
 
 turn into coin the very throne on which he was 
 sitting," which was all silver and gold. This 
 they received with high applause ; but begged 
 him to raise the pay of their seamen to an 
 Attic drachma ;" 2 insisting upon it, that " if 
 the pay was thus advanced, the seamen of the 
 Athenians would desert their ships, and him- 
 self on the whole would be a considerable 
 saver." He replied, that " they talked in a ra- 
 tional manner ; but, for his own part, it was 
 not in his power to act otherwise than his 
 father had enjoined him : besides it was ex- 
 pressly stipulated by treaty, that he was to pay 
 only thirteen minae 3 a month to each ship, the 
 number employed to be wholly at the option of 
 the Lacedaemonians." Lysander said no more 
 at present: but after supper, when Cyrus 
 drank to him, and desired to know in what 
 instance he could oblige him most 1" he re- 
 plied, " if you give each seaman an obole a-day 
 over and above their present pay." From this 
 time their pay was advanced from three to 
 four oboles a-day. 4 Cyrus also paid off the 
 arrears, and advanced a month's pay before 
 hand, which gave fresh alacrity and spirit to all 
 the men. But the Athenians, when they had 
 news of this, were sadly dejected ; however, 
 they despatched ambassadors to Cyrus under 
 the safe conduct of Tissaphernes. He indeed 
 refused to grant them audience, though Tissa- 
 phernes earnestly entreated for them, repre- 
 senting that " all he had hitherto done was in 
 pure compliance with the advice of Alcibiades, 
 studying only that no party of the Grecians 
 should grow too strong, but that all might be 
 kept in weakness through their own embroil- 
 ments." 
 
 So soon as all the naval points were settled, 
 Lysander laid all the ships to the number of 
 ninety on the ground at Ephesus, and minded 
 no other business than cleaning and refitting 
 them for service. But Alcibiades had receiv- 
 ed intelligence, that Thrasybulus was come from 
 the Hellespont to fortify Phocea. He there- 
 fore crossed over to him, leaving Antiochus 
 his own pilot in the command of the fleet, with 
 an order not to put to sea against the ships of 
 Lysander. And yet Antiochus with his own 
 ship and one more from Notium ventured even 
 to enter the harbour of Ephesus, and to sail 
 under the very heads of the ships of Lysander. 
 Lysander got a few of his vessels immediately 
 
 17s. 
 
 4 See Smith's Thucydides, book V. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 365 
 
 on float, and gave him chase. But as the 
 Athenians came out with a greater number of 
 ships to the aid of Antiochus, he then collected 
 all his own, and bore down upon the enemy. 
 And then the Athenians, getting into the water 
 all their ships at Notium, went out to meet him, 
 
 When Conon was arrived at Samos, and had 
 received the command of the fleet which waa 
 sadly dispirited, instead of the former number 
 of ships which amounted to a hundred, he 
 completely manned out seventy ; and with these 
 putting out to sea, accompanied by the other 
 
 each ship as fast as she could clear. An engage- commanders, he landed at many different places 
 ment immediately ensued ; the enemy fought in j on the enemy's coast, and plundered the coun- 
 the regular line ; the Athenians with their ships ! try. And the year ended, in which the Car- 
 irregularly dispersed, till at length they fled j thaginians, having invaded Sicily with a hun- 
 with the loss of fifteen ships. The greatest dred and twenty ships and a land-force of a 
 
 part of the men escaped, but some of them 
 were taken prisoners. Lysander, after carry- 
 ing off the ships in tow, and erecting a trophy 
 at Notium, sailed back to Ephesus; and the 
 Athenians to Samos. 
 
 But after this Alcibiades, being returned to 
 Samos, stood over with the whole fleet to the 
 harbour of Ephesus, and formed into line of 
 battle before the mouth of the harbour, to defy 
 the enemy. Yet, when Lysander would not 
 come out against him, because inferior in num- 
 oer by many ships, he stood back to Samos. 
 And a little while after the Lacedaemonians 
 take Delphinium and Eion. 
 
 When the news of the late engagement at 
 sea was brought to Athens, the Athenians 
 conceived high indignation against Alcibiades, 
 ascribing the loss of their ships entirely to his 
 negligent and wild behaviour. They nominated 
 ten others to be generals, Conon, Diomedon, 
 Leon, Pericles, Herasinides, Aristocrates, 
 Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasylus, Aris- 
 togenes. Alcibiades therefore, whose credit 
 also was low in the fleet, taking a single vessel, 
 sailed away to the Chersonesus, to a fortress 
 of his own. 
 
 And now Conon, pursuant to the decrees of 
 the state, sailed away from Andros with the 
 twenty ships he had there, in order to take the 
 command at Samos. But to replace Conon 
 at Andros, they Sent away Phanosthenes with 
 four ships from Athens. In his passage he fell 
 in with two ships belonging to Thurium, and 
 took both of them with their crews. The Athe- 
 nians put all these prisoners into close confine- 
 ment, but were moved with compassion for Do- 
 rieus, the commander of them, who in reality was 
 a Rhodian, but had long since been exiled both 
 from Athens and Rhodes, and for fear of the 
 Athenians, who had sentenced both himself 
 and all his kindred to death, had got him- 
 self naturalized amongst the Thurians ; they 
 therefore gave him his liberty without a ransom. 
 31* 
 
 hundred and twenty thousand men, reduced 
 Agrigentum by famine, after being defeated 
 in battle, and bestowing seven months on the 
 siege. 
 
 VI. But in the following year, in which the 
 moon was eclipsed in the evening, and the old 
 temple of Minerva was burnt down at Athens 
 (Pitys presiding among the Ephori, and Cal- 
 lias being Archon at 'Athens,) when the time 
 of Lysander's command and six 1 and twenty 
 years of the war were elapsed, the Lacedaemo- 
 nians sent Callicratidas to command the fleet. 
 When Lysander delivered him the ships, he 
 told Callicratidas, that " master of the sea and 
 conqueror of a naval engagement, he resigned 
 them to him." Upon this the latter advised 
 him " to set sail from Ephesus, and keeping 
 Samos on the left where the Athenian fleet 
 was lying, afterwards to deliver up the ships at 
 Miletus, and then he would own him to be mas- 
 ter of the sea." But Lysander replying that 
 " he ought not to interfere in another person's 
 command," Callicratidas, besides the ships he 
 received from Lysander, manned out fifty more 
 from Chios and Rhodes and other places in the 
 confederacy. And having collected them all 
 together to the number of a hundred and forty, 
 he made the needful preparations for meeting 
 the enemy. But finding that all his measures 
 were seditiously opposed by the friends of Ly- 
 sander, who not only obeyed his orders with an 
 open reluctance, but were clamouring also in 
 all the cities against the most impolitic conduct 
 of the Lacedaemonians, in perpetually changing 
 their admirals, sending out persons not quali- 
 fied for the office, or who had a very slender 
 notion of naval affairs, and knew not how to 
 manage the tempers of mankind ; intimating 
 farther the great danger they run of suffering 
 severely for giving the command to men unex- 
 perienced at sea, and unknown to their friends 
 
 Marginal reading, Paris Ed. 1C25. Leunciav. 
 
366 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 in these parts for these reasons, Callicratidas, 
 having called together the Lacedaemonians now 
 on board the fleet, expressed himself thus : 
 
 I should have been well contented to have 
 staid at Sparta ; nor, if Lysander or any other 
 person hath a mind to be thought a better sea- 
 man than myself, have I any thing to object. 
 But since I am commissioned by the state to 
 command the fleet, I am bound in duty to exe- 
 cute their orders to the utmost of my power. 
 You therefore I adjure, as I would always be- 
 have with honour, and as the state expects us 
 to do our duty (and you know your duty as 
 well as I can tell it you,) to give me your opin- 
 ions without any reserve, whether it be more 
 expedient I should continue here, or return im- 
 mediately to Sparta to report 1 there the posture 
 of your affairs." 
 
 No person presumed to give his opinion 
 otherwise, than that "he ought to obey the 
 state, and execute their orders :" He there- 
 fore made a journey to Cyrus, and demanded 
 pay for the seamen. Cyrus ordered him to 
 wait two days. 2 But Callicratidas, chagrined 
 at this delay, and vexed at frequently attending 
 at his door, could not forbear deploring the la- 
 mentable lot of the Grecians in being obliged 
 to cajole Barbarians for money ; affirming, that 
 " if ever he returned to Sparta, he would exert 
 his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation 
 between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians ;" 
 and then he departed to Miletus. From 
 thence he sent away some ships to Sparta for 
 a supply of money ; and, having called an as- 
 sembly of the Milesians, he addressed them 
 thus: 
 
 It is my indispensible duty, Milesians, to 
 obey the orders of my country. And you I 
 expect to signalize yourselves in a cheerful 
 prosecution of the war, as you live in the very 
 midst of the Barbarians, and have already suf- 
 fered greatly by them. It is therefore incum- 
 bent upon you to set an example to the rest of 
 the confederates, in devising the most expedi- 
 
 i E f out'-r*, marg. read. Paris Edit. 1625. Lcunclav. 
 
 The first time he went, he desired that Cyrus might 
 be informed that " admiral Callicratidas was there, and 
 desired to speak with him." But the person waiting at 
 the door answering, " Cyrus is not at leisure at present, 
 for he is drinking ;" Callicratidas with the greatest sim- 
 plicity re-died " That signifies nothing at all; I can 
 easily stand and wait here till he has finished his 
 draught." Upon which the Barbarians, who thought 
 him quite a rustic, laughing heartily at him, he went 
 way. Plutarch's Life of Lysander. 
 
 tious and most effectual means to hurt the ene- 
 my, till the persons return from Sparta whom 
 I have sent thither to fetch us money. For 
 Lysander, 'at his departure, sent back all the 
 money in his hands to Cyrus, as if it was a use- 
 less article to us : and Cyrus, when I addressed 
 myself to him, was for ever studying excuses 
 to avoid a conference ; and for my part, I could 
 not prevail with myself to dance attendance at 
 his doors. But I pledge my faith to you, that 
 I will make it my study to be grateful to you 
 for all the good services you may do us, during 
 this interval of our waiting for a supply from 
 Sparta. And if it please the gods, we will 
 convince these Barbarians, that without fawn- 
 ing upon them, we are able to chastise our en- 
 emies." 
 
 When Callicratidas had ended, many per- 
 sons rose up, and most remarkably those who 
 were accused of crossing his measures. They 
 were frightened, and therefore told him the 
 means of raising a supply, and promised to con- 
 tribute from their own private purses. When 
 he had thus got money, and had also levied five 
 drachmas for each of his seamen at Chios, he 
 sailed against Methymne in Lesbos, which be- 
 longed to the enemy. But the Methymneans 
 refusing to come over, as the Athenians had a 
 garrison in the place, and the Atticizing party 
 had all the power in their hands, he assaults 
 and takes the city by storm. The soldiers in- 
 stantly made booty of all the money in the 
 place, but Callicratidas gathered all the slaves 
 together in the market-place. The confeder- 
 ates called upon him to put even the citizens of 
 Methymne up to sale : but he answered, that 
 " whilst he was in command, he would exert 
 his utmost endeavours that no Grecian what- 
 ever should be made a slave. The day after 
 he set all the freemen and the 3 Athenian gar- 
 rison at liberty, but the slaves were sold at 
 public sale. He also sent word to Conon, 
 that he would stop him from whoring the 
 sea." 
 
 But early one morning, perceiving Conon 
 out at sea, he immediately gave chase, to inter- 
 cept his passage to Samos, that he might not 
 escape thither. Conon, however, made the 
 best of his way with ships that went at a great 
 rate, because he had picked the best rowers out 
 of many crews to make up a few, and flies to 
 Mitylene of Lesbos, accompanied by two of 
 
 TE, margin, reading, Ed. Par. 1625. Leunclav. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 367 
 
 the ten commanders, Leon and Herasinides. 
 Callicratidas pursuing with a hundred and 
 seventy ships, stood into the harbour along 
 with him. And Conon, now shut up by the 
 enemy who were got quite round him, was 
 obliged to engage in the harbour, and lost 
 thirty ships, but their crews escaped to land, 
 and the forty remaining ships of his fleet he 
 drew ashore under the walls of Mitylene. But 
 Callicratidas, having moored his ships in the 
 harbour, besieged the place. He was entirely 
 master of the road ; and, having sent a sum- 
 mons to the Methymneans to march up with 
 their whole military force, he also fetched over 
 the troops from Chios. Now too he received 
 the money from Cyrus. 
 
 But Conon, now that Mitylene was invested 
 both by land and sea, and all importation of 
 provisions was effectually cut off, and great 
 numbers of people were crowded into the city, 
 and the Athenians sent him no aid, because 
 utterly ignorant of his situation, drew two of 
 his best sailers into the water before it was 
 day, and completely manned them with the best 
 rowers he could pick out from the fleet. He 
 then made the soldiers go down below decks, 
 and stowed the materials of defence. During 
 the whole day they were at work on board : 
 and in the evening, so soon as it was dark, he 
 made them all go again on shore, that the ene- 
 my might gain no suspicion of his design. But 
 on the fifth day, having got a moderate stock 
 of provision on board, exactly at noon, wherU 
 the enemy who blocked him up were drowsy 
 with heat, and some were taking their repose, 
 they expeditiously stood out of the harbour. 
 One of the ships made the best of its way to 
 Hellespont, but the other stretched out to sea. 
 The enemy, who blocked him up, made haste 
 to prevent their escape, each ship as fast as 
 they could clear, by cutting away the cables and 
 anchors, alarming the crews, calling the men 
 on board who had been taking their repasts on 
 shore, and were now flocking down to the 
 ships in a violent hurry. At length, having 
 got on board their vessels, they gave chase to 
 the ship that stretched out to sea, and at sun- 
 set came up with her. And after a struggle 
 making themselves masters of her, they took 
 her in tow, and brought her back with all her 
 crew on board to the naval station. But the 
 ship, that took her course towards the Helles- 
 
 Diomedon, who went to the aid of Conon 
 thus besieged, came to an anchor with twelve 
 ships in the road of Mitylene. But Callicrati- 
 das, having suddenly borne down upon him, 
 seized ten of his ships at once, whilst Diome- 
 don fled away with his own and with another 
 vessel. 
 
 The Athenians, having received advice of 
 all that happened, and of the siege, immediately 
 decreed an aid to consist of a hundred and ten 
 ships, compelling all of an age to bear arms to 
 go on board, as well slaves as freemen. And, 
 having manned out the hundred and ten ships 
 in the space of thirty days, they put to sea : 
 nay, even many of those persons who belonged 
 to the cavalry of the state went on board this 
 fleet. They first touched at Samos, and from 
 thence took ten sail of Samians. They col- 
 lected also above thirty ships more from the 
 rest of the confederates, obliging men of all 
 conditions to go on board. All vessels too 
 they met at sea were embargoed, so that they 
 amounted at last to more than a hundred and 
 fifty sail. Callicratidas, having received intel- 
 ligence that this aid was come to Samos, left 
 fifty ships under the command of Eteonicus to 
 continue the siege : but, putting to sea himself 
 with a hundred and twenty, he took his even- 
 ing-repast at Cape Malea in Lesbos over- 
 against Mitylene. This very evening the 
 Athenians were taking their repast at Argi- 
 nusae, which is over-against the isle of Lesbos. 
 But in the night-time perceiving fires, and 
 some persons bringing him intelligence that 
 " they are the Athenians," he set sail at dead 
 of night, with a design to fall suddenly amongst 
 them. The great quantity of rain that fell in 
 the night, accompanied with thunder, prevent- 
 ed him from going across. But at break of 
 day, when the tempest was ceased, he sailed 
 over to Arginusse, where upon the left the 
 Athenians were dawn out at sea in line of bat- 
 tle in the following disposition : 
 
 Aristocrates with fifteen ships was posted on 
 the left ; next him was Diomedon with fifteen 
 more. Pericles was posted behind Aristo- 
 crates, and Herasinides behind Diomedon. 
 Next to Diomedon were the Samians with ten 
 ships drawn up in line a-head ; a Samian by 
 name Hippeus had the command of the Sami- 
 ans. Next them were ten ships of private 
 captains, these also in the line a-head ; and af- 
 
 W* X. 9 ' 
 
 pont, completed her escape, and carried the ] ter them, three ships of the commanders-in- 
 
 news of the siege to Athens. 
 
 chief and the rest of the confederates. Proto- 
 
368 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 mach'is with fifteen ships commanded the 
 right; next him was Thrasylus with fifteen 
 more. Lysias with an equal number of ships 
 was posted behind Protomachus ; and Aristo- 
 genes behind Thrasylus. They had made this 
 disposition to prevent the enemy from breaking 
 through their line ; for their ships sailed worse 
 than those of the enemy. 
 
 But all the ships of the Lacedaemonians were 
 drawn up in a single line, with a view of being 
 ready, as they were better sailers, to break 
 through and tack about again upon the enemy ; 
 and Callicratidas commanded in their right wing. 
 Yet Hermon the Megarean, who was steers- 
 man to Callicratidas, told him now it was most 
 advisable for him to sheer off in time, since 
 the ships of the Athenians were far superior in 
 number to his own." Callicratidas made him 
 this reply " Sparta will not be worse inhabited 
 when I am dead, but it would be infamous in 
 me to flee." 
 
 And now the fleets engaged in a fight of 
 long continuance. At first, all the ships kept 
 close together, yet afterwards were separately 
 engaged. But so soon as Callicratidas was 
 tumbled into the sea by the shock of his ship 
 when she struck on an enemy, and was never 
 seen any more, and Protomachus with those 
 posted with him on the right had defeated the 
 enemy's left ; then began the flight of the Pe- 
 loponnesians to Chios, though most of them 
 fled to Phocea ; and the Athenians sailed back 
 again to Arginusse. Five and twenty ships of 
 the Athenians were lost in this action with 
 their crews, some few men excepted, who 
 swam ashore. But on the Peloponnesian side 
 nine ships belonging to Lacedsemon were lost, 
 though the whole number of them was but ten, 
 and upwards of sixty more belonging to the 
 rest of the confederates. 
 
 It was now judged expedient by the Athe- 
 nian commanders to order Theramenes and 
 Thrasybalus, who commanded ships, and some 
 other officers, with seven and forty of the ships, 
 to sail round to the wrecks and fetch off the 
 men ; and to proceed with the rest to Mity- 
 lene against the fleet commanded by Eteoni- 
 cus. But in these designs they were prevented 
 by a gale of wind which grew to be a violent 
 tempest. Upon which they erected a trophy, 
 and passed the night at Arginusje. 
 
 In the meantime, a fly-boat had carried 
 Eteonicus the news of the late battle at sea. 
 But he sent the boat out again with an order 
 
 to those on board, to move silently off without 
 saying a syllable to any person whatever, and 
 soon after to return again to the naval station 
 crowned with garlands, and shouting aloud, 
 that Callicratidas had gained a victory at sea," 
 and that the whole Athenian fleet was de- 
 stroyed." .They punctually observed his in- 
 structions. And when they returned again, 
 Eteonicus offered up a sacrifice for the good 
 tidings they brought. He then issued an order 
 to the soldiers to take their evening repast, and 
 to the sutlers quietly to carry all their effects 
 on board, and sail away in the ships with all 
 expedition to Chios, for the wind favoured the 
 passage ; whilst he himself, after setting his 
 camp on fire, drew off the land-army to Me- 
 thymne. And now Conon, having got his 
 ships afloat, as the enemy was gone and the 
 wind considerably abated, went out to sea, and 
 met the Athenians who were under sail from 
 Arginusse. He told them what Eteonicus 
 had done, upon which the Athenians put in- 
 to Mitylene. From thence they proceeded 
 to Chios ; but being unable to do any thing 
 there against the enemy, they stood away for 
 Samos. 
 
 VII. But at Athens the people turned out 
 all the commanders excepting Conon, to whom 
 they assigned for his colleagues Adimantus and 
 Philocles. However, of those who commanded 
 in the late engagement, Protomachus and Aris- 
 togenes returned not to Athens, but six of 
 hem came home, namely Pericles and Diome- 
 don, and Lysias and Aristocrates, and Thrasy- 
 lus and Herasinides. Archedemus, who at 
 this time was the greatest demagogue in Athens, 
 and had the management of all affairs relating 
 to Decelea, laying a fine 1 upon Herasinides, 
 preferred an accusation against him in public 
 court, importing, that he had embezzled some 
 money from Hellespont belonging to the state," 
 and charged him farther with misdemeanors 
 during his command. It was adjudged by the 
 court that Herasinides be committed to pri- 
 son." After this, the commanders made their 
 report in full senate about the late engagement 
 at sea, and the violence of the storm. But 
 Timocrates having moved, that " the rest of 
 the corrlmanders as well as Herasinides should 
 be imprisoned in order to be tried by the peo- 
 ple of Athens," the senate ordered their com- 
 
 I read s 
 Dr. Taylor. 
 
 for fjr/3ouM", on the authority of 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 369 
 
 mitment. In the next place a general assem- 
 bly of the people was holden, in which several 
 persons preferred accusations against the com- 
 manders, though Theramenes distinguished him- 
 self most on this occasion. He affirmed " they 
 ought to be brought to a trial for not fetching 
 off the men from the wrecks." He produced 
 their own letter sent by them to the senate and 
 people as full evidence that "no necessary 
 avocation had prevented their doing it, since 
 they alleged no other excuse but the storm." 
 Each of the commanders was then permitted 
 to make a short apology for himself; the course 
 of law did not yet allow them to make a formal 
 defence. They made a bare recital of facts, 
 that " they had stood out to sea in quest of the 
 enemy : had given an order to proper officers 
 amongst the captains of the ships, nay, to such 
 as had formerly commanded fleets to Thera- 
 menes, and Thrasybulus, and some others of 
 equal rank, to fetch off the men from the 
 wrecks. If any therefore were accountable for 
 nonperf&rmance of this point, it certainly ought 
 to be charged upon them alone who received 
 the order to perform it : and yet (they continu- 
 ed) the accusation preferred against ourselves 
 shall not make us deviate from truth, by assign- 
 ing any other reason for their not having done 
 it than the violence of the storm." They then 
 called upon the pilots and many other persons 
 who were on board the ships to give their evi- 
 dence in confirmation of the truth. By such 
 pleas they mollified the people, many of whom 
 immediately rose up, and offered* to be security 
 for their future appearance. It was resolved, 
 however, " to adjourn the affair to another 
 assembly ;" (for it was now so late in the 
 evening that they could not distinguish the 
 majority of hands) " the senate in the mean- 
 time to draw up a resolution to be reported 
 to the people in what manner they should be 
 tried." 
 
 The Apaturian festival now came on, in 
 which it is the custom for fathers of families 
 and near relations to entertain " one another. 
 Theramenes therefore and his party employed 
 the festival in dressing up a number of persons 
 in mourning garment's, having first shaven them 
 clean to the skin, who were to present them- 
 selves to the assembly of the people for the re- 
 lations of such as had perished on the wrecks. 
 They also prevailed upon Callixenus to accuse 
 the commanders in form before the senate. 
 The general assembly was afterwards holden, 
 
 when the senate reported their resolution by the 
 mouth of Callixenus, and in the very words in 
 which he had moved to have it drawn up : 
 
 " Whereas in the last assembly of the peo- 
 ple, not only the accusers of the commanders, 
 but also the commanders themselves, were 
 heard in their own justification : let the people 
 of Athens proceed to give their votes by tribes. 
 Let two urns be placed for every tribe. In 
 each tribe let the herald proclaim < As many 
 as are of opinion that the commanders have 
 misbehaved in not fetching off from the wrecks 
 the men who had earned them a victory, let 
 such cast their ballots into this urn ; as many 
 as are of the contrary opinion, into that. And 
 if a majority declare them guilty, let them be 
 sentenced to death, let them be delivered over 
 to the public executioners, let their estates be 
 confiscated, reserving a tenth part for the god- 
 dess.'" 
 
 And now a person stood forth in the assem- 
 bly who affirmed, that " he had swam ashore 
 upon a barrel of flour : that the poor wretches 
 who were lost had solemnly conjured him, if 
 he escaped with life, to tell the people of Athens, 
 that their commanders would not save the lives 
 of those very men who had fought with the 
 utmost bravery for their country." A clamour 
 was already begun against Callixenus, for pro- 
 posing a method of procedure that was mani- 
 fectly against due course of law. Euryptole- 
 mus the son of Peisionax, and some other lead- 
 ing men amongst the people, declared them- 
 selves of this opinion. But the multitude 
 roared aloud, that " Athens was undone, if the 
 people were restrained from proceeding at their 
 own discretion." Upon this a motion was 
 made by Lyciscus, that " whoever interrupted 
 the free votes of the assembly of the people, 
 should be involved in the same sentence that 
 was given against the commanders." This 
 motion was approved by a loud tumultuous 
 shout from the multitude, and the others are 
 forced to withdraw their opposition ; but now 
 again, the presidents refusing to put a question 
 which was contrary to law, Callixenus stood up 
 again, and accused them for their refusal. The 
 people demanded aloud, that such of them as 
 refused should be called to account." This 
 terrified the presidents, who immediately 
 declared they were ready to comply, all but 
 Socrates the son of Sophroniscus, who still in- 
 sisted that he would not do an act which was 
 not according to law." But after this Euryp 
 2W 
 
370 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 tolemus rose up, and spoke thus in favour of 
 the commanders : 
 
 I rise up, my fellow-citizens of Athens, 
 partly with a design to blame my near and dear 
 relation Pericles, and my friend Diomedon ; and 
 partly to offer some plea in their behalf; and 
 farther to give you such advice, as in my opinion 
 will best promote the welfare of the Athenian 
 state. I therefore blame my relation and my 
 friend for persuading their colleagues in the 
 command to insert in the letter they were de- 
 sirous to send to the senate and you, that they 
 had issued an order to Theramenes and Thrasy- 
 bulus to repair with forty-seven ships to the 
 wrecks, and fetch off the men, which order 
 was never put in execution. In consequence 
 of this, they are now involved in the guilt of a 
 crime which others separately incurred : and, in 
 requital for all their humanity, are now, by the 
 treachery of those very persons and a party here, 
 brought into imminent danger of their lives. No 
 danger neither, if you will but comply with my 
 advice, and obey the dictates of piety and jus- 
 tice. And by this means you will best be enabled 
 to discover all the truth, and preserve your- 
 selves from a subsequent fit of remorse, when 
 in process of time, convinced that you have 
 enormously offended both against heaven and 
 your own selves. 
 
 < Let me therefore recommend such a con- 
 duct to you, as will guard you from all decep- 
 tion either by myself or by any other person, as 
 will clearly discover the guilty, how far they all 
 and in what degree each person amongst them is 
 guilty, and will enable you to assign the pro- 
 per measure of punishment to each. Indulge 
 them therefore with only one day, if more time 
 must not be granted, to make their defence ; 
 and pay a higher deference to your own than to 
 the judgment of other men. And all of you 
 know, my fellow-citizens of Athens, that the 
 law of Canonus is still in force, which enacts, 
 that < if any person hath aggrieved the people 
 of Athens, he shall be imprisoned and brought 
 to a trial before the people : and, in case he be 
 convicted, shall be put to death and thrown 
 into the pit, his goods and chattels to be for- 
 feited to the state, reserving the tenth part for 
 the goddess.' By this law I exhort you to try 
 the commanders ; and by heaven to begin, if 
 you think proper, with Pericles my own rela- 
 tion. It would be baseness indeed in myself 
 to place a higher valie upon him than upon my 
 country. 
 
 But if you rather choose it, try them by the 
 other law against persons accused of sacrilege 
 and treason, which enacts that < if any man 
 betrays the city or robs the temples, he shall 
 be tried in the courts of judicature ; and, if 
 adjudged to die, shall not be buried in Attica,' 
 his goods and chattels to be forfeited to the 
 state.' 
 
 Make use of either of these laws, my fel- 
 low-citizens. Let a separate day be assigned 
 for the trial of each : that day to be divided 
 into 1 three parts ; in the first of which you 
 ought to assemble and give your ballots whether 
 or no they ought to be put upon their trial ; in 
 the second, the accusation should be opened 
 against them; in the third, they should be 
 heard in their own defence. And if this me- 
 thod be observed, the guilty will receive the 
 severest punishment, and the innocent be saved 
 by you, Athenians, and not be put to death by 
 an iniquitous condemnation. You then, with- 
 out offending heaven, without violating your 
 oaths, will judge them according to law, and 
 will not make war in combination with the 
 Lacedaemonians by putting to death without a 
 trial, in express violation of the laws, the very 
 men who have taken seventy of their ships, and 
 gained a notable victory over them. 
 
 " But of what are you afraid, that you are in 
 such vehement haste to pass a sentence ? Are 
 you afraid of losing your right to put to death 
 or to save whom you please, in case you try 
 men in a regular conformity with and not in 
 open violation of the law 1 Yes ; such was 
 the motive of Callixenus, when he persuaded 
 the senate to subject them all to one summary 
 vote from the people. Yet this way perhaps 
 you may put an innocent man to death ; and 
 then, in a subsequent fit of remorse, you may 
 bitterly reflect what a dreadful and unjustifiable 
 act you have committed ; and more bitterly 
 still, if you iniquitously put to death a number 
 of them. Horrible indeed would the proce- 
 dure be, if you, the very persons that indulged 
 Aristarchus, who formerly overturned the 
 popular government, and afterwards betrayed 
 Oenoe to our enemies the Thebans, with a day 
 of his own appointment to make his defence, 
 and observed every form of law in regard to 
 him, should deny every indulgence and every 
 right to commanders who in all respects have 
 
 i Aofl^ivwv Ttif \,uif*5 rgfav fttfav, Leunclavius. 
 Paris Ed. marg. reading, p. 450, and the Appendix. 
 
UNIVERSITY 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 371 
 
 answered your expectations, and have gained a 
 victory over your enemies ! Forbid it heaven, 
 that Athenians should behave in such a man- 
 ner. Keep your attention fixed on the laws, 
 on laws which are entirely your own, on laws 
 by whose immediate influence you have been 
 so highly exalted ; and, let it never enter your 
 hearts to deviate from them. Bring back your 
 thoughts to the sole consideration of the mat- 
 ters of fact, in which your commanders seem 
 to have incurred your displeasure. 
 
 For, after they had obtained the victory at 
 sea and were returned to their station, it was 
 Diomedon's advice, that the whole fleet should 
 proceed in regular line to fetch off the disabled 
 ships and the crews on board them. Herasin- 
 ides was for repairing immediately with the 
 whole fleet against the enemy at Mitylene. 
 Thrasylus declared for the execution of both 
 these points, by leaving part of the fleet be- 
 hind, and going with the rest against the ene- 
 my. His advice received the general approba- 
 tion. Each commander was to leave three 
 ships of his own division ; the number of the 
 commanders was eight ; besides the ten ships 
 belonging to private captains, and the ten be- 
 longing to the Samians, and the three ships be- 
 longing to the commander-in-chief. All these 
 together are forty-seven, four for the care of 
 every disabled vessel, which were twelve in 
 all. The officers left behind to command 
 them were Thrasybulus and Theramenes, that 
 very Theramenes, who in the last assembly 
 accused these commanders ; and then, with 
 the rest of the fleet, they went out to sea 
 against the enemy. 
 
 In what article therefore hath their con- 
 duct been defective or inglorious ? If the be- 
 haviour hath been faulty in regard to the ene- 
 my, those who went out against the enemy 
 ought by all the rules of justice to be account- 
 able for it. But such only as were assigned 
 to fetch off the men, and yet did not execute 
 the order of their superiors, should be put on 
 their trial for not fetching them off. Thus 
 much indeed I can safely allege in vindication 
 of Thrasybulus and Theramenes too, that the 
 storm prevented them from executing that or- 
 der. The persons who by good fortune were 
 preserved, are evidence that tms is true; in 
 
 which number is one of your own command- 
 ers, who escaped with life from one of the 
 wrecks ; and whom, though then he stood in 
 need of all their assistance, they now will have 
 involved in the same sentence with those who 
 were to bring it, and yet brought it not. 
 
 " Take care, therefore, my fellow-citizens 
 of Athens, that successful as you are, you act 
 not the part of men who are on the brink of 
 despair and ruin ; that, instead of submission 
 to the gods in points that are subject to their 
 will alone, you condemn not men for treachery 
 when they were incapable of acting at all, since 
 the violence of the storm entirely prevented 
 the execution of orders. You would behave 
 much more agreeably to justice if you honour- 
 ed your victorious commanders with crowns, 
 rather than, in compliance with the instigations 
 of wicked men, to punish them with death." 
 
 Euryptolemus, liter this address, proceeded 
 to move, that " the accused should be separate- 
 ly put on their trials according to the law of 
 Canonus." The proposal of the senate was 
 that " one summary vote should be passed up- 
 on them all." Upon holding up of hands, a 
 majority appeared for the motion of Eurypto- 
 lemus. But as Menecles entered a protest 
 against the regularity of it, and of course the 
 question was put again, it was carried for the 
 proposal of the senate. And after this they 
 condemned to death the eight commanders in 
 the sea-fight of Arginusae. Six of them, who 
 were now at Athens, were actually put to 
 death. Yet no long time after the Athe- 
 nians repented of what they had done, and 
 passed a decree, that " the persons who had 
 beguiled the people in this matter should be 
 impeached for the crime, and procure bail till 
 they should be brought to a trial, Callixenus 
 in particular to be one of the number." Four 
 other persons were also impeached, and were 
 kept in safe custody by their own bail. But 
 the sedition breaking out afterwards in the 
 city, in which Cleophon was killed, they all 
 made their escape before they could be brought 
 to a trial. Callixenus, however, who after- 
 wards returned to Athens with those who 
 came up from the Piraeus into the city, was 
 so universally detested, thaj he starved himself 
 to death. 
 
THE 
 
 :1FFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 [373] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK 11. 
 
 Lysander sent out a second time to command. He gains a decisive victory against tne Athenians at <go 
 potamos: and in consequence of it besieges and takes the city of Athens. The end of the Peloponnesian 
 War. History of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, and their overthrow by Thrasybulus. 
 
 [374] 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 soldiers that were at Chios with Ete- 
 onicus subsisted during summer on the fruits 
 of the season, and the money they earned by 
 working in the fields. But when winter came 
 on, and they had no subsistence, and were both 
 naked and barefoot, they ran into cabals, and 
 formed a conspiracy to make seizure of Chios. 
 It was agreed amongst them, that all such as 
 approved of the scheme should carry a reed in 
 their hands, in order to discover to each other a 
 just account of their numbers. Eteonicus, 
 who had gained intelligence of the plot, was 
 highly perplexed in what manner to disconcert 
 it, because of the great number of those who 
 carried reeds. He judged it too hazardous to 
 attack them openly, lest they should run to 
 arms ; and then, seizing the city and turning 
 enemies, might ruin all affairs at Chios in case 
 they prevailed. On the other side he thought 
 it would be dreadful to destroy so many persons 
 who were old confederates, which might open 
 the mouths of the rest of Greece against them, 
 and give the soldiery an aversion to the service. 
 Taking therefore along with him fifteen persons 
 armed with daggers, he walked about the city ; 
 and lighting on a fellow who had a disorder in 
 his eyes, and was just come from the surgeon's, 
 with a reed in his hand, he killed him on the 
 spot. Hereupon a tumult beginning to rise, 
 and some demanding for what reason that man 
 was killed?" Eteonicus orders them to be 
 answered aloud, " because he carried a reed." 
 This answer was no sooner given, than all such 
 as carried reeds threw them instantly away ; 
 every one within hearing was afraid lest he 
 should have been seen with one of then? in his 
 hand. Eteonicus, after this, having assembled 
 
 the Chians, issued out an order to them to ad- 
 vance a proper sum of money, that the seamen 
 might receive their pay, and all kinds of mutiny 
 be prevented. The Chians advanced the money, 
 and then Eteonicus ordered all the men on 
 board. Repairing afterwards on board every 
 vessel in its turn, he encouraged and he advised 
 them much, as if he was entirely ignorant of 
 the late conspiracy, and then distributed a 
 month's pay to each. 
 
 The Chians and the rest of the confederates, 
 assembling afterwards at Ephesus, determined 
 to send ambassadors to Lacedaemon concerning 
 the present state of their affairs, who were to 
 make their report, and then desire, that " Ly- 
 sander might be sent to command the fleet," 
 who had highly recommended himself to the 
 alliance during his former command, and by 
 gaining the sea-fight at Notium. The ambas- 
 sadors were accordingly despatched away, and 
 with them some envoys for Cyrus, who were 
 to second them. But the Lacedaemonians com- 
 plied only so far as to send Lysander to be the 
 lieutenant, for they appointed Aracus to be 
 admiral-in-chief : for their law doth not per- 
 mit the same person to be twice in the chief 
 command. The fleet therefore was resigned 
 to Lysander, when twenty-seven years of the 
 war were now completed. 
 
 In this year Cyrus put to death Autobsesaces 
 and Mitrseus, the sons of a sister of Darius and 
 daughter of Artaxerxes, who was father of Da- 
 rius, because at meeting him they had not drawn 
 their hands within the sleeve, a compliment paid 
 to the king alone. The sleeve reacheth down 
 below the hand, and the person who draws his 
 hand within it is incapable of doing any act at 
 
 375 
 
376 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 all. Hieramenes and his wife represented to 
 Darius, that he could not in justice connive at 
 such outrageous behaviour. Darius therefore, 
 pretending himself much out of order, sends 
 couriers to Cyrus to summon him to court. 
 
 In the following summer (when Archytas 
 presided in the college of ephori, and Alexius 
 was Archon at Athens) Lysander, now arrived 
 at Ephesus, sends for Eteonicus with the ships 
 from Chios, and collected all the rest from their 
 several stations into one grand fleet. He refitted 
 them all for service, and was building others at 
 Antandros. He also made Cyrus a visit, and 
 asked for money. Cyrus told him, that all his 
 father's money, and a great deal more besides had 
 already been expended," reciting particularly, 
 what each admiral in chief had received : how- 
 ever, he gave him a supply. Lysander, thus 
 furnished with money, assigned proper com- 
 manders to the ships, and paid the seamen their 
 arrears. In the meantime the Athenian com- 
 manders were making preparations at Samos to 
 go out to sea with the fleet. 
 
 At this juncture Cyrus sent again for Ly- 
 sander, when the messenger was come to him 
 from his father, with the news, that " he was 
 much out of order and wanted to see him," be- 
 ing now at Thamneria in Media near the Cadu- 
 eians, against whom he had marched because 
 they had revolted. When Lysander was come, 
 he expressly forbade him " to engage the 
 Athenians at sea, unless he had by far the 
 larger number of ships, since both the king and 
 himself were masters of abundance of wealth, 
 and the fleet might be properly enlarged to se- 
 cure the point." He then showed him an ac- 
 count of all the tributes from the cities which 
 were his own appointments, and gave him what 
 money he could spare. And then, having put 
 him in mind " of the great friendship he bore 
 to the Lacedaemonian state, and particularly to 
 Lysander," he set out on a journey to his fa- 
 ther. 
 
 Lysander, when Cyrus had thus intrusted 
 him with all his concerns, and was departed in 
 obedience to the summons to visit his sick fa- 
 ther, after distributing pay to his fleet, sailed 
 into the Ceramic bay of Caria ; where, assaulting 
 a city called Cedrea, that was confederate with 
 the Athenians, he took it the second day by 
 storm, and sold the inhabitants for slaves ; 
 these inhabitants were half-barbarians ; and 
 from thence he sailed away to Rhodes. The 
 Athenians, having stood out from Samos, were 
 
 infesting the coasts belonging to the king ; they 
 even sailed up to Chios and Ephesus, and were 
 prepared for battle. They associated also in 
 the command of the fleet, Menander, Tydeus, 
 and Cephisodotus. Lysander was now coast- 
 ing along Ionia, from Rhodes towards the 
 Hellespont, and the track of vessels out of it, 
 and against the cities that had revolted. The 
 Athenians were also at sea, being bound to 
 Chios ; for Asia was entirely against them. 
 Lysander from Abydus sailed up to Lampsa- 
 cus, which was confederate with the Athenians. 
 The Abydenians and others marched their 
 troops thither by land. They were commanded 
 by Thorax the Lacedaemonian ; and assaulting 
 Lampsacus they take it by storm. The soldiers 
 plundered this city, a rich one, and plentifully 
 stocked with wine and other needful stores : 
 but Lysander dismissed all persons that were 
 free without a ransom. The Athenians, who 
 closely chased him, were now arrived at Eleus 
 in the Chersonese, with a hundred and eighty 
 ships. Here they had no sooner taken their 
 repast, than news is brought them of what had 
 been done at Lampsacus, when immediately 
 they proceed to Sestos : from whence, after 
 victualling with the utmost despatch, they sailed 
 into ^Egos-potamos, over-against Lampsacus. 
 The distance between them across the Helles- 
 pont is about 'fifteen stadia : and here they 
 took their evening repast. Night came on ; 
 but so soon as it was break of day, Lysander 
 made a signal for his men to eat their meal 
 and repair on board their ships. Having 
 now got things in readiness for an engage- 
 ment, and made all fast on board for de- 
 fence, he issued out orders, that no ship should 
 stir out of the line or go out to sea. The 
 Athenians, when the sun was up, appear- 
 ed before the harbour in a line abreast, as ready 
 to engage. But when Lysander would not 
 come out against them, and it grew late in 
 the day, they sailed back again into ^Egos- 
 potamos. 
 
 Lysander now ordered the nimblest vessels 
 to follow the Athenians. They were to take 
 a view in what manner they behaved so soon as 
 they quitted their ships, and then to return and 
 bring him a report. Nor did he suffer any of 
 his own men to quit their vessels before these 
 ships returned. He did the same thing for 
 four days successively ; and the Athenians 
 
 One mile and a half. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 377 
 
 overcame, the same number of days, against 
 him. 
 
 Alcibiades from his own fortress had a view 
 of the Athenians in their present station, on 
 the open beach, near no city, and obliged to go 
 'fifteen stadia from their ships to fetch provi- 
 sions from Sestos ; whilst the enemy lay in a 
 harbour, and were supplied with every thing 
 from the adjacent city. He told them therefore 
 " they had chosen an improper station ;" he ad- 
 vised them to remove to Sestos, to a harbour 
 ' and to a city ; Only station yourselves there," 
 said he, " and you will be able to fight the enemy 
 at your own discretion." But the commanders, 
 and especially Tydeus and Menander, ordered 
 him to be gone since they, and not he, were 
 at present in the command of the fleet. Ac- 
 cordingly he went his way. 2 
 
 But Lysander, on the fifth day the Athen- 
 ians thus came over to offer him battle, ordered 
 those who followed them in their retreat, that, 
 " so soon as they saw them landed again, and 
 straggled about the Chersonese," which they 
 continued to do more and more every succeed- 
 ing day, to buy provisions at a great distance, 
 heartily despising Lysander for not coming out 
 against them, " they should immediately re- 
 turn, and when they were got out half way, 
 should hoist a shield up in the air." They 
 punctually obeyed his orders ; and Lysander im- 
 mediately made the signal for standing out to 
 sea with all expedition. Thorax, also, with the 
 land forces under his command, was taken on 
 board to go along with them. Conon no sooner 
 had a view of the enemy, than he made a sig- 
 nal to the ships to be ready for defence with all 
 their might. But as the seamen were dis- 
 persed about, some ships had but two benches 
 of rowers aboard, some only one, and some none 
 at all. Conon's own ship, with about seven 
 more and the Paralus, had their crews on 
 board, and immediately put out to sea : but 
 all the rest Lysander took close to the shore. 
 They had indeed drawn together most of their 
 men on the land, but they fled away to places 
 of safety. Conon flying with nine ships, as he 
 found all was over with the Athenians, sailed 
 up to Cape Abarnis near Lampsacus, and car- 
 ried from thence the great masts belonging to 
 
 i One mile and a half. 
 
 * This is the last time any mention is made of Alcibi- 
 ades, who soon after, through the instigations of Critias 
 and Lysander, was treacherously put to death by Phar- 
 nabazus. 
 
 32* 
 
 the ships of Lysander. And then with eight 
 ships he sailed away for Cyprus to Evagoras, 
 whilst the Paralus we^; for Athens to notify 
 what had happened. But Lysander brought 
 over the ships, and the prisoners, and every 
 thing else to Lampsacus. And besides others 
 of the commanders, he had got for his prisoners 
 Philocles and Adimantus. But the very day 
 he performed these exploits, he sent away 
 Theopompus the Milesian partizan to Lace- 
 daemon, to notify what had been done, who 
 performed the journey in three days, and pub- 
 lished the victory. 
 
 Lysander afterwards called the confederates 
 together, and desired their advice about the 
 prisoners. On this occasion many bitter 
 charges were exhibited against the Athenians : 
 " what sad trangressors they had formerly 
 been ! what horrid designs they would have 
 put in execution had they obtained the victory, 
 even to cut off the right hands of all the 
 prisoners they should take ! They had throwu 
 overboard and drowned all the men belonging 
 to two ships they had taken, one a Corinthian, 
 and the other an Andrian : and Philocles was 
 the very Athenian commander who had thus 
 destroyed them." Much more was said at this 
 meeting, and a resolution was taken " to put 
 all the Athenians who were prisoners to death 
 except Adimantus," who in the council of war 
 had singly opposed the proposal to cut off hands ; 
 however, he was charged by some persons with 
 betraying the fleet to the enemy. Lysander 
 therefore, having first put the question to Phi- 
 locles, who had thrown the Corinthians and 
 Andrians overboard " What he deserved to 
 suffer, who had set the example of such outra- 
 geous behaviour in Greece 1" put him instant- 
 ly to death. 
 
 II. And so soon as he had settled affairs at 
 Lampsacus, he sailed to Byzantium and Chal- 
 cedon. They gave him a reception, having 
 first sent away under truce the Athenian gar- 
 risons. The persons indeed, who had betrayed 
 Byzantium to Alcibiades, fled away to Pontus 
 and afterwards to Athens, where they were 
 naturalized. 
 
 But Lysander sent home all the garrisons 
 belonging to that 'state, and all Athenians 
 whatever that fell into his hands, to Athens ; 
 thither he permitted them to sail without any 
 molestation, but no where else. He knew, 
 that the greater the numbers that were col- 
 lected together in the city and the Piraeus, the 
 2X i 
 
378 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 sooner they must want the necessaries of life. 
 And now leaving Sthenelaus the Lacedaemo- 
 nian, to be commandant of Byzantium and 
 Chalcedon, he himself returned to Lampsacus 
 and refitted the fleet. 
 
 At Athens, where the Paralus arrived in the 
 night, the calamity was told, and a scream of 
 lamentation ran up from the Piraeus through 
 the long walls into the city, one person repeat- 
 ing the news to another; insomuch that no 
 single soul that night could take any rest, not 
 merely for lamenting those who were lost, but 
 much more for reflecting what themselves in 
 all probability were soon to suffer the like no 
 doubt as themselves had inflicted upon the 
 Melians, when they had reduced by siege that 
 colony of the Lacedaemonians, on the Istians 
 also, and Scioneans, and Toroneans, and ^Egi- 
 netse, and many other people in Greece. The 
 next day they summoned a general assembly, 
 in which " it was resolved to barricade all their 
 harbours excepting one, to repair their walls, 
 to fix proper watches, and prepare the city in 
 all respects for a siege." All hands accordingly 
 were immediately at work. 
 
 Lysander, who now from the Hellespont 
 was come to Lesbos with two hundred sail, 
 took in and re-settled the cities in that island, 
 and especially Mitylene. He also sent away 
 to the towns of Thrace ten ships commanded 
 by Eteonicus, who reduced every thing there 
 into subjection to the Lacedaemonians. But 
 immediately after the fight at ^Egos-potamos 
 all Greece revolted from the Athenians, ex- 
 cepting Samos. At Samos the people, having 
 massacred the ' nobility, held the city for the 
 Athenians. 
 
 In the next place, Lysander sent notice to 
 Agis at Decelea, and to Lacedsemon, that " he 
 is sailing up with two hundred ships." The 
 Lacedaemonians immediately took the field with 
 their own force, as did the rest of the Pelo- 
 ponnesians, except the Argives, upon receiving 
 the order circulated by Pausanias the other 
 king of Lacedaemon. When they were all as- 
 sembled, he marched away at their head, and 
 encamped them under the walls of Athens, in 
 1 the place of exercise called the Academy. But 
 Lysander, when come up to JEgina, collected 
 .together all the ^Eginetae he could possibly 
 find, and replaced them in their city. He did 
 the same to the Melians, and to the other 
 
 people who formerly had been dispossessed. In 
 the next place, having laid Salamis waste, he 
 stationed himself before the Piraeus with a hun 
 dred and fifty ships, and prevented all kind of 
 embarkations from entering that harbour. 
 
 The Athenians, thus besieged both by land 
 and sea, and destitute of ships, of allies, and of 
 provisions, were miserably perplexed how to 
 act. They judged they had nothing to expect 
 but suffering what without provocation them- 
 selves had made others suffer, when they wan- 
 tonly tyrannized over petty states, and for no 
 other reason in the world than because they 
 were confederate with the state of Lacedaemon. 
 From these considerations, after restoring to 
 their full rights and privileges such as were un- 
 der the sentence of infamy, they persevered in 
 holding out ; and, though numbers began to 
 die for want of meat, they would not bear any 
 motion of treating. But when their corn be- 
 gan totally to fail, they sent ambassadors to 
 Agis, offering to become confederates with 
 the Lacedaemonians, reserving to themselves 
 the long walls and the Piraeus," and on these 
 terms would accept an accommodation. Yet 
 Agis ordered them to repair to Lacedaemon, 
 since he himself had no power to treat." When 
 the ambassadors had reported this answer to 
 the Athenians, they ordered them to go to 
 Lacedaemon. But when they were arrived at 
 Sellasia on the frontier of Laconia, and the 
 ephori were informed " they were to offer no 
 other proposals than had been made by Agis," 
 they sent them an order " to return to Athens, 
 and when they heartily desired peace, to come 
 again with more favourable instructions." 
 When therefore the ambassadors returned to 
 Athens, and had reported these things to the 
 state, a universal despondency ensued; "sla- 
 very," they judged, must unavoidably be their 
 portion ; and whilst they were sending another 
 embassy numbers would die of famine." No 
 one durst yet presume to advise the demolition 
 of the walls ; since Archestratus, who had only 
 hinted in the senate that " it would be best for 
 them to make peace on such terms as the Lace- 
 daemonians proposed," had immediately been 
 thrown into prison. But the Lacedaemonians 
 proposed, that each of the long walls should 
 be demolished to the length of 2 ten stadia ;" 
 and a decree had been passed that such a pro- 
 posal should never be debated." 
 
 About a mile. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 379 
 
 In this sad situation, Theramenes offered to 
 the general assembly, that " if they would let 
 him go to Lysander, he could inform them at 
 his return, whether the Lacedaemonians insisted 
 on the demolition of the walls with a view 
 entirely to enslave them, or by way of security 
 only for their future behaviour." He was 
 ordered to go ; and he staid more than three 
 months with Lysander, waiting till a total want 
 of provisions should necessitate the Athenians 
 to agree to any proposal whatever. But on 
 his return in the fourth month, he reported to 
 the general assembly, that Lysander had de- 
 tained him all this time, and now orders him to 
 go to Lacedsemon, since he had no power to 
 settle the points of accommodation, which 
 could only be done by the ephori." Upon 
 this he was chosen with nine others, to go am- 
 bassador-plenipotentiary to Lacedaemon. Ly- 
 sander sent Aristotle, an Athenian, but under 
 sentence of exile, in company with other Lace- 
 daemonians, to the ephori, to assure them that 
 "he had referred Theramenes to them, who 
 alone were empowered to make peace and 
 war." When therefore Theramenes and the 
 other ambassadors were arrived at Sallasia, 
 and were asked " What instructions they 
 had 1" their answer was, " They had full 
 powers to make a peace." Upon this the 
 ephori called them to an audience ; and on 
 their arrival at Sparta they summoned an as- 
 sembly, in which the Corinthians and Thebans 
 t distinguished themselves above all others, 
 though several joined in their sentiments. 
 They averred that " the Athenians ought to 
 have no peace at all, but should be utterly de- 
 stroyed." The Lacedaemonians declared, they 
 would never enslave a Grecian city that had 
 done such positive service to Greece in the 
 most perilous times." Accordingly they granted 
 a peace on condition " they should demolish 
 the long walls and the Piraeus, should deliver 
 up all their ships except twelve, should recall 
 their exiles, should have the same friends and 
 the same foes with the Lacedaemonians, and 
 follow them at command either by land or 
 sea." Theramenes and his colleagues returned 
 to Athens with these conditions of peace. At 
 their entering the city a crowd of people flocked 
 about them, fearing they had been dismissed 
 without any thing done: for their present 
 situation would admit of no delay at all, such 
 numbers were perishing by famine. On the 
 day following, the ambassadors reported the 
 
 terms on which the Lacedaemonians grant a 
 peace. Theramenes was their mouth on this 
 occasion, and assured them " they had no re- 
 source left, but to obey the Lacdsemonians 
 and demolish the walls." Some persons spoke 
 against, but a large majority declaring for it, it 
 was resolved " to accept the peace." 
 
 In pursuance of this, Lysander stood into 
 the Piraeus, and the exiles returned into the 
 city. They demolished the walls with much 
 alacrity, music playing all the time, since they 
 judged this to be tne first day that Greece was 
 free. 
 
 Thus ended the year, in the middle of which 
 Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates, made him- 
 self tyrant of Syracuse, after the Carthaginians 
 had been defeated in battle by the Syracusans, 
 though the former had first made themselves 
 masters of Agrigentum, which the Sicilians 
 too evacuated for want of provision. 
 
 III. [In the year following were celebrated 
 the Olympic games, in which Crocinas the 
 Thessalian gained the prize in the stadium or 
 foot-race, Eudius presiding amongst the ephori 
 at Sparta, and Pythodorus being archon at 
 Athens, whom the Athenians, "because he was 
 appointed during the oligarchy, never name in 
 their list of archons, but style that year the 
 Anarchy.] 
 
 The oligarchy was thus set up : It was de- 
 creed by the peopl, that thirty persons should 
 be chosen to draw up a body of laws for the 
 future government of the state." The persons 
 chosen were these Polyarches, Critias, Me- 
 lobius, Hippolochus, Euclides, Hiero Mnesi- 
 lochus, Chremon, Theramenes, Aresias, Dio- 
 cles, Phaedrias, Chaerelaus, Anetius, Piso, 
 Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onoma- 
 cles, Theognis, JSschines, Theogenes, Cleo- 
 medes, Erasistratus, Phido, Dracontides, 
 Eumathes, Aristotle, Hippomachus, Mnesi- 
 thides. When these things were done, Ly- 
 sander sailed away for Samos: and Agis, 
 marching away the land army from Decelea, 
 disbanded them to their several cities. 
 
 About the same time, and when the sun 
 was eclipsed, Lycophron the Pheraean, who 
 was scheming to be king over all Thessaly, 
 defeated in battle the Larisseans and other 
 people of Thessaly who had made head against 
 him, and slew many of them. At the same 
 time also, Dionisius, tyrant of Syracuse, being 
 defeated in battle by the Carthaginians, lost 
 Gela and Camarina; and a little time after, 
 
380 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 the Leontines who lived at Syracuse revolted 
 from Dionysius and the Syracusans, and with- 
 drew to their own city, upen which the cavalry 
 of Syracuse were immediately sent by Diony- 
 sius to Catana. 
 
 The Samians, invested on all sides by Ly- 
 sander, treated for the first time about a sur- 
 render when he was just proceeding to a general 
 assault. The capitulation was, that all the 
 freemen should depart with only the clothes on 
 their backs, and should deliver up every thing 
 beside ;" accordingly they departed. Lysander, 
 having delivered over the city and all within it 
 to its ancient inhabitants, and appointed ten 
 commanders for the preservation of the place, 
 sent home all the quotas of shipping belonging 
 to the confederates ; and with those belonging 
 to that state he sailed away to Lacedaemon, 
 bringing with him all the ornaments of the 
 ships he had taken from the enemy, and the 
 ships out of the Piraeus, twelve excepted, and 
 the crowns that had been presented personally 
 to himself from the states of Greece, and four 
 hundred and seventy talents 1 of silver, being 
 the surplus of the tributes which Cyrus as- 
 signed him for the war, and whatever else he 
 had got in the course of his command. All 
 these articles he delivered in to the Lacede- 
 monians in the close of this summer, at which 
 time twenty-eight years and a half 2 put an end 
 to this war, during which the ephori of Sparta 
 are reckoned up in the following order : first 
 jflSnesias, in whose time the war began, in the 
 fifteenth year of the truce made for thirty 
 years after the conquest of Eubcea. After 
 him are these Brasidas, Isanor, Sostratidas, 
 Hexarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas, Ono- 
 macles, Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Clino- 
 machus, Hilarchus, Leon, Chseridas, Patesia- 
 das, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Aperatus, *Ono- 
 mantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Hysias, 
 Aracus, Avarchippus, Pantacles, Pityas, Ar- 
 chytas, and Audicus, in whose time Lysander, 
 having finished the war as is above related, 
 returned with the fleet to Sparta. 
 
 The Thirty were put into commission at 
 
 . 10*. 
 
 * That is, if reckoned by the complete years of the 
 ephori at Sparta. But as the war began in the year of 
 ^Enesias, the first year of it ended in the year of Brasi- 
 das. Count Brasidas therefore first, and the duration of 
 the war will appear to be twenty-seven years and a 
 half, since it ends in the year of Eudicus. This per- 
 fectly reconciles Thucydides and Xenophon. 
 
 Athens, so soon as ever the long walls and those 
 of the Piraus were demolished. They were ap- 
 pointed to draw up a body of laws for the 
 future government of the state, and yet were 
 continually delaying to draw up such laws, and 
 make them public : but they then filled up the 
 senate and other offices of state by nominations 
 of their own. In the next place, it was their 
 principal care to apprehend and subject to 
 capital punishment all such as, during the de- 
 mocracy, had subsisted by the trade of infor- 
 mers, and had been a nuisance to honest and 
 good men. Such persons the senate readily 
 condemned to death ; and the whole body of 
 Athenians who were conscious to themselves 
 that they had never been guilty of such prac- 
 tices, were not at all dissatisfied. But when 
 they began to cabal together how to erect 
 themselves into an arbitrary council of state, 
 their first step was to send ^Eschines and 
 Aristotle to Lacedaemon, to persuade Lysan- 
 der to send them a guard, that they might 
 effectually rid themselves of a malignant party 
 in order to settle their future polity ; and they 
 promised to take the expense upon themselves. 
 Lysander was persuaded, and procured a body 
 of guards to be sent them under the command 
 of Callibius. But when they had got this 
 guard, they paid all possible court to Callibius, 
 that his commendation might be given to all 
 their measures. By this sending them parties 
 to execute their orders, they now apprehended 
 whatever persons they pleased, no longer bad 
 men and scoundrels, but such as they imagined 
 would never acquiesce in their violent proceed- 
 ings, would attempt resistance, and had in- 
 fluence enough to raise a large party against 
 them. 
 
 Critias and Theramenes at first had acted 
 with great unanimity and friendship. But 
 when the former, who had been exiled by the 
 people, was impetuous for putting numbers to 
 death, Theramenes began to clash. He main- 
 tained it " to be quite iniquitous to put men to 
 death only because they were honoured by the 
 people, and had never done any harm to the 
 worthy and good. For," he added, even I 
 myself, and you too, Critias, have advised and 
 executed many public measures merely for the 
 sake of obliging the people." But Critias 
 (for he was still well with Theramenes) re- 
 plied It was an inconsistency for men, 
 who had schemed to get the power into 
 their own hands, not to rid themselves of 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 381 
 
 such as were best able to disappoint their 
 scheme. You judge very simply indeed, if, 
 because we are thirty in number, you think 
 we ought to be less vigilant in establishing 
 our power, than a single person would be for 
 his own personal tyranny." Yet, when num- 
 bers had unjustly been put to death, and it 
 was visible, that the Athenians began to form 
 associations, and to be alarmed for their future 
 safety, Theramenes again declared, that un- 
 less they strengthened themselves by taking in 
 a number of able assistants, it was impossible 
 the oligarchy could be of long continuance." 
 Here Critias and the rest of the thirty begin- 
 ning to be alarmed, and not least of all about 
 Theramenes lest the Athenians should put 
 themselves under his protection, draw up a list 
 of three thousand persons, who were to be as- 
 sociated with them in the administration. But 
 Theramenes again declared his sentiments, 
 that it seemed an absurdity to him, for men, 
 who had at first proposed to form a union only 
 of the best men in the community, to draw 
 up a list amounting to three thousand, as if 
 that number necessarily implied that all of them 
 were men of honour and virtue ; as if it was im- 
 possible for any one not in the list to be a man 
 of worth, or any one in it to be a villain. But 
 in short," said he, " I plainly see that you are 
 intent on two schemes utterly inconsistent with 
 one another, a government to be supported by 
 violence, and the agents in it much less consid- 
 erable in point of power than those who are to be 
 governed." In this manner Theramenes talked. 
 
 They now summoned the whole city to a 
 review ; the three thousand to assemble in the 
 forum, but all the rest who were not in the list 
 at a distant place. The former they ordered to 
 arms ; and, whilst the rest were remotely en- 
 gaged, they despatched the guards and such of 
 the citizens as were in combination with them, 
 to seize the arms of all the Athenians except- 
 ing the three thousand. And, having carried 
 them into the citadel, they laid them up safe 
 within the temple. 
 
 These things being done, as if now with se- 
 curity they might act all their pleasure, they 
 put many to death from personal enmity, and 
 many because they were rich. 1 And to enable 
 
 i Critias had been in the earlier part of his life a disci- 
 ple of Socrates, and his bad conduct afterwards occa- 
 sioned several reproaches to be thrown upon this divine 
 philosopher, as if he had given him improper lessons. 
 Xenophon had justified Socrates from these reproaches 
 
 them to pay the Lacedaemonian guards, they 
 also made a decree, that each person of the 
 thirty might apprehend one of the sojourners 
 
 in a neat and most convincing manner. He also relates 
 a severe censure that Socrates passed upon the impurity 
 of his manners; and how, when Critias became one of 
 the thirty tyrants, and had put many worthy men to 
 death, Socrates made in public the following observa- 
 tion: "It would be strange (t?aid he) if a person, who 
 was appointed to take care of a herd of cattle, should 
 lessen their number, and reduce the remainder to a state 
 of weakness, and yet not confess that he was a bad keep- 
 er of cattle: but then it is much stranger that a person, 
 who governing in a community of men, lessens the num- 
 ber of the people under him, and reduces the rest to a 
 state of desolation, can avoid taking shame to himself, 
 and not confess that he is a wretched governor indeed." 
 This (says Xenophon) was carried to the tyrants ; upon 
 which Critias and Charicles sent for Socrates, and show- 
 ing him the law they had made, by which he was for- 
 bidden to teach the art of reasoning, they strictly en- 
 joined him to hold no discourse at all with young men of 
 Athens. Socrates begged leave to propose some ques- 
 tions, that he might be sure of the meaning of this pro- 
 hibition. They told him he might. " I declare myself 
 (he then went on) always ready to obey the laws. But 
 lest I should transgress through ignorance, I would 
 know explicitly from you, whether you forbid me to 
 teach the art of reasoning, because you judge it to con 
 sist in saying what is right, or saying what is wrong 
 For if it consists in saying what is right, you clearly 
 forbid me to say what is right ; if it consists in saying 
 what is wrong, it is certain indeed I ought always to en- 
 deavour to say what is right." Charicles upon this grew 
 angry, and replied : Since you are so ignorant, Socrates, 
 we word the prohibition in such a manner that you can- 
 not mistake ; you are to hold no discourse at all with the 
 young men of Athens. " But still (said he) to prevent mis- 
 takes, and to guard me from the least breach of your com- 
 mands, declare tome, till what age yon deem men young?" 
 Till the age prescribed for their entrance into the senate 
 (said Charicles), till then they are not to be deemed at 
 years of discretion. Hold therefore no discourse at all 
 with persons under thirty years of age. "Suppose I 
 want something of a tradesman who is under thirty, 
 must I not ask him the price of what I want?" Ay, ay, 
 certainly you may, said Charicles. But it is your way, 
 Socrates, to ask questions about points in which you 
 want to inform and not to be informed. You are to ask 
 no such questions as those. "Suppose then a person 
 may ask me, where Charicles lives, or where Critias may 
 be found, am I forbidden to give him any answer ?" Here 
 Critias put in : You are to hold no discourse at all about 
 shoemakers, and carpenters, and braziers ; though I fancy 
 you have already vexed them with fetching them in for 
 comparisons in your daily loquacity. " Why then (said 
 Socrates) I must refrain too from the consequences I draw 
 from such comparisons, and say nothing about justice, 
 and piety, and things that are right and proper?" Ay, 
 by Jove, you must, and from ever mentioning again 
 your keepers of cattle ; if not, you may depend upon it, 
 you shall suffer for it in your own goods and chattels 
 too. From hence it is plain, it had been told them what 
 Socrates had said about a keeper of cattle, which had 
 made them exceeding angry with him. Xenophon'i 
 Memorable Things of Socrates, Book I. 
 
382 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 residing in the city, might put him to death, and 
 appropriate his wealth." They then encour- 
 aged Theramenes to apprehend what sojourner 
 he pleased. But the answer of Theramenes 
 was, To me it appears base indeed, that men, 
 who pique themselves on being the best men in 
 Athens, should give in to such outrages as the 
 vile tribe of informers could not commit. The 
 latter only extorted their money, but deprived 
 not men of their lives. But as for us, if we 
 shall murder persons who have done us no 
 wrong, merely to get their money, will not our 
 behaviour be in every respect more outrageous 
 than theirs 1" ' Judging from hence that Thera- 
 menes would obstruct them in all their designs, 
 they combine against him, and calumniate him 
 privately to every member of the senate apart, as 
 a determined opposer of their new polity. And 
 then, having issued out orders to a party of 
 young men, such as they judged would act 
 most daringly, to repair to the senate-house 
 with daggers under their skirts, they convened 
 the senate. No sooner was Theramenes come 
 in, than Critias rose up, and spoke as follows : 
 If there be a man in this house, who ima- 
 gines that more persons suffer death than the 
 public welfare requireth, let him only reflect, 
 that in all revolutions of government such 
 everywhere is the case. And when revolu- 
 tions end here in an oligarchy, the greatest 
 number of adversaries must necessarily start 
 up, because Athens is the most populous com- 
 munity in Greece, and because for the longest 
 series of time the people here have been pam- 
 pered in liberty. For our parts, gentlemen of 
 the senate, who know what an oppressive yoke 
 the democracy hath ever proved to men of such 
 qualifications as we are and as you are ; who 
 know besides, that the people can never be 
 well affected to the Lacedaemonians, to whom 
 we owe our preservation, whereas the most 
 worthy men amongst us may ever be their 
 hearty friends ; on these considerations, and 
 by advice of the Lacedaemonians, we are now 
 modelling our constitution ; and, whomsoever 
 we perceive to be an enemy to the oligarchy, 
 we rid ourselves of him to the utmost of our 
 power. But then, if any one of our own body 
 gives a dangerous opposition to our own fa- 
 
 i I am for making one sentence of two by a small but 
 necessary correction : viz. 'Hftet; Ss n a,7rt>x.Tevou/uev . . . 
 Xaju'S*'"'/"*', *>? ou. Thia is more in the manner of 
 Xenophon. The future verb aa-oxrjvoujusi/ calls for this 
 alteration. Dr. Taylor. 
 
 vourite scheme, nothing on our principles can 
 be so equitable as to make him suffer for it. 
 And yet we are well assured, that this Thera- 
 menes, who sits here amongst us, is labouring 
 his utmost to destroy both us and you. I speak 
 nothing but the truth. You will be convinced 
 of it yourselves if you only reflect, that nobody 
 is so lavish of his censure on the present mea- 
 sures as this very Theramenes, nobody so 
 ready to oppose when we are willing to put one 
 of the demagogues out of our way. If in- 
 deed his principles had originally been the 
 same, though this would prove him our enemy, 
 it would not justly expose him to the title of 
 villain. But now, this very man, the author 
 of our confidence in and our friendship towards 
 the Lacedaemonians, the author of the late de- 
 molition of the power of the people, and who 
 was most active at exciting us to inflict due 
 punishment on our first set of enemies, now, 
 I say, when you, gentlemen, have shown your- 
 selves to be utter enemies to the people, this 
 very man takes upon him to be displeased with 
 your conduct, in order to secure his own per- 
 sonal safety, and leave us to be punished for all 
 that hath been done. Here, beyond all doubt, 
 we are obliged to take vengeance upon him, 
 not only as an enemy but also as a traitor. 
 And treachery of a truth is a much more hein- 
 ous crime than open enmity, by how much 
 more difficult it is to guard against what is not 
 seen than against what is. Nay, it carries a 
 more implacable enmity with it, since men at 
 open variance with one another become recon- 
 ciled, and renew a mutual confidence ; but with 
 a man, who is a traitor convict, no one ever 
 yet was, and no one can ever again be recon- 
 ciled. But, to give you complete conviction 
 that Theramenes is not merely a changeling, 
 but by nature a traitor, I will remind you of 
 his former behaviour. 
 
 " This man, who in the early part of his days 
 was in the highest credit with the people, as 
 his father Agnoii had been before him, showed 
 himself the most impetuous zealot in shifting 
 the power of the people into the hands of the 
 four hundred, and accordingly became the lead- 
 ing man amongst them. And yet, he no sooner 
 perceived that a sufficient party was formed 
 against the four hundred, than he set himself 
 again at the head of the people against his own 
 accomplices. And this in truth is the reason 
 why he is styled the Buskin. The buskin you 
 know seems to fit both of the feet, and is a 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 383 
 
 buskin for either of them. Bui let me tell you, 
 Theraraenes, a man, who deserves to live at 
 all, ought not to signalize himself by leading 
 his fellow-citizens into dangerous schemes, and 
 when things go wrong to make a sudden turn 
 and desert them. Embarked as it were in the 
 same ship with them, he ought to share their 
 toil, till they meet with more favourable gales. 
 For in case he refuseth this, how shall they 
 ever reach their harbour in safety, when at 
 every adverse blast they must immediately in- 
 vert their course ] 
 
 " It must be owned, that revolutions in po- 
 litical bodies carry death and destruction with 
 them. But you, sir, most dexterous in making 
 your turns, were the cause, that an unusual num- 
 ber was put to death by the people when the 
 oligarchy was demolished, and an unusual num- 
 ber put to death by the few when the de- 
 mocracy was again suspended. And this again 
 is that very Theramenes, who, after the sea- 
 fight on the coast of Lesbos, being ordered by 
 the commanders to fetch off their countrymen 
 from the wrecks, never executed that order, 
 and yet accused those very commanders, and 
 got them to be put to death, though merely to 
 save himself. And what mercy ought ever to 
 be shown to that man, who hath made it the 
 business of hisjife to convince the world of his 
 own selfishness of heart, and of his total disre- 
 gard of his duty and his friends 1 And how 
 cautiously ought we to behave, who are con- 
 scious of his unsteady shifting temper, that he 
 may never be able to turn the tables upon us 1 
 
 'We therefore charge him before you as a 
 dangerous and subtle plotter, as a traitor to us 
 and to you. That we act on just and cogent 
 reasons, you will be convinced from hence. 
 The polity of the Lacedaemonians is allowed 
 by you all to be the finest in the world. Yet 
 if any one of the ephori at Sparta, instead of 
 conforming to the determinations of the body, 
 should asperse their conduct and oppose their 
 measures, can you think he would not be judg- 
 ed worthy of the severest punishment by all 
 the rest of the ephori, and by the whole com- 
 munity 1 You therefore, gentlemen, if you are 
 wise indeed, will have no mercy on him, but 
 will have mercy on yourselves. For if Thera- 
 menes escapes with life, he will give fresh and 
 higher spirits to many who are already your 
 determined foes ; but at once put to death, he 
 will totally confound the hopes of all the fac- 
 tious either within the city or without." 
 
 Critias having spoken thus sat down. And 
 Theramenes rising up made this defence : 
 
 " I shall, gentlemen, first reply to the finishing 
 article of his charge against me. He says, it 
 was I who accused and got the commanders to 
 be put to death ; but I did not begin the prose- 
 cution against them. It was pleaded by them- 
 selves in their own justification, that I was 
 ordered to do it, and did not save the lives of 
 our unhappy countrymen in the sea-fight near 
 Lesbos. I was heard in my own defence ; 
 and, insisting on the impossibility of putting 
 to sea, or fetching off the men because of the 
 storm, was judged by all Athens to have spoken 
 nothing but the truth. And so tUe charge 
 of the commanders against me turned wholly 
 upon themselves : for though by their own 
 confession, it was possible to save them, yet 
 they sailed away with the fleet, and left them 
 all to perish. 
 
 " I am not however surprised, that Critias 
 hath violated the laws of equity. He was not 
 at Arginusae ; he saw no part of the transactions 
 there ; but was at that time in Thessaly, assisting 
 Prometheus to set up a democracy, and arming 1 
 vassals against their lawful superiors. His ex- 
 ploits in Thessaly were fine ones indeed ! and 
 grant heaven we may never see the like iu 
 Athens ! 
 
 " And yet in one point I entirely agree 
 with him, that if any man endeavours to put 
 an end to your administration, and to strengthen 
 the hands of your determined enemies, he 
 ought in all justice to suffer the severest punish- 
 ment. And in my judgment, you yourselves, 
 if you will only fix your recollection on what 
 hath already been done, and what each of us are 
 now doing, will be able most clearly to find out 
 the man, on whom the guilt of such practices 
 ought entirely to be fastened. 
 
 " So long therefore as the points in agitation 
 were only these to establish you, gentlemen, in 
 the possession of the senate house, to appoint 
 proper magistrates for the state, and to rid the 
 community of a notorious set of informers, 
 we all of us proceeded in perfect unanimity. 
 But when Critias and his faction began to appre- 
 hend the worthy and the good, I too began that 
 moment to differ in sentiments with them. I 
 was well convinced, when Leon of Salamis, who 
 was reputed to be, and in reality was, a worthy 
 man, without being guilty of the least misde- 
 
 i Tsuj Jlmo-ses. 
 
384 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 LBOOK ii. 
 
 meaner, was put to death, that all such persons 
 as he would with reason be alarmed for them- 
 selves, and thus alarmed for themselves, must 
 needs turn out enemies to the new administra- 
 tion. I was well assured, when Niceratus the 
 son of Nicias was apprehended, a man of so 
 large a fortune, and who had never dabbled in 
 popular intrigues, nor his father before him, 
 that all such men as Niceratus must needs con- 
 ceive an aversion towards you. And again, when 
 Antipho was put to death by you, Antipho, who 
 during the war fitted out two ships that were 
 excellent sailers at his own expense, I was firm- 
 ly persuaded, that all men, who from pure gen- 
 erosity were desirous to serve their country 
 must entertain suspicions of you. I also op- 
 posed, when they urged the necessity for each 
 person to seize one of the sojourners residing 
 in the city. For it was plain to me, that by 
 putting these men to death, the whole body of 
 sojourners must be made enemies to such an 
 administration. I also declared my opposi- 
 tion to taking away their arms from the body 
 of the citizens, judging that we ought not in 
 this manner to weaken our own community. 
 I knew the Lacedaemonians could never in- 
 tend, when they determined to save us, that 
 we should be reduced so low as never again 
 to be able to do them service. For had this 
 been their scheme, it was once in their power 
 to have left not one single Athenian alive, since 
 famine in a little time would have done it for 
 them. And I never could give my consent to 
 take into pay these foreign guards, when we 
 might have been supported by a competent num- 
 ber of honest Athenians, till by gentle methods 
 we had brought those who were to be governed 
 into quiet submission to us who were to govern. 
 And when I perceived that numbers of men in 
 Athens were actually become enemies to the 
 new administration, and numbers of our coun- 
 trymen were driven into exile, I could never 
 approve that either Thrasybulus or Anytus or 
 Alcibiades should be sent into exile after the 
 rest. For I plainly saw that an accession of 
 strength accrued to our enemies, when able 
 heads were driven oat to command the multi- 
 tude, and numbers showed themselves ready 
 to follow such as were willing to command 
 them. 
 
 " Ought therefore the man who openly remon- 
 strates aloud against such violent measures, to 
 be esteemed an honest manor a traitor ? You 
 are mistaken, Critias. The persons who re- 
 
 strain you from increasing the number of your 
 foes, who persuade you to enlarge to the utmost 
 the number of your friends, can in no light be 
 regarded as agents for your foes. By every 
 rule of judging, that character belongs to others, 
 to such as made plunder of the property of their 
 neighbours, to such as unjustly put the innocent 
 to death. Such men, beyond all contradiction, 
 enlarge the number of our enemies ; such men 
 are traitors not only to their friends but even to 
 their own selves, for the sake of filthy lucre. 
 
 " But if you are not yet convinced that I 
 speak the truth, consider it in another light. 
 What set of measures, whether those which I 
 recommend or those to which Critias and his 
 faction adhere, do you think are most pleas- 
 ing to Thrasybulus and Anytus and the rest of 
 the exiles ? For my own part, I am thoroughly 
 persuaded, that this very moment they are con- 
 fident that all the world is on their side. But 
 were only the best families of Athens well 
 affected to us, they would judge it difficult in- 
 deed to get the least footing anywhere within 
 our borders. 
 
 And now examine attentively with me the 
 remaining part of his charge, that I have been 
 for ever turning about. It was the people of 
 Athens, and they alone, who placed the govern- 
 ment in the hands of the Four-hundred. They 
 were convinced that the Lacedaemonians would 
 trust to any form of government whatever soon- 
 er than the democracy. But, when after all 
 they would not relax in their demands, and a fac- 
 tious parcel of our own commanders, such as Ar- 
 istotle, Melanthius, and Aristarchus, were rais- 
 ing a work at the end of the pier, and with a 
 manifest design to let the enemy in amongst us, 
 and subject the state to' themselves and others ; 
 if I detected and put a stop to their scheme, 
 am I therefore a traitor to my friends'? He 
 styles me indeed the Buskin, as if I endeavour- 
 ed to fit both parties. And how then, good 
 Heaven ! must we style that man, who could 
 never yet ingratiate himself with any party at 
 all ? When the democracy was in being, you, 
 Critias, were judged the bitterest enemy the 
 people ever had ? and, during the aristocracy, 
 you signalized your abhorrence of all good 
 men. But I, good Sir ! have ever been wag- 
 ing war against those who formerly thought a 
 democracy never to be safe, till every slave and 
 every scoundrel, who, to gain a drachma, would 
 have sold the community, should have a share 
 in the government for the price of a drachma ; 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 385 
 
 and have as constantly signalized myself in op- 
 position to those who think an oligarchy can 
 never be safe, till they have enslaved the whole 
 community to a small parcel of tyrants. Athens 
 was then best constituted, when a competent 
 number of citizens were ready to defend her 
 with their horses and their shields. I thought 
 so formerly : and this very moment I think the 
 same. If you have any objections, Critias, tell 
 these gentlemen on what occasion I ever at- 
 tempted, in conjunction either with a factious 
 populace or a small parcel of tyrants, to deprive 
 any good and worthy Athenian of the right 
 and privileges to which he had just pretensions. 
 For in case I am convicted of doing so now, or 
 ever to have done so in the former part of my 
 life, I frankly own that death in its severity 
 ought in all justice to be my doom." 
 
 Here Theramenes ended his defence : and a 
 murmur, intimating their good-will to him, ran 
 round the senate. Critias was convinced by 
 this, that, should he suffer the senate to pro- 
 ceed to a vote, Theramenes would escape him. 
 But, regarding this as worse than death to him- 
 self, after drawing near and conferring a while 
 with the Thirty, he went out, and ordered those 
 who had daggers about them, to go into the 
 house and take their stand at the bar. And 
 then, coming in again, he spoke as follows : 
 
 Gentlemen of the senate, I reckon it the 
 duty of a good magistrate, not to stand by 
 quietly and suffer gross impositions to pass upon 
 his friends : and it shall be my care at present 
 to discharge that duty. For even those gen- 
 tlemen, who now stand round the bar, declare 
 they will never suffer us to let a man escape 
 with impunity, who openly avows himself an 
 enemy to the oligarchy. It is indeed enacted 
 in the new body of laws, that no person in the 
 list of the Three-thousand shall be put to death 
 unless by a vote of the senate, but that the 
 Thirty be empowered to put any to death who 
 are not in that list. I therefore (he went on,) 
 with your entire approbation, strike the name 
 of this Theramenes here out of the list; and 
 we (he added) order him to be put to death." 
 
 Theramenes, hearing this, leaped upon the 
 altar, and cried out : 
 
 I make to you, gentlemen of the senate, 
 the most righteous request that ever can be 
 made, by no means to suffer Critias to strike 
 out my name or any of your names, at pleasure, 
 but to adhere to the law which these very per- 
 sons have enacted concerning those in the list, 
 33 
 
 that both I and yourselves may be judged ac- 
 cording to the law. Of this, by Heaven ! I am 
 well persuaded, that even this altar will avail 
 me nothing. But I would willingly convince 
 you all, that these men are not only most un- 
 just in regard to their fellow-creatures, but 
 most irreligious too towards the gods. And 
 yet I am surprised at you, men as you are of 
 honour and worth, that you will not succour 
 your own selves, though so well aware that my 
 name is not easier to be struck out of the list, 
 than the name of any one amongst you." 
 
 But here the crier belonging to the Thirty 
 ordered the Eleven 1 to go and seize TLera- 
 menes. Accordingly they came in, attended 
 by their own servants, with Satyrus, the most 
 reprobate and audacious fellow alive, at their 
 head. Critias thus addressed himself to them 
 " We deliver over to you that Theramenes yon- 
 der, who by law is condemned to die. Seize 
 him, you whose office it is ; and then, convey 
 him hence to the properplace, and do your duty." 
 So soon as Critias had spoken, Satyrus was pull- 
 ing him from off the altar, the servants too 
 were helping to pull him down. Theramenes, 
 as was likely he should, called aloud upon gods 
 and men to take notice of what was doing. 
 The senate continued quietly in their seats, see- 
 ing the bar surrounded by fellows like Satyrus, 
 and the area before the senate-house quite filled 
 with the foreign guards, not ignorant besides 
 that those within had daggers about them. 
 They hurried Theramenes away across the 
 forum, in very loud lamentations deploring 
 his fate. One thing he said is still talked of, 
 and it is this When Satyrus told him " If 
 he did not hold his tongue, he would make his 
 heart ache," he replied " But will not my 
 heart ache, though I should hold my tongue 1" 
 And at the time of his execution, when he 
 had drank off the poison, they say he dashed 
 the little that was left in the cup upon the 
 groundf and said May the brave Critias 
 pledge me !" I am not ignorant indeed, that 
 such sententious escapes are not worth relating ; 
 but this I think worthy of admiration in the man, 
 that, in the very hour of death, neither his good 
 sense nor his pleasantry forsook him. And in 
 this manner Theramenes died. 2 
 
 IV. The Thirty, as if they were now at li- 
 
 * Public executioners of justice. 
 
 a And soon after Alcibiades was murdered by Pharna- 
 bazus at the request of Lysander, owing entirely to tb 
 instigations of Critias. 
 
 2Y 
 
386 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 berty to tyrannize without restraint, issued 
 out an order to all whose names were not in 
 the list, not to come into the city. They drove 
 them also out of the country, that themselves 
 and their friends might get into possession of 
 their estates. It was to the Piraeus that they 
 went chiefly for refuge : but numbers of them, 
 driven out also from thence, filled both Megara 
 and Thebes with Athenian exiles. 
 
 Immediately after this it was that Thrasy- 
 bulus, setting out from Thebes with about 
 seventy persons in company, possesseth him- 
 self of the strong fort of Phyle. The Thirty 
 marched immediately out of Athens to recover 
 the place, attended by the Three-thousand and 
 the horsemen of the state ; and the weather 
 was very calm and fine. On their approach 
 to Phyle, some of the younger sort, who piqued 
 themselves on their bravery, immediately at- 
 tacked the fort with no manner of success, 
 since they were obliged to retire with plenty of 
 wounds. But, the Thirty having formed a 
 design to throw up a work, in order, by cutting 
 off the conveyance of all necessaries, the more 
 easily to reduce them, there fell in the night an 
 exceeding deep snow. Next morning, having 
 been well drenched by the snow, they marched 
 back to Athens, after losing many of their 
 baggage-men in the retreat by a party that pur- 
 sued them from Phyle. Apprehensive too, 
 that they would plunder the adjacent country, 
 if a guard was not properly posted, they des- 
 patch almost all the Lacedsemonian guards and 
 two troops of horse to the extremity of their 
 frontier, about 1 fifteen stadia from Phyle: 
 these, having encamped themselves on a rough 
 spot of ground, set themselves on the watch. 
 
 But Thrasybulus, as now seven hundred 
 persons were got together at 2 Phyle, put him- 
 self at their head, and marched out by night. 
 Having ordered them to ground their arms 3 at 
 
 i One mile and a half. ^ 
 
 a Marginal reading of the Paris edition. 1625. 
 a This passage, with two others cited below, justifies 
 the English translation ground their arms. I am per 
 suaded it ought always to be so translated, when the 
 Greek phrase $it*svos r* 'CX-K& stands simply and abso- 
 lutely by itself: for T*IV yw or something like it is in 
 this case understood. The addition indeed of another 
 or of more words may vary the meaning. But in these 
 passages the context determines the meaning beyond 
 a doubt. Need it be mentioned, that when soldiers 
 halt or are upon a guard, it easeth them much to 
 ground their arms, the men sometimes standing, some 
 times lying down in their ranks, nay sometimes walking 
 about, yet, if discipline be alive, to no greater distance 
 than to be able, on the moat sudden alarm, to fall again 
 
 the distance of three or four stadia from the 
 guard, he halted for a time. But at the ap- 
 proach of day, and the enemy beginning to get 
 up and straggle on their necessary business 
 from the camp, and the noise being heard 
 which the grooms made in currying their 
 tiorses, at this juncture the party under Thra- 
 sybulus recovered their arms, and came run- 
 ning in amongst them. They made some of 
 them prisoners ; and put all the rest to flight, 
 pursuing them to the distance of six or seven 
 stadia. They slew more than one hundred 
 and twenty of the heavy-armed, and Nicostra- 
 tus (who was called the handsome) of the 
 horsemen: two other horsemen they had 
 seized in their beds. After quitting the pur- 
 suit and erecting a trophy, they packed up all 
 the arms and baggage they had taken from the 
 enemy, and marched back to Phyle. The 
 horsemen who marched out of Athens to suc- 
 cour their brethren, were too late to gain the 
 sight even of a single foe. They continued 
 however in the field, till their relations had 
 carried off the dead, and then withdrew into 
 the city. 
 
 The Thirty, who now apprehended that 
 their power began to totter, bethought them- 
 selves of securing Eleusis, that, when things 
 were at the worst, they might be sure of 
 a place of shelter. Having therefore issued 
 out orders to the Athenian horse to attend, 
 Critias and the rest of the Thirty repair- 
 ed to Eleusis ; where, having ordered out to 
 a review the horsemen of Eleusis, pretending 
 they must know exactly how many they were 
 
 into their ranks, and recover their arms. But to the point 
 in hand: 
 
 Thrasybulus, under favour of the dark, is got undis- 
 covered within three or four stadia of the enemy. The 
 better to direct his attack he waits for daylight ; and in 
 the meantime to ease his men and preserve their vigour 
 for action, Sspevo; r v>?rX(* \j<ru%<ev e%fv but at day- 
 light *vX6owTtf T* WX srpoo-iarijrrov. 
 
 See farther p. 387, where the action is rather more 
 distinct, for the men only ground their shields and not 
 their spears or javelins, TOUJ ^UST'KUTOU Sia-Sat x.iKtv<r$ 
 reef atrx-tSa.;, xi UTOJ Sf^wsvoj, ToeJ' ctXXoe ^OTT\ t%tav- 
 ixigiw. And when the speech is ended, the corresponding 
 phrase soon occurs, avsXaSf or cevt^cefiov r<* W*.*. 
 
 See also book vii. near the end, where Epaminondas is 
 preparing for the battle of Mantinea iSiro r Wxa, 
 'OKTTI ix<r5>j o-rpttTOTTiSiVftivio. This could never be stand- 
 ing to their arms, which could not have imposed upon the 
 enemy. But he ordered the arms to be grounded, as if 
 he was going not to fight but to encamp. The enemy ob- 
 served the action and was deceived, for Epaminondas 
 
 SOOn saw his opportunity TOTI ?| avetA.ee/3tiv z-apttyyii. 
 
 *.*s T* 'osrxce and began the attack. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 387 
 
 and how many more were wanting to garrison I 
 the place, they commanded them all to give in 
 their names ; and each person so soon as his 
 name was taken down, was ordered to go 
 through the wicket to the sea. They had 
 posted their own horse on either side of the 
 wicket upon the beach ; and the servants seized 
 and bound every Eleusinian as he came out of 
 the wicket. And, when all of them were 
 bound in this manner, they ordered Lysimach- 
 us, who commanded the horse, to deliver them 
 into the custody of the Eleven. Next day they 
 assembled in the Odeum the heavy-armed in 
 the list and the rest of the horsemen, where 
 Critias rose up, and addressed them thus : 
 " We, gentlemen, are settling a new form of 
 government for your benefit as much as for our 
 own. You therefore are obliged, as you will 
 share the honours, to take an e^ual share in all 
 the dangers. You must therefore sentence to 
 death the Eleusinians whom we have secured, 
 that both in your hopes and in your fears you 
 may be united with us." Then, having pointed 
 out a certain spot, he ordered them to give 
 their ballots in the presence of all the assem- 
 bly. But the Lacedaemonian guards were this 
 moment drawn up under arms so as to fill half 
 the Odeum. Yet even this behaviour was not 
 displeasing to some citizens of Athens, to such 
 as had no regard for any thing but their own 
 selves. 
 
 The number of those who had gathered to- 
 gether at Phyle was now increased to a thou- 
 sand : and Thrasybulus, putting himself at their 
 head, marcheth by night into the Piraeus. No 
 sooner had the Thirty intelligence of it than 
 in person they sallied out against them with 
 the Lacedaemonian guards, the horsemen, and 
 the heavy-armed. They took their march along 
 the cart-way that goes down to the Piraeus. 
 Those from Phyle for some time attempted to 
 stop their approach. But as so large a com- 
 pass of ground was judged to require a very 
 large number of men to guard it, and themselves 
 were few indeed, they wheeled off by regular 
 bodies into Munychia. Those from the city 
 immediately repaired into the forum of Hip- 
 podameia, where having formed into regular 
 order, they afterwards filled up the way that 
 leads to the temple of Diana in Minuchia and 
 to the Bendideum. They were in depth not 
 less than fifty shields; and, thus drawn up, 
 they were mounting the ascent. But those 
 from Fhyle likewise filled up the road, though 
 
 they were' not more -than ten heavy-armed in 
 depth. The targeteers and light-armed darters 
 were posted behind them, and behind these 
 were the slingers. The latter were numerous 
 indeed, since now they were in a way of con- 
 tinual increase. But during the enemy's ap- 
 proach, Thrasybulus ordered his men to ground 
 their shields : and, having laid down his own, 
 though keeping the rest of his arms, he placed 
 himself in the midst of them, and harangued 
 them thus : 
 
 " I am desirous, my fellow-citizens, to in- 
 form some of you, and put the rest in mind, 
 that of yonder body now approaching to fight us, 
 those posted on the right are the very people 
 whom you beat and pursued but five days ago. 
 But those in the extremity of the left are the 
 Thirty, who have deprived us, though guilty of 
 no offence at all, of our rights and liberties, 
 have driven us from our houses, and by an illegal 
 sentence stripped our dearest friends of all their 
 property. But now we have them fast, where 
 they expected never to have been found, and 
 we have continually been praying to find them. 
 With arms in our power we are now drawn up 
 and face them. All the heavenly powers know 
 we have been seized upon during the hours of 
 repast, and the hours of repose, and our peace- 
 able walks upon the forum : and that some of 
 us, so far from having offended at all, and not 
 even residing in the city, have been doomed to 
 exile ; and all these heavenly powers at present 
 declare themselves on our side. For instance, 
 in the finest weather they raise a storm, when 
 it serves our cause ; and, when we give the as- 
 sault to a more numerous body of our foes, 
 they have enabled us, though but a handful of 
 men, to erect our trophies. And now they 
 have led us to a spot of ground, in which the 
 enemy cannot throw their darts or javelins over 
 the heads of the heavy-armed in their own front, 
 because they are mounting an ascent; whilst 
 ourselves, who are to throw our javelins and 
 darts and stones down-hill, shall reach them at 
 every throw, and shall wound numbers. It 
 was but reasonable to judge we should have 
 been obliged to engage the heavy-armed in 
 their van on level ground ; but now, if you will 
 only throw your weapons in the proper and 
 judicious manner, the way is so crowded with 
 them that every weapon must do execution, 
 and they have no defence left but to be skulk- 
 ing perpetually under their shields. Disabled 
 thus from seeing their assailants, we shall have 
 
388 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 opportunities to strike at. our own discretion, 
 and of driving each fighting man from his rank. 
 
 But you, my fellow-citizens, should act 
 with the full conviction, that each man amongst 
 you must personally earn the victory at pre- 
 sent : for that victory, if heaven awards it us, 
 will instantly restore us our country and our 
 habitations, and our liberty and our honours, 
 and to some amongst us our children and our 
 wives. Happy men indeed will such of us be, 
 as, after the victory, shall see the sweetest day 
 that men can live. And blessed will he be too 
 who dies in the struggle : for all the wealth in 
 the world cannot purchase so noble a monument 
 as will be that man's portion. I myself, at the 
 proper time, shall begin the pcean ; and when 
 we have invoked the god of battle, then with 
 one heart and all our hands united, let us re- 
 venge ourselves on yonder men for all the 
 wrongs they have made us suffer." 
 
 After this harangue, he returned again to his 
 post, and stood quietly facing the enemy ; for 
 the soothsayer had strictly enjoined him, in 
 no wise to begin the attack before one of their 
 own people was either killed or wounded. So 
 soon as ever that happens, we ourselves (said 
 he) shall lead you forwards. The consequence 
 to you will be victory, and death to me, if I 
 prophesy right." He was no false prophet: 
 for, the moment they recovered their arms, he 
 jumped out of the rank, like a man hurried by 
 divine impulse ; and, rushing among the ene- 
 my, dies in a moment, and was buried at the 
 ford of the Cephissus. His friends obtained a 
 victory, and carried their pursuit down into 
 the plain. 
 
 Critias and Hippomachus, of the Thirty, and 
 Charmidas the son of Glauco, one of the ten 
 governors of the Piraeus, and others to the num- 
 ber of seventy, lost their lives in the engagement. 
 The conquerors plundered them of their arms, 
 but stripped off the garment from none of their 
 fellow-citizens. And when all was over, and 
 they had granted a truce for fetching off the 
 dead, they began to approach and confer with 
 one another, till at length Cleocritus, herald of 
 the Mystse, remarkable for the loudness of his 
 voice, proclaimed silence, and spoke as follows : 
 
 " What is the reason, my fellow-citizens, 
 that you drive us from Athens 1 What is the 
 reason you are so intent on destroying us ! On 
 no occasion whatever have we done you any 
 wrong, but have ever shared along with you 
 the most solemn temples, the most pompous 
 
 sacrifices and feasts. We have assisted in the 
 same choruses, we have walked in the same 
 processions, we have served in the same armies, 
 and have partaken the same dangers with you 
 both by sea and land, in defence of the common 
 safety and liberty of us all. I conjure you, 
 therefore, by our parental gods, by the ties of 
 affinity, consanguinity, and friendship, (for in 
 all these respects we are many of us connected 
 together) I conjure you to show some rever 
 ence both to gods and men, by ceasing to sin 
 against your country, and by no longer obeying 
 these execrable tyrants, who for their own pri- 
 vate gain have nearly slain as many citizens of 
 Athens in the space of eight months, as all the 
 Peloponnesians slew in ten years' war. We 
 might have lived together in an orderly and 
 peaceable rranner; but these tyrants oblige us 
 to make war upon one another a war, the 
 basest, the most grievous, most impious, and 
 most abominated by gods and men, that human 
 creatures were ever engaged in. But know, 
 for most true it is, that some of those persons 
 who died by our hands in the late engagement, 
 have cost abundance of tears to ourselves as 
 well as to you." 
 
 In this manner Cleocritus spoke; but the 
 commanders on the other side, and the sooner 
 too for having heard such a speech, marched 
 away their people into the city. 
 
 The day following, the Thirty, solitary and 
 quite dejected, took their seats in council : but 
 the Three-thousand, wheresoever posted, were 
 at variance one with another. So many of 
 them as had committed any acts of violence, 
 and were now alarmed for their own safety, 
 declared in a vehement tone against submission 
 in any shape to those in the Piraus. But as 
 many as were conscious they had done no 
 harm, immediately saw matters in a true light, 
 and were persuading the rest, that " the present 
 evil situation was not in the least conducive 
 to their welfare." They insisted " it was no 
 longer their duty to obey the Thirty, nor suffer 
 them to destroy their country." And at last 
 they passed a decree to put an end to the Thirty 
 and elect others. Accordingly they chose Ten, 
 one out of every tribe. The Thirty went 
 off immediately to Eleusis : but the Ten, as 
 the city was full of confusion and mutual diffi- 
 dence, applied themselves to preserve the peace, 
 with the aid of the generals of the horse. The 
 horsemen, with both horses and shields, passed 
 the night in the Odeum. Distrustful as they 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 389 
 
 were, they patroled from the beginning of 
 night towards the walls with their shields, 
 and when it was near day on horseback 
 being under continual apprehensions, lest 
 body of men from the Piraeus might break in 
 amongst them. The latter, as they were now 
 become exceeding numerous, and a collection 
 of all sorts of persons, were busy in making 
 themselves shields of wood or the twigs of 
 osier, and these were afterwards whitened 
 Yet before ten days were passed, proper se- 
 curity being given that whoever would join 
 them in arms, even though they were not 
 natives of Athens, should be admitted to an 
 equal share of right and privilege," many of 
 the heavy-armed, and many of the light-armed 
 too, went off to the Piraeus. Their horsemen 
 also were now increased to the number of 
 seventy. In the day-time they went out to 
 forage, and having fetched in wood and the 
 fruits of the season, reposed themselves by 
 night in the Piraeus. Not one of the heavy- 
 armed in the city sallied out against them ; but 
 the horse came once to a skirmish with the 
 plundering parties from the Piraeus, and threw 
 the body that covered them into disorder. 
 Another time they fell in with some l persons 
 of the borough of ^Exone, going to their own 
 lands to fetch provisions, and took them pri- 
 soners , and these Lysimachus, one of the 
 generals of horse, immediately butchered, 
 though they begged hard for their lives, and 
 many of the horsemen expressed an abhorrence 
 at putting them to death. And those in the 
 Piraeus retaliated upon them, by butchering in 
 like manner Callistratus of the horse of the 
 Leontine tribe, whom they took prisoner in 
 the country. For now their spirits were raised 
 so high that they even gave an assault to the 
 walls of the city. And here it may be excusa- 
 ble to mention a mechanic of the city, who, 
 becoming well assured that the enemy would 
 place their battering machines in the course 
 that goes out of the Lyceum, ordered all the 
 carts to load with single stones, and throw 
 them down at their own discretion in the 
 course. For when this was performed, the re- 
 moval of each of these stones gave the enemy 
 a deal of trouble. 
 
 Ambassadors were now sent away to Lace- 
 daemon, not only by the Thirty from Eleusis, 
 
 x To>v ta vi^v in the Greek ; but I translate it A.o 
 if according to the reading of Palmerius. 
 33* 
 
 but by those in the list from Athens, who 
 entreated their speedy aid, since the people had 
 revolted from the Lacedaemonians. Lysander, 
 reasoning with himself that " a siege both by 
 land and sea must quickly reduce the enemy in 
 the Piraeus, if they were deprived of all future 
 supplies," exerted himself so effectually, that a 
 hundred talents 2 were advanced by way of loan 
 for this service, and himself was ordered to go 
 and command by land, and his brother Libys 
 by sea. He himself went off immediately to 
 Eleusis, where he collected into a body the 
 heavy-armed from Peloponnesus. Libys in 
 the meantime kept so strict a watch at sea, 
 that not one boat with provisions could get 
 into the Piraeus. By this means those in the 
 Piraeus were soon distressed by famine, whilst 
 those in the city were greatly animated by the 
 coming of Lysander. 
 
 When affairs were in this situation, Pau- 
 sanias, king of Sparta, envious of Lysander, 
 since, if he succeeded now, his glory would be 
 greater than ever, and Athens would become 
 entirely his own, obtained the consent of three 
 of the ephori, and proclaims a foreign expedi- 
 tion. All the confederates put themselves un- 
 der his command, except the Bosotians and Co- 
 rinthians, who alleged that " they could not, 
 in any consistence with their oaths, make war 
 against the Athenians, who had broken no one 
 article of the peace." The true motive of their 
 refusal was their own persuasion, that the La- 
 cedaemonians designed to get possession of all 
 Attica, and to make it a province of their own. 
 Pausanias, however, encamped the army near 
 the Piraeus at Halipedum. He himself com- 
 manded in the right, and Lysander with the 
 mercenary troops had the left. He sent am- 
 sassadors to those in the Piraeus, commanding 
 them to separate and be gone." But as they 
 refused compliance, he proceeded to an assault, 
 to the noise of one at least, that he might con- 
 ceal his real design to save them ; and, when 
 no advantage could be gained by such an as- 
 sault, he again retired. 
 
 The day following, putting himself at the 
 lead of two Lacedaemonian brigades and three 
 troops of the Athenian horse, he marched down 
 to the Still Harbour, examining in what man- 
 ner a circumvallation might be thrown up quite 
 round the Piraeus. But, in his return to tfee 
 :amp, as some of the enemy sallied out upon 
 
 a 20,Q5W. 
 
390 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 him and retarded his march, he grew angry, 
 and ordered the horse to ride out upon them, 
 and the first class of Spartans to advance with 
 the horse, whilst himself followed with the 
 rest of his force. They slew about thirty of 
 the light-armed, and pursued the rest to the 
 theatre in the Piraeus. All the targeteers hap- 
 pened to be drawn up there in arms, and the 
 heavy-armed too of the Piraeus. The light- 
 armed sallied out in a moment against the 
 enemy ; they were poising, were throwing, 
 were shooting, were slinging. The Lacedae- 
 monians, as numbers of them were wounded, 
 unable to withstand the attack, gave ground. 
 Their enemies perceiving this, plied upon 
 them more briskly than ever. Here Chaeron 
 and Thibracus, both of them general officers, 
 are slain ; Lacrates also, an Olympic victor, 
 and other Lacedaemonians, who are buried in 
 the Ceramicus near the gates. Thrasybulus 
 saw what was doing, and with the rest of the 
 heavy-armed marched to the aid of his own 
 people ; and they were soon formed eight deep 
 before the light-armed. But Pausanias, who 
 was greatly distressed, and had already re- 
 treated four or five stadia to some rising 
 ground, sent orders to the Lacdsemonians and 
 the rest of the confederates to march up to 
 him : and then, having drawn his whole army 
 into a very deep and compact body, he led 
 them against the Athenians. The latter stood 
 the shock ; but some of them were soon driven 
 into the mud at Aloe, and some took to flight. 
 About a hundred and fifty of them were slain : 
 and Pausanias, after erecting a trophy, march- 
 ed away to his camp. 
 
 He was not after all this exasperated against 
 them : but, secretly sending his emissaries 
 amongst them, instructs those in the Piraeus 
 " to address themselves by an embassy to him- 
 self and the ephori with him, with such and 
 such proposals." They followed his instruc- 
 tions. He raiseth farther a division in the 
 city, and orders as large a number of them as 
 could be got together to repair to his camp 
 with a remonstrance, that " they saw no reason 
 at all to continue the war against those in the 
 Piraeus, but they ought to be reconciled, and 
 all parties unite in being friends to the Lace- 
 daemonians." Nauclides, one of the ephori, 
 heard this remonstance with pleasure ; for, 
 since by the laws of Sparta two ephori must 
 accompany the king in the field, and he him 
 self and another person were now attending in 
 
 that capacity, both of them were more in the 
 sentiments of Pausanias than in those of Ly- 
 sander. For this reason, therefore, they readily 
 despatched away to Lacedaemon the ambassa- 
 dors from those in the Piraeus, (who carried 
 with them the articles agreed upon in relation 
 to the Lacedaemonians,) and some persons 
 without a public character from those in the 
 city, besides Cephisophon and Melitus. After 
 these were set out for Lacedaemon, those who 
 had now authority in the city sent a deputation 
 after them, declaring that " they actually sur- 
 render the walls that are yet in their power, 
 and their own persons, to the Lacedaemonians 
 at discretion ; but they think it reasonable that 
 they in the Piraeus, if they pretend to be 
 friends to the Lacedaemonians, should also sur- 
 render to them the Piraeus and Munychia." 
 The ephori and council of state, having heard 
 *all sides, despatched fifteen persons to Athens, 
 and ordered them, in concurrence with Pau- 
 sanias, to complete the reconciliation on the 
 most honourable terms that could be made. 
 They completed it on these ; that " they should 
 be at peace with one another : should on each 
 side repair to their own habitations, except the 
 Thirty and the Eleven, and the Ten who had 
 commanded in the Piraeus : but in case any of 
 those in the city were afraid to continue there, 
 they might withdraw to Eleusis." 
 
 All points being now adjusted, Pausanias 
 disbanded his army ; and they of the Piraeus, 
 marching up under arms into the citadel, sacri- 
 ficed to Minerva. But when the commanders 
 were come down again from the citadel, Thra- 
 sybulus spoke as follows : 
 
 " To you, Athenians, who have been of the 
 party in the city, I give this advice, that you 
 would know your own selves. This know- 
 ledge you will readily gain, if you will reflect, 
 for what reason you took so highly upon you 
 as to attempt to make us your slaves. Are 
 you men of more integrity than we 1 Why, 
 the body of the people, poor indeed as they are 
 in comparison with you, have never for money 
 done you any injury : but you, who have more 
 wealth than all the people put together, from 
 the mere motives of avarice, have done many 
 scandalous injuries to them. Since therefore 
 the plea of integrity cannot avail you, consider 
 another. Have you taken so highly upon you, 
 because ypu are men of greater bravery ? Why, 
 what clearer decision can be made of this 
 point, than the manner we have warre,ji upon 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 391 
 
 one another 1 But it is wisdom, you may say, 
 in which you excel. You had fortifications, 
 you had arms, you had wealth, you had besides 
 the Peloponnesians for your confederates, and 
 yet have been overpowered by men, who had 
 none at all of these advantages. Yet perhaps 
 you took so highly upon you, because the La- 
 cedaemonians were your friends 1 But how 1 
 Why, as men fasten 1 biting curs by a collar, 
 and give them up to those they have bitten, 
 just so the Lacedaemonians, after giving up you 
 to an injured people, have rid themselves of you 
 and are gone. Far be it however from me, 
 Athenians, to excite any of you to a violation 
 in any degree of the oaths you have sworn. I 
 only exhort you to show all mankind, that, be- 
 
 1 C<T7rif 01 TOVJ a*vovr; xuvotf x\9i, ruarg. reading, 
 
 Paris Ed. 1625. 
 
 sides all your other glories, you can keep your 
 oaths and be religiously good." 
 
 Having spoken thus, and said a great deal 
 more about refraining from giving any farther 
 disturbance to one another, and adhering firmly 
 to their ancient laws, he dismissed the assem- 
 bly. Having next appointed a new set of 
 magistrates, the government went regularly 
 forwards. But hearing some time after, that 
 those at Eleusis were taking foreigners into 
 pay, they marched against them with the whole 
 force of the city, and slew the commanders when 
 they came out to parley. They sent their 
 friends and relations amongst the rest to per- 
 suade them to a reconciliation. At length, 
 having sworn to one another that " they would 
 never remember grievances," they do to this 
 day live quietly together, and the people stand 
 firm to their oaths. 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE, 
 
 BOOK III. 
 [393] 
 
 sz 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK III. 
 
 War in Asia. History of Mania ; and the subtle conduct of Dercyllidas. Agesilaus declared one of the kings 
 at Sparta. His expedition into Asia, and his noble conduct. War in Greece between the Lacedaemonian! 
 and Thebans, in which Lysander is slain. 
 
 L304] 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 I. THE sedition at Athens was in this manner 
 brought to an end. 
 
 After this, Cyrus sent envoys to Lacedae- 
 mon, and demanded that " as he had behaved 
 towards the Lacedaemonians in the war against 
 the Athenians, so now the Lacedaemonians 
 should behave towards him." The ephori, 
 acknowledging the equity of his demand, sent 
 orders to Samias, who was at this time admiral 
 of their fleet, " to do all the service in his 
 power to Cyrus." Samius accordingly per- 
 formed with cheerfulness whatever Cyrus de- 
 sired of him. For, having joined his own fleet 
 with that of Cyrus, he sailed round to Cilicia, 
 and disabled Syennesis, governor of Cilicia, 
 from giving any molestation by land to Cyrus 
 in his march against the king. . Yet in what 
 manner Cyrus drew an army together, and con- 
 ducted the expedition against his brother, and 
 how the battle was fought, and how Cyrus lost 
 his life, and how afterwards the Greeks re- 
 treated safe to the sea, hath been written by 
 Themistogenes the Syracusan. 1 
 
 But now when Tissaphernes, who was 
 judged to have done the king excellent service 
 in the war against his brother, was sent down 
 again to be governor of the provinces he him- 
 self had governed before, and of those also 
 which had belonged to Cyrus, he immediately 
 insisted that all the cities of Ionia should ac- 
 knowledge him for their master ; but these, 
 from a desire to be free, added to their dread 
 
 There is no such history now to be met with. So 
 fine a subject no doubt excited others to write as well as 
 Themistogenes. But Xenophon only was equal to the 
 task of penning his own achievements. It seems prob- 
 able from hence, that he bad not yet written, or at least 
 not finished his own history of the Anabasis. 
 
 of Tissaphernes, with whom they had never 
 acted, but had always joined Cyrus so long as 
 he was living, refused to receive him within 
 their walls. On the contrary, they despatched 
 away ambassadors to Lacedaemon, representing 
 there, that as the Lacedaemonians are the 
 ruling state in Greece, they were bound to 
 take under their protection the Greeks in 
 Asia, that their lands might not be ravaged 
 and they might still be free." The Lacedae- 
 monians therefore sent Thimbro to take upon 
 him the command, having assigned him a thou- 
 sand soldiers of those who were newly enfran- 
 chised and four thousand other Peloponne- 
 sians. Thimbro desired farther to have three 
 hundred horse from the Athenians, promising 
 that he himself would take care to pay them. 
 They sent him that number, composed of such 
 persons as had served in the cavalry under the 
 Thirty, judging it clear gain to the people, if 
 these were sent into a foreign country and per- 
 ished there. 
 
 When these were arrived in Asia, Thimbro 
 further drew the troops together that belonged 
 to the Greek cities on that continent. For 
 all those cities readily obeyed, as a Lacedae- 
 monian was now in the command'. And 
 yet with all this army, Thimbro would not 
 march down into the plains: he was awed 
 by the enemy's horse, and contented himself 
 to preserve the country where he was from 
 devastation. But when those who had been 
 in the expedition with Cyrus were safely 
 returned, 2 and had joined his army, he ever 
 after that drew up boldly in the plains 
 against Tissaphernes. He became master 
 
 Under the command of Xenophon himself. 
 
 395 
 
396 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 |_BOOK III. 
 
 of some cities; of Pergamus, by voluntary 
 surrender; of Teuthrania also and Alisarnia, 
 which belonged to Eurysthenes and Procles, 
 the descendants of Demaratus the Lacedaemo- 
 nian ; for this country had been given to Dema- 
 ratus by the king in requital for his serving with 
 him in the invasion of Greece. Gorgio also 
 and Gongylus came over to him. They were 
 brothers ; and one of them was master of 
 Gambrium and Palaegambrium, the other of 
 Myrine and Grynium. These cities also were 
 a present from the king to Gongylus, the only 
 person who had been exiled from Eretria for his 
 attachment to the Medes. There were cities 
 too, which because of their weakness Thim- 
 bro reduced by storm. Yet he was obliged to 
 encamp before Larissa, which is styled the 
 ^Egyptian, and besiege it in form, because it 
 would not hearken to any capitulation. And 
 when he could not reduce it by other methods, 
 be sunk a deep pit, from whence he continued a 
 subterraneous trench, with a design to draw off 
 their water. But as the besieged by frequent 
 sallies from the walls filled up the pit with 
 pieces of timber and stones, he built a wooden 
 penthouse and placed it over the pit. And yet 
 the Larisseans, who made a sudden sally in the 
 night, set fire to this penthouse and burnt it to 
 ashes. As he was now judged to be doing 
 nothing, the ephori sent him an order to raise 
 the siege and march into Caria. But, when he 
 was got to Ephesus in order to begin that ex- 
 pedition, Dercyllidas came with orders to su- 
 persede him in the command ; a man in high 
 reputation for the subtlety of his genius, and 
 for that reason known by the name of Sisy- 
 phus. Thimbro therefore departed for Sparta, 
 where he was fined and sent into exile, since 
 the confederates preferred an accusation against 
 him, for permitting his soldiers to plunder their 
 friends. 
 
 Dercyllidas was no sooner in the command, 
 than knowing that Tissaphernes and Pharna- 
 bazus were suspicious of each other, he had an 
 interview and made a private bargain with the 
 former, and then led off his army into the coun- 
 try of Pharnabazus, choosing rather to make war 
 against one of them singly than against both 
 of them at once. Besides this, Dercyllidas 
 Had been of long time an enemy to Pharnabazus. 
 For having been commandant at Abydus whilst 
 Lysander was admiral of the fleet, a complaint 
 had been made against him by Pharnabazus, 
 for which he was obliged to stand holding his 
 
 shield. By all Lacedsemomans of spirit this is 
 reckoned high disgrace, as it is the punishment 
 for breach of discipline. And for this rea&on 
 he marched with more pleasure to himself 
 against Pharnabazus. He soon convinced the 
 world, that he was a much better man for com- 
 mand than Thimbro ; for, as he marched his 
 army through a friendly country all the way to 
 jiEolia that belonged to Pharnabazus, he did 
 no damage at all to the confederates. 
 
 JGolia indeed belonged to Pharnabazus ; but 
 one Zenis, a Dardan, so long as he lived, had 
 been governor of the province under him. But 
 when Zenis was carried off by sickness, and 
 Pharnabazus was preparing to dispose of the 
 government to another person, Mania the wife 
 of Zenis, who also herself was a Dardan, hav- 
 ing got her equipage in order, and taken money 
 with her to make presents to Pharnabazus, and 
 to gratify his mistresses and favourites, per- 
 formed her journey, and being admitted to an 
 audience, addressed him thus : 
 
 " My husband, Pharnabazus, was in other 
 respects your hearty friend, and was punctual 
 in the payment of his tributes. For this you 
 gave him praise, and you gave him honour too. 
 If therefore I myself can serve you in no worse 
 a manner than he did, why should you appoint 
 any other person to command the province 7 If 
 indeed I should not answer your expectations, 
 it will be always in your power to remove me, 
 and to bestow the government upon another." 
 
 Pharnabazus, having heard her, determined 
 that the lady should be governante of the pro- 
 vince. And when she was settled in it, she 
 paid the tributes with as much punctuality as 
 her husband had paid them ; and besides that, 
 whenever she waited upon Pharnabazus, she 
 constantly brought him presents. Nay, when- 
 ever he came into her province, she entertained 
 him in a more generous and elegant manner 
 than any of his sub-governors. All the cities 
 that originally belonged to her district she 
 kept firm in their obedience, and enlarged the 
 number by the acquisition of some on the sea- 
 coast ; for instance, of Larissa, Hamaxitus, 
 and Colonas. She assaulted these high places 
 with troops she had hired from Greece. Seat- 
 ed in a high chariot she viewed every attack, 
 and was remarkably liberal in her gratuities to 
 those whom she had a mind to distinguish for 
 their good behaviour ; and by this means was 
 become mistress of a most splendid body of 
 mercenaries. She even took the field in com- 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 397 
 
 pany with Pharnabazus, whenever he invadet 
 the Mysians or Pisidians, for committing 
 hostilities on the dominions of the king 
 Pharnabazus in return loaded her with hon- 
 ours, and on some occasions gave her even 
 a seat in his council. She was now above 
 forty years of age, when Midias, her daugh 
 ter's husband, buoyed up by some of his 
 flatterers, who represented " how base it was 
 that a woman should rule and himself be only 
 a private person," whilst she was on her guard 
 against all the world beside, as people in such 
 invidious stations must necessarily be, but had 
 an entire confidence in, and even a fondness for 
 him, as much as a mother-in-law can have for 
 her daughter's husband, this Midias, I say, is 
 reported to have stolen into her chamber and 
 strangled her. He also put her son to death, 
 who was a most beautiful youth, and not above 
 seventeen years of age. And after these mur- 
 ders he took possession of Scepsis and Gergis, 
 two fortified cities, in which Mania had re- 
 posited the greatest part of her treasures. 
 The other cities would not submit to him. 
 but the garrisons within preserved them for 
 Pharnabazus. Midias after this sent presents 
 to Pharnabazus, and solicited the government 
 of the province which had belonged to Mania. 
 He was ordered to keep his presents, "till 
 Pharnabazus came in person, to take into his 
 custody both the presents and the sender." For 
 he declared he would either lose his life, or 
 be revenged for Mania." 
 
 At this very time Dercyllidas arrives ; and 
 immediately, in one and the same day, was 
 master, by their voluntary surrender, of the 
 cities on the coast, Larissa, Hamaxitus, and 
 Colonae. He also sent round to the ^Eolian 
 cities, insisting upon it, that they should assert 
 their freedom, should receive him within their 
 walls, and become confederates. Accordingly 
 the Neandrians and Ilians and Cocylitans 
 obeyed the summons ; for as these cities were 
 garrisoned by Grecians, they had not been well 
 dealt with since the death of Mania. But the 
 commandant of Cebren, who found himself at 
 the head of a garrison in a well fortified town, 
 had judged that, in case he preserved the town 
 for Pharnabazus, he should be nobly recom- 
 pensed for it, and therefore refused to receive 
 Dercyllidas. Exasperated at this refusal, Der- 
 cyllidas prepared for an assault. But when on 
 the first day's sacrifice the victims were not 
 favourable, he sacrificed again the day after, 
 34 
 
 And when nothing appeared favourable at this 
 second sacrifice, on the third day he sacrificed 
 again. Nay, he continued to do so four days 
 together, though inwardly very much dissatis- 
 fied. He was eager to compass the reduction 
 of all JEtolia, before Pharnabazus could come 
 up to its succour. 
 
 One Athenadas of Sicyon, who commanded 
 a company of heavy armed, took \t into his 
 head, that Dercyllidas trifled sadly on this oc- 
 casion, .and that he himself could cut off the 
 water of the Cebrenians. Running up there- 
 fore with his own company, he endeavoured to 
 fill up their fountain. But the inhabitants, 
 sallying out against him, wounded Athenadas, 
 killed two of his men, and sometimes fighting 
 close and sometimes at a distance, entirely re- 
 pulsed them. Whilst Dercyllidas was fretting 
 at his incident, and judged it might slacken 
 the ardour of the assault, the heralds of the 
 Greeks came out from the wall, and assured 
 him they did not concur in the behaviour of 
 their commander, but chose rather to be along 
 with their countrymen than along with a Bar- 
 barian." Whilst they were yet speaking, a 
 messenger came also from the commandant, 
 declaring that what the heralds said was his 
 own sense of things." Dercylliijas therefore 
 the next day, for he had now sacrificed with 
 favourable signs, ordered his soldiers to their 
 arms, and led them towards the gates. They 
 threw open the gates, and gave them admittance. 
 Having therefore fixed a garrison here, he march- 
 ed immediately against Scepsis and Gergis. 
 
 But Midias, who expected Pharnabazus, and 
 was even afraid of the inhabitants, sent a mes- 
 sage to Dercyllidas, and assured him that if 
 be would give him hostages, he would come 
 out to a conference." He immediately sent 
 him one from each of the confederate cities, 
 and bade him take which of them and as many 
 of them, as he pleased. Midias took ten of 
 them, and came out. And now advancing to 
 Dercyllidas he asked him, " on what conditions 
 
 might 'be a confederate 1" He answered, 
 
 by leaving the inhabitants of the cities in a 
 
 state of freedom and independence ; " and say- 
 
 ng these words he moved forward to Scepsis. 
 
 Midias, sensible that if the inhabitants were 
 
 willing to admit him he could not prevent it, 
 
 suffered him to enter the city. Dercyllidas, 
 
 after sacrificing to Minerva in the citadel of 
 
 he Scepsians, made the garrison of Midias 
 
 withdraw ; and having delivered the city to the 
 
398 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 inhabitants, and exhorted them to behave for 
 the future as Grecians and as freemen ought, 
 he left it and marched towards Gergis. But 
 many of the Scepsians, as they honoured the 
 man and were highly pleased with his be- 
 haviour, accompanied his march. Midias fur- 
 ther, who was still in company, begged him to 
 leave in his custody the city of the Gergithians ; 
 to which Dercyllidas replied, that " he should 
 have justice done him in every respect." And 
 saying these words, he went up to the gates 
 with Midias; and his army followed him by 
 two and two in a most peaceful manner. The 
 people on the turrets, which were exceeding 
 lofty, as they saw Midias with him, threw not 
 so much as a single dart. But when Dercylli- 
 das said to him, " order the gates to be opened, 
 Midias, that you may show me the way, and 
 I go with you to the temple, and sacrifice to 
 Minerva," here Midias boggled about opening 
 the gates. Afraid however that he should 
 instantly be put under arrest, he ordered them 
 to be opened. Dercyllidas was no sooner in 
 the town, than, with Midias still at his side, 
 he went to the citadel. He ordered his soldiers 
 to ground their arms round the walls, but with 
 his own attendants he sacrificed to Minerva. 
 When he ha4 finished the sacrifice, he ordered 
 the guards of Midias to go and ground their 
 arms in the front of his own troops, as now 
 taken into his pay, since Midias had no longer 
 any thing to fear. Midias, however, who be 
 gan to be in great anxiety, said to him, I 
 must leave you for the present, to go and get 
 ready for you the hospitable feast." " That is 
 what I shall never permit," replied Dercyllidas, 
 since it would be base in me, who have 
 offered the sacrifice, to accept of an entertain- 
 ment from the man whom I ought to feast. 
 Stay therefore herewith us; and, whilst sup- 
 per is preparing, let you and me confer together 
 about what ought to be done, and then we will 
 do it." 
 
 When the company was seated, Dercyllidas 
 began with this question, Tell me, Midias 
 did your father leave you in possession' of al 
 his substance 1" " He did," said Midias. An<3 
 how many houses have you in all 1 how many 
 fields have you 1 how many pastures 1" Whils 
 he was reciting the particulars, some of the 
 Scepsians who were present cried out, " H< 
 tells lies, Dercyllidas." You need not insist,' 
 replied Dercyllidas, on his being quite exact.' 
 When he had recited all his inheritance, " Bu 
 
 ell me," Dercyllidas went on, whom did 
 Mania belong to?" The whole company an- 
 swered, To Pharnabazus." Then all she 
 had belonged also to Pharnabazus 1 " "It did," 
 was the general answer. " Therefore it now 
 Belongs to us," said Dercyllidas, " by right of 
 conquest, for Pharnabazus is an enemy to us. 
 And let somebody show me where the effects 
 of Mania and Pharnabazus are lodged." Some 
 persons led him directly to the house of Ma- 
 nia, which Midias had appropriated to his own 
 use, and Midias himself followed. So soon as 
 le entered the house, Dercyllidas called for 
 the upper servants, and having ordered his 
 own people to take them into custody, he 
 threatened them, that if they were caught 
 secreting any thing that belonged to Mania, 
 they thould be instantly put to death ;" but 
 they made a clear discovery. When he had 
 surveyed the whole, he made all fast, clapped 
 on his own seal, and appointed a guard. As 
 he was coming out of the house, he saw many 
 of his officers at the door, and said to them, 
 " We have here a fine supply for the army ; 
 near a year's pay for eight thousand men ; and 
 if we can earn any more in good time, it will be 
 so much the better." This he said purposely, 
 concluding that all who heard him would ob- 
 serve discipline better, and would study more 
 to oblige him. But Midias asking him now, 
 " And where am I to live, Dercyllidas ?" 
 " Just where you ought," he replied, in 
 Scepsis, where you were born, and in the house 
 you inherit from your lather." 
 
 II. Dercyllidas, having so far acted with 
 success, and taken nine cities in eight days, 
 consulted with himself how he might avoid 
 taking up his winter quarters in a friendly 
 country, lest he might be burdensome to the 
 confederates, as Thimbro had been, and yet so 
 that Pharnabazus might be sufficiently awed 
 from harassing the Greek cities with his horse. 
 He sends therefore to the latter, and asks him, 
 whether he chose to have war or peace ? 
 Pharnabazus, reflecting that ^Eolia was now 
 become a continued fortification against Phry- 
 gia, in which he himself resided, declared for a 
 truce. And when the point was settled, 
 Dercyllidas, marching into Bithynian-Thrace, 
 passed the winter there ; at which Pharnabazus 
 was very little, if at all concerned, for these 
 Bithynians were ofte making war upon him. 
 In this country Dercyllidas spent his time, 
 sending out parties who harassed all Bithynia, 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 399 
 
 and furnished hisquarterswithnecessaries in the 
 most plentiful manner. And when about two 
 hundred Odrysian horse, and about three hun- 
 dred targeteers were crossed over from Seuthes 
 to join him, they formed a separate camp, which 
 they fortified with a circular work, at the dis- 
 tance of l twenty stadia from the camp of the 
 Grecians : and haying begged Dercyllidas to 
 send them some of his heavy-armed to guard 
 their camp, they went out for plunder, and took 
 many slaves and valuable effects. When their 
 camp was at length quite crowded with prison- 
 ers, the Bithynians, who had gained intelligence 
 how many went out to plunder, and how many 
 Grecians were left behind to guard their camp, 
 having drawn together a vast body of targeteers 
 and horsemen, about break of day rush upon 
 the heavy-armed, who were about two hundred. 
 At the first approach, some were throwing in 
 their darts, others were tossing in their javelins 
 amongst them. The defendants, who though 
 amidst wounds and death could yet do nothing 
 for their own preservation, shut up as they 
 were within a work as high as their own heads, 
 tore down an opening in it, and sallied out 
 against them. But their enemies retreated 
 before them at every sally, and being but tar- 
 geteers, slipped with ease out of the way of 
 men in heavy armour. But they still were 
 galling them on their flanks with javelins, and 
 struck many of them to the ground at every 
 sally. In short, pent up as it were in a fold, 
 they were slain by darts and javelins. Not 
 but that about fifteen of this number escaped 
 in safety to the camp of the Grecians : but 
 these had wheeled off in time, when they first 
 perceived the enemy's design, and as, in the 
 hurry of engaging, the Bithynians had not at- 
 tended to their motions, effected their escape. 
 The Bithynians, after so much success and 
 putting all the tent-keepers of the Odrysian- 
 Thracians to the sword, marched quickly away, 
 and carried off with them all the prisoners ; so 
 that the Grecians, who marched thither, so 
 soon as they had notice of the affair, found 
 nothing at all in the camp but naked dead. 
 The Odrysians at their return, after interring 
 their own dead, swallowing a great quantity of 
 wine on the occasion, and solemnizing a horse- 
 race, encamped themselves for the future along 
 with the Grecians, and continued to lay By- 
 thynia waste with fire and sword. 
 
 i About two miles. 
 
 So soon as it was spring, Dercyllidas left 
 Bithynia, and arrived at Lampsacus. Whilst 
 he was there, Aracus, and Navates, and Antis- 
 thenes arrive from the magistracy of Sparta. 
 They were commissioned to inspect the state 
 of affairs in Asia, and notify to Dercyllidas that 
 he must continue in the command another 
 year. They had further been particularly en- 
 joined by the ephori, to assemble all the sol- 
 diers, and tell them in their name, that " they 
 had justly been displeased at their behaviour 
 in former years ; but as lately they had been 
 guilty of no misbehaviour, they commended 
 them for it: and, in regard to the time to 
 come, to assure them, that " if they behaved 
 amiss, they should find no connivance in them ; 
 but in case they behaved justly towards the 
 confederates, they will give them all due com 
 mendation." When therefore they called an 
 assembly of the soldiers and delivered then 
 instructions, 2 the commander of those who 
 had served under Cyrus made the following 
 answer : 
 
 " We, for our parts, Lacedaemonians, are 
 the very same persons now that we were the 
 preceding year; but the commander-in-chief 
 is quite another person now than he who com- 
 manded then. You are capable yourselves to 
 discern the reasons, why we committed so 
 many irregularities then, and commit none at 
 all at present." 
 
 At an entertainment that Dercyllidas gave 
 in his own quarters to the commissioners from 
 Sparta, some persons, who belonged to the 
 retinue of Aracus, let fall the mention of an 
 embassy now at Sparta from the Chersonesus. 
 It was said, they were representing at Sparta, 
 that " they were not able to till the lands in 
 the Chersonesus, where every thing was con- 
 tinually ravaged and plundered by the Thraci- 
 ans ; but in case a fortification was raised from 
 sea to sea, they should possess in security a 
 great quantity of good land, enough for them- 
 selves and for all Lacedaemonians that would 
 settle upon it." It was added, " they should 
 not be surprised, if some Lacedaemonian was 
 sent out by the state with a body of men to 
 carry this work into execution." Dercylli- 
 das, who listened to this discourse, discovered 
 nothing at all of his present sentiments to 
 the company, but sent away the commis- 
 sioners through the Grecian cities to Eph&- 
 
 Xenophon himaelf. 
 
400 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 sus. 1 He was delighted with the thought, 
 that they would see those cities living happily 
 in peace. The commissioners accordingly pro- 
 ceeded on their journey. 
 
 Dercyllidas, as he knew he was to continue 
 another year in the command, sent once more 
 to Pharnabazus and demanded " whether he 
 was for a truce, as during the last winter, or for 
 warl" And Pharnabazus preferring at this 
 time too a continuation of the truce, Dercyllidas, 
 leaving all the confederate cities that were near 
 to Pharnabazus in peace, passeth over the Hel- 
 lespont into Europe with his army. And then, 
 marching through the part of Thrace in friend- 
 ship with him, where he was hospitably enter- 
 tained by Seuthes, he arrives at the Chersone- 
 sus. Finding now that it contained eleven or 
 twelve cities, was the best and most fruitful 
 country in the world, though sadly ravaged, as 
 was said before, by the Thracians, he measured 
 the isthmus, and found it to be 2 thirty-seven 
 stadia over. He lost no time, but after a sac- 
 rifice began to raise a fortification. He divided 
 out the ground to the different parties of his 
 army. He promised rewards to such as soonest 
 completed the parts assigned them, and to all 
 in proportion to their diligence. He began it 
 in the spring, and before autumn he had com- 
 pletely finished the work. He inclosed within 
 it eleven cities, many harbours, a large quantity 
 of excellent ground for tillage, a large quantity 
 too of plantations, and a vast number of the 
 finest pastures for all sorts of cattle. And now 
 he again repassed into Asia. 
 
 Taking here a survey of the cities, he found 
 all well in every respect, except that the exiles 
 from Chios had possessed themselves of Atar 
 na, a strong town, and by incursions from thence 
 were extending their ravages all over Ionia, and 
 subsisting themselves by this practice. But 
 learning that they had a great store of corn, he 
 invested the place, and besieged it in form. 
 And having in eight months reduced it to a 
 surrender, and appointed Draco of Pellene to 
 take care of the place, and filled the maga- 
 zines in it with all kinds of stores, that it 
 might supply him with every thing he want- 
 ed, whenever he came to Atarna, he marched 
 for Ephesus, which is three days' journey from 
 Sardis. 
 
 ' The text is az-' E^so-su, but I translate it according 
 to Dr. Taylor's reading tsr 1 E$s<rou. 
 a Near four miles 
 
 Till this time there and been peace between 
 Tissaphernes and Dercyllidas, and also between 
 the Grecians of those parts and the Barbarians. 
 But when ambassadors from the Grecian cities 
 had been at Lacedsemon, and had represented 
 to the state, that Tissaphernes, if he had a 
 mind, might leave all the cities quite free and 
 independent ;" adding, that " in case a war was 
 carried vigorously into Caria, where Tissapher- 
 nes resided, they judged he might soon be pre- 
 vailed upon to leave them all in perfect liber- 
 ty ;" the ephori, after listening to these repre- 
 sentations, sent over to Dercyllidas, and ordered 
 iim to march with his army into Caria, and 
 Pharax, who commanded at sea, to attend the 
 expedition with the fleet. They accordingly 
 obeyed their orders. 
 
 But just at this time Pharnabazus was ar- 
 rived on a visit to Tissaphernes, as well to 
 compliment him on his being declared governor 
 in chief over all, as to testify for himself that 
 he was ready to concur in a general war, to 
 join his troops with Tissaphernes, and drive 
 the Greeks out of their master's dominions. 
 But at the bottom he was sadly mortified at the 
 pre-eminence given to Tissaphernes, and was 
 also grieved at the loss of ^olia. Tissapher- 
 nes, after giving him the hearing, answered 
 " In the first place, therefore, come along with 
 me into Caria, and there we will afterwards 
 consult together about these other points." 
 And when they were in Caria, they thought 
 proper to place sufficient garrisons in all the 
 fortified places, and then to proceed against 
 Ionia. 
 
 When Dercyllidas had received intelligence 
 that they had again passed the Maeander, he 
 made known his fears to Pharax, lest Tissa- 
 phernes and Pharnabazus, finding no resistance 
 in the country, might extend their devastations 
 at pleasure ; and then he immediately repassed 
 the Maeander. His troops were advancing for- 
 ward without any regular order, as judging the 
 enemy to be got already on the lands of the 
 Ephesians ; 3 when on a sudden they discover 
 from the opposite shore some of their scouts 4 
 mounted on the tombs. Upon which, climbing 
 up themselves on the tombs and some turrets 
 that were near, they had a view of their army 
 drawn up in order of battle on the very groun<? 
 they were to march over. It consisted of the 
 
 3 The marginal reading, 
 * For C-XOSTOU read O-KOJTCV 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 401 
 
 Carians, distinguished by the name of Leucas- 
 pidae, of all the Persian troops they had been 
 able to draw together, of the Grecian troops in 
 the pay of both these chiefs, and a very numer- 
 ous cavalry, those belonging to Tissaphernes 
 being posted in the right wing, those belonging 
 to Pharnabazus in the left. When Dercyllidas 
 saw this, he issued out his orders to the officers 
 of the heavy-armed to draw them up eight in 
 depth, and to post the targeteers, and the horse, 
 as many and such as he had upon the flanks ; 
 and then he offered sacrifice. All the troops 
 from Peloponnesus observed on this occasion a 
 deep silence, and prepared for battle. But of 
 the men from Priene, and Achilleum, and the 
 islands and the cities of Ionia, some ran instantly 
 away, throwing their arms into the corn (for in 
 the plains of Maeander the corn was very high), 
 and such as were left showed plainly they would 
 not stand. It was reported that Pharnabazus 
 declared strongly for fighting. Tissaphernes, 
 however, who recalled to his remembrance 
 in what manner the Greeks under Cyrus had 
 fought against them, and judged that all Greeks 
 were men of the same spirit and resolution, 
 would not be persuaded to fight. But sending 
 to Dercyllidas he notified to him, that he de- 
 sired to meet and have a conference with him." 
 Dercyllidas, taking with him such persons both 
 of the horse and foot as made the finest ap- 
 pearance, advanced towards the messengers, 
 and said " I was ready here prepared for bat- 
 tle, as yourselves perceive : but since your 
 master is desirous of a conference, I have no- 
 thing to object. Yet before the conference 
 begins, we must receive and exchange securi- 
 ties and hostages." This point being agreed 
 to and executed, the armies drew off; the Bar- 
 barian army to Tralles of Phrygia, and the 
 Grecian to Leucophrys, where was a temple of 
 Diana, held in high veneration, and a lake more 
 than a stadium in length, of a sandy bottom, 
 kept full by perpetual springs, its water fine 
 for drinking and warm. And these were the 
 incidents of the present day. 
 
 On the following day they met at the place 
 of conference ; and it was agreed on each side 
 to propose the terms on which a peace should 
 be made. Dercyllidas said, it should be on 
 condition the king would leave the Grecian 
 cities entirely free." Tissaphernes and Phar- 
 nabazus answered, on condition the Grecian 
 army evacuates the dominions of the king, and 
 he commandants from Lacedsemon do the 
 34* 
 
 by the cities." On these conditions they 
 made a truce, till the treaty could be reported 
 for ratification, by Dercyllidas at Lacedasmon, 
 and by Tissaphernes to the king. 
 
 Whilst Dercyllidas was thus employed in 
 Asia, the Lacedtemonians, who had long been 
 exasperated against the Eleans ; l because they 
 had entered into an offensive and defensive 
 league with the Athenians, and Argives, and 
 Mantineans ; and because, on the pretext that 
 themselves had not paid a fine set upon them, 
 they had refused them a share in the equestrian 
 and gymnic games ; and not satisfied with this 
 refusal, when Lichias had entered his chariot 
 in the name of the Thebans, and they accord- 
 ingly were proclaimed victors, because Lichias 
 came forwards and crowned the charioteer, 
 they scourged that venerable man, and expelled 
 him the assembly ; and later in time, when 
 Agis had been sent in pursuance of an oracle 
 to sacrifice to Jupiter, the Eteans would not 
 suffer him to pray for a successful war, pre- 
 tending it was an old established rule, that Gre- 
 cians should not consult an oracle in relation 
 to a war against their countrymen, on which 
 account he was obliged to depart without sac- 
 rificing at all ; upon all these provocations, 
 it was decreed by the ephori and the council 
 of state, to " reduce them to a more submissive 
 temper." They despatched therefore an em- 
 bassy to Elis with the notification that " the 
 regency of Lacedeemon had judged it equitable 
 that the Eleans should leave all the cities ad- 
 jacent to Elis in .perfect liberty." The Eleans 
 answering, " they would not do it, since they 
 were masters of those cities by right of war," 
 the ephori proclaimed an expedition against 
 them. 
 
 Agis who commanded the army, marched 
 through Achaia, and entered Elea not far from 
 Larissa. But the army being now in the ene- 
 my's country, and extending their devastations, 
 an earthquake is felt. Agis, reckoning this an 
 inhibition from heaven, retreated out of the 
 country, and disbanded his army. After this 
 the Eleans were in higher spirits than ever, and 
 sent embassies round to every state whom 
 they knew to be disaffected to the Lacedse- 
 monians. 
 
 But the year after, the ephori again pro- 
 claim an expedition against Elis ; and, except- 
 ing the Boeotians and Corinthians, all the con- 
 
 See Thucydides, Book V. 
 3 A " 
 
402 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK m. 
 
 federates, nay, even the Athenians, attended 
 with their troops in this army under Agis. As 
 Agis entered now by the way of Aulon, the Le- 
 preate revolted from the Eleans and immedi- 
 ately joined him. The Macystians soon did the 
 same, and immediately after them the Epitalians. 
 And, when he had passed the river, the Leprini- 
 ans, and Amphidolians, and Marganians came 
 over to him. After this, he went to Olympia, and 
 sacrificed to Olympian Jove, no creature any 
 longer endeavouring to stop him. After the sa- 
 crifice, he advanced towards Elis, putting all the 
 country to fire and sword ; nay, a vast number 
 of cattle and a vast number of slaves were 
 taken on this occasion. Very many of the 
 Arcadians and Achseans, who had heard what 
 was doing, flocked down to the army as volun- 
 teers, and got a share of the plunder. And 
 this expedition was as it were a general forage 
 for the benefit of Peloponnesus. But when 
 Agis had reached the city, he destroyed the 
 suburbs and the gymnasiums which were very 
 splendid ; yet as to the city itself (which was not 
 fortified) the world judged it was not in his 
 choice, rather than not in his power, to take it. 
 The country being thus destroyed, and the 
 .army being now in the neighbourhood of Cyl- 
 lene, one Xenias and his accomplices, who, 
 (according to the proverb, were measuring their 
 wealth before they had it, being desirous of se- 
 curing Elis for the Lacedaemonians, rushed out 
 from his house by night with daggers, and be- 
 gan a massacre. Amidst the number of those 
 they put to death, they had killed a person 
 very much resembling Thrasydaeus, who was 
 head of the popular party, and were persuaded 
 they had killed Thrasydseus himself, insomuch 
 that the people were quite dispirited, and made 
 no resistance at all. The assassins now judged 
 that all was secure; and their whole party 
 were coming out in arms to join them in the 
 market-place. In the meantime Thrasydseus 
 was still sleeping in the house where he had 
 been spending the evening. So soon therefore 
 as the people knew he was not dead, they came 
 flocking in crowds about the house, like a 
 swarm of bees about their monarch. And 
 when Thrasydseus had put himself at their 
 head, and marched them up, a battle ensued, in 
 which the people were victorious. But those 
 who had been concerned in the assassinations 
 made their escape to the Lacedaemonians. 
 When Agis in his retreat had repassed the 
 Alpheus, he left a garrison to be commanded 
 
 by Lysippus, and the fugitives from Elis in 
 Epitalium near the Alpheus ; after which he 
 disbanded the army, and returned to Sparta. 
 But during the rest of the summer and the en 
 suing winter, the territory of the Eleans was 
 exposed to the continuing ravage of Lysippus 
 and his soldiers. 
 
 The summer after, Thrasydseus sent his 
 agents to Lacedaemon, declaring his assent to a 
 demolition of the fortifications, and to setting 
 at perfect liberty Cyllene and the cites of Tri- 
 phylia, Phrixa, and Epitalium, and Ladrin, the 
 Amphidolians too, and the Marganians ; adding 
 to these the Acronians also and Lasium that 
 was claimed by the Arcadians. The Eleans 
 however insisted on still keeping Epeum, which 
 is situated between the city of Heraea and Ma- 
 cisthus. They said, they had purchased the 
 whole district at the price of thirty talents 1 
 from the persons who at the time of the sale 
 were possessed of the city, and had actually paid 
 the money." But the Lacedaemonians, who knew 
 the injustice was the same between forcing 
 people to sell, or forcing them to quit their pro- 
 perty, obliged them also to set Epeum at liberty. 
 However they would not strip them of the pri- 
 vilege to be guardians of the temple of Olym- 
 pian Jove, though it did not originally belong 
 to the Eleans. They judged the people 2 who 
 claimed it to be only a company of peasants, 
 and not at all qualified for so important a trust. 
 These points being settled, a peace and a con- 
 federacy ensued between the Eleans and the 
 Lacedaemonians. And thus the war between 
 the Lacedaemonians and the Eleans was brought 
 to an end. 
 
 III. Agis after this repaired to Delphi, and 
 offered up the tenth of the spoil. But in his 
 return, since he was far advanced in years, he 
 fell sick at Heraea, and being with some diffi- 
 culty brought home alive, died soon after at 
 Sparta, and was buried in too pompous a 
 manner for mortal man. When the usual 
 time of mourning was expired, and his suc- 
 cessor to be declared, two competitors ap- 
 peared Leotychides, who called himself the 
 son, and Agesilaus, who was the brother of 
 Agis. Leotychides said, 3 The law, Age. 
 
 i 5812J. 10s. The Tisane. 
 
 * The text of Xenophon is, in the following dispute 
 about the succession, very perplexed and certainly cor- 
 rupt. In the translation I have made use of three vari- 
 ous readings in the margin of the Paris edition by Leun- 
 clavius, 1625. But there is no marginal reading to help 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 403 
 
 silaus, expressly enjoins, that not the brother 
 cut the son of the king shall reign." Yet, 
 if there be no son," Agesilaus replied, " the 
 brother reigns : the right therefore is in 
 me." What ! is there no son, and I alive 1" 
 " None ; because he whom you call your father 
 never owned you for his son." 1 But my 
 mother, who knows the truth much better than 
 he, protests that I am." Yes, but then Nep- 
 tune hath clearly proved that it is all a fiction, 
 who by an earthquake drove your father abroad 
 from cohabiting with her: and time itself, 
 which is said- to be the surest witness, joins 
 evidence with Neptune, since you were born 
 the tenth month after he separated from and 
 had no cohabitation with her." In this man- 
 ner they disputed. But Diopithes, who was a 
 great dealer in oracles, supported the claim of 
 Leotychides, and affirmed there was an oracle 
 of Apollo, "which bade them be on their 
 guard against a halting reign." Lysander, who 
 favoured Agesilaus, replied, " That he did not 
 imagine it was the sense of the oracle to put 
 them on their guard against a king who was 
 lame of a foot; but rather, that no person 
 should reign who was not of the royal blood. 
 For the kingdom would halt to all intents and 
 purposes, when men ruled the state who were 
 not of the race of Hercules." The Spartans, 
 having thus heard the plea of both parties, 
 chose Agesilaus for their king. 
 
 us out in the close, where this knotty expression occurs 
 w w f o<r?rT<rsTif %eoxsv<ro. . . The learned Dr. Taylor 
 hath favoured me with his sentiments upon it, to which 
 I have paid a due regard in the translation. "The words, 
 (he says) may possibly be mended by the help of Plutarch, 
 who, in. the Life of Lysander, reciting this story, has 
 fitf irfoa-arttKr*; TIJ f%>j, and in that of Agesilaus w 
 vrpoo-irrttiTats n$ (r\tu<ri ; one of which words must 
 be given here to Xenophon. For as the text stands, it 
 is just as if he had said PY\ %wXucuv n$ %toXsuo-)i. Possibly 
 55xof may be added in the margin to explain vr% oa-a-rxt. 
 <rxg (as being a more unusual word), and so was reduced 
 to %wxu<r>i, and jostled out the true word /3(rixu<ri or 
 ? %,>! Or it may be thus: There wants no verb at all in 
 this place. See how it runs, $>ux|j(<r6i w Tr^aa-yrrxurxs 
 Tiff, xKKx /*XXov HYI ovx. a>v TOW ysvou; , /39-Xiua-)|. Let 
 us apply the words of Plutarch to the whole passage : Oo 
 yg 11 yrptxrirrxta-xf rtf rov yroS* 6x<rtKiv'<rn TOO 5no *- 
 $fv XX' it P.YI yvt\ft(>s w, /<>|Je 'Hf axXsi^yj;, TOUTS 
 Tf %>x>iv uvtti /3a<rxii*v. Plutarch in Agesil. 
 
 > He is said to have been the son of Alcibiades, who 
 during his residence at Sparta, had an intrigue with 
 Timsea. She was excessively fond of this gallant Athe- 
 nian, and within doors always called this son Alcibiades. 
 But Alcibiades was used to profess, that he carried on 
 the intrigue with Timaea, not from any lewd or wanton 
 motive, but only that his own posterity might reign at 
 Sparta. Plutarch's Life of Alcibiades. 
 
 Agesilaus had not reigned a year, when, dur 
 ing his performance of a solemn sacrifice for 
 the public welfare, the soothsayer told him, 
 that " the gods showed him a conspiracy of the 
 most dangerous kind." Upon his repeating 
 the sacrifice, he affirmed that " the victims 
 showed worse than before." But when he sa- 
 crificed a third time, he said, It is plainly 
 signified to me, that we are, Agesilaus, in the 
 midst of enemies." They sacrificed afterwards 
 to the gods who avert calamities or were 
 guardians of the state ; and the victims after 
 several repetitions at length appearing favour- 
 able, they ceased. Within five days after the 
 sacrifices, somebody gives the ephori informa- 
 tion of a conspiracy, and that " Cinadon was 
 the chief director of it." This Cinadon was a 
 very handsome young man, of great solidity of 
 mind, but not in the first class of Spartans. 
 The ephori questioned the informer " on what 
 grounds the plot was to be carried on 1" He 
 answered, that " Cinadon, drawing him aside 
 in the farthest part of the forum, bade him 
 count the number of Spartans who were then 
 walking upon it. And I (said he) having 
 counted the king, and the ephori, and the 
 seniors, and about forty others, demanded, But 
 why, Cinadon, did you bid me count them? 
 Reckon these (he replied) to be enemies, but 
 all others now upon the forum, who amount at 
 least to four thousand, to be assuredly friends." 
 He added, that "as they went along the 
 streets, Cinadon pointed sometimes at one, 
 and sometimes at a couple of enemies, but ail 
 others were firm accomplices ; and on all the 
 estates in the country belonging to Spartans, 
 the master singly was an enemy, whilst all the 
 people were their own." The ephori then de- 
 manded, " what number of persons he told him 
 were in the secret of the plot?" He answer- 
 ed, that " Cinadon told him, the number yet 
 let into the design by the principal agents was 
 not large, but were men on whom they could 
 depend. Yet all agreed that the Helots, the 
 new-enfranchised, those incapacitated by law 
 from being magistrates, and the people in the 
 neighbourhood of Sparta, were all ripe for a 
 rebellion ; since whenever any discourse arose 
 about the Spartans, not a soul amongst them 
 could conceal the longing he had to eat them 
 up alive." They asked him next, By what 
 methods they were to procure arms?" He 
 Answered, that " such as were already in the 
 secret had told him' We ourselves are already 
 
404 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 provided ;*- and in regard to the multitude, 
 Cinadon had led him to the shops of the me- 
 chanics, and showed him many swords, many 
 daggers, many spits, many hatchets and axes, 
 and many scythes ; adding farther on this oc- 
 casion, that all the utensils which men employ 
 in agriculture and the working of timber and 
 stone were so many weapons, and even the 
 tools used in most trades would serve the pur- 
 pose, especially against enemies who had no 
 arms at all." Being interrogated again, "in 
 what time they were to put the plot in execu- 
 tion ?" he said, "he had already received an 
 order to keep in the way." 
 
 The ephori, having finished the examina- 
 tion, were persuaded he had discovered a deep- 
 laid plot, and were terribly alarmed. Yet they 
 summoned no meeting on the occasion even 
 of the lesser council ; but assembling some of 
 the senior Spartans just as they could pick 
 them up, they determined to send Cinadon to 
 Aulon, accompanied by a party of the younger 
 Spartans, to arrest and bring away some in- 
 habitants of that city and some Helots, whose 
 names he would find in his scytale. They 
 also ordered him to bring away with him a wo- 
 man, who was reported to be the greatest beau- 
 ty in the place, but was thought to debauch all 
 the Lacedaemonians, as well old as young, who 
 frequented Aulon. Cinadon had executed 
 some such orders of the ephori on former oc- 
 casions, and readily took the scytale they gave 
 him now, in which were the names of the per- 
 sons he was to apprehend. But when he ask- 
 ed, what youths he was to take with him!" 
 " Go," they said, " and order the senior of the 
 prefects of youth to send six or seven of his 
 band along with you, of such as happen to be 
 at hand." They had taken care beforehand, 
 that this prefect should know whom he was to 
 send, and that the persons sent should know 
 they were to secure Cinadon. They told 
 Cinadon further, " they would send three car- 
 riages, that they might not bring away their 
 prisoners on foot;" concealing from him as 
 much as possible, that they only aimed at his 
 single person. They would not venture to 
 apprehend him in the city, as they did not 
 know how far the plot might have spread, and 
 were desirous to learn first from Cinadon him- 
 self who were his accomplices, before they 
 would discover that any information was given 
 against them, in order to prevent their flight. 
 The party along with him were first to secure 
 
 him, and then getting out from him the names 
 of his accomplices, to send them in writing in 
 all haste to the ephori. Nay, so intent were 
 the ephori on securing the point, that they 
 also ordered a troop of horse to march with 
 this party to Aulon. , 
 
 But as soon as Cinadon was secured, and a 
 horseman returned with the names that Cina- 
 don had discovered, they instantly apprehended 
 Tisamenus the soothsayer, and the most dan- 
 gerous persons amongst the conspirators. And 
 when Cinadon was brought to Sparta and ex- 
 amined, he confessed the particulars of the 
 plot, and named all the persons concerned in 
 it At last they asked him, With what view 
 he had engaged in such a project !" His reply 
 was, " That I might be inferior to no man in 
 Sparta." Immediately after this he was tied 
 neck and arms in the wooden collar, 1 and along 
 with his accomplices was led round the city, 
 being all the way scourged with rods and prick- 
 ed with javelins. And thus they received the 
 punishment inflicted by the laws. 2 
 
 IV. After these transactions, one Herod a 
 Syracusan, who was along with the master of 
 a vessel in Phoenicia, and saw several Phoeni- 
 cian vessels arriving from other places, and 
 more of them already manned where he was, 
 and more still fitting out, and heard farther 
 that they were to be completed to the number 
 of three hundred ; this Herod took his pas- 
 sage on board the first vessel that sailed for 
 Greece, and gave intelligence to the Lacedae- 
 monians, that " the king and Tissaphernes 
 were fitting out so great a fleet, but whither 
 designed, he said, he had not discovered." 
 The Lacedaemonians were all in a flutter, and 
 summoned a meetmg of the confederates to 
 consult what was to be done. Lysander, who 
 reckoned that the Grecians would be far supe- 
 rior at sea, and remembered the fine retreat of 
 his countrymen who had served in the expedi- 
 tion under Cyrus, persuades Agesilaus to en- 
 gage, if they would assign him thirty noble 
 Spartans, two thousand of such as were newly 
 enfranchised, and a body of six thousand con- 
 federates, to carry the war into Asia. He had 
 it farther in his intention to accompany Age- 
 silaus in this expedition, that under his protec- 
 tion he might re-establish the forms of govern- 
 ment consisting of ten persons, which himself 
 
 i KA.CKU. 
 
 a Leunclavius'a marg. reading, > 
 
 &* rut Jt 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 405 
 
 had set up in the cities, and the ephori had 
 since abolished, who ordered them to return to 
 their .primitive models. Agesilaus having 
 therefore offered to undertake the expedition, 
 the Lacedaemonians, beside all the rest of his 
 demands, granted him a six months' supply of 
 corn. When he had performed his sacrifices, 
 particularly the solemn ones usual before fo- 
 reign expeditions, he set forwards. He had al- 
 ready by messengers circulated his orders to 
 the confederate states, to what place they were 
 to send their quotas, and in what number they 
 were to be ready for him. For his own part, 
 he intended to go and sacrifice at Aulis, as 
 Agamemnon had done when he set out against 
 Troy. When arrived at Aulis, the rulers of 
 Bffiotia, who heard he was sacrificing, sent 
 thither a party of horse, who forbade his sacri- 
 ficing any more, and threw off from the altar 
 the victims he was offering at the time of their 
 approach. Making loud appeals to heaven, 
 and full of indignation, he went on board his 
 ship, and put to sea. And after reaching Ge- 
 rastus, and collecting together as large a num- 
 ber as he could of the troops assigned him, he 
 crossed the sea at the head of the armament to 
 Ephesus. 
 
 On his arrival at Ephesus, he was accosted 
 by messengers from Tissaphernes, who de- 
 manded, " what was his business in Asia ?" 
 He replied, To set the Greek cities in Asia 
 in as perfect liberty as our own cities enjoy in 
 Greece." The answer of Tissaphernes to this 
 was " If therefore you will come into a truce, 
 whilst I send up to the king, I think I shall 
 get that point settled so that you may go home 
 again at pleasure." I would agree to a 
 truce," said Agesilaus, was I not afraid that 
 you will deceive me. But you shall have," he 
 added, what security you please from us, that 
 if you solicit the point without fraud, we will 
 refrain during the truce from doing any damage 
 to the country under your government." This 
 point being agreed to, Tissaphernes swore to 
 Herippidas, Dercyllidas, and Megialius, who 
 were sent to him for this purpose, that " with- 
 out fraud he would procure a peace :" and they 
 in return swore to Tissaphernes, in the name 
 of Agesilaus, that whilst Tissaphernes was 
 employed in this negotiation, he would faith- 
 fully observe the truce." Tissaphernes swore, 
 indeed, but immediately broke his oath. For 
 instead of soliciting a peace, he sent to the 
 king for a number of troops to reinforce the 
 
 army he already had. But Agesilaus, though 
 sensible of such behaviour, most steadily ob- 
 served the truce. 
 
 Whilst Agesilaus was thus passing his time 
 in a quiet and leisurely manner at Ephesus, 
 there was high confusion in all the Greek 
 cities of Asia, as the democracy, which had 
 prevailed when they were under the Athe- 
 nians, no longer existed, nor the administration 
 of ten persons, which had been the establish- 
 ment of Lysander. But, as every body there 
 was acquainted with Lysander, they applied 
 themselves to him, requesting his interest with 
 Agesilaus to get their favourite forms estab- 
 lished. And hence it was, that a prodigious 
 crowd of people was constantly attending up- 
 on and paying court to Lysander, so that in 
 short Agesilaus seemed only a private person, 
 and Lysander looked like a king. What fol- 
 lowed showed indeed that these things cha- 
 grined Agesilaus. The rest of the thirty 
 Spartans were so filled with envy, that they 
 could not refrain from giving it vent. They 
 told Agesilaus, that " Lysander's behaviour 
 was quite unjustifiable, since he assumed a 
 pomp even too high for a king." But as soon 
 as Lysander began to introduce them to Age- 
 silaus, he dismissed with a flat refusal of their 
 petitions all such as he knew were strenuously 
 supported by Lysander.. And as things were 
 now taking a quite different turn to what Ly- 
 sander expected, he soon discovered the cause. 
 And then he no longer suffered such a crowd 
 of people to pay attendance upon himself, and 
 ingenuously owned to such as begged his sup- 
 port, that they would succeed the worse if he 
 appeared in their favour. He took his dis- 
 grace to heart, and going to Agesilaus expos- 
 tulated thus " Are you then, Agesilaus, be- 
 come an artist at lessening your friends?" 
 " Upon honour, I am," he replied, " when they 
 betray a design of appearing greater than my- 
 self. But I should blush indeed if I was not 
 as great a proficient in the art of honouring 
 those who endeavour to promote my honour." 
 Why then I am convinced," said Lysander, 
 " that your conduct is much easier to be justi- 
 fied than my own. But for the future, that I 
 may avoid the disgrace of having no interest at 
 all in you, and may be no obstacle to your per- 
 sonal glory, send me to some remote employ. 
 For wherever I go, I will spare no pains to 
 serve you." He made this proposal which 
 Agesilaus approved, and sends him to Hellee- 
 
406 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 pont. When there, Lysander having made a 
 discovery, that Spithridates the Persian had 
 suffered some oppressions from Pharnabazus, 
 gets a conference with him, and persuades him 
 to revolt with his children, with his wealth, 
 and about two hundred horse. He placed the 
 rest of his people and his effects in Cyzicus, 
 but set out himself on the journey, and con- 
 ducted Spithridates and his son to Agesilaus. 
 Agesilaus, when he knew the whole affair, 
 was highly pleased, and immediately began his 
 inquiries about the country and government 
 that belonged to Pharnabazus. 
 
 But when Tissaphernes, highly animated by 
 the army that came down to his assistance 
 from the king, declared war against him, unless 
 he evacuated Asia, the rest of the confede- 
 rates and even the Lacedaemonians who were 
 there, betrayed great signs of dejection, as 
 they judged the force at present with Agesi- 
 laus was by no means a match for that of the 
 king. Agesilaus however, with a counte- 
 nance exceeding cheerful ordered the ambas- 
 sadors to acquaint Tissaphernes, that " he had 
 high obligations to him, since by perjuring 
 himself he had got the gods for his enemies, 
 and had made them friends to the Greeks." 
 Immediately after this he issued out orders to 
 his soldiers to get all things in readiness to take 
 the field. He gave notice also to the cities, by 
 which he must of necessity pass in the route to- 
 wards Caria, to prepare their markets. He sent 
 farther to the lonians, and ^Eolians, and Hel- 
 lespontines to march up their quotas that were 
 to serve under him to Ephesus. Tissaphernes, 
 therefore, because Agesilaus had no horse, and 
 Caria was not a country proper for them, and 
 because he judged him exasperated personally 
 against himself for having deceived him, ac- 
 tually concluded that he would march into 
 Caria to ruin the place of his residence. He 
 therefore sent away all his infantry into Caria, 
 but led his horse round into the plains of Mae- 
 ander, accounting himself able with his horse 
 alone to trample the Grecians under foot before 
 they could reach that part of the country in 
 which cavalry could not act. But Agesilaus, 
 instead of taking the route of Caria, took in- 
 stantly one quite contrary, and marched for 
 Phrygia. He reduced the cities on his march, 
 and by an incursion so entirely unexpected, he 
 took an infinite quantity of most valuable spoil. 
 
 Hitherto he had seen no enemy at all. But 
 when he drew near Dascylum, the horse in his 
 
 van rode up to an eminence, that they might 
 take a view of the country before them. It so 
 happened that the horse of Pharnabazus, com- 
 manded by Rathines and Bancaeus his bastard 
 brother, in number about equal to the Grecians, 
 had been detached by Pharnabazus, and were 
 riding up the same eminence that very moment. 
 Thus getting a view of and not distant from 
 one another above four plethra, 1 each side at 
 first made a halt. The Grecian horse was drawn 
 up four deep, like a body of foot ; but the Bar- 
 barians had formed their ranks to no more 
 than twelve men in front, but of a very great 
 depth. After this halt, the Barbarians ad- 
 vanced first to give the charge. When the 
 engagement was begun, whatever Grecian 
 struck an enemy, his spear broke off short with 
 the blow : but the Persians, whose weapons 
 were made of less brittle materials, 2 had soon 
 slain twelve men and two horses ; and soon 
 after the Grecians were put to flight. Yet, as 
 Agesilaus was advancing with the heavy-armed 
 to their relief, the Barbarians retreated in their 
 turn, and one of the noble Persians is slain. 
 
 After this engagement between the horse, 
 when Agesilaus sacrificed next day for proceed- 
 ing forwards, the victims were inauspicious. 
 This plainly appearing, he turned off and 
 marched down to the sea-coast. Being now 
 convinced, that, unless he could procure a suffi- 
 cient body of horse, he should never be able to 
 march down into the plains, he resolved to 
 procure them, that he might not be obliged to 
 make war like a fugitive. He therefore drew 
 up a list of the persons in all the adjacent cities 
 who could best afford to keep horses. And 
 having promised, that whoever contributed to- 
 wards the cavalry either arms or an approved 
 horseman should be excused from personal ser- 
 vice, he made them exert themselves with as 
 much activity as if each was seeking out a man 
 to die in his own stead. 
 
 But afterwards, so soon as it was spring, he 
 drew them all in a body to Ephesus. And here 
 resolving to exercise his troops, he proposed 
 rewards to the companies of heavy-armed which 
 ever appeared in the finest condition, and to 
 the squadrons of horse which should perform 
 their duty best. He also proposed rewards to 
 the targeteers and archers, to such as should 
 best behave in their respective duties. In 
 
 * Four hundred feet. 
 a KpuvuvM jraA.T sxo 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 407 
 
 consequence of this one might have seen all 
 the places of exercise crowded with persons at 
 their exercise, and the riding-schools with 
 horsemen practising the manege, the darters 
 also and archers exercising their parts ; in 
 short, he made the whole city of Ephesus a 
 fine spectacle indeed ; for the market-place was 
 filled with arms of all sorts and horses for sale. 
 The braziers, carpenters, smiths, curriers, and 
 furbishers were all busy in preparing the in- 
 struments of battle, insomuch that you would 
 actually have judged that city to be the work- 
 house of war. And it inspirited every spectator 
 to see, beside all this, Agesilaus marching first, 
 his soldiers following with garlands on their 
 heads, when they came from their exercise and 
 went to offer up their garlands to Diana. For 
 wherever men worship the gods, perfect them- 
 selves in martial exercise, and carefully practise 
 obedience to their superiors, how is it possible 
 that all things there should not be full of the 
 warmest hope 1 But thinking further, that a 
 contempt of the enemy might invigorate his 
 men the more for battle, he ordered the criers to 
 sell such barbarians quite naked as were taken 
 by their plundering parties. The soldiers there- 
 fore seeing them with skins exceeding white, 
 because they never had used themselves to strip, 
 delicate also and plump in body, because they 
 always travelled upon wheels, imagined there 
 was no difference between fighting against such 
 men and fighting against women. 
 
 A whole year was now completely come 
 round since Agesilaus sailed from Greece, so 
 that the thirty Spartans in commission with 
 Lysander departed for Sparta, and their suc- 
 cessors with Herippidas were ready to succeed 
 them. To Xenocles, one of the number, and 
 to another person Agesilaus gave the command 
 of the horse ; to Scythes that of the heavy- 
 armed who were newly enfranchised ; to He- 
 rippidas the command of those who had served 
 under Cyrus ; and to Migdon the command of 
 the troops belonging to the cities. And now 
 he gave out, that he would immediately march 
 them by the shortest route into the strongest 
 parts of the country, that from this consider- 
 ation, they might best prepare their bodies and 
 resolution too for action. Tissaphernes judged 
 indeed, that he gave this out merely from a de- 
 sire to deceive him again, but now undoubtedly 
 he would break into Caria. His infantry there- 
 lore, as before, he sent away into Caria, and 
 posted his horse in the plain of Mseander. 
 
 Agesilaus told no falsehood at all ; but, exactly 
 as he had given out, immediately marched for 
 the province of Sardis; and for three days pass- 
 ng through a country quite clear of enemies, 
 tie got subsistence in abundance for all his 
 troops. But on the fourth day the enemy's 
 horse came in sight, and ] their commander 
 ordered the officer who took care of the baggage 
 to pass the river Pactolus and encamp. And 
 then, beholding the followers of the Greeks to 
 be straggling about for plunder, they slew many 
 of them. Agesilaus, perceiving this, ordered 
 the horse to advance to their relief. On the 
 other side, the Persians, when they saw the 
 horse advancing, gathered close together, and 
 drew up their whole numerous cavalry in order 
 of battle. And here Agesilaus, knowing that 
 the enemy had no foot at hand, whereas none 
 of his own forces were absent, thought it a pro- 
 per opportunity to engage if possible. Having 
 sacrificed therefore, he immediately led the 
 main body towards the horse who were drawn 
 up to face him ; but he ordered some 2 heavy- 
 armed Spartans of the first military class to 
 march up with the main body ; and bade the 
 targeteers advance at the same time running ; 
 and then he sent orders to the horse to charge 
 the enemy, since himself and all the army were 
 ready to support them. The Persians stood 
 indeed the charge of his horse. But when at 
 once every thing terrible was upon them they 
 were forced to give way ; and some of them 
 were immediately pushed into the river, whilst 
 the rest fled outright. The Grecians pursue, 
 and are masters of their camp. And now the 
 targeteers, as it is likely they should, were gone 
 off to plunder. But Agesilaus, inclosing friend 
 and foe, encamped round about them in a cir- 
 cle. A ,vast quantity of booty was taken by 
 him on this occasion, which he found to be in 
 value above seventy talents. 3 The camels also 
 were taken at this time, which Agesilaus 
 brought afterwards into Greece. 
 
 At the- time this battle was fought, Tissa- 
 phernes happened to be at Sardis : for which 
 reason he was accused by the Persians, as one 
 who had betrayed them all to the enemy. But 
 the king of Persia, conscious himself that the 
 bad state of his affairs was owing entirely to 
 
 i The marginal reading of the Paris edition by Lonn- 
 clavius. 
 
 * Marginal reading of Leunckvius, 
 13,562?. 10s. 
 
408 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK m. 
 
 Tissaphernes, sent Tithraustes down, and cuts 
 off his head. 
 
 When Tithraustes had executed this order, 
 he sends ambassadors to Agesilaus, who said 
 The author, Agesilaus, of the present war 
 between you and us, hath received his punish- 
 ment. But the king now insists that you re- 
 turn back to Greece, and that the cities in Asia, 
 continuing to govern themselves by their own 
 laws, shall pay to him the tribute they formerly 
 paid." Agesilaus replied, that " he would set- 
 tle nothing without instructions from the ma- 
 gistrates of Sparta." Tithraustes rejoined, " But 
 till you can know their pleasure, quit these parts 
 and make war upon Pharnabazus, since I my- 
 self have amply avenged you on your enemy 
 here." Agesilaus answered, " As I shall be 
 some time on my march thither, you must pay 
 for the supply of my army." Accordingly 
 Tithraustes gives him thirty talents, 1 on receipt 
 of which he proceeded towards Phrygia, in 
 quest of Pharnabazus. 
 
 Being now on his march and in the plain be- 
 yond Cyme, an express from the magistrates of 
 Sparta comes to him with an order, " to take 
 the fleet under his own command, and to ap- 
 point whom he pleased to be admiral of it." 
 
 The Lacedaemonians acted thus from these 
 considerations, that if he was commander of 
 both, the land-army would act more firmly be- 
 cause of their union with the fleet, and the 
 fleet would act more firmly by the sight of the 
 land-army ready to support them whenever it 
 was needful. When Agesilaus had received 
 this authority, he immediately circulated orders 
 to the cities in the islands and on the sea-coast 
 to build triremes, the number to be left to the 
 discretion of each city. Accordingly, about 
 one hundred and twenty new ones were built, 
 partly at the public determination of those 
 cities, and partly by the zeal of private persons 
 who studied to oblige him. He then appointed 
 Pisander, his wife's brother, to be admiral, a 
 man desirous to signalize himself, and of great 
 natural abilities, but of small experience in na- 
 val matters. Pisander accordingly departed to 
 take care of the fleet, whilst Agesilaus, contin- 
 uing his first design, proceeded in his march 
 against Phrygia. 
 
 V. In the meantime Tithraustes, who judged 
 it plain that Agesilaus had a real contempt for 
 the power of his master, and had no manner of 
 
 5.812J. 10*. 
 
 intention to go out of Asia, but on the con- 
 trary entertained high hopes of demolishing 
 the king ; Tithraustes, I say, after balancing 
 about the measures he should take, sends into 
 Greece Timocrates the Rhodian. He furnished 
 him with gold to the value of fifty talents, 2 and 
 instructed him to distribute the money amongst 
 the leading men in the several states, after 
 procuring from them the strongest engagements 
 that they would make war upon the Lacedae- 
 monians. Timocrates, when arrived, distributes 
 his gold, at Thebes to Androclides and Isme- 
 nias and Galaxidorus, at Corinth to Timolaus 
 and Polyanthes, at Argos to Cyclon and his 
 faction. The Athenians, even without getting 
 any share of the money, were ready for a war, 
 and judged they ought to be principals in it. 
 The persons who had received their shares, 
 began the outcry against the Lacedaemonians 
 in their own several communities. When they 
 had once raised in these a hatred against the 
 Lacedaemonians, they next drew the principal 
 states of Greece into their scheme. But the 
 leading men at Thebes, being well assured 
 that unless somebody began the rupture the 
 Lacedaemonians would never break the peace 
 with .their allies, persuade the Locrians of 
 Opus to levy contributions on a certain district, 
 about which there was a controversy between 
 them and the Phocians, judging that upon this 
 provocation the Phocians would break into 
 Locris. They were not deceived ; for the 
 Phocians breaking immediately into Locris, 
 carried off a booty of many times the value. 
 Androclides therefore and his party soon per- 
 suaded the Thebans to assist the Locrians, 
 since the Phocians had actually levied war, not 
 upon a district that was in dispute, but on 
 Locris itself, that was confessedly in friendship 
 and alliance with them. And when the The- 
 bans, by way of retaliation, had broke into 
 Phocis and laid the country waste, the Pho- 
 cians send ambassadors in all haste to Lacedae- 
 mon, and demanded assistance, representing 
 that " they had not begun the war, but had act- 
 ed against the Locrians in self-defence." The 
 Lacedaemonians caught with pleasure at this 
 pretext to make war upon the Thebans, having 
 long been irritated against them for their de- 
 tention at Decelea of the tenth due to Apollo, 
 and for their refusal to march with them against 
 the Piraeus. They accused them farther of 
 
 a 9,683/. 10s. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 409 
 
 persuading the Corinthians too, not to accom- 
 pany them on that occasion. They also re- 
 called to remembrance, how they would not 
 permit Agesilaus to sacrifice at Aulis, and 
 threw the victims actually sacrificed from off 
 the altar, and that none of them were serving 
 at this time under Agesilaus in Asia. They 
 judged the present, therefore, a fine oppor- 
 tunity to march an army against them, and 
 put a stop to their insolent behaviour; for 
 matters went well in Asia under the com- 
 mand of Agesilaus, and they had no war at 
 present upon their hands in Greece. These 
 being the general sentiments of the Lace- 
 daemonians, the ephori proclaimed a foreign 
 expedition. But first they sent Lysander to 
 the Phocians, and ordered him to conduct the 
 Phocians with all their strength, and the 
 Oeteans and the Heracleots and the Melien- 
 sians and J3nianians to Haliartus. Pausanias, 
 who was to command the army, agreed to be 
 there on a certain day with the Lacedaemonians, 
 and the rest of the Peloponnesian confederates. 
 Lysander truly obeyed all his orders, and, what 
 is more, procured the revolt of the Orchomeni- 
 ans from the Thebans. But Pausanias, after 
 completing the solemn sacrifices, lingered for 
 a time at Tegea, sending out the persons who 
 were to command the confederate quotas, and 
 waiting the coming up of the troops from the 
 neighbouring cities. 
 
 When now it was clear to the Thebans that 
 the Lacedaemonians would soon march into 
 their country, they sent ambassadors to Athens, 
 who spoke as follows : 
 
 " You have, Athenians, complaints against 
 us, as men who made proposals to ruin you, in 
 the close of the late war : but ye have no man- 
 ner of reason for such complaints. These 
 proposals were not issued by the people of 
 Thebes ; they were merely the declaration of 
 one single Theban, who assisted then at the 
 consultations of the confederates. But when 
 the Lacedaemonians solicited us to march with 
 them against the Piraeus, the whole state un- 
 animously joined in a refusal. It is principally 
 therefore on your account that the Lacedae- 
 monians now are exasperated against us ; and 
 it is natural for us to esteem it incumbent 
 upon you to assist our state against them. 
 
 " Nay, we have much stronger reasons for 
 
 insisting, that so many of you as were of the 
 
 party in the city should march cheerfully now 
 
 against the Lacedaemonians. For, after setting 
 
 35 
 
 up an oligarchy here, and throwing you into 
 enmity with the people, hither they marched 
 with a numerous force, pretending themselves 
 your confederates, and then delivered you up 
 to the people. So far as Lacedaemonians 
 could do it, you were utterly undone : it was 
 your own people here assembled that saved 
 you. 
 
 We know, moreover, Athenians, we know 
 it well, how desirous you are again to recover 
 that empire, of which you were formerly pos- 
 sessed. And what more probable method to 
 accomplish this desire, than in person to suc- 
 cour those whom your enemies oppress 1 Those 
 enemies, it is true, give law to numerous states. 
 But suffer not yourselves to be awed by this 
 consideration, which rather abounds in motives 
 to courage and resolution. Your own recol- 
 lection will inform you, that the number of 
 your enemies was always the greatest when 
 your rule was most enlarged. So long indeed 
 as no favourable opportunities offered for re- 
 volt, people concealed the enmity they bore 
 you ; but no sooner had the Lacedaemonians 
 set up for leaders, than they openly showed 
 what they thought of you : and at present 
 would but we Thebans and you Athenians 
 appear together in arms against the Lacedae- 
 monians, be assured that many who hate them 
 will openly declare it. 
 
 Reflect within yourselves, and you will con- 
 fess the truth of what we are alleging. What 
 people in Greece continues at present well af- 
 fected to them 1 Have not the Argives been 
 from time immemorial their irreconcileable 
 foes] Even the Eleans, deprived by them as 
 they now have been of a large territory and its 
 cities, are added to the number of their ene- 
 mies. And why should we mention the Cor- 
 inthians and Arcadians and Achreans 7 who, so 
 long as the war was carrying on against you 
 were earnestly solicited by them, and were au- 
 mitted to a share of every hardship, of every 
 danger, and of every expense ; and yet, when 
 the Lacedaemonians had carried all their points, 
 in what dominion, what honour, what wealth, 
 were they suffered to partake ? Nay, so haugh- 
 ty are they grown, that they send out their 
 very slaves to be governors over their friends ; 
 and, in the height of their good fortune, have 
 declared themselves lords over their free con- 
 federates. Nay farther, it is manifest to all, 
 how grossly they have deluded those very peo- 
 ple whom they seduced to revolt from you, 
 3 B 
 
410 
 
 XENOPH\>N ON THE 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 since, instead of giving them liberty, they have 
 doubled their portion of slavery upon them. 
 For they are tyrannized over by the governors 
 whom these Lacedaemonians send them, and by 
 the committees of ten, which Lysander hath 
 established in every city. Nay, even the mon- 
 arch of Asia, who principally enabled them to 
 get the better over you what better treatment 
 doth he now receive, than if he had joined with 
 you to war them down 1 
 ' " Is it not therefore quite reasonable to ima- 
 gine, that would you but set yourselves at the 
 head of those who were so manifestly aggrieved, 
 you may again become a much greater people 
 than ever you were in former times 1 For, 
 during the former interval of your power, the 
 sea was the only element in which you dis- 
 played it. But now you will be leaders of all, 
 of us, of the Peloponnesians too, and of those 
 who were subjected to you before, and of the 
 king himself possessed of the amplest share of 
 power. In regard to us, you yourselves well 
 know, how very valuable confederates we 
 proved to them. But now, we want no mo- 
 tive to join you with higher alacrity and more 
 effectual strength than we then joined the La- 
 cedaemonians. For we shall unite our aid on 
 this occasion, not in behalf of the inhabitants 
 of the isles or the inhabitants of Syracuse, not 
 in behalf of remote people as we did at that 
 time, but in behalf of our ownselves, so griev- 
 ously injured as we have been. 
 
 " There is one truth more, of which you 
 ought to rest well assured, that the ravenous 
 appetite after power in the Lacedaemonians 
 may much easier be demolished than the power 
 you once enjoyed. You then were a maritime 
 power, and could awe the most reluctant states. 
 The Lacedaemonians, though a mere handful 
 of men, are greedily assuming power over peo- 
 ple many times more numerous than, and in 
 arms not one jot inferior to themselves. 
 
 " These considerations therefore we lay be- 
 fore you ; and rest perfectly convinced, Athe- 
 nians, that it is our firm persuasion we are in- 
 viting you now to do greater services to Athens 
 than to Thebes." 
 
 With these words the Theban ambassador 
 put an end to his discourse. 
 
 A very large number of Athenians spoke 
 afterwards in their favour, and it was unani- 
 mously decreed to aid the Thebans. Thrasy- 
 bulus presented the decree by way of answer, 
 in which it was expressly recited, that " though 
 
 the Piraeus was not yet restored to a state of 
 "ence, they would however run all hazards to 
 urn greater services than they had themselves 
 ived. You Thebans," he then added, did 
 join your arms against us, but we Athe- 
 ns will fight along with you against the La- 
 monians, in case they invade you." The 
 bans therefore departing got ready all the 
 s of their defence, and the Athenians were 
 g preparations for their succour. 
 Lacedaemonians lost no more time, for 
 Pausknias their king marched into Boeotia at 
 the head of the troops of Sparta and the troops 
 of Peloponnesus ; the Corinthians were the 
 only people who did not attend. Lysander, 
 however, at the head of the troops from Pho- 
 cis and Orchomenus and the adjacent cities had 
 arrived at Haliartus before Pausanias. And 
 when arrived, he could not bear to wait inac- 
 tively till the Lacedaemonian army came up, 
 but with the force he already had he marched 
 up to the walls of the Haliartians. At first he 
 persuaded them to revolt from the Thebans, 
 and declare themselves free and independent: 
 but when some of the Thebans, who were 
 within the walls, hindered them from making 
 ahy such declaration, he made an assault upon 
 the wall. The Thebans hearing this set for- 
 ward, heavy-armed and horse, with all speed to 
 its succour. How the fact really was, whether 
 they suddenly fell upon Lysander, or whether, 
 aware of their approach, he slighted them from 
 a confidence of victory, is still uncertain. 
 Thus much only is clear, that a battle was 
 fought under the walls, and a trophy was 
 erected at the gate of Haliartus. And no 
 sooner was Lysander slain, than his troops, fled 
 away to the mountain, and the Thebans fol- 
 lowed resolutely in pursuit. The pursuers 
 were now on the ascent of the mountain, and 
 had pushed forward into the strait and narrow 
 pass, when the heavy-armed faced suddenly 
 about, and poured their javelins with good effect 
 upon them. When two or three of the fore- 
 most were dropped, they rolled down great 
 stones along the declivity upon the rest, and kept 
 plying at them with great alacrity, so that the 
 Thebans are driven quite down the hill, and 
 more than two hundred of them perish. This 
 day therefore the Thebans were dispirited, 
 reckoning they had suffered as much as 
 they had made the enemy suffer before. 
 However, on the morrow, when they heard 
 the Phocians had marched off in the night anc 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 411 
 
 the rest of the confederates were departed to 
 their several homes, they conceived a much 
 higher opinion of their late success. But when 
 again Pausanias appeared in sight at the head 
 of the Lacedaemonian army, they thought them- 
 selves once more in very imminent danger, and 
 it was said there was a deep silence and much 
 dejection among the troops. Yet when, upon 
 the arrival of the Athenians the day after, and 
 their junction with them, Pausanias came no 
 nearer and no battle ensued, the Thebans be- 
 gan to be much higher in spirit than ever. 
 Pausanias, it is true, had called a council of his 
 general officers and captains, and demanded 
 their opinions, "whether he should give the 
 enemy battle, or fetch off Lysander and those 
 who were killed with him under truce." 
 For Pausanias and the other Lacedaemonians 
 who were in authority reasoned with themselves 
 that Lysander was actually slain, that the army 
 under his command was defeated and dispersed, 
 that the Corinthians had flatly refused to join 
 them, and the troops now in the army served 
 plainly against their inclinations : the cavalry 
 also were taken into their account; that of 
 the enemy was numerous ; their own was very 
 small ; the dead moreover were lying under 
 the walls of Haliartus ; so that, should they 
 get a victory, they could not easily fetch them 
 
 off because of the defendants upon the turrets. 
 Upon all these considerations, they judged it 
 most advisable to demand a truce for fetching 
 off their dead. The Thebans answered, that 
 " they would not restore the dead, unless the 
 enemy evacuated the country." They received 
 this condition with pleasure, and fetching off 
 their dead marched out of Boeotia. But after 
 such things had passed, the Lacedaemonians 
 march away with minds sadly dejected, and the 
 Thebans with all the marks of insolence. If 
 any one of the enemy straggled the least into 
 the inclosures, they drove them out again with 
 blows into the high road. 
 
 In this manner the expedition of the Lace- 
 daemonians was brought to a conclusion. Pau- 
 sanias however, upon his return to Sparta, was 
 summoned to a trial for his life. He was ac- 
 cused in form, for not marching up to Haliartus 
 so soon as Lysander, though they had jointly 
 agreed on a day for their junction, for demand- 
 ing a truce to fetch off their dead when he 
 ought to have endeavoured to recover them by 
 a battle, and for letting the people of Athens 
 escape him formerly when he had got them fast 
 in the Piraeus. Upon the whole, as he did not 
 appear at his trial, he was condemned to die. 
 He fled indeed to Tegea, and died there of sick- 
 ness. These things were done in Greece. 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 [413] 
 
 35* 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. 
 
 Farther proceedings of Agesilaus in Asia, till he is recalled to assist his country. The sea-fight of Cnidus.-- 
 The great battle of Coronea gained by Agesilaus. The Massacre of Corinth ; and the war between the Ar- 
 gives and Corinthians; the exploits of Agesilaus in behalf of the latter. Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens. 
 War in Hellespont. Thrasybul us killed. Total defeat of Anaxibius by Jphicrates. 
 
 [414] 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 I. AGESILAUS, who about autumn reached the 
 Phrygia of Pharnabazus, put the country to 
 fire and sward, and possessed himself of the 
 cities either by siege or voluntary surrender. 
 But Spithridates telling him that " if he would 
 go along with him into Paphlagonia, he would 
 persuade the king of the Paphlagonians to a 
 conference with him, and make him his con- 
 federate," he readily went with him, having 
 long been desirous to procure the revolt of this 
 nation from the king. And when he was ar- 
 rived in Paphlagonia, Cotys came to him and 
 agreed to a confederacy; for he had already 
 refused to obey a summons sent him by the 
 king. And, at the persuasion of Spithridates, 
 he left with Agesilaus a thousand horse and 
 two thousand targeteers. 
 
 Agesilaus esteeming himself highly obliged 
 to Spithridates for this good service, said to 
 him, " tell me, Spithridates, would not you 
 give your daughter to Cotys ?" " With much 
 more pleasure," he replied, "than Cotys would 
 receive her from me, an exile as I am, whilst 
 he is a mighty king and of large dominions." 
 This was all that was said at that time about 
 the match. But when Cotys was about de- 
 parting, he waited upon Agesilaus to take his 
 leave. The thirty Spartans were present ; 
 Spithridates had purposely been sent out of 
 the way ; when Agesilaus began thus to open 
 the, affair: "Tell me, Cotys, (said he) is 
 Spithridates a man of noble birth 1" He re- 
 plied, " No Persian is more nobly born." 
 You have seen his son, (said he) who is a 
 very handsome youth ?" " Beyond all doubt 
 he is ; I supped last night in his company." 
 " They tell me he hath a daughter, who is 
 much handsomer." " Oh heavens ! (replied 
 Cotys) she is a beauty indeed." Cotys, (said 
 
 he) you are now my friend ; I regard you as 
 such, and must advise you to marry this lady. 
 She is exceedingly beautiful, than which, what 
 can be sweeter to a man 1 She is the daughter 
 of a man of the highest nobility, and so exten- 
 sive a power, that in return to the wrongs 
 Pharnabazus hath done him, he hath taken 
 such ample revenge, as to force him to be a 
 fugitive from all his dominions, as yourself can 
 witness. And rest convinced, that as he 
 knows how to avenge himself upon an enemy, 
 so he knows as well how to serve his friend. 
 And be farther assured, that if this match be 
 completed, you not only gain a relation in 
 Spithridates, but in me also, and all the Lace- 
 daemonians, and consequently, (as we are the 
 head of Greece,) in all Greece itself. Nay, in 
 case you comply, what man can ever marry 
 with so much pomp as yourself ? What bride 
 can ever be conducted home with so many 
 horsemen, so many targeteers, and so many 
 heavy-armed, as shall conduct yours home to 
 you?" Here Cotys demanded, whether he 
 made this proposal with the privity of Spith- 
 ridates ? " I call the gods to witness (said 
 he) that he gave me no orders to mention 
 it to you. But I can say for myself, that 
 though I rejoice above measure when I punish 
 an enemy, yet methinks I receive much more 
 abundant pleasure when I find out any good 
 for my friends." Why therefore (replied 
 Cotys) did you not ask him whether he ap- 
 proves the match?" "Go you there, Herip- 
 pidas, (said Agesilaus) and persuade him to 
 give us his consent." Herippidas and his 
 colleagues rose up and went on their commis- 
 sion. But as their stay was long, " Are you 
 willing, Cotys, (said Agesilaus) that we send 
 for him ourselves ?" He replied, with all my 
 
 415 
 
416 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 heart ; for I am convinced, you have more in- 
 fluence over him than all the rest of mankind." 
 And upon this Agesilaus sent for Spithridates 
 and the others. On their approach, Herippi- 
 das said, "what need Agesilaus to repeat to 
 you all that hath passed between us 1 For in 
 short Spithridates says he will consent with 
 pleasure to whatever you please to propose." 
 It is therefore my pleasure," said Agesilaus, 
 " that you Spithridates give your daughter to 
 Cotys, and that you Cotys accept her, and 
 heaven bless the match ! We cannot indeed 
 before spring bring the lady home by land." 
 Cotys cried out, " But, by heaven, Agesilaus, 
 if you are willing, she may be sent immediate- 
 ly by sea." And now having given their hands 
 to one another to ratify the contract, they 
 dismissed Cotys. Agesilaus, as he knew 
 his eagerness, without loss of time com- 
 manded a trireme to be manned, and ordered 
 Callias the Lacedaemonian to carry the lady to 
 him. 
 
 In the meantime he marched himself to 
 Dascylium, where was the palace of Pharna- 
 bazus, surrounded with a number of villages, 
 all of them large and abundantly stored with 
 the necessaries of life. There was excellent 
 hunting, both in the parks that were paled 
 about and in the open fields. A river, full of 
 all sorts of fish, flowed round the whole spot 
 of ground ; and birds were everywhere to be 
 found for those who could fowl. It was here 
 that Agesilaus passed the winter, having sup- 
 plies at hand for his army, or fetching them in 
 by his foraging parties. But as once the sol- 
 diers were fetching in necessaries in a very- 
 careless and unguarded manner, since hitherto 
 they had met with no interruption, Pharnaba- 
 zus, who had with him two chariots armed 
 with scythes, and about four hundred horse, 
 fell suddenly amongst them as they were dis- 
 persed about the plains. The Grecians when 
 they saw him riding up, ran together in a body 
 to the number of seven hundred. He lost no 
 time, but setting his chariots in the front, and 
 posting himself behind with his horse, ordered 
 them to drive full upon the enemy. No soon- 
 er was that body broken by the fury of the 
 chariots than his horsemen instantly demolish- 
 ed about one hundred of the Greeks. The 
 rest fled away to Agesilaus, for he was near at 
 hand with the heavy-armed. 
 
 The third or fourth day after this, Spithri- 
 dates discovers that Pharnabazus was encamped 
 
 at Caue, a large village about a 1 hundred and 
 sixty stadia off, and sends this intelligence im- 
 mediately to Herippidas. Herippidas, always 
 eager to distinguish himself by some grand ex- 
 ploit, requests of Agesilaus two thousand 
 horse, an equal number of targeteers, the 
 horsemen farther belonging to Spithridates and 
 the Paphlagonians, and so many of the Greeks 
 as he could persuade to go with him. Agesi- 
 laus having complied with his request, he be- 
 gan his sacrifices ; and the victims appearing 
 favourable in the evening, he sacrificed no 
 more. He then issued his orders for the 
 troops to be ready after supper in the front of 
 the camp. It was now dark, and half the 
 number were not come out; but reflecting, 
 that if he gave up the affair, the rest of the 
 Thirty would sadly ridicule him, he marched 
 away with what force he got : and, falling in 
 by break of day upon the camp of Pharnabazus, 
 many of the Mysians, who were then upon the 
 guard, were slain ; the enemy took to their 
 heels, the camp is taken, with a great quantity 
 of plate and the whole field-equipage of Phar- 
 nabazus, with the addition of all the baggage 
 and the carriages, with the beasts that drew 
 them. For as Pharnabazus was in constant 
 fear of staying too long in a place, lest he 
 should be surrounded and blocked up, Scy- 
 thian-like, he was for ever changing his ground, 
 and most cautiously concealing his encamp- 
 ments. But when the Paphlagonians and 
 Spithridates brought in the booty they had 
 taken, Herippidas, who had posted his officers 
 for the purpose, took every thing away from 
 Spithridates and the Paphlagonians, in ordei 
 to enlarge the booty he himself should deliver 
 in to the commissioners of sale. Treated in 
 this manner, they could not brook it ; but as 
 men who had been injured and disgraced, they 
 packed up their baggage and went off by night 
 to Sardis, to offer their service to Ariaeus, con- 
 fident of a good reception from him, as he too 
 had revolted from and was making war upon 
 the king. Agesilaus took nothing to heart 
 during this expedition so much as this deser- 
 tion of Spithridates, and Megabyzus, and the 
 Paphlagonians. 
 
 But there was one Apollophanes of Cyzi- 
 cus, who had an hospitable connexion of long 
 standing with Pharnabazus, and at this time 
 had the same connexion with Agesilaus. 
 
 About sixteen miles. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 417 
 
 This man therefore told 'Agesilaus, that 
 he thought he could bring Pharnabazus 
 to a conference with him about a peace. 
 And when Agesilaus, listening to him, pledged 
 his right hand and granted a truce, he soon 
 brought Pharnabazus to the place agreed on. 
 Agesilaus truly and his thirty Spartans were 
 lying down upon the grass and waiting for 
 him. At length Pharnabazus appeared^ dressed 
 up in a most sumptuous attire. His servants 
 spread the carpets, on which the Persians seat 
 themselves softly down before Pharnabazus, 
 who seeing the mean figure that Agesilaus 
 made, became ashamed to indulge himself in 
 his usual manner ; in his finery therefore he 
 threw himself down on the bare ground. In 
 the first place, they gave one another a short 
 verbal greeting. Pharnabazus then offering 
 his right hand, Agesilaus in return held out his 
 own. This done, Pharnabazus thus began the 
 conference, for he was the elder man. 
 
 " To you, Agesilaus, and to all fou Lacedae- 
 monians here present, I address myself. I was 
 a firm friend and confederate to you, when you 
 warred with the Athenians. I furnished you 
 with money, and at sea I strengthened your 
 fleet. But by land I fought on horseback in 
 company with you, and drove your enemies in- 
 to the sea. And no one person amongst you 
 carj upbraid me with ever acting a double part 
 with you, as Tissaphernes did, either in word 
 or deed. Such I have been towards you, and 
 such treatment in return I have received from 
 you, that in all my .dominions at present I 
 cannot get one meal's meat, unless like a dog 
 I pick up the scraps you have left behind you. 
 As to all the fine houses, and the parks well 
 stocked with cattle and with timber, that my 
 father left me and which formerly rejoiced my 
 heart, I see them all destroyed by fire and 
 sword. I cannot think these proceedings to 
 be either just or pious; but I beg to learn 
 from you whether such should be the actions 
 of men who know how to be grateful?" 
 
 In this manner Pharnabazus spoke. The 
 Thirty Spartans to a man were quite out of 
 countenance, and kept a dead silence. But 
 after some pause, Agesilaus replied as follows : 
 
 " I imagine, Pharnabazus, you cannot be ig- 
 norant, that in the cities of Greece it is usual 
 for men to connect themselves together by the 
 ties of hospitality. But yet those very per- 
 sons, when the states of which they are mem- 
 bers are at war, adnere to their own country, 
 
 and make war on their hospitable friends ; nay. 
 sometimes it happens that in the field they 
 kill one another. In like manner we are now 
 at war with your king, and are obliged to exe- 
 cute all hostilities against whatever belongs to 
 him. In regard to yourself, there is nothing 
 we so much desire. as to have you for our 
 friend ; but even I myself would scorn to ad- 
 vise you to make a bare exchange, and merely 
 to take us for your masters instead of the king. 
 But you have it in your power, by joining with 
 us, to live henceforth in ample enjoyment of 
 all that belongs to you, without adoring a fel- 
 low-creature, or acknowledging any master at 
 all. For my own part, I reckon freedom to be 
 of greater value than all the riches in the 
 world. And yet I am far from inviting you 
 to be free and at the same time poor ; but, by 
 accepting our service as confederates, to en- 
 large for the future not the dominions of the 
 king but your own, and oblige those who are 
 now your fellow-slaves to be subjects to your- 
 self. And if at one and the same time you 
 become both free and rich, what more will you 
 need to make you completely happy 1" 
 
 I shall therefore tell you frankly," said 
 Pharnabazus, " what it is I intend to do." 
 
 " Spoken like a man of honour." 
 
 " It is my full resolution," Pharnabazus 
 went on, " in case the king sends another per- 
 son to take my place and lord it over me, to be 
 a friend and ally to you. But then, in case he 
 continues me in the command, I shall by the 
 laws of honour be bound and am determined, 
 I declare it before you all, to make war upon 
 you to the utmost of my power." 
 
 Agesilaus, hearing this, caught him by the 
 hand, and said, 
 
 *' I wish, most generous of men, that you 
 were a friend to us. But of one thing you may 
 rest assured, I will march out of your country 
 as fast as I can ; and for the time to come, so 
 long as the war continues, while we have an- 
 other person to attack, we will give no moles- 
 tation to thee or thine." 
 
 These words being spoken, they ended the 
 conference ; and Pharnabazus, mounting on 
 horseback, rode away. But his son by Para- 
 pite, a handsome youth, lingered behind, and 
 running up to him, cried out " O Agesilaus ! 
 I take thee for my hospitable friend." I ac- 
 cept you as such," he replied. " Remember 
 me, therefore," said the youth, and immediately 
 gave the javelin in his hand, a very fine one it 
 30 
 
418 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 was, to Agesilaus. He received it, and taking 
 oft' the trappings from the horse of Idaeus the 
 painter, he gave them in return. The youth 
 now leaping upon his horse, rode after his fa- 
 ther. And, afterwards, when, during the ab- 
 sence of Pharnabazus, another brother took 
 away his provinces from this son by Parapite, 
 and drove him into exile, Agesilaus showed 
 nim all possible kindness ; and particularly, 
 exerted himself so much in the favour of an 
 Athenian, the son of Evalces, who was loved 
 by this youth, that he got him admittance into 
 the Stadium at Olympia, though he was too 
 tall for the rest of the lads. 
 
 Agosilaus, however, pursuant to his pro- 
 mise, marched immediately out of the territory 
 of Pharnabazus, and the spring by this time 
 was drawing on. But when he was arrived in 
 the plains of Thebe, he encamped near the 
 temple of Astyrinian Diana, and there collect- 
 ed from all quarters a very large reinforcement 
 to his army. He was preparing now to pene- 
 trate as far as possible into the country, judg- 
 ing that whatever nations he should leave be- 
 hind him, would all, without exception, revolt 
 from the king. Such at this time were the 
 employments of Agesilaus. 
 
 But the Lacedaemonians, when once con- 
 vinced that money was come over into Greece, 
 and that the greatest states were caballing to- 
 gether for war, thought themselves in immi- 
 nent danger, and judged it necessary to take 
 the field. Accordingly they set about their 
 preparations, and without loss of time des- 
 patch Epycidides to Agesilaus. He, on his 
 arrival, reported to him the present situation of 
 Greece, and that the state commands him 
 with his utmost speed to succour his country." 
 Agesilaus, when he heard this, was sadly cha- 
 grined, recollecting of what honours and hopes 
 he was going to be deprived I 1 Calling how- 
 ever the confederates together, he communi- 
 cated to them the orders he had received from 
 
 i According to Plutarch he immediately wrote to the 
 ephori as followeth : " Agesilaus to the ephori greet- 
 ing. We have subdued a large part of Asia, have 
 driven the Barbarians before us, and have taken a great 
 quantity of arms in Ionia. But since you order my re- 
 turn by a day prefixed, I follow this letter, and shall al- 
 most arrive before it. For I am in this command not 
 for myself but for my country and allies : and then a 
 commander commandeth in the rightful manner, when 
 he is submissive to the laws and the ephori, or what- 
 ever magistrates are supreme in his country." Plu- 
 tarch's Laconic Apophthegms, 
 
 Sparta, and told them, " he was indispensably 
 obliged to succour his country. If affairs turn 
 out well at home, you may depend upon it, my 
 friends and confederates, I will not forget you, 
 but will be here again amongst you, to accom- 
 plish all your wishes." At hearing him talk 
 thus many tears were shed ; and it was unani- 
 mously resolved to accompany Agesilaus to the 
 aid of Sparta, and if affairs turned out well in 
 Greece to reconduct him back into Asia. And 
 in fact they were getting all things in readiness 
 to bear him company. 
 
 Agesilaus left Euxenus behind to command 
 in Asia, and assigned him no less than four 
 thousand men for garrisons, that he might be 
 enabled to keep the cities fast in their obe- 
 dience. But observing that the soldiers were 
 much more inclined to stay where they were 
 than to march against Grecians, and yet willing 
 to take as many as possible and the best of 
 them too along with him, he proposed to give 
 prizes to the city which sent in the choicest 
 body of men, to the commanders of hired 
 troops, who attended the expedition with their 
 party most completely armed, and the same in 
 regard to the heavy-armed and the archers and 
 the targeteers. He also declared to the com- 
 manders of horse, that he would give prizes to 
 such of them as brought in their squadron best 
 mounted and best accoutred. He said the de- 
 cision should be made in the Chersonesus, so 
 soon as they had passed over from Asia into 
 Europe, that all of them might be well con- 
 vinced, that they who served in this expedition 
 must needs undergo a very accurate review. 
 The prizes were chiefly arms of the most beau- 
 tiful make, as well for heavy-armed as horse- 
 men. There were also crowns of gold. The 
 value of them upon the whole amounted to not 
 less than four talents. 2 By submitting in 
 truth to such an expense, arms of the greatest 
 value were provided for this expedition : and 
 so soon as he had crossed the Hellespont, the 
 judges were appointed ; of the Lacedae- 
 monians, Menascus and Herippidas and Orsip- 
 pus ; of the confederates, one of every city : 
 and Agesilaus, after he had finished the distri- 
 bution of the prizes, began his march and took 
 the same road as Xerxes took formerly when 
 he invaded Greece. 
 
 In the mean time the ephori proclaimed a fo- 
 reign expedition ; and, as Agesipolis was yet a 
 
 a 7751 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 419 
 
 minor, the state ordered Aristodemus, who 
 was a relation and guardian to the young king, 
 to command the army. When the Lacedaemo- 
 nians had taken the field, the enemy, who were 
 now gathered in a body, assembled together in 
 consultation how, with the best advantage, to 
 bring on a battle. Timolaus of Corinth on this 
 occasion said thus : 
 
 " It is my opinion, confederates, that the 
 course of the Lacedaemonian affairs very mucb 
 resembles the course of rivers : for rivers near 
 their sources are never large, and are easy to 
 be passed. But then the farther they run, 
 other rivers, by having emptied themselves into 
 them, increase the depth and impetuosity of 
 the current. It is just so with the Lacedse- 
 monians. When they first come out into the 
 field, they are alone ; but taking in on their 
 route the other states, their numbers are en- 
 larged, and they are harder to be resisted. I 
 see again, that such as have a mind to destroy 
 wasps, in case they attempt to hurt them when 
 they are come out of their nest, are grievously 
 stung for their pains ; but if they fire them 
 when they are all within their nest, they suffer 
 no harm, and demolish the wasps. It is there- 
 fore my judgment, that we should reflect on 
 these points, and fight the Lacedaemonians in 
 Sparta itself, which would indeed be best ; but 
 if that cannot be, as near to Sparta as possible." 
 
 As Timolaus was judged to advise them 
 well, they unanimously resolved to follow his 
 advice. But whilst they were settling the 
 points of command, and agreeing together in 
 what depth to draw up the whole of their army, 
 lest if the several states drew up their files too 
 deep, the enemy might have it in their power 
 to surround them whilst, I say, they were 
 settling these points, the Lacedaemonians, who 
 had been joined by the Tegeans and Manti- 
 neans, were advancing along the coast. The 
 enemy marching about the same time, the 
 Corinthians and all on their side were now at 
 Nemea, and the Lacedaemonians and confede- 
 rates at Sicyon. As the latter had forced 
 their way by the pass of Epicecaea, the light- 
 armed of the enemy had at first terribly annoy- 
 ed them, by darting and shooting at them from 
 the eminences ; but when they came down 
 again to the sea, they continued their march 
 along the plains, putting the country to fire 
 and sword. The enemy at length drew near 
 and encamped, having a rivulet in their front. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians still advancing were now 
 but ' ten stadia distant from the enemy ; halt- 
 ing therefore, and encamping, they remained 
 quiet ; and I will now reckon up the numbers 
 on either side. 
 
 There were now assembled, of the Lacedae- 
 monians, to the amount of six thousand heavy- 
 armed: of the Eleans and Triphyllians and 
 Acrorians and Lasionians, nearly three thou- 
 sand ; fifteen hundred of the Sicyonians ; and 
 the number of Epidaurians, Trazenians, Her- 
 mionians, and Haliensians was not less than 
 threa thousand. Beside these, there were 
 about six hundred horse belonging to the Lace- 
 daemonians, accompanied by about three hun- 
 dred Cretan archers. The slingers of the 
 Marganeans and Ledrinians and Amphidolians 
 were not fewer than four hundred. The Phli- 
 asians indeed had not joined them ; for they 
 excused themselves by alleging a truce. This 
 was the force on the side of the Lacedaemo- 
 nians. On the side of the enemy were now 
 assembled, of the Athenians, six thousand 
 heavy-armed ; the Argives were said to amount 
 to seven thousand ; the Boeotians, since the 
 Orchomenians were not come up, were about 
 five thousand : the Corinthians were three 
 thousand : and from the whole isle of Eu- 
 bosa there were not fewer than three thou- 
 sand. Such was the amount of their heavy- 
 armed. The horse of the Boeotians, as the 
 Orchomenians were not come up, were eight 
 hundred ; of the Athenians, six hundred ; of 
 the Chalcideans of Euboea, one hundred ; of 
 the Locrians of Opus, fifty. The light-armed, 
 added to th.ose belonging to the Corinthians, 
 were very numerous indeed, for the Locrians 
 of Ozolse and the Meliensians and the Arca- 
 nians were with them. Such was the force on 
 either side. 
 
 The Boeotians, so long as they were on the 
 left wing, were in no hurry at all for a battle. 
 But so soon as the Athenians were posted 
 over-against the Lacedaemonians, and they 
 themselves took post on the right where they 
 faced the Achaeans, they immediately declared 
 that the victims were auspicious, and proclaim- 
 ed that all should be ready for a battle. But 
 neglecting, in the first place, the rule of draw- 
 ing up by sixteens, they formeJ their battalion 
 exceeding deep; and farther, st'Jl kept creeping 
 
 About a mile. 
 
420 
 
 XENOPHON ON ThE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 forwards to the right, in order to overstretch 
 the enemy's wing. The Athenians, that they 
 might not be separated from the rest of the 
 army, followed their motion, though sensible at 
 the same time how great a risk they ran of- be- 
 ing quite surrounded. 
 
 So far the Lacedaemonians had no percep- 
 tion at all of the enemy's approach, for the 
 ground was covered over with shrubs. But 
 when the paean began, they knew what was 
 doing. They instantly issued out orders for 
 the whole army to prepare for battle. So 
 soon as they were formed, the commanders of 
 the auxiliary bodies enjoined them to follow 
 their leaders in the order they had now placed 
 them. The Lacedaemonians kept inclining 
 towards the right, and thus they far over- 
 stretched the enemy's wing, so that only six 
 regiments of Athenians faced the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans, whilst four of them were over-against. the 
 Tegeans. When they were not above a sta- 
 dium asunder, the Lacedaemonians, after sacri- 
 ficing in obedience to their laws a she-goat to 
 the goddess of the chase, led on towards the 
 enemy, bending circularly the part of their 
 line that overstretched to surround the ene- 
 my. But when the battle was joined, all 
 the confederates on the Lacedaemonian side 
 were defeated by their antagonists, though the 
 Pellenians, who faced the Thespians, main- 
 tained the fight some time, and some of both 
 sides perished on the spot. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians themselves beat all the Athenians whom 
 they charged, and, surrounding them with 
 the part of their line that overstretched, slew 
 numbers of them, and still, as they suffered 
 nothing from the enemy, kept pushing for- 
 wards in their regular array. It was thus that 
 they clearly passed the four Athenian regi- 
 ments till they returned from the pursuit ; by 
 which means those Athenians saved their 
 lives, excepting some few who in the charge 
 were slain by the Tegeans. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians, farther, met the Argives full in their 
 retreat ; and the first general officer was going 
 to fall in full upon their front; when some- 
 body is said to have roared out aloud to let 
 the first of them pass by." This was permit- 
 ted ; and then, running upon their flank and 
 wounding them on their unarmed sides, they 
 slew rnany of them. They also fell in with 
 and attacked the Corinthians in their retreat. 
 The Lacedaemonians farther fall in with some 
 of the Thebans retreating from their pursuit, 
 
 and slew a great number of them. These 
 things being done, the vanquished fled at first 
 to the walls ; but afterwards, the Corinthians- 
 setting the example, they posted themselves 
 again in their former camp. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians on the other side, repairing to the spot 
 of ground where they first charged the enemy, 
 erected the trophy. And this is an exact ac- 
 count of the battle. 
 
 III. Agesilaus from Asia was marching for- 
 wards with all expedition. He was now at 
 Amphipolis, when Dercyllidas meets him with 
 the news, that " the Lacedaemonians have 
 gained a victory, with the loss of only eight of 
 their own citizens, but a vast slaughter of the 
 enemy ;" he added at the same time that " no 
 small number of the .confederates were slain." 
 Agesilaus put this question to him, " Would 
 it not be proper, think you, Dercyllidas, to 
 communicate the news of this victory without 
 loss of time to the cities which have sent their 
 troops hither under my orders 1 " Dercyllidas 
 answered, that the hearing of it must in all 
 probability raise their spirits." You then can 
 best report it, because you yourself was present 
 at the action." He was highly delighted at 
 hearing this. All his life long he had been 
 very fond of going abroad. He said therefore, 
 " Do you order me to go?" I do," said he, 
 " and enjoin you to tell them farther, that if 
 affairs turn out well in Greece, we will be with 
 them again according to promise." Dercyllidas 
 immediately continued his journey for the Hel- 
 lespont, whilst Agesilaus, having passed through 
 Macedonia, arrived in Thessaly. 
 
 But now the Larisseans, Cranonians, Sco- 
 tusians, and Pharsalians confederate with the 
 Boeotians and all the Thessalians, such *ex- 
 cepted as wefe then under sentence of exile, 
 pursued and gave him molestation. At that 
 juncture he was leading his army in the long 
 march, with half his cavalry in the van and the 
 other half in the rear. But because the Thes- 
 salians by harassing those in the reai, retarded 
 the march, he sends off the cavalry in the van, ex- 
 cept his own body-guard, to strengthen the rear. 
 When both sides were now drawn up to face 
 one another, the Thessalians, thinking it by no 
 means advisable to fight on horseback against 
 heavy-armed, wheeled about and retreated in a 
 leisurely manner, and the heavy-armed too 
 eagerly and rashly pursued them. Agesilaus 
 perceiving bad conduct on both sides, sends off 
 the finest body of horse, that was his own 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 421 
 
 guard, with orders for the others to pursue, 
 and themselves to do the same with their ut- 
 most speed, and not give the enemy time to 
 face about. The Thessalians no sooner saw 
 them riding down upon them beyond their ex- 
 pectation, than some of them fled outright, 
 some faced about, and some in the very endea- 
 vour to face, as they had the enemy on their 
 flanks were taken prisoners. Polycharmus 
 the Pharsalian indeed, a commander in the 
 horse, faced about, and fighting at the head of 
 his own troop is slain. But so soon as he had 
 dropped, a most dreadful flight ensued amongst 
 the Thessalians, in which numbers were slain, 
 numbers were taken alive, and none stopped 
 their flight till they were got on the mountain 
 Narthacium. And then Agesilaus set up a 
 trophy between Pras and Narthacium. There 
 too he halted highly delighted with this day's 
 work, in which with cavalry of his own crea- 
 tion he had vanquished those who reckoned 
 themselves the best horsemen in the world. 
 The next day having crossed the Achaic 
 mountains of Phthia, he marched through a 
 friendly country till he reached the frontiers of 
 Boeotia. But just as he was entering Boeotia, 
 the sun appeared in the form of the crescent of 
 the moon, and news was received, that the La- 
 cedaemonians were beaten at sea, and their ad- 
 miral Pisander killed. It was also told him, 
 in what manner the battle had been fought. 
 
 That near C nidus the fleets had borne down 
 upon one another; that Pharnabazus, who 
 was admiral on the side of the enemy, was in 
 the Phoenician fleet, and Conon, who com- 
 manded the Grecian squadron, had drawn up 
 his ships in the van ; but when Pisander had 
 formed his line of battle, his ships appeared 
 much inferior in number to the Greeks under 
 Conon ; upon which the confederates in the 
 left wing immediately took to flight, whilst 
 Pisander, rushing in amongst the enemy with 
 his own vessel, well armed with beaks, was 
 driven on shore ; that the other persons of the 
 fleet who were driven on shore, abandoned 
 their ships and fled safely off to Cnidus, but 
 Pisander continuing to fight from his decks, 
 was killed. 
 
 Agesilaus at first was exceedingly mortified 
 at this piece of news ; but he soon recollected, 
 that the disposition of the bulk of his army 
 was such that they would readily take a share 
 in all joyful occurrences, and there was no ne- 
 cessity to communicate to them such things as 
 36 
 
 were opposite to their wishes. Hereupon he 
 assumed another countenance, and gave out 
 that " Pisander indeed had lost his life, but 
 however had gained a victory at sea." He had 
 no sooner published this than he sacrificed 
 oxen for the good tidings received, and sent 
 round to several persons a share of the victims. 
 A skirmish immediately ensued with the ene- 
 my,- in which the soldiers of Agesilaus got the 
 better upon the strength of the report that the 
 Lacedaemonians were victorious at sea. 
 
 There were now in the field against Agesi- 
 laus, the Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corin- 
 thians, ^Enianians, Eubceans, and both the 
 Locrians. He had with him one whole brigade 
 of Lacedaemonians that joined him from Co- 
 rinth, and the half of another brigade from 
 Orchomenus. He had, farther, the newly 
 enfranchised citizens of Sparta who had been 
 with him in Asia ; he had also the auxiliary 
 body commanded by Herippidas. The rest 
 were the quotas of aid from the Grecian cities 
 in Asia, and from the Grecian cities in Eu- 
 rope which he had taken up on his march 
 back. The heavy armed from Orchomenus 
 and Phocis were all the accession he had gained 
 from the adjacent parts. The targeteers of 
 Agesilaus were much superior in number ; the 
 number of the horse was nearly equal on both 
 sides. Such was the force of either army. 
 And I will now give an exact account of the 
 battle, for such another bath not been fought 
 in our days. 1 
 
 There were now facing'one another in the 
 plains of Coronea, the army under Agesilaus 
 from the Cephissus, and the army along with 
 the Thebans from Helicon. Agesilaus had 
 the right of his own army, but the Orchomeni- 
 ans were posted in the extremity of his left. 
 The Thebans, on the other side, stood on the 
 right, but the Argives had the left. During 
 the approach, there was a deep silence on both 
 sides. When they were about the distance of a 2 
 stadium from one another, the Thebans having 
 set up a shout, came running to the charge. But 
 when there was no more than three 3 plethra of 
 ground between them, the auxiliaries under the 
 command of Herippidas started out before the 
 main battle of Agesilaus to receive them, and 
 were accompanied by the lonians, JEolians 
 
 * Xenophon himself was at this battle, serving under 
 Agesilaus. See the Anabasis, 1. v. 
 
 * About one tenth of a mile. * 300 feel 
 
422 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 and Hellespontines. All these were now run- 
 ning together in one body to the charge, and 
 coming to the point of the spear, broke the body 
 . of enemies they encountered. The Argives also 
 were not able to stand before the body under 
 Agesilaus, but fled towards Helicon. And 
 here some of the auxiliaries were already put- 
 ting the garland on the head of Agesilaus. 
 But a message is brought him that the The- 
 bans, having cut to pieces the Orchomenians, 
 were amongst the baggage; upon which he 
 immediately put the main body in counter- 
 inarch, and led them towards the Thebans. 
 But the Thebans no sooner perceived that 
 their confederates were fled to Helicon, than, 
 designing to slip away and join them, they were 
 briskly marching off in firm and close array. On 
 this occasion it may be said beyond all dispute, 
 that Agesilaus acted with the utmost bravery ; 
 he did not, however, prefer the securest me- 
 thod. For when it was in his power to let 
 those who were sheering off, pass by, and then 
 by a close pursuit to defeat their rear, he did it 
 not, but full in their front he dashed against 
 the Thebans. Here, thrusting shield against 
 shield, they were pushing, were fighting, were 
 slaying, were dying. At length some of the 
 Thebans slip off to Helicon, and many of them 
 retreating back, were slain. When thus the 
 victory remained with Agesilaus, and he him- 
 self was brought back wounded to the main 
 body, some horsemen riding up to him, ac- 
 quaint him, that about eighty of the enemy 
 with their arms are under the temple, and de- 
 manded how they must act. He, though sorely 
 wounded in many parts of his body, forgot not, 
 however, the duties of religion, but ordered 
 that they might be permitted to depart where 
 they pleased, and forbade all kind of insult. 
 And then, for it was already evening, they 
 took their supper and their repose. But early 
 next morning he ordered Gylis, a general offi- 
 cer, to draw up the army and set up a trophy, 
 all of them to be crowned with garlands in 
 honour of the god, and all the music of the 
 army to play. These things therefore they did. 
 The Thebans now sent heralds, desiring a 
 truce to fetch off and inter their slain. A tyice 
 accordingly is granted ; and Agesilaus repair 
 ing to Delphi, offered the tenth of his spoils 
 to the god, in value not less than a hundred 
 talents.' But Gylis, a general officer, taking 
 
 10,444^. 155. 
 
 the command of the army marched them off 
 into Phocis, and from thence he made an in- 
 ursion into Locris. All the next day the 
 soldiers were carrying away the moveables and 
 orn from the villages ; but when evening was 
 come, as the Lacedaemonians marched off in 
 the rear, the Locrians were close at their heels, 
 pouring in their javelins and darts upon them. 
 Yet when the Lacedaemonians, by facing abou* 
 and pursuing them, destroy some of the ene 
 my, they gave over following them in the rear, 
 but kept galling them from the eminences on 
 the right. The Lacedaemonians then endea- 
 voured to gain the ascent, but as it grew quite 
 dark, they tumbled in their retreat because of 
 the unevenness of the ground, some too, be- 
 cause they could see nothing before them, and 
 some were struck down by the weapons of the 
 enemy. Gylis the general officer, and most ' 
 of the soldiers about him, in all eighteen 
 Spartans, lose their lives on this occasion, some 
 being killed with stones and some with other 
 weapons. And had not those from the camp 
 marched up after supper to their relief, the 
 whole party was in great danger of perishing. 
 After this the rest of the army was dismissed 
 to their several cities, and Agesilaus went by 
 sea to Sparta. 
 
 IV. The war, after this, was carried on by 
 the Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and con- 
 federates, who took the field from Corinth, 
 against the Lacedaemonians and their confede- 
 rates from Sicyon. But the Corinthians per- 
 ceiving that the consequence of this was the 
 entire devastation of their own lands, and a 
 constant destruction of their people from the 
 nearness of the enemy, whilst the rest of the 
 confederates were enjoying peace at home and 
 duly reaping the productions of their soil, 
 the greatest part of them and the best men 
 amongst them grew desirous of peace, and 
 laboured together to bring others into the same 
 persuasion. But the Argives, Boeotians, and 
 Athenians, and such of the Corinthians as had 
 shared the king's money, and were principal 
 authors of the war, saw plainly, that unless 
 they could rid themselves of such as were bent 
 on peace, the city of Corinth would fall under 
 a Lacedaemonian influence, and therefore en- 
 deavoured to secure their point by a massacre. 
 In the first place they contrived the most im- 
 pious scheme that ever men devised. For, 
 though it is every where a rule not to put to 
 death upon a festival even such as are legally * 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 423 
 
 condemned to die, yet these men pitched upon 
 the last day of the Euclean solemnity, as pre- 
 suming they should then surprise the largest 
 number upon the forum, to execute the mas- 
 sacre. When the marks of whom they were to 
 despatch had been given to the persons em- 
 ployed, they drew their swords, and murdered 
 one person standing in the circle, another sit- 
 ting leisurely down, another in the theatre, 
 and another on the very bench of justice. 
 When once the alarm was spread, the very best 
 men of Corinth betook themselves immedi- 
 ately, some to the statues of the gods in the 
 forum, and some to the altars. But this most 
 execrable band of assassins, entirely lost to all 
 sense of duty, I mean equally those who con- 
 trived and those who executed the" facts, mur- 
 dered them even in the temples; insomuch 
 that some, who received no harm, but retained 
 a due sense of humanity, were most grievously 
 afflicted at the sight of such impiety. In this 
 manner most of the elderly Corinthians, as 
 such generally frequented the forum, are put to 
 death. The younger sort, as Pasimelus sus- 
 pected what was in agitation, kept themselves 
 quietly in Craneum. But when they heard the 
 noise, and some came flying from the scene to 
 take refuge amongst them, they at once ran up 
 to the citadel of Corinth, and repulsed the 
 Argives and others who were making an as- 
 sault upon it. Whilst now they were consult- 
 ing what was to be done, a capital falls off 
 from a column, without either an earthquake 
 or a blast of wind. They sacrificed, and the 
 appearance of the victims was such that the 
 soothsayers declared it was best for them to 
 go down from thence. At first, therefore, 
 like so many exiles, they withdrew out of the 
 territory of Corinth. But their friends send- 
 ing persuasions after them, nay, their mothers 
 and their brethren coming to them with en- 
 treaties, and even some now invested with 
 power, promising with an oath that no harm 
 should be done them, they at length came back 
 to their former habitations. Yet, now behold- 
 ing the tyrants in authority, perceiving the 
 actual ruin of the state, since the boundaries 
 were demolished, and they were p style their 
 country Argos instead of Corinth ; necessi- 
 tated, farther, to submit to the polity of 
 Argos, so unsuited to their taste, and reduced 
 within their own walls to a worse condition 
 than that of mere sojourners ; some of them 
 there were, who thought such a life not worth 
 
 the living, but well worth their while to try if 
 they could not make Corinth, as it originally 
 had been, their own country again, if they 
 could not assert its freedom, clear it of those 
 execrable assassins, and restore its excellent 
 constitution : if indeed they could accomplish 
 these points, they should become the preservers 
 of their country ; and in case they miscarried 
 they should manifest a desire of obtaining the 
 most noble and most solid acquisitions, arid 
 should be suse to die a most glorious death. 
 
 In this dispositiori of mind, two of them, 
 Pasimelus and Alcimenes, endeavoured by 
 creeping in through the rivulet to confer with 
 Praxitas, a general officer of the Lacdsemo- 
 nians, who, with his own brigade, was now 
 keeping guard in Sicyon, and told him, they 
 could open him an entrance within the walls 
 that reach down to Lecheum. Praxitas, wljo 
 long since was well assured of their veracity, 
 believed all they said ; and having obtained an 
 order for his brigade, which was just going 
 from Sicyon, to continue there, he settled with 
 them the manner of this entrance. And when 
 these two persons, either by regular rotation 
 or purposed solicitation, w.ere placed on the 
 guard of the gates, Praxitas then approacheth 
 that spot of ground where stood the trophy, 
 with his Lacedaemonian brigade and the Sicyo- 
 nians, and as many Corinthian exiles as were 
 ready at hand. But when he was come up to 
 the gates, and yet was afraid to enter, he de- 
 sired he might first send in a person, in whom 
 he confided, to take a view of what was within. 
 The two projectors led him in, and with so 
 much ingenuity showed him every thing, that 
 the person introduced reported that all was 
 safe exactly to their former description of 
 things : now therefore Praxitas enters. The 
 distance between the two walls was great; 
 when therefore they were drawn up within, 
 and their number was judged too small, they 
 fortified themselves with a rampart and ditch, 
 the best they could make, to secure the post 
 till their confederates came up to their support. 
 There was also, behind them in the harbour, a 
 garrison of Boeotians. 
 
 This they entered by night, and passed the 
 nfcxt day quietly without molestation. But 
 the day after, came marching down against 
 them the Argives with all their force, who 
 finding the Lacedsemonians drawn up on the 
 right, next to them the Sicyonians, and the 
 exiles from Corinth, about a hundred and fifty 
 
424 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 BOOK iv. 
 
 in number, close to the eastern wall, they range 
 themselves also in order of battle. Nearest to 
 the western wall were the mercenaries under 
 Philocrates, next to them the Argives, the 
 Corinthians from the city had the left. Their 
 own numbers made them despise the foe, and 
 they immediately charged. They beat indeed 
 the Sicyonians, and having opened a breach 
 in the rampart, pursued them to the sea, and 
 there slew many of them. But Pasimachus, 
 who commanded the horse, though the num- 
 ber he had was very small, when he saw the 
 Sicyonians defeated, ordered the horses to 
 be fastened to the trees, and snatched away 
 the shields from the fliers ; and then, with 
 such as were willing to follow him he marched 
 up to the Argives. The Argives, who saw 
 the letter S upon their shields, took them 
 for Sicyonians, and were under no appre- 
 hensions at all. Pasimachus is now reported 
 to have said, " by the twin gods, ye Argives, 
 these SS will be your ruin ;" and immediately 
 charged them. Engaging in this manner with 
 a handful of men against numbers, he is slain 
 with those of his party. 
 
 In the meantime the Corinthian exiles, who 
 had defeated their antagonists, were pushing 
 upwards, and were now approaching the wall 
 that encircled the city. But the Lacedaemon- 
 ians, who perceived the defeat of the Sicyonians, 
 marched downwards to their succour, keeping 
 the rampart on their left. The Argives, hear- 
 ing that the Lacedaemonians were in their 
 rear, wheeled suddenly about and were throw- 
 ing themselves over the rampart. The farthest 
 of them in the right, being struck on the unarm- 
 ed side by the Lacedaemonians, were dying 
 apace. But those nearest the wall, close 
 gathered in a body, were retreating in a great 
 multitude towards the city. Yet no sooner 
 did they fall in with the Corinthian exiles, and 
 knew them to be enemies, than they again fled 
 backwards. Here, indeed, some of them run- 
 ning up the stairs, jumped down from the wall, 
 and were bruised to death ; others, striving to 
 get up, but beat off the. stairs, were slain ; and 
 some, trodden under foot by their companions, 
 were trampled to death. The Lacedaemonians 
 on this occasion had enow and enow again to 
 kill. Full employ was here assigned them by 
 God, beyond all they could have prayed for. 
 For that a multitude of enemies affrighted, 
 astonished, exposing their unarmed sides, should 
 thus be delivered up to slaughter, not a soul 
 
 amongst them endeavouring to resist, and all 
 contributing in every respect to their own des- 
 truction was not the hand of Heaven discern- 
 ible here 1 Accordingly, in a small space of 
 time, such numbers were slain, that men who 
 had only been used to see heaps of corn, of 
 wood, and of stones, saw at that time heaps of 
 dead. The garrison of Breotians" also in the 
 harbour, some of them having climbed upon the 
 walls, and some of them upon the roof of the 
 docks, were put to death. 
 
 When all was over, the Corinthians and Ar- 
 gives fetched off their dead under truce ; and 
 the confederates of the Lacedaemonians came 
 up to join them. When they were thus assem- 
 bled, the first resolution of Praxitas was, to 
 lay open so much of the walls as would yield a 
 sufficient passage to an army ; and he then 
 marched off, and led them towards Megara. 
 He now, in the first place, takes Sidus by as- 
 sault, and after that, Crommyon. Having 
 fixed a garrison within the walls of these places 
 he resumed his march. And having fortified 
 Epicecsea, that it might serve as a bulwark to 
 cover the territories of the confederates, he 
 then dismissed the army, and returned himself 
 to Sparta. 
 
 Henceforth neither side took the field with 
 their grand armies ; they only marched garri- 
 sons into the cities, one side to Corinth and the 
 other to Sicyon, to preserve these important 
 places. Yet both sides being possessed of a body 
 of mercenaries, were continually harassing and 
 fighting one another. In this 'manner Iphic- 
 rates breaking intd the territory of Phlius, 
 placed an ambuscade, and then went about plun- 
 dering the country with a handful of men,' by 
 which means he slew some of the Phliasians, 
 who marched out of the city with too little 
 circumspection to drive him off. For this rea- 
 son the Phliasians, who before this accident 
 would not receive the Lacedaemonians within 
 their walls, lest they should restore those per- 
 sons who said they had been exiled for their at- 
 tachment to the Lacedaemonians, became so 
 terrified at those who sallied out from Corinth, 
 that they sent for the Lacedaemonians, and de- 
 livered up tfoeir city and citadel to their pro- 
 tection. The Lacedaemonians, however, though 
 benevolently disposed towards these exiles, yet 
 so long as they were masters of the city, never 
 made the least mention of their recalment ; and 
 so soon as they saw the city had recovered its 
 usual spirit, they evacuated the place, and re- 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 425 
 
 stored them their town and their laws exactly 
 as they received them. 
 
 But the party commanded by Iphicrates were 
 making frequent incursions into Arcadia, in 
 which they took much booty, and even attacked 
 the fortified places : for the heavy -armed of 
 the Arcadians durst never march into the field 
 against them, so highly terrified they were at 
 the targeteers: and yet these very targeteers 
 were so afraid of the Lacedaemonians, that 
 they durst never approach their heavy-armed 
 within throw of javelin : nay, some of the 
 younger Lacedaemonians had at times ventured 
 to attack them even out of that distance, and 
 had killed some of them. The Lacedaemoni- 
 ans, I say, had a contempt of these targeteers, 
 but at the same time had a much greater con- 
 tempt of their own confederates : for the Man- 
 tineans, when once they came out to join 
 them, ran briskly towards the targeteers, but 
 being galled with darts from the wall reaching 
 down to Lecheum, they wheeled off, and some 
 of them were killed in open flight ; insomuch 
 that the Lacedaemonians ventured to break a 
 severe jest upon them, saying, their confeder- 
 ates were as much afraid of the targeteers, as 
 children are of bugbears." They marched 
 however out of Lecheum, with a brigade of 
 their own and the Corinthian exiles, and en- 
 camped themselves in a circle round the city 
 of Corinth. 
 
 The Athenians now, who dreaded the Lace- 
 daemonian strength, lest, as they had broken 
 down a passage in the long walls of the Co- 
 rinthians, they might march against them, 
 thought it the most advisable expedient to re- 
 ouild the walls that were demolished by J*raxi- 
 tas. Thither accordingly they repaired with the 
 whole force of Athens, attended by carpenters 
 and masons, and in a few days' time completely 
 rebuilt the part towards Sicyon and the west, 
 and then proceeded in a more leisurely manner 
 to repair the eastern wall. 
 
 But the Lacedaemonians, reflecting that the 
 Argives, who are in a flourishing condition at 
 Aome, were delighted at this war, march out to 
 mvade them. Agesilaus commanded in this 
 expedition, and after laying waste all their 
 territory, he departed thence by Tegea towards 
 Corinth, and demolished the walls just rebuilt 
 uy the Athenians. His brother Teleutias also 
 came up to him by sea with a squadron of 
 about twelve triremes, so that their mother was 
 now pronounced happy indeed, since in one and 
 36* 
 
 the same day one of her sons commanding by 
 land demolished the walls of the enemy, and 
 the other commanding at sea destroyed their 
 ships and docks. Agesilaus, however, after 
 these exploits, disbanded the confederates, and 
 marched back the troops of that state to Sparta. 
 
 V. The Lacedaemonians after this received 
 intelligence from the exiles, that the Corinthi- 
 ans of the city had lodged and secured all their 
 cattle in Piraeum, by which means they enjoyed 
 a plentiful subsistence ; upon which they march 
 out afresh upon Corinth, Agesilaus command- 
 ing also on this occasion. In the first place 
 he arrived at the Isthmus. It was now the 
 month in which the Isthmian games are cele- 
 brated. The Argives were this moment there, 
 presiding at the sacrifice to Neptune, as if 
 Argos was Corinth. But they no sooner per- 
 ceived the approach of Agesilaus, than, aban- 
 doning their sacrifices and their feasts in the 
 highest consternation, they withdrew into the 
 city of Corinth by the road of Cenchreae. 
 Agesilaus, however, would not pursue, though 
 he saw their flight. But taking up his own 
 quarters in the temple, he himself sacrificed 
 to the god, and continued there till the Co- 
 rinthian exiles had performed their sacrifices 
 to Neptune, and the games. Yet, when 
 Agesilaus was departed, the Argives did all 
 over again. This year therefore it happened, 
 that in some instances the same person was 
 beaten twice over ; and in others, that the very 
 same persons were twice proclaimed to be vic- 
 tors. 
 
 It was on the fourth day that Agesilaus led 
 his army towards Piraeum : but finding it nu- 
 merously guarded, after the time of repast he 
 encamped before Corinth, as if he was sure of 
 its surrender. The Corinthians therefore, 
 being sadly alarmed lest the city might actually 
 be betrayed to him, sent for Iphicrates with 
 the greatest part of his targeteers. And 
 Agesilaus, discovering that they had marched 
 into Corinth by night, wheeled off so soon as 
 it was day, and led directly towards Pirreum. 
 He himself advanced by the hot baths, and 
 sent a brigade up to the highest part of the 
 mountain. The night following he encamp- 
 ed near the baths, and the brigade spent 
 the night on the summit of the mountain. 
 And on this occasion Agesilaus gained high 
 reputation by a small but seasonable piece 
 of management ; for though there were pel 
 sons now employed in carrying up provision* 
 3D 
 
426 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 to the brigade, yet nobody brought them any 
 fire. They found it excessively cold, they 
 were mounted quite aloft in the air, and hail 
 and rain had fallen in the evening. Besides, 
 they had got upon the mountain clad only 
 in their thin summer garments. They 
 were shivering, were quite in the dark, and 
 had no appetite at all to their supper. Agesi- 
 laus sends them no less than ten persons with 
 fire in chaffing-dishes. When these, getting 
 up as they could by different paths, had reached 
 the summit, many and large fires were soon 
 kindled, since there was plenty of fuel at hand, 
 and all the Lacedaemonians anointed them- 
 selves, and many of them made a hearty sup- 
 per. This very night the temple of Neptune 
 was seen all in flames ; but. by whom it was 
 set on fire is still unknown. And now, when 
 they in the Pira3um perceived that the emi- 
 nence was possessed b'y the enemy, they no 
 longer thought of resisting : they betook them- 
 selves therefore for refuge into the temple of 
 Juno, both men and women, slaves as well 
 as freemen, with the greatest part of their cat- 
 tle. Agesilaus marched at the head of the 
 army along the sea-coast. But the brigade at 
 the same time coming down from the eminence 
 takes. Oenoe, a fortress walled about, and 
 made booty of every thing within it. That day 
 every soldier in the army gained abundantly in 
 plunder whatever he could stand in need of: 
 for those who had refuged themselves in the tem- 
 ple of Juno came out, and left to the discretion 
 of Agesilaus to determine what should be done 
 with them. His sentence was, that " all such 
 as had been concerned in the massacre should 
 be delivered up to the exiles, and all their ef- 
 fects in general should be sold." In conse- 
 quence of this all sorts of living creatures came 
 out of the temple to surrender. 
 
 Many embassies from different states were 
 attending here. Even the Boeotians were come 
 with a demand " What they must do to ob- 
 tain a peace 1" But Agesilaus with an air of 
 high elevation would riot condescend to look to- 
 wards them, though Pharax the public host of 
 the Boeotians stood at their head ready to intro- 
 duce them to him. He was now sitting in the 
 Rotundo at the harbour, and taking a view of 
 the booty as they brought it out. A party of 
 Lacedaemonians, belonging to the heavy-armed, 
 with their spears alone, were guarding the pri- 
 soners along, and were gazed at with admira- 
 tion by the standers-by : for the happy and the 
 
 victorious are generally regarded as fine specta- 
 cles indeed. Agesilaus still kept his seat, and 
 seemed to be highly delighted with the scene 
 before him, when a psrson on horseback came 
 galloping that way with his horse in a foam. 
 Many persons called upon him to tell his news, 
 to whom he made no answer. But when he 
 was come near to Agesilaus, throwing himself 
 off, and running up* to him with a very gloomy 
 countenance, he told him the sad calamity of 
 the brigade at Lecheum. Agesilaus no sooner 
 heard it than he jumped from his seat, snatched 
 his spear, and ordered the herald to call the 
 general-officers, the captains of companies, and 
 the commanders of the auxiliary troops. When 
 these came running to him, he ordered the rest 
 of them, for they had not yet dined, to take a 
 little meat with their utmost despatch and fol- 
 low him with all speed, whilst himself with 
 Damasias and his company set out instantly 
 though fasting. His guards too in their heavy 
 armour set out eagerly with him : he went off 
 at their head, they followed their leader. When 
 he had passed by the hot baths and was got 
 into the plain of Lecheum, three horsemen ride 
 up and tell him, that " the dead bodies are 
 recovered." When he heard this, he ordered 
 his soldiers to ground their arms: and, after 
 halting some time, he led them back again to 
 the temple of Juno. 
 
 On the day following every thing they had 
 taken was disposed of by sale. And the Boeo- 
 tian ambassadors were then called for and asked 
 the reason of their coming. But now, they 
 made not the least mention of peace, saying 
 only " they were desirous, if permission could 
 be obtained, to go into the city to speak with 
 their countrymen who were serving there." 
 " I am well satisfied, Agesilaus replied with 
 a smile ; you have not so great a desire to see 
 the soldiers, as to gain a view of the late suc- 
 cess of your friends, and know how considera- 
 ble it is. But have patience ; I will conduct 
 you thither myself. And if you go with me, 
 you will be much more likely to come to an ex- 
 act knowledge of the truth." He was as good 
 as his word ; for the next day, after a sacrifice, 
 he led his army towards the city. He would 
 not demolish the trophy ; yet. if a single tree 
 was left standing, felling it apd breaking it in 
 shatters, he convinced them that nobody durst 
 come out into the field against him. After 
 doing this, he encamped near I echeum, and 
 sent away the Theban ambassadors not indeed 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 427 
 
 to Corinth, but by the sea to Crusis. Yet such 
 a calamity as the late one being an unusual 
 thing to Lacedaemonians, a general dejection 
 was visible throughout the camp, except in the 
 persons, whose sons or fathers or brothers had 
 died in their posts. These indeed, as if they 
 had gained a victory, walked up and down with 
 a cheerful countenance ; exulting over their own 
 private misfortunes. But the great calamity 
 of that brigade fell out in the following man- 
 ner. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians of Amyclae, though 
 they are in the field or abroad on any business 
 whatever, always repair home at the Hyacin- 
 than festival to join in the psean. At this junc- 
 ture therefore Agesilaus had picked the Amy- 
 cleans out of all the troops/ and left them at 
 Lecheum. The officer who commanded that 
 garrison ordered a body of the confederates to 
 take care and guard the fortress, whilst him- 
 self with his brigade of heavy-armed and the 
 horse conveyed the Amycleans in safety by 
 the city of Corinth. When they were got to 
 the distance of about twenty or thirty stadia 1 
 from Sicyon, the officer with his heavy-armed, 
 who were about six hundred, was returning 
 back again to Lecheum, but had left orders 
 with the commander of the horse to proceed 
 forwards with the Amycleans till they thought 
 proper to dismiss them, and then likewise to re- 
 turn to Lecheum. They were not ignorant, 
 it is true, that many both of the targeteers and 
 heavy-armed were now in Corinth. They 
 however entertaine'd a contempt of them, as if 
 nobody durst presume to attack Lacedaemo- 
 nians, after their late success. But they of 
 Corinth, and Callias the son of Hipponicus, 
 who commanded the heavy-armed Athenians, 
 and Iphicrates who commanded the targeteers, 
 seeing plainly that they were but few in num- 
 ber, and had neither targeteers nor horsemen 
 with them, thought they might safely attack 
 them with their own targeteers ; for, should 
 they proceed in their march, they could make 
 havoc of them by throwing darts at their un- 
 armed sides ; and if they endeavoured to pur- 
 sue, targeteers could easily avoid the nimblest 
 men in heavy armour. Having thus consider- 
 ed the point, they lead out into the field. 
 Callias, for his part, drew up his heavy-armed 
 not far from the city, whilst Iphicrates with 
 his targeteers began the attack upon the Lace- 
 
 Two or three miles. 
 
 dsemonian brigade. The Lacedaemonians be- 
 ing thus galled with darts, here one of them 
 was receiving wounds, and there another was 
 dropping, and such as stood next in the ranks 
 were ordered to take them up and carry them 
 to Lecheum: and those of the brigade who 
 were thus employed, were the only persons in 
 reality who escaped with life. In the mean- 
 time, the commanding officer ordered the La- 
 cedaemonians of the first military class to pur- 
 sue and drive away the enemy. They pur- 
 sued, it is true, but not within javelin's throw 
 of any of tljem, heavy-armed as they were in 
 chace of targeteers. And he liad farther en- 
 joined them to retire from pursuit, before they 
 came up to the heavy-armed of the enemy. 
 When therefore they were retreating in a strag- 
 gling manner, since they had pursued before 
 with their utmost speed, the targeteers of Iph- 
 icrates faced about again, and kept pouring in 
 their darts either t directly upon them, or run- 
 ning up to their flanks on the unarmed sides. 
 And immediately, in this first pursuit, they 
 slew nine or ten of the Lacedaemonians. Be- 
 ing so far successful, they renewed their at- 
 tacks with much greater spirit than before. 
 The Lacedaemonians were grievously annoyed ; 
 and the commanding officer now ordered the 
 two first military classes to pursue. They did 
 so, but lost more persons in the retreat than 
 they had done before. Their best men being 
 thus destroyed, the horsemen are returned and 
 join them ; so now accompanied by the horse 
 they renew the pursuit. But on this occasion, 
 when the targeteers kept flying before them, 
 the horse managed the pursuit in a very impro 
 per manner. They rode not after them so at. 
 to reach and slaughter the fliers, but keeping 
 abreast with their own foot, either advanced or 
 retreated with them. After repeating this 
 method again and again, and suffering at every 
 repetition, their numbers were continually les- 
 sening, their efforts were fainter and fainter, 
 whilst the enemy attacked with redoubled spi- 
 rit, and came thicker at them than before. 
 Thus grievously distressed, they draw close to- 
 gether in a body on a little hillock about two 
 stadia from the sea, and about sixteen or seven- 
 teen from Lecheum. Those at Lecheum, per- 
 ceiving what was the matter, leap into their 
 boats, rowed amain, and at length came to the 
 hillock. But already grievously distressed, 
 they were dying apace, they could do nothing 
 at all in their own defence; and, what was 
 
428 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 worse, beholding the heavy-armed advancing to 
 attack them, they take to flight. Some of 
 them now rush into the sea, and a small num- 
 ber get safe to Lecheum with the horse. But 
 in all the skirmishes and the flight, no lees than 
 two hundred and fifty of them were destroyed. 
 And in this manner was this affair conducted. 
 
 Agesilaus now marched off, taking with him 
 the suffering brigade, and leaving a fresh one at 
 Lecheum. Through the whole of his march 
 to Sparta, he entered every city as late as pos- 
 sible in the evening, and resumed his march as 
 early as possible every morning. t Nay, he set 
 out so early from Orchomenus, that he passed 
 by Mantinea before it was day-light. The 
 soldiers could not bear to see the Mantineans 
 with joy in their faces for the late calamity 
 they had suffered. 
 
 After this, Iphicrates continued to act suc- 
 cessfully in every thing he undertook. For 
 as a garrison had been placed at Sidus and 
 Crommyon by Praxitas when he took those 
 places, and another at Oenoe by Agesilatis, 
 when he took Piraeum, Iphicrates reduced 
 them all. The Lacedaemonians however and 
 confederates still continued their guard at 
 Lecheum ; but the Corinthian exiles durst no 
 'longer march towards Corinth by land from 
 Sicyon, being awed by the late calamity of the 
 brigade ; but going by water, and landing fre- 
 quently near it, they carried on hostilities, 
 vexatious indeed on both sides, with those in 
 the city. 
 
 VI. After this, the Achseans, who were 
 possessors of Calydon, anciently belonging to 
 ^Etolia, and had declared the Calydonians to 
 be members of their own community, were 
 obliged to keep a garrison in the place. For 
 the Acarnanians made war upon it, assisted by 
 some Athenians and Boeotians in pursuance of 
 the confederacy between them. The Achaeans 
 therefore, being at this time distressed, send 
 ambassadors to Lacedsemon. They arrived 
 there, and said, they were treated wrong- 
 fully by the Lacedaemonians. For our own 
 parts (said they) and you know it, Lacedae- 
 monians, we readily take the field whenever 
 you summon us, and march whithersoever you 
 lead us. And now, that a city of ours is 
 blocked up by the Acarnanians and their con 
 federates the Athenians and Boeotians, you 
 take no manner of care of us. Thus deserted 
 as we are, we are no longer able to make hea<3 
 against them. But we must either entirely, 
 
 giving up the war in Peloponnesus, 1 employ 
 our whole force against the Acarnanians and 
 their confederates, or submit to a peace the 
 best we caa get." Thus they spoke with a 
 kind of threat to the Lacedaemonians to aban- 
 don their confederacy, unless they sent them 
 succour in their turn. But after this represen- 
 tation, it was judged expedient by the ephori 
 and council of state, to march with the Achse- 
 ans against the Acarnanians. Accordingly 
 they send out Agesilaus with two Lacedaemo- 
 nian brigades and a body of confederates ; and 
 the Achaeans joined in the expedition with the 
 whole of their force. But when Agesilaus 
 had made his passage, all the Acarnanians fled 
 out of the country into the cities, and drove 
 away their cattle to a very distant place, that 
 they might not be taken by his army. Agesi- 
 laus, so soon as he arrived on the enemy's fron- 
 tiers, sent to Stratus the capitol of Acarnania, 
 and declared, that " if they did not relinquish 
 their confederacy with the Boeotians and Athe- 
 nians and join the Lacedaemonians and their 
 confederates, he would lay all their country 
 waste, and not spare the least corner in it." 
 And, as they gave no heed to this declaration, 
 he kept his word. For without any intermis- 
 sion carrying on his devastations, he advanced 
 in his marches not above ten or twelve stadia a 
 day. The Acarnanians therefore, thinking they 
 had little to apprehend from the slow marches 
 of this army, fetched down their cattle from the 
 mountains, and almost every where resumed 
 their rural employments. ' When now they 
 were judged by Agesilaus to have given up all 
 fear, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day after he 
 had entered the country, he sacrificed early in 
 the morning, and before evening completed a 
 march of 2 one' hundred and sixty stadia to the 
 lake, about which were almost all the cattle of 
 the Acarnanians, and took a vast many herds 
 of oxen, and horses, and flocks of cattle of all 
 other kinds, and many slaves. Having thus 
 gained it, he halted there the next day, and 
 sold all the booty ; many targeteers however of 
 the Acarnanians came up ; and, as Agesilaus 
 had encamped upon a mountain, were shooting 
 and slinging without suffering any thing in re- 
 turn, and obliged the army to come down into 
 the plain from the summit of the mountain, 
 though they had just been preparing for sup- 
 
 Dr. Taylor's reading, 
 About sixteen miles. 
 
AFFAIRS OFtGREECE. 
 
 429 
 
 per. The Acarnanians indeed drew off at 
 night ; and the army having posted guards, 
 took their repose in quiet: but the next day 
 Agesilaus led them back. The issue from the 
 meadow and plain round the lake was narrow, 
 because the ground was on all sides surrounded 
 by mountains. The Acarnanians had posted 
 themselves upon them, and kept pouring down 
 from above their darts and javelins. They 
 even ventured down to the skirts of the moun- 
 tains ; they attacked and annoyed the army, 
 so that they could no longer proceed in their 
 march. The heavy-armed, it is true, from the 
 main-body and the horse pursued them, but did 
 no damage to such assailants : for the Acar- 
 nanians, whenever they thought proper to re- 
 tire, were immediately in their strong holds. 
 Agesilaus, esteeming it a difficult piece of 
 work for an army thus grievously annoyed to 
 get clear through so narrow a pass, determined 
 to pursue those who attacked on his left, as 
 they were the most numerous body. The 
 mountain also on this side was much easier of 
 ascent for the heavy-armed and horse. Yet 
 during the time that he sacrificed and con- 
 sulted the victims, the Acarnanians still con- 
 tinued to pour down their darts and javelins, 
 and approaching nearer and nearer wounded 
 numbers. But at length, upon his giving the 
 signal, the heavy-armed of the two first milita- 
 ry classes started forwards, the horsemen were 
 riding up, and Agesilaus followed with the 
 rest. Such of the Acarnanians, therefore, as 
 had ventured down the mountain and had been 
 skirmishing with them, are soon forced to fly, 
 and whilst scrambling up the ascent were put 
 to death. The heavy-armed of the Acarnani- 
 ans and many of their targeteers were drawn 
 up on the summit of the mountain, where they 
 stood their ground, and let fly their darts, and' 
 striking at them with their spears wounded 
 the horsemen and slew some horses. But when 
 they were very near falling into the hands of 
 the Lacedaemonian heavy-armed, they took to 
 flight, and this day about three hundred of 
 them were slain. 
 
 After so much success, Agesilaus erected a 
 trophy. And then marching round the country 
 he laid it all waste with fire and sword. He 
 even assaulted some of the towns, merely in 
 compliance with the entreaties of the Achaeans, 
 but he took not one. And now, as autumn 
 was coming on apace, he marched out of the 
 country. 
 
 The Achseans, nevertheless, thought that he 
 had done nothing at all, since he had not made 
 himself master of a single town, either by 
 force or voluntary surrender. They begged, 
 therefore, that if nothing else could be done, 
 he would only stay so long in the enemy's 
 country as to hinder them from sowing their 
 corn. His answer was, that they are plead- 
 ing against their own interest. T shall certainly 
 march hither again next summer. The more 
 seed they sow, the more desirous of course 
 they will be of peace." Having said thus, he 
 marched off his army through ^tolia, by such 
 roads as neither a large nor small army could 1 
 have passed without leave from the ^Etolians. 
 However, they suffered him to proceed, for 
 they hoped he would assist them to recover 
 Naupactus. But when he came to the cape 
 of Rhium, he crossed the sea and returned to 
 Sparta. For the Athenians, who had sta- 
 tioned themselves with a squadron at Oenia- 
 dae, stopped all passage to Peloponnesus from 
 Calydon. 
 
 VII. When the winter was over, Agesilaus, 
 in pursuance of his promise to the Achaeans, 
 declared an expedition in the very beginning 
 of spring against the Acarnanians. The latter 
 had notice of it, and reasoned right, that as 
 their city lay in the heart of their country, they 
 should suffer a siege as much from, those who 
 destroyed their corn, as if they were invested 
 in form. They sent therefore ambassadors to 
 Lacedaemon, and made a peace with the Achae- 
 ans, and an offensive and defensive alliance 
 with the Lacedaemonians. And thus ended 
 the war of Acarnania. 
 
 Henceforth the Lacedaemonians judged it by 
 no means safe to march their army against the 
 Athenians or Boeotians, and leave the great 
 and hostile state of Argos, lying on their own 
 frontier, behind their backs : they proclaim 
 therefore an expedition against Argos. Age- 
 sipolis, who knew that he was to command in 
 this expedition, and found the victims favour- 
 able which, he sacrificed for success, went to 
 Olympia to consult the oracle. He demand- 
 ed of the god, " Whether, in consistence with 
 piety, he might reject the truce which the 
 Argives would plead 1" For the latter would 
 begin to compute its expiration not from the 
 day of the declaration, but from the time when 
 the Lacedaemonians actually broke into then 
 country. The god signified to him, that con- 
 sistently with piety he might reject it so wrong- 
 
430 
 
 XENOPHON.ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 fully pleaded. From thence, without loss of 
 time, he repaired to Delphi, and there demand- 
 ed of Apollo, Whether he judged of the truce 
 in the same manner with his father 1" He an- 
 swered positively to the same purpose. Ac- 
 cordingly Agesipolis put himself at the head of 
 the army, and marched from Phlius, for there 
 it had assembled whilst he was on his journey 
 to the oracles, and broke in by the pass of 
 Nemea. But the Argives, when they found 
 themselves unable to make head against him, 
 sent to him, as usual, two heralds with gar- 
 lands on their heads, alleging that the truce 
 was not expired." Agesipolis having answer- 
 ed, that the gods had decided against the jus- 
 tice of their plea," refused to observe it, and 
 marched forwards into the country, and soon 
 caused high perplexity and distress over all 
 the country, and in Argos itself. But the first 
 day they were in Argia, after Agesipolis had 
 supped, and upon finishing supper they were 
 making the libation, Neptune shook the earth. 
 Upon this the Lacedaemonians, who were but 
 just set out from home, joined in chorus and 
 sung the paean to the god ; but the rest of the 
 troops concluded, that they ought to return 
 home immediately, since Agis formerly upon 
 the shock of an earthquake had marched them 
 out of Elis. Agesipolis alleged, that if the 
 god had shaken the earth when he was only in- 
 tending to break in, he should have construed 
 it a prohibition ; but now that he actually had 
 broken in, he judged it an exhortation ;" and 
 so the next day, after sacrificing to Neptune, 
 he advanced, though not far, into the country. 
 As Agesilaus had lately -commanded in an 
 expedition against Argos, Agesipolis asked the 
 soldiers, how near he had advanced to the walls 
 of the city 1 how far he had extended his de- 
 vastations? and then, like the champion in 
 public games, who struggles for every prize, 
 he endeavoured to outdo him in every respect. 
 He was once even within reach of darts from 
 the turrets, but then he immediately repassed 
 the trenches that surrounded the walls. And 
 when most of the Argives were marched into 
 Laconia, he approached so near to the very 
 gates, that they shut them against some Boeo- 
 tian horsemen who had just desired to be let 
 in, afraid that the Lacedaemonians might rush 
 in along with them ; insomuch that those horse- 
 men were compelled to keep clinging under 
 the battlements, like so many bats. And had 
 not the Cretans at that time heen absent on an 
 
 excursion to Nauplia, many men and horses 
 too must have been shot to death. But after 
 this, when he lay encamped near Eirctae a 
 thunderbolt fell in the camp. Some were 
 much affrighted, but some were actually killed 
 by the lightning. And having afterwards a 
 mind to fortify a castle at the entrance of the 
 pass over the Colousa, he sacrificed, and the 
 victims appeared without lobes. Determined 
 by this, he led off the army and dismissed them, 
 having done vast damage to the Argives by an 
 invasion so little expected. 
 
 VIII. The war was on this manner carried 
 on at land. And I shall now relate the con- 
 current transactions at sea and the cities on the 
 sea-coast ; describing such of them only as are 
 worthy of remembrance, and omitting such as 
 deserve not a particular mention. 
 
 In the first place, therefore, Pharnabazus 
 and Conon, after beating the Lacedaemonians at 
 sea, sailing round to the isles and the maritime 
 cities, drove out the Lacedaemonian command- 
 ants, and gained the hearty good will of the 
 people, as they placed no garrisons in their 
 citadels, but left them free and independent. 
 Nay, such as only heard of this behaviour were 
 delighted with and commended it much, and 
 sent cheerfully their hospitable presents to 
 Pharnabazus. For Conon had convinced him, 
 that if he acted thus, he would be sure of 
 the friendship of all the cities : but in case he 
 manifested any design to enslave them, then 
 (he added) each single city is able to cut you 
 out a deal of trouble, and the danger is, that all 
 the Greeks, when they see into your schemes, 
 will unite together against you." Pharnaba- 
 zus therefore was persuaded by him : and go- 
 ing on shore at Ephesus, he gave Conon forty 
 ships ; and, having told him to meet him at 
 Sestus, he went by land to his own dominions. 
 Dercyllidas truly, an inveterate enemy to Phar- 
 nabazus, happened to be at Abydus at the time 
 of the late battle at sea ; yet, instead of aban- 
 doning his town, as did the other command- 
 ants, he fast secured Abydus, and kept it firm 
 to the Lacedaemonians. His first step had been 
 to convene the Abydenians, and to harangue 
 them thus : 
 
 " It is now, ye men of Abydus, in your pow- 
 er, as you long have been steady friends to the 
 Lacedaemonian state, to prove yourselves their 
 actual benefactors. To continue faithful dur- 
 ing a course of prosperity hath nothing wonder- 
 ful in it ; but, when any set of men continue 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 431 
 
 steadily attached to friends in adversity, they 
 ought on that account to be eternally remem- 
 bered. Not that we are in so bad a situation 
 as to be nothing at all, because we have been 
 beaten at sea. For formerly, when the Athe- 
 nians were the sovereigns of the sea, our state 
 was very well able to do good to her friends 
 and harm to her enemies. But by how much 
 the larger is the number of the cities, which, 
 veering about with fortune, at present desert 
 us, by so much will your fidelity be actually 
 the more conspicuous. Some persons it is 
 true may apprehend that we are in danger here 
 of being besieged both by land and sea : but 
 let such reflect, that as yet, no Grecian fleet 
 appears at sea, and that Greece will never suf- 
 fer a fleet of Barbarians to ride masters- of the 
 sea. Greece undoubtedly will assist herself, 
 and consequently will fight for you." 
 
 The Abydenians, having heard him, were 
 readily without any reluctance persuaded. They 
 received in a friendly manner the new gover- 
 nants, and invited to their posts such as had ab- 
 sented. But Dercyllidas, so soon as a large body 
 of men well qualified for service were assembled 
 in Abydus, passed over to Sestus, which is 
 over-against Abydus, distant from it no more 
 than eight stadia, and collected together all the 
 persons who had been settled by the Lacedae- 
 monians on the lands of the Chersonesus, and 
 as many of the commandants as had been 
 ejected out of the cities in Europe. He re- 
 ceived them kindly, telling them, " they ought 
 not to give way to dejection, but recall to mind, 
 that even yet in Asia, which originally belongs 
 to the king, there are Temnus, though not a 
 large city, and the ^Egians, and other places 
 in which they might settle, and disdain sub- 
 mission to the king. Nay, where (he went on) 
 can you find another place so strong as Sestus ? 
 what town more difficult to be reduced by 
 siege 1 since it cannot possibly be blocked up 
 without both a land and a naval force." And 
 by talking to them in this manner, he preserved 
 them from total dejection. 
 
 Pharnabazus, when he found that Dercyllidas 
 had thus secured Abydus and Sestus, sent word 
 to the inhabitants, that " if they did not send 
 away the Lacedemonians, he would make war 
 upon them ;" and, as they were not to be awed 
 by this menace, he sent orders to Conon not to 
 suffer them to stir by sea, and then he ravaged 
 in person the territory of the Abydenians. But 
 as nothing he did could induce them to sur- 
 
 render, he himself went home, and ordered 
 Conon so to manage the cities in Hellespont, 
 that as large a fleet as possible might be gather- 
 ed together in the spring. Full of resentment 
 against the Lacedaemonians for the harm they 
 had done him, it was his high ambition to go 
 even to Laconia, and revenge himself to the ut- 
 most of his power. They spent the winter 
 therefore in making preparations ; and early in 
 the spring, having manned out a numerous fleet, 
 and hired a body of auxiliaries, Pharnabazus 
 put to sea and Conon with him, and sailed 
 through the islands to Melos, and from thence 
 they proceeded towards Lacedcemon. In the 
 first place, making a descent at Pherae, he laid 
 all the adjacent country waste ; and afterwards 
 repeating his descents on the coast, he did them 
 all possible damage. Yet, terrified at a coast 
 where harbours were so scarce, and at the readi- 
 ness of the people to resist him, added to the 
 danger of wanting provisions, he soon turned 
 back, and, standing off, cast anchor at Phsni- 
 cus of Cythera. But when such of the Cythe- 
 rians as guarded the city were afraid of being 
 stormed and taken prisoners, they evacuated 
 their works ; and these persons, according to 
 terms granted them by Pharnabazus, were sent 
 over by him into Laconia. He then repaired 
 the fortifications of the Cytherians, and left a 
 garrison there under the command of Nicophe- 
 bus the Athenian. Having done this, he bailed 
 up to the isthmus of Corinth ; and after en- 
 couraging the confederates to proceed briskly 
 in the war, and to manifest their zeal for the 
 king, he gave them all the money he had with 
 him, and then departing sailed immediately 
 home. 
 
 But Conon representing to him, that, "if 
 he would put the fleet under his command, he 
 would furnish it with all needful supplies from 
 the islands, and then sailing back to Athens, 
 would rebuild the long walls and the wall round 
 the Piraeus, than which (he assured him,) no- 
 thing would vex the Lacedaemonians . more. 
 Hereby too (he added) you yourself, Pharna- 
 bazus, will most highly oblige the Athenians, 
 and take ample revenge on the Lacedaemo 
 nians, for you will undo at once what they have 
 long been labouring with their highest applica- 
 tion." Pharnabazus hearing this, readily sent 
 him away to Athens, and furnished him with 
 money to rebuild the walls. Accordingly on 
 his arrival, he rebuilt great part of the wall, 
 employing his own seamen in the work, advan- 
 
432 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 cing wages to carpenters and masons, and de- 
 fraying every needful expense. The remain- 
 ing part of it the Athenians themselves and 
 the Boeotians, and other states, rebuilt volunta- 
 rily at the same time. 
 
 In the meanwhile the Corinthians, who by 
 help of the money Pharnabazus left behind had 
 manned out a fleet, and given the command of 
 it to Agathinus, were quite masters by sea in 
 the bay round Achaia and Lecheum. The 
 Lacedaemonians indeed manned out a fleet 
 against them, which was commanded by Pole- 
 rnarchus. But as an engagement came on, in 
 which Polemarchus was killed, and Polis his 
 lieutenant was also carried ashore wounded, 
 Herippidas takes upon him the command of the 
 ships. However, Prosenus the Corinthian, 
 who succeeded Agathinus in the command of 
 the fleet, abandoned Rhium, and the Lacede- 
 monians took possession of it. Teleutias after 
 this took the fleet from Herippidas, and now 
 again he was master of the whole bay. 
 
 But the Lacedaemonians, having heard that 
 Conon, at the king's expense, was rebuilding 
 the walls of Athens, and by the same means 
 subsisting his fleet, and settling the islands and 
 maritime cities on the continent in a manner 
 most agreeable to the Athenian interest, they 
 imagined that could they give Tcribazus, who 
 was one of the king's generals, an information 
 'of these points, they should either bring him 
 over to their own side, or at least put a stop to 
 the subsistence of Conon's fleet. And thus 
 resolved, they send Antalcidas to Teribazus, 
 instructing him to inform Teribazus of all 
 these points, and endeavour to make peace be- 
 tween the state of Lacedsemon and the king. 
 The Athenians, aware of the design^ send 
 away an embassy along with Conon, consisting 
 of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Calli- 
 medon. They also invited their confederates 
 to despatch their embassies in company with 
 them ; accordingly they were sent by the Boeo- 
 tians, and from Corinth, and from Argos. 
 When all were arrived, Antalcidas told Teri- 
 bazus that " he came to solicit a peace between 
 his own constituents and the king, and such a 
 peace as the king himself must be glad of. 
 For the Lacedaemonians would have ho dispute 
 with the king about the Greek cities in Asia ; 
 they would rest contented if the islands and 
 other cities were left free and independent. 
 And why," says he, "when we are thus com- 
 pliant, should either the Greeks or the king 
 
 carry on a war against us 1 or why should the 
 king incur so vast an expense 1 For when we 
 no longer lead, it will be impossible either for 
 the Athenians to make war upon the king, or 
 for us to do so ourselves, when the cities are 
 free and independent." These words of An- 
 talcidas were heard by Teribazus with high 
 satisfaction ; but to the opposite party they 
 were to continue to be merely words ; for the 
 Athenians, in case it was agreed to leave the 
 cities and islands free and independent, were 
 afraid of losing Lemnos and Imbrus and Sciros ; 
 the Thebans were also afraid they should be 
 obliged to set the cities of Bceotia at liberty ; and 
 the Argives were apprehensive of disappoint- 
 ment in their desire to keep as fast hold of 
 Corinth as Argos, if such a treaty and such a 
 peace was made. By this means no terms of 
 peace could be agreed on, and every embassy 
 again went home. 
 
 As to Teribazus, he thought it not consis- 
 tent with his own personal security to make a 
 separate peace with .the Lacedaemonians with- 
 out consulting the king. However, he gave 
 Antalcidas a supply of money to enable the 
 Lacedaemonians to keep a fleet at sea, in order 
 to render a peace quite necessary to the Athe- 
 nians and their confederates ; and he shut up 
 Conon in prison, as one who had injured the 
 king, and was justly accused by the Lacedae- 
 monians. After this, he made a journey to 
 the king, to tell him what the Lacedemonians 
 had proposed, and that he had apprehended 
 Conon for his ill behaviour, and to receive 
 orders about his future conduct. The king, 
 indeed, so soon as Teribazus arrives at court, 
 sends Struthes down as governor of the mari- 
 time provinces on the coast. And Struthes 
 exerted himself in warm attachment to the 
 Athenians, remembering what damage the do- 
 minions of his master had suffered from Age- 
 silaus. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians, when they saw that 
 Struthes had turned out an enemy to them, 
 but a friend to the Athenians, send-Thimbro 
 to make war against him : and Thimbro when 
 he had crossed the sea, and taken his march 
 from Ephesus and the cities in the plains of 
 Mseander, Priene, ' and Leucophrys, and Ar- 
 chilleum, put the dominions of the king to fire 
 and sword. But in process of time, Struthes 
 having received intelligence that Thimbro ran 
 over the country in that negligent manner 
 which showed a contempt of his enemies, he 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 433 
 
 sent his cavalry into the plains of Mseander, 
 whom he ordered to ride quite round, and drive 
 off every thing they could find. It happened 
 that Thimbro was now passing the time after 
 dinner in the tent of Thersander the musician : 
 for Thersander was not only a good musician, 
 but a good soldier too, since he had been tr,ain- 
 ed at Sparta, Struthes, who perceived the 
 enemy were marching about in a negligent 
 manner, and to be few in number when he 
 first discovered them, rushes at once upon them 
 with a numerous and firmly compacted body 
 of horse. Both Thimbro and Thersander were 
 among the first whom they slew; and after 
 killing them, they soon put the rest to flight, 
 and pursuing, made a vast slaughter of them. 
 There were some, indeed, who completed their 
 escape to friendly cities ; but there were more 
 who saved themselves by being left behind, 
 and not knowing in time of the engagement : 
 for very often, and on this occasion too, Thim- 
 bro had advanced against the enemy, without 
 giving any signal for the troops to follow. 
 And these things were done in this manner. 
 
 But when those who had been exiled from 
 Rhodes by the people, were arrived at Lacedae- 
 mon, they represented there how impolitic it 
 would be to continue inactive, whilst the 
 Athenians were reducing Rhodes, and gaining 
 so great an accession of strength. The Lace- 
 daemonians, therefore, well apprized that if the 
 people were masters, all Rhodes would be in 
 the power of the Athenians, but if the rich 
 prevail it would be in their own, manned out 
 eight ships for their assistance, and appointed 
 Ecdicus to command them. On board these 
 ships they also sent away Diphridas. The 
 latter they ordered to go over into Asia, and 
 there to secure the cities which had adhered to 
 Thimbro, and to take upon him the command 
 of the troops yet remaining, and, reinforcing 
 them with all possible additions, to make war 
 upon Struthes. Diphridas obeyed all his or- 
 ders ; and, amongst other parts of his success- 
 ful conduct, takes prisoner Tigranes and his 
 wife, who was the daughter of Struthes, as 
 they were travelling to Sardis, and for a vast 
 sum of money set them again at liberty. By 
 this money he was immediately enabled to pay 
 his troops : for Diphridas gave in every re- 
 spect as great satisfaction as Thimbro had 
 given ; but, as a general, outdid him far in 
 discipline and vigilant activity. No bodily in- 
 dulgence ever gained the ascendant over him, 
 37 
 
 but on the contrary, he gave all his attention 
 to the business in hand. But Ecdicus, after 
 sailing to Cnidus, heard there that the people 
 had the entire possessidn of Rhodes, and were 
 masters both by land and sea. Nay, they were 
 then out at sea with a number of triremes 
 double to his own. He therefore continued 
 quietly at Cnidus. But the Lacedaemonians, 
 when they found his squadron was too small 
 to give any effectual aid to their friends, or- 
 dered Teleutias, with the twelve ships he 
 commanded in the bay along Achaia and 
 Lecheum, to sail round to Ecdicus; and as 
 to Ecdicus, to send him home, whilst himself 
 took all the care he could of such as desired 
 his protection, and did all possible damage to 
 the enemy. Teleutias, when he arrived at 
 Samos, enlarged his fleet with the ships from 
 thence, and proceeded to Cnidus, but Ecdicus 
 returned home. 
 
 Teleutias, having now twenty-seven ships, 
 put to sea against Rhodes. But in his course 
 he falls in with Philocrates the son of Ephial- 
 tus, who with thirteen ships was bound from 
 Athens to Cyprus, to assist Evagoras ; and he 
 takes them all. Both parties on this occasion 
 were acting in direct contrariety to their own 
 interest. For the Athenians, who enjoyed the 
 friendship of the king, were sending this aid to 
 Evagoras, who was at war with the king ; and 
 Teleutias, whilst the Lacedaemonians were 
 likewise at war with him, demolished those 
 who were going to war against him. But 
 Teleutias, having steered back again to Cni- 
 dus, and disposed of his captures, proceeded 
 afterwards to Rhodes to succour the friends of 
 Sparta. 
 
 The Athenians growing now apprehensive 
 that the Lacedaemonians might re-establish 
 their power at sea, send out for their annoy- 
 ance Thrasybulus the Styrensian, with forty 
 ships. He was now at sea, but pursued not 
 the auxiliary squadron for Rhodes ; judging, 
 that he could not easily hurt the friends of the 
 Lacedaemonians, who were possessed of a for- 
 tified place, and had Teleutias ready with his 
 fleet to protect them; and that neither were 
 the Athenians in danger of being reduced by 
 their enemies, as they had possession of cities 
 far superior in number, and had beat them in 
 field of battle. He sailed therefore to the 
 Hellespont, and no enemy appearing, he was 
 intent on performing some notable service for 
 the state. In the first place, therefore, having 
 3E 
 
434 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 received intelligence, that a rupture had hap- 
 pened between Amadocus king of the Odry- 
 sians, and Seuthes who possessed the sea-coast 
 of Thrace, he reconciled them to one another, 
 and made both of them friends and confede- 
 rates to the Athenians ; concluding, that when 
 these princes were in friendship, the Greek 
 cities in Thrace would, even though against 
 their inclinations, pay higher regard to the 
 Athenians. All being now right in those 
 cities, as well as in the cities of Asia, because 
 the king was in friendship with the Athenians, 
 he proceeded to Byzantium, and put to sale 
 the tenths of the ships from Pontus. He also 
 obliged the Byzantines to change their oligar- 
 chical government into a democracy, so that 
 the people of Byzantium now beheld with- 
 out chagrin the great number of Athenians 
 at present in the city. Having done these 
 things, and also made friends of the Chalce- 
 donians, he sailed out of the Hellespont. But 
 though he found in Lesbos that all the cities, 
 except Mitylene, were in the Lacedaemonian 
 interest, he let them alone till he had been at 
 Mitylene, where he settled four hundred per- 
 sons from on board his fleet, and all such exiles 
 from the other cities as had taken refuge there. 
 Then taking such of the Mitylenians as were 
 best qualified for the service, and inspiring 
 proper hopes into all, into the Mitylenians, 
 that if he reduced the cities, they should be 
 masters of the whole isle of Lesbos ; into the 
 exiles, that if they would go with him to each 
 city, they would all of them be of course ena- 
 bled to recover their former state ; and into 
 those who went on board his fleet, that, would 
 they make all Lesbos friends to Mitylene, they 
 must necessarily acquire abundance of wealth. 
 With these exhortations and their united 
 strength he led them against Methymne. 
 Therimachus, who commanded there for the 
 Lacedaemonians, no sooner knew of the ap- 
 proach of Thrasybulus than he ordered all the 
 mariners on shore, with whom and the Me- 
 thymneans, and the exiles from Mitylene now 
 at Methymne, he marched out and met him on 
 the frontier. A battle ensued, in which The- 
 rimachus is slain : and the rest flying, a great 
 slaughter is made of them. After this he 
 brought over some of the cities, and he plun- 
 dered the territories of such as did not come in, 
 and supplied his soldiers with pay. He was 
 now in a hurry to get to Rhodes ; but in order 
 to put the troops into higher spirits, he collect- 
 
 ed contributions from other cities; and pro- 
 ceeding to Aspendus, he anchored in the river 
 Eurymedon. He had received their contribu- 
 tion from the Aspendians when his soldiers did 
 some damage on their lands. The Aspendians 
 growing angry at it, and falling upon him in 
 the giight, kill him in his tent In this manner 
 Thrasybulus, a man of so great accomplish- 
 ments, ended his days. The Athenians, how- 
 ever, having chosen Argyrius for his succes- 
 sor, sent him to the fleet. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians hearing now, that the 
 tenth of the ships from Pontus had been sold 
 by the Athenians at Byzantium, that they are 
 masters of Chalcedon, and that the other Hel- 
 lespontine cities having the friendship of Phar- 
 nabazus were in a safe situation, saw plainly 
 that all their care was needful. They had no 
 reason however to blame Dercyllidas ; and yet 
 Anaxibius, who was favoured by the ephori, 
 solicited successfully for himself, and was sent 
 out to be the commandant of Abydus. Nay, 
 would they give him money and shipping, he 
 promised to carry on the war against the Athe- 
 nians, and stop their career of prosperity in the 
 Hellespont. Having assigned him therefore 
 three triremes and pay for a thousand foreign- 
 ers, they sent Anaxibius to sea. He was no 
 sooner arrived than he drew together by land 
 his number of foreign troops ; he forced over 
 some cities from Pharnabazus , and as the lat- 
 ter with the aid of the other cities had invaded 
 the territories of Abydus, he returned the in- 
 vasion, marched against them, and laid waste 
 their country. Then doubling the number of 
 ships he brought by manning out three more at 
 Abydus, he fetched into that harbour what- 
 ever vessel belonging to the Athenians or their 
 confederates he could catch at sea. 
 
 The Athenians informed of this, and afraid 
 lest all the fine dispositions Thrasybulus had 
 made in Hellespont should be quite ruined, 
 send out Iphicrates with eight ships and about 
 twelve hundred targeteers. The greatest num- 
 ber of the latter were the same whom he com- 
 manded at Corinth : for when the Argives had 
 made Corinth Argos, they said they had no 
 farther need of them. Iphicrates, in fact, had 
 killed some persons who had been in the Ar- 
 give interest, and on that account withdrew to 
 Athens, and lived retired. But when he was 
 arrived at the Chersonesus, Iphicrates and 
 Anaxibius at first carried on a piratical wax 
 against one another : but in process of time, 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 435 
 
 Iphicrates perceiving that Anaxibius was 
 marched against Antandros with his foreign 
 troops and what Lacedaemonians he had, and 
 two hundred heavy-armed Abydenians; and 
 hearing farther, that he had gained Antandros 
 by composition, he suspected that after settling 
 a garrison there, he would return the same way, 
 and bring back the Abydenians to their own 
 city. He therefore passed over by night into 
 the least frequented part of the territory of 
 Abydus, and marching up into the mountains 
 he placed an ambuscade. He ordered the tri- 
 remes that brought him over to keep cruising 
 at day-light along the Chersonesus, that it 
 might be judged he was then upon his usual 
 employ of fetching in contributions. Having 
 made these dispositions, every thing fell out 
 just as he expected : for Anaxibius was now 
 on his return, even though the victims at his 
 morning sacrifice were inauspicious. But 
 this he disregarded, since he was to march 
 through a friendly country, and was going to a 
 friendly city. And when he heard besides 
 from persons he met that Iphicrates was sailed 
 towards Proconnesus, he marched with more 
 negligence than before. So long, however, as 
 the troops of Anaxibius were upon the same 
 level ground with himself, Iphicrates rose not 
 from his ambuscade. But so soon as the Abv- 
 
 denians, who had the van, were got down into 
 the plain near Cremastes, where are the mines 
 of gold, and the rest of the troops were de- 
 scending the mountain, and Anaxibius with 
 his Lacedaemonians was just at the descent, 
 that moment Iphicrates starts up from his place 
 of ambush, and runs full speed towards him. 
 Anaxibius, knowing there was no possibility 
 of escape, as he saw his troops were in a nar- 
 row road, and extended in a long line forwards, 
 as he judged that those who were gone on could 
 not readily remount the ascent to his aid, and 
 saw plainly that they were all in a panic on the 
 appearance of the ambuscade, he said to those 
 who were near him, " It is my duty, sirs, to die 
 on this very spot ; but do you make the best 
 of your way to a place of safety, before the ene- 
 my can charge you." He said these words, and 
 then snatching his shield from the person that 
 carried it, he fights and is slain on the spot. 
 A favourite boy stood by nim to the last, and 
 about twelve of the Lacedaemonian comman- 
 dants of cities, who were in company, fought 
 and died with him. All the rest fled, and were 
 slaughtered in their flight. They pursued them 
 to Abydus. Of the other troops, about two 
 hundred were slain, and about fifty of the Aby- 
 denian heavy-armed. But after this exploit. 
 Iphicrates returned again to the Chersonesus, 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 BOOK V, 
 
 [437] 
 
 37 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK V. 
 
 Fine conduct of Teleutias. The peace of Antalcidas. The Mantinean War. The Olynthian War, and sur- 
 prisal of theciiadel of Thebes by Pnsebidas. Phlius besieged and reduced by Agesilaus. The famous and 
 successful plot for recovering Thebes. War between the Thebans and Lacedaemonians. 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 I. THIS was the state of the war between the 
 Athenians and Lacedaemonians in the Helles- 
 pont. 
 
 The people of .<Egina had for a long lime 
 kept up intercourse with the Athenians. -But 
 now, as war was again openly renewed at sea, 
 Eteonicus, who was again in JEgina, empower- 
 ed them, with the joint consent of the Ephori, 
 to plunder Attica at pleasure. The Athenians, 
 blocked up by them, sent over a body of heavy- 
 armed commanded by Pamphilus, into ^Egina, 
 to invest them with a work of circumvallation, 
 blocking them thus up at land, and with ten 
 ships at sea. Teleutias however, who hap- 
 pened about this time to be going round the 
 islands to collect money, having received intelli- 
 gence of the throwing up this circumvallation, 
 came away to assist the ^Eginetse. He indeed 
 drove off the ships, but Pamphilus kept fast 
 possession of the work on shore. 
 
 But now Hierax arriveth from Lacedaemon 
 to be admiral of the fleet, and accordingly re- 
 ceiveth the command. Teleutias departed 
 from Sparta, and in as happy a mannei as his 
 own heart could wish ; for when, upon the 
 point of departure, he went down to the water 
 side, the whole soldiery crowded about him to 
 shake him by the hand. One was crowning 
 him with a garland, another adorning him with 
 fillets ; and such as came too late, and found 
 him already under sail, threw their garlands 
 into the sea after him, and prayed Heaven to 
 bless him in all his undertakings. I am sensi- 
 ble, indeed, that in relating such incidents, I 
 give no shining proof of munificence, bravery, 
 or fine conduct. But by Heaven I think it 
 worth any man's while to reflect, by what me- 
 thods Teleutias had thus gained the hearts of 
 those whom he commanded : for such behavi- 
 
 our better deserveth our admiration than any 
 acquisition of wealth or conquest. 
 
 Hierax, with the rest of the fleet, sailed again 
 to Rhodes : but he left twelve ships at ^Egina, 
 under the command of his lieutenant Gorgopas. 
 The consequence was, that the Athenian troops 
 were more closely blocked up in their own cir- 
 cumvallation than their countrymen were in 
 Athens : insomuch that, five months after, the 
 Athenians, having by express decree manned out 
 a large number of ships, fetched off the people 
 on this service, and carried them back to Athens. 
 And yet after this they were sadly infested a 
 second time by the plunderers from ^Egina and 
 by Gorgopas too. They therefore man out 
 against the latter thirteen ships, and elect Eu- 
 nomus to take upon him the command of them. 
 
 Hierax being still at Rhodes, the Lacedae- 
 monians send out Antalcidas to be admiral in 
 chief; judging that by giving this commission 
 to Antalcidas, they should most sensibly oblige 
 Teribazus. Antalcidas, when he came to 
 Jilgina, took away with him the ships under 
 Gorgopas, and proceeded to Ephesus. But from 
 thence he sends back Gorgopas with the twelve 
 ships to his former station at ^Egina, and gave 
 the command of the rest to his own lieutenant 
 Nicolochus. Nicolochus set sail from Ephesus 
 to go and assist the citizens of Abydus. But 
 in his passage landing upon Tenedos, he laid 
 the country waste, and after getting a sum of 
 money, he stood away from thence to Abydup. 
 The Athenian commanders, collecting what 
 strength they could from Samothracia and 
 Thasus and the adjacent places, repaired to 
 the assistance of the Tenedians. But when 
 they found that Nicolochus was already gone 
 away to Abydus, they put to sea from the 
 Chersonesus, and with two and thirty sail of 
 
 439 
 
440 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 their own blocked him up in Abydus, as he 
 had but twenty-five. Gorgopas, in the mean- 
 time, repassing from Ephesus, falls in with 
 Eunomus ; and sheering off at first reached the 
 island of ^Egina a little before sun-set. He 
 immediately landed his men, and ordered them 
 to eat ifeeir suppers : but Eunomus, after a lit- 
 tle stay, sheered off. It was now dark night ; 
 he therefore led the way with his own ship, 
 which carried a light, as is the practice at sea, 
 that the squadron might not disperse. But 
 Gorgopas, having again got his men on board, 
 followed after him by direction of the light x 
 keeping at a proper distance, that he might 
 not be perceived, and, to prevent all alarm, 
 ordering the masters not to shout aloud, but 
 to drop stones for their signals, and all oars to 
 be gently moved : but so soon as the ships of 
 Eunomus had made land near Zoster in Atti- 
 ca, he ordered the trumpets to sound, and to 
 fall in amongst them. The crews belonging 
 to the ships of Eunomus were some of them 
 already on shore, some of them were this mo- 
 ment landing, and some were still drawing to 
 land. A battle was fought by moonlight; and 
 in it Gorgopas taketh four of the enemy's ships, 
 which he fastened to his own, and returned 
 with them in tow to J3gina; t but the other 
 Athenian ships of this squadron fled for shelter 
 into the Pirseus. 
 
 Chabrias after this was sailing out to Cy- 
 prus to the aid of Evagoras, having with him 
 eight hundred targeteers and ten ships. But 
 taking out at the same time from Athens other 
 ships and some heavy-armed, he landed by night 
 on the isle of vEgina, and with his targeteers 
 sat down in ambuscade in a hollow, a good way 
 beyond the temple of Hercules. So soon as 
 it was day, as had been previously agreed, the 
 heavy-armed from Athens came ashore under 
 the command of Dimsenetus, and marched 
 likewise about sixteen stadia beyond the tem- 
 ple to the place called Tripyrgia. Gorgopas, 
 having heard it, ran down with the ^Eginetae, 
 with the soldiers of his own squadron, and the 
 eight Spartans who happened to be with him. 
 He left orders for all persons belonging to the 
 squadron who were free men to follow, so that 
 numbers, of them were approaching, each pro- 
 vided with such a weapon as he could get. 
 When the first party had passed by the ambus- 
 cade, Chabrias starts up with his targeteers, 
 who immediately attacked and galled them 
 with javelins. The heavy-armed, who had 
 
 last landed, charged them at the same time. 
 And thus this first party, as they were few in 
 number, were immediately slain, amongst whom 
 was Gorgopas and the Lacedaemonians. When 
 these were killed, all the rest turned about and 
 fled. Of the ^Eginetse there perished about 
 a hundred and fifty, and not less than two 
 hundred of the strangers, and sojourners, and 
 mariners, who had run together for aid. 
 
 The Athenians after this ranged the sea as 
 quietly as in the midst of peace : for the sea- 
 men paid no regard to Eteonicus, though he 
 would have compelled them to go on board, 
 since he had no money to pay them. But now 
 again the Lacedaemonians send Teleutias to 
 command as admiral in chief. The soldiers, 
 when they saw him arrive, were rejoiced above 
 measure. He immediately called them to- 
 gether, and harangued them thus : 
 
 Here I am again, my fellow-soldiers, but 
 bring no money with me. And yet, with the 
 blessing of heaven and your hearty concur- 
 rence, I will endeavour to provide abundantly 
 every article that you can need. Be assured 
 within yourselves, that so long as I am in com- 
 mand, I pray for your comfortable subsistence 
 no less than for my own. And perhaps it may 
 surprise you to hear me say, that I had rather 
 want bread myself than see you want it. 
 But by the gods I would rather choose to be 
 without food two days together, than you 
 should be without it one. My door in the for- 
 mer parts of my command was constantly 
 open to any one that wanted me, and shall be 
 open now. Insomuch that, when you are en- 
 joying plenty and abundance, you shall then 
 see my table, too, more plentifully provided. 
 But again, when you behold me enduring cold 
 and heat and want of sleep, remember that you 
 are bound in duty to endure them with me. I 
 would not subject you to any hardships of this 
 nature merely to give you pain, but in order to 
 put it in your power to reap a higher good. 
 The community of which we are members, my 
 fellow-soldiers, and a happy community it is, 
 hath attained, you well know, the large share of 
 happiness with which it is blessed, not by ha- 
 bitual sloth, but by an alacrity to endure every 
 toil and every danger for the public welfare. 
 You, I know it by long experience, were for- 
 merly good men : and now it behoves you to 
 approve yourselves better men than ever, that 
 we may unite with pleasure in every toil, and 
 unite with pleasure too in the enjoyment of 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 441 
 
 every siccess. What thing on earth can be so 
 sweet, as to cajole no man, neither Greek nor 
 Barbarian, for a precarious pay, but to be able 
 to earn our own subsistence, and that too by 
 the most glorious methods 1 For in time of 
 war, affluence at the cost of our foes, be ye 
 well assured, is the finest provision men can 
 make for themselves, as it is the admiration of 
 all mankind." 
 
 In this manner Teleutias spoke. The whole 
 assembly shouted aloud upon him to issue his 
 orders, since they were ready to obey. He 
 next performed the solemn sacrifice, and then 
 said to them Depart now, my honest souls, 
 and eat your suppers as usual ; then prepare 
 for yourselves one day's provision. This done, 
 repair hither immediately, that we may go 
 whither heaven invites us, and arrive in time." 
 When they were all returned, he ordered them 
 on board, and set sail by night for the harbour 
 of Athens. Sometimes he skckened his course, 
 and ordered them to take a little rest, then he 
 advanced farther by plying the oars. But in 
 case any one blames him on this occasion, for 
 going out imprudently with only twelve ships 
 against a people possessed of such numerous 
 shipping, let such a one reflect on the judicious 
 motives on which he acted. He concluded, 
 that as Gorgopas was killed, he should find the 
 Athenians keeping little or no guard at all 
 in the harbour ; and though the ships of war 
 should be lying there at anchor, he thought it 
 safer to attack twenty of them in harbour than 
 ten of them out at sea. When they were on a 
 cruise, he knew that the seamen lay constantly 
 on board the vessels ; but at Athens, he was 
 assured that the captains of the ships always 
 went home to bed, and the seamen too had 
 lodgings on shore. It was on these considera- 
 tions that he engaged in this attempt. 
 
 When he was advanced within five or six 
 stadia of the harbour, he made all stop quietly, 
 and rest themselves for a time. But at break 
 of day he led the way into the harbour, and the 
 rest followed. He would not suffer any of his 
 own ships to sink or to damage the trading ves- 
 sels ; but if they saw a ship of war any where at 
 anchor, he ordered them to disable her for sea, 
 and to fasten all the trading vessels and such 
 as had cargoes on board, and tow them out to 
 sea ; to search also the larger ships, and make 
 all persons prisoners whom they found on board. 
 Nay, some of his people even leaped on shore 
 on the quay, and laying hold on some mer- 
 
 chants and masters of vessels, carried them on 
 board their own ships. 
 
 In this manner Teleutias successfully con- 
 ducted the business. Such of the Athenians 
 as- were within the houses ran out to learn the 
 meaning of the noise ; such of them as were 
 out of doors ran home for their arms, whilst 
 some were posting up to the city with the news. 
 All Athenians, as well the heavy-armed as the 
 horsemen, were now marching down in arms, 
 as if the Piraeus was taken. But Teleutias sent 
 away his prizes to ^Egina, and ordered three 
 or four of his ships to accompany them thither. 
 With the remainder he proceeded along the 
 Attic coast, and in standing out of the harbour 
 he took a great number of fishing-boats, and 
 the ferries full of passengers coming in from 
 the islands. When he was got up to the cape 
 of Sunium, he also took some vessels laden 
 with corn, and some with merchandise. Af- 
 ter these captures he sailed back to JEgina ; 
 and disposing of his spoils by public sale, he 
 advanced a month's subsistence to his men. 
 Nay, he afterwards continued his cruises, and 
 made prize of every thing he could. By acting 
 in this manner he kept his ships full manned, 
 and preserved the cheerful and prompt obedi- 
 ence of all his people. 
 
 It was at this time that Antalcidas in the 
 company of Teribazus returned from the king. 
 He had so conducted his negotiations, as to be 
 assured of the king's future concurrence with 
 the Lacedaemonians, if the Athenians and con- 
 federates did not acquiesce in the peace which 
 he himself had proposed. But when he heard 
 that Nicolochus with his squadron was block- 
 ed up in Abydus by Iphicrates and Diotimus, 
 he went by land to Abydus. Resuming there 
 the command of the fleet, he went out to sea by 
 night, having scattered a report that he was sent 
 for by the Chalcedonians. But he went only 
 into the harbour of Percope, where quietly he 
 stationed his ships. His departure was perceiv- 
 ed by DimaBnetus, Dionysius, Leontichus, and 
 Phanias, who immediately went in pursuit after 
 him towards Proconesus. And when they had 
 clearly passed beyond him, Antalcidas return- 
 ed and came again to Abydus. For he heard 
 that Polyxenus was coming thither with twenty 
 sail from Syracuse and Italy ; and his design 
 was now to join them to his own. 
 
 After this Thrasybulus of Colyttus set sail 
 from Thrace with eight ships to join the rest 
 of the Athenian fleet. But Antalcidas, when 
 3F 
 
442 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 the sentinel made a signal that eight ships were 
 in sight, sending the seamen on board twelve 
 of his prime sailers, and ordering their crews 
 to be completed out of the rest of the ships, 
 lay on the watch as much out of view as possi- 
 ble. When they had sailed by, he began a 
 pursuit ; they saw him and fled. He soon 
 reached their slowest vessels with the swiftest 
 of his own ; but he had ordered such as came 
 first up with them, not to meddle with the hin- 
 dermost vessels of the enemy, but to pursue 
 the foremost in flight. And so soon as he had 
 taken these, the hindermost seeing their leaders 
 taken, were so dispirited that they became easy 
 captures to the slower vessels of the enemy, 
 and every ship was taken. 
 
 Antalcidas, farther, when the twenty ships 
 from Syracuse came up to him, and all the 
 ships of which Teribazus was master had also 
 joined him from Ionia; the latter were man- 
 ned out of the dominions of Ariobarzanes ; for 
 Teribazus, by the ties of hospitality, had long 
 been connected with Ariobarzanes, and Phar- 
 nabazus was now by invitation gone up to the 
 royal court, where he married the king's daugh- 
 ter; Antalcidas, I say, by the junction of 
 these ships, which were more than eighty in 
 number, rode master of the sea; insomuch that 
 he stopped the navigation of all vessels from 
 Pontus to Athens, and carried them off to the 
 confederates of the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 The Athenians now, who saw the enemy's 
 ships so numerous, were highly alarmed, lest 
 they should be warred down as they were be- 
 fore, now that the king was become a confede- 
 rate with the Lacedaemonians, and they were 
 blocked up at home by the plunderers from 
 JEgina. For these reasons they were sincere- 
 ly desirous of a peace. 
 
 On the other side the Lacedaemonians, who 
 kept a brigade in garrison at Lecheum, and 
 another brigade at Orchomenus ; who besides 
 were keeping a constant guard over the cities 
 firmly attached to them lest they should be 
 taken, and even such as they were diffident of 
 lest they should revolt ; who farther were ha- 
 rassed and harassing with successive hostilities 
 about Corinth, were sadly tired of the war. 
 
 The Argives, farther, who found that an 
 expedition was proclaimed against them, and 
 were sensible that their insisting on the com- 
 putation of the months would avail them no- 
 thing, began also heartily to wish for a 'peace. 
 
 Hence it was, that when Teribazus issued 
 
 out the notification, that all states, who were 
 desirous of a peace on the terms which the 
 king prescribes, should assemble together, they 
 were all soon assembled. And now in the 
 presence of them all, Teribazus, having first 
 showed the king's signet, read aloud to them 
 the contents of his mandate, as followeth : 
 
 " Artaxerxes the king thinks it just, that the 
 cities in Asia and the two isles of Clazomenae 
 and Cyprus should be his own ; but, that all 
 the rest of the Grecian cities, both small and 
 great, should be left free and independent, ex- 
 cept Lemnos, Imbros, and Sciros ; these, as for- 
 merly, to continue in subjection to the Atheni- 
 ans. And whatever people refuseth this peace, 
 I myself, with such as receive it, shall make 
 war against that people, both by land and sea, 
 both with ships and with money." 
 
 The ambassadors from the several states hav- 
 ing heard this mandate, sent their report of it 
 to their constituents. All the rest swore abso- 
 lutely to the observance of it, but the Thebans 
 insisted upon taking the oath in the name of all 
 the Boeotians. Agesilaus positively refused to 
 admit their oath, unless they swore according 
 to the letter of the king's mandate, that every 
 city small and great shall be left free and inde- 
 pendent." The Theban ambassadors urged in 
 return, they were not empowered to do it. " Go 
 then," said Agesilaus, " and consult your prin- 
 cipals. But tell them at the same time from 
 me, that if they do not comply they shall be 
 excluded the peace." Accordingly the ambas- 
 sadors departed. 
 
 Agesilaus, because of his long inveteracy 
 against the Thebans, lost no time, but with 
 the approbation of the . ephori sacrificed imme- 
 diately. And so soon as the victims had a fa- 
 vourable appearance, he passed the frontiers to 
 Tegea. He sent his horsemen to summon in 
 the neighbouring troops , he sent commanders 
 round to the several states. But before he 
 could march from Tegea the Thebans were 
 with him, professing that they would leave the 
 cities free and independent. And thus the 
 Lacedaemonians returned home, and the The- 
 bans were' obliged to accept the peace and to 
 leave the cities of Boeotia in freedom and inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 On another side the Corinthians would not 
 dismiss the garrison of Argives. But Agesi- 
 laus sent a notification to the Corinthians, 
 " that if they did not send away the Argives," 
 and to the Argives < that if they did not eva 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 443 
 
 cuate Corinth, he would make war upon 
 them." This menace affrighted them both, 
 and the Argives accordingly marched out, and 
 Corinth became again the city of the Corinthi- 
 ans. The authors of the massacre, indeed, and 
 their accomplices, of their own accord with- 
 drew from the city ; but the other citizens 
 readily gave a re-establishment to the former 
 exiles. 
 
 When these points were settled, arid the 
 states had sworn to the peace which the king 
 prescribed, all the land armies were disbanded, 
 and all the naval forces were disbanded too. 
 And thus at length the first peace was ratified 
 in form between the Lacedaemonians, Atheni- 
 ans, and confederates after the war between 
 them subsequent to the demolition of the walls 
 of Athens. But though through the whole 
 course of the war the scale had generally turn- 
 ed in favour of the Lacedaemonians, yet they 
 made a greater figure than ever through this 
 peace, which took its name from Antalcidas. 
 For now, assuming the execution of the peace 
 prescribed by the king, and insisting that the 
 cities should be free, they recovered the alli- 
 ance of Corinth ; they set the cities of Boeotia 
 at liberty from the Thebans, a point which 
 they had long desired ; they had put an end to 
 that appropriation which the Argives had made 
 of Corinth, by declaring war against them un- 
 less they evacuated that city. All these points 
 being accomplished to their wish, they now 
 came to a determination to chastise such of 
 their confederates as had been untractable dur- 
 ing the war, and manifested any good-will to 
 their enemies ; and to order them so now, that 
 they should not dare to be refractory in time 
 to come. 
 
 II. In the first place, therefore, they sent to 
 the Mantineans, commanding them " to demo- 
 lish their walls ;" affirming that " nothing less 
 could convince them they would not take side 
 with their enemies." They added, that " they 
 well knew how they had supplied the Argives 
 with corn during the late war ; and sometimes, 
 on pretext of truces, had refused to march with 
 them against the enemy ; and, even when they 
 did march, were intent on doing them more 
 hurt than good." They told them farther, 
 " they were well convinced, how much they 
 envied them upon every incident of success, 
 and how heartily they rejoiced if any calamity 
 befell them." A declaration was also made, 
 that the truce with the Mantineans for thirty 
 
 years, agreed upon after the battle of Manti- 
 nea, expired this present year." But as the 
 Mantineans refused to demolish their walls, 
 the Lacedaemonians proclaim an expedition 
 against them. 
 
 Agesilaus on this occasion petitioned the 
 state to excuse his commanding the army ; al- 
 leging that " the Mantinean community had 
 done many good services to his father in the 
 war against Messene." Agesipolis therefore 
 led out the army, notwithstanding that his fa- 
 ther Pausanias too had always been in high 
 friendship with the most popular men of Man- 
 tinea. So soon as he had entered the country, 
 in the first place he laid it waste. But as even 
 yet they refused to demolish their walls, he 
 dug a trench in circle quite round the city, one 
 moiety of the army sitting down before the 
 city with the arms of those who were digging, 
 whilst the other moiety carried on the work. 
 When the trench was finished, he also erected 
 without molestation a circular wall quite round 
 the city. But finding there was abundance of 
 corn within the place, as the last year had been 
 a season of great plenty ; and thinking it would 
 be judged a hardship to harass both the Lace- 
 dsemonians and the confederate troops with a 
 tedious siege, he dammed up the river, and a 
 very large one it is, that runs through the city. 
 The channel being thus dammed up, the water 
 swelled above the foundation of the houses 
 and the city walls. The lower brick-work was 
 soon rotted by the wet, and shrunk under the 
 upper buildings, by which means the city 
 walls cracked, and afterwards were ready to 
 tumble. For some time they under-propped 
 them with timber, and made use of all their 
 art to keep them from falling. But when they 
 found they must be overpowered by the water, 
 and were afraid lest a breach being made by 
 the tumbling of any part of the wall, they 
 should be taken sword in hand, they at length 
 offered to demolish their walls. The Lacedae- 
 monians refused to accept this condition now, 
 unless they would also settle in villages. The 
 Mantineans, judging there was no avoiding it, 
 agreed to comply. But to such of them, aa 
 from their long connection with the Argives 
 and their great influence over the people, fear- 
 ed they should be put to death, Agesipolis, at 
 the earnest request of his father, granted their 
 lives (and they were sixty in number,) in case 
 they withdrew themselves from Mantinea. Oil 
 both sides of the road, beginning from the verv 
 
444 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [[BOOK v. 
 
 gates of Mantinea, the I acedaemonians ranged 
 themselves with their spears in their hands, to 
 take a view of such as were withdrawing ; and 
 though they hated them, yet refrained them- 
 selves from any abuse much easier than did the 
 oligarchical party at Mantinea. But he this 
 only mentioned as a single proof of their habi- 
 tual obedience to their commanders. 
 
 After this the walls were demolished, and 
 the Mantinean country was now settled in four 
 villages, in the same manner as it had been 
 formerly inhabited. At first, it is true, the 
 Mantineans were highly dissatisfied, when 
 thus obliged to pull down the houses they had 
 built for their own convenience, and to erect 
 new ones. But when the wealthier of them 
 were settled on their estates which lay round 
 the villages, when they were ruled by an aris- 
 tocracy, and rid of their turhulent demagogues, 
 they grew delighted with the change. And the 
 Lacedaemonians sent them, not indeed one 
 person to command the troops of the four, but 
 a separate commander to every village. They 
 afterwards marched upon summons from the 
 villages with more cheerfulness than they had 
 ever done when under a democratical govern- 
 ment. . And in this manner were things brought 
 about in regard to Mantinea ; mankind having 
 learned one piece of wisdom by it, never to let 
 a river run through their walls. 
 
 The exiles from Phlius, perceiving the La- 
 cedaemonians were now examining into the be- 
 haviour of their several confederates during the 
 war, thought it the proper season to apply for 
 themselves. They went to Lacedaemon, and 
 represented there, that so long as they were in 
 Phlius, the citizens received the Lacedaemonians 
 within their walls, and marched in their com- 
 pany wherever they led them. But no sooner 
 had the people of Phlius ejected them, than 
 they absolutely denied to march at the sum- 
 mons, and refused to the Lacedaemons alone, 
 of all men living, admittance into their city. 
 When the ephori had heard this representation, 
 they judged it deserving of their attention. 
 They sent therefore to the state of Phlius, 
 remonstrating that " the exiles were friends to 
 the Lacedaemonian community, and for no of- 
 fence at all had been exiled their country." 
 They insisted upon it therefore as a point of 
 justice, that without compulsion and by mere 
 voluntary act they should grant the restoration 
 of these exiles." The Phliasians having heard 
 all this, conceived a suspicion, that some of 
 
 their own citizens might open the gates, should 
 the Lacedaemonians march against them. For 
 many relations of these exiles were now in the 
 city, who, besides their natural good-will to- 
 ward them, were desirous (as is generally the 
 case in most communities) to work some 
 change in the society, and were very eager -for 
 the recall of the exiles. Moved therefore by 
 such apprehensions, they passed a decree for 
 the re-admission of the exiles " ail their real 
 estates to be immediately restored, and the 
 value of such as had been sold to be returned 
 to the purchasers out of the public treasure : 
 and, in case any dispute arose, the point to be 
 determined by due course of law." These 
 resolutions were carried at this time in favour 
 of the exiles from Phlius. 
 
 Ambassadors were now arrived at Lacedae- 
 mon from Acanthus and Apollonia, which are 
 the largest cities in the neighbourhood of Olyn- 
 thus. The ephori, having been informed of 
 the reason of their coming, introduced them 
 into a grand assembly of themselves and the 
 confederates, where Cligenes the Acanthian 
 spoke as followeth : 
 
 " Lacedaemonians and ye their confederates, 
 an event of vast importance hath lately taken 
 place in Greece, of which we suppose you are 
 quite unapprized. There can, however, be 
 very few amongst you, who know not that 
 Olynthus is the greatest city on the coast of 
 Thrace. These Olynthians therefore have pre- 
 vailed with some other cities to unite with them 
 in point of laws and political administration : 
 and then they took into their union some larger 
 cities. After this they endeavoured to free the 
 cities of Macedonia from their subjection to 
 Amyntas king of the Macedonians. Having 
 succeeded with the nearest of these cities, they 
 proceeded with rapidity to do the same by the 
 more distant and the larger. And when we 
 came away, they were masters of a great num- 
 ber of them, and even of Pella the capital of 
 Macedonia. We have moreover intelligence, 
 that Amyntas hath been forced successively to 
 quit his cities, and is only not driven out from 
 the whole of Macedonia. 
 
 To us Acanthians also and to the Apol- 
 lonians these Olynthians have likewise notified 
 their pleasure, that unless we engage to act 
 in confederacy with them, they will^rrfake war 
 upon us. But for our parts, Lacedaemonians, 
 we desire still to live under our own estab- 
 lished laws, and to persevere as free as we 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 445 
 
 have hitherto been. And yet, unless somebody 
 condescends to assist us, we must of necessity 
 submit to their will and pleasure. They are 
 possessed at this very time of a body of heavy- 
 armed not less than eight hundred, and of a 
 body of targeteers in a much larger number ; 
 and their cavalry, if we should be obliged to 
 join them, will amount to more than a thou- 
 sand. 
 
 " We, farther, left behind us at Olynthus 
 ambassadors from the Athenians and Boeotians : 
 and we hear that the Olynthians are come to a 
 resolution to send back with them ambassadors 
 to these several states, to perfect an alliance of- 
 fensive and defensive. If therefore so great 
 an accession be made to the present strength 
 of the Athenians and the Thebans, consider, 
 Lacedaemonians, whether you will find them 
 for the future so tractable as they ought to be. 
 
 " Since, farther, they are already masters of 
 Potidaea on the isthmus of Pallene, you must 
 take it for granted, that all the cities within 
 that isthmus must of course submit to the 
 Olynthians. But one particular and unques- 
 tionable proof may be given you, that these 
 cities already are most grievously alarmed : for 
 though they bear an irreconcileable hatred to 
 the Olynthians, yet they durst not send ambas- 
 sadors along with us to join in representing 
 these things to you. 
 
 " Consider again of how much inconsistence 
 you must be guilty, if you, whose chief study it 
 is to prevent the union of Boeotia, should slight 
 the conjunction of so great a power : a power 
 that will show itself considerable indeed not 
 only at land, but even at sea : for what can 
 hinder the men from becoming so, who have 
 timber of their own growth for the building of 
 ships, who receive tribute from abundance of 
 sea-ports and from abundance of trading towns, 
 and who, from the fertility of their country, 
 abound in people 1 And more than this, the 
 Thracians who have no king are their nearest 
 neighbours, and have already begun to pay 
 great court to these Olynthians : and should 
 they submit to receive their law, the latter will 
 acquire a vast accession of power by it. And 
 by necessary consequence it must follow, that 
 they then will seize for their own the gold 
 mines in the mountains of Pangseus. 
 
 " We tell you nothing here but what hath 
 
 been talked of a thousand times by the people 
 
 of Olynthus. And what need is there to add 
 
 how highly they are elevated upon it 1 The 
 
 38 
 
 author of our nature hath perhaps so framed 
 mankind, that their ambition must keep increas- 
 ing with their power. 
 
 We are only, Lacedaemonians and confede- 
 rates, to make you a just report of the present 
 state of affairs. It behoveth you to consider 
 whether or no they deserve your attention. We 
 are bound, however, to assure you of one impor- 
 tant truth, that the power of the Olynthians, be 
 it, actually as great as we have represented, is 
 not yet too mighty for resistance : for even the 
 cities, which, against their inclinations, are 
 at present with them, will revolt the very mo- 
 ment an army taketh the field against them. 
 But if they enter into closer connections with 
 them by intermarriages and reciprocal acqui- 
 sitions, which are at present the points in agita- 
 tion ; and then grow convinced that it is most 
 for their interest to adhere to the strongest party 
 (as for instance the Arcadians, when they 
 march with you, preserve what is their own, and 
 plunder every body else.) then perhaps it may 
 be impossible to reduce within due bounds this 
 growing power." 
 
 These things being said, the Lacedaemonians 
 referred the consideration of them to the con- 
 federates, and ordered them to consult and re- 
 port what they thought most conducive to the 
 interest of Peloponnesus and the whole con- 
 federacy. And now a majority of them voted 
 for the march of an army, those especially 
 who had a mind to ingratiate themselves with 
 the Lacedaemonians. It was at length decreed 
 to demand their quotas from the several stales 
 to form a body of ten thousand men." Clauses 
 were inserted in the decree, that, instead of 
 men, any state might be at liberty to advance a 
 sum of money, three oboles ' of JSgina instead of 
 a man ; and if any furnished horse, the expense 
 of every horseman should be deemed equivalent 
 to the pay of four of the heavy-armed. But 
 if any refused to concur in the service, the 
 Lacedaemonians are empowered to lay a fine of 
 a stater 2 a-day upon them for every man." 
 After these points were decreed, the Acan- 
 thians rose up again and declared, that " these 
 indeed were very fine decrees, but could not 
 soon be carried into execution." They said, 
 therefore, " it would be highly expedient, whilst 
 this force was assembling, to send away imme- 
 diately some proper person to command, at 
 the head of what troops could march at once 
 
 t About sixpence English. 
 
 Pd. sterling, 
 
446 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 from Lacedaemon and any of the other states. 
 For if this were done, the cities not yet 
 gone over would stand their ground, and 
 those already under compulsion would readi- 
 ly revolt." This proposal being also ap- 
 proved, the Lacedaemonians send away Euda- 
 midas, and with him the Spartans newly en- 
 franchised, the troops of the neighbourhood and 
 the Sciritse, about two thousand in all. Euda- 
 midas, however, at his departure begged of the 
 ephori, that Phoebidas his brother might as- 
 semble the rest of the army destined for this 
 service, and bring them up after him. As to 
 himself, so soon as he arrived in Thrace, he 
 sent garrisons round to such of the cities as 
 petitioned fqr them, and by a voluntary sur- 
 render recovered Potidaea, which had been for 
 a time confederate with the Olynthians. He 
 afterwards marched from Potidaea to commence 
 hostilities, which he conducted in the manner 
 suitable to a commander who had the inferior 
 force. 
 
 So soon as the troops destined to follow 
 Eudamidas were assembled in a body, Phce- 
 bidas put himself at their head, and began the 
 march. On their arrival at Thebes, they en- 
 camped without the city near the Gymnasium. 
 The Thebans were now in sedition, and Is- 
 menias and Leontiades were generals of the 
 state. These two were enemies to one another, 
 and each was at the head of his own faction. 
 Ismenias, who hated the Lacedaemonians, never 
 once came near Phoebidas. But Leontiades 
 abundantly caressed him : and, when he had 
 got his heart, addressed him thus : 
 
 " You have it, Phoebidas, this very day in 
 your power to do the highest service to your 
 country. If you will only follow me with your 
 heavy-armed, I will introduce you into the cita- 
 del of Thebes : and the citadel once secured, 
 assure yourself that Thebes will be entirely 
 in the power of the Lacedaemonians and of us 
 your friends. A proclamation is already gone 
 out, you know it well, that no Theban shall 
 march with you against the Olynthians. But 
 do you only execute what I advise, and we will 
 immediately send away with you a numerous 
 body of heavy-armed and a numerous body of 
 cavalry too. And thus with a formidable army 
 you will march up to reinforce your brother ; 
 and before he can reduce Olynthus, you yourself 
 shall have reduced Thebes, a city of far more 
 importance than Olynthus." 
 
 Phoebidas, having listened to him, was quite 
 
 in a rapture. He was fonder of distinguishing 
 himself by some grand exploit than of life it- 
 self. But then he was not a man that could 
 reason far, nor remarkable for any depth of 
 thought. He soon assented to the proposal, 
 and Leontiades bade him have his troops in 
 motion, as if he had decamped and was for 
 continuing his march. " I will be with you 
 again," said Leontiades, at the proper time, 
 and will conduct you myself." Whilst there- 
 fore the senate was sitting in consultation in 
 the portico of the forum, because the women 
 were celebrating in the Cadmea the rites of 
 Ceres, and scarce a creature could be seen in 
 the streets ; since it was about noon in the 
 heat of summer, Leontiades returneth on horse- 
 back, makes Phoebidas file off secretly, and 
 introduceth him into the citadel. Having thus 
 put Phoebidas and his party in possession of 
 the place, given him the key of the gates, and 
 enjoined him to give no person admittance 
 without a pass from him, he went his way di- 
 rectly to the senate. He entered it and said 
 
 " The Lacedaemonians; gentlemen, are in 
 possession of the citadel, but let not that alarm 
 you. They profess themselves enemies to no 
 man who is not fond of war. But as general 
 of the state, and by virtue of the power lodged 
 in me by the laws to apprehend all traitors, I 
 now apprehend this Ismenias, as a public ene- 
 my. And you, who are officers in the army, 
 and all of you whose duty it is, I order to se- 
 cure him and convey him you know whither." 
 
 The conspirators were ready at hand, and 
 obeyed it, and took Ismenias into their cus- 
 tody. But such as knew nothing of the plot, 
 and were of the opposite party to Leontiades, 
 fled some of them immediately out of the city, 
 being afraid for their lives ; whilst others with- 
 drew at first to their own homes ; but hearing 
 afterwards that Ismenias was made prisoner in 
 the Cadmea, all those who were of the same 
 party with Androclides and Ismenias, to the 
 number of four hundred persons, made the 
 best of their way to Athens. 
 
 When these things were done, they chose 
 another general in the room of Ismenias. But 
 Leontiades set out immediately for Lacedaemon. 
 He found there the ephori and every citizen 
 of Sparta in high indignation against Phcebidas 
 for having presumed to act in this manner with- 
 out consulting the state. Agesilaus, it is true, 
 represented that if he had acted to the public 
 detriment, he ought to be punished ; but if he 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 447 
 
 had served the public, it was an old established 
 law, that his own good intentions sufficiently 
 authorised him. We should therefore consi- 
 der first," said he, whether what hath been 
 done hath been serviceable to the state or not." 
 Leontiades, however, being introduced, on his 
 arrival, to the council of state, spoke thus : 
 
 Your ownselves, Lacedaemonians, have for 
 ever been declaring that the Thebans were 
 your constant enemies, even before the last 
 transactions. You have for ever seen them 
 exerting their friendship towards your foes, 
 and exerting their enmity against your friends. 
 Did they not refuse to march with you against 
 the Athenian people, your implacable enemy, 
 when they had seized the Piraeus 1 and did they 
 not make war against the Phocians, merely 
 because the latter were benevolently inclined 
 to you 1 Nay, no sooner had they learned that 
 you were going to make war upon the Olyn- 
 thians, than they struck up a confederacy with 
 them. Time was, you were attentive to all 
 their motions, and alarmed at hearing they 
 were extending their power in Bceotia. But 
 all alarms are now at an end ; you no longer 
 have any reason to fear the Thebans. Hence- 
 forth a small scytale will suffice to keep every 
 thing there in all regular and" needful obedience 
 to yourselves, provided you show the same 
 zeal for us as we have manifested for you." 
 
 After hearing him, the Lacedaemonians de- 
 creed to keep fast possession of the citadel, now 
 that it was seized, and to proceed to the trial 
 of Ismenias." Their next step was, to send 
 judges to try him, three from Lacedaemon, and 
 one from every state, as well small as great, in 
 the Lacedaemonian league. When these judges 
 were assembled, and had taken their seats in 
 court, an accusation was preferred against Is- 
 menias, that he was in the interest of Bar- 
 barians, and 'had entered into the hospitable 
 ties with the Persian with no good design in 
 regard to Greece ; that he had received a share 
 of the money from the king ; and that he and 
 Androclides were principal authors of all the 
 confusion in Greece." He made his defence 
 against every part of the accusation, but could 
 not convince his judges, that he had not been 
 a very intriguing and mischievous man. He 
 was accordingly condemned to die, and suffered 
 death. The faction of Leontiades continued 
 now to be masters of Thebes, and outstripped 
 command in the officiousne.ss of their zeal to 
 serve *he Lacedemonians. 
 
 After these things were brought about, the 
 Lacedaemonians, with much more alacrity than 
 ever, sent away the army against Olynthus. 
 They give the command of this army to Te- 
 leutias, and all the states furnished their quotas 
 towards ten thousand men to march away with 
 him, and scytales were circulated to the con- 
 federate cities, ordering them to obey Teleu- 
 tias according to the decree of the confederates. 
 Each separate people in the league with cheer- 
 fulness accompanied Teleutias. They were 
 sure Teleutias would never be ungrateful to 
 those who did him any service. And the 
 Theban state, as he was the brother of Agesi- 
 laus, sent away with him heavy-armed and 
 horsemen. Though in a hurry to reach his 
 post, yet he marched but slowly, always care- 
 ful not to hurt any friends in his march and to 
 enlarge his numbers as much as possible. He 
 sent messengers before him to Amyntas, and 
 desired him to hire a body of mercenaries, and 
 to lay out his money among the neighbouring 
 kings to purchase their aid, if he really had a 
 mind to recover his dominions. He sent also 
 to Derdas, king of Elyma, admonishing him 
 that the Olynthians had demolished the greater 
 power of Macedonia, and will not refrain from 
 doing the same by a lesser power, unless a stop 
 be put to their insolence. Acting in this man- 
 ner, he arrived at length with a very numerous 
 army on the lands of the confederacy. And 
 when he had made his entry into Potidaea, he 
 there marshalled his troops, and then took the 
 field. But, during his approach to Olynthus, 
 he set nothing on fire, he committed no ravage ; 
 judging, that if he did such things, he should 
 embarrass both his own approach and retreat. 
 When he should be marching back, he judged 
 it would be the proper time to cut down the 
 trees and block up the roads against the enemy 
 that might follow his rear. When he was 
 advanced within l ten stadia of Olynthus, he 
 made the army halt. He was himself on the 
 left ; and thus it happened that he appeared 
 before, the gales through which the enemy 
 sallied. The rest of the confederate troops 
 were drawn up on the right. He also posted 
 on the right the Lacedaemonian and Theban 
 horse, and what Macedonian cavalry was at 
 hand. He kept Derdas and his four hundred 
 horse on his own flank, because he admired 
 this body of horse, and had a mind to compli 
 
 About a mile. 
 
448 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 ment Derdas for joining him with so much 
 alacrity. When the enemy was come out of 
 OJynthus, and had formed into order of battle 
 under the wall, their cavalry closed firm to- 
 gether, and rode down on the Lacedaemonian 
 and Boeotian horse. They dismounted Poly- 
 .harmus, the Lacedaemonian officer, gave him 
 several wounds as he lay on the ground, and 
 slew others ; and at length compel the horse 
 i-n the right wing to fly. The horse being thus 
 first in flight, the foot also, drawn up nearest 
 to them, began to give way. The whole army 
 was now in great danger of defeat, had not 
 Derdas, with his own cavalry, rode up directly 
 to the gates of Olynthus ; and Teleutias with 
 the left wing marched after him in excellent 
 order. The Olynthian horse had no sooner 
 perceived these motions, than they were afraid 
 of being shut out of the town. They wheeled 
 about, therefore, with all speed, and came on a 
 gallop towards the gates. And now Derdas 
 slew a vast number of these horsemen as they 
 were galloping by him. The infantry of the 
 Olynthians retired into the city ; and very few 
 of them were killed, since they were so near 
 the walls. But after a trophy was erected, and 
 the victory remained with Teleutias, he re- 
 treated and cut down the trees. 
 
 III. When the campaign was over for the 
 summer, he dismissed the troops of Macedonia 
 and those of Derdas. The Olynthians, how- 
 ever, were making frequent excursions against 
 the cities confederate with the Lacedaemonians, 
 carrying off much plunder and slaughtering the 
 people. And very early in the succeeding spring, 
 the Olynthian horse, to the number of six hun- 
 dred, had made an excursion against Apollonia 
 about noon, and were dispersed plundering about 
 the country. That very morning Derdas, with his 
 own horse, had marched into Apollonia, where 
 he stopped to refresh himself and his men. 
 When he beheld the enemy's incursion, he 
 made no bustle at all. His horses were ready ; 
 the riders were armed and mounted : and so 
 soon as the Olynthians, in a contemptuous 
 manner, entered the suburb, and rode up to the 
 very gates of the town, he then sallied out in 
 excellent order. The Olynthians no sooner 
 saw him than they fled. And Derdas, when 
 once at their backs, continued the pursuit and 
 slaughter of them for l ninety stadia, till he 
 had chased them to the very walls of Olynlhus. 
 
 About nine miles. 
 
 Derdas was said this day to have slain eighty 
 of their horsemen. From this time the enemy 
 were obliged to keep more within their walls, 
 and employ themselves entirely in cultivating 
 the small tract of country that was yet in their 
 power. 
 
 Some time after, when Teleutias was again 
 in the field against the Olynthians, in order to 
 demolish any tree yet standing, and to complete 
 the ruin of their country, the Olynthian horse, 
 who had sallied out and came man hing quietly 
 forwards, passed the river that runs near the 
 city, and then again kept quietly advancing to- 
 wards the enemy's army. When Teleutias 
 saw them, he was vexed at their assurance, and 
 ordered Tlemonides, who commanded the tar- 
 geteers, to march full speed against them. But 
 the Olynthians, when they saw the targeteers 
 running forwards, wheeled about, retreated 
 quietly, and repassed the river. The targeteers 
 kept following in a very courageous manner, 
 and, like men who were driving fugitives be- 
 fore them, passed the river too in pursuit. 
 But here the Olynthian horse, who judged 
 they had now got them fast, face about and 
 attack them, and slew Tlemonides himself, 
 and more than a hundred of his men. Teleu- 
 tias no sooner saw this, than, quite mad with 
 anger, he caught up his arms, and led the 
 heavy-armed towards them, ordering the tar- 
 geteers and horsemen to continue the pursuit 
 and lose no ground. By this means many of 
 the army, having unadvisedly continued the 
 pursuit too near the walls, found a great diffi- 
 culty in retreating again. They were galled 
 with darts from the turrets ; they were obliged 
 to move off in the most disorderly manner, 
 guarding themselves from the darts that came 
 pouring upon them. And now the Olynthians 
 ride down upon their horse, and their targe- 
 teers made what haste they could to assist 
 them. At length the heavy-armed sallied out, 
 and charge the main body of the enemy, who 
 were all in confusion. And here Teleutias is 
 killed fighting. He .was no sooner dead, than 
 all about him gave way. No man any longer 
 stood his ground. The whole army fled : 
 some towards Spartolus ; some towards Acan- 
 thus ; some to Apollonia ; but most of them 
 to Potidsea. As thus they were fleeing dif- 
 ferent ways, the pursuit by as many different 
 ways was continued after them, in which a vast 
 number of men, and indeed the very flower of 
 this irAghty army, perished. Such dreadful 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 449 
 
 calamities as these should, in my judgment, be 
 a lesson to mankind to guard against anger, 
 nay, even when they are only to chastise their 
 own domestics. For it frequently happens, 
 that when masters are too angry, they do more 
 hurt to themselves than to them they want to 
 punish. But to attack an enemy in the heat of 
 anger, and not with judgment, is the saddest 
 fault of which we can be guilty : for anger 
 foreseeth no consequences at all ; whereas, 
 judgment considereth as much its own preser- 
 vation as doing harm to an enemy. 
 
 When the news of this defeat was brought 
 to the Lacedsemonians, they determined, after 
 mature consultation, to march up a considerable 
 force, in order to damp the great exultation of 
 the enemy, and lest all hitherto done should 
 have been done in vain. Having thus deter- 
 mined, they send away Agesipolis the king, to 
 take upon him the command, attended, as Age- 
 silaus was in Asia, by thirty Spartans. Many 
 of the bravest soldiers in the neighbourhood of 
 Sparta went out with him volunteers, as did 
 those strangers distinguished by the title of 
 Trophimi, and the bastards of the Spartans. 
 Volunteers farther from the confederates joined 
 in the expedition, and the horsemen of Thes- 
 saly, who had a mind to recommend themselves 
 vt, the notice of Agesipolis. Amyntas also 
 and Derdas came in with more alacrity than 
 ever : and Agesipolis, thus executing his com- 
 mission, was marching against Olynthus. 
 
 The citizens of Phlius, who had been highly 
 t.ommended by Agesipolis for their handsome 
 and prompt contribution towards his expedi- 
 tion, began now to imagine, that as Agesipolis 
 was gone abroad, Agesilaus would not take the 
 field against them, since it was not probable 
 that both kings could, at the same time, be 
 absent from Sparta ; and therefore in a very 
 haughty manner they refused justice to the 
 exiles lately restored. In vain did these exiles 
 insist that all disputes should be determined 
 before impartial judges, for they compelled 
 them to submit to the determinations of their 
 own judges at Phlius. And when the return- 
 ing exiles demanded, " what justice could be 
 expected when the very persons who had in- 
 jured them presided in the courts?" they gave 
 not the least attention to them. The persons 
 therefore thus aggrieved, go afterwards to La- 
 cedsemon with accusations against the city of 
 Phlius. Some other Phliasians also came with 
 them, representing that many of the citizens 
 38* 
 
 acknowledged the injustice of such behaviour. 
 The Phliasians were nettled at these proceed- 
 ings, and laid a fine upon all those who went 
 to Lacedaemon without public authority. The 
 persons on whom these fines were laid were 
 afraid to return home. They continued at 
 Sparta, representing that " the authors of all 
 this violence were the same persons who had 
 driven them from their homes, and excluded 
 the Lacedaemonians too. The very same per- 
 sons, who had bought their effects, and by 
 violence refused to restore them, had now ex- 
 erted their influence to have a fine laid upon 
 them for repairing to Lacedaemon, that no one 
 for the future might presume to go thither and 
 report what was doing at Phlius." As this 
 behaviour of the Phliasians was not to be 
 justified, the ephori proclaim an expedition 
 against them: and Agesilaus was not at all 
 displeased with this resolution of the state, 
 since Podanemus, who, with his family, had 
 been the hospitable friend of his father Archi- 
 damus, was in the number of the exiles who 
 had returned, and Procles the son of Hipponi- 
 cus had likewise been his own. So soon 
 therefore as the sacrifices were auspicious, he 
 dallied not, but began his march. Many em- 
 bassies met him, and offered him money to 
 stop. His answer was, he was now in the 
 command, not to commit injustice himself, but 
 to vindicate the oppressed." The last embassy 
 of all declared " they would submit to any 
 conditions, provided he would not enter their 
 country." He replied, that " he could put no 
 confidence in mere speeches ; they had already 
 broken their words : he could trust to nothing 
 but a positive act." Being now asked what 
 act he meant 1 he answered, the very same 
 you did once before, and received no damage at 
 all from us by doing it." This was, to deliver 
 up their citadel. But as they refused to com- 
 ply, he marched into their territory, and throw- 
 ing up a circumvallation, laid siege to their 
 city. 
 
 It was now frequently said by th* Lacedae- 
 monians, that for the sake of a few of his 
 favourites, Agesilaus was going to ruin a city 
 that contained more than five thousand men :" 
 for to make them believe that this was so, the 
 Phliasians were ever declaiming it to them 
 from the walls. Agesilaus, however, contrived 
 a scheme to convince them it was false: for 
 whenever any of the Phliasians that were either 
 friends or relations to the exiles, escaped out 
 3G 
 
XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 of the city to the camp, he ordered the Lacedae- 
 monians to invite them to their tents, and to 
 furnish such of them as had a mind to go 
 through the exercises with them with all pro- 
 per accommodations. He enjoined them far- 
 ther to provide them with arms, and without hes- 
 itation to procure such arms upon credit. They 
 did all this, and furnished out above a thousand 
 Phliasians, whose bodies were in fine exercise, 
 who were perfectly well disciplined, and most, 
 expert in the use of arms. At length the La- 
 cedcemonians were obliged to confess, that " it 
 was well worth their while to gain such brave 
 fellow-soldiers as these." And Agesilaus was 
 thus employed. 
 
 In the meantime Agesipolis, having with all 
 expedition crossed Macedonia, showed himself 
 in battle-array before the walls of Olynthus. 
 And when nobody sallied out against him, he 
 laid waste all that territory which had hitherto 
 escaped devastation, and marching towards the 
 cities confederate with Olynthus, destroyed 
 their corn. He made also an assault upon 
 Torone, and took it by storm. Thus busied 
 as he was in the heat of summer, he is attacked 
 by a burning fever. And as he had lately 
 visited the temple of Bacchus at Aphyte, he 
 conceived a violent longing after the shady 
 bowers and the clear and cooling streams. He 
 was therefore conveyed thither yet alive : but 
 on the seventh day after he was seized he ex- 
 pired without the verge of the temple. His 
 body was preserved in honey- and brought home 
 to Sparta, where it was interred with regal 
 pomp. Agesilaus, when he heard of his death, 
 was not, as some would imagine, secretly glad 
 at the death of a competitor, but he shed tears 
 abundantly, and sadly regretted the loss of his 
 companion. For, when they are at Sparta, 
 both kings are lodged in the same apartment. 
 And Agesipolis was qualified in all respects to 
 entertain Agesilaus with his discourses about 
 youthful exercises, about hunting and riding, 
 or the more gay and lively topics. And what 
 is more, when they were thus lodged together 
 he constantly paid high respect to Agesilaus, 
 as his senior, in the manne'r that became him. 
 The Lacedaemonians send away Polybiades to 
 command in his stead against Olynthus. 
 
 Agesilaus had been a longer time before 
 Phlius than it was said their provisions could 
 have lasted. But of such excellent use it is to 
 refrain from indulging the belly, that the Phli- 
 asians, who had made a decree that only half 
 
 the usual allowance should be daily issued out, 
 and had observed this decree, were enabled to 
 hold out twice as long as had been expect- 
 ed. And a resolute spirit sometimes gains an 
 entire ascendent over despondency, insomuch 
 that one Delphio, a person who had made a 
 great figure at Phlius, being supported by a 
 party of three hundred Phliasians, was atle at 
 any time to stop the mouths of such as cried 
 out for peace, was able farther to apprehend 
 and secure in safe custody such as were not to 
 be trusted. He could also force the multitude 
 to mount regularly upon guard, and by con- 
 stantly going the rounds kept them steady in 
 their posts. Nay, he frequently sallied out 
 with his select party, and drove such of the 
 enemy as were guarding the circumvallation 
 from their posts. But when at last this select 
 party, after the strictest inquiry, found all the 
 corn in the city to be spent, they then sent to 
 Agesilaus desiring a truce for an embassy to 
 go to Lacedaemon : adding, " they had come to 
 a resolution to surrender the city on whatever 
 conditions the magistrates at Lacedaemon should 
 prescribe." Agesilaus was angry that they 
 should slight him in this manner. He there- 
 fore sent to his friends at Lacedaemon, and by 
 them solicited so effectually, that the terms of 
 surrender for Phlius were left to his own de- 
 termination ; he, however, granted a truce for 
 the embassy. He now kept a stricter guard 
 than ever upon the besieged, that none of them 
 might make their escape. But notwithstand- 
 ing all his vigilance, Delphio, accompanied by 
 a scoundrel fellow, a servant of his own, who 
 had frequently plundered the besiegers of their 
 arms, got away by night. When the messen- 
 gers arrived from Lacedaemon, with a permis- 
 sion from the state to Agesilaus to settle the 
 terms as he thought most advisable, he declared 
 them thus ; that " fifty persons of the late ex- 
 iles and fifty Phliasians who had not been ex- 
 iled, should first agree upon a report, what 
 persons deserved to be saved and what persons 
 ought to be put to death ; and then should draw 
 up a body of laws for their future observation." 
 And whilst these things were settling he left a 
 garrison in Phlius, and had six months' pay 
 secured to them. Having done this, he dis- 
 missed the confederates, and marched back 
 himself with the domestic troops to Sparta. 
 The whole time of these transactions about 
 Phlius was one year and eight months. 
 
 Polybiades now compelled the Olynthians, 
 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 451 
 
 who were grievously afflicted with famine, 
 since they could neither fetch in provisions by 
 land nor import them by sea, to send an em- 
 bassy to Lacedsemon to sue for peace. The 
 ambassadors arrived there with full powers, 
 and agreed to have the same friend and the 
 same foe with the Lacedaemonians, to follow 
 them as their leaders, and be their confede- 
 rates." And having sworn to observe these ar- 
 ticles, they returned to Olynthus. 
 
 When every thing had thus, succeeded with 
 the Lacedaemonians, so that now the Thebans 
 and the rest of the Boeotians were entirely sub- 
 missive, the Corinthians adhered most faith- 
 fully to them, and the Argives were humbled, 
 as their plea about computing the months could 
 no longer avail them ; as the Athenians farther 
 were left quite by themselves, and they had 
 sufficiently chastised their own disaffected con- 
 federates, their empire over Greece seemed at 
 present to be established with lustre and se- 
 curity. 
 
 IV. Many instances however might be 
 brought from the histories both of Greeks and 
 Barbarians, that the gods neglect not the pun- 
 ishment of men who behave irreligiously, or 
 commit unrighteous acts: but at present I 
 shall stick close to my subject. For even 
 those Lacedaemonians, who had sworn to leave 
 the cities in freedom and independence, and 
 yet had seized the citadel of Thebes, were 
 chastised for their crime by the very people 
 they had injured, though hitherto superior to 
 all their enemies. And as to those very The- 
 bans, who had led them into the citadel and 
 taken it into their heads to betray the city to 
 the Lacedaemonians, that under their protec- 
 tion they might play the tyrant, no more per- 
 sons than seven exiles were sufficient to wreak 
 ample vengeance upon them. I shall relate in 
 what manner it was done. 
 
 There was one Phyllidas, who served as se- 
 cretary to the generals of the state, in the in- 
 terest of Archias, and was highly esteemed for 
 the faithful execution of his office. This man 
 was by business carried to Athens, where 
 Mello, one of the Thebans who had refuged 
 himself at Athens, and was his old acquain- 
 tance, gets a conference with ; him. He asked 
 him abundance of questions, how Archias exe- 
 cuted his office ? and Philip continued to play 
 the tyrant ? and discovering that Phyllidas ab- 
 horred all the management at Thebes even 
 worse than himself, after proper pledges of 
 
 fidelity to one another, they agreed about the 
 exact method of executing the plot. In con- 
 sequence of this, Mello, taking with him six 1 
 of the properest persons amongst the exiles, 
 armed with daggers and no other weapon, go- 
 eth in the first place by night into the territory 
 of Thebes. In the next place, having passed 
 the day in some unfrequented spot, at evening 
 they came to the gates, as if returning amongst 
 the latest of those who had been working in 
 the fields. When they had thus got into the 
 city they passed that night in the house of one 
 Charon, with whom also they continued the 
 following day. Phyllidas was now very busy 
 in making preparations for his masters the ge- 
 nerals of the state, that they might celebrate 
 the feast of Venus at the expiration of their 
 office. He had long before made them a pro- 
 mise to bring them some of the noblest and 
 most beautiful ladies in the city, and fixed this 
 night for the performance of it. The generals, 
 libertines as they were, reckoned they should 
 have a most joyous night. When supper was 
 over, and they had drunk largely, for Phyllidas 
 took care they should have plenty of wine, 
 they called upon him again and again to fetch 
 in the ladies. He went indeed, but fetched in 
 Mello and his companions. He had fine- 
 ly dressed up three of them as women of 
 quality, and the rest as their maids. He led 
 them first into the pantry of the public man- 
 sion ; and then, going himself into the room 
 where they were feasting, told them " the la- 
 dies positively refused to come in till all the 
 servants were withdrawn." Upon this they 
 immediately ordered all servants to leave the 
 room. Phyllidas gave the servants wine, and 
 sent them out to 'drink it in the house of one 
 of the public officers. When this was done, 
 he introduced the ladies, and seated them each 
 to a man. The signal was, that so soon as 
 they were seated, they should immediately dis- 
 cover themselves, and stab. It is thus that 
 some say they were put to death. But others 
 will have it, that Mello and his companions 
 came as a party of masquers, and so killed the 
 generals of the state. 
 
 Phyllidas, however, taking with him three 
 of them, proceeded to the house of Leontiades ; 
 and after knocking at the door, said he had 
 some orders to deliver from the generals. 
 Leontiades had just thrown himself upon a 
 
 Pelopidas was one of the number. 
 
452 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 couch after supper, and his wife was sitting by 
 him employed at her wheel. He looked upon 
 Phyllidas as a trusty person, and therefore or- 
 dered him to come in. They were no sooner 
 in the room, than after killing him ] and sadly 
 affrighting his wife, they enjoined her to be si- 
 lent. And now departing, they left an order, 
 to keep the door fast. If they found it had 
 been opened," they threatened " to put all the 
 people in the house to death." Phyllidas, ac- 
 companied by two of the men, went away to 
 the public prison, and told the keeper, he had 
 a prisoner to deliver from a general of the 
 state, whom he must take care to secure." So 
 soon as he opened the door, they immediately 
 killed him, and set all the prisoners at liberty. 
 They now ran and took arms out of the por- 
 tico, with which they armed the prisoners ; 
 and then marching to the Amphieum, posted 
 them there on guard. And no sooner was this 
 done, than they proclaimed aloud, that " all the 
 horsemen and heavy-armed of Thebes should 
 come out since the tyrants were slain." The 
 citizens, who in the night-time knew not what 
 to believe, kept quiet in their houses. But so 
 soon as it was day, and it was clearly seen what 
 had been done, the heavy-armed and hors*emen 
 soon joined them in arms. 2 The exiles also, 
 who had now returned to Thebes, despatched 
 horsemen away to the rest of their associates, 
 who were waiting on the frontiers of Athens, 
 and two Athenian generals with them. These, 
 knowing well why they were sent for, put 
 themselves in march. 
 
 The Lacedaemonian, who commanded in the 
 citadel, had no sooner heard of the proclama- 
 tion that was made in the night, than he sent 
 away to Platsea and Thespise for aid. But the 
 Theban horsemen, who were aware of the ap- 
 proach of the Plataeans, met them on the road, 
 and slew more than twenty of them. Coming 
 back into Thebes after this exploit, and the 
 party from the frontier of Athens was now 
 also arrived, they made an assault upon the 
 citadel. When those within the citadel, whose 
 number was but small, found what they were 
 about, and saw with how much spirit each as- 
 sailant behaved, and heard large rewards offer- 
 ed by proclamation to such as should first scale 
 the wall, they were greatly intimidated, and 
 offered to evacuate the place, " would they 
 
 It was Pelopidas who killed him. 
 With Epaminondas at their head. 
 
 give them leave to depart unmolested with 
 their arms." They readily agreed to this de- 
 mand ; and then granting a truce and swearing 
 to an observance of the articles, they ordered 
 them to evacuate the citadel. However, as 
 they were marching out, they seized and mas- 
 sacred all such amongst them as they knew 
 were their enemies. And yet some persons 
 there were, as were secreted by such of the 
 Athenians who had marched up with the aid 
 from the frontier, and conveyed safely off. But 
 the Thebans apprehended and butchered even 
 the children of those persons whom they had 
 massacred on this occasion. 
 
 When the Lacedaemonians were informed of 
 these affairs, they put to death their command- 
 ant, for evacuating the citadel and not remain- 
 ing in it till aid came up. They also proclaim 
 an expedition against Thebes. But Agesilaus 
 alleged, that " he had been in constant service 
 now forty years from his youth, and as the law 
 exempted all persons of that standing from 
 serving abroad in the army," he averred that 
 " the king also was included in that exemp- 
 tion ;" and having thus alleged a reasonable 
 excuse, he did not command in this expedition. 
 Yet this was a mere pretext to evade the ser- 
 vice, as he well knew, in case he took the com- 
 mand himself, that his countrymen would 
 murmur at him for giving them so much trou- 
 ble that he might succour tyrants. He suffer- 
 ed them therefore to determine every point re- 
 lating to it without interfering at all. The 
 ephori at length, at the desire of those who had 
 escaped from Thebes after the massacre, send 
 out Cleombrotus for the first time to command 
 the army, and in the very depth of winter. 
 Chabrias, at the head of the Athenian targe- 
 teers, was guarding the pass of Eleutherse ; Cle- 
 ombrotus therefore marched up by the road that 
 leadeth to Plata5a. His targeteers, who led the 
 van, fell in upon the mountain with a guard of 
 about one hundred and fifty persons, the very 
 same men who had been set at liberty out of 
 the prison. And all these, unless perhaps one 
 or two who might escape, the targeteers imme- 
 diately slew. He then marched down to Pla- 
 taea, which was yet in friendship with them. 
 But after he had been at Thespiae, he marched 
 from thence to Cynoscephale, which belonged 
 to the Thebans, and encamped his army. He 
 continued there about sixteen days, and then 
 retired again to Thespise. He left Sphodrias 
 to command in that place with a third part of 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 453 
 
 the confederate troops. He also gave him 
 what money he had brought from Sparta, and 
 ordered him to hire a body of auxiliaries; And 
 Sphodrias set about obeying his orders. 
 
 Cleombrotus led the rest of the army back by 
 the road of Crusis, his soldiers being yet very 
 much in doubt, whether there was a war or not 
 with the Thebans. He had entered with his 
 army, it is true, upon the dominions of Thebes, 
 but he was again withdrawing after doing 
 them as little damage as possible. Yet during 
 his retreat there happened a most violent tem- 
 pest of wind, which some interpreted as an 
 omen of what was soon to come to pass. 
 Amongst other prodigious effects of this tem- 
 pest, as Cleombrotus was crossing the moun- 
 tain in the road from Crusis to the sea, it 
 blew several asses loaded with baggage down 
 the precipices, and carried abundance of wea- 
 pons whirled out of the soldiers' hands into the 
 sea. In short, many of them, unable to go on with 
 their arms, left them behind here and there up- 
 on the top of the mountain, laying down their 
 shields with the wrong side uppermost and fill- 
 ing them with stones. That night they refreshed 
 themselves as well as they could at ^Egosthenes 
 in the district of Megara, but next day they re- 
 turned and fetched off their arms. And from 
 hence each party made the best of their way to 
 their several homes, for Cleombrotus disbanded 
 the army. 
 
 The Athenians, who now saw what the 
 strength of the Lacedaemonians was, that there 
 was war no longer at Corinth, and that the Lace- 
 daemonians had even marched along by Attica 
 against Thebes, were so highly intimidated, 
 that they called down to a trial the two gene- 
 rals, who had been concerned in the conspiracy 
 of Mello against the faction of Leontiades, and 
 put one of them to death, and outlawed the 
 other who fled before his trial. 
 
 The Thebans farther, who were under full 
 as great apprehensions in case they should be 
 compelled singly to war with the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, have recourse to the following artifice. 1 
 They persuade Sphodrias, who was left com- 
 mandant at Thespise, and it was suspected by 
 a handsome bribe, to make an incursion into 
 Attica, in order to force the Athenians to a 
 rupture with the Lacedaemonians. Sphodrias 
 undertook the business, and pretended he would 
 
 1 According to Plutarch, Pelopidas was chief agent in 
 ind promoter of this affair. 
 
 seize the Piraeus, as it was not yet secured by 
 gates. He put his troops on the march soon 
 after supper, saying that before day he would 
 be at the Piraeus. But day-light overtook him 
 at Thria, and he had not even the caution to 
 conceal his design. For when he was forced 
 to retreat, he drove off the cattle and gutted 
 the houses. Some persons, too, who had fallen 
 in with him on his march, flying with all speed 
 into the city, alarmed the Athenians with the 
 news that a very numerous army was approach- 
 ing. Their horsemen and heavy-armed were 
 soon accoutred, and posted themselves on the 
 guard of the city. Etymocles, and Aristolo- 
 chus, and Ocellus, the Lacedaemonian ambas- 
 sadors, were now in residence at Athens, lodged 
 with Callias the public host of their state : and 
 no sooner was this news arrived, than the 
 Athenians arrested and secured these ambas- 
 sadors as privy to the scheme. They were 
 strangely surprised at this incident, and pleaded 
 in their own behalf that " they were not such 
 fools as to have staid in the city in the power 
 of the Athenians, had they known of any de- 
 sign to seize the Piraeus, and least of all in their 
 public lodgings, where they were sure to be met 
 with." They said farther, it should be cleared 
 up to the satisfaction of the Athenians, that the 
 state of Lacedaemon was not privy to the de- 
 sign ;" adding, they were well assured of 
 hearing soon that Sphodrias was put to death 
 by his country for it." And thus, being clearly 
 adjudged to have known nothing at all of the 
 matter, they were set at liberty. 
 
 The ephori recalled Sphodrias, and prefer- 
 red a capital indictment against him. He 
 truly was affrighted, and would not undergo 
 a trial. But after all, though he refused to 
 stand his trial, he got himself acquitted. 
 This was thought by many the most iniqui- 
 tous sentence that ever was given by the 
 Lacedaemonians. But the true history of it 
 was this : 
 
 Sphodrias had a son, by name Cleonymus, 
 of an age just beyond the class of boys, but 
 the handsomest and most accomplished youth 
 in Sparta ; and Archidamus the son of Age- 
 silaus had a fondness for him. The friends 
 therefore of Cleombrotus, who were great inti- 
 mates with Sphodrias, were bent on getting 
 him acquitted, but yet were afraid of Age- 
 silaus and his friends, and indeed of all impar- 
 tial persons, since beyond all doubt his offence 
 was enormous. But Sphodrias at length spokt 
 
454 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 LBOOK v. 
 
 thus to Cleonymus : It is in your power, my 
 son, to save your father's life, would you 
 prevail with Archidamus to get Agesilaus 
 to favour me in court." After hearing this, he 
 had the courage to go to Archidamus and beg 
 him to save his father. Archidamus truly, 
 seeing Cleonymus, in tears, stood all in sus- 
 pense, and wept along with him. And when 
 he had heard his request, he answered thus : 
 " But you must know, Cleonymus, that I never 
 am able to look my father in the face; and 
 whatever public point I want to carry, I solicit 
 all the world much sooner than my father. 
 However, since you request it, be assured I 
 will do all in my power to serve you." And 
 then, leaving the public room of entertainment 
 where they were, he went home to bed. Next 
 morning he was up betimes, and took care his 
 father should not go out before he had seen 
 him. But when he saw him appear, in the 
 first place if any of the citizens came in, he 
 let them talk over their business with him; 
 and then if there came any stranger ; ami after- 
 wards, he gave way to such of the domestics 
 as had any thing to say. In short, when Agesi- 
 laus was returned home again from the Euro- 
 tas, he retired without daring to approach him. 
 And the next day he behaved again exactly in 
 the same manner. Agesilaus however sus- 
 pected the true reason of his son's behaviour, 
 but he asked no questions, and let him go on. 
 Archidamus, as is now likely, was longing for 
 a sight of Cleonymus, but durst not presume 
 to face him, as he had not opened his lips to 
 his father about his petition. And the friends 
 of Sphodrias, finding that Archidamus, who 
 used to be assiduous, came not near Cleonymus, 
 were persuaded he had been chidden by his 
 father. But, in short, Archidamus had at last 
 the courage to go up to him and say, I am, 
 sir, desired by Cleonymus, to beg of you to 
 save his father ; I earnestly entreat you there- 
 fore to do it if you can." He answered, I 
 forgive you, my son, for asking it ; but I do 
 not see how I can be forgiven by my country, 
 if I do not condemn the man, who hath taken 
 a bribe to hurt my country." Archidamus had 
 nothing to reply, but overpowered by a sense of 
 justice went his way. Yet afterwards, whether 
 of his own thought or the suggestion of some- 
 oody else, he came again and said, " But I am 
 assured, my father, if Sphodrias had done no 
 wrong, you would readily acquit him ; and 
 therefore, though he hath done wrong, forgive 
 
 him this once to gratify your son." Agesilaus 
 replied, "Be it so, provided it can be done with 
 honour." At this answer Archidamus went 
 his way quite despairing of success, 
 
 One of the friends of Sphodrias being after- 
 wards in discourse with Etymocles said to 
 him, " All you, I suppose, who are the friends 
 of Agesilaus, are for putting Sphodrias to 
 death." " Far from it," replied Etymocles ; 
 should we not act in concert with him 1 And 
 Agesilaus, I assure you, says to all with whom 
 he talketh about him, that beyond all doubt 
 Sphodrias hath been to blame ; but then it 
 would be a hardship indeed to put a man to 
 death, who in every stage of life had behaved 
 in the most honourable manner, for Sparta 
 standeth in need of such gallant men." Hear- 
 ing this, he went and told it to Cleonymus. 
 Cleonymus, quite overjoyed, sought out Archi- 
 damus and said, " Now we are convinced you 
 have a sincere regard for us ; and rest assured, 
 Archidamus, we shall always endeavour to 
 show so high a regard far you, that you shall 
 never blush you have been our friend." He 
 made his words good, since quite through life 
 he nobly discharged all the duties of a Spartan, 
 and at Leuctra, fighting before the king in com- 
 pany with Dinon, a general-officer, he was the 
 first of the Spartans who dropped and died in 
 the midst of the enemy. His death gave the 
 heartiest concern to Archidamus, though' ac- 
 cording to promise he never shamed, but on 
 the contrary gloriously adorned his benefactor. 
 And in this manner truly was Sphodrias ac- 
 quitted. 
 
 At Athens, however, such persons as were 
 in the Baotian interest were representing to 
 the people, that " the Lacedaemonians, far from 
 punishing, had even commended Sphodrias for 
 his treachery to them." The consequence was, 
 that the Athenians made all fast about the 
 Piraeus, set ships on the stocks, and aided the 
 Bosotians with high alacrity. On the other 
 side, the Lacedaemonians declared an expedition 
 against Thebes; and judging that Agesilaus 
 would command the army with more prudence 
 than Cleombrotus, they begged of him to un- 
 dertake the service. He replied that " he 
 could refuse no service for which the state 
 judged him to be qualified," and began the pre- 
 parations to take the field. But sensible that 
 unless Cithseron was secured in time, it would 
 not be easy to get into the territory of Thebes ; 
 and having learned that the Cletorians were at 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 455 
 
 war with the Orchomenians, and subsisted a 
 body of foreign troops, he treated with them 
 for the aid of those troops in case he should 
 want them. After the sacrifices for a success- 
 ful campaign were over, before he had reached 
 Tegea with his Lacedaemonians, he despatched 
 a messenger to the commander of the troops in 
 the service of the Cletorians, with a month's pay 
 advance for those troops, and an order to pos- 
 sess themselves immediately of Cithaeron. He 
 sent also a notification to the Orchomenians 
 " to suspend their war during his present ex- 
 pedition. But if any state, whilst he was in 
 the field, presumed to make war upon any other 
 state, he threatened to make war upon the 
 state so offending, in pursuance of the stand- 
 ing decree of the confederates." And now, 
 after passing Cithseron and arriving at Thes- 
 piae, he resumed his march from thence, and 
 entered the dominions of Thebes. But find- 
 ing the plains and the richest parts of the coun- 
 try secured by ditches and ramparts, he shifted 
 bis encampments from one spot to another, and 
 leading out his army in the afternoon, laid all 
 the country waste that he found not covered 
 by ditches and ramparts. For the enemy, 
 whenever Agesilaus appeared in sight, formed 
 into order of battle behind their rampart as 
 ready to defend it. And once, when he was 
 returning ^ his camp, the Theban horse, who 
 had kept themselves concealed, ride out sud- 
 denly through the sally-ports contrived on pur- 
 pose in the rampart, and at the time the tar- 
 geteers were dispersed to their supper, and were 
 actually getting it ready, whilst the horsemen 
 were either dismounting or mounting again 
 upon their horses, gallop in amongst them. 
 They made a slaughter of the targeteers, and of 
 the horse slew Cleon and Epilytidas, both of 
 Sparta, and Eudicus who belonged to a city 
 in the neighbourhood of Sparta, and some ex- 
 iles from Athens, who had not been able to 
 remount their horses. But when Agesilaus 
 had faced about with the heavy-armed, and 
 was marching towards them, and the horse on 
 each side began to ride at one another, and the 
 first military class of Spartans ran out from the 
 heavy-armed to support the horse, then indeed 
 the horsemen of the Thebans resembled la- 
 bourers exhausted by the noon-day heat. They 
 kept their ground, it is true, against assailants, 
 and threw their spears, but then they never 
 threw them home. And at last, being obliged 
 to wheel about, twelve of them were slain. 
 
 When Agesilaus was thus convinced that the 
 enemy were always in motion after dinner, he 
 sacrificed at early day ; and then marching out 
 his army with all expedition, he entered their 
 lines by a quarter on which there was no guard 
 at all. And after this he put every thing within 
 their lines to fire and sword, quite up to the 
 walls of Thebes. But having done this, and 
 retreated again to Thespiae, he fortified that 
 city : and leaving Phoebidas behind to be com- 
 mandant in Thespiae, he repassed to Megara, 
 dismissed the confederates, and led back the do- 
 mestic troops to Sparta. 
 
 But after his departure, Phoebidas, by send- 
 ing out his parties, was continually fetching 
 in plunder from the Thebans, and by the in- 
 cursions he made gave sad annoyance to the 
 country. The Thebans on the other side, be- 
 ing eager for revenge, march with their whole 
 united force into the territory of the Thespians. 
 But though they had thus entered it, Phcebidas 
 lay so close upon them with his targeteers, that 
 none of the enemy durst on any occasion strag- 
 gle from the main body. In short the Thebans 
 were grievously disappointed in this fruitless 
 incursion,-and were retreating with much pre- 
 cipitation. And even their muleteers, throw- 
 ing away what coin they had got, rode home- 
 wards as fast as possible : so great a panic had 
 seized the army. But Phcebidas with high 
 ardour kept plying in pursuit. He followed it 
 close with the targeteers, having left orders for 
 the heavy-armed to follow after in their regular 
 order. He was full of hope to make it end 
 in a general rout. He himself pressed with 
 great bravery on their rear ; he encouraged 
 every person to keep up close at the enemy ; 
 and he ordered the heavy-armed of Thespiae 
 to follow him. But the Theban horse were 
 now come in their retreat to a wood that was 
 impassable, at which they first drew close to- 
 gether, and in the next place they faced about, 
 since they were quite at a loss how to get any 
 farther. The targeteers, and the number of 
 them was but small, that first approached, were 
 terrified and took to flight. When the horsemen 
 saw this, the very fright of their own people 
 instructed them to fall on ; and here Phcebidas 
 with two or three more were slain fighting. 
 Perceiving Phoebidas was killed, all the mer 
 cenaries to a man took to flight. Wheij it 
 their flight they were come back to the heavy- 
 armed of Thespise, these also, in spite of theii 
 former boasts that they would never give way 
 
456 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 before Thebans, fled too for company. They 
 saved themselves indeed from any warm pur- 
 suit, since it was now late in the day. Hence 
 it was that few of these Thespians lost their 
 lives. They fled, however, without once look- 
 ing behind them, till they were got within their 
 own walls. 
 
 The affairs of the Thebans took fresh life 
 again after this success, and they marched 
 against Thespise and the adjacent cities. The 
 party, it is true, for the Thebans, in each of 
 these cities had retired to Thebes, since their 
 governments had been lodged in the hands of a 
 few great men in the same manner as had been 
 done in Thebans. The friends therefore of 
 the Lacedaemonians in all these cities were 
 petitioning for succour. And after the death 
 of Phoebidas the Lacedsemonians sent by sea a 
 general officer and one brigade to lie in garri- 
 son at Thespise. 
 
 But so soon as the spring came on, the La- 
 cedsemonians again declared an expedition 
 against Thebes, and begged Agesilaus, as the 
 year before, to take upon him the command. He 
 was still in the same sentiments about the man- 
 ner of breaking into the country, so that before 
 the solemn sacrifices were performed, he des- 
 patched away a messenger to the commanding 
 officer at Thespise, with an order to him to 
 possess himself immediately of the eminence 
 that commands the pass of Cithseron, and 
 maintain it till h*e came up with the army. 
 When he himself had passed it and was got to 
 Plataea, he again pretended to march to Thes- 
 pise. He sent his couriers thither to order a 
 market to be ready, and for all ambassadors to 
 wait for him there, insomuch that the Thebans 
 gathered all their strength together to stop his 
 march to Thespise. But the day after, having 
 sacrificed at early dawn, he began his march 
 along the road of Erythra: and having made a 
 double march that day, he passed the lines of 
 the enemy at Scolus, before the Thebans could 
 arrive from the place where he had passed last 
 year, which they were intent on guarding. 
 Having thus passed the lines, he laid all the 
 country waste eastward of Thebes quite up to 
 Tanagra (for Tanagra was still in the possession 
 of Hypotadorus, who was a friend to the La- 
 cedaemonians,) and afterwards marched back 
 again, keeping the walls of Thebes on his left. 
 The Thebans took the field, and were posted 
 in order of battle at Graos-stethos, having in 
 their rear the ditch and rampart, and judging 
 
 themselves excellently well posted for hazard- 
 ing a battle : for the ground here was sufficient- 
 ly narrow and very rugged. But Agesilaus, 
 seeing how they were posted, would not ad- 
 vance towards them ; but making a sudden 
 turn to the left, he marched directly for the 
 city of Thebes. And now the Thebans, 
 trembling for the city, empty as it was of all 
 its people, started away from the post where 
 they were formed in order of battle, and ad- 
 vanced full speed towards the city along the 
 road of Potnia ; for this was in reality the se- 
 curest way. And yet it was undoubtedly a 
 noble piece of conduct in Agesilaus, to retreat 
 to a great distance from the enemy, and oblige 
 them in the greatest hurry to quit their ground. 
 Some however of the general officers with their 
 own brigades ran at the Thebans, as they were 
 rushing along full speed. But the Thebans 
 poured their darts and javelins upon them from 
 the eminences, and Halypetus, one of these 
 officers, lost his life by a wound received from 
 a javelin thrown at him. The Thebans, how 
 ever, were obliged to dislodge from that emi- 
 nence ; and the Sciritse and the horsemen rode 
 up it, and kept striking at the rear of the ene- 
 my, whilst they were running towards the city 
 But so soon as they were got near the walls, 
 the Thebans face about. The Sciritse, seeing 
 this, retreated back faster than a foo^ pace, and 
 not one of them lost his life on this occasion. 
 The Thebans however erected a trophy, since 
 their assailants had thus retreated. 
 
 Agesilaus, as it was now high time, wheeled 
 off, and encamped his army on the very ground 
 where he had before seen the enemy posted in 
 order of battle, and on the next day led them 
 back to Thespise. The targeteers in the pay 
 of Thebes kept following close in his rear, and 
 were calling out on Chabrias for not keeping 
 up with them, when the Olynthian horse (for 
 now pursuant to oath they were in the army) 
 wheeled about, forced them up an ascent by 
 the closeness of their pursuit, and put very 
 many of them to the sword : for foot-men, 
 when labouring up a smooth ascent, are quickly 
 overtaken by horse. 
 
 At his return to Thespise, Agesilaus found 
 the citizens of that place embroiled in sedition ; 
 and, as the party attached to the Lacedsemoni- 
 ans were for putting their adversaries to death, 
 amongst whom was Meno, he would not suffer 
 it. On the contrary, he reconciled them ; and 
 having obliged them to swear not to hurt one 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 457 
 
 another, he then repassed Cithaeron and got 
 back to Megara. At Megara he disbanded the 
 confederates, and led away himself the domes- 
 tic troops to Sparta. 
 
 The Thebans, who now were highly dis- 
 tressed by a scarcity of corn, since for the last 
 two years they had not reaped the produce of 
 their soil, send out proper persons on board 
 two triremes to purchase corn at Pagasae, giv- 
 ing them ten ! talents for the purpose. But 
 Alcetas the Lacedaemonian, who was now in 
 garrison at Oreus, whilst they were purchasing 
 and taking in their corn, manned out three tri- 
 remes, taking all possible care they should have 
 no intelligence of what he was about. And 
 when the corn was carrying off, Alcetas seizeth 
 it in all the triremes, and took prisoners all the 
 persons on board, who were not fewer than 
 three hundred. And these his prisoners he 
 conveyed for security into the citadel where he 
 was lodged himself. It was reported that a 
 youth of Oreus, remarkably handsome, follow- 
 ed after the crowd on this occasion, and Alce- 
 tas walked down from the citadel to have some 
 conversation with him. The prisoners there- 
 fore, observing this negligence of his, seize the 
 citadel, and the town revolts ; and now, with- 
 out obstruction, the Thebans fetched away all 
 the corn. 
 
 When the ensuing spring approached, Age- 
 silaus was confined to his bed : for at Megara, 
 when he led the army back from Thebes, as 
 he was going up from the temple of Venus to 
 the hall of the magistrates, he burst a vein 
 somewhere in the inside of his body, and the 
 blood flowed down from it into his sound leg. 
 His ancle became excessively swelled, and the 
 pain was not to be borne. A physician there- 
 fore from Syracuse lays open the vein upon the 
 ancle-bone. The blood, having thus got a 
 vent, continued to issue for a whole day and 
 night, and in spite of all their arts, the flux 
 could not be stopped till he fainted away ; then 
 indeed it ceased entirely. And being after- 
 wards conveyed to Lacedsemon, he was very 
 ill all the rest of that summer, and all the next 
 winter too. 
 
 However, so soon as it was spring, the La- 
 cedaemonians again declared an expedition 
 against the Thebans, and ordered Cleombrotus 
 to command the army. When in his march 
 
 i One thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven pounds 
 ten shillings. 
 
 39 
 
 he was near Cithaeron, the targeteers advanced 
 before him to secure the eminence above the 
 pass. Some of the Thebans and Athenians 
 had already possessed themselves of the sum- 
 mit of the mountain, and suffered them quietly 
 to mount the ascent. But so soon as they 
 were come within reach, they started up, pur- 
 sued, and slew about forty of them. And after 
 this repulse, Cleombrotus, judging it impossi- 
 ble to get over into the dominions of Thebes, 
 led back and disbanded the army. 
 
 An assembly of the confederates was held 
 afterwards at Lacedoemon, where they remon- 
 strated at large, that " they should be ruined by 
 such a sluggish conduct of the war. The La- 
 cedaemonians, if they pleased, might man out 
 a much larger number of ships than the Athe- 
 nians, and might starve their city into a sur- 
 render. With the same ships they might also 
 transport the land-army against Thebes : or, if 
 they had rather, might march through Phocis ; 
 or, if they chose it, by the pass of Crusis." In 
 pursuance of these remonstrances, they man- 
 ned out sixty triremes, and Pollis was ap- 
 pointed to be admiral. And indeed such as 
 recommended this conduct were not disap- 
 pointed, for by it the Athenians were blocked 
 up at sea. Their corn ships were come up as 
 far as Gerastus, but not a vessel durst stir from 
 thence, as the fleet of the Lacedaemonians was 
 on the stations of ^Egina, and Ceos, and An- 
 dros. The Athenians, thus convinced they 
 must run all hazards, went on board their 
 ships ; and, coming to an engagement with 
 Pollis, they gain a victory at sea under the 
 command of Chabrias : and then the corn was 
 brought in safety to Athens. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians preparing now to trans- 
 port the land-army against the Boeotians, the 
 Thebans requested the Athenians to appear 
 with their naval force on the coasts of Pelo- 
 ponnesus ; judging that, would the Athenians 
 comply, it would be impossible for the Lace- 
 daemonians at one and the same time to guard 
 their own coast with all the confederate cities 
 that lie round their dominions, and to send 
 abroad an army large enough to make head 
 against them. The Athenians, still full of re- 
 sentment against the Lacedaemonians for the 
 affair of Sphodrias, having manned out sixty 
 ships, and chosen Timotheus for commander, 
 despatched them with alacrity against Pelopon- 
 nesus. And now, as their enemy had made 
 I no irruption into the territory of Thebes, 
 8H 
 
458 
 
 XENOPHON. 
 
 [BOOK v. 
 
 either during tne command of Cleombrotus, or 
 whilst Timotheus was hovering round their 
 coasts, the Thebans boldly took the field against 
 their neighbouring cities, and retook them all. 
 Timotheus, also, after coasting round, reduced 
 Corcyra without loss of time. However he 
 reduced none to slavery, he drove none into 
 exile, he made no change in their laws ; and by 
 such moderation he procured the good-will of 
 all the neighbouring states. And now the 
 Lacedaemonians manned out their ships to 
 check Timotheus, and sent them to sea under 
 the command of Nicolochus, a man of re. 
 markable bravery. He was no sooner within 
 sight of the ships of Timotheus, than, though 
 six ships from Ambracia had not yet joined 
 him, and he had under his command but fifty- 
 
 five against sixty under Timotheus, he engaged 
 without any hesitation. He was indeed de- 
 feated in the battle, and Timotheus erected 
 a trophy at ^Blyzia. But whilst the ships of 
 Timotheus were drawn ashore in order to be 
 repaired, and the six fresh ships from Am- 
 bracia had joined Nicolochus, he sailed 
 up to ^Elyzia where Timotheus was. But 
 as the latter refused to come out and fight, 
 Nicolochus also erected a trophy on the 
 nearest island. Yet, when Timotheus had 
 refitted his own ships, and manned out several 
 more from Corcyra, his total number amount- 
 ing now to more than seventy, he became 
 far superior in strength at sea. He sent 
 away to Athens for money ; and much money 
 he wanted, for he had many ships. 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 [459] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. 
 
 Account of Jason. The war at Corcvra. A congress held at Soarta for a eeneral peace. The exclusion of 
 the Thebans, and in consequence or it the battle of Leuctra. History ot Jason continued. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians sue at Athens for aid against the Thebans 
 
 L 460 j 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 I. THE Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 
 were thus employed. But the Thebans, after 
 they had reduced the cities of Boeotia, marched 
 into Phocis. The Phocians sent away am- 
 bassadors to Lacedaemon, and represented 
 there, that without a speedy aid they could not 
 avoid submitting to the Thebans. The con- 
 sequence was, that the Lacedaemonians trans- 
 ported by sea to aid them their king Cleom- 
 brotus, having under him four brigades and a 
 part of their confederates. 
 
 About the same time Polydamas the Phar- 
 salian also arriveth at Lacedsemon on business 
 to the state. Polydamas was in high esteem 
 all over Thessaly ; and in his own city of Phar- 
 salus was judged so honest and worthy a man, 
 that his fellow-citizens, who had been embroiled 
 in a sedition, had unanimously agreed as the 
 safest expedient to entrust their citadel to his 
 custody. They empowered him farther to re- 
 ceive all the public revenue, and make such 
 disbursements for sacrifices and other points of 
 the public administration as were according to 
 law. Thus provided with money, he procured 
 an effectual guard for the citadel, and at every 
 year's end passed fair accounts of his adminis- 
 tration. Nay, whenever the public money fell 
 short, he advanced his own for the necessary 
 payments, and reimbursed himself again when 
 the public money came in. And more than 
 all this, he lived in a course of great hospitality 
 and magnificence too, according to the modes 
 of Thessaly. When Polydamas therefore was 
 arrived at Lacedsemon, he spoke as followeth : 
 
 Not only my progenitors from time imme- 
 morial, but I myself too, Lacedaemonians, have 
 been your public host and constant benefactor. 
 I have therefore a right, when I want assist- 
 ance, to apply to you for it, and to give you 
 
 notice in time of any difficulty that starts up 
 and may prove prejudicial to you in Thessaly. 
 
 " You are no strangers, I am well assured, 
 to the name of Jason ; for he is a man of great 
 power, and in high reputation. This Jason, 
 having demanded a truce, hath had a confer- 
 ence with me, in which he discoursed me thus : 
 
 " You may judge, Polydamas, from the rea- 
 sons I am going to lay before you, whether I 
 am not able to reduce Pttersalus your city to 
 my obedience in spite of all opposition. I 
 have (said he) now ready to act with me the 
 largest number of the most powerful cities in 
 Thessaly. I have reduced them into obedi- 
 ence to myself, though you united with them 
 in carrying on a war against me. You know, 
 further, that I have now a body of six thou- 
 sand foreigners in my pay ; and, in my judg- 
 ment, no city in this part of the world can in 
 battle be a match for them. I can bring (said 
 he) full as many more into the field from other 
 places in my own subjection. The troops 
 that occasionally take the field from Thessalian 
 cities, have several persons amongst them ad- 
 vanced in years, and several not yet of age for 
 service ; and small is the number of those be- 
 longing to any city whatever, who keep them- 
 selves in proper exercise for war. But not a 
 man receiveth my pay, who is not able to un- 
 dergo any toil as well as myself." 
 
 " And Jason himself (for I must not sup- 
 press the truth) is very strong by natural con- 
 stitution, and is beside habitually hardy. And 
 hence it is, that not a day passeth, in which he 
 doth not put the hardiness of his men to trial. 
 He is daily in armour, and daily at their head, 
 either when they go out to exercise, or go out 
 on actual service. Such of his mercena- 
 ries as he findeth unable to bear hardships, he 
 99 * 461 
 
462 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE. 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 throweth aside ; but such as he findeth are 
 eager to toil, and eager to face the dangers of 
 war, he distinguisheth by an assignment of pay 
 twice, thrice, nay four times as large as the 
 common, besides the additional presents he 
 maketh them, his great care to cure them when 
 they are sick, and the handsome funerals he 
 honoureth them with if they die. Thus it Is, 
 that all the foreigners in Jason's service are 
 perfectly assured, that military valour affordeth 
 all the honour and affluence of life. 
 
 He then repeated to me what I well knew 
 before, that the Maracians, Dolopians, and 
 Alcetas, who govern in Epirus, were already 
 subject to his orders. What reason therefore 
 (said he) have I to be frightened, or to think 
 I am not able to reduce you Pharsalians too 1 
 Yet some that know me not may here demand, 
 Why therefore do you dally ? why do you not 
 march at once against the Pharsalians ? My 
 answer is plain and honest truth, because I had 
 rather gain you by a willing than a compelled 
 submission. For should you act with me upon 
 compulsion, you will for ever be contriving to 
 do me mischief, an<J I shall for ever be con- 
 triving to weaken you as much as possibly I 
 can. But if you join me upon the motives of 
 persuasion, it is plain we shall be ready on 
 both sides to do all the good we can for one 
 another. I am very sensible, Polydamas, that 
 Pharsalus, your own native city, placeth all 
 confidence in you. If therefore you can bring 
 it into friendship with me, I give you my 
 honour (said he) I will make you next after 
 myself the greatest man in Greece. And hear 
 of how much good I offer you the second share ; 
 and believe nothing of what I am going to say, 
 unless your own reason, upon reflection, con- 
 vinceth you it is true. This therefore is cer- 
 tainly clear, that if Pharsalus and the cities 
 that depend upon you, will act in union with 
 me, I may easily get myself declared supreme 
 governor of all the Thessalians. It is equally 
 certain, that when Thessaly shall be unitec 
 under one head, the number of horsemen riseth 
 at once to six thousand, and the number of 
 their heavy-armed to more than ten thousan 
 men. And when I consider, how able-bodie( 
 and how brave they are by nature, I am per 
 suaded that, wnen they are properly disci 
 plined, there is not a nation to whom the Thes 
 salians would not disdain the thoughts of sub 
 mitting. And as Thessaly itself is a country 
 of vast extent, no sooner are they united unde 
 
 ne head, than all the nations around must in- 
 tantly submit. These people are expert in 
 he use of missive weapons ; and hence it may 
 >e judged, that our armies will exceed all 
 thers in the number of our targeteers. Be- 
 ides this, the Boeotians, and all other people 
 f Greece who are enemies to the Lacedaemo- 
 lians, are confederates wivh me. They ever 
 rofess themselves ready to act under my gui- 
 ance, provided I free them from the Lacedae- 
 monians. The Athenians, farther, I am well 
 >ersuaded, would do any thing in the world to 
 )e taken into our alliance. But I think it will 
 ot be my choice to be at friendship with them ; 
 since I judge it much easier at present to esta- 
 lish an empire by sea than by land. Whether 
 judge solidly or not, consider what I am 
 going to add When we are masters of Mace- 
 donia, from whence the Athenians fetch their 
 imber, we shall be able to build a much larger 
 number of ships than they. And shall we not 
 >e able to man these ships with much more 
 expedition than the Athenians, as we have so 
 many vassals amongst us capable of being made 
 ood seamen "? And again, shall we not be better 
 able to victual our fleets, we, who make large 
 xportations of our corn from the great plenty 
 we enjoy, than the Athenians can be, who have 
 not enough for their home consumption with- 
 out buying it at foreign markets 1 In money, 
 too, we must certainly outdo them, since we 
 are not to squeeze it from a parcel of paltry 
 slands, but can collect it in most ample mea- 
 sure from whole nations on the continent; 
 nd all the circumjacent nations are subject to 
 a tribute, when the government of Thessaly is 
 lodged in the hands of a supreme governor. 
 You yourself know, that the Persian monarch, 
 who collects his tributes not from islands but 
 the continent, is the richest man upon earth. 
 And this very monarch, I think, I could reduce 
 to my own subjection with more ease than 
 even Greece. For I am sensible, that in all 
 his dominions there is but one single person 
 who lakes not more pains to be a slave than to 
 be free. And I am farther sensible, how that 
 monarch was reduced to the last extremity by 
 so small a force as marched up against him 
 under Cyrus, and by that afterwards under 
 Agesilaus. 
 
 " When Jason had run over all these points, 
 my answer was There is weight assuredly in 
 all you have said. But for us, who are con- 
 federates with the Lacedaemonians and without 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 463 
 
 having any thing to lay to their charge, to re- 
 volt to their enemies, seems to me (said I) a 
 point that I shall not easily comply with. He 
 praised my ingenuity, and said I was so honest 
 a man that he would do all in his power to 
 gain my friendship. He hath therefore given 
 me leave to repair hither, and represent the 
 truth to you, that unless we readily join him, 
 he is fully determined to make war upon the 
 Pharsalians. He enjoined me, farther, to de- 
 mand assistance from you. If (said he) they 
 grant you an aid, and such as you can judge 
 sufficient to enable you to make head against 
 me, bring them into the field (said he) and let 
 us decide by battle what our future conduct 
 must be : but, in case they give you not a 
 sufficient aid, your country, which honoureth 
 you, and which you nobly serve, may possi- 
 bly have ample reason to censure your beha- 
 viour. 
 
 " It is for these reasons, that I am come now 
 to Lacedsemon, and have given an exact recital 
 of what I know myself, and what I have heard 
 Jason say. And, in my own opinion, Lacedae- 
 monians, the point rests here ; If actually you 
 can send an army thither, in aid not only of me 
 but of the rest of the Thessalians, sufficient to 
 maintain a war against Jason, the cities will 
 revolt from him. For they are all in great 
 fear, how the mighty power of this man will 
 end. But, if you judge that a body of new 
 enfranchised citizens and a private Spartan to 
 command will suffice, I then advise you not to 
 meddle at all. For rest thoroughly convinced, 
 it is a mighty strength you are to struggle 
 against. That strength will be under the con- 
 duct of an able commander ; who, when the 
 point is either to conceal, or prevent, or to 
 push> will be generally successful. He know- 
 eth how to act as well by night as by day. 
 On an emergency he will take either dinner or 
 supper without abating his activity. He never 
 thinketh it time to take his repose, till he is 
 arrived at the place whither he resolved to go, 
 or hath completed the point he was determined 
 to complete. He hath made such practices 
 habitual to all his troops. He is skilful at 
 gratifying his soldiers, when by hardy perseve- 
 rance they have accomplished any point of 
 importance ; so that all who serve under Jason 
 have learned this lesson, that pleasure is the 
 effect of toil ; though as to sensual pleasures, 
 I know no person in the world more temperate 
 than Jason. They never break in upon his 
 
 time ; they always leave him leisure to do what 
 must be done. 
 
 " Consider therefore these things ; and tell 
 me, in the manner that becometh you, what 
 you shall be able to do, and what you will do in 
 this affair." 
 
 Polydamas spoke thus, and the Lacedaemo- 
 nians excused themselves from giving an im- 
 mediate answer. Next day and the day after, 
 they employed themselves in calculating how 
 many brigades they had already abroad in dif- 
 ferent quarters, and how many ships they must 
 keep at sea to make head against the fleet of 
 Athens, and what was requisite for the war 
 against their neighbouring enemies. And then 
 they made this answer to Polydamas, that " at 
 present they could not send him a competent 
 aid ; it was therefore their advice, that he 
 should return, and accommodate both the pub- 
 lic and his own private affairs with Jason in 
 the best manner he was able." And Polyda- 
 mas, after highly commending the ingenuity of 
 the state, returned to Pharsalus. 
 
 He now made it his request to Jason, not tc 
 compel him to surrender the citadel of the Phar- 
 salians, which he would fain preserve faithfully 
 for those who had made him the depositary of 
 it. But then he gave his own sons for hos- 
 tages, promising he would persuade his fellow- 
 citizens to act in hearty concert with him, and 
 would himself co-operate to get him declared 
 supreme governor of Thessaly. When there- 
 fore they had exchanged securities to one 
 another, 'the Pharsalians had a peace imme- 
 diately granted them, and Jason was soon with- 
 out opposition appointed supreme governor of 
 all Thessaly.. When thus invested with au- 
 thority, he fixed the number of horsemen and 
 number of heavy-armed, that every city in pro- 
 portion to their ability should be obliged to 
 maintain. And the number of his horsemen 
 now, including his confederates, was more than 
 eight thousand, his heavy-armed were compu- 
 ted to be twenty thousand at least. His tar- 
 geteers were numerous enough to fight all other 
 targeteers in the world : it would be a toil to 
 reckon up the names of the cities to which they 
 belonged. He also ordered the people that lay 
 round Thessaly to send in their tribute, in the 
 same manner it was paid during the supremacy 
 of Scopas. And in this manner were these 
 things brought about. I now return again 
 from whence I digressed to give this account 
 of Jason. 
 
464 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 II. The troops of the Lacedemonians and ! 
 confederates were now assembled in Phocis ; | 
 but the Thebans, after withdrawing into their j 
 own territory, guarded all the passes. In the | 
 meantime the Athenians, seeing how much j 
 they had contributed towards the power of the 
 Thebans, who notwithstanding paid nothing in 
 return for the support of their fleet, and finding 
 themselves exhausted by the vast taxes they paid 
 and by the piratical cruizes from ^Egina, and 
 the guard of their lands, became highly desi- 
 rous of bringing the war to an end. Accord- 
 ingly they sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon, 
 and made a peace. Two of these ambassadors 
 set sail immediately from Lacedsemon in pur- 
 suance of an order from Athens, and command- 
 ed Timotheus to return home with the fleet, 
 since now there was a peace. But in his home- 
 ward passage he landed all the exiles from Za- 
 cynthus on their own isle. But no sooner had 
 the other Zacynthians sent notice to Lacedae- 
 mon of this action of Timotheus, than the Lace- 
 daemonians resolved that " the Athenians had 
 committed injustice," prepared again to send 
 out a fleet, and ordered the equipment of sixty 
 ships from Lacedsemon itself, Corinth, Leucas, 
 Ambracia, Elis, Zacynthus, Achsea, Epidau- 
 rus, Troezen, Hermione, and Halise. Having 
 next declared Mnasippus admiral of this fleet, 
 they ordered him to take due care of every thing 
 within that sea, and to make an attempt upon 
 Corcyra. They sent also to Dionysius, repre- 
 senting to him, that it was by no means for his 
 interest, that Corcyra should remain in the 
 power of the Athenians. 
 
 And now when the whole fleet was got to- 
 gether, Mnasippus sailed for Corcyra. He had 
 with him, besides the troops from Lacedsemon, 
 a body of mercenaries in number not less than 
 fifteen hundred. When he had landed in Cor- 
 cyra, he was master of all the country. He ruin- 
 ed their estates, so beautifully cultivated and so 
 finely planted. He demolished the magnificent 
 houses built upon them, in the cellars of which 
 their wines were lodged. His soldiers are report- 
 ed on this occasion to have grown so nice in pa 
 late, that they would not drink, any wine tha 
 had not an odoriferous flavour. Slaves also and 
 cattle in vast abundance were taken in the ad- 
 jacent country. At length he had encamped 
 with his land-forces on a hill, which had the 
 country behind it, about l five stadia from the 
 
 About half a mile. 
 
 city, in order to intercept any aid from the 
 country that might endeavour to enter the city ; 
 and had further stationed his fleet on either 
 side of the city, as he judged would best enable 
 them to discover and stop in time whatever ap- 
 proached by sea ; and, beside all this, he kept 
 a guard at sea before the harbour, when the 
 weather was not too tempestuous. In this 
 manner he kept the city close blocked up. 
 
 And now the Corcyreans, who could receive 
 none of the produoe of their lands, since they 
 were all in the enemy's possession, who could 
 have nothing imported by sea, as their enemies 
 were also masters there, were in great distress. 
 They sent to the Athenians, and requested a 
 speedy aid. They remonstrated to them, " How 
 vastly they needs must suffer, if they were thus 
 deprived of Corcyra, or resigned so great a 
 strength to their enemies ! No state in Greece, 
 excepting Athens, had so much shipping, or so 
 much wealth. The city of Corcyra was finely 
 situated in respect to the bay of Corinth, and 
 the cities which stood upon that bay ; finely 
 situated too for annoying the coast of Laconia ; 
 and most finely indeed in respect to the conti- 
 nent beyond it, and the passage from Sicily to 
 Peloponnesus." 
 
 The Athenians, after listening to these re- 
 monstrances, agreed it was a point deserving 
 all their care, and despatch away Stesicles with 
 six hundred targeteers to take upon him the 
 command, and. begged Alcetas to transport and 
 land them in Corcyra. Accordingly they were 
 landed by night somewhere upon that island, 
 and get into the city. They decreed far- 
 ther, to man out sixty ships ; and, by a majo- 
 rity of hands, elected Timotheus to command 
 them. But, not being able to man them at 
 home, Timotheus sailed to the islands, and en- 
 deavoured there to complete his crews ; judging 
 it no trifling matter to stand away hastily against 
 a fleet so well prepared as was that of the enemy. 
 But the Athenians, who now thought he was 
 wasting the precious time, and ought at once to 
 have made his passage, grew out of all patience 
 with him, and suspending his command, chose 
 Iphicrates in his room. Iphicrates, so soon as 
 he was appointed to command, completed his 
 crews with high expedition, obliging all cap- 
 tains of ships to exert themselves. He press- 
 ed into the service, by public permission, what- 
 ever ships were found upon the Attic coasts, 
 nay even the Salaminian and the Paralus, say- 
 ing if things succeeded well at Corcyra, he 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 465 
 
 would send them back plenty of ships." And 
 the number of his ships amounted at last to 
 seventy. 
 
 In the mean time the Corcyreans were so 
 sorely pressed with famine that vast numbers 
 of them deserted to the enemy, insomuch that 
 Mnasippus at length made public proclamation, 
 that " all deserters should be sold at public 
 sale." But as this put no stop to their deser- 
 tion, h at last scourged them, and then drove 
 them Mck. Yet the besieged would not again 
 receive any slaves into the town, so that many 
 of them perished without the walls. Mnasip- 
 pus, therefore, seeing these things, imagined he 
 was already only not in possession of the city. 
 He therefore made new regulations in regard to 
 his mercenaries, and forced some of them to 
 leave the service without their pay. And to 
 those whom he still kept with him, he was al- 
 ready two months in arrear, though, as was 
 said, he was in no want of money ; for several 
 of the cities sent money over to him instead of 
 troops, as the expedition was across the sea. 
 But now the besieged saw plainly from the 
 turrets, that the guards did their duty with 
 more negligence than before, and that the men 
 straggled in a careless manner about the coun- 
 try. They therefore sallied out upon them sud- 
 denly, and took some prisoners, and some they 
 slew. Mnasippus, perceiving this, caught up 
 his arms in an instant, and marched with all 
 the heavy-armed he had to their succour, and 
 gave orders to the superior and inferior officers 
 of the mercenaries to lead out their troops. 
 But some of these inferior officers having an- 
 swered, that " it would not be easy to bring 
 soldiers out in proper discipline who could get 
 no pay," he struck one of them with his staff 
 and another with his spear. And thus at length 
 they all come out into the field, though without 
 any spirit at all, and with a hearty detestation 
 of Mnasippus, the worst temper in the world 
 for men going to fight. When he had drawn 
 them up in order of battle, he put the enemy 
 to flight that were drawn up between him and 
 the gates, and followed briskly in pursuit. But 
 the pursued, when they were near the wall, 
 made a wheel, and kept galling him from the 
 tombs with their darts and javelins. And an- 
 other party, sallying out at another gate, pour 
 down in great numbers on the extremity of his 
 line. The men posted there, as they were 
 drawn up but eight in file, judged the point of 
 their line to be quite too weak, arid endeavour- 
 31 
 
 ed -to make a wheel. But they had no soonei 
 begun to fall back, than the enemy broke in 
 upon them as if they were flying, and they 
 made no attempt to recover their ranks. Such 
 too as were posted nearest to them took in- 
 stantly to flight. Mnasippus in the mean 
 time was not able to assist the routed part of his 
 line, as the enemy was lying hard upon him in 
 front ; he was every moment left with fewer and 
 fewer men. And at last the enemy, gathering 
 into a body, made a general attack upon those 
 remaining with Mnasippus, who were very few. 
 The heavy-armed of the enemy seeing how the 
 case stood, now made a sally ; and after killing 
 Mnasippus, the whole force of the enemy con- 
 tinued the pursuit. The whole camp and the 
 entrenchment were in great danger of being 
 taken, had not the pursuers judged it advisable 
 to retreat, when they saw the great crowd of 
 people got together within the camp, whom, 
 though servants and slaves, they judged might 
 be serviceable in its defence. And then the 
 Corcyreans erected a trophy, and restored the 
 dead under truce. 
 
 The besieged, after this, were in the highest 
 spirits, whilst the besiegers were in total de- 
 jection. For now it was reported, that Iphi- 
 crates was only not at hand, and the Corcy- 
 reans actually manned out their ships. But 
 Hypermenes, who was at present in the com- 
 mand, since he had been lieutenant to Mnasip- 
 pus, ordered every ship to be immediately man- 
 ned, and standing round with them to the en- 
 trenchment of the camp, shipped all the slaves 
 and treasure on board, and sent them off. He 
 staid on shore, with the marines and such of the 
 soldiers as yet remained, to guard the entrench- 
 ments. And at last even these, though with the 
 utmost disorder, got on board the ships and put 
 out to sea, leaving a great quantity of corn, and 
 a great quantity of wine, and many slaves and 
 sick persons behind them. They were in a 
 terrible fright, lest they should be caught upon 
 the island by the Athenians. And in fact they 
 all got safe over to Leucas. 
 
 But Iphicrates, when once he had begun the 
 passage, kept at the same time advancing in his 
 course, and preparing his whole fleet for engage- 
 ment. He had left behind him the great masts 
 at setting out, as standing away for battle. He 
 also made very little use of his sails even when 
 the wind was favourable. He made the passage 
 by the oar ; and so kept the bodies of his men 
 in excellent order, and his ships in an even mo- 
 
466 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 tion. Whenever the forces were to land for j ful was ready for an engagement, if it should 
 their dinner or supper, he led the fleet in a line be necessary to engage. He heard indeed of 
 n-head over-against the place ; then making a the death of Mnasippus, yet from none that 
 tack, and bringing the heads of his vessels in could attest its truth ; he suspected it was 
 a direct line with the shore, he gave a signal given out on purpose to deceive him, and kept 
 
 upon his guard. However, when arrived at 
 Cephallene, he -was there convinced of the 
 truth, and stopped to refresh his fleet, I am 
 sensible, indeed, that whenever men expect an 
 
 for all to make the best of their way to land. 
 A great advantage thence accrued to such as 
 could first take in their water or what else they 
 wanted, and first finish their meal. A great 
 punishment likewise fell upon such us were j engagement, exercise and discipline ajp con- 
 last on these occasions, because they got a less ! stantly enforced. But I commend Ipnicrates 
 quantity of whatever they wanted, since they for this, that as he was to advance with the 
 
 were obliged to put out to sea again when 
 the signal was given. For it followed of 
 course, that such as landed first had leisure 
 enough for all their occasions, whilst the last 
 were grievously hurried. And whenever he 
 landed at meal-time on the shore of the ene- 
 my, he posted advanced guards, as was proper, 
 at land : and raising the masts in his ships, 
 placed sentinels on their tops. These latter 
 therefore had generally a much more extensive 
 view by being thus mounted aloft than men 
 who stand upon level ground. And wherever 
 he supped or refreshed his men, he suffered no 
 fire to be kindled in the night-time within his 
 encampment, but fixed his lights in the front 
 of his station, that nobody might approach 
 without being discovered. Oftentimes, too, 
 when the weather was calm, he put out again 
 to sea so soon as supper was over.; and if a 
 gale sprung up, the men took some repose 
 whilst the vessels kept going before the wind. 
 But if they were obliged to row, he made 
 them take rest by turns. In the day-time, di- 
 recting the course by signals, he one while ad- 
 vanced in the line a-head, and another while 
 in the line a-breast. By this means, and du- 
 ring the passage, having acquired all needful 
 skill for engaging, they arrived in the sea of 
 which they imagined the enemy were masters. 
 They frequently dined and supped upon the 
 enemy's land ; but as Iphicrates was solely 
 intent upon doing what must needs be done, 
 he prevented all attacks by the suddenness with 
 which he again put to sea, and proceeded in 
 his passage. About the time that Mnasippus 
 was killed he was got to Sphagese of Laconia. 
 Advancing from thence to the coast of Elis, 
 and passing by the mouth of the Alpheus, he 
 came to an anchor near the place called Icthys. 
 The next day he proceeded from thence to 
 Cephallene, with his fleet so ranged and pro- 
 ceeding in their course, that every thing need- 
 
 highest expedition to find his enemy and en- 
 gage them, he contrived so well, that the expe- 
 ditiousness of the voyage should not hinder 
 his men from acquiring skill for battle, nor the 
 methods of acquiring such skill should retard 
 the expeditiousness of the voyage. 
 
 When therefore he had reduced the cities of 
 Cephallene, he sailed to Corcyra. After his 
 arrival there, the first thing he heard was, that 
 ten ships were coming over from Dionysius as 
 a succour to the Lacedaemonians. He went 
 therefore himself in person to look for proper 
 places on the coast, from whence the approach 
 of these ships might be descried, and the sig- 
 nals made to notify it might be seen in the 
 city ; and there he posted sentinels, instructed 
 by him in what manner to make their signals, 
 when the enemy approached or came to anchor. 
 He then ordered twenty captains of his own 
 fleet to be ready to follow him at the call of 
 the herald ; and gave out that such as were not 
 ready at the call must not complain at being 
 punished for their neglect. So soon as the 
 signal was made that these ships were ap- 
 proaching, and the herald had made the call, 
 such diligence ensued as caused a fine spectacle 
 indeed ; for not a man of those who were to 
 act upon this occasion, but ran full speed on 
 board his ship. Having now stood away to 
 the spot where the ships of the enemy were ar- 
 rived, he findeth that from the rest of the 
 squadron the men were already got on shore, 
 whilst Melanippus the Rhodian was calling 
 out upon them by no means to linger there, 
 and himself with all his crew on board was 
 getting out to sea. Melanippus by this means 
 escaped, though he met with the ships of Iphi 
 crates : but all the Syracusan ships were takef 
 with their crews. And Iphicrates, after cut 
 ting off the beaks of these ships, brought then, 
 into the harbour of Corcyra. He then fixed a 
 certain sum which each of the prisoners musi 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 407 
 
 pay for his ransom, except Anippus their com- 
 mander. Him he confined under a close guard, 
 as if he expected a vast sum for him, or other- 
 wise would sell him. Anippus was so highly 
 chagrined at this usage, that he chose to die by 
 his own hand. And Iphicrates, taking secu- 
 rity from the Corcyreans for the payment of 
 their ransom, gave their liberty to the rest. 
 
 He after this subsisted his mariners by em- 
 ploying them in works of tillage for the Corcy- 
 reans, but with the targeteers and heavy-armed 
 of the fleet he passed over himself to Acarnania. 
 He there gave aid to all such of the cities in 
 friendship as needed it, and made war upon 
 the Thurians, a very warlike people, and pos- 
 sessed of a place strongly fortified. Then 
 fetching away the fleet from Corcyra, now 
 consisting of about ninety ships, he went first 
 to Cephallene to raise contributions, and ex- 
 acted them from all persons, whether willing 
 or unwilling. He then prepared to lay waste 
 the territory of the Lacedaemonians, and to re- 
 duce the other cities of the enemy in those 
 parts, if they desired it, by an accommodation ; 
 but if they stood out, by war. For my own 
 part, I have a deal of commendation to bestow 
 on Iphicrates for his conduct during this com- 
 mand, but above all for getting Callistratus the 
 popular haranguer, a man not easy to be ma- 
 naged, and Chabrias, who was reckoned an ex- 
 cellent general, associated with him in it. For 
 if he judged them men of sense, and therefore 
 desired to be assisted with their counsel, in my 
 opinion he acted the prudent part : or, in case 
 he regarded them as enemies, why then he 
 showed his noble spirit, in being thus confident 
 that they should discern no bad management 
 and no negligence in him. And these were 
 the acts of Iphicrates. 
 
 III. But the Athenians, who now saw their 
 friends the Plataeans driven out of Boeotia, 
 and forced to take refuge at Athens, and the 
 inhabitants of Thespiae offering their petitions, 
 that " they (the Athenians) would not stand 
 quiet and let them be stripped of their city," 
 could no longer approve the conduct of the 
 Thebans. They were restrained by shame 
 from an open rupture, and by the reflection too 
 that it would be prejudicial to their own in- 
 te'rest. Yet they positively refused to act any 
 more in participation with them, when they 
 saw them invade the Phocians who had long 
 been in friendship with the state of Athens, 
 and utterly destroying cities that had been 
 
 faithful in the war with tte Barbarians, and 
 steadily attached to themselves. The people 
 of Athens were now persuaded to pass a de- 
 cree for negotiating a peace, and accordingly 
 sent in the first place ambassadors to Thebes, 
 with an invitation to go with them to Lacedae- 
 mon, if it suited their own inclinations, about 
 a peace. And then they despatched away their 
 own ambassadors. The persons chosen for 
 this employ were Callias the son of Hipponi- 
 cus, Autocles the son of Strombichides, De- 
 mostratus the son of Aristophon, Aristocles. 
 Cephisodotus, Melanopus, Lycanthus. Wher> 
 they were admitted to audience before the- 
 council of state at Lacedaemon and the con- 
 federates, Callistratus the popular harangue) 
 was with them. He had promised Iphicrates, 
 if he would give him his dismission, either to 
 procure him money for his fleet, or to make a 
 peace ; he accordingly had been at Athens, and 
 solicited a peace. But when they were intro- 
 duced to the council of state at Lacedsemon 
 and the confederates, Callias, whose office it 
 was to bear the torch in the Eleusinian mys- 
 teries, was the first that spoke. He was a man 
 that took as much delight in praising himself 
 as in being praised by others. He began on 
 this occasion, and spoke to this effect : 
 
 " I am not, Lacedaemonians, the only person 
 of my family, who hath been -the public host 
 of your community. My father and his father 
 too were so before me, and delivered the ho- 
 nour down to me as the privilege of my birth. 
 I am desirous too to persuade you all, that 
 Athens hath continually persisted in showing 
 favour to us. For, whenever there is war, our 
 Athens, our own community, chooseth us to 
 command their armies; and when peace is 
 again desired, sendeth us to negotiate a peace- 
 Nay, twice already have I been at Lacedsmon 
 to negotiate accommodations ; both times so 
 successfully, that I made peace between us and 
 you. I am now a third time employed, and 
 think I have more abundant reason than ever 
 to depend on a mutual reconciliation. For 
 now I see clearly, that you are riot intent upon 
 one system and we upon another; but both of 
 us are united in indignation for the ruin of 
 Plataea and Thespiae. What therefore can 
 hinder men, whose sentiments are exactly the 
 same, from choosing to be friends rather than 
 enemies to one another 1 
 
 " It is indeed the part of wise men, not 
 hastily to have recourse to arms, even though 
 
468 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vr. 
 
 considerable dissensions arise. But when their 
 sentiments of things exactly coincide, will it not 
 be wonderful indeed, if such persons cannot 
 agree about a peace 1 Common justice, it is 
 true, hath always laid it as a duty upon us, 
 never to make war upon one another. For it 
 is acknowledged by all the world, that our 
 progenitor Triptolemus communicated the in- 
 effable mysteries of Ceres' and Proserpine to 
 Hercules your founder, and to the Dioscuri ' 
 your countrymen, the first time he did it to 
 foreigners ; and Peloponnesus was the first 
 foreign land on which he generally bestowed the 
 fruits of Ceres. How, therefore, could it be just, 
 that you should ever in a hostile manner enter 
 upon the lands and ravage the fruits of those 
 from whom you first received your seed ? or, 
 that we ever should wish, that the very people 
 on whom we bestowed it, should not enjoy in 
 highest plenty the needful sustenance of life 1 
 But if the fates decree that war must take place 
 amongst mankind, it is our part to begin it on 
 all occasions with the utmost reluctance ; and, 
 when once begun, to bring it to an end with 
 our utmost expedition." 
 
 After him Autocles, who was looked upon 
 as an orator of great art and address, harangued 
 them thus : 
 
 " I am going to say some things, Lacedsemo- 
 nians, which I am very sensible you will not 
 hear with pleasure. But I am well persuaded, 
 that men who are desirous of peace, and to set- 
 tle that peace in such a manner that it may be 
 of lasting continuance, should not be shy in 
 putting one another in remembrance of the rea- 
 sons of the previous wars. You, Lacedaemoni- 
 ans, are ever giving out, that the cities of Greece 
 ought to be free and independent ; whilst after 
 all, yourselves are the greatest hinderers of that 
 freedom and independence. The very first 
 condition you make with all the cities that en- 
 ter into your confederacy is, that they shall 
 march along with you wheresoever you lead 
 them. And can this in any shape be consis- 
 tent with freedom and independence 1 You 
 declare enemies what people you please, with- 
 out any previous consultation of your confede- 
 rates ; and then lead on the latter to make war 
 upon them ; insomuch that these free and inde- 
 pendent people, as they are called, are often 
 obliged to take the field against men to whom 
 I hey bear the most benevolent affection. 
 
 Castor and Pollux. 
 
 Again, and what of all things is most re- 
 pugnant to a state of freedom and independence, 
 you establish in some cities the government of 
 ten, and in others of thirty persons. You take 
 no care at all that these governors should rule 
 according to laws, but merely that by oppres- 
 sive methods they keep the cities in fast sub- 
 jection to yourselves. In a word, you have con- 
 vinced mankind, that not a polity but a tyranny 
 is most agreeable to your own inclinations. 
 
 " When, farther, the Persian monarch signi- 
 fied his pleasure that the cities should be free 
 and independent, you then made frank and 
 open declarations that the Thebans could in 
 no wise be judged to conform to the king's in- 
 tention, unless they permitted each single city 
 to be master of itself, and to make use of laws 
 of their own proper choice. And yet, when 
 you had seized the citadel of Thebes, you 
 would not suffer even these Thebans to be free 
 and independent. 
 
 Men, let me add, who sincerely desire 
 peace, ought not to expect from others a 
 thorough compliance with their own demands, 
 whilst they manifest an ambition to engross all 
 power to themselves." 
 
 When Autocles had spoken thus, the conse- 
 quence was, not only a general silence in the 
 assembly, but an inward pleasure in the hearts 
 of those who were displeased at the Lacedae- 
 monian conduct. 
 
 But after him Callistratus spoke : 
 
 "Far be it from me, Lacedaemonians, to 
 think that I could truly aver, that nothing 
 wrong hath been done either by you or by us. 
 And I am as far from thinking, on the other 
 hand, that all intercourse must for ever be 
 stopped with men who once do wrong ; because 
 I cannot see any mortal alive-who goeth through 
 life without committing some offence. It is 
 rather my opinion, that sometimes men who 
 have offended become afterwards more tract- 
 able and better tempered, especially if they 
 have been chastised for those offences, as we 
 Athenians have been. I see, Lacedaemonians, in 
 your behaviour, too, some offences incurred for 
 want of temper and reflection, for which you 
 have since been abundantly crossed. But I 
 shall produce no other instance of this at pre- 
 sent than your seizure of the citadel of Thebes. 
 And hence it is, since this flagrant injury you 
 did the Thebans, that all the cities, in whose 
 favour you once so earnestly exerted yourselves 
 to restore them to freedom and independence. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 469 
 
 have united with the Thebans against you. 
 I hope you are now convinced, how prejudi- 
 cial it is to grasp at too much power, and are 
 resolved for the future to use moderation, 
 and to be steady in reciprocal friendship with 
 others. 
 
 " There are people, I know, who, intending 
 to dissuade you from a peace with us, mis- 
 chievously insinuate, that we ask it not from 
 sincerity of heart, but are brought hither by 
 the fears we are under, lest Antalcidas may 
 return with a fresh supply of money from the 
 king of Persia. But consider, and be con- 
 vinced, that such people are arrant triflers. 
 The king, it is well known, hath told us in 
 writing, that all the cities in Greece should be 
 left free and independent. For our own parts, 
 we conform both in word and deed to the in- 
 tention of the king. What reason have we 
 therefore to apprehend any thing from him ? 
 Is there a person so weak as to imagine, that 
 the king had rather subject himself to a vast 
 expense, and only to make other people great, 
 than to accomplish what he thinketh is best 
 for himself, without making any expense at 
 all ? Be it so. For what reason then are we 
 come hither? Not because we are totally 
 distressed ; yourselves may perceive the con- 
 trary, if you will survey the present situation 
 of our affairs at sea, and if you will survey the 
 situation of them too at land. But what then 
 is our meaning 1 It is plain to be discerned, 
 since there are several of the confederates who 
 behave in such a manner as can be pleasing 
 neither to us nor to you. Perhaps, after all, 
 our chief motive may be, to communicate our 
 own sentiments of things to you, in requital 
 for the kindness you did us in preserving 
 Athens. 
 
 " But at present I shall only insist on thfc 
 point of reciprocal interest. It is true of all 
 the cities of Greece, that some by principle are 
 more attached to us, and some to you : it is 
 the case in every city, one party declares for 
 the Lacedaemonian and another for the Athe- 
 nian interest. If we therefore unite in friend- 
 ship with one another, from what quarter can 
 we with reason expect any effectual opposition 1 
 For who in good truth is the person who, 
 when you are our friends, can presume at do- 
 ing us Athenians any harm by land ? And 
 who will dare to annoy you Lacedaemonians by 
 sea. when we are cheerful and warm in your 
 service ? Wars, it must be granted, are for 
 40 
 
 ever breaking out between us; and accommo- 
 dations, as we well know, are soon again 
 brought on. And, though it be not our case 
 at present, yet the case will happen again and 
 again, that we shall be desirous of a peace with 
 you. But what reason can there be to put off 
 our reconciliation to that distant day, when, 
 through the weight of distress, we may be 
 grown quite desperate, rather than to settle all 
 things by an immediate peace, before any irre- 
 mediable disaster hath taken place 1 For my 
 part, I ingenuously own it, I never could com- 
 mend those champions in the public games, 
 who, after a series of victory, and a large ac- 
 quisition of glory, are so litigiously ambitious 
 of more, that they can never stop, till they are 
 shamefully beaten, and compelled to forego the 
 lists for ever after. Nor can I commend those 
 gamesters who, after having gained the stake, 
 will suffer it to be doubled, and throw again. 
 Most of those who play with so much avidity, 
 I have seen reduced to utter beggary. We 
 ought therefore to catch instruction from such 
 examples, and not reduce our contest to that 
 state of desperation, that we must either win 
 all or lose all. But whilst we yet are vigorous, 
 whilst we yet are happy, let us become friends 
 to one another : for then we through you, and 
 you through us, may yet make a greater figure 
 than hitherto we have ever made in Greece." 
 
 This speech met with general approbation, 
 and the Lacedaemonians passed a decree to 
 sign a peace on the following terms: " To 
 withdraw their commanders out of the cities ; 
 to disband all forces both by land and sea ; and 
 to leave the cities in a state of freedom and 
 independence. And in case any of these com- 
 manders refuse to withdraw, any city that was 
 willing might assist the injured cities ; but 
 such as were not willing might refuse to act in 
 defence of the injured, without being guilty of 
 a breach of faith." On these conditions the 
 Lacedaemonians swore to a peace for them- 
 selves and their confederates ; the Athenians 
 and their confederates swore severally in the 
 name of their principals. Even the Thebans 
 were entered down by name in the list of the 
 states that swore ; but their ambassadors' made 
 a fresh application the day after, and desired 
 that the name of Boeotians might be inserted 
 instead of Thebans." Agesilaus answered. 
 
 Epaminondas was one of them, and spoke with so 
 much spirit on this occasion, that he sadly nettlen 
 Agesilaus. 
 
470 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 that he would not alter a letter of what they 
 had already sworn to, and to which they had 
 set their name. If indeed they had no mind 
 to be comprehended in the peace (he said) he 
 would readily, at . their own desire, expunge 
 their name." And now, all others having 
 signed the peace, and the Thebans being singly 
 excluded, the Athenians were persuaded in 
 their own minds that the Thebans could no 
 longer save themselves, even, as is commonly 
 said, by a decimation. The Thebans also, 
 judging themselves in a desperate situation, 
 went their way. 
 
 IV. After this the Athenians withdrew 
 their garrisons out of the cities. They also 
 recalled Iphicrates and the fleet, whom they 
 obliged to restore all captures they had made 
 since the peace was sworn to at Lacedsemon. 
 In like manner, the Lacedaemonians brought 
 away their commandants and garrisons from 
 the cities within their own dependence. Cle- 
 ombrotus was excepted, who being now at the 
 head of the troops in Phocis, sent to the ma- 
 gistracy of Lacedaemon for orders how to act. 
 Prothous had already declared that in his sen- 
 timents, " they ought according to oath to dis- 
 band their troops, and circulate an order to the 
 cities to make the present of a sum of money, 
 but at their own discretion, to the temple of 
 Apollo ; and then, if any restraint was laid on 
 the freedom and independence of those cities, 
 they ought to call their confederates together, 
 so many as should be willing to assert this 
 independence, and lead them out against the 
 authors of such restraint. For by such be- 
 haviour (he said) it was his opinion the gods 
 would become more propitious to them, and 
 the cities have the least ground for discontent." 
 But the whole council of Lacedsemon, hearing 
 him talk in this manner, looked upon him as a 
 very trifler, (for already it should seem as if 
 the wrath of heaven was driving them on,) and 
 despatched an order to Cleombrotus, not to 
 disband his troops, but to march immediately 
 against the Thebans, unless they set the cities 
 at liberty. Cleombrotus, I say, so soon as he 
 heard the peace was made, sent to the ephori 
 for instructions how to act, who ordered him 
 to march against the Thebans, unless they set 
 the cities of Boeotia at liberty. When there- 
 fore he was become assured, that so far from 
 setting those cities at liberty, they had not so 
 much as disbanded their army, but kept them 
 in readiness to make head against him, he 
 
 marcheth his army into Bceotia. He took not 
 the route which the Boeotians imagined he 
 would have taken out of Phocis, and had 
 posted themselves in a narrow pass to stop 
 him ; but on a sudden crossing the mountains 
 by the pass of Thisbe he arriveth at Crusis, 
 taketh the fortress there, and seizeth twelve 
 triremes belonging to the Thebans. Having 
 done this, and marched upwards from the sea, 
 he encamped at Leuctra in the district of Thes- 
 pite. The Thebans l encamped their own 
 troops on an opposite hill at no great distance 
 from the enemy, having none of their con- 
 federates with them but those of Boeotia. 
 
 The friends of Cleombrotus went to him 
 here and discoursed him thus ; " If, Cleom- 
 brotus, you now suffer these Thebans to de- 
 part without a battle, you will be in danger of 
 the severest punishment from the state. They 
 will then remember against you, how formerly 
 when you reach 3d Cynoscephale you committed 
 no manner of devastation on the lands of th'e 
 Thebans ; and that in the next campaign you 
 were not able so much as to enter their coun- 
 try, though Agesilaus always broke in by the 
 pass of Cithseron. If then you regard your 
 own preservation, or have any value at all for 
 your country, you must give the enemy battle." 
 His friends discoursed him thus. His enemies 
 said Now will this man convince the world, 
 whether or no he be a friend to the Thebans, as 
 some report him." Cleombrotus of a truth, hear- 
 ing these insinuations, was provoked to fight. 
 
 On the other side, the chief men amongst 
 the Thebans were reckoning, " that if they did 
 not fight, the circumjacent cities would revolt 
 from them, and they must suffer a siege in 
 Thebes ; and then, should the people of Thebes 
 be distressed for want of necessaries, an in- 
 surrection might be the consequence." Many 
 of them knew by experience what exile was; 
 they determined, therefore, " it was better to 
 die in battle than to become exiles a second 
 time." An oracle much talked of was also some 
 encouragement to them. It imported that 
 " the Lacedaemonians would be conquered on 
 that spot of ground where stood the monument 
 of the virgins," who are reported to have killed 
 themselves, 2 Because they had been violated 
 
 1 Epaminondas was their commander-in-chief. 
 
 3 Other writers differ in this circumstance. Plutarch 
 relateth the whole story thus : " A poor man whose 
 name was Scedasus, dwelt at Leuctra, a village in the 
 district of Thespite. He had two daughters; their 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 471 
 
 by some Lacedaemonians. The Thebans there- 
 lore adorned this monument before the battle. 
 Intelligence was also brought them from 
 Thebes, that all the temples had opened of 
 their own accord, and the priestesses declared 
 that the gods awarded them a victory. All 
 the arms in the temple, of Hercules were also 
 said to have disappeared, as if Hercules him- 
 self was sallied forth to battle. Some persons, 
 after all, pretend that these things were only 
 the artifices of the generals. 
 
 In regard to the battle, every thing turned 
 out cross on the side of the Lacedaemonians, 
 whilst fortune smoothed every difficulty on the 
 side of the enemy. It was just after dinner 
 that Cleombrotus held the last council about a 
 battle. They had drunk briskly at noon, and 
 it was said that the wine also was a provoca- 
 tive to fight. But when each side was armed, 
 
 and it was plain a battle would be fought, 
 in the first place, the sellers of provisions and 
 some of the baggage-men, all such as had no 
 inclination to fight, were departing from the 
 camp of the Boeotians. But the mercenaries 
 with Hiero, the targeteers from Phocis, and 
 the horsemen from Heraclea and Phlius, fetch- 
 ed a compass, and meeting them full in their 
 departure, drove them back, and pursued them 
 to the Boeotian camp. The consequence was, 
 they made the Boeotian army stronger and 
 more numerous than it was before. In the 
 next place, as there was a plain between them, 
 the Lacedaemonians drew up and posted their 
 horse before their phalanx ; the Thebans also 
 did the same. But then the horse of the The. 
 bans had been long in exercise because of the 
 war against the Orchomenians and the war 
 against the Thespians ; whereas the Laceda- 
 
 names were Hippo and Militia, or (as some say) Theano 
 and Euxippe. Now Scedasus was a good man, and 
 though his substance was very small, exceedingly kind 
 to strangers. He received with cheerful hospitality two 
 young Spartans who came to his house ; and they, 
 though enamoured with the daughters, were so awed 
 by Scedasus' goodness, that they durst make no attempt 
 upon them. And next day they continued their journey 
 to the Pythian oracle, whither they were going. But 
 after consulting the god about the points in which they 
 wanted his advice, they set out again for their own 
 homes; and, after travelling through Boeotia, stopped 
 again in their return at the house of Scedasus. It hap- 
 pened that Scedasus himself was absent at this time 
 from Leuctra, but his daughters received the strangers 
 and entertained them with the usual hospitality, who, 
 finding them thus without protection or defence, commit 
 a rape upon them. But perceiving them full of indig- 
 nation for the violence they had suffered, they put them 
 to death, and then throwing their bodies into a well, 
 they went their way. Scedasus on his return could see 
 his daughters no where, and yet found every thing in 
 the house as safe as he had left it. He knew not what 
 to think, till a bitch whining at him, then several times 
 running up to him and away from him again to the well, 
 he guessed how it was, and at length drew up by 
 ropes the dead bodies of his daughters. Learning now 
 upon inquiry from his neighbours, that they had seen 
 the very Lacedaemonians who had formerly lodged with 
 him go into his house again the day before, he concluded 
 them to be the murderers, since on their first visit they 
 had abundantly praised the young lasses, and affirmed 
 that their husbands would be very happy. He now set 
 out for Lacedajmon, to beg justice from the ephori. 
 Night came upon him while he was in the territory of 
 Argos, and he turned into an inn to lodge. There came 
 into the same inn another traveller, an old man of Ore us 
 a city of the Hesticea. Scedasus hearing him often 
 groan and curse the Lacedaemonians, asked him what 
 hurt the Lacedaemonians had done him? The traveller 
 told him a dreadful story about the murder of his son by 
 a Lacedemonian' commandant, and though he had been 
 with the ephori at Sparta, they would not at all listen to 
 
 his complaints. Scedasus, having heard this story, was 
 all despondency. He suspected, the magistrates of 
 Sparta would listen as little to himself. Yet he related 
 some part of his calamity to the stranger, who advised 
 him not to have recourse to the ephori, but to return 
 into Bceotia, and build a tomb for his daughters. Sce- 
 dasus however would not comply with his advice ; but 
 going on to Sparta laid his complaint before the' ephori. 
 As they gave him no attention, he presenteth himself 
 before the kings ; and going from them to all the men 
 in power, he let them know bis deplorable case. But 
 obtaining no justice from them, he ran through the 
 midst of the city, now raising his hands towards the sun 
 and now dashing them against the ground, invoking the 
 furies to avenge him, and at length put an end to his 
 own life. But in after times the Lacedemonians paid 
 dearly for it. For when they were masters over all the 
 Greeks, and had put garrisons into their cities, Epami- 
 nondas the Theban, to set a pattern to others, put their 
 garrison in Thebes to the sword. And the Lacedemo- 
 nians for this reason making war upon them, the The- 
 bans met them in the field at Leuctra. The very ground 
 was an omen to them of victory. On it formerly they 
 had recovered their liberty, when Amphicton, driven in- 
 to exile by Sr.henelus, had refuged himself at Thebes, 
 and finding the Thefaans tributary to the Chalcideans, 
 had put an end to the tribute by killing Chalcedon king 
 of the Euboeans. And now on the same spot the Lace- 
 daemonians were totally defeated at the very tomb of the 
 daughters of Scedasas. It is said, that before the battle 
 Pelopidas, one of the Theban generals, was highly 
 alarmed at some incidents that he thought boded him ill 
 success, till Scedasus appeared to him in a dream, and 
 inspired him with new confidence, since tho Lacedaemo- 
 nians were now caught at Leuctra and must suffer ven- 
 geance for his daughters ; and the day before the battle 
 was fought, he ordered a white colt to be sacrificed at 
 the tomb of tiie virgins; nay, that whilst the Lacede- 
 monians were encamped at Tegea, he sent persons to 
 find out this tomb ; and when he bad learned from tha 
 people of the country where it stood, he marched his 
 troops with high confidence to the spot, where he drew 
 them up and gained a victory." Plutarch's Lovo -stones. 
 
472 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 monian cavalry had never been in a worse con- 
 dition than at present. The horses were fur- 
 nished by the wealthiest persons of the state ; 
 and, when a foreign expedition was declared, 
 then came the appointed rider, who receiving 
 such a horse and such arms as they pleased to 
 give him went immediately on service. And 
 thus, the weakest in body and the worst spirit- 
 ed part of the soldiery wt e generally mounted 
 on horses. Such truly was the cavalry on both 
 sides. In the Lacedaemonian phalanx, it was 
 said, that every platoon was drawn up three in 
 front ; consequently in depth they could not be 
 more than twelve. But the Thebans were 
 drawn up firm together not less than fifty 
 shields in depth; reckoning, that could they 
 break the body of the enemy posted around the 
 king, all the rest of the army would be an easy 
 conquest. 
 
 But so soon as Cleombrotus began to ad- 
 vance towards the enemy, and even before the 
 bulk of the army knew that he was in motion, 
 the horse had already engaged, and those of 
 the Lacedsemonians were immediately defeat- 
 ed, and in their flight fell in amongst their own 
 heavy-armed : and at that instant, the heavy- 
 armed of the Thebans had made their attack. 
 However, that the body posted round Cleom- 
 brotus had at first the better in the fight, any 
 man may have clear and certain proof from 
 hence ; for they could not have taken him up 
 and carried him off yet alive, unless those who 
 fought before him had the better of it at that 
 instant of time. But when Cleombrotus was 
 dead, and Dinon a general-officer, and Spho- 
 drias of the king's council of war, and his son 
 Cleonymus were also slain, then the horse- 
 guard, and the adjutants of the general-officer 
 and the rest, being quite overpowered by the 
 weight of the enemy, were forced to retire. 
 The Lacedaemonians who composed the left, 
 when they saw the right thus driven from 
 their ground, quitted their own ground too. 
 Yet, after a terrible slaughter and a total de- 
 feat, so soon as they had repassed the trench 
 which was round their camp, they grounded 
 their arms on the very spot from whence they 
 had inarched out to battle ; for the ground of 
 their camp was not quite on a level, it was 
 rather an ascent. And now there were some 
 of the Lacedaemonians, who, judging their de- 
 feat to be an insupportable disgrace, declared 
 against suffering the enemy to erect a trophy, 
 against fetching off their dead by truce, but ra- 
 
 ther to endeavour to recover them by another 
 battle. But the general officers, who saw that 
 in all near a thousand Lacedaemonians were 
 slain ; who saw that of seven hundred Spar, 
 tans belonging to their army, about four hun- 
 dred were killed ; who perceived, besides, that 
 all the confederates were averse to fighting 
 again, and some of them too not even sorry for 
 what had happened, calling a council of the 
 most proper persons, demanded their advice of 
 what ought to be done. And when it was 
 unanimously agreed, that " they ought to fetch 
 off the dead by truce," they sent a herald to 
 beg the truce. And then truly the Thebans 
 erected a trophy, and delivered up the dead. 
 
 These things being done, a messenger sent 
 to Lacedaemon with the news of this calamity 
 arriveth there on the last day of the naked 
 games, and when the chorus of men had just 
 made their entry. The ephori, when they 
 heard of the calamity, were grievously concern- 
 ed, and in my opinion could not possibly avoid 
 it ; but they ordered not the chorus to with- 
 draw, letting them finish the games. And 
 then they sent round the names of the dead to 
 the relations of each, with an order to the wo- 
 men to make no noise, and to bear the calamity 
 in silence. But the day after, such persons as 
 were related to any of the slain appeared in 
 public, and the signs of pleasure and joy were 
 visible in their faces ; whilst you could see but 
 few of those whose relations were reported to 
 be yet alive, and they too walked up and down 
 discontented and dejected. 
 
 In the next place, the ephori ordered the 
 two remaining brigades to march, not excepting 
 such persons as had been forty years in the 
 service. They ordered out also such of the 
 same standing as belonged to the brigades al- 
 ready abroad. For such as had been thirty- 
 five years in the service marched out before in 
 the army that went against the Phocians. 
 They even enjoined the very persons who 
 were left at home to serve the offices of state 
 to march out on this occasion. Agesilaus 
 indeed was not yet recovered of his illness : 
 the state therefore ordered his son Archidamus 
 to take upon him the command. The Tegeatse 
 with great cheerfulness took the field along 
 with Archidamus : for the party of Stasippus, 
 ever strongly attached to the Lacedsemonians, 
 were yet alive, and had a very great influence 
 at Tegea. The Mantineans too with all their 
 strength marched out of their villages and 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 473 
 
 joined him, for they were under an aristocrati- 
 cal government. The Corinthians, Sicyonians, 
 Phliasians, and Achaeans very cheerfully fol- 
 lowed* him ; and other cities too sent out their 
 troops. The Lacedaemonians immediately fit- 
 ted out their own triremes ; the Corinthians did 
 the same, and begged the Sicyonians to do so 
 too, as the Lacedcemonians had thoughts of 
 transporting the army by sea. And in the 
 meantime Archidamus was offering sacrifices 
 for a successful expedition. 
 
 The Thebans immediately after the battle 
 despatched a herald to Athens with a garland 
 on his head, whom they ordered at the same 
 time to notify the greatness of the victory and 
 to request their aid, saying that " now it was 
 in their power to be revenged on the Lacedae- 
 monians for all the evil they have ever done 
 them." The senate of Athens happened to be 
 sitting in the citadel. And when they heard 
 the news, it was plain to all men that they 
 were heartily mortified at it. For they neither 
 invited the herald to take any refreshment, nor 
 made any reply to the request of aid. And in 
 this manner the herald returned from Athens. 
 
 The Thebans however sent in all haste to 
 Jason their ally, pressing him to come and join 
 them. Their thoughts were wholly intent on 
 what might be the consequence of this battle. 
 Jason at once manned out his triremes, as if he 
 would repair by sea to their assistance ; but 
 then, taking with him his body of mercenaries 
 and his own horse, even though the Phocians 
 were in implacable hostility with him, he 
 marched by land into Boeotia ; making his en- 
 try into several cities, before any news could 
 be brought that he was on the march. And 
 before any strength could be collected to stop 
 him, he was advanced quite beyond their reach ; 
 exhibiting a certain proof, that expedition car- 
 rieth a point much better than strength. And 
 when he was gotten into Bceotia, the Thebans 
 declaring for an immediate attack on the Lace- 
 daemonians, Jason to pour down from the hills 
 with his mercenaries, whilst themselves charg- 
 ed them full in front, he dissuaded them from 
 it, remonstrating to them that after so noble a 
 victory, it was not worth their while to run the 
 hazard of either gaining a greater or losing the 
 fruits of the victory already gained. " Are you 
 not aware (said he) that you have just now 
 conquered, because you were necessitated to 
 fight? You should remember therefore, that 
 the Lacedaemonians, when necessitated too to 
 40 * 
 
 fight for their very beings, will fight with the 
 utmost desperation. And God, it must be 
 owned, often taketh delight in making the 
 little great and the great little." By such re- 
 monstrances he dissuaded the Thebans from 
 running any fresh hazards. On the other side 
 he was teaching the Lacedaemonians what a 
 difference there was between a vanquished and 
 a victorious army. " If therefore (said he) 
 you are desirous to extinguish the memory of 
 your late calamity, I advise you to breathe a 
 while ; and when you are grown stronger, then 
 to fight again against these unconquered The- 
 bans. But at present (said he) you may rest 
 assured, that there are some even of your own 
 confederates, who are in treaty with your ene- 
 mies. By all means endeavour to obtain a 
 peace for yourselves. I will equally endeavour 
 to procure one for you, as I desire nothing for 
 your preservation, because of the friendship my 
 father had for you, and because I myself by 
 the laws of hospitality am connected with you." 
 In this manner he talked ; and his motive pos- 
 sibly might be, that both these discordant 
 parties might be reduced to a dependence upon 
 himself. The Lacedaemonians, therefore, hav- 
 ing hearkened to his advice, desired him to 
 procure them a peace. But so soon as word 
 was brought them that a peace was granted, 
 the general officers issued out an order, for all 
 the troops to be ready immediately after sup- 
 per, since they should march off by night ; that 
 next morning by day-break they might pass 
 Mount Cithseron. When supper was over, 
 before they could sleep, the order was issued 
 for a march, and immediately after the close of 
 evening their officers led them off by the road 
 of Crusis, confiding more in the secrecy of 
 their march than in the peace. And after a 
 very difficult march indeed, since it was by 
 night, in a very dejected mood, and through 
 very bad roads, they reach JEgosthena in the 
 territory of Megara. There they met with the 
 army under the command of Archidamus. 
 He halted there with them till all the confed- 
 erates were come in, and then led them off in 
 one body to Corinth. At Corinth he dismissed 
 the confederates, and led home the domestic 
 troops to Lacedaemon. 
 
 As to Jason, he returned back through 
 Phocis, where he took the suburbs of Hyam- 
 polis, laid the adjacent country waste, and slew 
 many persons ; and then continued his march 
 forwards through the rest of Phocis in an 
 3K 
 
474 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 orderly and quiet manner. But when he was 
 come to Heracle^ he demolished the fortifi- 
 cations of that place. It is plain he was under 
 no fear of opening a road to an enemy against 
 himself by laying open this important pass. 
 In fact, his true motive was, lest any should 
 seize Heraclea that is situated so commodious- j 
 ly in the strait, and hinder him from marching ; 
 into Greece at his own pleasure. On his return 
 into Thessaly, he became great indeed, as well 
 because by law he was supreme governor of 
 the Thessalians, as because he kept constantly 
 about him a large body of mercenary troops, 
 both horse and foot, and these so finely disci- 
 plined as to excel all other troops in the world. 
 He was greater still through the large number 
 of confederates he already had, and the number 
 of those who were desirous of his alliance. 
 But he was greatest of all in his own personal 
 character, since no man could despise him. 
 The Pythian games were now approaching ; 
 he therefore circulated his orders to the cities 
 to fatten oxen, sheep, goats, and swine, and 
 prepare for the sacrifice. It was said, that 
 though a moderate number was demanded from 
 each separate city, yet the number of oxen 
 amounted to not less ^han a thousand, and all 
 other cattle together rose in number to above 
 ten thousand. He also made public proclama- 
 tion, that whatever city fed the finest ox to 
 lead up the sacrifice to the god, should be re- 
 warded with a prize of a golden crown. He 
 also issued out his orders to the Thessalians to 
 be ready to take the field at the time of the Py- 
 thian games. For he intended, as was said, to 
 preside himself in the solemn assembly at the 
 games in honour of the god. Whether indeed 
 he had any intention to meddle with the sacred 
 treasures remaineth yet uncertain. For it is 
 reported, that when the Delphians asked 
 " what must be done, in case Jason meddled 
 with the treasures of the god 1" the answer of 
 the god was " he himself would take care of 
 that." Yet after all, this extraordinary man, 
 big with such great and splendid schemes, 
 when after reviewing and scrutinizing the con- 
 dition of the cavalry of Pherse he had set 
 himself down, and was giving answers to such 
 as were offering petitions, is assassinated and 
 murdered by seven young men, who came up 
 to hin? with an air of having a dispute for him 
 to settle. His guards indeed who were at 
 hand bestirred themselves with spirit, and one 
 of the assassins whilst striking at Jason was 
 
 killed by the thrust of a spear ; another was 
 stopped as he was getting on horseback, and 
 put to death by a great number of wounds ; 
 but the rest mounted the horses, that were 
 ready prepared for them, and made their es- 
 cape ; and in whatever cities of Greece they af- 
 terwards appeared, were generally received with 
 honour. From whence it is plain, how much 
 the Grecians dreaded Jason, lest he should 
 turn out a tyrant. 
 
 After the murder of Jason, Polydorus his 
 brother and Polyphron were appointed su- 
 preme leaders of Thessaly. But as they were 
 going in company to Larissa, Polydorus dieth 
 suddenly in his bed by night, and as was judged 
 by the hands of his brother Polyphron. His 
 death certainly was very sudden, and there 
 was no other probable method of accounting 
 for it. Polyphron held the supremacy for a 
 year, and behaved in his office quite like a ty- 
 rant. For at Pharsalus he put to death Poly- 
 damas and eight more of the most illustrious 
 Pharsalians, and from Larissa drove several 
 persons into exile. For these outrageous acts 
 he too is killed by Alexander, who pretended 
 to be avenging the death of Potydorus and 
 demolishing the tyranny. But when he had 
 gotten the power in his own hands, he proved 
 a terrible governor indeed to the Thessalians, 
 terrible also to the Thebans, an enemy further 
 to the Athenians, and an arrant robber both by 
 land and sea. Such was his real character, and 
 as such he is put to death by the hands of his 
 wife's brothers, but entirely by her contrivance. 
 For she told her brothers that Alexander had 
 a design upon their lives ; she concealed them 
 therefore a whole day in the house. She re- 
 ceived Alexander quite drunk into her cham- 
 ber at night ; and as soon as he was asleep she 
 left the lamp still burning, but carried out his 
 sword. And when she perceived that her 
 brothers were afraid of going into the chamber 
 to kill him, she told them if they boggled any 
 longer, she would go and awake him. So soon 
 as they were in it, she herself secured the door 
 and held the bolt in her hand till her husband 
 was despatched. The reason of her enmity to 
 Alexander is supposed to be this, that Alexan- 
 der had imprisoned his page, a beautiful youth, 
 and when she begged hard for his liberty, 
 he brought him out and put him to death. 
 Others say, it was, because, having no chil- 
 dren by her, he had sent to Thebes and 
 ! entered into engagements to marry Jason's 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 475 
 
 widow. The reasons of this plot against his 
 life by the lady are given in this manner. But 
 Tisiphonus, the eldest of the brothers who 
 were agents in his murder, succeeded to his 
 power, and hath continued in possession of it 
 tul the time this history is writing. And thus 
 1he affairs of Thessaly under the management 
 e f Jason, and down to the time of Tisiphonus, 
 have now been opened. I return to the place 
 from whence I digressed to give this recital. 
 
 V. When Archidamus, who had marched to 
 the relief of those at Leuctra, had brought the 
 army back, the Athenians began to reflect, 
 that the Peloponnesians would still reckon it 
 their duty to follow the Lacedaemonians, who 
 were not yet reduced so low as they had re; 
 duced the Athenians. They summoned there- 
 fore the states, who were willing to be parties 
 in the peace prescribed by the king of Persia. 
 When all were assembled, they decreed, in 
 conjunction with those who were willing to 
 be parties, that the following oath should be 
 taken, " I will abide by the peace which the 
 king hath sent, and the decrees of the Athe- 
 nians and their confederates. And in case 
 any enemy maketh war upon any state that 
 hath taken this oath, I will assist that state 
 with all my strength." All others present 
 were satisfied with this oath ; but the E leans 
 objected to it, " since they ought not thus to 
 make the Marganians, and Scilluntians, and 
 Triphyllians free and independent, all whose 
 cities belonged to them." The Athenians how- 
 ever and the rest, having ratified the decree ac- 
 cording to the king's mandate, that " the cities 
 whether great or small should be left equally 
 free and independent," sent out a deputation to 
 administer the oath, and ordered that " the chief 
 magistrates in every city should take it." And 
 all took this oath except the Eleans. 
 
 The consequence was, that the Mantineans, 
 who now looked upon themselves as sovereign 
 masters of their own concerns, assembled to- 
 gether in a body, and resolved to settle again 
 in the city of Mantinea, and fortify it as their 
 own. But on the other hand, the Lacedaemo- 
 nians judged, that if this was done without 
 their consent, they should be much aggrieved. 
 They send Agesilaus therefore ambassador to 
 the Mantineans, because he was esteemed their 
 hereditary friend. At his arrival, the men in 
 power would not grant him an audience of the 
 people, but ordered him to communicate his 
 business to them alone. He then made then? 
 
 a promise, if they would desist at present 
 from fortifying Mantinea, he would engage 
 that the state of Lacedaemon should soon con- 
 sent to it, and ease them in the expense of 
 doing it." But when they answered, that " it 
 was impossible to desist, since their whole 
 community had joined in the resolution for 
 doing it," Agesilaus in great wrath departed. 
 It was not however judged possible to stop 
 them by force, since the grand article of peace 
 was freedom and independence. And now 
 some cities of Arcadia sent in their people to 
 the Mantineans to assist them in carrying on 
 the fortification ; and the Eleans presented 
 them with thirty talents l of silver towards 
 defraying the expense of the work. And in 
 this manner were the Mantineans very busy. 
 
 At Tegea, the party of Callibius and Prox- 
 enus were striving to get a general meeting 
 of the whole body of Arcadians, in which 
 whatever measures were voted by a majority 
 should have the force of laws to all their cities. 
 But the party of Stasippus was for leaving 
 each city in its present separation, and in the 
 enjoyment of their primitive constitutions. 
 The party of Proxenus and Callibius, who 
 were overpowered in all the sessions, imagin- 
 ing that in a general assembly of the people 
 they should quite outvote their opponents, 
 bring out their arms. The party of Stasippus, 
 perceiving this, armed also to oppose them, 
 and were not inferior to them in number. But 
 when they came to an engagement, they killed 
 Proxenus and a few more with him ; and 
 though they put the others to flight, went not 
 after them in pursuit. For Stasippus was a 
 man of that temper, that he would not put 
 many of his fellow-citizens' to death. But 
 those with Callibius, having retreated to the 
 part of the wall and the gates towards Man- 
 tinea, as their enemy gave them no farther 
 annoyance, posted themselves there in a body. 
 They had sent beforehand to the Mantineans 
 to beg assistance, and the party of Stasippus 
 now came to them with proposals of reconcili- 
 ation. But the Mantineans no sooner appeared 
 in sight, than some leaping upon the wall 
 pressed them to advance with their utmost ex- 
 pedition, shouting aloud at them to make all 
 possible haste, whilst others? throw open the 
 gates for their entrance. When the party of 
 Stasippus found out what was done, they 
 
 5,932/. 10s. 
 
476 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 make their escape through the gates that lead 
 to Palantium, and before their pursuers could 
 overtake them, fly away in safety to the temple 
 of Diana, where they shut themselves up and 
 remained in quiet. But their enemies who 
 came up in pursuit, after climbing the tem- 
 ple and stripping off the roof, pelted them with 
 tiles. Conscious therefore of their own dis- 
 tressful situation they begged them to stop 
 their hands and promised to come out. But 
 their enemies, after thus getting them in their I 
 power, bound them fast, and putting them in a 
 carriage drove them back to Tegea ; and there, 
 supported by the Mantineans, they formally 
 put them to death. After this the Tegeate, 
 who were of the party of Stasippus, to the 
 number of about eight hundred, fled to Lace- 
 daemon. 
 
 The Lacedsemonians now resolved it to be 
 their duty to take the field with the utmost 
 haste in the cause of the dead and the exiled 
 Tegeatae. Accordingly they make war upon 
 the Mantineans, because contrary to their oaths 
 they had marched in a hostile manner against 
 the Tegeatae. The ephori proclaimed a foreign 
 expedition, and the state ordered Agesilaus to 
 take upon him the command. The rest of 
 the Arcadians were by this time assembled at 
 Asea ; but, as the Orchomenians had declared 
 against all participation in the Arcadian league 
 because of their enmity to the Mantineans, 
 and had even received into their city a body of 
 mercenaries commanded by Polytropus, which 
 had been drawn together at Corinth, the Man- 
 tineans staid at home to look after their own 
 concerns. But the Heraeans and Lepreatse 
 joined with the Lacedsemonians in marching 
 against the Mantineans. And Agesilaus, when 
 the sacrifices for a successful expedition were 
 finished, marched without loss of time into 
 Arcadia. 
 
 He first took possession of Eutaea, a town 
 on the frontier. He found in this place old 
 men, women, and children, whilst all the fight- 
 ing men were gone to join the Arcadic body. 
 He did no harm at all to the city, but suffered 
 these people still to continue in their houses, 
 and his soldiers paid regularly for whatever 
 tKey wanted. Or, if any thing had been taken 
 by force when he entered the place, after a 
 proper search he caused it to be restored. He 
 also repaired such parts of the wall as needed it, 
 whilst he halted there in expectation of the 
 mercenaries under Polytropus. 
 
 In the meantime the Mantineans take the 
 field against the Orchomenians. But after 
 showing themselves before the walls, they 
 found it a work of toil to make good their 
 retreat, and some of them were slain on this 
 occasion. But when they had secured their 
 retreat as far as to Elymia, and the heavy- 
 armed Orchomenians no longer pursued them, 
 whilst the body under Polytropus kept plying 
 on their rear with great impetuosity, the Man- 
 tineans were now convinced that, unless they 
 could beat them back, a great part of their own 
 people would perish by the missive weapons, 
 upon which they suddenly faced about, and 
 advancing close up to them, gave the charge. 
 And there Polytropus died fighting. The rest 
 taking to flight, many of them had been slain, 
 had not the Phliasian horse come up that in- 
 stant, and by riding round to the rear of the 
 Mantineans obliged them to stop all pursuit. 
 And after these transactions the Mantineans 
 departed to their own home. 
 
 Agesilaus having heard these things, and 
 judging now that the mercenaries from Orcho- 
 menus would, not join him, set forwards from 
 Eutaea. After the first day's march he supped 
 his army in the district of Tegea ; but in the 
 second day's march, he passeth over into the 
 dominions of Mantinea, and encamped under 
 the mountains of Mantinea which lay to the 
 west ; and from thence he ravaged the country, 
 and laid waste all the cultivated ground. The 
 Arcadians however who had assembled at 
 Asea marched by night into Tegea. The 
 next day Agesilaus encamped his army at the 
 distance of about ' twenty stadia from Man- 
 tinea. The Arcadians from Tegea were now 
 approaching with a very numerous body of 
 heavy-armed, marching between the mountains 
 of Mantinea and Tegea, and bent on complet- 
 ing their junction with the Mantineans. The 
 Argives however had not yet joined them 
 with all their force. Some persons therefore 
 advised Agesilaus to attack them before the 
 Argives came up. But apprehensive, that 
 whilst he was advancing against them the 
 Mantineans might sally out of their city, 
 and then he might be attacked both in flank 
 and rear ; he judged it most prudent to let 
 them complete their junction ; and then, if 
 they had a mind to fight, he could engage 
 them upon fair and equal terms. But now 
 
 About two miles. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 477 
 
 that the Arcadians had completed this junction, 
 when the targeteers from Orchomenus, accom- 
 panied by the horsemen from Phlius, after 
 marching by night under the walls of Manti- 
 nea, appear at break of day within the view of 
 Agesilaus, who was sacrificing in the front of 
 the camp, they made all others run to their 
 posts, and Agesilaus retire to his heavy-armed. 
 But when they were discovered to be friends, 
 and Agesilaus had sacrificed with favourable 
 omens, after dinner he led the army forwards ; 
 and at the approach of night he encamped, un- 
 observed by the enemy, in a valley behind but 
 very near Mantinea, and surrounded .on all 
 sides by mountains. The next day, so soon as 
 it was light, he sacrificed in the front of his 
 camp : and discovering that the Mantineans 
 were come out of the city and gathering to- 
 gether on the mountains in the rear of his 
 camp, he found the necessity of getting out of 
 this valley without loss of time. But now in 
 case he led the way in the van, he was appre- 
 hensive the enemy might attack his rear. He 
 therefore stood to his post, and making the 
 heavy-armed face towards the enemy, he or- 
 dered those in the rear to make a wheel to the 
 right and march behind the phalanx on to- 
 wards him. In this manner he got them out of 
 this narrow ground, and was continually adding 
 strength to the phalanx. And when once it 
 was doubled, he advanced into the plain with 
 his heavy-armed in this arrangement, and 
 then opened the whole army again into files of 
 nine or ten shields in depth. The Mantineans, 
 however, gave him no opposition. For the 
 Eleans, who now had joined them, persuaded 
 them by no means to give him battle till the 
 Thebans were come up. They said " they 
 were well assured the Thebans would soon be 
 with them, since themselves had lent them ten 
 talents ' to forward their march." And the 
 Arcadians, hearing this account, rested quietly 
 in Mantinea. 
 
 But Agesilaus, though vastly desirous to 
 march the army off, for it was now the middle 
 of winter, yet continued three days longer in 
 his post, at no great distance from the city of 
 Mantinea, that he might not seom to be too 
 much in a hurry to be gone. Yet on the 
 fourth day, after dinner, he led them off with 
 a design to encamp on the ground he had en- 
 camped on before, after the first day's march 
 
 from Eutaea. But as none of the Arcadians 
 appeared in sight, he marched with all speed 
 quite as far as Eutaea, though it was exceed- 
 ingly late before he reached it, desirous to carry 
 off the heavy-armed before they could see the 
 enemy's fires, that no one might say his de- 
 parture was a flight. He judged that he had 
 done enough to raise the spirits of his country, 
 men after the late dejection with which they 
 had been oppressed, since he had broken into 
 Arcadia, and no one' durst give him battle 
 whilst he was laying the country waste. And 
 so soon as he was returned into Laconia, he 
 sent the Spartans home, and dismissed the 
 neighbouring people to their respective cities. 
 
 The Arcadians, now that Agesilaus was 
 gone, and as they heard had disbanded the 
 army, since they were all assembled in a body, 
 march against the Heraeans, because they would 
 not be associated in the Arcadian league, and 
 had joined the Lacedaemonians in the invasion 
 of Arcadia. They broke into their country, 
 where they set the houses on fire and cut down 
 the trees. But as now they received intelli- 
 gence that the Theban aid was come to Man- 
 tinea, they evacuate Hersea and join the The- 
 bans. When they were thus all together, the 
 Thebans thought they had done enough for 
 their honour, since they had marched to the aid 
 of their friends, and found the enemy had quite 
 evacuated their country, and therefore they were 
 preparing to return home. But the Arcadians, 
 Argives, and Eleans persuaded them to march 
 without loss of time into Laconia, expatiating 
 much on their own numbers, and crying up to 
 the skies this Theban army ; 2 for, in fact, the 
 Bceotians had kept to the constant exercise of 
 arms ever since they had been elated with their 
 victory at Leuctra. They were now attended 
 by the Phocians, whom they had reduced to 
 subjection ; by the people of every city in Eu- 
 boea ; by both the Locrians, Acarnanians, He- 
 racleots, and the Maliensians. They had also 
 with them some horsemen and targeteers from 
 Thessaly. Delighted with so fine an army, 
 and insisting on the desolate condition of La- 
 cedsemon, they earnestly entreated them " not 
 to go home again without making any irruption 
 into the dominions of the Lacedaemonians." 
 The Thebans, after giving them the hearing, 
 alleged on . the other side, that " to break into 
 Laconia was a very difficult undertaking at 
 
 l,977f. 10s. 
 
 a Epaminondas and Pelopidas were chief commander* 
 of it. 
 
478 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 best, and they took it for granted that proper 
 guards were posted at the places that were 
 easiest of access." For in fact Ischolaus kept 
 guard at Turn in the Skiritis with a party of 
 four hundred men, consisting of Spartans newly 
 enfranchised, and the most active exiles from 
 Tegea. There was also another guard posted 
 at Leuctra in the Maleatis. The Thebans 
 reckoned besides, that the whole strength of 
 the Lacedaemonians would soon be drawn to- 
 gether, and would never fight better than on 
 their own ground. All these things occurred 
 to their reflection, and they showed no eager- 
 ness to march against Lacedaemon. But when 
 some persons came from Caryse, who con- 
 firmed the account of their desolate state, and 
 even undertook to be the guides of their 
 march, with a frank desire " to be put to death 
 if they deceived them in any point ;" and some 
 people also of the neighbourhood of Sparta ar- 
 rived with an invitation for them to come on, 
 and a promise to revolt if they would only 
 show themselves in the country ; adding, that 
 " some of those people distinguished by the 
 title of their neighbours, would not give the 
 Spartans the least assistance ;" hearing all this, 
 and from all persons, too, the Thebans were at 
 length persuaded. They broke in with their 
 own army by way of Caryse, and the Arcadians 
 by the pass of the Skiritis. But if Ischolaus 
 had posted himself on their route on the most 
 difficult part of the ascent, they said not a sin- 
 gle person could have entered by that pass. 
 Yet, willing now to have the joint aid of the 
 people of lum, he had continued in that vil- 
 lage. The Arcadians mounted the ascent in 
 very numerous bodies. And here the soldiers 
 under Ischolaus, so long as they had the enemy 
 only in their front, had greatly the superiority 
 over them, but when they were gotten in their 
 rear and on their flanks, and climbing up to the 
 tops of houses, were galling and pouring their 
 javelins upon them, then Ischolaus himself and 
 all his people were slain, except a person or 
 two of no note who might possibly escape. 
 And the Arcadians, having thus successfully 
 carried their point, marched on and joined the 
 I-iiebans at Caryse. l 
 
 The army now under Epaminondas consisted of not 
 fewer than forty thousand heavy- armed. The light- 
 armed were also very numerous ; and numhers without 
 any arms at all were following for plunder ; so that the 
 number of enemies which now invaded Lacoriia was not 
 Inss than seventy thousand men. It was seven hundred 
 
 The Thebans, when they knew what had 
 been done by the Arcadians, marched down 
 into the country with much more spirit than 
 before. They immediately put Sellasia to fire 
 and sword ; and, when they were gotten into 
 the plains, encamped themselves within the 
 verge of the temple of Apollo : but next day 
 they continued their march. They made no 
 attempt however to pass the bridge towards 
 Sparta, for the heavy-armed were seen posted 
 in the temple at Alea ; but keeping the 
 Eurotas on their right they continued their 
 march, setting on fire and demolishing the 
 houses, with all their grand and costly furni- 
 ture. The women at Sparta had not spirits 
 enough to look at the smoke, since never be- 
 fore had they seen an enemy. The citizens of 
 Sparta, whose city had no wall round it, were 
 stationed in different posts. Their number at 
 each guard was thin in fact, and appeared so 
 too. But the magistrates thought proper to 
 acquaint the Helots by proclamation, that " if 
 
 years since the Dorians had settled in Lacedeemon ; and 
 during this long period of time no enemy had ever be- 
 fore been seen in Laconia, none had ever dared to invade 
 the Spartans. Yet now an enemy was laying waste with 
 fire and sword, and without any resistance too, a coun- 
 try that never before had suffered devastation. Agesilaus 
 would not suffer the Lacedaemonians to expose them- 
 selves against so impetuous a flood and torrent of war ; 
 but, having secured all the passes and eminences about 
 Sparta with the heavy-armed, he heard with patience the 
 threats and bravadoes of the enemy, who called out upon 
 him by name, and bade him come out and fight for his 
 country, since he was the author of all her distresses 
 and had raised this war. Nor was his patience less se- 
 verely tried by the tumultuous, clamorous, and disorder- 
 ly behaviour of the elder Spartans who were all rage 
 and vexation, whilst the women too could not contain, 
 but were quite mad and frantic at the shouts and fires 
 of the enemy. He was sadly alarmed about his own 
 reputation, since : though Sparta had never been so great 
 and powerful as when he succeeded to the government, 
 he now saw her glory in grievous diminution, and his 
 own big speeches proved insolent and vain ; for it had 
 been his frequent boast, that "no woman at Sparta had 
 ever seen an enemy's smoke." It is said too that An- 
 talcidas when once disputing with an Athenian about 
 the bravery of their countrymen, and the latter saying, 
 " We have often drove you from the Cephissus," replied 
 briskly, " But we -never drove you from the Eurotas." 
 An answer of the spirited kind is also ascribed to a 
 more obscure Spartan as made to an Argive : " Many of 
 your countrymen," said the latter, " are interred in Ar- 
 golica." " True," cried the Spartan, " but not one of 
 yours in Laconia." And yet some affirm that Antalcidas, 
 though at this very time one of the ephori, was under 
 such a consternation, that he conveyed away his chil- 
 dren to the island of Cythera. Plutarch's life of Age- 
 silaus. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 479 
 
 any of them were willing to take up arms and 
 go into the ranks, the public faith was pledged, 
 that all who assisted in this war should hence- 
 forth be free." It was said that more than six 
 thousand of them immediately gave in their 
 names ; so that, when formed into ranks, they 
 struck a terror, and seemed to be quite too 
 many. But when the mercenaries from Orcho- 
 menus agreed to stay with them, and the Phli- 
 asians, Corinthians< Epidaurians, Pellenians, 
 and the troops of some other cities, were come 
 up to the aid of the Lacedaemonians, they be- 
 gan to be less in fear about the number of He- 
 lots who gave in their names. 
 
 When the army of the enemy was advanced 
 to Amyclae, they there passed the Eurotas. l 
 As for the Thebans, whenever they encamped, 
 they immediately cut down the trees, and piled 
 up as many of them as they could before their 
 lines, and so kept upon their guard. But the 
 Arcadians scorned all such precautions : they 
 left their arms, and minded nothing but break- 
 ing and plundering of houses. The third or 
 fourth day after, the horse advanced in regular 
 array to the Hippodrome and temple of Nep- 
 tune, all the horse of the Thebans and E leans, 
 and so many of the Phocian and Thessalian 
 horse as were at hand. The Lacedaemonian 
 horse, whose numbers appeared very thin in- 
 deed, were drawn up to oppose them. But as 
 they had placed an ambuscade of about three 
 hundred men of their younger heavy-armed 
 near the temple of the Tyndaridse, these started 
 up against, and the horse at the same mo- 
 ment of time rode down on the enemy. The 
 enemy stood not the charge, but turned their 
 backs : and many of their infantry too seeing 
 this took immediately to flight. However, as 
 the pursuit was soon discontinued, and the 
 Theban army stood firm to their ground, they 
 all returned to their camp. But after this 
 they thought it would be too desperate arfKin- 
 dertaking to make any fresh attempts upon the 
 city : the whole army therefore filed off to- 
 wards Elis and Gytheum. They set all the 
 unwalled cities in flames, and for three days 
 successively made an assault on Gytheum, 
 where were the docks of the Lacedaemonians. 
 There were some too of the neighbouring 'peo- 
 
 i Epaminondas, as he was marching rt the head of 
 his troops, was pointed out to Agesilaus, who, looking 
 steadfastly at him for a time, and sending his eyes after 
 him as he passed on, dropped only these words: "Oh ! 
 that glorious man !" 
 
 I pie, who acted against them, and joined the 
 Thebans. 
 
 The Athenians, hearing this, were highly 
 embarrassed about the conduct they ought to 
 observe in regard to the Lacedaemonians, and 
 pursuant to a decree of their senate held an 
 assembly of the people. The ambassadors of 
 the Lacedaemonians, and of the confederates 
 who yet adhered to them, were introduced into 
 this assembly. The Lacedaemonians, Aracus, 
 Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus, 
 all spoke, and pretty much in the same strain, 
 that, " from time immemorial the states of 
 Athens and Lacedaemon had readily assisted 
 one another in their most pressing necessities. 
 Themselves," they said, " had co-operated to 
 drive the tyrants out of Athens ; and the 
 Athenians had marched to their assistance, 
 when they were besieged by the Messenians." 
 They proceeded to recite all the signal ser- 
 vices they had done one another ; putting 
 them in mind, " how they had fought in con- 
 junction against the Barbarian :" recalling to 
 their remembrance, that " the Athenians were 
 chosen by the body of Greece to command at 
 sea, and to be treasurers of Greece, the Lace- 
 daemonians advising it fo be so ; and themselves 
 were unanimously appointed by all the Gre- 
 cians to be their leaders at land, the Atheni- 
 ans advising it might be so." One of them, 
 however, made use of the following expression : 
 " If you, Athenians, act unanimously with us, 
 there will be hope again, according to the old 
 saying, of decimating the Thebans." 
 
 The Athenians did not entirely relish what 
 they said, since, a murmur ran round the as- 
 sembly, " This is their language at present ; 
 yet, whilst they were in prosperity, they proved 
 bitter enemies to us." But the argument of 
 greatest weight alleged by the Lacedaemonians 
 was this, that " whn they had warred the 
 Athenians down, and the Thebans insisted 
 upon their utter ruin, the Lacedaemonians had 
 refused to comply ;" though the point chiefly 
 insisted upon was this, that " in conformity to 
 their oaths they ought to send them aid ; they 
 (Lacedsemonians) had been guilty of no man- 
 ner of injustice, when they were invaded by 
 the Arcadians and their confederates ; they 
 had only assisted the Tegeatae, upon whom the 
 Mantineans had made war in direct contrariety 
 to their oaths." At these words a great cla- 
 mour arose in the assembly : for some persons 
 averred that " with justice the Mantineans 
 
480 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 had assisted the party of Proxenus, some of 
 whom had been put to death by the party of 
 Stasippus ;" whilst others maintained, that 
 they had unjustly made war upon the Te- 
 geatae." These points having raised a debate 
 in the assembly, at last Cliteles the Corinthian 
 cose up, and spoke as followeth : 
 
 " The point at present in debate, Athenians, 
 is this, who were the first aggressors 1 Yet in 
 regard to us, after the peace was settled, who 
 can accuse us of taking up arms against any 
 state, or of taking any money from others, or 
 of laying waste the lands of any people what- 
 ever 1 But the Thebans it is certain have 
 marched into our territories, have cut down 
 our trees, have set our houses in flames, and 
 made plunder of our effects and our cattle. 
 How, therefore, unless you give assistance to 
 us who have been beyond all denial most in- 
 juriously treated, how can you avoid a breach 
 of oaths 1 oaths, too, which you yourselves 
 took the care of administering, that all of us 
 might faithfully swear to all of you." 
 
 Here indeed the Athenians shouted aloud, 
 that Cliteles spoke the words of truth and jus- 
 tice. And then Patrocles the Phliasian rose 
 up, and made the following speech : 
 
 " When the Lacedaemonians are once out of 
 their way, that you Athenians will be the first 
 people the Thebans 'will attack, is a truth in 
 which all the world will agree : since you they 
 regard as the only people who will then be left 
 to hinder them from obtaining the empire of 
 Greece. And if this be so, I must give it as 
 my opinion, that you are as strongly obliged to 
 take up arms and assist the Lacedaemonians, 
 as if the distress was your own. That The- 
 bans, your inveterate enemies and your nearest 
 neighbours too, should become the sovereigns 
 of Greece, will, in my judgment, be a point of 
 much harder digestion to you, than when you 
 had your rivals for empire seated more remote- 
 ly from you. And with a much finer prospect 
 of success will you now aid the latter in your 
 own behalf, whilst yet they have some confe- 
 derates left, than if looking on till they are 
 quite destroyed, you are then compelled to 
 fight it out alone against the Thebans. 
 
 " But if any be apprehensive that if the 
 Lacedaemonians are now rescued from destruc- 
 tion, they may hereafter prove very trouble- 
 some to you ; remember, Athenians, that none 
 ought to be alarmed at the reviving power of 
 men to whom you have done good, but of men 
 
 to whom you have done evil. You should 
 farther recollect, that it ought to be the princi- 
 pal care both of individuals and public com- 
 munities, when they are in their most flourish- 
 ing state, to secure themselves a future sup- 
 port, that in case they are afterwards reduced, 
 they may be sure of a ready redreg? in requital 
 for former services. An opportunity is now 
 offered to you by some one of the celestial 
 powers, if you will hearken to their request 
 and succour the Lacedaemonians, of gaining 
 their etern&l and sincerest friendship. You 
 will do them a great kindness indeed, and nu- 
 merous witnesses will be ever ready to attest it. 
 For the powers above, who see all things both 
 now and for ever, will know it ; your friends 
 and your foes will be equally conscious of it : 
 to which must be added, all the Grecian, and 
 all the Barbarian world. No act of yours on 
 this occasion can be lost in oblivion ; insomuch 
 that should they ever prove ungrateful to you. 
 what state in the world will for the future 
 manifest any regard for them ? But we are 
 bound to hope, that gratitude and not ingrati- 
 tude will always be the practice of the Lace- 
 daemonians. For if ever people did, they may 
 certainly be allowed to have persisted in the 
 love of everything praiseworthy, and to have 
 refrained from everything that is base. 
 
 " Let me suggest one point more to your 
 reflection, that should Greece be ever again 
 endangered by Barbarians, in whom could you 
 confide more strongly than in Lacedaemonians 1 
 whom could you see with so much delight in 
 the same lines of battle with yourselves, as 
 the men who once posted at Thermopylae chose 
 rather to fight and die to a man, than to save 
 their lives and let the Barbarian into Greece 1 
 With what justice therefore can you or can 
 we refuse to show all alacrity in the behalf of 
 men, who have acted such noble parts in compa- 
 ny fcvith- yourselves, and who it is hoped would 
 be ready to act them again ] But it is well 
 worthy of you to show alacrity in their behalf, 
 though merely Because so many of your corife> 
 derates are present to be eye-witnesses of it. 
 For you may rest assured, that all such as re- 
 main faithful to the Lacedaemonians in their 
 present distress, will hereafter scorn them 
 should they prove ungrateful to you. 
 
 " If again we, who are ready to share the 
 danger with you, should seem but petty in- 
 considerable states, reflect, Athenians, that 
 when Athens hath put itself at our head, we 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 481 
 
 shall march to the aid of the Lacedaemonians 
 in numbers well worthy to be respected. 
 
 " I have long ago, Athenians, been stricken 
 with admiration of this your community, when 
 I heard that all men who suffered under injus- 
 tice, or were afraid of suffering, betook them- 
 selves to you for redress, and always obtained 
 it. But now I rely no longer on my ears ; I am 
 here present among you ; and see with my own 
 eyes the most famous Lacedaemonians, accom- 
 panied by their own most faithful friends, at- 
 tending upon you and imploring your succour. 
 I see even Thebans, too, who once in vain so- 
 licited the Lacedaemonians to enslave you all, 
 now promoting the request, that you would not 
 look quietly at the destruction of men who 
 have been your preservers. It is handed down 
 in honour of your progenitors, that they would 
 not suffer the dead bodies of the Argives, who 
 perished at the Cadmea, to remain uninterred. 
 But it would be much more honourable for 
 you, if you would not suffer such of the Lace- 
 daemonians as are yet alive to be injuriously 
 treated or utterly destroyed. There is too 
 another glorious piece of behaviour, that when 
 you had put a stop to the insolence of Eurys- 
 theus, you took all possible care to save the 
 children of Hercules. But would it not be 
 much more glorious, if you, who saved the 
 founders, would proceed to save the whole 
 community 7 And it would be most glorious 
 of all, if, as once these Lacedaemonians saved 
 you by a vote that cost them nothing, you 
 would now with arms and through a series of 
 dangers go to their relief. The case will then 
 be, that whilst we are exulting for joy, we who 
 have prevailed upon you by our exhortation to 
 succour such Worthy men, upon you, I say, who 
 are able effectually to succour them, the credit 
 of such high generosity will be all your own, 
 who, after having been oftentimes friends and 
 oftentimes enemies to the Lacedaemonians, 
 forgot all the mischief, remembered only the 
 good they had done you, and abundantly re- 
 quited them, not merely in your own, but in 
 behalf of Greece your common country, in 
 whose cause they have ever bravely distinguish- 
 ed themselves." 
 
 After this the Athenians went to consulta- 
 tion, but would not hear with patience such as 
 spoke against the aid. They passed a decree 
 " to march to their aid with the whole strength 
 of Athens," and chose Iphicrates to command. 
 41 
 
 But when the sacrifices were auspicious, and 
 he hstd issued out his orders, that they should 
 all take their suppers in the academy," it was 
 said that numbers of them marched out of the 
 city before Iphicrates. At length he put him- 
 self at their head ; they followed their com- 
 mander, imagining he was conducting them to 
 some noble achievement. But when upon 
 reaching Corinth he dallied away some days 
 in that city, this gave them the first occasion to 
 censure him for loss of time. Yet again, when 
 he led them out of Corinth, they followed with 
 alacrity wheresoever he led them, and with 
 alacrity assaulted' the fortress he pointed out 
 to them. Of the enemies indeed at Lacedae- 
 mon, the Arcadians, and Argives, and E leans 
 were mostly departed, since they dwelt on 
 the borders, driving before them and carrying 
 off the booty they had taken. The Thebans 
 and the rest had also a mind to be going, as 
 from day to day they saw the army was lessen- 
 ing; partly, because provisions were grown 
 more scarce, owing to the quantities that had 
 been consumed, ravaged, wasted, or burnt. 
 Beside this, it was winter, so that all persons 
 were desirous to be at home. And when the 
 enemy were thus retreated from Lacedaemon, 
 Iphicrates too led the Athenians back out of 
 Arcadia to Corinth. 
 
 In regard to any instances of fine conduct 
 during his other commands, I have nothing to 
 object against Iphicrates. But on the present 
 occasion I find the whole of his conduct not 
 only unavailing but even prejudicial. He en- 
 deavoured to post himself so at Oneum, that 
 the Boeotians might not be able to go that 
 way back, but he left the finest pass of all, 
 that by Cenchrea, unguarded. Being farther 
 desirous to know whether the Thebans took 
 the route of Oheum, he sent out all the Athe- 
 nian and Corinthian horse to observe their mo- 
 tions. A few horsemen might have performed 
 this service full as well as larger numbers ; and 
 in case they were obliged to retire, a few with 
 much more ease than a larger number might 
 have found out a commodious road, and securely 
 retreated. But to carry out large numbers, 
 and after all inferior in number to the enemy, 
 how can such conduct escape the imputation 
 of folly 1 For this body of horse, when drawn 
 up in lines, were compelled by their very num- 
 ber to cover a large tract of ground ; and, when 
 obliged to retire, made their retreat through 
 3L 
 
482 XENOPHON. 
 
 several and all of them difficult roads ; inso- 
 much that not fewer than twenty of them were 
 
 [BOOK vi. 
 
 i No sooner were they returned to Thebes, than, 
 through the envy and malevolence of some of their own 
 community, an attempt was made upon the lives of the 
 commanders. A capital accusation was preferred 
 against them for having continued in the command four 
 months longer than their legal appointment. Epami- 
 noudas persuaded his colleagues to exculpate themselves 
 by throwing all the blame upon him. His own plea 
 was, that " if what he had done could not justify itself, 
 all that he could say would stand him in little stead. He 
 should therefore trouble his judges on this occasion only 
 with this small request, that if he must suffer death, the 
 sentence to be inscribed on a pillar might be so drawn 
 
 slain. And then the Thebans had all the 
 roads open to march home as they pleased. 1 
 
 up, that the Grecians might know that Epaminondas 
 had forced the Thebans against their will to lay Laconia 
 waste with fire and sword, which for five hundred years 
 had been free from any devastation ; that he had restored 
 the city of Messene two hundred and thirty years after 
 its demolition ; had united the Arcadians amongst them- 
 selves, and in firm friendship with the Thebans : and had 
 recovered the liberty and independence of Greece, since 
 all these things were done in his last expedition." His 
 judges immediately quitted the bench with a laugh, nor 
 would suffer any vote to be taken about him. Plutarch's 
 Apophthegms. 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 [483] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. 
 
 A league between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. Continuation of the war. Account of Lycomedes and 
 the war in Ar'.adia. The victory gained by Archidamus. The Theban negotiations in Persia. History of 
 the Phliasians. Account of Euphron. The battle of Mantinea, in which Epaininondas is slain. 
 
 [484] 
 
THE 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 I. NEXT year ambassadors from the Lacedae- 
 monians and confederates arrived at Athens, 
 fully empowered to settle the conditions of an 
 alliance offensive and defensive between the 
 Lacedaemonians and the Athenians. After 
 many of the foreign ministers and many of the 
 Athenians too had given their opinions that 
 the alliance ought to be made upon fair and 
 equal terms, Patrocles the Phliasian made the 
 following speech : 
 
 "Since, Athenians, you are come to a reso- 
 lution to make a league with the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans, it is my opinion that one point yet remain- 
 eth to be considered by what method the 
 friendship between you may be rendered as 
 lasting as possible. If therefore we can settle 
 the terms in such a manner as may be highly 
 for the advantage of either party, then in all 
 probability we may most firmly continue 
 friends. Other points are already well nigh 
 agreed on both sides ; what at present remain- 
 eth to be considered is the point of command. 
 It hath already been resolved by your senate, 
 that it shall be yours at sea, and the Lacedae- 
 monians shall have it by land. An adjust- 
 ment this, which in my opinion is marked out 
 for you by the constitution and determination 
 both of earth and heaven. For, in the first 
 place, your own situation is most finely adapted 
 by nature to this very purpose. A very great 
 number of states who want the sea for their 
 support are seated round about your Athens, 
 and all these states are weaker than your own. 
 Besides this you have harbours, without which 
 it is not possible to exert a naval power. You 
 are moreover possessed of a great number of 
 triremes, and the enlargement of your navy 
 hath been from every generation your principal 
 study. Nay, what is more, the arts needful 
 41* 
 
 for these purposes are all your own, and you 
 far excel the rest of the world in naval skill : 
 for most persons in your community earn their 
 livelihood at sea ; so that, whilst employed in 
 your own personal concerns, you grow expe- 
 rienced in all the important points which are to 
 be decided on the sea. Add to this, that such 
 numerous fleets have never sailed out from any 
 harbours as from your own ; and hence accrues 
 the strongest reason why you should have the 
 command at sea. For all men flock with the 
 most prompt alacrity to what hath been ever- 
 more invested with strength. And the gods, 
 it must be added, have granted you a high 
 measure of success in this respect. For in Jfce 
 very many and most important struggles you 
 have undergone at sea, you have incurred the 
 fewest losses, you have in general been re- 
 markably successful. It standeth therefore to 
 reason, that the confederates, with the most 
 prompt alacrity, will take a share in all your 
 dangers. 
 
 "But convince yourselves from what I am 
 going to say, how indispensably needful to you 
 it is to take all possible care of the sea. The 
 Lacedaemonians made war upon you formerly 
 for many years together, and though they 
 became masters of your territory, yet were 
 nothing nearer their grand scheme of demolish- 
 ing your power. But no sooner had God given 
 them a victory over you at sea, than instantly 
 you became their vassals. Hence therefore it 
 is clear beyond a scruple, that your own pre- 
 servation is entirely connected with the sea. 
 And if this is the true state of things, how can 
 it be for your interest to suffer the Lacedae- 
 monians to have the command at sea ? In the 
 first place, they own themselves that their skill 
 on this element is inferior to yours. In the next 
 
 485 
 
486 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn 
 
 place, you do not encounter dangers at sea upon 
 equal terms ; since they hazard only the men 
 who serve on board their ships, but you, your 
 children, and your wives, and your whole com- 
 munity. This is the state of the point on your 
 side, but it is very different on that of the La- 
 cedemonians. For, in the first place, they 
 dwell within the land ; insomuch that so long 
 as they are masters at land, though they are 
 hindered from putting out to sea, they can 
 live in peace and affluence, fiven mindful 
 therefore of this their situation, they train up 
 their people from their infancy in that discipline 
 of war which is suitable to the land ; and espe- 
 cially, which is worth all the rest, in obedience 
 to those who command them. They truly are 
 strongest at land, and you are the strongest at 
 sea. And in the next place, as you are soon- 
 est out at sea, so they draw out most expedi- 
 tiously and in the greatest numbers at land : 
 and likely it is, for this very reason, that the 
 confederates with the greatest confidence will 
 ever join them there. Nay, what is more, 
 even God hath granted them very signal suc- 
 cesses upon the land, in the same measure as he 
 hath granted them to you at sea. For in the 
 very many most important struggles they have 
 undergone at land, they have received the few- 
 est defeats, and have in general been remarka- 
 bly successful. And hence, that to take care at 
 land is no less necessary to them than to you 
 at sea, you may readily learn from fact itself. 
 For when for many years together you were at 
 war with them, and oftentimes fought at sea 
 successfully against them, yet you made no 
 progress at all in warring them down. But no 
 sooner were they once defeated at land, than 
 the loss of their children, and their wives, and 
 their whole community became instantly en- 
 dangered. How therefore can it be but dreadful 
 to them to suffer any other state to take com- 
 mand by land over them who have most bravely 
 achieved the pre-eminence there ! 
 
 " So much, in pursuance of the resolution 
 of the senate, I have said on this occasion, and 
 think I have advised the best for both. But 
 may your determinations prove the best for all 
 of us : and may success attend all your under- 
 takings !" 
 
 In this manner Patrocles spoke ; and the 
 Athenians in general, and such Lacedaemoni- 
 ans as were present, heartily agreed in com- 
 mending his advice. But Cephisodotus stood 
 up and spoke as followeth : 
 
 You perceive not, Athenians, how sadly you 
 are going to be over-reached ; but if you will 
 give me attention, I will immediately show you. 
 V ou yourselves, forsooth, are to command at sea. 
 But it is clear, that if the Lacedaemonians act in 
 confederacy with you, they will send you La- 
 cedaemonian captains to command the vessels, 
 and perhaps Lacedaemonian marines, but the 
 seamen of a truth will be only Helots or hire- 
 lings ; and then over such as these you will be 
 invested with the command. But whenever 
 the Lacedaemonians issue out their mandate 
 for an expedition by land, you will for certain 
 send to them your own cavalry and your heavy- 
 armed. And thus beyond all dispute, they be- 
 come^the rulers of your very ownselves, whilst 
 you can be such only over slaves and the very 
 dregs of mankind. But (said he) answer me 
 one question, you Timocrates of Lacedsmon : 
 did you not say just now, that you come hither 
 to make an alliance upon fair and equal terms 1" 
 I said so. " Can any thing therefore be more 
 reasonable (said Cephisodotus) than that each 
 should command alternately at sea, alternately 
 too at land ; and if there be any pre-eminent 
 advantage at sea, that you should come in for 
 your share of it ; and we the same by land 1" 
 
 The Athenians, upon hearing this, quite 
 changed their sentiments, and drew up a de- 
 cree, that, " each side should command alter- 
 nately for the space of five days." 
 
 Both parties with their confederates now 
 taking the field for Corinth, it was resolved to 
 guard Oneum in conjunction. And when the 
 Thebans and confederates 1 approached, the dif- 
 ferent parties of the enemy drew up on their 
 several guards, the Lacedaemonians and Pelle- 
 nians being posted in that quarter which was 
 most likely to be attacked. But the Thebans 
 and confederates, after advancing within 2 thirty 
 stadia of the guard, encamped in the plain. 
 Having then allowed a proper interval of time, 
 which they thought they should spend in com- 
 pletely marching up, they advanced at twilight 
 towards the guard of the Lacedaemonians. 
 And they were not deceived in their allowance 
 of time, but rushed in upon the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans and Pellenians, when the nightly watch 
 was already dismissed, and the others were rising 
 up from the straw where they had taken their 
 repose. At this very time the Thebans fall 
 
 * Under the command of Epaminondas 
 
 - About thrae rr.iles. 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 487 
 
 in amongst them, prepared for action against 
 men unprepared, and in regular order against 
 men in total disorder. But when such as 
 could save themselves from the danger had 
 fled to the nearest eminence, and the comman- 
 der of the Lacedaemonians had it still in his 
 power to take to his aid as many heavy-armed 
 and as many targeteers from the confederates 
 as he pleased, and keep possession of Oneum, 
 (since all necessary provisions might have been 
 safely brought them from Cenchrea,) he did 
 it not ; but on the contrary, when the Thebans 
 were in great perplexity how to get down by 
 the pass towards Sicyon, or about returning 
 the same way they came, he clapped up a truce 
 (as* most people thought) more for the advan- 
 tage of the Thebans than of his own party, 
 and in pursuance of it retreated, and- marched 
 off his troops. In consequence of this, the 
 Thebans having marched down in safety, and 
 joined their own confederates the Arcadians, 
 Argives, and E leans, carried on their assaults 
 without loss of time against Sicyon and Pel- 
 lene. They marched also against Epidaurus, 
 and laid waste all their territory. And retreat- 
 ing from hence in a manner that showed the 
 utmost contempt of all their enemies, when 
 they ame near the city of Corinth, they ran 
 full speed towards the gates that look towards 
 Phlius, with a design if they were open to 
 rush in at once. But a party of light-armed 
 sallied out of the city, and met the chosen 
 party of the Thebans at a distance not of four 
 plethra from the wall. These mounted im- 
 mediately on the monuments and eminences 
 that were near, and pouring in their darts and 
 javelins kill a great many of this foremost 
 body, and having put them to flight pursued 
 them three or four stadia. And when this 
 was done, the Corinthians having dragged the 
 bodies of the slain to the wall, and restored 
 them afterwards by truce, erected a trophy. 
 And by this turn of fortune the confederates 
 of the Lacedsemonians were restored to better 
 spirits. 
 
 These incidents had scarcely taken place, 
 when the aid to the Lacedsemonians from 
 Dionysius arrived, consisting of more than 
 twenty triremes. They brought Celtse and 
 Iberians, and about fifty horsemen. But next 
 day the Thebans and confederates having 
 formed into order of battle, and filled all the 
 plain quite down to the sea and quite up to 
 the eminences which are near the city, de- 
 
 stroyed every thing in the plain that could be 
 of use to the enemy. The horse of the Athe- 
 nians and Corinthians never advanced within 
 any nearness of the enemy, perceiving how 
 very strong and numerous they were. But the 
 horsemen of Dionysius, however inconsiderable 
 in their number, straggled from one another 
 and were scouring all over the plain ; now 
 riding up, they threw their javelins at the 
 enemy ; and so soon as the enemy rushed for- 
 wards they again rode off; and presently, wheel- 
 ing about, they kept pouring in their javelins ; 
 and in the midst of these feats dismounted 
 from their horses and rested. But in case any 
 of the enemy rode at them whilst thus dis- 
 mounted, they were again in their seats with 
 great agility, and rode off safe. Nay, if pursued 
 to any considerable distance from the army, no 
 sooner were the pursuers on retreat, than close 
 behind them and plying at them with their 
 javelins^they made havoc, and merely of them- 
 selves obliged the whole army of the. enemy 
 alternately to advance and retire. And after 
 this the Thebans making only a few days' stay 
 went off for Thebes, and the rest of the con- 
 federates dispersed to their several homes. 
 
 But the aid from Dionysius march after- 
 wards against Sicyon, and beat the Sicyonians 
 in a battle on the plain, and slew about seventy 
 of them. They also take by storm the fort of 
 Dera. But after these exploits, this first aid 
 from Dionysius sailed away for Syracuse. 
 
 Hitherto the Thebans, and all such as had 
 revolted from the Lacedaemonians, had acted 
 and taken the field together with perfect una- 
 nimity, the Thebans being in the command. 
 But now one Lycomedes of Mantinea, a man 
 in birth inferior to none, but superior in wealth 
 and of extraordinary ambition, began to inter- 
 fere. This man quite filled the Arcadians 
 with notions of their own importance ; telling 
 them, " Peloponnesus was a country exclu- 
 sively their own," (for they alone were the 
 original inhabitants of it,) "the Arcadians 
 were the most numerous people in all Greece, 
 and had their persons most remarkably qualified 
 for action." He then showed them to be the 
 most valiant people in Greece : producing in 
 proof, that " when other states had need of 
 auxiliaries, they evermore gave preference to 
 the Arcadians;" that, moreover, "without 
 them the Lacedsemonians had never dared to 
 invade the Athenians, and now without the 
 Arcadians the Thebans duist not take the 
 
488 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 field against Lacedaemon. If therefore you 
 can see your own interest, you will discontinue 
 the custom of following whenever another state 
 may call for your attendance; since formerly, 
 by thus following the Lacedaemonians, you 
 augmented their power; and now, if rashly 
 you follow the Thebans, and do not insist upon 
 your turn in the command, you may perhaps 
 find them in a little time to be second Lace- 
 daemonians." 
 
 The Arcadians by listening to these dis- 
 courses were highly puffed up, quite dpated 
 on Lycomedes, and thought him the only man, 
 insomuch that they chose such persons to be 
 their magistrates, as he was pleased to point 
 out to them. Many things had also coincided 
 to give the Arcadians high notions of them- 
 selves. For when the Argives had invaded 
 Epidaurus, and their retreat was cut off by the 
 Athenians and Corinthians under Chabrias, 
 they went to their aid when almost reduced to 
 a surrender, and set the Argives at liberty, 
 though they had not only the disadvantage of 
 numbers, but even of situation to struggle 
 against. Taking the field another time against 
 Asine in Laconia, they beat the Lacedaemo- 
 nian garrison, they slew Geranor the Spartan 
 who commanded, and plundered the suburbs of 
 Asine. Nay, whenever they resolved to act, 
 neither night, nor winter, nor any length of 
 march, nor mountains difficult of passage could 
 stop them ; insomuch that at the present junc- 
 ture of time they esteemed themselves as the 
 bravest of men. For these reasons truly the 
 Thebans beheld^ them with envy, and could no 
 longer manifest good-will to the Arcadians. 
 The Eleans also, when on re-demanding from 
 the Arcadians those cities which had been 
 taken from them by the Lacedaemonians, they 
 found that the Arcadians wholly slighted every 
 thing they alleged, and even manifested high 
 regard to the Tryphyllians and other people 
 who had revolted from them, on the haughty 
 pretext that they too were Arcadians, for 
 these reasons the Eleans were also bitterly in- 
 censed against them. 
 
 Whilst the states of the confederacy were 
 thus severally setting up for themselves, Phi- 
 Hscus of Abydus arriveth from Ariobarzanes, 
 furnished with a large sum of money. In the 
 first place, therefore, he caused the Thebans 
 and confederates, and the Lacedaemonians, to 
 meet together at Delphi to treat about a peace. 
 But when assembled there, they never re- 
 
 quested the advice of the god in relation to the 
 peace, but made it a subject merely for their 
 own consultations. And when the Thebans 
 positively refused to leave Messene in the 
 power of the Lacedaemonians, Philiscus drew 
 together a large body of mercenaries to serve 
 as aids on the side of the Lacedaemonians. 
 And whilst these things were doing, the second 
 aid arriveth from Dionysius. The Athenians 
 allege these ought to be sent into Thessaly 
 to make head against the Thebans ;" the La- 
 cedaemonians are " for landing them in Laco- 
 nia ;" and the latter opinion carried it with the 
 allies. When therefore the aid from Dionysius 
 had sailed round to Lacedaemon, Archidamus 
 taking them under his command marched- out 
 with the domestic troops of that state. He 
 took Caryae by storm, and put all the persons 
 he found in it to the sword. From thence 
 without loss of time he led them on against 
 Parrhasia of Arcadia, and laid waste the coun- 
 try. But so soon as the Arcadians and Ar- 
 gives were come out into the field he retreated, 
 and encamped on the high ground of Midea. 
 Whilst he was in this post, Cassidas who com- 
 manded the aid from Dionysius notified to 
 him, that "the time limited for his stay in 
 Greece is expired ;" arid he had no sooner noti- 
 fied this, than he marched off for Sparta. But 
 when the Messenians had stopped him on his 
 route by besetting the narrow passes, he sent 
 back to Archidamus and begged his assistance ; 
 and Archidamus immediately began his march. 
 When they were got as far as the turning in 
 the road that leadeth to Euctresii, the Arca- 
 dians and Argives were advancing into Laconia 
 to stop his proceeding farther on the road to 
 Sparta. Archidamus now turneth aside into 
 the plain near the spot where the roads to 
 Euctresii and Midea meet, and formeth into 
 order of battle, as resolved on an engagement. 
 It is said that he went up to the front of the 
 army, and animated the men by the following 
 exhortation : 
 
 " Countrymen and soldiers ! let us now be 
 brave, and look our enemies directly in the 
 face. Let us bequeath our country to our 
 posterity as we received it from our fathers. 
 From this moment let us cease to make our 
 children, our wives, our elders, and our foreign 
 friends ashamed of the behaviour of men, who 
 in former days were the admiration of Greece." 
 
 These words were no sooner uttered, than 
 (according to report) though the sky was clear 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 489 
 
 it lightened and thundered, being omens of 
 success. There happened also to be on hi 
 right wing a grove and an image consecratec 
 to Hercules, from whom Archidamus is sai 
 to be descended. The concurrence of such 
 auspicious signs inspired, as they say, such 
 vigour and spirit into his soldiers, that it was 
 difficult for the commander to restrain them 
 from rushing forwards towards the enemy 
 And indeed no sooner did Archidamus leac 
 them to the charge, than those few of the ene- 
 my who had the courage to stand it were im 
 mediately slain ; the rest were all in flight 
 and were slaughtered, many by the horse, anc 
 many by the Celt. When the battle was 
 over and the trophy erected, Archidamus im- 
 mediately despatched Demoteles the herald to 
 Sparta, to notify there the greatness of the vic- 
 tory, since not one Lacedsemonian was slain 
 but a very great number indeed of the enemy 
 It is reported, that the news was no sooner 
 heard at Sparta, than Agesilaus, the elders, and 
 the ephori, began setting the example, and at 
 length the whole community wept: 1 thus 
 common are tears both to sorrow and joy. Not 
 but that the Thebans and the Eleans were as 
 much rejoiced as the Lacedaemonians them- 
 selves at this blow given to the Arcadians : so 
 highly did they resent their late assuming be- 
 haviour. 
 
 As the point at which the Thebans were 
 aiming was how to attain the sovereignty of 
 Greece, they now thought, that should they 
 
 i Plutarch in the life of Agesilaus gives a fuller ac- 
 count of the rejoicing at Sparta on this occasion, which 
 he introduces with so pertinent but shrewd an observa- 
 tion, that the whole passage well deserves a notice: 
 " Nothing (says he) so much betrayed the weakness of 
 the Spartan state as this victory. Ever before this time 
 they had looked upon themselves as so entitled by pre- 
 scription aud by right to conquer in battle, that for the 
 greatest victories they sacrificed nothing hut a cock, the 
 combatants never uttered any words of exultation, and 
 the news of them inspired no hearer with any extraor- 
 dinary joy. Even after the battle of Mantinea, which 
 Thucydides hath described, the magistrates sent a piece 
 of flesh from their own table as a reward to the person 
 who brought them the news, and made him no other 
 present. But after this victory was published, and Ar- 
 chidamus in his return drew near to Sparta, not a soul 
 but was quite transported : his father Agesilaus cried for 
 joy and went out to meet him, attended with the whole 
 magistracy. The elders of the city and the women 
 flocked down to the river Eurotas, Ijfting up their 
 hands to heaven and giving thanks to the gods, as if 
 Sparta now had cleared her reputation from all the late 
 disgraces, and as bright a prospect as ever wag opened 
 i>efore her." 
 
 send to the king of Persia, by his assistance 
 they might accomplish their scheme. With 
 this view they summoned their confederates 
 to a meeting ; and, on the pretext that Eu- 
 thycles the Lacedaemonian was then with the 
 king, Pelopidas is sent up by the Thebans ; 
 Antiochus the Pancratiast by the Arcadians; 
 Archidamus by the Eleans ; and an Argive 
 ambassador went also in their company. The 
 Athenians hearing this sent Timagoras and 
 Leo to solicit against them When they were 
 all arrived, Pelopidas had soon gained the 
 greatest interest in the Persian monarch. He 
 could justly plead, that " of all the Grecians 
 the Thebans alone had joined the royal army 
 at Plataea, and ever since that time had never 
 joined in any war against the king ;" and that 
 the Lacedaemonians had made war upon them 
 for this reason only, because they had refused 
 to act against him under the command of 
 Agesilaus, nor would permit the latter to sac- 
 rifice at Aulis, where Agamemnon had for- 
 merly sacrificed, and thence beginning his ex- 
 pedition into Asia had faken Troy." Other 
 circumstances also concurred to procure Pelo- 
 pidas more honourable treatment, such as that 
 the Thebans had been victorious in the battle 
 of Leuctra ; and farther, quite masters of the 
 country, had laid waste the dominions of the 
 Lacedaemonians. Pelopidas moreover insinuat- 
 ed, that the Argives and Arcadians had 
 been defeated in battle by the Lacedaemonians, 
 merely because the Thebans were not there." 
 Timagoras the Athenian bore witness to him, 
 and vouched the truth of whatever Pelopidas 
 said ; he therefore was honoured by the king, 
 in the next degree to Pelopidas. At length, 
 Pelopidas was asked by the king, " what he 
 would have him insist upon in his letter?" 
 He answered, that Messene should be left 
 free and independent by the Lacedaemonians, 
 and the Athenians should lay up their fleet. 
 And in case they refused to comply, war should 
 be declared against them. And if any state 
 refused to join in the war, that state should be 
 first invaded." These points being committed 
 to writing, and then read aloud to the ambassa- 
 dors, Leo cried out in the hearing of th'e king, 
 In good truth, Athenians, it is high time for 
 you to look out another friend instead of the 
 ting." And when the secretary had interpret- 
 ed what the Athenian said, the king ordered 
 his qualifying article to be added ; But ID 
 case the Athenians are able to devise mr re 
 3M 
 
400 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 effectual expedients, let them repair hither 
 and communicate them to the king." No 
 sooner were these ambassadors returned to 
 their several homes than the Athenians put 
 Timagoras to death ; since Leo preferred an 
 accusation against him, for refusing to lodge 
 in the same apartment with him, and for 
 bearing a share in all the schemes of Pelopi- 
 das." As to the rest of the ambassadors, 
 Archidamus the Elean highly applauded the 
 king's declaration, because he had given the 
 preference to the Eleans over the Arcadians. 
 But Antiochus, because the Arcadic body was 
 slighted by him, refused his presents, and told 
 the magistrates of Arcadia at his return, that 
 the king, it is true, was master over an in- 
 finite number of bakers and cooks, butlers and 
 door-keepers, but though he had looked about 
 with his utmost diligence to discover the men, 
 who were able to fight with Grecians, he had 
 not been able to get the sight of any." He 
 added, that in his opinion his vast quantity of 
 v/ealth was mere empty pageantry ; since the 
 very plane-tree of gold, so much celebrated by 
 fame, was not large enough to afford shade to a 
 grasshopper." But when the Thebans had 
 summoned deputations from all the states to 
 come and hear the king's epistle ; and the Per- 
 sian, who brought it, after showing the royal 
 signet, had read aloud the contents, the The- 
 bans commanded all " who were desirous of 
 the king's friendship and of theirs, to swear ob- 
 servance ;" but the deputies from the states 
 replied, that their commission was not to 
 swear but to he%r. And if oaths were neces- 
 sary, they bade the Thebans send round to the 
 several states." Lycomedes the Arcadian added 
 farther, that " this congress ought not to have 
 been holden in Thebes, but in the seat of the 
 war." The Thebans however resenting this, 
 and telling him " he was destroying the con- 
 federacy," Lycomedes would no longer assist at 
 any consultation, but instantly quitted Thebes, 
 and went home accompanied by all the de- 
 puties from Arcadia. Yet as those remaining 
 at Thebes refused to take the oaths, the The- 
 bans sent ambassadors round to the several 
 states, commanding them " to swear to the ob- 
 servance of what had been written by the 
 king ;" concluding that each state, thus singly 
 to be sworn, would be afraid of incurring the 
 resentments of themselves and the king by a 
 refusal. However, the first place to which 
 they repaired was Corinth. And the Corinth- 
 
 ians standing out, and remonstrating that thej 
 wanted no swearing to treaties with the king," 
 many other states followed their example, and 
 answered to the same effect. And thus the 
 grand scheme of empire so long agitated by 
 Pelopidas and the Thebans was totally discon- 
 certed. 
 
 But now Epaminondas, being desirous to 
 begin again with the reduction of the Achaeans, 
 in order to render the Arcadians and the rest 
 of the confederates more attentive to the friend, 
 ship of the Thebans, determined to make war 
 upon Achaia. He therefore persuadeth Pei- 
 sias the Argive, who commanded in Argos, 
 immediately to seize Oneum. Peisias, accord, 
 ingly, having made a discovery that the guard 
 of Oneum was neglected by Naucles, who 
 commanded the mercenary troops of the Lace- 
 dsemonians, and by Timomachus the Athenian, 
 seizeth by night,withtwo thousand heavy-armed, 
 the eminence above Cenchrea, having with him 
 provisions for seven days. During this inter- 
 val the Thebans begin their march, and com- 
 plete the passage of Oneurn ; and then the 
 confederates in one body invade Achaia, under 
 the command of Epaminondas. And as such 
 of the Achaeans as were of the party of the 
 few went over to him, Epaminondas exerteth 
 his influence with so much weight, that after- 
 wards none of that party were sentenced to ex- 
 ile, nor any change made in the polity of the 
 state, but only security was given by the Achse- 
 ans, that they would be firm allies, and follow 
 the Thebans wheresoever they led them ; and 
 so the latter returned again to Thebes. 
 
 The Arcadians and all discontented parties 
 now accusing Epaminondas for marching off so 
 soon as he had put Achaia in a proper dispo- 
 sition to serve the Lacedaemonians, it was 
 judged expedient by the Thebans, to send away 
 governors into the cities of Achaia. The per- 
 sons thus exiled, concurring together in the 
 same measures, and being not few in number, 
 returned to their several cities, and recovered 
 the possession of them. And now, as they no 
 longer observed any manage in their conduct, 
 but with high alacrity supported the Lacedae- 
 monian cause, the Arcadians were grievously 
 harassed on one side by the Lacedaemonians, 
 and on the other by the Achaeans. 
 
 At Sicyon down to this time the administra- 
 tion had been carried on according to the laws 
 of the Achseans. But Euphron, ambitious to 
 play a leading part amongst the enemies of the 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 491 
 
 Lacedaemonians, though hitherto he had been 
 regarded by the latter as their most steady 
 friend, insinuateth to the Argives and Ar- 
 cadians, that " were the most wealthy members 
 of the community to be indisputable masters 
 of Sicyon, then beyond all doubt on every oc- 
 casion that city would act entirely in the Lace- 
 daemonian interest ; whereas, if a democracy 
 be set up in it, you may depend upon it (said 
 he) that city will firmly adhere to you. If 
 therefore you will give me your aid, I will en- 
 gage to convene the people ; and at the same 
 time I will give them this certain pledge of my 
 own sincerity, and will keep the city firm in 
 your alliance. My motives for acting, be you 
 well assured, are the same with your own, since 
 I have long suffered with regret the insolence 
 of the Lacedaemonians, and would with the 
 highest pleasure escape from their bondage." 
 The Arcadians and Argives, therefore, who 
 listened greedily to him, repaired to Sicyon to 
 support him. On their arrival he immediate- 
 ly convened the people in the forum, and pro- 
 posed a form of administration wherein each 
 might have a fair and equal share. And in 
 this very assembly he ordered them to choose 
 what persons they pleased to be their com- 
 manders. The people accordingly choose Eu- 
 phron himself and Hippodamus, Oleander, Acri- 
 sius, and Lysander. When these points were 
 settled, he appointed his own son Adeas to com- 
 mand the mercenary troops, having discharged 
 Lysimenes who commanded them before. 
 Euphron by his generosity had soon attached 
 many of the mercenaries firmly to his interest ; 
 he quickly made many more of them his friends, 
 sparing neither the public money nor the trea- 
 sure in the temples in buying their service. 
 And he employed to the same use the wealth of 
 such persons as he drove into exile for being 
 friends to the Lacedeemonians. Some also of 
 his colleagues in command he slew by treachery, 
 and some he banished ; insomuch that he grew 
 to be absolute master of Sicyon, and past all 
 doubt became a tyrant ; and he caused the con- 
 federates to connive at all his proceedings, 
 sometimes by supplying them with money, and 
 at other times by taking the field with his 
 mercenaries whenever they summoned him to 
 join them. 
 
 II. Affairs having so far succeeded, and the 
 Argives having fortified Tricranum, situated 
 above the temple of Juno in Phlius, and the 
 Sicyonians at the same time fortifying Thyamia 
 
 on the frontier of the Phliasians, the latter 
 were grievously distressed, and reduced to the 
 want of necessaries : yet notwithstanding this, 
 they persevered in a most steadfast adherence 
 to their allies. When any grand point is ac- 
 complished by powerful states, all historians are 
 careful to propagate the remembrance of it. 
 But in my opinion, if any petty state can ac- 
 complish a series of numerous and gre"at achieve- 
 ments, such a state hath a much better title 
 to have them honourably remembered. 
 
 The Phliasians, for instance, became friends 
 to the Lacedaemonians, when the latter were 
 possessed of the most ample power. And yet, 
 after their overthrow at the battle of Leuctra, 
 after the revolt of- many neighbouring cities, 
 and after the .revolt of many of their Helots, 
 and of their old allies, very few excepted, all 
 Greece in a word being combined against them ; 
 the Phliasians persevered in the most faithful 
 attachment to them : nay, when even the Ar- 
 gives and Arcadians, the most powerful states 
 in Peloponnesus were become their enemies, 
 notwithstanding all this the Phliasians gave 
 them aid, even though it fell to their lot to be 
 the very last body of men of the whole confe- 
 deracy, that could march up to Prasiae to join 
 them. The Corinthians, Epidaurians, Troe- 
 zenians, Hermionians, Haliensians, Sicyonians, 
 and Pellenians, for these had not revolted, 
 were at Prasiae before them. Nay, when even 
 the Spartan general, who was sent to command, 
 would not wait for their arrival, but. marched 
 off with those who were already come up, the 
 Phliasians notwithstanding scorned to turn 
 back, but hiring a guide to Prasise, though the 
 enemy was nfcw at Amyclae, came forwards as 
 well as they could, and arrived at Sparta. The 
 Lacedaemonians, it is true, gave them all pos- 
 sible marks of their gratitude, and by way of 
 hospitality presented them with an ox. 
 
 When again, after the enemies' retreat from 
 Lacedaemon, the Argives, exasperated against 
 the Phliasiaus for their zealous attachment to 
 the Lacedaemonians, invaded Phlius with their 
 whole united force, and laid all that country 
 waste, they would in no wise submit. And 
 after the enemy had completed their ravage, 
 and were again on their retreat, the horsemen 
 of Phlius gallied out in good order, and pressed 
 close on their- rear ; and, though the whole 
 Argive cavalry and some companies of heavy- 
 armed composed this rear, though b,it sixty in 
 number, they fell upon them, and put the whole 
 
492 
 
 XENOPHON OIS THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 rear to flight. They slew some of them, and 
 even erected a trophy in the very sight of the 
 enemy, nor could they have done more, though 
 they had killed them to a man. 
 
 Again, when the Lacedaemonians and con- 
 federates were posted on the guard of Oneum, 
 and the Thebans were approaching with a 
 design to force the passage, the E leans and 
 Argives marching in the meantime by the 
 road of Nemea in order to join the Thebans, 
 some exiles from Phlius insinuated to the lat- 
 ter, that " if they would only show themselves 
 before Phlius, they might take it." When 
 they had resolved on a trial, these exiles with 
 some auxiliaries, amounting in all to about six 
 hundred, posted themselves by night under the 
 wall of Phlius, having with them a number of 
 ladders. When therefore the sentinels had 
 given the signals that the enemy were march- 
 ing down fronvTricranum, and all the inhabi- 
 tants of the city were thrown into alarm, that 
 very instant the traitors gave the signal to 
 those skulking under the wall to mount. Ac- 
 cordingly they mounted; and first seizing at 
 the stand the arms of the guard, they pursued 
 the sentinels who were left to watch them, 
 being ten in number: from every five one 
 person was left to watch the arms. But one 
 of these they murdered before he could wake 
 out of sleep, and another as he was flying for 
 shelter to the temple of Juno. As the senti- 
 nels had leaped from the walls down into the 
 city to flee from the enemy, the latter were now 
 masters of the citadel, and the former saw it 
 plainly with their own eyes. But when they 
 shouted for aid, and all the inhabitants came 
 running to assist them, the enAay sallied im- 
 mediately from the citadel, and engaged them 
 before the gate that openeth into the city. Yet 
 being afterwards surrounded by numbers of 
 such as had flocked together to assist, they 
 again retired into the citadel, and the heavy-arm- 
 ed rush in at the same time with them. The 
 area of the citadel was immediately cleared of 
 the enemy, who mounting the wall and the 
 turrets, threw down darts and javelins upon the 
 Phliasians below. They defended themselves, 
 and fought their way to the stairs that lead up 
 to the wall. And when the inhabitants had 
 possessed themselves of the turrets on either 
 side of the enemy, they then advanced with 
 the utmost fury close up to them, who, unable 
 to witnstand such a bold and desperate attack, 
 were all driven together on a heap. At this 
 
 very instant of time the Arcadians and Argives 
 invested the city, and were directly opening a 
 breach in the wall of the citadel. The Phli- 
 asians within it were levelling their blows fast ; 
 some of them, at the enemy on the wall; 
 some, at the enemy on the ladders endeavour- 
 ing to mount ; some also were fighting against 
 those who had scaled and were got upon the 
 turrets ; and, finding fire in the barracks, they 
 set the turrets in a flame by the help of faggots, 
 which had just happened to be cut down in the 
 citadel itself. And now, such as were upon 
 the turrets jumped off immediately for fear of 
 the flames ; and such as were upon the walls 
 were forced by the blows of their antagonists to 
 leap over. And when once they began to give 
 way, the whole citadel was soon cleared of the 
 enemy, and the horsemen of Phlius rode out of 
 the city. The enemy retreated at the sight of 
 them, leaving behind their ladders and their 
 dead, nay, the living too who had been lamed 
 in the scuffle. The number of the slain, both 
 of such as had fought within and such as had 
 leaped down from the wall, was not less than 
 eighty. And now you might have seen the 
 men of Phlius shaking one another by the 
 hand in mutual congratulation, the women 
 bridging them refreshments of liquor, and at 
 the same time weeping for joy. Nay, there 
 was not a soul present on this occasion, whose 
 countenance did not show the tearful smile. 
 
 Next year the Argives and Arcadians with 
 their whole united force again invaded Phliasia. 
 The reasons of this continued enmity against 
 the Phliasians were, because they were very 
 angry at them, and because they were situated 
 between them, and they never ceased hoping 
 that by reducing them to famine they might 
 starve them into obedience. But in this inva- 
 sion also the horsemen and chosen band of 
 Phliasians with the aid of Athenian horse, 
 were at hand to attack the enemy as they are 
 passing the river. Having the better in the 
 action, they forced the enemy to retire for the 
 rest of the day under the craggy parts of a 
 mountain, since they avoided .the plain, lest by 
 trampling over it they might damage the corn 
 of their friends. 
 
 Again, upon another occasion the com- 
 mandant at Sicyon marched an army against 
 Phlius. He had with him the Thebans and 
 his own garrison, the Sicyonians, and the Pel- 
 lenians (for these now had accustomed them- 
 selves to follow the orders of the Thebans.) 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 493 
 
 Euphron also accompanied this expedition, 
 having with him about two thousand merce- 
 naries. The rest of the army marched down by 
 way of Tricranum to the temple of Juno, with 
 a design to lay waste the plain. But the com- 
 mandant left the Sicyonians and Pellenians 
 behind, near the gates that open towards Co- 
 rinth, that the Phliasians might not be able to 
 fetch a compass round the eminence, and get 
 above them whilst they were at the temple of 
 Juno. When the Phliasians in the city were 
 assured that the enemy were rushing down in- 
 to the plain, their horsemen and their chosen 
 band marched out in order of battle against 
 them, and charged them, and effectually pre- 
 vented their descent into the plain. Here 
 they spent the greatest part of the day in throw- 
 ing their darts and javelins at one another; 
 the mercenaries of Euphron pursuing so far as 
 the ground was not good for horse, and the 
 Phliasians of the city driving them back to the 
 temple of Juno. But when they judged it the 
 proper time, the enemy retreated by the pass 
 round about Tricranum, since the ditch before 
 the wall hindered their marching the shortest 
 road to the Pellenians. The Phliasians, after 
 following close behind them till they came to 
 the ascents, turned off and made full speed 
 close under the wall towards the Pellenians 
 and the troops with them. The enemy under 
 the command of the Theban general, perceiv- 
 ing what a hurry the Phliasians were in, made 
 all possible haste to reach the Pellenians with 
 timely aid. But the horsemen of Phlius were 
 too speedy for them, and had already attacked 
 the Pellenians. The latter standing firm, the 
 Phliasians again retreated backwards, till they 
 had strengthened themselves by such of their 
 foot as were now come up, and then renewed 
 the attack, and closely engaged them. Now 
 the enemy gave way, and some of the Sicyoni- 
 ans are slain, as also were very many, and those 
 the flower too, of the Pellenians, These 
 things being done, the Phliasians erected a 
 splendid trophy and sung the psean of victory, 
 as they justly might; while their enemies un- 
 der the Theban general and Euphron looked 
 calmly at them, as if they came hither only to 
 see a sight. And when the rejoicings were 
 over, the latter marched off to Sicyon, and the 
 Phliasians returned into their own city. 
 
 There is also another gallant action which 
 the Phliasians performed. For, having taken 
 a Pellenian prisoner who had formerly been 
 42 
 
 their public host, they gave him his liberty 
 without asking any ransom, though they were 
 then in want of the necessaries of life. 
 
 To these, who did such things, what person 
 can deny the praise of being generous and gal- 
 lant men 1 It is plain to all the world, how 
 steadily they persevered to the last in fidelity 
 to their friends, though deprived of all the pro- 
 duce of their own lands, though subsisting 
 merely on what they could plunder from the 
 lands of their enemies or purchase from Co- 
 rinth, when even to that market they could not 
 go but through a series of dangers, with diffi- 
 culty procuring money for the purpose, with 
 difficulty finding any to advance it for them, 
 and hardly able to find security for the loan of 
 beasts to carry their provisions home. At 
 length reduced to total distress, they prevailed 
 upon Chares to undertake the guard of a con- 
 voy for them. And when this guard was ar- 
 rived at Phlius, they persuaded Chares to take 
 all their useless mouths along with him as far 
 as Pellene, and there he left them. In the 
 next place, having purchased their provisions, 
 and laden as many beasts as they could possibly 
 procure, they began their march by night, not 
 ignorant that the enemy had laid an ambush on 
 their road, but determined within themselves 
 that it was more eligible to fight than to want 
 necessary food. Accordingly, they set out on 
 their return in company with Chares, and were 
 no sooner got in with the enemy than they fell 
 to work with them, and loudly exhorting one 
 another fought with the utmost vigour, shouting 
 aloud on Chares to give them aid. Victorious 
 at length, and having cleared the road of their 
 enemies, they returned safe with their whole 
 convoy to Phlius. But as they had passed the 
 night without a wink of sleep, they slept in 
 the morning till the day was far advanced. 
 And yet Chares was no sooner up than the 
 horsemen arid most active citizens of Phlius 
 went to him, and accosted him thus : 
 
 " It is in your power, Chares, to perform 
 this very day a most noble exploit. The Sicy- 
 onians are this moment busy in fortifying a 
 post on our frontier. They have assembled a 
 large number of mechanics for the purpose, 
 anoj yet but a small number of heavy-armed. 
 We ourselves with our horsemen and the most 
 gallant men of our city will march out first ; 
 and if you at the head of your mercenaries will 
 follow after us, perhaps you may find the busi- 
 ness completed on your arrival ; or perhaps, by 
 
494 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 barely showing yourself, you will put them all 
 to flight as you did at Pellene. Yet in case 
 you judge the proposal we make to be attended 
 with difficulties, go and consult the gods by 
 sacrifice. For we are fully persuaded, that 
 the gods will, more forcibly than we can, ex- 
 hort you to compliance. But, Chares, of this 
 you ought to be assured, that if you succeed in 
 this undertaking, you will have gained a high 
 ascendent over the foe, you will have indis- 
 putably preserved a friendly city, you will be- 
 come an Athenian of the highest esteem among 
 your own countrymen, and a man of the high- 
 est reputation both with friends and foes." 
 
 Chares so far hearkened to what they said 
 as to set about the sacrifice. But the Phli- 
 asian horsemen immediately put on their 
 breastplates and bridled their horses; the 
 heavy-armed too prepared to begin the march. 
 And when taking up their arms they were re- 
 pairing to the place of sacrifice, Chares and the 
 soothsayer advanced to meet them, and declared 
 that " the victims portended success. Halt a 
 little," they added, " and we march out in com- 
 pany with you." Their herald called to arms 
 without loss of time ; and the mercenaries ran 
 into their ranks with an alacrity that seemed 
 inspired by heaven. Chares no sooner began 
 his march, than the Phliasian horsemen and 
 heavy-armed advanced and led the van. They 
 moved off briskly at first, and then set up a 
 trot ; the horsemen were at length on the gal- 
 lop ; the heavy-armed ran after as fast as they 
 could without breaking their ranks ; and 
 Chares followed the heavy-armed with all his 
 speed. It was now near sunset. When ar- 
 rived, therefore, at the fortification, they found 
 the enemy, some of them employed in bathing, 
 some dressing their meat, some kneading their 
 bread, and some preparing their beds ; who no 
 sooner saw the' impetuosity with which their 
 enemy came on, than they took fright and fled, 
 leaving all their victuals behind for the use of 
 these gallant men. The latter accordingly 
 made a hearty supper upon what was thus 
 ready dressed, and what they had brought along 
 with them from Phlius ; and then, pouring 
 forth a libation in acknowledgment of success, 
 and singing their paean of victory, and placing 
 proper sentinels for the nightly guard, had a 
 sound repose. A messenger arrived in the night, 
 and told the Corinthians what had been done 
 at Thyamia, who in a very hearty manner or- 
 dered the herald to call for all the carriages and 
 
 beasts of draught in the city, which they loaded 
 with provisions and drove away to Phlius. 
 And afterwfcds, till the fortification was com- 
 pletely finished, they continued daily to send 
 them in a convoy of provisions. All these in- 
 cidents have been related, to show how faithful 
 to their confederates the Phliasians were, with 
 how much bravery they persisted in the war, 
 and, though reduced to extreme distress, would 
 still persevere in their alliance. 
 
 III. About the same space of time, -(Eneas 
 the Stymphalian, who had been made general 
 in chief of the Arcadians, judging what was 
 doing at Sicyon to be past all sufferance, 
 marched up with his forces into the citadel, 
 whither he conveneth the best men of Sicyon 
 resident in the city, arid recalled such as had 
 been driven into exile without a legal process. 
 Euphron, alarmed at this, flies for refuge down 
 to the harbour of Sicyon ; and having sent for 
 Pasimelus from Corinth, delivered up the har- 
 bpur to him for the use of the Lacedsemoni- 
 ans ; and thus he went over again into their 
 alliance, averring that " whatever appearances 
 were against him, he had been faithfully at- 
 tached to the Lacedaemonians. For when it 
 was publicly voted at Sicyon, whether or no 
 they should revolt," he said, "he had given 
 his own vote with the minority ; and after- 
 wards had set up the democracy only to exe- 
 cute his revenge upon such as had betrayed 
 him. And, even now, all those who had be- 
 trayed the Lacedaemonians are driven into 
 exile by me. If, therefore, I had been able to 
 execute the whole of my design, I should have 
 revolted to you with the whole city in my own 
 disposal : but, as I was not able to accomplish 
 this, I have now delivered up the harbour to 
 you." These words were spoken by him in 
 the hearing of many ; but it did not appear 
 that many believed him sincere. Yet since I 
 have thus returned to the intrigues of Euphron, 
 I will proceed and finish all that relateth to 
 him. 
 
 A sedition happening afterwards between 
 the parties of the nobility and the people at 
 Sicyon, Euphron, at the head of some merce- 
 naries picked up at Athens, returneth again 
 into that city. Here, aided by the people, he 
 became master of the whole place except the 
 citadel, which remained in possession of the 
 Theban commandant. But being clearly con- 
 vinced that he could not stay long in the place, 
 as the Thebans were masters.of the citadel, he 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 495 
 
 collected together every thing of value he pos- 
 sibly could, and went away for Thebes, in- 
 tending to bribe the Thebans to eject the party 
 of the few, and leave him master once more of 
 the city of Sicyon. But the former exiles got 
 notice of his journey and his whole scheme, 
 and posted away after him to Thebes. And 
 when they saw him conversing familiarly with 
 the men in power at Thebes, and became ap- 
 prehensive that he would succeed in the whole 
 ffrhis designs^ some of them determined to run 
 all risks, and stab him in the very citadel 
 whilst the magistrates were sitting in council. 
 The magistrates immediately ordered the as- 
 sassins to be brought before the council, and 
 then spoke as followeth : 
 
 " Citizens of Thebes ! we accuse these per- 
 sons here who have assassinated Euphron as 
 guilty of a capital offence. We are convinced 
 by 'experience, that men of honour and worth 
 never commit such outrageous and impious 
 acts ; wicked men indeed commit them, and 
 endeavour at the same time to remain undis- 
 covered. But these wretches have far exceed- 
 ed all mankind in a daring and abominable 
 crime ; for erecting themselves into judges and 
 executioners too. they have murdered Euphron, 
 almost in the presence of the magistrates of 
 Thebes, and in the presence also of you, who 
 are solely invested with the power of life and 
 death. If these wretches therefore be suffered 
 to escape the punishment of death, what stran- 
 ger for the time forwards will dare to appear 
 in this city ] or, what will become of Thebes, 
 if private persons may be permitted to murder 
 a stranger, before he hath notified the reasons 
 of his coming? We therefore accuse these 
 men as impious and execrable wretches, and 
 guilty of the highest contempt against the state. 
 And, after hearing what they have to say, judge 
 ye what punishment they best deserve, and 
 sentence them accordingly." 
 
 In this manner the magistrates accused them ; 
 and each of the assassins pleaded in his own 
 behalf, that he was not the person who gave 
 the blow, till at length one of them boldly 
 avowed it, and began his defence as followeth : 
 
 No man, ye Thebans, can possibly enter- 
 tain a contempt of you, who knowefh that you 
 are sovereign arbiters of life and death within 
 your own community. And you shall be 
 clearly informed on what I place my confidence, 
 when within your walls I gave Eupbzoc the 
 mortal blow. 
 
 " It was, in the first place, on my conviction 
 that what I did was right ; and, secondly, on 
 my inward persuasion that you would judge 
 righteously of the fact. I knew, that in the 
 case of Archias and Hypates, whom you found 
 guilty of practices like those of Euphron, you 
 waited not for the legal decision, but wreaked 
 your vengeance upon them the first opportunity 
 that presented itself, convinced that the sen- 
 tence of death is already passed by all mankind 
 upon wretches openly abandoned, upon detect- 
 ed traitors, and ambitious tyrants. And Eu- 
 phron in each of these characters deserved his 
 fate. He had seized the temples of the gods, 
 and stripped them of all their gold and silver 
 oblations. And certainly no man was ever a 
 more notorious traitor than Euphron, who be- 
 ing in the closest friendship with the Lacedae- 
 monians, deserted them for you ; and after the 
 most solemn pledges of fidelity to you, again 
 betrayed you, and delivered up the harbour of 
 Sicyon to your enemies. And farther, how 
 incontestably doth it appear to all the world 
 that Euphron was a tyrant, who not only made 
 freemen of slaves, but even raised them to all 
 the privileges of citizens ! He put to death, he 
 drove into banishment, he deprived of their 
 properties, not men who had acted unjustly, 
 but whom he did not like ; and these were the 
 worthiest men of Sicyon. And, what is more, 
 returning to that city by the aid of the Athenians 
 your greatest enemies, he drew up his troops 
 in opposition to your own commandant. But 
 when he found himself unable to dislodge him 
 from his post, he collected every thing of value 
 he could, and even ventured hither. Now, had 
 he been marching against you in a hostile man- 
 ner, you would have bestowed your thanks up- 
 on me for taking his life. When therefore he 
 had amassed all the wealth he could, and came 
 hither to corrupt your members, and so per- 
 suade you to make him once more master of 
 Sic} T on ; and at this very crisis I inflicted con- 
 dign punishment upon him ; with what justice 
 can I be put to death by you 1 Men over- 
 powered by arms are sufferers, it is true ; yet 
 are not thereby proved unjust ; but men, who 
 are corrupted to do iniquitous acts, are not only 
 hurt but are disgraced for ever. Yet, suppos- 
 ing Enphron to have been only an enemy to 
 me, but a friend to you, I then shall frankly 
 confess, that I am not to be justified for hav- 
 ing killed him. But who hath been a traitor 
 to you, can that man be a greater enemy to me 
 
496 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 than he was to you? Good gods! it may be 
 paid, Euphron came hither on his own free 
 accord. Granted. The person then who kill- 
 ed him out of your jurisdiction would have re- 
 reived your commendations for it. And shall 
 any one deny that he was justly slain, because 
 he was gotten within your walls to accumulate 
 the mischiefs he hath done you ] What proofs 
 can such a one bring, that Grecians are bound 
 to observe any terms with traitors, with habit- 
 ual deserters, or with tyrants 1 And after all 
 this remember, Thebans, that you yourselves 
 have passed a decree which is yet in force, that 
 exiles upon record may be fetched away from 
 any of the confederates cities. Who therefore 
 can deny the justice of putting that man to 
 death, who, though exiled, presumed to return 
 home without a previous decree from the con- 
 federate cities'! I affirm, therefore, ye The- 
 bans, that if you take my life, you are only go- 
 ing to % revenge the man who was the bitterest 
 enemy in the world to yourselves. But, should 
 you declare that I have acted with justice, you 
 will take revenge in behalf of yourselves and 
 all your confederates." 
 
 The Thebans, after hearing this defence, 
 declared that Euphron was justly killed. The 
 Sicyonians however of his own faction carried 
 him home as a man of bravery and worth, buri- 
 ed him in the forum, and honour him as guar- 
 dian of their city. This, it seemeth, is the 
 practice of the world, that men generally pro- 
 nounce their own private benefactors to be per- 
 sons of honour and worth. The account of 
 Euphron is thus completed ; I return to the 
 place from whence I digressed to give it. 
 
 IV. Whilst the Phliasians were yet em- 
 ployed in fortifying Thyamia, and Chares con- 
 tinued with them, Oropus was seized by the 
 exiles. The whole military force of Athens 
 took the field on this occasion ; and Chares be- 
 ing also sent for from Thyamia, the harbour 
 of the Sicyonians is again taken by the inhabi- 
 tants and the Arcadians. None of their con- 
 federates marched out to join the Athenians, 
 who retreated, leaving Oropus in the hands of 
 the Thebans, till the dispute should be judi- 
 cially determined. But Lycomedes, perceiving 
 the Athenians were displeased with their con- 
 federates, since, though involved in many .trou- 
 bles in their behalf, yet, in time of neel not 
 one would stir to their assistance, persuadeth 
 the ten thousand to treat with them for an of- 
 fensive and defensive alliance. Some of the 
 
 Athenians were not at all satisfied with the 
 proposal, that they, who were in friendship 
 with the Lacedaemonians, should enter into 
 such an alliance with the enemies of the latter. 
 But when, after serious consideration, they 
 found it might be as serviceable to the Lace- 
 daemonians as to themselves, that the Arcadians 
 should stand in no need of the Thebans, they 
 at length accepted the alliance of the Arca- 
 dians. Lycomedes, who managed the negoti^ 
 tion, in his return from Athens, lost his life in 
 a most wonderful manner. For, very many 
 ships being on their departure, he pitched on a 
 particular one from amongst the number, and 
 having agreed with them to land him at what- 
 ever place he named, he chose to land in the 
 very place where the exiles were at that mo- 
 ment assembled ; and thus he loseth his life. 
 
 The alliance between Arcadians and Athe- 
 nians was thus effectually settled. But De- 
 motion saying in the assembly of the people at 
 Athens, that "this alliance was in his judg- 
 ment an honourable measure," he then added, 
 that it ought to be particularly recommended 
 to the generals of the state, to take care that 
 Corinth be kept firm in its duty to the people 
 of Athens." This was reported to the Corin- 
 thians, who sending without loss of time de- 
 tachments of their own people to all place? 
 garrisoned by the Athenians, ordered the lat- 
 ter to march out, as they had no longer afty 
 need of their service. Accordingly they eva- 
 cuated the garrisons ; and when they were all 
 afterwards arrived at Corinth, the Corinthians 
 made public proclamation, that " if any Athe- 
 nian thought himself aggrieved, he should pre- 
 fer his petition and have all equitable redress." 
 But at this juncture Chares arrived at Cen- 
 chreae with the fleet. And when he knew 
 what had lately been done, he gave out that 
 " having heard of a design against the city, he 
 was come up with a timely aid." The Corin- 
 thians commended his alacrity in their service, 
 but however would not permit him to enter the 
 harbour, and ordered him to depart with the 
 fleet : and then, after doing them all kind of 
 justice, they sent away the heavy-armed. In 
 this manner were the Athenians dismissed 
 from Corinth. But in pursuance of the late 
 alliance they were obliged to send their cavalry 
 to the aid of the Arcadians, whenever any ene- 
 my invaded Arcadia; and yet, they never en- 
 tered Laconia in a hostile manner. In the 
 meantime the Corinthians were reflecting 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 497 
 
 much with themselves, how difficult it would 
 be to secure their own preservation, as they 
 had already been quite overpowered at land, 
 and the Athenians were now become intract- 
 able in regard to them. They determined, 
 therefore, to take into their pay bodies both 
 of foot and horse. And keeping these sub- 
 missive to their own orders, they at one and 
 the same time kept guard at Corinth, and 
 gave some annoyance to their enemies. They 
 sent however to Thebes to demand of the 
 Thebans, whether, in case they requested 
 it in. form, a peace would be granted them ?" 
 And when the Thebans encouraged them to 
 come with their request, giving hopes of its 
 success, the Corinthians offered a fresh peti- 
 tion, that " they would first permit them to go 
 and consult their confederates, that they might 
 associate such of them as were willing in this 
 peace, and leave such as preferred war to 
 the liberty of continuing it." The Thebans 
 permitting them to take this step, the Co- 
 rinthians repaired to Lacedsemon, and spoke as 
 followeth : 
 
 " We Corinthians, your old and approved 
 confederates, address ourselves to you, ye men 
 of Lacedeemon. We solemnly conjure you, if 
 you know any certain expedient of securing 
 preservation for us in case we persevere along 
 with you in this war, that you would explicitly 
 inform us what it is. But if you are convinced 
 in yourselves, that your affairs are irrecoverably 
 distressed and no other resource remaineth, we 
 then conjure you to make a peace in conjunc- 
 tion with us, since united with you, rather than 
 with any other people in the world, we would 
 gladly earn our preservation. But in case you 
 judge it most advisable for yourselves to con- 
 tinue this war, we beg at least that you would 
 give us permission to make a peace. Let us 
 but save ourselves now, and the time again 
 may come when we may do you some signal 
 acts of friendship. But if now we must be 
 ruined, it is plain we never any more can do 
 you service." 
 
 The Lacedaemonians, after hearing this re- 
 quest, advised the Corinthians by all means to 
 make their peace ; and gave permission to any 
 other of their confederates, who were averse 
 from a longer continuance of the war, to give 
 it up. As to themselves, they said, " they 
 would fight it out, and would submit to the 
 will of God ; but would never suffer them- 
 selves to be deprived of Messene, which they 
 42* 
 
 had received from their progenitors. The 
 Corinthians hearing this, went away to Thebes 
 to negotiate a peace. The Thebans insisted, 
 that " they should 'swear to an alliance offensive 
 and defensive." The Corinthians answered, 
 that such a settlement would be no peace, 
 but a mere change of the war," adding that the 
 Thebans should candidly remember, that they 
 came hither only to make an amicable peace." 
 This struck the Thebans with high admiration 
 of them, since in whatever distress involved, 
 they would not be parties in a war against 
 their old benefactors. They therefore granted 
 a peace to them and to the Phliasians, and to 
 others who now accompanied them at Thebes, 
 on the sole condition that " each party should 
 respectively keep their own ;" and oaths were 
 sworn to the observance of it. 
 
 The Phliasians, when an accommodation 
 was thus ratified, honestly and without hesita- 
 tion departed from Thyamia. But the Ar- 
 gives, who had sworn to observe the peace on 
 the very same condition with the Phliasians, 
 when they could not prevail for the safe con- 
 tinuance of the Phliasian exiles at Tricranum, 
 on pretence that the place was their own, 
 seized it and kept a garrison in it ; averring 
 the land on which it stood to be their own 
 property, though a little while ago they had 
 laid it waste in a hostile manner ; and even 
 refused to submit to a judicial determination, 
 though the Phliasians summoned them to do it. 
 
 Almost at the same time Dionysius the 
 elder being lately dead, his son sendeth over 
 twelve ships under the command of Timocrates 
 to the aid of the Lacedaemonians. Timocrates 
 on his arrival acteth in conjunction with them 
 at the siege and reduction of Sellasia, and after 
 that sailed back again to Syracuse. 
 
 No long time after this the Eleans seize 
 upon Lasion, a town formerly their own, but at 
 present comprehended in the Arcadian league. 
 The Arcadians would not calmly brook it, but 
 immediately took the field and marched. Four 
 hundred Eleans at first, who were soon after 
 joined by three hundred more, made head 
 against th^rn. After facing one another a 
 whole day in very low ground belonging to the 
 Eleans, the Arcadians by night ascend the 
 summit of the hill above their enemies, and 
 early next morning rushed down upon them. 
 The Eleans now perceiving an enemy far more 
 numerous than themselves pouring down upon 
 them from higher ground, were a long time 
 3N 
 
498 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 kept in their posts by meie vexation; nay, 
 they even advanced to meet them, yet were no 
 sooner charged than they broke and fled. 
 They fled over rough and difficult ground, and 
 lost many of their men and many of their arms. 
 The Arcadians after so much success marched 
 against all the towns in the upper country, and 
 after talcing all of them, except Thraustus, 
 arrive at Olympia. Here they threw up an 
 entrenchment round the temple of Saturn, 
 where they posted themselves, and were mas- 
 ters of the mountain of Olympia; They far. 
 ther took the city of the Marganians, which 
 was betrayed to them by some of the inhabi- 
 tants. Their enemies having had such a train 
 of success, the E leans began utterly to de- 
 spond. And now the Arcadians march up to 
 Elis, and into it as far as to the forum. But 
 then the horsemen and some other of the in- 
 habitants fall upon them, drive them out, and 
 made some slaughter, and erected a trophy. 
 There had been now a dissension of long stand- 
 ing in Elis. The faction of Charopus, Thra- 
 souides, and Argeus, were striving to set up 
 a democracy. The faction of Stalcas, Hippias, 
 and Stratolus struggled for the oligarchy. And 
 when the Arcadians with so much strength 
 seemed to come opportunely thither as in aid 
 of those who are inclined to a democracy, the 
 faction of Charopus became more daring, and 
 having bargained with the Arcadians for sup- 
 port, they seized the citadel of Elis. The 
 horsemen and the three hundred, however, lost 
 no time, but march thither immediately and 
 drive them out, in consequence of which, 
 Argeus and Charopus, with about four hun- 
 dred Eleans more, were driven out into exile. 
 And no long time after, these exiles, by the 
 aid of a party of Arcadians, possess themselves 
 of Pylus ; whither many of the popular faction 
 in Elis repaired afterwards to them, as the 
 place was spacious and of great strength, and 
 where they were certain of support from the 
 Arcadians. The Arcadians also, at the in- 
 stigation of these exiles, who assured them of 
 the quick surrender of Elis, march soon after 
 into the territory of the Eleans. jBut on this 
 occasion the Achaeans, who were in friendship 
 with the Eleans, had securely garrisoned their 
 city, so that the Arcadians, unable to do any 
 thing more than lay waste the country, again 
 letreated. But no sooner had they marched 
 out of Elea, and discovered that the Pellenians 
 were in Elis, than they made an exceeding 
 
 long march in the night, and seized Olurus, 
 belonging to the latter. The Pellenians had 
 already returned into the alliance of the Lace- 
 daemonians. And they no sooner heard of the 
 seizure of Olurus than, marching a round- 
 about way, the better to conceal their motion, 
 they entered their own city Pellene. And 
 after this, they continued a war against the 
 Arcadians in Olurus and all the people of 
 Arcadia, notwithstanding their own great in- 
 feriority in number ; nay, never slackened in 
 their endeavours, till they had again recovered 
 Olurus by a siege. 
 
 The Arcadians once more repeat their ex- 
 pedition against Elis. But, as they lay en- 
 camped between Cyllene and Elis, the Eleans 
 made a sudden attack upon them; the Arca- 
 dians stood it out, and got the victory. And 
 Andromachus the Elean commander, who was 
 the principal adviser of this last attack, laid 
 violent hands upon himself; the rest of the 
 Eleans retired into their city. Soclidas, a 
 Spartan who was present in this battle, lost 
 his life in it, for the Lacedaemonians were 
 once more allies to the Eleans. But the 
 Eleans, now distressed about their own de- 
 fence, despatched ambassadors, and begged the 
 Lacedaemonians to make war upon the Arca- 
 dians ; judging there was no other method to 
 get clear of the Arcadians than to have them 
 warred upon on both sides. In consequence 
 of this, Archidamus taketh the field with the 
 domestic force of Sparta, and seizeth Cromnus. 
 Leaving three of the twelve battalions he had 
 with them to garrison Cromnus, he again 
 marched back to Sparta. The Arcadians, 
 however, whose forces were all assembled for 
 the expedition against Elis, hurried away to 
 recover Cromnus, and invested it round with a 
 double work of circumvallation ; and having 
 thus secured their own camp, continued in the 
 siege of the place. The state of Lacedaemon, 
 unable to brook this besieging of their own 
 citizens, order their troops to march ; and on 
 this occasion also, Archidamus commanded. 
 Entering their country, he laid waste as much 
 of Arcadia and Skiritis as he possibly could, 
 and did every thing that could be done to force 
 them to raise the siege. Yet the Arcadians 
 persisted steadfastly in it, and made no manner 
 of account of all these devastations. Archi- 
 damus now took a view of an eminence, across 
 which the Arcadians had carried their outward 
 circumvallation. He thought he could secure 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 499 
 
 it, and in case he did, that the enemy below it 
 could not continue their siege. Whilst he 
 was marching his troops a round-about way 
 to seize this post, the targeteers of Archida- 
 mus advancing before the rest had a view of 
 the chosen body of the enemy without the 
 works, and rush suddenly upon them ; and the 
 horse at the same time endeavoured to charge. 
 The enemy scorned to retreat, but drew up 
 in regular order, and stood quiet. They then 
 rushed a second time upon them ; and when 
 yet, so far from retiring, they actually advanced 
 to meet them ; every thing now being in hurry 
 and confusion, Archidamus himself, who had 
 made a turn into the cart-way that leadeth to 
 Cromnus, appeared in sight, his men marching 
 two by two in the order they had set out, and 
 himself at their head. When they were thus 
 come near the enemy, those under Archidamus, 
 with their flanks exposed in consequence of 
 the order of their march, but the Arcadians in 
 regular array for battle and their shields closed 
 firmly together, the Lacedaemonians were not 
 able to stand their ground against this body of 
 Arcadians, but on the contrary Archidamus 
 had soon received a wound quite through his 
 thigh, and the two Spartans who fought before 
 him were actually slain. These were Poly- 
 anidas and Chilon ; the latter of whom had 
 married the sister of Archidamus. Nay, the 
 number of Spartans slain on this occasion was 
 not less than thirty. Yet when, after falling 
 back along the road, they were got into more 
 open ground, the Lacedaemonians then formed 
 again to receive the enemy. The Arcadians 
 stood firm together in regular order, inferior it 
 is true in numbers, but much higher in spirits, 
 since they had fallen upon their enemy whilst 
 retreating before them, and made some slaugh- 
 ter. The Lacedaemonians were sadly dejected ; 
 they saw that Archidamus was wounded ; they 
 heard the names of those who were slain, brave 
 men, and almost the most illustrious of their 
 body. And now, the enemy approaching near- 
 er, one of the elder Spartans cried out aloud 
 " Why fight any longer, my countrymen 1 Why 
 not rather demand a truce ? He was heard 
 with pleasure by all, and a truce was made. 
 Accordingly, the Lacedaemonians took up their 
 dead and marched away ; and the Arcadians, 
 returning to the spot from whence they first 
 advanced, erected a trophy. 
 
 Whilst the Arcadians were thus employed 
 in the siege of Cromnus, the Eleans marching 
 
 out of their city, first against Pylus, fall in 
 with the Pylians who were on their return aftei 
 their repulse from Thalami. The Elean horse- 
 men, who rode in the van, had no sooner a 
 sight of them, than they seized the opportunity, 
 and immediately fall in amongst them. Some 
 of them they slaughter, whilst others of them 
 flee for safety to an eminence that was near ; 
 but when the foot came up, they entirely de- 
 feated those upon the eminence ; some of them 
 they killed, and some they took prisoners, to 
 the number of two hundred. So many of the 
 latter as were strangers they sold for slaves : 
 and so many as were exiles on record they put 
 to the sword. And after this, as nobody came 
 to the aid of the Pylians, they reduce then 
 town and all, and recover the Margunians. 
 
 But the Lacedaemonians, some time after, 
 marching by night towards Cromnus, force 
 their way over the circumvallation, in the quar- 
 ter of the Argives, and called oqt such of the 
 Lacedaemonians as were besieged in the place. 
 So many of them as happened to be neanat 
 hand and lost no time, completed their escape; 
 but the rest, being prevented by the Arcadians 
 who soon ran together in numbers to the place 
 of escape, were again shut up within ; and 
 being afterwards taken prisoners were divided 
 amongst the captors ; the Argives had one part 
 of them ; the Thebans another ; the Arcadians 
 another; and the Messenians had a fourth. 
 The whole number of Spartans and neighbours 
 to Sparta taken prisoners on this occasion was 
 more than a hundred. 
 
 The Arcadians, who had now cleared their 
 hands of Cromnus, turned their attention again 
 towards the Eleans, and not only strengthened 
 their garrison at Olympia, but as it was the 
 Olympic year made all needful preparation to 
 celebrate the Olympic games in conjunction 
 with the Pisans, who aver themselves to have 
 been the original guardians of the temple. When 
 therefore the month was come in which the 
 Olympic games are celebrated ; nay, on the very 
 days of the grand assembly, the Eleans, who 
 had made open preparations for the purpose, 
 and had sent for the Achaeans to join them, 
 came marching along the road to Olympia. 
 The Arcadians had never imagined they would 
 dare to give them any interruption, and jointly 
 with the Pisans were conducting the order 
 of the festival. They had already finished the 
 race of chariots and the foot-race of the pen- 
 tathlum, and the wrestlers had just entered the 
 
500 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn 
 
 lists, not indeed on the course, since on this oc- 
 casion they were to wrestle between the course 
 and the altar ; for the E leans in military array 
 were now come up to the sacred grove. The 
 Arcadians however made no advance towards 
 them, but stood drawn up by the river Cladaus, 
 which running along the Altis dischargeth it- 
 self into the Alpheus. Their confederates were 
 also at hand to the number of about two thou- 
 sand heavy-armed Argives and about four hun- 
 dred Athenian horse. The Eleans drew up 
 in order on the other side of the river, and 
 after a solemn sacrifice advanced to the charge. 
 And thus a people, who in preceding times 
 had been contemned by the Arcadians and Ar- 
 gives, coritmned also by the Achaeans and 
 Athenians ^for the want of martial spirit, 
 marched, however, that day at the head of their 
 confederates in the most gallant manner. The 
 Arcadians, for these were the first they charge, 
 they instantly put to flight ; they then stood 
 the attack of the Argives who ran to aid the 
 Arcadians, and gave them a defeat. And after 
 they had pursued the fleets to the spot of 
 ground that lieth between the council-house 
 and the temple of Vesta and the adjacent 
 theatre, they still fought on and drove them to 
 the very altar. Here after being galled by 
 darts and javjelins from the porticoes and the 
 council-house and the great temple, and fought 
 with again on the level ground, a number of 
 Eleans was slain, amongst whom was Stratolus 
 the commander of the three hundred ; after 
 which they retreated to their own camp. The 
 Arcadians however, and their associates were in 
 so much dread of the ensuing day, that they busi- 
 ed themselves all that night in demolishing the 
 fine pavilions they had erected for the festival, 
 and throwing up a rampart for their better de- 
 fence. And next day when the Eleans per- 
 ceived that the work was strong, and that num- 
 bers had posted themselves upon the temples, 
 they marched back to Elis, after showing them- 
 selves such gallant men, as God by particular 
 inspiration can in one day enable men to be, 
 though all human endeavours could not have 
 made them such even in a long course of life. 
 
 The Arcadian commanders were now laying 
 hands on the sacred treasures, and diverting 
 them to the payment of their chosen bands, 
 which the Mantineans first resented, and sent 
 them an order not thus to embezzle the sacred 
 treasure." N*y, they even raised in their own 
 city what pay was due to those chosen bands, 
 
 and sent itto % the Arcadian commanders. The 
 latter however alleged that " such behaviour 
 was an infraction of the Arcadian league," and 
 appealed against it to the council of ten thou- 
 sand. But as the Mantineans slighted this ap- 
 peal, the other proceeded to a judgment against 
 them, and despatched the chosen bands to ap- 
 prehend such persons as they had condemned 
 by name. Upon this the Mantineans made 
 fast their gates, and refused them admittance 
 into their city. The consequence was, that 
 even some of the other members of the council 
 of ten thousand began also to affirm, that, " it 
 was wrong to embezzle in this manner the 
 sacred treasures, and to fix an eternal stain on 
 their posterity by such sacrilege against the 
 gods." At length it was voted in the council, 
 that " these sacred treasures should not be em- 
 bezzled," and then all such persons in the 
 chosen bands as could not subsist without im- 
 mediate pay slipped away from the service ; and 
 such as had a subsistence, after heartening up 
 one another, entered themselves in these chosen 
 bands, not indeed to be commanded, but to se- 
 cure to themselves the command over them. 
 Such also of the commanders as had dabbled 
 most in the sacred treasure, being aware that 
 their lives were in danger should they be called 
 to a strict account, send messengers to Thebes, 
 and give notice to the Thebans, that " unless 
 they march up an army, the danger is great that 
 the Arcadians will again go over to the Lace- 
 demonians." The Thebans accordingly were 
 getting all things in readiness to take the 
 field. Such persons, however, as were in their 
 hearts true friends to Peloponnesus, persuaded 
 the Arcadians state to despatch ambassadors to 
 the Thebans with a notification to them " by 
 no means to march with their forces into Ar- 
 cadia, till they were formally invited." Nay, 
 they not only notified this to the Thebans, but 
 also came to a resolution amongst themselves, 
 that " there was no need of war." They were 
 now also convinced, that they had no manner 
 of pretence to invade the presidency over the 
 temple of Jove, but by restoring it to the 
 Eleans should act with more piety and justice, 
 and without doubt in a manner more accept- 
 able to the god. 
 
 The Eleans were willing to accommodate 
 affairs, and so both parties resolved upon a 
 peace. A truce immediately ensued. And 
 after the peace was sworn to, not only by all 
 the other parties, but by the Tegeatae also, am' 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 501 
 
 even by the Theban officer who was then in 
 Tegea commanding four hundred heavy-armed 
 Boeotians, such of the Arcadians as at that time 
 were resident in Tegea feasted one another and 
 were full of spirits, pouring forth their libations 
 and singing their pseans as rejoicing for a 
 peace. The Thebans, however, and such of 
 the commanders as were apprehensive of being 
 called to account for the sacred treasures, assist- 
 ed by the Boeotians and their accomplices amongst 
 the chosen bands, shut fast the gates of the wall 
 round Tegea, and sending parties to their several 
 lodgings, seized all the men of consequence who 
 were not of their sentiments. As many people 
 were here from every city in Arcadia, all of 
 them highly delighted at the making of peace, 
 the number seized in this manner must needs 
 be very considerable. The public prison was 
 soon filled with them ; the town-house in like 
 manner was filled as soon. After many per- 
 sons were thus secured, and many had escaped 
 by leaping over the wall, others there were 
 who were let out through the gates, since no 
 one acted with fury on this occasion that did 
 not think his own life in danger. But, after 
 all, the Theban officer and his accomplices 
 were soon reduced to the greatest perplexity, 
 when they found they had gotten into their 
 hands but very few of those whom they chiefly 
 desired to secure, and especially of the Man- 
 tineans, since almost all the Mantineans, had 
 returned in good time to Mantinea, as it lay 
 at so little distance from Tegea. 
 
 Upon the return of day, the Mantineans no 
 sooner knew what had been doing, than they 
 despatched their messengers round to the cities 
 of Arcadia, with notice to them to take to 
 their arms and stand on the defence of their 
 cities. They themselves did so at Mantinea ; 
 and, sending at the same time to Tegea, de- 
 manded such of their citizens as were de- 
 tained in that city ; insisting withal that 
 " no Arcadian whatsoever should be thrown 
 into prison or put to death, before he had un- 
 dergone a legal trial ; and, in case any Man- 
 tineans were accused of a criminal behaviour, 
 let their names be sent hither, and the state of 
 Mantinea would pledge their faith to produce 
 such persons in the public council of Arcadia, 
 whenever they were called upon to do it." 
 The Theban officer, hearing all this, was 
 grievously perplexed in what manner to act, 
 and in short delivereth up all the men. The 
 day after, he had a meeting with as many of the 
 
 Arcadians as were willing to meet him, and 
 said in his justification, that " he had been 
 sadly deluded." He affirmed " information 
 had been given him that the Lacedaemonians 
 were assembled in arms upon the frontier, and 
 that some Arcadians had engaged to betray 
 Tegea to them." They indeed gave him the 
 hearing, and though assured that all he said 
 was false, they let him depart. Yet they des- 
 patched ambassadors after him to Thebes, and 
 preferred such a charge against him as might 
 cost him his life. But they say that Epami- 
 nondas, who was then general of the state, 
 made this declaration to them, that " the The- 
 ban officer did his duty better when he seized 
 these persons than when he set them at liberty. 
 For we Thebans, said he, went into a war 
 purely on your account, whereas you have clap- 
 ped up a peace without consulting us at all ; 
 may not any one therefore, consistently with 
 justice, charge all the treachery in this affair 
 upon you? But rest assured (he went on) 
 that we shall soon march our forces into Arca- 
 dia, and will still continue the war with the 
 assistance of such as remain in the same sen- 
 timents with ourselves." 
 
 V. No sooner was this declaration of Epa- 
 minondas reported to the general council of 
 Arcadia and to the several cities, than it struck 
 the reflection into the Mantineans, and such 
 other Arcadians as were friends to the true 
 welfare of Peloponnesus, as also into the 
 Eleans and Achseans, " that it was plainly the 
 design of the Thebans to reduce Peloponnesus 
 to so low a condition, that they might easily 
 enslave it. For what other view can they have 
 in desiring us to continue the war, than to 
 make us harass and distress one another, that 
 both parties may be obliged to court them for 
 assistance 1 For what other reason can they 
 be preparing to march their army amongst us, 
 when we tell them plainly we want them not 
 at present? Is it not clear as the day that they 
 are preparing to take the field with full purpose 
 to do us mischief? They now sent away to 
 Athens to beg an aid. They sent to Lacedse- 
 mon also an embassy consisting of persons enrol- 
 led in their chosen bands, with earnest entreaties 
 to the Lacedaemonians, " readily to join their 
 forces against such as are coming with a full 
 design to enslave Peloponnesus." The point 
 of command was also finally adjusted, that 
 each people should command within their own 
 territory. 
 
502 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vn. 
 
 Whilst these points were in agitation, Epa- 
 minondas took the field, at the head of all the 
 Boeotians, and Euboeans, and numerous bodies 
 of Thessalians, either by Alexander or such 
 as were enemies to him. The Phocians, how- 
 ever, marched not with him, pretending they 
 were obliged by treaty only to give aid in case 
 an enemy invaded Thebes ; to act offensively 
 with them against other states was no condi- 
 tion in the treaty." Ejmminondas reckoned, 
 that in Peloponnesus he should assuredly be 
 joined by the Argives and Messenians, and 
 such Arcadians as were in the interest of 
 Thebes, for instance, the Tegeatse and Mega- 
 la politans, and Aseatse and Palantians, and 
 some other cities which, because they were 
 surrounded by -the greater states, would be 
 compelled to join them. Epaminondas ac- 
 cordingly advanced towards Peloponnesus with 
 the utmost expedition. But when he came up 
 to Nemea he halted there, hoping he might in- 
 tercept the Athenians in their march, and 
 reckoning that such an incident would have a 
 great effect in raising the spirits of his own 
 confederates, and would strike despondency in- 
 to his foes ; at all events, that lessening the 
 Athenians in any degree would be so much 
 positive advantage to the Thebans. But dur- 
 ing his halt at Nemea, all the states of Pelo- 
 ponnesus that acted with unanimity on this oc- 
 casion assembled together at Mantinea. Epa- 
 minondas however had no sooner heard that 
 the Athenians had given up their design of 
 marching by land, and were preparing to pass 
 over by sea, that they might go through Lace- 
 dsemon to the aid of the Arcadians, than he 
 immediately decamped from Nemea, and ad- 
 vanceth to Tegea. 
 
 For my own part, I shall not take upon me 
 to say that this expedition proved a happy one 
 for him. But this I can affirm, that he was 
 not deficient in exhibiting every proof that 
 man can give of bravery and conduct. In the 
 first place, I highly applaud him for encamping 
 his troops within the walls of Tegea : for there 
 he was posted in much greater security than 
 he could have been on open ground, and all his 
 motions were much belter concealed from the 
 enemy ; since within a city he could much 
 easier be supplied with any article he wanted : 
 and as his enemies lay in open ground, he had 
 a full view of what they were doing, and could 
 see when they were right and when they blun- 
 dered. And though he thought himself su- 
 
 perior to the enemy, yet he never led out his 
 troops against them, so long as he judged they 
 had the advantage in ground. But finding at 
 length that not one city came over to him, and 
 that the time of his command was fast elapsing, 
 he judged it necessary to strike a blow ; since 
 otherwise he foresaw the loss of his former 
 glory. When therefore he was informed that 
 the enemy kept close at Mantinea, and had 
 sent for Agesilaus and all the Lacedaemonians ; 
 and was even assured that Agesilaus was 
 marched out at their head, and was already ad- 
 vanced as far as Pellehe ; he ordered his army 
 to take their repast, then gave the signal for a 
 march, and led them on directly against Spar- 
 ta. And had not a Cretan by an especial pro- 
 vidence made away in all haste to Agesilaus, 
 and told him of this march, he would have 
 taken Sparta like a bird's nest quite destitute 
 of all defence. But as timely notice of his 
 march had been given to Agesilaus, he had 
 returned in time to the aid of the city, and 
 the Spartans, though exceeding few in num- 
 ber, had already posted themselves on its 
 guard. The whole of their cavalry was absent / 
 in Arcadia, as were all their auxiliaries, and / 
 three out of their ten battalions of foo Whert \ 
 therefore Epaminondas was come up tb Sparta, 
 he made no attempt to enter the city, where 
 the enemy could have charged him on level 
 ground, or could annoy him with darts and 
 javelins from the tops of houses, or where 
 the ground might enable a few to be a match 
 for far superior numbers. But having sejzed 
 an eminence, which he judged would give him 
 great advantage, he from thence marched down, 
 instead of marching up into Sparta. The se- 
 quel was of so strange a nature, that we may 
 either ascribe it to the special will of God, or 
 confess that men reduced to a state of despera- 
 tion are not to be resisted. For ho sooner did 
 Archidamus lead on against him, though at- 
 tended by not one hundred persons ; no sooner, 
 I say, had Archidamus passed the river, which 
 in all probability must have greatly delayed 
 him, and advanced towards the enemy, than 
 these Thebans, who breathed out fire and 
 flame, who had gained such victories over the 
 Lacedaemonians, who were now so far superior 
 in numbers, and had all the advantage of higher 
 ground, durst not even stand the charge of 
 those under Archidamus, but wheel themselves 
 off from before him ; and the soldiers of Epa- 
 minondas, who formed the first ranks, are im- 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 503 
 
 mediately slain. Exulting at so much success, 
 the victors pursued them farther than was pru- 
 dent, and are slaughtered in their turn. It 
 looked as if heaven had beforehand settled the 
 limits in which each party should be victorious. 
 Archidamus, however, erected a trophy on the 
 spot where he had gotten the better, and gave 
 up under truce the bodies of the enemy who 
 nad fallen there. 
 
 Epaminondas now bethought himself, that, 
 as the Arcadians would come with all speed to 
 the aid of Sparta, it was not his business to 
 fight with them and the whole Lacedaemonian 
 strength in conjunction ; especially as the ene- 
 my had hitherto been successful, and the con- 
 trary had happened to his own troops. He 
 therefore marched off, and returned again with 
 the utmost expedition to Tegea. He here or- 
 dered the heavy-armed to halt, but sent off the 
 horse to Mantinea ; begging them " to perform 
 this service with their utmost perseverance ;" 
 and telling them, it was likely that all the 
 cattle of the M antineans were out abroad in the 
 fields, and all the people too, especially in ' this 
 season of fetching in their harvest." And ac- 
 cordingly they began the march. 
 
 The Athenian horsemen, who had set out 
 from Eleusis, took their evening repast at the 
 isthmus. From thence continuing their march 
 through Cleone, they had just now reached 
 Mantinea, and wore quartering themselves in 
 houses within the walls. So soon therefore 
 as the enemy was seen riding up, the Manti- 
 neans besought these Athenian horse to give 
 them all possible aid, since all their flocks 
 and herds were abroad in the fields, as were all 
 their labourers and most of the youths and old 
 men of the city." The Athenians complied 
 and sally out immediately, though neither them- 
 selves nor their horses had yet tasted any food. 
 Who on this occasion can help admiring the 
 generosity of these men ; who, with an enemy 
 in sight much superior in number to their own, 
 and with the late blow given at Corinth to 
 their cavalry quite fresh in their remembrance, 
 were not however disheartened, no not even at 
 the thought that they were going to engage 
 with Thebans and Thessalians, at that time 
 reckoned the best horsemen in the world ; but 
 disdaining that their friends should suffer 
 through the want of any assistance that them- 
 selves could give them, they were no sooner in 
 sight of the enemy than they rode full speed 
 upon them, desirous to preserve at all events 
 
 their hereditary glory 1 In this manner they 
 engaged; and by engaging preserved every 
 thing belonging to the Mantineans that was 
 abroad in the fields. But several gallant men 
 amongst them perished ; and they killed as 
 many gallant men on the side of the enemy 
 For not one person on either side had a weapon 
 so short but it was long enough to reach his 
 adversary. They took up the dead bodies of 
 their friends, and restored some dead bodies of 
 their enemies by truce. 
 
 Epaminondas was thus reflecting, that he 
 must needs be gone in a few days, since the 
 time limited for this expedition was just expir- 
 ing : and, in case he now abandoned his allies 
 whom he came to save, they would be besieged 
 and reduced by their adversaries, and he should 
 entirely blemish all his former glory ; defeated 
 with his numerous heavy-armed as he had been 
 at Lacedaemon by a handful of men ; defeated 
 also at Mantinea in the engagement of the horse ; 
 and the author, as he had really proved by this 
 expedition into Peloponnesus, of a fresh coali- 
 tion of Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, Achseans, 
 Eleans, and Athenians." He therefore judged 
 it impossible for him to quit the country with- 
 out fighting a battle ; concluding, " in case he 
 was victorious, he should prevent all the great 
 evils he foresaw ; or, in case he fell in the at- 
 tempt, his death would be honourable and 
 glorious, since he was endeavouring to gain for 
 his own country the sovereignty of Pelopon- 
 nesus." It cannot appear in the least surpris- 
 ing to me, that Epaminondas should reason in 
 such a manner. Men greedy of honour are 
 aptest to encourage such thoughts as these. 
 But what excites my surprise and admiration 
 too is this ; that he had so highly ingratiated 
 himself with the troops he commanded that no 
 toil whatever, either by day or by night, could at 
 all fatigue them; no danger whatever could 
 stop them ; and though straitened for want of 
 necessary provisions, that they should execute 
 all his orders with prompt alacrity. For at 
 last when he issued his final orders for all to get 
 ready, since he was determined to fight, the 
 horsemen at a word were cleaning up their hel- 
 mets. The heavy-armed Arcadians, who car- 
 ried clubs, were also enrolled and mustered as 
 Thebans; and all they to a man were busied 
 in sharpening their spears and their swords and 
 brightening their shields. 
 
 But when they were all ready, and he was 
 for leading them towards the enemy, it is worth 
 
504 
 
 XENOPHON ON THE 
 
 [BOOK vii. 
 
 while to observe the particulars of his conduct. 
 In the first place, he made all the dispositions, 
 as one would expect Epaminondas should make 
 them ; and by his manner of doing it showed 
 plainly to every body that he was preparing in 
 earnest for a battle. And when his army was 
 completely formed to his own liking, he then 
 led on, not indeed directly towards the enemy, 
 but declining towards the mountains on the 
 west beyond the city of Tegea. By this he gave 
 his enemies reason to imagine, that he had no 
 design to fight that day. For when he came 
 near the mountain, after he had formed his 
 main army in a line of battle, he ordered them 
 to ground their arms under the shelter of the 
 eminence ; so that he yielded to his enemies 
 the appearance of a general who wa*s for en- 
 camping his army. But, by acting in this man- 
 ner, he caused the bulk of his enemies to relax 
 in the ardour they had conceived for engaging ; 
 he caused them even to quit the ranks in which 
 they were posted. Yet, no sooner had he 
 made some bands of heavy-armed in the wings 
 to march up and take post in the centre, by 
 which he made the part of the army where he 
 was posted himself as strong as the beak of a 
 ship, than he gave the word for recovering 
 iheir arms. He now again led on, and his 
 army was in march. As for the enemy, who 
 quite unexpectedly saw them thus advancing, 
 they were at once all hurry and precipitation. 
 Some were running to fall into their ranks, 
 some were only forming ; the horsemen were 
 bridling their horses and putting on their 
 breast-plates : and they all had the appearance 
 of men, who were rather to suffer from than 
 to hurt their foe. 
 
 Epaminondas was still advancing with his 
 troops, which resembled a shrp of war bearing 
 down to the attack, assured that on whatever 
 part of the enemy's army he made his first ef- 
 fectual push, he must bear them down before 
 him, and throw the whole into utter disorder. 
 For his previous disposition was such, that he 
 must begin the charge with the prime strength 
 of his troops ; the weakest of them he had 
 posted in the rear; knowing that even the 
 latter, if defeated, would strike terror into his 
 own people, and give additional spirit to the 
 enemy. The enemy on the other side had 
 drawn up their horse like a battalion of heavy- 
 armed, without giving them a proper depth 
 c-r lining them with foot; whereas Epami- 
 
 nondas had so formed his, that their attack 
 must needs make the strongest impression; 
 and he had lined their ranks with parties of 
 foot ; assured that, in whatever part they broke 
 through the enemy, their whole body must at 
 once be vanquished. For exceeding difficult 
 it is to preserve a willingness in any part of a 
 body to stand fast, when they see some of that 
 body in actual flight. And to prevent the 
 Athenians from stirring out of the left wing 
 to aid such as were near them, he had posted 
 over-against them on the higher ground a party 
 of horse and heavy-armed ; intending to 
 frighten them by this show of the danger they 
 must run of being attacked in their rear, if 
 they stirred to give aid to others. 
 
 In this manner he had made his dispositions 
 for the attack : and he was not disappointed 
 m the event he expected. For he made his 
 wrst charge with so much force, that he com- 
 pelled the whole body of the enemy to flee 
 before him. But after Epaminondas dropped, 
 there was no one left who could make a pro- 
 per use of the victory. For though the whole 
 of the enemy was in flight before them, his 
 heavy-armed made no slaughter not even of a 
 single foe, nor made any advance in the field 
 of battle beyond the spot where they first 
 attacked. And though the enemy's horse 
 were also in open flight, his own horse slew 
 neither horsemen nor heavy-armed in their 
 pursuit; but like men who had been van- 
 quished, slipped tremblingly out. of the way of 
 their routed enemies. His foot indeed and 
 targeteers, who had engaged along with the 
 horse, advanced quite up to the left wing of 
 the enemy, as masters of the field of battle ; 
 and there most of them were put to the sword 
 by the Athenians. 
 
 Such was this battle ; the event of which 
 was quite contrary to what all the world ex- 
 pected it must be. For as almost all Greece 
 was assembled together on this occasion to 
 fight a decisive action against one another, 
 there was no man but thought that, after such 
 a battle, the conquerors would remain for 
 ever masters, and the conquered must for ever 
 be subject to them ; whereas God so ordered 
 the event, that both parties erected trophies as 
 claiming the victory, and neither side could 
 hinder the erection of them. Both parties 
 again, as conquerors, restored the dead under 
 truce ; both parties too, as conquered, request' 
 
AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 
 
 505 
 
 ed a truce for the delivery of them. Nay, 
 though both parties gave out that the victory 
 was their own, it was manifest that neither of 
 them had gained any more ground, any other 
 city, or any more dominion than they were 
 masters of before the battle. On the contra- 
 
 ry, a greater confusion and a wilder hurry 
 arose in Greece after this battle than had been 
 known before it. 
 
 So far may suffice for me. Others perhaps 
 will take care to relate what happened after 
 wards in Greece. 
 
 43 
 
 30 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 
 
 TRANSLATED B7 
 
 SARAH FIELDING. 
 
 [507] 
 

 PREFACE 
 
 TO 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 ALTHOUGH Ao translator of the following Memoirs was fully persuaded, that the far 
 greater number of those who favoured her with their names, and assisted her with their 
 interest, were influenced by much nobler motives, than the expectation of receiving 
 any thing very extraordinary from her hand ; yet, so little did this appear to her any 
 reason for relaxing her endeavours, that on the contrary, she considered it as laying 
 her under an additional obligation to do all the justice she possibly could to her au- 
 thor. It was partly on that account ; partly from sickness ; and partly from some other 
 accidents, not more within her power to regulate, than the state of her own health, 
 that the publication of these Memoirs hath been deferred beyond the time first men- 
 tioned in the proposals : but if the task is, at last, discharged tolerably, the mind of the 
 translator will be set much at ease ; and the reader find somewhat to renay him for his 
 waiting. 
 
 That the Memoirs of Socrates, with regard to the greatest part, are held in the high- 
 est estimation, is most certain ; and if there are some passages which seem obscure ; and 
 of which the use doth not so plainly appear to us at this distance of time ; and from 
 the dissimilarity of our customs and manners ; yet, perhaps, we might not do amiss, in 
 taking Socrates himself for our example in this particular, as well as in many others ; 
 who being presented by Euripides with the writings of Heraclitus, and afterwards asked 
 his opinion of their merit; "What I understand," said he, "I find to be excellent; and 
 therefore believe that to be of equal value, which I do not understand." " And, cer- 
 tainly," continues the admired modern writer, from whom the quotation above was 
 taken, " this candour is more particularly becoming us in the perusal of the works of 
 ancient authors ; of those works which have been preserved in the devastation of cities ; 
 and snatched up in the wreck of nations: which have been the delight of ages; and 
 transmitted as the great inheritance of mankind, from one generation to another: and 
 we ought to take it for granted, that there is a justness in the connexion, which we 
 cannot trace; and a cogency in the reasoning, which we cannot understand." The 
 translator of the following sheets would willingly bespeak the same candour, in reading 
 the translations of the ancient writers, which hath above been thought so necessary^for 
 judging right of the originals. In the preface to the Life of Cicero, the celebrated writer 
 of it thus expresses himself: "Nor has that part of the task," said he, (speaking of the 
 several passages he had translated from the writings of Cicero) "been the easiest to me; 
 as those will readily believe who have ever attempted to translate th classical writings 
 of Greece and Rome." It may, perhaps, be objected, "That candour alone is not suffi- 
 cient for the present occasion :" to which it can only be answered, " That something was 
 to be done : and, that no pains hath been spared, to do it as well as possible." 
 
 43* 509 
 
510 PREFACE. 
 
 The translator is sorry to find, that the title affixed to this work hath not been ap- 
 proved of universally : and, in truth, that inundation of trifles, follies and vices, lately 
 introduced into the world, under the general appellation of Memoirs, hath occasioned 
 such an unhappy association of ideas, as doth not well suit with a Xenophon's giving a 
 relation of what a Socrates once said and did : but the translator takes shelter for her- 
 self, under the respectable names of Mr Johnson and Mrs Carter; the one having, as she 
 thinks, explained the word Memoir in a manner consistent with the present application 
 of it ; and the other actually made choice of it for the very same purpose as is here 
 done. 
 
THE 
 
 DEFENCE OF SOCRATES 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 HIS JUDGES. 
 
 I have always considered the manner in which 
 Socrates behaved after he had been summoned 
 to his trial, as most worthy of our remem- 
 brance ; and that, not only with respect to the 
 defence he made for himself, when standing 
 before his judges; but the sentiments he ex- 
 pressed concerning his dissolution. For, al- 
 though there be many who have written on 
 this subject, and all concur in setting forth 
 the wonderful courage and intrepidity where- 
 with he spake to the assembly so that it re- 
 maineth incontestable that Socrates did thus 
 speak yet that it was his full persuasion, that 
 death was more eligible for him than life at 
 such a season, they have by no means so clearly 
 manifested ; whereby the loftiness of his style, 
 and the boldness of his speech, may wear at 
 least the appearance of being imprudent and 
 unbecoming. 
 
 But Hermogenes, the son of Hipponicus, 
 was his intimate friend ; and from him it is we 
 have heard those things of Socrates, as suf- 
 ficiently prove the sublimity of his language 
 was only conformable to the sentiments of his 
 mind. For, having observed him, as he tells 
 us, choosing rather to discourse on any other 
 subject than the business of his trial ; he asked 
 him, " If it was not necessary to be preparing 
 for his defence 1" And "What!" said he, 
 " my Hermogenes, suppose you I have not 
 spent my whole life in preparing for this very 
 thing?" Hermogenes desiring he would ex- 
 plain himself: " I have," said he, " steadily 
 persisted, throughout life, in a diligent endea- 
 vour to do nothing which is unjust ; and this 
 
 I take to be the best and most honourable 
 preparation." 
 
 But see you not," said Hermogenes, " that 
 ofttimes here in Athens, the judges, influenced 
 by the force of oratory, condemn those to death 
 who no way deserve it ; and, not less fre- 
 quently, acquit the guilty, when softened into 
 compassion by the moving complaints, or the 
 insinuating eloquence of those who plead their 
 cause before them 1" 
 
 " I know it," replied Socrates ; " and there- 
 fore, twice have I attempted to take the matter 
 of my defence under consideration : but the 
 Genius 1 always opposed me." 
 
 Various have been the opinions concerning this 
 Genius, or Demon, of Socrates ; and too many for the 
 translator to enumerate. What seems the most probable 
 and satisfactory is, that the Genius of Socrates, so differ- 
 ently spoken of, was nothing more than an uncommon 
 strength of judgment and justness of thinking ; which, 
 measuring events by the rules of prudence, assisted by 
 long experience and much observation, unclouded and un- 
 biassed by any prejudices or passions, rendered Socrates 
 capable of looking as it were into futurity, and foretelling 
 what would be the success of those affairs about which 
 he had been consulted by others, or was deliberating 
 upon for himself. And, in support of this opinion, they 
 urge his custom of sending his friends Xenophon for ex- 
 ampleto consult the oracle, when any thing too obscure 
 for human reason to penetrate was proposed to him ; to 
 which might be added, as no mean testimony, his own 
 practice on all such occasions. But from whence this 
 notion arose, of his being thus uncommonly assisted, is 
 not easy to determine. It might perhaps be from nothing 
 more, as some have imagined, than from his having casu- 
 ally said on some occasion, "My Genius would not suffer 
 me ;" alluding to the notion which prevailed with many, 
 that every one had a Genius to watch over and direct 
 
 511 
 
512 
 
 DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 
 
 Hermogenes having expressed some aston- 
 ishment at these words, Socrates proceeded : 
 
 " Doth it then appear marvellous to you, my 
 Hermogenes, that God should think this the 
 very best time for me to die 1 Know you not, 
 that hitherto I have yielded to no man that he 
 hath lived more uprightly or even more pleas- 
 urably than myself; possessed, as I was, of 
 that well grounded self-approbation, arising 
 from the consciousness of having done my 
 duty both to the gods and men : my friends 
 also bearing their testimony to the integrity of 
 my conversation ! But now, if my life is 
 prolonged, and I am spared even to old age, 
 what can hinder, my Hermogenes, the infirmi- 
 ties of old age from falling upon me 1 My 
 sight will grow dim ; my hearing, heavy ; less 
 capable of learning, as more liable to forget 
 what I have already learned ; and if, to all this, 
 I become sensible of my decay, and bemoan 
 myself on the account of it ; how can I say 
 that I still lived pleasantly 1 It may be too," 
 continued Socrates, " that God, through his 
 goodness, hath appointed for me, not only that 
 my life should terminate at a time which seems 
 the most seasonable; but the manner in which 
 it will be terminated shall also be the most 
 eligible : for, if my death is now resolved up- 
 on, it must needs be, that they who take 
 charge of this matter will permit me to choose 
 the means supposed the most easy ; free too 
 from those lingering circumstances which keep 
 our friends in anxious suspense for us, and fill 
 the mind of the dying man with much pain 
 and perturbation. And when nothing offen- 
 sive, nothing unbecoming, is left on the memo- 
 ry of those who are present, but the man is 
 dissolved while the body is yet sound, arifl 
 the mind still capable of exerting itself benev- 
 olently, who can say, my Hermogenes, that 
 so to die is not most desirable! And with 
 good reason," continued Socrates, did the 
 gods oppose themselves at what time we took 
 the affair of my escape under deliberation, and 
 determined, that every means should be dili- 
 
 hitn. And although nothing more was at the first either 
 intended or understood by it, than when we say, " My 
 good angel forbade me ;" or, said so and so to me ; yet, 
 being verified by the event, it came at length to be con- 
 sidered, by a superstitious people, as something super- 
 natural : and, as it added much weight to his counsel and 
 instructions, neither Socrates nor his friends were in haste 
 to discredit such an opinion ; not looking upon themselves 
 as obliged to it by any one duty whatsoever. , 
 
 gently sought after to effect it ; since, if our 
 designs had been carried into execution, instead 
 of terminating my life in the manner I am 
 now going, I had only gained the unhappy 
 privilege of finding it put an end to by the tor- 
 ments of some disease, or the lingering decays 
 incident to old age, when all things painful 
 flow in upon ua together, destitute of every 
 joy which might serve to soften and allay 
 them. 
 
 " Yet think not, my Hermogenes, the de- 
 sire of death shall influence me beyond what is 
 reasonable : I will not set out with asking it at 
 their hands : but if, when I speak my opinion 
 of myself, and declare what I think I have de- 
 served both of gods and men, my judges are 
 displeased, I will much sooner submit to it, 
 than meanly entreat the continuance of my 
 life, whereby I should only bring upon myself 
 many and far greater evils, than any I had 
 taken such unbecoming pains to deprecate." 
 
 In this manner Socrates replied to Hermo- 
 genes and others : and his enemies having ac- 
 cused him of " not believing in the gods whom 
 the city held sacred ; but as designing to intro- 
 duce other and new deities ; and, likewise, of 
 his having corrupted the youth :" Hermogenes 
 farther told me, that Socrates, advancing to- 
 wards the tribunal, thus spake : 
 
 " What I chiefly marvel at, ye judges ! is 
 this ; whence Melitus inferreth tlvat I esteem 
 not those as gods whom the city hold sacred. 
 For that I sacrifice at the appointed festivals, 
 on our common altars, was evident to all 
 others ; and might have been to Melitus, had 
 Melitus been so minded. Neither yet doth it 
 seem to be asserted with greater reason, that 
 my design was to introduce new deities among 
 us, because I have often said, < That it is the 
 voice of God which giveth me significations of 
 what is most expedient ;' since they themselves, 
 who observe the chirping of birds, or those 
 ominous words spoken by men, ground their 
 conclusions on no other than voices. For 
 who among you doubteth whether thunder 
 sendeth forth a voice 1 or whether it be not 
 the very greatest of all auguries T The Py- 
 thian priestess herself; doth not she likewise, 
 from the tripod, declare, by a voice, the divine 
 oracles 1 And, truly, that God foreknoweth 
 the future, and also showeth it to whomsoever 
 he pleaseth, I am no way singular either in 
 believing or asserting ; since all mankind agree 
 with me herein ; this difference only exccptec!. 
 
DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 
 
 513 
 
 that whereas they say it is from auguries, 1 
 omens, symbols, and diviners, whence they 
 have their notices of the future; I, on the 
 contrary, impute all those premonitions, where- 
 with I am favoured, to a genius ; and I think, 
 that, in so doing, I have spoken not only more 
 truly, but more piously, than they who attri- 
 bute to birds the divine privilege of declaring 
 things to come : and that I lied not against 
 God, I have this indisputable proof, that 
 whereas I have often communicated to many 
 of my friends the divine counsels, yet hath no 
 man ever detected me of speaking falsely." 
 
 No sooner was this heard, but a murmuring 
 arose among his judges: some disbelieving the 
 truth of what he had said, while others envied 
 him for being, as they thought, more highly 
 favoured of the gods than they. But Socrates, 
 still going on; "Mark!" said he, "I pray; 
 and attend to what is yet more extraordinary, 
 that such of you as are willing, may still the 
 more disbelieve that I have been thus favoured 
 of the deity : Chterephon, inquiring of the 
 oracle at Delphos concerning me, was answered 
 by Apollo himself, in the presence of many 
 people, " That he knew no man more free, 
 more just, or more wise than /." 
 
 On hearing this, the tumult among them 
 visibly increased : but Socrates, still going on, 
 And yet Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian 
 lawgiver, had still greater things declared of 
 him : for, on his entering into the temple, the 
 deity thus accosted him ; " I am considering," 
 said he, " whether I shall call thee a god, or a 
 man!" Now Apollo compared me not to a 
 god. This, indeed he said, "That I by far 
 excelled man." Howbeit, credit not too hastily 
 what ye have heard, though coming from an 
 oracle ; but let us thoroughly examine those 
 things which the deity spake concerning me. 
 
 " Say, then, where have you ever known any 
 one less enslaved to sensual appetite ; whom 
 more free than the man who submits not to 
 receive gift, or reward, from the hands of any 
 other 1 ? Whom can you deservedly esteem 
 more just, than he who can so well accommo- 
 date himself to what he hath already in his own 
 possession, as not even to desire what belong- 
 eth to another 1 Or how can he fail of being 
 accounted wise, who, from the time he first 
 began to comprehend what was spoken, never 
 
 * See the learned Mr. Harris's notes on these several 
 particulars, infra, b. i. p. 18. 
 
 ceased to seek, and search out, to the very best 
 of his power, whatever was virtuous and good 
 for man 1 And, as a proof that in so doing I 
 have not laboured in vain, ye yourselves know, 
 that many of our citizens, yea, and many for- 
 eigners also, who made virtue their pursuit, 
 always preferred, as their chief pleasure, the- 
 conversing with me. Whence was it, I pray 
 you, that when every one knew my want of 
 power to return any kind of pecuniary favour, 
 so many should be ambitious to bestow them 
 on me 1 Why doth no man call me his debtor, 
 yet many acknowledge they owe me much 1 
 When the city is besieged, and every other 
 person bemoaning his loss, why do / appear 
 as in no -respect the poorer than while it re- 
 mained in its most prosperous state 1 And 
 what is the cause, that when others are under 
 a necessity to procure their delicacies from 
 abroad, at an exorbitant rate, / can indulge in 
 pleasures far more exquisite, by recurring to 
 the reflections in my own mind 1 And now, 
 O ye judges ! if, in whatsoever I have declared 
 of myself, no one is able to confute me as a 
 false speaker, who will say I merit not approba- 
 tion, and that not only from the gods, but 
 men 1 
 
 Nevertheless, you, Melitus, have as- 
 serted, that I, diligently applying myself <to 
 the contemplation and practice of whatever is 
 virtuous corrupt the youth :' and, indeed, 
 we well know what it is to corrupt them. But 
 show us, if in your power, whom, of pious, I 
 have made impious ; of modest, shameless ; of 
 frugal, profuse 1 Who, from temperate is be- 
 come drunken ; from laborious, idle, or effemi- 
 nate, by associating with me 7 Or, where is 
 the man who hath been enslaved, by my means, 
 to any vicious pleasure whatsoever 1" 
 
 Nay, verily !" said Melitus ; " but I know 
 of many whom thou hast persuaded to obey 
 thee rather than their parents." 
 
 " And with good reason," replied Socrates, 
 " when the point in question concerned educa- 
 tion ; since no man but knows that I made 
 this my chief study : and which of you, if sick, 
 prefers not the advice of the physician to his 
 parents T Even the whole body of the Atheni- 
 an people, when collected in the public as- 
 sembly, do not they follow the opinion of 
 him whom they think the most able, though 
 he be not of their kindred 1 And in the choice 
 of a general, do you not to your fathers, bro 
 thers, nay, even to yourselves, prefer the man 
 3P 
 
514 
 
 DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 
 
 whom ye think the best skilled in military dis- 
 cipline 1" 
 
 Certainly," returned Melitus ; " neither can 
 any one doubt of its being most expedient." 
 
 " How then could it escape being regarded 
 even by you, Melitus, as a thing deserving the 
 highest admiration, that while in every other 
 instance the man who excels in any employ- 
 ment is supposed not only entitled to a com- 
 mon regard, but receives many, and those very 
 distinguishing, marks of honour; I, on the 
 contrary, am persecuted even to death, because 
 I am thought by many to have excelled in that 
 employment which is the most noble, and 
 which hath for its aim the greatest good to 
 mankind ; by instructing our youth in the 
 knowledge of their duty, and planting in the 
 mind each virtuous principle !" 
 
 Now, doubtless, there were many other 
 things spoken at the trial, not only by Socrates, 
 but his friends, who were most zealous to sup- 
 port him ; but I have not been careful to col- 
 lect all that was spoken, yet think I have done 
 enough to show, and that most plainly, that 
 the design of Socrates in speaking at this time, 
 was no other than to exculpate himself from 
 any thing that might have the least appearance 
 of impiety towards the gods, or of injustice to- 
 wards men. JFor, with regard to death, he was 
 no way solicitous to importune his judges, as 
 the custom was with others : on the contrary, he 
 thought it the best time for him to die. And, 
 that he had thus determined with himself, was 
 still the more evident after his condemnation : 
 for when he was ordered to fix his own penal- 
 ty, 1 he refused to do it, neither would he suffer 
 any other to do it for him ; saying, that to fix 
 a penalty implied a confession of guilt. And, 
 afterwards, when his friends would have with- 
 drawn him privately, he would not consent ; 
 but asked them with a smile, If they knew of 
 
 i In all cases where the laws had fixed the penalty, 
 one single verdict was thought sufficient; but where 
 the laws were silent, a second was necessary, to declare 
 the punishment the offender had incurred. Before this 
 second sentence was pronounced, the judges were or- 
 dered to value the crime, as Cicero calls it ; and the of- 
 fender himself was asked, What penalty he thought due 
 to it ? and the merits of the case being afterwards de- 
 bated, the valuation was admitted, or- rejected, as the 
 judges saw reason: but Socrates incensed them so much 
 with the answer he made them, that they proceeded, 
 without any delay, to pass the second, or decretory sen- 
 tence against him, and he was immediately condemned 
 to suffer death.~Po. Jlntiq. 
 
 any place beyond the borders of Attica where 
 death could not approach him 1" 
 
 The trial being ended, Socrates, as it is re- 
 lated, spake to his judges in the following 
 manner : 
 
 It is necessary, O ye judges ! that all they 
 who instructed the witnesses to bear, by per- 
 jury, false testimony against me, as well as all 
 those who too readily obeyed their instructions, 
 should be conscious to themselves of much im- 
 piety and injustice : but that I, in any wise, 
 should be more troubled and cast down than 
 before my condemnation, I see not, since I 
 stand here unconvicted of any of the crimes 
 whereof I was accused ; for no one hath proved 
 against me that I sacrificed to any new deity ; 
 or by oath appealed to, or even made mention 
 of the names of, any other than Jupiter, Juno, 
 and the rest of the deities, which together with 
 these, our city holds sacred : neither have they 
 once shown what were the means I made use 
 of to corrupt the youth, at the very time that I 
 was inuring them to a life of patience and fru- 
 gality. As for those crimes to which our laws 
 have annexed death as the only proper punish- 
 ment, sacrilege, man-stealing, 2 undermining 
 of walls, or betraying of the city, my enemies 
 do not even say that any of these things were 
 ever once practised by me. Wherefore I the 
 rather marvel that ye have now judged me 
 worthy to die. 
 
 " But it is not for me to be troubled on that 
 account : for, if I die unjustly, the shame must 
 be theirs who put me unjustly to death ; since, 
 if injustice is shameful, so likewise every act 
 of it ; but no disgrace can it bring on me, that 
 others have not seen that I was innocent. 
 Palamedes likewise affords me this farther 
 consolation : for being, like me, condemned 
 undeservedly, he furnishes, to this very day, 
 more noble subjects for praise, than the man 
 who had iniquitously caused his destruction. 3 
 
 * It was the practice of many to steal slaves, or free- 
 men's children in order to sell for slaves, which was 
 made capital at Athens. Potter. 
 
 When the Grecian kings were to go to the siege of 
 Troy, Ulysses, to save himself from going, counterfeited 
 madness ; which Palamedes suspecting, ordered they 
 should lay Ulysses's son in the furrow where the 
 father was ploughing with an ox and an ass, and sowing 
 salt. Ulysses immediately stayed the plough to save bis 
 child ; by which being discovered, he was compelled to 
 go to the wars. For this, and for other reasons, Ulyssea 
 hated Palamedes, and artfully contrived his death. See 
 infra, b. iv. 
 
DEFENCE OF SOCRATES. 
 
 515 
 
 And I am persuaded that I also shall have the 
 attestation of the time to come, as well as of 
 that which is past already, that I never wrong- 
 ed any man, or made him more depraved ; 
 but, contrariwise, have steadily endeavoured, 
 throughout life, to benefit those who conversed 
 with me ; teaching them, to the very utmost 
 of my power, and that without reward, what- 
 ever could make them wise and happy." 
 
 Saying this, he departed ; the cheerfulness 
 of his countenance, his gesture, and whole de- 
 portment, bearing testimony to the truth of 
 what he had just declared. And seeing some 
 of those who accompanied him weeping, he 
 asked what it meant. And why they were now 
 afflicted, j " For, knew ye not," said he, " long 
 ago, even by that whereof I was produced, 
 that I was born mortal 1 If, indeed, I had been 
 taken away when the things which are most 
 desirable flowed in upon me abundantly, with 
 good reason it might have been lamented, and 
 by myself, as well as others ; but if I am only 
 to be removed when difficulties of every kind 
 are ready to break in upon me, we ought rather 
 to rejoice, as though my affairs went on the 
 most prosperously." 
 
 Apollodorus Deitg present, one who loved 
 Socrates extremely, though otherwise a weak 
 man, he said to him, " But it grieveth me, 
 my Socrates ! to have you die so unjustly !" 
 Socrates, with much tenderness, laying his 
 hand upon his head, answered, smiling, And 
 what, my much-loved Apollodorus ! wouldst 
 thou rather they had condemned me justly 1" 
 
 It is likewise related, that on seeing Anytus 
 pass by, " There goes a man," said he, " not a 
 little vain-glorious, on supposing he shall have 
 achieved something great and noble, in putting 
 me to death, because I once said, that since 
 he himself had been dignified with some of the 
 chief offices in the city, it was wrong in him to 
 breed up his son to the trade of a tanner.' But 
 he must be a fool," continued Socrates, " who 
 seeth not that he who at all times performs 
 things useful and excellent, is alone the hero. 
 And, truly," added Socrates, " as Homer 
 makes some, who were near the time of their 
 dissolution, look forward into futurity ; I, like- 
 wise, have a mind to speak somewhat oracu- 
 lously. Now it happened I was once, for a 
 short time, with this same son of Anytus ; and 
 plainly perceiving he neither wanted talents 
 
 nor activity, therefore I said, it was not fitting 
 that the young man should continue in such a 
 station : but continuing, as he still doth, desti- 
 tute at the same time of any virtuous instruc- 
 tor, to guide and restrain him within the 
 bounds of duty, he must soon fall a prey to 
 some evil inclination, that will hurry him head- 
 long into vice and ruin." 
 
 And, in thus speaking, Socrates prophesied 
 not untruly ; for the young man delighted so 
 much in wine, that he ceased not drinking, 
 whether night or day ; whereby he became per- 
 fectly useless to his country, to his friends, and 
 even to himself. The memory of Anytus was 
 likewise held in the highest detestation ;' and 
 that not only on the account of his other 
 crimes, but for the scandalous manner in which 
 he had educated his son. 
 
 Now, it cannot be doubted but Socrates, by 
 speaking thus highly of himself, incurred the 
 more envy, and made his judges still the more 
 eager to condemn him ; yet I think, indeed, 
 he only obtained that fate which the gods de- 
 cree to those they most love ; a discharge 
 from life, when life is become a burthen ; and 
 that by a means, of all others, the most easy. 
 Yet here, as well as on every other occasion, 
 Socrates demonstrated the firmness of his soul. 
 For, although he was fully persuaded that to 
 die would be the best for him, yet did he not 
 discover any anxious solicitude, any womanish 
 longings*"for the hour of his dissolution ; but 
 waited its approach with the same steady tran- 
 quillity, and unaffected complacency, with which 
 he afterwards went out of life. And, truly, 
 when I consider the wisdom and greatness of 
 soul, so essential to this man, I find it not more 
 out of my power to forget him, than to remem- 
 ber and not praise him. And if, among those 
 who are most studious to excel in virtue, there 
 be any who hath found a person to converse 
 with, more proper than Socrates for promoting 
 his design, verily, we may well pronounce 
 him the most fortunate of all mankind. 
 
 I The Athenians soo"* *v>came sensible of the mis- 
 chief they had ddne in puiting Socrates to death ; and so 
 hated the authors of it', that they would not suffer any 
 of them to light fire at their hearths ; they would not 
 answer them a question : they would not bathe with 
 them : and if they were seen to touch ever so large a 
 vessel of water they threw it away as impure : till, at 
 last, these men, unable to bear this usage any longer, 
 h'anged themselves. Pla. in Pk<sd. 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 517] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK I. 
 
 I. Xenophon vindicates Socrates from the calumnies of his accusers. Socrates' reverenee to the gods. II. 
 Cleared from the accusation of being a corrupter of youth Prohibited from discoursing wHh young men. 
 III. He strictly follows the custom of his country. IV. His powerful mode of reasoning Discourses with 
 Aristodemus concerning the Deity. V. His manner of exciting his followers to the practise of temperance. 
 VI. His conversation .with Antipho the sophist regarding philosophy. VII. By dissuading his friends from 
 vanity and arrogance, he excited them to the practice of virtue. 
 
 1518] 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 *t 
 
 I. I HAVE often wondered by what arguments^ 
 the accusers of Socrates could persuade the 
 Athenians that he had behaved in such a man- 
 ner towards the republic as to deserve death 
 for the accusation preferred against him was to 
 this effect: 
 
 Socrates is criminal ; inasmuch as he ac- 
 
 kwledgeth not the gods whom the republic. 
 Is sacred, but introduceth other and new 
 deities. He is likewise criminal, because he 
 corrupteth the youth." t 
 
 Now, as to the first of these, that he ac- 
 knowledged not the gods whom the republic 
 held sacred, what proof could they bring of 
 this, since it was manifest .that he often sacri- 
 ficed both at home and on the common altars \ 
 Neither was it in secret that he made use of 
 divination ; it being a thing well known among 
 the people, that Socrates should declare his 
 genius gave him frequent intimations of the 
 future ; whence, principally, as it seems to 
 me, his accusers imputed to him the crime of 
 introducing new deities. But, surely, herein 
 Socrates introduces nothing newer, ,or more 
 strange, 1 than any other, who, placing confi- 
 dence in divinati(Jh, make use of auguries/ and 
 
 The sense of thia passage, together with the notes 
 which here follow upon the several particulars contain- 
 ed in it, were obligingly given me by one not more 
 known for his learning, than esteemed for his candour 
 and benevolence, Mr. Harris of Salisbury. 
 
 * Auguries. In Greek o^va., which originally 
 signifying birds, was, by metaphor, taken to signify 
 that discovery of futurity to which birds were supposed 
 instrumental. 
 
 omens, 3 and symbols, 4 and sacrifices. 5 For 
 these men suppose not that the birds or per- 
 sons they meet unexpectedly, know what is 
 good for them: but that the gods by their 
 means, give certain intimations of the future, 
 to those who apply themselves to divination. 
 
 * Omens. In Greek fc^ai, voices; either declara- 
 tions of the gods, by express words of their own, heard 
 in temples, groves, and other places ; or incidental ex- 
 pressions dropt by human beings, who, without intend- 
 ing it themselves, were supposed to be made channels 
 of divine communications. Thus,when Paulus /Emilius 
 was just returned from the senate, when the conduct 
 of the w,ar with the Macedonian king Perses had been 
 decreed to his care, he found his little daughter Tertia 
 in tears. On his tenderly kissing her, and demanding 
 the cause ; " My dear father," says she, " poor Persia 
 is dead." Persia (according to the Latin idiom for Per 
 ses) was the name of her lap-dog. The father, eagerly 
 embracing her, cries out, " Accipio omen, mea filia." 
 My child, I seize the omen. ^Emilius soon after went, 
 and Perses was conquered. Cic. de Divinat. 1. i. cap. 46. 
 According to this idea of the word omen, the old ety- 
 mologists very properly inform us, that it was originally 
 written " oremen quod fit ex ore, as being a method 
 of divination which proceeds from the mouth. 
 
 * Symbols. In Greek 0^gox, or Su/So\oi, signs, 
 symbols, or external types, by which something else 
 more latent was signified ; on the explanation of which 
 depended the skill of the diviner. Thus, from Cicero, 
 in the same tract above quoted, we learn, that when 
 king Midas was a child, the ants, as he was sleeping, 
 filled his mouth with grains of corn; and that when 
 Plato was sleeping in his cradle, the bees came and 
 seated themselves on his lips. These symbols were 
 explained to foretell the future riches of the first, and 
 the future eloquence of the latter. Cic. de Div. lib. i. 
 cap. 36. 
 
 * Sacrifices. In Greek on'*;. The inspection of 
 the entrails of victims, and the divination thence de- 
 duced, are too well known to need explanation. 
 
 5.19 
 
520 
 
 'MEMOIRS OF SOCRATJES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 And the same also was his opinion, only with 
 this difference, that while the greatest part 
 say they are persuaded, by the flights of birds, 
 or some accidental occurrence, Socrates, on 
 the contrary, so asserted concerning these mat- 
 ters, as he knew them from an internal consci- 
 ousness ; declaring it was his genius from whom 
 he received his information. And, in conse- 
 quence of these significations, (communicated, 
 as he said, by his genius,) Socrates would fre- 
 quently forewarn his friends what might be 
 well for them to do, and what to forebear ; and 
 such as were guided by his advice found their 
 advantage in so doing, while those who ne- 
 glected it had no small cause for repentance. 1 
 
 Now, who is there that will not readily ac- 
 knowledge, that Socrates could have no desire 
 to appear to his friends either as an enthusiast 
 or arrogant boaster 1 which, however, would 
 have been unavoidable, and he openly asserted 
 that notices of the future had been given him 
 by the Deity ; while a failure in the event made 
 the falsehood of the assertion notorious to all. 
 Wherefore it is manifest Socrates foretold 
 nothing but what he firmly believed would, 
 hereafter, be fulfilled : But where could he 
 place this full confidence, exclusive of a deity ; 
 and how could one, who thus confided, be said 
 to acknowledge no gods? 
 
 Farther : although Socrates always advised 
 his followers to perform the necessary affairs 
 of life in the best manner they were able ; yet, 
 with regard to every thing, the event whereof 
 was doubtful, he constantly sent them to con- 
 sult the oracle, whether it ought or ought not 
 to be undertaken. He likewise asserted, that 
 the science of divination was necessary for all 
 such as would govern successfully either cities 
 or private families : for, although he thought 
 every one might choose his own way of life, 
 and afterwards, by his industry, excel therein ; 
 
 1 As an instance of this, it is said, that after the de- 
 feat of the Athenians, at the battle of Delium, he told 
 Alcibiades, and those who were with him, " that he 
 had just received intimations from his genius, that they 
 should not take the same road the greatest part of their 
 broken forces had taken, but turn into some other." By 
 which means those who paid regard to his admonitions 
 escaped : while the rest, being overtaken by a party 
 of the enemy's horse, were either killed on the spot or 
 made prisoners. Neither doth this, or any of the like 
 instances, oppose the opinion of those who say Socra- 
 tes' genius was nothing more than sound judgment or 
 reason, free from all the warpinga and mists of pas- 
 sion ; improved by experience and a careful observation 
 of nature and things. Cornelius Nepos called prudence 
 a kind of divination. 
 
 whether architecture, mechanics, agriculture, 
 superintending the labourer, managing the 
 finances, or practising the art of war ; yet even 
 here, the gods, he would say, thought proper to 
 reserve to themselves, in all these things, the 
 knowledge of that part of them which was of the 
 most importance^^gince he, who_was the most 
 careful to cultivate hisfield, could not know, 
 of a certainty, who should reap the fruit of it. 
 He who built his house the most elegantly, was 
 not sure who should inhabit it. He who was 
 the best skilled in the art of war, could not 
 say, whether it would be for his interest to 
 command the army : neither he who was the 
 most able to direct in the administration, whe^" 
 ther for his to preside over the city. The man 
 who married a fair wife, in hopes of happiness, 
 might procure for himself a source of much 
 sorrow ; and he who formed the most powerful 
 alliances, might come in time, by their means, 
 to be expelled his country. Socrates therefore, 
 esteemed all those as no other than madmen, 
 who, excluding the deity, referred the success 
 of their designs to nothing higher than human 
 prudence. He likewise thought those not 
 mucH better who had recourse to divination on 
 every occasion, as if a man was to consult the 
 oracle whettier he should give the reins of his^ 
 chariot into the hands of one ignorant or well 
 versed in the art of driving ; or place at the 
 helm of his ship a skilful or unskilful pilot. 
 He also thought it a kind of impiety to impor- 
 tune the gods with our inquiries concerning 
 things of which we may gain the knowledge by 
 number, weight, or measure ; it being, as it 
 seemed to him, incumbent on man to make 
 himself acquainted with whatever the gods had 
 placed within his power ; as for such things as 
 were beyond his comprehension, for these he 
 ought always to apply to the oracle ; the gods 
 being ever ready to communicate knowledge to 
 those whose care had been to render them pro- 
 pitious. 
 
 'Socrates was almost continually in men's 
 sight. The first hours of the morning were 
 usually spent in the places set apart for walk- 
 ing, or the public exercises ; and from thence 
 he went to the forum, at the time when the 
 people were accustomed to assemble. The 
 remainder of the day was passed where might 
 be seen the greatest concourse of the Atheni- 
 ans ; and for the most part, he so discoursed, 
 that all who were willing might hear whatso- 
 ever he said : yet no one ever observed Socra- 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 521 
 
 es either speaking or practising any thing im- 
 pious or profane ; neither did he amuse himself, 
 like others, with making curious researches 
 into the works of Nature ; and finding out how 
 this, which sophists call the world, had its be- 
 ginning, or what those powerful springs which 
 influence celestial bodies. On the contrary, 
 he demonstrated the folly of those who busied 
 themselves much in such fruitless disquisitions ; 
 asking, whether they thought they were already 
 sufficiently instructed in human affairs, that 
 they undertook only to meditate on divine 1 
 Or, if passing over the first, and confining their 
 inquiries altogether to the latter, they appeared, 
 even to themselves, to act wisely, and as be- 
 came men. He marvelled they should not 
 perceive, it was not for man to investigate 
 such matters ; for those among them who ar- 
 rogated the most to themselves, because they 
 could with the greatest facility talk on these 
 subjects, never agreed in the same opinion ; but 
 like madmen, some of whom tremble when no 
 danger is near, while others fear no harm at 
 the approach of things hurtful : so these philo- 
 sophers; 'some of them asserting there was no 
 shame in saying or doing any thing before the 
 people ; others sending their disciples into soli- 
 tude, as if nothing innocent could be performed 
 by us in public : some regarding neither tem- 
 ples nor altars, nor reverencing any thing what- 
 soever as divine, while others jhought nothing 
 could be founcTfob^vile for an object of their 
 adoration. Even among those who laboriously 
 employed themselves tn studying the universe, 
 and the nature of all things, some imagined the 
 whole of_being to be simpjy^oije only ; others, 
 that beings are in number infinite : some, that 
 all things are eternally moving v others, that 
 nothing can b*e mjfved at afl : some, that 'all [ 
 things are generated and* destroyed ; others, 
 that there can never be any generation or des- 
 truction of any thing. 1 
 
 i This passage, with the following note upon it, to- 
 gether with note 2, were given to the translator by 
 Mr Harris. 
 
 In this passage Socrates has reference to the specula- 
 tions, partly physical, partly metaphysical, of the philo- 
 sophers who lived before him, and whose writings now 
 are either wholly lost, or only preserved in fragments 
 by Aristotle, Cicero, Simplicius, &c. The names of 
 these ancient sages were Melissus, Parmenides, Anax- 
 agoras, Heraclitus, Democritus, &c. It would be super- 
 fluous in this place to say any thing concerning their 
 opinions, the diversity among them is sufficiently set 
 forth by our author, and it is on this diversity rest! the 
 force of his argument. "^ 
 
 44* 
 
 He would ask, concerning these busy in- 
 quirers into the nature of such things as are 
 only to be produced by a divine power, whether 
 as those artists who have been instructed in 
 some art, believe they are able to practise it at 
 pleasure, so they, having found out the imme- 
 diate cause, believe they shall be able, for their 
 own benefit, or that of others, to produce 
 winds and rain, the vicissitudes of time, or the 
 change of seasons'? ^'P?- if indeed altogether 
 destitute of this hope, they could content 
 themselves with such fruitless knowledge 1 
 
 In this manner would he reason concerning 
 those people who gave themselves up to such 
 useless speculations.^As. for himself, man, and / 
 what relate^ to man, were the only subjects on [/ 
 which he chose to employ himself; To this ' 
 purpose, all his inquiries and conversation 
 turned upon what was pious, what impious ; 
 what honourable, what base ; what just, what 
 unjust ; what wisdom, what folly ; what cour- 
 age, what cowardice ; what a state or political 
 community, what the character of a statesman 
 or politician ; what a government of men,3 
 what the character of one equal to such 
 government. It was on these, and other mat- 
 ters of the same kind, that he used to dissert ; 
 in which subjects, those who were knowing he 
 used to esteem -men of honour and goodness ; 
 and those who were ignorant, to be no better 
 than the basest of slaves. 4 
 
 That the judges of Socrates should err con- 
 cerning him, in points wherein his opinion 
 might not be apparently manifest, I marvel not ; 
 but that such things as had been spoken plainly, 
 and acted openly, should have no weight with 
 them, is indeed wonderful ; for being of the 
 senate, and having taken, as was customary, the 
 senatorial oath, by which he bound himself to 
 act in all things conformable to the laws, 
 and arriving in his turn to be president of 
 the assembly of the people, 5 he boldly refused to 
 
 < He speaks here of the government of men in con- 
 tradistinction to that of brutes, as practised over sheep 
 by shepherds, over cattle by herdsmen, over horses by 
 horsemen. The brutes are all considered as irrational, 
 but man as rational. See this matter finely illustrated 
 by Xenophon, in the beginning of his Cyropsdia. 
 
 s Epictetus confines the study and inquiries of men 
 to yet narrower bounds ; for he says," As the subject- 
 matter of a carpenter, is wood ; of a statuary, bra?s; eo 
 of the art of living, the subject-matter is, each person's 
 own life." But the more enlarged scheme of Socrates 
 seems more amiable, as more just. 
 
 Epistate. 
 
 3Q 
 
522 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK T. 
 
 give his suffrage to the iniquitous sentence which 
 condemned the nine captains, 1 two of whom 
 were Erasmides and Thrasellus, to an unjust 
 death ; being neither intimidated with the me- 
 naces of the great, nor the fury of the people, 
 but steadily preferring the sanctity of an oath 
 to the safety of his person; for he was per 
 suaded the gods watched over the actions and 
 the affairs of men in a way altogether different 
 to what the vulgar imagined ; for while these 
 limited their knowledge to some particulars 
 only, Socrates, on the contrary, extended it to 
 all ; firmly persuaded, that every word, every 
 action,, nay, even our most retired deliberations, 
 were open to their view ; 2 that thejr were every 
 where present, and communicated to mankind 
 all such knowledge as related to the conduct of 
 human life ; where foie, I greatly wonder the 
 Athenians could ever suffer themselves to be 
 persuaded that Socrates retained sentiments 
 injurious to the Deity ! He in whom nothing 
 was ever observed unbecoming that reverence 
 so justly due to the gods ; but, on the contrary, 
 so behaved towards them, both in regard to his 
 words anTTriis actions, thaTwhoever shall here- 
 after demean himself in such a*nTanirgij'must 
 be in fact,"anoT~6~trglTt also to be esteemed, a 
 man of the truest and most exemplary piety. 
 
 II. But it is still matter of more wonder to 
 . me, that any one could be prevailed on to be- 
 lieve that Socrates was a corrupter of youth ! 
 Socrates, the most sober and the most chaste 
 of all mankind ! supporting with equal cheer- 
 fulness the extreme, whether of heat or cold ! 3 
 who shrunk at no hardships, declined no la- 
 
 The crime alleged against these men was, their not 
 having taken care to pay the last rites to the dead after 
 a sea-fight with the Lacedaemonians, though they could 
 plead in excuse for the not doing it, the being pre- 
 vented by a violent storm. Socrates, notwithstanding 
 Theramenes, one of his followers and friends, had pre- 
 ferred the accusation, opposed it strongly; and when 
 called upon to put the judgment in writing, as his 
 office required him, he told them at first he was unac- 
 quainted with the law-terms ; and at last absolutely re- 
 fused to do it. 
 
 2 ' When you have shut your door," saith Epictetus, 
 " and darkened your room, remember never to say you 
 are alone : for God is within, and your genius is 
 within, and what need they of light to see what you 
 are doing ?" Carter's Epic. 
 
 a It was his custom never to drink on his return 
 from his exercises, till after having poured abroad the 
 first bucket of water, though ready to die with thjrst 
 and heat ; and this, as he said, to exercise his patience, 
 and accustom his sensual appetites. the better to obey 
 his reason. 
 
 hour, and knew so perfectly how to moderate 
 his desires, as to make the little he possessed 
 altogether sufficient for him ! Could such a 
 one be an encourager of impiety, injustice, 
 luxury, intemperance, effeminacy 1 But, so 
 far from any such thing, that on the contrary 
 he reclaimed many from these vices, by kind- 
 ling in their minds a love of virtue ; encourag- 
 ing them to think, that by a steadfast perse- 
 verance they might make themselves esteemed 
 by becoming virtuous men : and although he 
 never undertook to be a teacher of others, yet, 
 as he practised the virtues he sought to recom- 
 mend, those who conversed with him were 
 animated with the hopes of becoming one day 
 wise, from the influence of his example. Not 
 that Socrates ever omitted a due concern for 
 his body ; neither did he command those who 
 did : he would even frequently blame the peo- 
 ple whose custom jt was to eat to' excess, and 
 afterwards use immoderate exercise ; saying, 
 that men should only eat tillnature was satis- 
 fied, and tlren apply themselves~to~some mode- 
 rate exercise ; which woulcfnot only keep tne 
 body in health, but set the mind at liberty 
 for the more proper discharge of its peculiar 
 duties. 
 
 In his apparel nothing was either delicate or 
 ostentatious ; and the same might be said with 
 respect to his whole manner of living : yet no 
 man ever became avaricious from having con- 
 versed with Socrates : on the contrary, many 
 were reclaimed from this infamous vice by his 
 
 xample, as they had been already from many 
 others ; while they observed him not only to 
 forbear the taking any reward of those who 
 sought his conversation, but heard him earnestly 
 contend it was necessary to do so, for any one 
 who desired to avoid sl^ery : for such, he 
 would say, as submit to receive a pecuniary 
 return for the instruethm"s--they bestow, are no 
 onger at liberty -4o~gi*e, or withhold them; 
 )ut, like so many slaves, are at the will of 
 ;hose from whom they are content to receive 
 wages : therefore he much admired, that the 
 man who professed himself a teacher of virtue, 
 should debase himself so far ; unless he either 
 understood not, that to gain a virtuous friend 
 was the greatest of all acquisitions ; or at least 
 eared, that such as had been made wise and 
 
 irtuous by his instructions, might yet be 
 wanting in gratitude to their greatest bene- 
 
 r. ^ 
 
 But, far from any such absurdity, Socrates, 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 523 
 
 without setting himself up for an instructor, 
 had full confidence, that all who attended to 
 his discourses, and embraced his doctrines, 
 would never fail in point of friendship, either 
 to him or to each other : How then could a 
 man like this, be a corrupter of youth : unless, 
 haply, the study of virtue should be the way to 
 corrupt the morals, and incline mankind to be- 
 come more dissolute 1 
 
 But, say his accusers, " Socrates makes 
 those who converse with him contemners of 
 the laws ; calling it madness to leave to chance 
 the election of our magistrates ; while no one 
 would be willing to take a pilot, an architect, 
 or even a teacher of music, on the same terms ; 
 though mistakes in such things would be far 
 less fatal than errors in the administration." 
 With these, and the like discourses, he brought 
 (as was said) the youth by degrees to ridicule 
 and contemn the established form of govern- 
 ment ; and made them thereby the more head- 
 strong and audacious. 
 
 Now, it seemeth to me, that whoever applies 
 himself to the study of wisdom, in hopes of 
 becoming one day capable of directing his fel- 
 low-citizens, will not indulge, but rather take 
 pains to subdue whatever he finds in his tem- 
 per of turbulent and impetuous ; knowing that 
 enmity and danger are the attendants on force ; 
 while the path of persuasion is all security and 
 good-will : for they who are compelled hate 
 whoever compels them, supposing they have 
 been injured : whereas we conciliate the affec- 
 tion of those we gain by persuasion ; while 
 they consider it as a kindness to be applied to 
 in such a manner. Therefore it is only for 
 those to employ force who possess strength 
 without judgment ; but the well-advised will 
 have recourse to other means. Besides, he 
 who pretends to carry his point by force, hath 
 need of many associates ; but the man who 
 can persuade, knows that he is of himself suf- 
 ficient for the purpose : neither can such a one 
 be supposed forward to shed blood ; for, who 
 is there would choose to. destroy a fellow-citi- 
 zen, rather than make a friend of him, by mild- 
 ness. and persuasion !,/*/ 
 
 " But," adds his accuser, " Critias and Alci- 
 biades were two of his intimate friends ; and 
 these were not only the most profligate of 
 mankind, but involved their country in the 
 greatest misfortunes ; for, as among the thirty- 
 none was ever found so cruel and rapacious as 
 Critias ; so, during the democracy, none was 
 
 so audacious, so dissolute, or so insolent, as 
 Alcibiades." 
 
 Now I shall not take upon me to exculpate 
 either of these men ; but shall only relate at 
 what time, and, as I think, to what end, they 
 became the followers of Socrates. 
 
 Critias and Alcibiades were, of all the Athe- 
 nians, by nature the most ambitious ; aiming, 
 at what price soever, to set themselves at the 
 head of the commonwealth, and thereby exalt 
 their names beyond that of any other : they 
 saw that Socrates lived well satisfied with his 
 own scanty possessions ; that he could restrain 
 every passion within its proper bounds, and 
 lead the minds of his hearers, by the power of 
 his reasoning, to what purpose he most desired. 
 Understanding this, and being such men as we 
 have already described them, will any one say 
 it was the temperance of Socrates, or his way 
 of life, they were in love with ; and not rather, 
 that by hearing his discourses, and observing 
 his actions, they might the better know how to 
 manage their affairs, and harangue the people "? 
 
 And, truly, T am thoroughly persuaded, that 
 if the gods had given to these men the choice 
 of passing their whole lives after the manner 
 of Socrates, or dying the next moment, the last 
 would have been preferred, as by much the 
 most eligible. And their own behaviour bears 
 sufficient testimony to the truth of this asser- 
 tion ; for, no sooner did they imagine they 
 surpassed in knowledge the rest of their con- 
 temporaries, who, together with themselves, 
 had attended on Socrates, but they left him, 
 to plunge into business and the affairs of the 
 administration ; the only end they could pro- 
 pose in desiring to associate with him. 
 
 But, perhaps, it may be objected, that So- 
 crates ought not to have discoursed with his 
 followers on the affairs of government, till he 
 had first instructed them how to behave with 
 temperance and discretion. Far am I from 
 saying otherwise, and shall only observe, that 
 it is commonly the practice with those who are 
 teachers of others, to perform in the presence 
 of their pupils the things they would recom- 
 mend ; to the end, that while they enforced 
 them on their minds, by the strength of their 
 reasonings, they might set forth, by their ex- 
 ample, the manner in which they are done. 
 
 Now, with respect to either of these methods 
 of instruction, I know not of any who went be- 
 yond Socrates ; his whole life serving as an ex- 
 ample of the most unblemished integrity ; at the 
 
524 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 same time that he ever reasoned with a pecu- 
 liar force and energy, on virtue and those se- 
 veral duties which are becoming us as men. 
 And it is certain, that even Critias and* Alci- 
 biades themselves behaved soberly and wisely 
 all the time they conversed with him ; not that 
 they feared punishment; but as supposing a 
 regular conduct would best serve the end they 
 had in view. 
 
 Nevertheless, I know there are many who 
 value themselves on the account of their philo- 
 sophy ; who allow not that a virtuous man 
 can ever be any other than virtuous, but that 
 he who is once temperate, modest, just, must 
 always remain so ; because the habits of these 
 virtues being deeply imprinted, cannot after- 
 wards be erased out of the minds of men. 
 But I hold not this opinion ; for, as the body 
 from disuse may come in time to be deprived 
 of all its powers, so the mental faculties may 
 lose all their energy, through a neglect of their 
 being exerted duly, and the man no longer able 
 to act, or not act in the manner that best be- 
 qomes him. Therefore fathers, although other- 
 wise well assured of the good disposition of 
 their children, forget not to warn them against 
 the company *of ill men; knowing, that as to 
 converse with the good must exercise and im- 
 prove every virtue, so to associate with the 
 bad must prove no less pernicious and baneful. 
 And to this purpose also the poet : l 
 
 " Although unconscious of the pleasing charm, 
 The mind still bends where friendship points the way ; 
 
 Let virtue then thy partner's bosom warm. 
 Lest vice should lead thy soften'd soul astray." 
 
 And that other : 
 " In the same mind, now good, now bad, prevail." 
 
 And with these do I agree ; for as we may 
 observe people who have learnt verses soon 
 forget them, if not frequently repeated, so will 
 it prove with regard to the precepts of philo- 
 sophy ; they slip out of the memory, and along 
 with them we lose the very ideas which kin- 
 dled and nourished in our souls the love of vir- 
 tue ; which ideas once gone, no wonder if the 
 practice of it ceases soon after. I have ob- 
 served farther, that such men as are hurried 
 
 i Theognis. The character of this poet is, " that he 
 rescued poetry from trifling and useless subjects, to 
 employ it in the service of virtue and goodness." He 
 was born in the 39th Olympiad. 
 
 3^ This elegant translation was given me by a kind 
 friend. 
 
 away with an inordinate love, whether of wine 
 or women, become less capable of attending 
 to what will be for their advantage, or refrain- 
 ing from what is to their harm ; so that it 
 hath often happened, that many, who before 
 were remarkable for their economy, no sooner 
 became slaves to one or other of these passions, 
 but all things went to ruin ; and having squan- 
 dered away their substance, were compelled, 
 through want, to submit to such offices as they 
 themselves had once thought shameful. How 
 then shall we say, that he who is once tempe- 
 rate cannot become intemperate 1 or that he 
 who acts uprightly at one time, cannot at an- 
 other act the very contrary 1 For myself, I 
 am persuaded that no one virtue can subsist 
 that is not diligently and duly exercised, and 
 temperance more especially ; because our sen- 
 sual desires, being seated with our minds in 
 the same body, are continually soliciting us to 
 a compliance with those appetites nature hath 
 implanted, though at the expense of virtue 
 and all things virtuous ; wherefore I can well 
 imagine that even Alcibiades and Critias could 
 restrain their vicious inclinations while they ac- 
 companied with Socrates and had the assistance 
 of his example : but being at a distance from 
 him, Critias retiring into Thessaly, there very 
 soon completed his ruin, by choosing to asso- 
 ciate with libertines rather than with such as 
 were men of sobriety and integrity ; while 
 Alcibiades, seeing himself sought after by 
 women of the highest rank, on account of his 
 beauty ; and at the same time much flattered by 
 many who were then in power, because of the 
 credit he had gained, not only in Athens, but 
 with such as were in alliance with her : in a 
 word perceiving how much he was the fa- 
 vourite of the people, and placed, as it were, 
 above the reach of a competitor, neglected 
 that care of himself which alone could secure 
 him ; like the athletic, who will not be at the 
 trouble to continue his exercises, on seeing no 
 one near able to dispute the prize with him. 
 Therefore, in such an extraordinary concur- 
 rence of circumstances as befell these men, 
 puffed up with the nobility of their birth, 
 elated with their riches, and inflamed with 
 their power, if we consider the companv they 
 fell into, together with their many unhappy 
 opportunities for riot and intemperance, can it 
 seem wonderful, separated as they were from 
 Socrates, and this for so long a time too, if at 
 length they became altogether degenerate, and 
 
MEMOIRS OF S.OCRATES. 
 
 525 
 
 ose to that height of pride and insolence to 
 which we have been witnesses ? 
 
 But the crimes of these men are, it seems, 
 in the opinion of his accuser, to be charged 
 upon Socrates ; yet allows he no praise for 
 keeping them within the bounds of their duty 
 in that part of life which is generally found the 
 most intemperate and untractable ; neverthe- 
 less, on all other occasions, men judge not in 
 this manner. For what teacher of music, or 
 any other art or science, was ever known to 
 incur censure, because the scholar whom he 
 had well instructed, forgot all he had been 
 taught, when placed under the care of some 
 other master] Or what father would con- 
 demn those companions of his son with whom 
 the first years of his life had been spent inno- 
 cently, because afterwards he had been drawn 
 aside into riot and debauchery by associating 
 himself with very different people! Will he 
 not rather bestow the greater praise on the one 
 by how much more he sees his son hath been 
 corrupted by the other? Even parents them- 
 selves are not blamed for the faults of their 
 children, though educated under their own eye, 
 provided they are careful not to set before them 
 any ill example. 
 
 Here then is the test whereby to have tried 
 Socrates : Hath his life been wicked ] let 
 him be considered, and condemned, as a wicked 
 man : but, if otherwise, if he hath steadily and 
 invariably persevered in the paths of virtue, 
 accuse him not of crimes which his soul never 
 knew/' 
 
 " Yet it may be he countenanced those vices 
 in others which in his own person he chose not 
 to commit." 
 
 But far from Socrates were all such com- 
 pliances ! On the contrary, when Critias was 
 insnared with the love of Euthydemus, he 
 earnestly endeavoured to cure him of so base a 
 passion : showing how illiberal, how indecent, 
 how unbecoming the man of honour, to fawn, 
 and cringe, and meanly act the beggar ; before 
 him, too, whom of all others he the most ear- 
 nestly strove to gain the esteem of, and, after 
 all, for a favour which carried along with it the 
 greatest infamy. And when he succeeded not 
 in his private remonstrances, Critias still per- 
 sisting in his unwarrantable designs, Socrates, 
 it is said, reproached him in the presence of 
 many, and even before the beloved Euthyde- 
 mus; resembling him to a swine, the most 
 filthy and disgusting of all animals. For this 
 
 cause Critias hated him ever after ; and 
 when one of the thirty, being advanced, to- 
 gether with Charicles, to preside in the city, 
 he forgot not the affront ; but, in order to re- 
 venge it, made a law, wherein it was forbidden 
 that any should teach philosophy in Athens :* 
 by which he meant, having nothing in particu- 
 lar against Socrates, to involve him in the 
 reproach cast by this step on all the philoso- 
 phers, and thereby render him, in common 
 with the rest, odious to the people ; for I nevei 
 heard Socrates say that he taught philosophy , 
 neither did I know any who ever did hear him , 
 but Critias was stung, and he determined to 
 show it. Now, after the Thirty had put to 
 death many of the citizens, and some of them 
 of the best rank, 2 and had given up the reins 
 to all manner of violence and rapine, Socrates 
 had said somewhere " that it would astonish 
 him much, if he who lost part of the herd 
 every day, while the rest grew poorer and 
 weaker under his management, should deny his 
 being a bad herdsman ; but it would astonish 
 him still more, if he who had the charge of 
 the city, and saw the number of his citizens 
 decrease hourly, while the rest became more 
 dissolute and depraved under his administra- 
 tion, should be shameless enough not to ac 
 knowledge himself an evil ruler." These 
 words, therefore, of Socrates, being told to 
 Critias and Charicles, they sent for him ; and 
 showing him the law, straitly forbade him to 
 discourse any more with the young men. So- 
 crates then asked, " if it was permitted him to 
 propose some questions touching some parts of 
 the said law, which he said he could not tho- 
 roughly understand ;" and being answered it 
 was permitted : " I am always," said he, " most 
 ready to obey the laws ; but, to the end I may 
 not transgress unwittingly, inform me, I pray 
 you, whether you take philosophy, as it stands 
 here condemned by you, to consist in reasoning 
 right, or reasoning wrong ; since, if you in- 
 tend it to imply the first, then must we hence- 
 forth beware how we reason right ; but if the 
 latter is meant, the consequence is plain, then 
 must we endeavour to mend our reasoning." 
 
 This law was again abrogated upon the expulsion of 
 the thirty tyrants. See Potter's Orecian Antiquities, 
 vol. i. chap. 25. 
 
 a It is said, that the number of those put to death by 
 these tyrants was fourteen hundred, and this without 
 the least form of law, besides five thousand, who were 
 driven into banishment. 
 
526 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 At these words Charicles, being much enrag- 
 ed, said to him, Since you are so ignorant, 
 Socrates, and withal so dull of apprehension, 
 we will express ourselves in terms somewhat 
 more easy to be understood ; refrain altogether 
 from talking with the young men." 
 
 "It is well," answered Socrates; "but 
 that nothing of ambiguity may remain in the 
 present case, tell me, I pray you, how long are 
 men called young 1" 
 
 So long," replied Charicles, " as they are 
 refused admittance into the senate, as supposed 
 not yet arrived at maturity of judgment ; or, in 
 other words, till they are thirty." 
 
 But suppose I should want to buy some- 
 thing of a merchant, must I not ask the price 
 of it if the man is under thirty." 
 
 Who says any such thing ?" returned Cha- 
 ricles. But, Socrates," said he, it is so 
 much your custom to ask questions when you 
 are not ignorant of the matter in hand, that I 
 do not wonder at your doing so now. Let us, 
 however, have done for the present with your 
 trifling interrogatories." 
 
 But what if some young man, as he passes 
 along, should ask me in haste, ' Where lives 
 Charicles? where's Critias gone ?' Must I not 
 answer him "?" 
 
 " It is hardly intended to prohibit such 
 things," returned Charicles : when Critias in- 
 terrupting them ; " And I, Socrates, I can in- 
 form thee of something more thou hast to re- 
 frain from : keep henceforth at a proper distance 
 from the carpenters, smiths, and shoemakers ; 
 and let us have no more of your examples from 
 among them. And, besides, I fancy they are 
 sufficiently tired with your bringing them in so 
 often in your long discourses." 
 
 Must I likewise give up the consequences," 
 said Socrates, " deducible from these exam- 
 ples, and concern myself no longer with jus- 
 tice and piety and the rules of right and 
 wrong ?" 
 
 " Thou must, by Jupiter !" replied Chari- 
 cles. And, Socrates," said he, to make all 
 sure, trouble not thyself any more with the 
 herdsmen, for fear thou shouldst occasion the 
 loss of more cattle." 1 
 
 Some understand this as referring to a certain coin 
 in use among the Athenians, whereon was stamped the 
 figure of an ox, as if Charicles had threatened So- 
 rates with a fine ; hut there are others, and seemingly 
 with more reason, who think that Charicles aimed his 
 menace rather at the life than wealth of Socrates, when 
 
 Now, from this it is evident, that what So- 
 crates once said concerning the cattle, being 
 told these men, had greatly inflamed their rage 
 against him. Hence also may be seen how 
 long Critias continued to associate with So- 
 crates, and what the affection they had for each 
 other. I might here likewise add, how seldom 
 it is we make proficiency under people who 
 are not pleasing to us ; and that the conversa- 
 tion of Socrates did not render him so either 
 to Critias or Alcibiades, may well be supposed. 
 Even at the very time they followed him, their 
 chief delight was in conversing with such per- 
 sons as they believed the most skilful in the 
 affairs of state ; their only design being to go- 
 vern the republic. And, agreeably to this, 
 they tell us that Alcibiades, when under the 
 age of twenty, coming to Pericles his tutor, 
 and at that time sole director of the Athenian 
 state, entered into the following conversation 
 with him concerning the laws : 
 
 " My Pericles," said he, " can you explain to 
 me what a law is ? Undoubtedly," return- 
 ed the other. Then, I conjure you by the 
 immortal gods !" said Alcibiades, instruct me 
 in this point : for when I hear men praised for 
 their strict observance of the laws,' it seems 
 to me evident, that he can no way pretend to 
 that praise who is altogether ignorant what a 
 law is." 
 
 " Your request," my Alcibiades, " is not 
 difficult to be complied with : for that is a law, 
 which the people agree upon in their public 
 assemblies, and afterwards cause to be promul- 
 gated in a proper manner ; ordaining what 
 ought or ought not to be done." 
 
 " And what do they ordain ; to do good, or 
 to do evil ]" 
 
 " Not evil, most assuredly, my young 
 man." 
 
 " But what do you call that," said Alci- 
 biades, which in states where the people have 
 no rule, is advised and ordained by the few who 
 may be then in power 7" 
 
 " I call that likewise a law," replied Peri- 
 cles ; " for the laws are nothing but the in- 
 junctions of such men as are in possession of 
 the sovereign authority." 
 
 " But when a tyrant is possessed of this 
 
 he thus turns his own words upon him, and bids him 
 take care " that he himself does not occasion the loss of 
 more cattle." It seems a witticism, too, well suiting 
 such a man. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 527 
 
 sovereign authority, are the things he ordains 
 to be received as laws 1" 
 
 < As laws," returned Pericles. 
 
 " What then is violence and injustice 1" said 
 Alcibiades. " Is it not when the strong com- 
 pel the more weak, not by mildness and per- 
 suasion, but force, to obey them 1" 
 
 I think it is." 
 
 " Will it not then follow, that what a tyrant 
 decrees, and compels the observance of, not 
 only without, but contrary to the will of the 
 people ; is not law, but the very reverse to it 1" 
 
 " I believe it may," answered Pericles ; 
 " for I cannot admit that as a law, which a 
 tyrant enacts, contrary to the will of the 
 people." 
 
 " And when the few impose their decrees 
 on the many, not by persuasion, but force, are 
 we to call this also violence !" 
 
 We are : and truly, I think," said Pericles, 
 " that whatever is decreed and enforced with- 
 out the consent of those who are hereafter to 
 obey, is not law, but violence." 
 
 " Then ought that also, which is decreed by 
 the people, contrary to the will of the nobles, 
 to be deemed violence, rather than law 1" 
 
 No doubt of it," . replied Pericles : " But, 
 my Alcibiades," continued he, " at your age we 
 were somewhat more acute in those subtilties, 
 when we made it our business to consider 
 them, as we now see you." 
 
 To which, it is said, Alcibiades returned 
 answer : " Would to the gods then, my Peri- 
 cles, I might have conversed with you at the 
 time when you best understood these sorts of 
 things !" In consequence, therefore, of this 
 most ambitious disposition, no sooner did 
 these men suppose they had acquired some 
 advantages over the persons then employed in 
 the administration, but they forbore to associ 
 ate any longer with Socrates : for, besides that 
 his company was no way pleasing to them, on 
 other considerations, they could still less brook 
 his frequent remonstrances for the many irre- 
 gularities of their lives : therefore they plunged 
 at once into business, and the affairs of the 
 commonwealth ; the only end for which they 
 had ever been among his followers. 
 
 But Crito, Chserephon, Chserecrates, Sim- 
 mias, Cebes, Phaedo, and many others, were 
 continually with him ; not from the hope of 
 becoming, by his means, better orators, whether 
 at the. bar, or before the people ; but better 
 men : capable of discharging all those duties 
 
 which they owed to themselves, to their coun- 
 try, to their families, their friends, their fellow- 
 citizens. And, so far were these men from 
 practising what was dishonest, that whether in 
 youth or in age, not one of them ever incurred 
 even the suspicion of any crime. 
 
 But, saith his accuser, " Socrates encourag- 
 eth his followers to despise their parents ; in- 
 asmuch as he persuades them that he is able 
 to make them wiser than they ; declaring still 
 farther, that as it is lawful for a son to confine 
 his father in chains when convicted of madness, 
 so ought the ignorant also to be confined by him 
 who is possessed of superior knowledge." 
 
 Now, whatever his accuser might endeavour 
 to insinuate, it is certain Socrates was very far 
 from being of such an opinion. On the con- 
 trary, it was common with him to say ; " that 
 whoever pretended to confine another on the 
 account of his ignorance, might himself be 
 thus treated by those who were still more 
 knowing." And, to this purpose, he would 
 often discourse on the essential difference be- 
 tween madness, and ignorance ; saying, on such 
 occasions, plainly and clearly ; " that it was in- 
 deed necessary, and for the benefit of himself, 
 as well as his friends, that the madman should 
 be enchained ; but that he who was ignorant 
 in any thing useful, should only be instructed, 
 by such persons as were qualified to give him 
 proper instruction." 
 
 His accuser, however, went on to assert, that 
 Socrates not only taught the youth to have a 
 contempt for their parents, but for the rest of 
 their kindred ; since he would frequently de- 
 clare, that when men were sick, or had a law- 
 suit upon their hands, they had not recourse to 
 any of their kindred for relief; but to the 
 lawyer in one case, and the physician in the 
 other. And, with regard to friendship, he 
 would likewise say, " that a useless good-will, 
 unaccompanied with the power of serving, was 
 little to be accounted of; but the man to be 
 esteemed and preferred, should be one who not 
 only knows what is for our advantage, but can 
 so explain it as to make us likewise know it : 
 thereby insinuating, as was pretended, into the 
 minds of the youth, that he himself was the 
 friend to be chosen before any other, as being 
 the best able to direct in the way of wisdom : 
 while the rest of mankind, in comparison with 
 him, were of small estimation. 
 
 Now, that I myself have heard him talk after 
 some such manner, concerning relations, fathers, 
 
528 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 and friends, is most certain. And I remember 
 him saying, "that when the soul, in which 
 thought and reason alone reside, retires from 
 the body, although it may be the body of 
 a father or a friend, we remove it from 
 our sight as speedily as well may be. And 
 whereas no man can be doubted as to the love 
 he beareth to his own body, yet who is there, 
 would he ask, that scruples to take away from 
 it the part that is superfluous ? to cut the hair, 
 or pare ,the nails ; or remove the whole limb, 
 when mortified 1 for which purpose the sur- 
 geon is called in, and the steel and the caustic 
 not only readily submitted to, but the hand 
 which applies them liberally rewarded. The 
 spittle, he would say, men were glad to cast 
 from them, because, remaining in the mouth, 
 it was both useless and offensive. But, not- 
 withstanding all this, Socrates never intended, 
 though he talked in such a manner, that fathers 
 
 /J !were to be buried alive, or that he himself 
 should have a limb taken off; but he intended 
 to let us see, that whatever is useless can be 
 
 xof no estimation ; in order to excite in his 
 hearers a desire to improve, and make them- 
 selves, as far as may be, serviceable to others ; 
 to the end, that if they wished to be regarded 
 by their parents, or respected and honoured by 
 their brethren or kindred, they might urge their 
 claim on the account of merit, and not owe 
 the whole only to consanguinity." " But, 
 says his accuser, " Socrates, the better to con- 
 vey, and at the same time conceal the malig 
 nity of his intentions, hath chosen many pas- 
 sages from our most celebrated poets, whereby 
 to convey his poison to the people, and dispose 
 them the more readily to fraud and oppression ; 
 for having often cited that line of Hesiod's, 
 " Employ thyself in any thing, rather than stand idle," 
 it was pretended he meant to insinuate it as 
 the poet's opinion, " that no employment what- 
 ever could be unjust or dishonourable from 
 whence profit might arise :" whereas, in truth 
 nothing could be farther from the design of 
 Socrates : for, although he constantly main- 
 tained that labour and employment were no 
 only useful, but honourable, and idleness no 
 less reproachful than pernicious to man ; ye 
 he never concluded without saying, " that h< 
 alone could be considered as not idle who was 
 employed in procuring some good to mankind 
 but that the gamester, the debauchee, and every 
 other whose end was only evil, were emphati 
 fally to be called so ; and in this sense, h< 
 
 might, with godd reason, adopt that line of 
 lesiod's, 
 
 Employ thyself in any thing, rather than stand idle." 
 But it was still farther alledged, that Socrates 
 requently introduced these lines of Homer, 
 here speaking of Ulysses, he says, 
 
 " Each prince in name, or chief in arms approved, 
 He fired with praise, or with persuasion moved : 
 ' Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest, 
 By brave examples should confirm the rest :' 
 
 " But if a clamorous vile plebeian rose, 
 Him with reproof he check'd, or tamed with blows : 
 1 Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield ; 
 Unknown alike in council and in field V " Pope. 
 
 These words, it was said, he would explain 
 n such a manner, as if the poet hereby meant 
 ;o recommend roughness, severity, and stripes, 
 as the only proper arguments to be made use 
 of against the vulgar and the indigent. But 
 Socrates was not absurd enough to draw such 
 onclusions ; for how then could he have com- 
 plained, if he himself had been rudely treated 1 
 But he asserted, and might strengthen his 
 assertion with these lines from Homer, " that 
 such as could neither council nor execute, 
 equally unfit, whether for the city or the 
 camp, these, and such as these, and more 
 especially when insolent and unruly, ought to 
 be reduced to reason, without any regard to 
 the extent of their possessions." 
 
 And it is certain nothing more could be in- 
 tended ; for as to himself, Socrates loved the 
 people : his benevolence even extended to all 
 mankind ; insomuch that, although he was 
 sought after by foreigners as well as Athe- 
 nians, he took no reward from any who ap- 
 plied to him, but freely imparted that wisdom 
 he was endued with. Yet so did not others. 
 On the contrary many who were become rich 
 by his liberality, sold at no mean price, but a 
 small part of that which had cost them no- 
 thing : while, uninfluenced by his example, and 
 bearing no resemblance to him in affection to 
 the people, they refused to converse with any 
 who were not able to pay, and that largely, for 
 their instruction. 
 
 And, indeed, by this conduct Socrates hat? 
 rendered the city of Athens renowned through- 
 out all Greece ; so that, if it was said of Ly- 
 chas the Lacedaemonian, " that he was the 
 glory of Sparta," because he entertained, at 
 his own expense, the strangers who resorted 
 thither at one of the feasts made in honour of 
 Apollo, much rather might be said of Socrates, 
 " that he was the glory of Athens," whose 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 529 
 
 <vhole life was one continued largess ; and 
 who, dispensing with a liberal hand his in- 
 estimable treasure, sent no one ever away from 
 him without making him, if willing, a wiser 
 and a happier man. Wherefore, it should 
 seem, that had Socrates been treated by the 
 Athenians according to his merit, public hon- 
 ours would have been decreed him much 
 rather than a shameful death. And, after all, 
 for whontdo the laws appoint this punishment ? 
 Is it not for the thief? for the assaulter on the 
 highway 1 for the underminer of walls, and the 
 committer of sacrilege 1 But where, among 
 mankind, shall we find any one at so great a 
 distance from any of these crimes as Socrates 1 
 Who can ' accuse him of holding intelligence 
 with the common enemy 1 of spreading sedi- 
 tion and treason throughout the city 1 or of 
 having been the cause of any one calamity 
 whatsoever 1 Where is he who, in private 
 life, can say, Socrates hath defrauded me of 
 my possessions, or hath injured me in any 
 kind 1" Nay, when did he incur even the 
 suspicion of any of these things 1 And as to 
 the points whereof he stood accused, could he 
 be a denier of those very gods whom in so 
 eminent a manner he worshipped 1 Could he 
 be a corrupter of youth, whose only employ- 
 ment was to root out of the mind of man every 
 vicious inclination, and plant in their stead a 
 love of that virtue, which is so amiable in it- 
 self, and so becoming us as men, and which 
 alone hath the power to make, whether cities 
 or private families, flourishing and happy 1 
 This being so, who seeth not how much his 
 country stood indebted to Socrates'? and that 
 honours, not ignominy, should have been his 
 reward 1 
 
 III. Now, as I am persuaded the benefit 
 arising to all those who accompanied with Soc- 
 rates was not less owing to the irresistible 
 force of his example than to the excellency of 
 his discourses, I will set down whatever occurs 
 to my memory, whether it relates to his words 
 or his actions. 
 
 And first, with respect to sacred rites and 
 institutions. In these things it was ever his 
 practice to approve himself a strict observer of 
 the answer the Pythian priestess gives to all 
 who inquire the proper manner of sacrificing 
 to the gods, or paying honours 1 to their de- 
 
 * These honours consisted of sacrifices, libations, 
 and various other rites and ceremonies, and were per- 
 45 
 
 ceased ancestors : " Follow,' 5 saith the god, 
 " the custom of your country :" and therefore 
 Socrates, in all those exercises of his devotion 
 and piety, confined himself altogether to what 
 he saw practised by the republic ; and to his 
 friends he constantly advisgd the same thing, 
 saying, it only savoured of vanity and supersti- 
 tion in all those who did otherwise. 
 
 When he prayed, his petition was only this 
 " That the gods would give to him those 
 things that were good." And this he did, for- 
 asmuch as -they alone knew what was good for 
 man. But he who should ask for gold or sil- 
 ver, or increase of dominion, acted not, in his 
 opinion, more wisely than one who should pray 
 for the opportunity to fight, or game, or any 
 thing of the like nature, the consequence 
 whereof being altogether doubtful, might turn, 
 for aught he knew, not a little to his disadvan- 
 tage. When he sacrificed, he feared not his 
 offering would fail of acceptance in that he was 
 poor ; but, giving according to his ability, he 
 doubted not, but, in the sight of the gods, he 
 equalled those men whose gifts and sacrifices 
 overspread the whole altar. And, indeed, he 
 made no scruple to assert, that it would not be 
 agreeable to the nature of the gods to respect 
 the costly offerings of the rich and the great, 
 whilst the poor man's gift was altogether dis- 
 regarded. For by this means it might happen, 
 nor yet unfrequently, that the sacrifice of the 
 wicked would find the most acceptance : which, 
 if so, he thought life itself would not be desi- 
 rable to a reasonable creature. But Socrates 
 always reckoned upon it as a most indubitable 
 truth, that the service paid the Deity by the 
 pure and pious soul, was the most grateful 
 sacrifice ; and therefore it was, he so much 
 approved that precept of the poet, which bids 
 us " offer to the gods according to our power." 
 And not only on these, but on every other oc- 
 casion, he thought he had no better advice to 
 give his friends, than that they should do all 
 things according to their ability." Farther, 
 
 formed on the 9th and 30th days after burial, and re- 
 peated when any of their friends arrived who had 
 been absent from the solemnity ; and upon all other 
 occasions which required their surviving relations t > 
 have the deceased in memory. On these public days 
 it was the custom to call over the names of their dead 
 relations. one by one, excepting such as died underage 
 or had forfeited their title to this honour by dissipating 
 their paternal inheritance, or for some other crime -- 
 Pott. Antiq. 
 
 3R 
 
530 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 whenever he supposed any intimation had 
 been given him by the Deity concerning what 
 ought or ought not to be done, it was no more 
 possible to bring Socrates to act otherwise, 
 than to make him quit the guide, clear sighted 
 and well instruct^ in the road he was to go, 
 in favour of one not only ignorant but blind. 
 And to this purpose he always condemned the 
 extreme folly of those, who, to avoid the ill 
 opinion and reproach of men, acted not accord- 
 ing to the direction of the gods ; looking down 
 with contempt on all the little arts of human 
 prudence, when placed in competition with 
 those divine notices and admonitions which it is 
 oftentimes their pleasure to communicate to man. 
 As to his manner of living, it may be said, 
 that whoever is willing to regulate and disci- 
 pline his body and his mind after the example 
 of Socrates, can hardly fail, no deity opposing, 
 to procure for himself that degree of health and 
 strength as cannot easily be shaken. Neither 
 shall he want large sums for such a purpose. 
 On the contrary, such was his moderation, that 
 I question whether there ever was any man, if 
 able to work at all, but might have earned suf- 
 ficient to have supported Socrates. His tustom 
 was to eat as long as it gave him any pleasure ; 
 and a good appetite was to him what delicious 
 fare is to another : and as he only drank when 
 thirst compelled him, whatever served to allay 
 it could not fail of being grateful. So that it 
 was easy for him, when present at their feasts, 
 to refrain from excess, which other men find so 
 much difficulty in doing. And as to such per- 
 sons as gave proof how very little they could 
 command themselves, to these he would counsel 
 even the not tasting of those delicacies which 
 might allure them to eat when they were not 
 hungry, and drink when they were not dry ; 
 since the fruits (he said) of so doing were not 
 only pains in the head and loss of digestion, 
 but disorder and confusion in the mind of man. 
 And it was frequent with him to say, between 
 jest and earnest, " that he doubted not its be- 
 ing with charms like these that Circe turned 
 the companions of Ulysses into swine ; while 
 the hero himself, being admonished by Mer- 
 cury, and, from his accustomed temperance, 
 refusing to taste the enchanting cup, happily 
 escaped the shameful transformation." 
 
 With regard to love, his counsel always was 
 to keep at a distance from beautiful persons ; 
 saying, it was difficult to approach any such and 
 not be ensnared. As for himself, his great 
 
 continence was known to every one ; and it was 
 more easy for him' to avoid the most beautiful 
 objects, than for others those who were the 
 most disgusting. But although this was the 
 manner in which Socrates lived, yet could he 
 not be persuaded that he enjoyed less of the 
 pleasures of life than the voluptuous man, who 
 employed all his thoughts in the eager pursuit 
 of them ; at the same time that he escaped all 
 that vexation and grief so sure to %tend on 
 those who too freely indulge in sensual gratifi- 
 cations. 
 
 IV. Now, should there be any inclined to 
 believe what some on conjecture have under- 
 taken to advance, both in their conversations 
 and writings, that Socrates could indeed in- 
 flame his hearers with the love of virtue, but 
 could never influence them so far as to bring 
 them to make any great proficiency therein :" 
 let these, I say, consider what his arguments 
 were, not only when his design was to refute 
 such men as pretended to know every thing, 
 but even in his retired and familiar conversa- 
 tion, and then let them judge whether Socrates 
 was not fully qualified for the bringing his 
 followers and his friends to make proficiency in 
 the paths of virtue. 
 
 And, for this purpose, I will now relate the 
 manner in which I once heard him discoursing 
 with Aristodemus, surnamed the Little, con- 
 cerning the Deity. For, observing that he 
 neither prayed nor sacrificed to the gods, nor 
 yet consulted any oracle, but, on the contrary, 
 ridiculed and laughed at those who did, he said 
 to him : 
 
 "Tell me, Aristodemus, is there any man 
 whom you admire on account of his merit 1" 
 
 Aristodemus having answered, "Many." 
 " Name some of them, I pray you." 
 
 "I admire," said Aristodemus, " Homer for 
 his epic poetry, Melanippides for his dithyram- 
 bics, Sophocles for tragedy, Polycletes for stat 
 uary, and Xeuxis for painting." 
 
 " But which seems to you most worthy of 
 admiration, Aristodemus ; the artist who forms 
 images void of motion and intelligence ; or one 
 who hath the skill to produce animals that are 
 endued, not only with activity, but understand- 
 ing?" 
 
 " The latter, there can be no doubt," replied 
 Aristodemus, "provided the production was 
 not the effect of chance, but of wisdom and 
 contrivance." 
 
 " But since there are many things, some of 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 531 
 
 which we can easily see the use of, while we 
 cannot say of others to what purpose they were 
 produced ; which of these, Aristodemus, do you 
 suppose the work of wisdom 7" 
 
 It should seem the most reasonable to affirm 
 it of those, whose fitness and utility is so evi- 
 dently apparent." 
 
 " But it is evidently apparent, that He, who 
 at the beginning made man, endued him with 
 senses because they were good for him ; eyes, 
 wherewith to behold whatever was visible ; and 
 ears, to hear whatever was to be heard. For 
 say, Aristodemus, to what purpose should 
 odours be prepared, if the sense of smelling 
 had been denied 1 Or why the distinctions of 
 bitter and sweet, of savoury and unsavoury, 
 unless a palate had been likewise given, con- 
 veniently placed, to arbitrate between them, 
 and declare the difference 7 Is not that Provi- 
 dence, Aristodemus, in a most eminent manner 
 conspicuous, which, because the eye of man is 
 so delicate in its contexture, hath therefore pre- 
 pared eyelids like doors, whereby to secure it ; 
 which extend of themselves whenever it is 
 needful, and again close when sleep approaches 7 
 Are not these eyelids provided, as it were, with 
 a fence on the edge of them, to keep off the 
 wind and guard the eye 7 Even the eyebrow 
 itself is not without its office, but, as a pent- 
 house, is prepared to turn off the sweat, which 
 falling from the forehead, might enter and annoy 
 that no less tender than astonishing part of us ! 
 Is it not to be admired that the ears should 
 take in sounds of every sort, and yet are not 
 too much filled by them 7 That the fore-teeth 
 of the animal should be formed in such a man- 
 ner as is evidently best suited for the cutting of 
 its food, as those on the side for grinding it in 
 pieces 7 That the mouth, through which this 
 food is conveyed, should be placed so near the 
 nose and the eyes, as to prevent the passing, 
 unnoticed, whatever is unfit for nourishment ; 
 while nature, on the contrary, hath set at a dis- 
 tance, and concealed from the senses, all that 
 might disgust or any way offend them 7 And 
 canst thou still doubt, Aristodemus, whether a 
 disposition of parts like this should be the work 
 of chance, or of wisdom and contrivance 7" 
 
 I have no longer any doubt," replied Aris- 
 todemus : " and, indeed, the more I consider 
 it, the more evident it appears to me, that man 
 must be the masterpiece of some great artificer; 
 carrying along with it infinite marks of the love 
 and favour of Him who hath thus formed it." 
 
 " And what thinkest thou, Aristodemus, of 
 that desire in tKe individual which leads to the 
 continuance of the species 7 Of that tender- 
 ness and affection in the female towards her 
 young, so necessary for its preservation 7 Of 
 that unremitted love of life, and dread of dis- 
 solution, which take such strong possession of 
 us from the moment we begin to be 7" 
 
 "I think of them," answered Aristodemue, 
 " as so many regular operations of the same 
 great and wise Artist, deliberately determining 
 to preserve what he hath once made." 
 
 But, farther, (unless thou desirest to ask 
 me questions), seeing, Aristodemus, thou thy- 
 self art conscious of reason and intelligence, 
 supposest thou there is no intelligence else- 
 where 7 Thou knowest thy body to be a small 
 part of that wide extended earth which thou 
 everywhere beholdest : the moisture contained 
 in it, thou also knowest to be a small portion 
 of that mighty mass of waters whereof seas 
 themselves are but a part, while the rest of the 
 elements contribute, out of their abundance, to 
 thy formation. It is the soul then alone, that 
 intellectual part of us, which is come to thee 
 by some lucky chance, from I know not where. 
 If so be, there is indeed no intelligence else- 
 where : and we must be forced to confess, that 
 this stupendous universe, with all the various 
 bodies contained therein equally amazing, 
 whether we consider their magnitude or num- 
 ber, whatever their use, whatever their order 
 all have been produced, not by intelligence, but 
 chance !" 
 
 It is with difficulty that I can suppose 
 otherwise," returned Aristodemus ; for I be- 
 hold none of those gods, whom you speak of, 
 as making and governing all things ; whereas 
 I see the artists when at their work here among 
 us." 
 
 " Neither yet seest thou thy soul, Aristo- 
 demus, which, however, most assuredly governs 
 thy body : although it may well seem, by thy 
 manner of talking, that it is chance, and not 
 reason, which governs thee." 
 
 I do not despise the gods," said Aristode- 
 mus : on the contrary, I conceive so highly 
 of their excellence, as to suppose they stand in 
 no need either of me or of my services." 
 
 " Thou mistakest the matter, Aristodemus ; 
 the greater magnificence they have shown in 
 their care of thee, so much the more honour 
 and service thou owest them." 
 
 Be assured," said Aristodemus, if I once 
 
532 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 could be persuaded the gods took care of man, 
 I should want no monitor to remind me of my 
 duty." 
 
 And canst thou doubt, Aristodemus, if 
 the gods take care of man? Hath not the 
 glorious privilege of walking upright been alone 
 bestowed on him, whereby he may, with the 
 better advantage, survey what is around him, 
 contemplate with more ease those splendid ob- 
 jects which are above, and avoid the numerous 
 ills and inconveniences which would otherwise 
 befall him 1 Other animals, indeed, they have 
 provided with feet, by which they may re- 
 move from one place to another ; but to man 
 they have also given hands, with which he 
 can form many things for his use, and make 
 himself happier than creatures of any other 
 kind. A tongue hath been bestowed on every 
 other animal; but what animal, except man, 
 hath the power of forming words with it, 
 whereby to explain his thoughts, and make 
 them intelligible to others 1 And to show 
 that the gods have had regard to his very plea- 
 sures, they have not limited them, like those 
 of other animals, to times and seasons, but 
 man is left to indulge in them, whenever not 
 hurtful to him. 
 
 " But it is not with respect to tke body alone 
 that the gods have shown themselves thus 
 bountiful to man ; their most excellent gift is 
 that soul they have infused into him, which so 
 far surpasses what is elsewhere to be found. 
 For by what animal, except man, is even the 
 existence of those gods discovered, who have 
 produced, and still uphold, in such regular or- 
 der, this beautiful and stupendous frame of the 
 universe 1 What other species of creatures' are 
 to be found that can serve, that can adore 
 them 1 What other animal is able, like man, to 
 provide against the assaults of heat and cold, 
 of thirst and hunger 1 That can lay up reme- 
 dies for the time of sickness, and improve the 
 strength nature hath given by a well-propor- 
 tioned exercise 1 That can receive, like him, 
 information and instruction ; or so happily keep 
 in memory what he hath seen, and heard, and 
 learnt ? These things being so, who seeth not 
 that man is, as it were, a god in the midst of 
 this visible creation ; so far doth he surpass, 
 whether in the endowments of soul or body, 
 all animals whatsoever that have been produced 
 therein t For, if the body of the ox had been 
 joined to the mind of man, the acuteness of the 
 latter would have stood him in smalt stead, 
 
 while unable to execute the well-designed 
 plan ; nor would the human form have been of 
 more use to the brute, so long as it remained 
 destitute of understanding ! But in thee, Ar- 
 istodemus, hath been joined to a wonderful 
 soul, a body no less wonderful: and sayest 
 thou, after this, <the gods take no thought for 
 me !' What wouldst thou then more to con- 
 vince thee of their care 1" 
 
 " I would they should send, and inform me," 
 said Aristodemus, what things I ought or 
 ought not to do, in like manner as thou sayest 
 they frequently do to thee." 
 
 And what then, Aristodemus 1 supposes*, 
 thou, that when the gods give out some oracle 
 to all the Athenians, they mean it not for 
 thee 1 If, by their prodigies, they declare aloud 
 to 'all Greece, to all mankind, the things 
 which shall befall them, are they dumb to thee 
 alone ? And art thou the only person whom 
 they have placed beyond their care ? Be- 
 lievest thou they would have wrought into the 
 mind of man a persuasion of their being able 
 to make him happy or miserable, if so be they 
 had no such power 1 or would not even man 
 himself, long ere this, have seen through the 
 gross delusion 1 How is it, Aristodemus, thou 
 rememberest, or remarkest not, that the king- 
 doms and commonwealths most renowned as 
 well for their wisdom as antiquity, are those 
 whose piety and devotion have been the most 
 observable 1 and that even man himself is never 
 so well disposed to serve the Deity, as in that 
 part of life when reason bears the greatest 
 sway, and his judgment supposed in its full 
 strength and maturity. Consider, my Aristo- 
 demus, that the soul which resides in thy body 
 can govern it at pleasure ; why then may not 
 the soul of the universe, which pervades and 
 animates every part of it, govern it in like 
 manner "? If thine eye hath the power to take 
 in many objects, and these placed at no small 
 distance from it, marvel not if the eye of the 
 Deity can, at one glance, comprehend the whole ! 
 And as thou perceivest it not beyond thy 
 ability to extend thy care, at the same time, to 
 the concerns of Athens, Egypt, Sicily ; why 
 thinkest thou, my Aristodemus, that the pro- 
 vidence of God may not easily extend itself 
 throughout the whole universe 1 As, there- 
 fore, among men, we make best trial of the af- 
 fection and gratitude of our neighbour, by 
 showing him kindness : and discover his wis- 
 dom, by consulting him in our distress ; do 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 533 
 
 thou. in like manner, behave towards the gods : 
 and, if thou wouldst experience what their 
 wisdom, and what their love, render thyself de- 
 serving the communication of some of those 
 divine secrets which may not be penetrated by 
 man ; and are imparted to those alone, who con- 
 sult, who adore, who obey the Deity. Then shalt 
 thou, my Aristodemus, understand there is a 
 being whose eye pierceth throughout all nature, 
 and whose ear is open to every sound ; extended 
 to all places ; extending through all time ; and 
 whose bounty and care can know no other 
 bounds than those fixed by his own creation !" 
 
 By this discourse, and others of the like na- 
 ture, Socrates taught his friends that they were 
 not only to forbear whatever was impious, un- 
 just, or unbecoming before men ; but even, 
 when alone, they ought to have a regard to all 
 their actions ; since the gods have their eyes 
 continually upon us ; and none of our designs 
 can be concealed from them. 
 
 V. And now, if temperance be a virtue con- 
 ducing to the honour and happiness of man, 
 let us see in what manner Socrates endeavour- 
 ed to stir up his followers to the practice of it. 
 
 " My fellow citizens ! would he say, when 
 war is declared, arid it becomes necessary for 
 you to make choice of a general, choose ye the 
 man enslaved to wine or women ; luxurious in 
 his diet ; intemperate in his sleep ; incapable 
 of labour ; impatient of fatigue 1 Can ye, from 
 such a one, expect safety to yourselves ; or 
 conquest over your enemies 1 Or, when death 
 draweth nigh, and no thought remaineth but 
 for the welfare of your children, do ye then 
 inquire for the debauchee wherewith to intrust 
 them "? Is it he who must direct in the virtu- 
 ous education of your sons, and guard the 
 chastity of your virgin daughters ; or secure to 
 them the inheritance from the hand of the op- 
 pressor 1 Do ye intrust your flocks or your 
 herds to the conduct of him who is overcharged 
 with drunkenness ? or expect from such a one 
 despatch to your affairs ] Would even the slave 
 be received, though sent as a gift, who came to 
 us branded with so loathsome a vice 1 If, 
 therefore, intemperance appears to us so odious 
 when seen only in the slave, how should we 
 dread the being ourselves degraded by it ! The 
 rapacious and covetous have the pleasure of 
 growing rich, and add to their own substance 
 what they take from others : but the dissolute 
 man injures his neighbour without profit to 
 himself; nay, he injures every one, and himself 
 45* 
 
 most of all, if the ruin of his family, his health, 
 his body, and his mind, may be termed inju- 
 ries. Neither can such a one add to the plea- 
 sures that arise from social conversation : for 
 what pleasure can he give whose only delight 
 is in eating and drinking, and, destitute of 
 shame, prefers the company of the common 
 prostkute to that of his best friend] Hence, 
 therefore, we may see how necessary it is to 
 make temperance our chief study ; since, with- 
 out this as its basis, what other virtue can wo 
 attain ] How can we learn what is profitable, 
 or practise what is praisewbrttiy? Neither car 
 we conceive a state more pitiable, whether in 
 respect to body or mind, than the voluptuary, 
 given up to all the drudgery of intemperance. 
 And, certainly, we should wish no worthy man 
 may be encumbered with a slave of this dispo- 
 sition : or, however, we are sure all slaves who 
 abandon themselves to such irregularities ought 
 to entreat the gods that they may fall into the 
 hands of mild and gentle masters, their only 
 chance to save them from utter ruin." 
 
 Thus would Socrates talk concerning tem- 
 perance; and if the whole tenor of his dis- 
 course showed his regard for this virtue, the 
 whole tenor of his life served more abundantly 
 to confirm it. For he was not only superior 
 to the pleasures of sense, but the desire of 
 gain : it being his full persuasion, that the man 
 who received money bought himself a master ; 
 whose commands, however humbling, could 
 not honestly be rejected. 
 
 VI. It may not be improper, nor yet to the 
 discredit of Socrates, to relate a conversation 
 he had with Antipho the sophist. l Now 
 this man. having a design to draw to himself 
 the followers of Socrates, came to him one 
 day, and, in the presence of many of them, 
 accosted him as follows : 
 
 " I always thought," said he, " that philo- 
 
 t These were a sort of men, who, as Socrates says, 
 pretended to know, and teach everything; geometry, 
 arithmetic, astronomy, natural philosophy, eloquence, 
 politics, <fcc. Their promises, however, always ended 
 in giving some slight superficial notions of these several 
 sciences; and they exercised their disciples chiefly in 
 idle disputations, whereby they might learn to defend 
 whatever they had a mind to affirm. Those who studied 
 under them, were filled with pride, and vain conceit 
 of their own abilities; while the sophist, on his side, 
 regarded nothing but his own gain : and it is said, that 
 one Protagoras, although there were at that time many 
 others of them in Greece, accumulated by this profession 
 ten times the sum that Phidias, the famous statuary, 
 could ever gain by his trade. 
 
534 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 sophy served to make men happier ; but the 
 fruit of your wisdom, Socrates, seems to be the 
 very reverse : for I know not that slave who 
 would tarry with his master a single day, if 
 compelled to live in the manner that you do. 
 You eat and drink the meanest of every thing. 
 Your habit is not only coarser than others, but 
 you make no difference between summer and 
 winter ; and your feet are always naked. You 
 will take no money, though we find no little 
 pleasure in accumulating wealth : and be- 
 sides, when a man hath once made his fortune, 
 he hath nothing more to do than to live nobly, 
 and go on at his ease. Now, if all who attend 
 to your instructions are to follow your example, 
 as is commonly the case of pupils with their 
 masters, may we not well say you only teach 
 men how to be miserable"!" 
 
 To which Socrates : " I perceive, Antipho, 
 you have formed to yourself so woeful a picture 
 of my manner of life, as shows you had much 
 rather die than live as I do : let us therefore 
 examine what it is you are so much afraid of. 
 You think I am to be pitied for not taking 
 money : is it because those who do, are no 
 longer masters of their own time, but must per- 
 form their engagements, however contrary to 
 their inclinations ; while I am at liberty to talk 
 or not talk, as. best suits my humour 1 The 
 manner in which I eat may not be to your 
 mind : Doth my dinner afford less nourish- 
 ment than yours! doth it cost more 1 or is it, 
 do you think, more difficult to procure 1 And 
 though I allow the things they provide for your 
 table may be more delicious than those on mine, 
 consider, Antipho, he who sits down with a 
 good appetite hath no want of rich sauce to 
 give a relish to his food : neither will he wish 
 for the high-flavoured wine, who hath already 
 with delight quenched his thirst with water. 
 As to my habit: You know, Antipho, he 
 who changes his dress, does it on account of 
 the heat or cold ; and puts on shoes only that 
 the ruggedness of the road may not prevent his 
 passing it : but tell me, I desire you, when hath 
 the cold kept me within doors 1 or where did 
 you see me contend for the shade, to avoid the 
 scorching heat of the sun ? or, when was I 
 hindered by the anguish of my feet from going 
 wherever my fancy led me 1 Besides, you 
 cannot but know many, whose constitution be- 
 ing naturally weak, have brought themselves by 
 the force of exercise to bear labour and fatigue 
 
 far better than those of a more robust make, 
 who through indolence and sloth have shame- 
 fully neglected it. Why then should you not 
 suppose that I, who have always accustomed 
 myself to bear with patience whatever might 
 fall to my lot> may do it at present with some- 
 what more ease than you, Antipho, who per- 
 haps, have not so much as once thought of the 
 matter 1 If I am observed to be not over deli- 
 cate in my diet, if I sleep little, nor once taste 
 of those infamous delights which others indulge 
 in, assign no other cause than my being pos- 
 sessed of pleasures in themselves far more eli- 
 gible, which delight not alone for the moment 
 in which they are enjoyed, but gladden with the 
 hope of yielding perpetual satisfaction. Now, 
 you must have remarked, Antipho, that people 
 who doubt their affairs go ill, are never cheer- 
 ful ; while those who think they are in the way 
 to succeed, whether in agriculture, traffic, or 
 whatever it may be, are happy as if they had al- 
 ready succeeded. But suppose you there can 
 arise from any of these a pleasure equal to 
 what the mind experiences while it is con- 
 scious of improving in the paths of virtue, and 
 sees the wise and the good add to the number 
 of its friends 1 Yet these are the purposes to 
 which I think I employ myself; and this, the 
 reward I have for my labour ! Besides, should 
 we suppose our friends or our country wanting 
 assistance, who would be judged the best able 
 to bestow it ; he, Antipho, who lives as I do 1 
 or he who engaged in that course of life which 
 seems to you so very delightful 1 Or, when 
 called on to bear arms, which would you think 
 the most likely to discharge the duty of a good 
 soldier ; he who sits down dissatisfied to his 
 table unless loaded with delicacies, however 
 difficult to be obtained ; or he who is not only 
 content, but rises well pleased from whatever 
 is set before him 1 And if the city is besieg- 
 ed, which will be the first to advise the surren- 
 dering it up to the enemy 1 It should seem 
 your opinion, Antipho, that happiness con- 
 sisted in luxury and profusion ; whereas, in 
 truth, I consider it as a perfection in the gods 
 that they want nothing ; and consequently, he 
 cometh the nearest to the divine nature, who 
 standeth in want of the fewest things : and 
 seeing there is nothing which can transcend 
 the divine nature, who ever approachelh He 
 nearest thereto, approaches the nearest to 10- 
 vereign excellence." 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 535 
 
 At another time, Antipho disputing with 
 him, said, I am willing to acknowledge you a 
 just man, Socrates, but surely not a man of 
 much knowledge ; and of this you seem to be 
 yourself aware, since you refuse to receive any 
 reward for your instructions. Now it is cer- 
 tain you would not give your house, or even 
 your cloak, for nothing ; nay, nor for less than 
 the full worth of them ; yet you will talk, it is 
 well known, for a whole day gratis ; a plain 
 proof how the case stands with you. Now it 
 is for this very reason I commend your honesty, 
 that will not suffer you, through desire of gain, 
 to deceive any ; but then you must give up all 
 pretences to knowledge, since you hereby de- 
 clare you have none worth purchasing." 
 
 To which Socrates : You know, Anti- 
 pho, that among us it is imagined there is no 
 small similarity between beauty and philosophy; 
 for that which is praiseworthy in the one, is so 
 likewise in the other ; and the same sort of 
 vices are apt to blemish both. Now, when we 
 see a woman bartering her beauty for gold, we 
 look upon such a one as no other than a com- 
 mon prostitute ; but she who rewards the pas- 
 sion of some worthy youth with it, gains at 
 the same time our approbation and esteem. 
 It is the very same with philosophy : he who 
 sets it forth for public sale, to be disposed of 
 to the best bidder, is a sophist, a public prosti- 
 tute. But he who becomes the instructor of 
 some well-disposed youth, and makes thereby 
 a friend of him, we say of such a one, he dis- 
 charges as he ought the duty of a good citizen. 
 And besides, Antipho, as there are some who 
 delight in fine horses, others in dogs, and others 
 in other animals, my pleasure is in the com- 
 pany of my friends. If I know any thing 
 whereby they may at all be profited, I commu- 
 nicate it to them, or recommend them to those 
 whom I think better qualified for carrying 
 them on in the paths of virtue. When we are 
 together, we employ ourselves in searching 
 into those treasures of knowledge the ancients 
 have left us: we draw from the same foun- 
 tains ; and running over whatever these sages 
 have left behind them, where we find any thing 
 excellent, we remark it for our use ; and think 
 ourselves not'to have profited a little, when we 
 see mutual love begin to flourish among us." 
 
 Thus did Socrates reply : and truly, when I 
 have heard him talk in this manner, I could 
 not doubt of his being a happy man ; nor yet 
 of his kindling in the minds of his hearers an 
 
 ardent love for that virtue which in him ap 
 peared so amiable. 
 
 Being asked at another time by the same 
 man, Why he, who fancied himself so able 
 to make skilful statesmen of others, did not 
 himself engage in state affairs'!" "And by 
 which of these methods," said Socrates, " sup- 
 posest thou I shall most advantage the com- 
 monwealth ] taking on me some office, which 
 however well executed, would only be the ser- 
 vice of one man ; or, by instructing all I meet, 
 furnish the republic with may good citizens, 
 every one capable of serving it well?" 1 
 
 VII. And now let us examine, whether, by 
 dissuading his friends from vanity and arro- 
 gance, he did not excite them to the practice 
 of virtue. It was his custom to assert " that 
 the only way to true glory, was for a man to be 
 really excellent, not affect to appear so :" and 
 to show this the more plainly, he would often * 
 make use of the following example ; " Let us 
 suppose," said he, " that one altogether igno- 
 rant in music desires to be thought an excellent 
 musician. To this purpose he takes care to 
 imitate whatever is imitable in those who are 
 the greatest proficients in the art. He is un- 
 commonly curious in the choice of his instru- 
 ments ; and a crowd must follow him, to cry 
 him up for a wonder wherever he goes, as they 
 do the most admired masters ; but for all this, 
 he must never venture the public with a speci- 
 men of his skill, lest his ignorance, as well as 
 arrogance, should instantly appear, and ridicule, 
 not fame, prove the reward of his ill-judged 
 expenses. The case," he would say, is the 
 same with the man who endeavours to pass for 
 an able general, or a good pilot, without know- 
 ing any thing of the matter. If his word is 
 not taken, he is displeased ; if it is, what will 
 become of him when called to preside at the 
 helm, or command the army "? what but shame f 
 
 Epictetus talks to the same purpose concerning his 
 cynic philosopher, but in terms somewhat more haugh- 
 ty than the^humble Socrates. " Ask me, if you please, . 
 too, whether a cynic will engage in the administration 
 of the commonwealth? What commonwealth do you 
 inquire after, blockhead, greater than what he admi- 
 nisters? Whether he will harangue among the Athe- 
 nians about revenues and taxes, whose business is to 
 debate with all mankind; with the Athenians, Corin- 
 thians, and Romans equally ; not about taxes and re- 
 venues, or peace and war, but about happiness and 
 misery, prosperity and adversity, slavery and freedom. 
 Do you ask me, whether a man engages in the admi 
 nistration of the commonwealth who administers such 
 a commonwealth as this?" Carter's Epic. 
 
536 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK i. 
 
 to himself, and perhaps ruin to his best friends, 
 can possibly be the result of the vain under- 
 taking 1 Neither will he who foolishly affects 
 the character of valiant, or rich, or strong, be 
 exposed to less danger. By the help of some 
 false appearance he may be called, indeed, to 
 some honourable employment ; but it is an 
 employment exceeding his abilities to perform ; 
 and his mistakes will not be pardoned by those 
 whom he imposed on. For as the man can be 
 deemed no other than a cheat who refuseth to 
 
 return the money or the cloak, which through 
 his fair demeanor, hath been lent him by his 
 neighbour, much rather ought he to be stigma- 
 tized as such, who, destitute of every talent 
 necessary for the purpose, shall dare impose 
 himself on the state, as one well qualified to 
 direct in the administration." 
 
 Thus Socrates endeavoured to make vanity 
 and ostentation the more odious to his fol- 
 lowers, by showing clearly how much folly at- 
 tended the practice of it. 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 [537] 
 
 3 $ 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK II. 
 
 I. The discourses of Socrates tended to make his followers temperate, and patient under fatigue His conver- . 
 sation with Aristippus respecting temperance Allegory of Sensuality and Virtue.-^II. He teaches his son 
 Lamprocles submission to bis mother. III. Reconciles Chaerephon and Chserecrates, two brothers, who were 
 at variance. IV. V. Discourse concerning friendship and the value of friends. VI. Conversation with Cri- 
 tobulus respecting the trying and finding out such friends as are worthy of affection. VII. His plan of re- 
 lieving the embarrassment of Aristarchus. VIII. His advice to Eutherus. IX. His conversation with Crito. 
 which tended to relieve the perplexities of the latter, and to secure a valuable friend. X. Advises Diodorua 
 to seek the friendship of Hermogenes. 
 
 [ 538 ] 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 I. IT is likewise my opinion that Socrates con- 
 tributed not a little by his discourses to make 
 his followers more patient of hunger, and 
 thirst, and labour ; contemn heat and cold ; 
 despise sleep; with every other sensual gra- 
 tification. For hearing that one of them lived 
 too effeminately, he asked him, saying, " Sup- 
 pose now, Aristippus, the education of two 
 young men was submitted to your direction ; 
 the one intended to bear rule in the state, the 
 other to obey ; what method would you take 
 with theml Shall we examine the matter, 
 and begin with their food ?" 
 
 " It will be right to do this, most certainly," 
 replied Aristippus, " since food seems to be 
 the support of life." 
 
 It is probable then," said Socrates, that 
 you will accustom them both to eat and drink 
 at certain stated hours 1" 
 
 Most probably." 
 
 " But which would you teach to relinquish 
 this stated hour of repast when urgent business 
 called him away from it!" 
 
 *< He whom I intend for sovereignty, most 
 assuredly, that the affairs of the commonwealth 
 may not suffer from delay." 
 
 " And the power of enduring thirst patiently, 
 ought not this likewise to be added 1" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 And which of these would you accustom 
 to rise early and go to rest late, or pass, when 
 necessary, whole nights in watching 1 which to 
 subdue even love itself, with every tender in- 
 clination, while fatigue and labour are not 
 shunned, but with cheerfulness submitted to 7" 
 
 The same, no doubt of it." 
 
 " But if there is an art teaching us in what 
 manner we may best subdue our enemies, 
 which of these young men would you endea- 
 vour to make master of it ?" 
 
 " He whom I intended for rule," replied 
 Aristippus ; since, without this art, all the 
 rest will be useless." 
 
 One should suppose then," said Socrates, 
 " that a man thus educated would not so readily 
 fall into the snares that are laid for him, as 
 those animals, whereof some, we know, are 
 destroyed by their gluttony, while they rush 
 forward, however timorous by nature, to seize 
 the bait thrown out to allure them : others, 
 with equal greediness, swallow down the li- 
 quor which has been prepared and set for that 
 very purpose ; and, intoxicated therewith, are 
 easily taken ; while the partridge and quail 
 find their destruction in running too eagerly 
 after the female's call." 
 
 Aristippus assenting to this, Socrates went 
 on : But is it not then most shameful, 
 Aristippus, when men do fall into the same 
 snares with which those foolish animals are 
 taken 1 Yet so doth the adulterer. He meanly 
 submits to be shut up like a prisoner in .the 
 chamber of the man whom he seeketh to in- 
 jure. Neither the rigour of the laws, * nor the 
 fear of a discovery, though sensible how many 
 evils besides that of infamy must attend it, 
 are sufficient to restrain him; but, regardless 
 of the danger, and neglecing those many ra- 
 
 See Potter's Antiq. b. iv. ch. 12. 
 
 539 
 
540 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATJES. 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 tional and creditable amusements which are 
 still within his power, and might serve to di- 
 vert him from so shameful a passion, he rushes 
 headlong to his ruin. And can any other be 
 said of so wretched a being, but that some fury 
 hath possessed him ?" 
 
 So it should seem," said Aristippus. 
 
 " But," con^nued Socrates, " since so many, 
 and those the most important employments of 
 life, as war, husbandry, and others, are of 
 necessity to be carried on in the open fields, 
 from under shelter ; do you not think, Aristip- 
 pus, that mankind are much to blame in ne- 
 glecting to inure themselves to the inclemen- 
 cies of the air, and the changes of the seasons 1 
 Above all, should not he endeavour to bring 
 himself to bear these inconveniences with pa- 
 tience, who expects one day to command 
 others 1" 
 
 I believe he should." 
 
 But if he who has thus brought himself to 
 endure pain and inconvenience, is alone quali- 
 fied for command ; they who have not done 
 this, ought never to pretend to it 1" 
 
 This being granted, Socrates went on : 
 Seeing then you so well perceived, Aristippus, 
 the rank to which each of these properly be- 
 long ; in which would you rather we should 
 place you 1" 
 
 Not with those, Socrates, who are intend- 
 ed to command ; I envy not these : and, in- 
 deed, since men are obliged to take so much 
 pains to provide for their own wants, I see no 
 great wisdom in undertaking to supply the 
 wants of a whole community. For, while he 
 who does this is forced to relinquish many of 
 the things he most ardently desires ; it will be 
 held highly criminal, if, during his administra- 
 tion, any one wish of the capricious multitude 
 remains ungratified : these behaving towards 
 their governors exactly in the manner I do to 
 my slaves. I expect them to prepare what 
 I am to eat and drink, and all other necessaries ; 
 but suffer them to take no part for themselves. 
 The people likewise require that plenty and 
 abundance should flow in upon them from 
 every quarter; but permit not the person, 
 to whose care they owe this, even to taste of 
 those indulgences he hath so amply provided 
 for others. Such, therefore, Socrates, as are 
 fond of employment, and have been educated 
 in the manner you mentioned, may do very 
 well to make governors ; but, as for me, I am 
 tor a life of more ease and tranquillity ?" 
 
 " Let us see then, Aristippus, which of the 
 two leads a life of the greatest tranquillity and 
 ease ; those who govern, or they who obey ? 
 Among the nations that are known to us ; in 
 Asia, the Syrians, Phrygians, and Lydians are 
 subject to the Persians ; in Europe, the Meo- 
 tians to the Scythians; and, in Africa, the 
 Carthaginians lord it over all the rest ; which 
 of these do you take to be in the most eligible 
 situation 1 Or here, in Greece, where you 
 are placed, which seem to you the most 
 happy ; they who are possessed of the sove- 
 reign power, or those who are compelled to 
 submit to it!" 
 
 " I do not desire to be ranked among slaves," 
 returned Aristippus ; " but there is a station 
 equally remote from sovereignty and servitude : 
 this is the true path of liberty ; and in this 
 I would walk as the surest road to happiness." 
 
 " This path," replied Socrates, " which lieth 
 so equally clear, whether of sovereignty or 
 servitude, might perhaps be supposed to have 
 some existence in nature, could we place it be- 
 yond the bounds of human society : But, how, 
 Aristippus, to live among men without govern- 
 ing or being governed'? Do you not see 
 that the strong will always oppress the weak ; 
 and compel them at last, by repeated injuries, 
 both public and private, to fly, as it were, to 
 slavery for refuge ! If they refuse to submit 
 willingly, their lands are ravaged, their trees 
 cut down, their corn ruined : till wearied out 
 at last by oppression of every kind, they are 
 obliged to give up the unequal combat. Also, 
 in private life ; see you not how the bold and 
 strong trample upon such as are weak, or want 
 courage to defend themselves 1" 
 
 " I do see it," said Aristippus : " and to the 
 end it may not fall out so with me, I confine 
 myself to no one commonwealth, but move 
 here and there, and think it best to be a stran- 
 ger every where." 
 
 Truly," said Socrates, this method of 
 providing for your safety hath something pecu- 
 liar in it ; and it should seem, Aristippus, that 
 since the days of Sinnis, Sciro, and Procrustes, * 
 no man hath dared to molest the traveller. 
 What, then ! those who remain continually in 
 their own country have the laws to secure them 
 against violence of every sort; they have their 
 relations, their friends, their dependents, to 
 
 1 Famous robbers, who infested Greece in the times 
 of Theseus, and were slain by him. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 541 
 
 assist them ; their cities are fortified ; they have 
 arms for their defence : and, to strengthen them 
 still more, they make alliance with their neigh- 
 bours : yet^shall not all this secure them from 
 falling sometimes into the snares of bad men : 
 while you, destitute of all those various advan- 
 tages ; exposed continually to the many dangers, 
 in a manner unavoidable to those who pass 
 from one place to another ; nor yet can enter 
 that city whose very meanest inhabitant doth 
 not surpass you in credit : you, who shall then 
 be seen in that situation wherein all the world 
 would wish the man whom they purposed to 
 betray : will they then spare 1 you, Aristippus, 
 because you are a stranger ? or, because the 
 public faith hath been given, that neither at 
 your entrance into, or gojng from the city, you 
 shall meet with any molestation ] But perhaps 
 you think yourself of so little worth, that no 
 one will be found willing to purchase you 1 : 
 and in truth, Aristippus, I know not that man 
 who would wish to have such a slave in his 
 family, as would do nothing, and yet expect to 
 live well. But shall we see how masters gene- 
 rally manage such sort of people 1 If their 
 appetites and passions are very outrageous, 
 fasting is made use of to reduce them to order. 
 If they are inclined to take what does not be- 
 long to them, every thing valuable is kept care- 
 fully out of their way. If escape is meditated, 
 chains shall secure them : and when inclined to 
 be lazy, stripes are called in, to quicken their 
 motions. And you, Aristippus, if you disco- 
 vered such a slave among your domestics, in 
 what manner would you treat him 1" 
 
 " I would certainly leave no sort of severity 
 untried," said Aristippus, " till I had brought 
 him to better manners. But let us return to 
 our first subject, Socrates ; and tell me, if you 
 please, wherein the happiness of sovereignty 
 consists, which you make such account of; if 
 pain and fatigue, and hunger and cold, and ten 
 thousand other inconveniences, not only pave 
 the way to it, but are afterwards the chosen 
 portion of the man who undertakes to command 
 others 1 As to my part, I see no greater dif- 
 ference between the strokes of the whip which 
 we give ourselves, and those laid on by the 
 order of another : for, if my body is to be tor- 
 tured, it matters not the hand by which it is 
 done : except that folly may also be added to 
 
 the account when the pain appears of our own 
 procuring." 
 
 " Is it so then, Aristippus, that you perceive 
 no difference between the things we submit to 
 voluntarily, and those we undergo, compelled 
 to it by some other 1 ? Now, he who through 
 choice abstains from his food may return to his 
 food whenever he pleases ; and he who endures 
 thirst, because he is so minded, may, when 
 minded otherwise, as easily remove it : but the 
 case is not the same when we have constraint 
 to encounter. Besides, he who of his own 
 accord engages in what may be attended with 
 labour, hath the hopes of success to animate 
 him in the way, and the fatigue of the chase 
 never discourages the hunter. 
 
 " But, if the prospect of acquiring what he is 
 in pursuit of, however worthless in itself, is 
 sufficient to make him regard neither thirst nor 
 hunger ; what may not he, whose aim is to 
 procure the friendship of the good, conquer his 
 enemies, gain the command over himself, and 
 wisely govern his own family, benefit his friends, 
 serve his country ? Will such a one shrink at 
 fatigue and pain ] Rather, will he not court 
 them, while they add to the delight arising from 
 his own consciousness, and the united appro- 
 bation of those who best know him 1 And, to 
 show still farther how necessary labour and 
 pain are judged for all who would perform any 
 thing laudable ; it is a maxim of those who in- 
 struct youth, to regard the exercises that are 
 gone through with ease, or give pleasure on 
 their first performance, as of little worth ; 
 whether in forming the body or improving the 
 mind: whereas those which require patience, 
 application, and labour, these are they which 
 prepare the man for illustrious deeds and noble 
 undertakings, as many who were excellent 
 judges have told us; and, among the rest, 
 Hesiod, for he speaks somewhere or other 
 after the following manner : 
 
 " See Vice, preventing even thy wish, appears 
 To lead through down-hill paths and gay parterres 
 Where Pleasure reigns ; while Virtue, decent maid, 
 Retires from view in yon sequester'd shade. 
 Craggy and steep the way to her abodes ; 
 Fatigue and pain, by order of the gods, 
 Stern sentry keep. But, if nor pain, nor toil, 
 Can check the generous ardour of thy soul, 
 Exert thy powers, nor doubt thy labour's meed ; 
 Conquest and joy shall crown the glorious deed."* 
 
 Those who fell into the hands of robbers were com- 
 monly sold by them for slaves. 
 46 
 
 a These lines were translated by the same hand with 
 those of Theognis, in the first book. 
 
542 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [[BOOK ii 
 
 EpicXarmus saith likewise, 
 " Earn thy reward the gods give nought to sloth." 
 And again, 
 
 " Seek not the sweets of life, in life's first bloom ; 
 They ill prepare us for the pain to come !" 
 
 And the wise Prodicus is also of the same 
 pinion ; for to him is the allegory given. Now 
 this writer tells us, to the best of my remem- 
 brance, That Hercules having attained to that 
 stage of life when man being left to the go- 
 vernment of himself, seldom fails to give cer- 
 tain indications whether he will walk in the 
 paths of virtue or wander through all the in- 
 tricacies of vice, perplexed and undetermined 
 what course to pursue, retired into a place 
 where silence and solitude might bestow on 
 him that tranquillity and leisure so necessary 
 for deliberation, when two women, of more 
 than ordinary stature, came on towards him. 
 The countenance of the one, open and amia- 
 ble, and elevated with an air of conscious dig- 
 nity. Her person was adorned with native 
 elegance, her look with modesty, every gesture 
 with decency, and her garments were alto- 
 gether of the purest white. The other was 
 comely, but bloated, as from too high living. 
 Affecting softness and delicacy, every look, 
 every action, was studied and constrained ; 
 while art contributed all its powers to give 
 those charms to her complexion and shape 
 which nature had denied her. Her look was 
 bold, the blush of modesty she was a stranger to, 
 and her dress was contrived, not to conceal, but 
 display those beauties she supposed herself pos- 
 sessed of. She would look round to see- if any 
 observed her ; and not only so, but she would 
 frequently stand still to admire her own sha- 
 dow. Drawing near to the place where the 
 hero sat musing, eager and anxious for the ad- 
 vantage of first accosting him, she hastily ran 
 forward ; while the person who accompanied 
 her moved on with her usual pace, equal and 
 majestic. Joining him, she said, <I know, 
 my Hercules ! you have long been deliberating 
 on the course of life you should pursue ; en- 
 gage with me in friendship, and I will lead you 
 through those paths which are smooth and 
 flowery, where every delight shall court your 
 enjoyment, and pain and sorrow shall not once ' 
 appear. Absolved from all the fatigue of ; 
 business and the hardships of war, your em- | 
 ployment shall be to share in the social plea- ' 
 
 sures of the table, or repose on beds of down 
 no sense shall remain without its gratification , 
 beauty shall delight the eye and melody the ear, 
 and perfumes shall breathe their odours around 
 you. Nor shall your care be once wanted for 
 the procuring of these things : neither be afraid 
 lest time should exhaust your stock of joys, 
 and reduce you to the necessity of purchasing 
 new, either by the labour of body or mind : it 
 is to the toil of others that you alone shall owe 
 them ! Scruple not, therefore, to seize what- 
 ever seemeth most desirable j 1 for this privilege 
 I bestow on all who are my votaries.' 
 
 Hercules, having heard so flattering an in- 
 vitation demanded her name. My friends,' 
 said she, * call me Happiness ; but they who do 
 not love me endeavpur to make me odious, 
 and therefore brand me with the name of Sen- 
 suality.' 2 
 
 " By this time the other person being arriv- 
 ed, thus addressed him in her turn : 
 
 I also, Hercules ! am come to offer you 
 my friendship, for I am no stranger to your 
 high descent ; neither was I wanting to remark 
 the goodness of your disposition in all the ex- 
 ercises of your childhood ; from whence I 
 gather hopes, if you choose to follow where I 
 lead the way, it will not be long ere you have 
 an opportunity of performing many actions 
 glorious to yourself and honourable to me. 
 But I mean not to allure you with specious 
 promises of pleasure, I will plainly set before 
 you things as they really are, and show you in 
 what manner the gods think proper to dispose 
 them. Know therefore, young man, these 
 wise governors of the universe have decreed, 
 that nothing great, nothing excellent, shall be 
 obtained without care and labour. They give 
 no real good, no true happiness, on other terms. 
 If, therefore, you wbuld secure the favour of 
 these gods, adore them. If you would concili- 
 ate to yourself the affection of your friends, be 
 of use to them. If to be honoured and re- 
 spected of the republic be your aim, show your 
 fellow-citizens how effectually you can serve 
 them. But if it is your ambition that all 
 Greece shall esteem you, let all Greece share 
 
 i This is finely imagined, to show how closely injus- 
 tice and oppression are connected with intemperance. 
 
 * It is hoped the having chosen to denominate, thia 
 person by the word sensuality, rather than pleasure, 
 hitherto commonly used, may be allowed, as it seemed 
 that pleasure should always be considered, not as con- 
 trary to, but a sure attendant on virtue. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 543 
 
 the benefits arising from your labours. If you 
 wish for the fruits of the earth, cultivate it. If 
 for the increase of your flocks or your herds, 
 let your flocks and your herds have your at- 
 tendance and your care. And if your design 
 is to advance yourself by arms, if you wish for 
 the power of defending your friends, and sub- 
 duing your enemies, learn the art of war under 
 those who are well acquainted with' it ; and, 
 when learnt, employ it to the best advantage. 
 And if to have a body ready and well able to 
 perform what you wish from it be your desire, 
 subject yours to your reason, and let exer- 
 cise and hard labour give to it strength and 
 agility.' 
 
 " At these words, as Prodicus informs us, the 
 other interrupted her : < You see,' said she, 
 - my Hercules, the long, the laborious road 
 she means to lead you ; but I can conduct you 
 to happiness by a path more short and easy.' 
 
 " < Miserable wretch ! ' replied Virtue, < what 
 happiness canst thou boast of? Thou, who 
 wilt not take the least pains to procure it ! 
 Doth not satiety always anticipate desire ? 
 Wilt thou wait till hunger invites thee to 
 eat, or stay till thou art thirsty before thou 
 drinkest 1 Or, rather, to give some relish to 
 thy repast, must not art be called in to sup- 
 ply the want of appetite? while thy wines, 
 though costly, can yield no delight, but the ice 
 in summer is sought for to cool and make them 
 grateful to thy palate ! Beds of down, or the 
 softest couch, can procure no sleep for thee, 
 whom idleness inclines to seek for repose ; not 
 labour and fatigue, which alone prepare for it. 
 Nor dost thou leave it to nature to direct thee 
 in thy pleasures, but all is art and shameless 
 impurity. The night is polluted with riot and 
 crimes, while the day is given up to sloth and 
 inactivity : and, though immortal, thou art be- 
 come an outcast from the gods, and the con- 
 tempt and scorn of all good men. Thou 
 boastest of happiness, but what happiness canst 
 thou boast of? Where was it that the sweetest 
 of all sounds, the music of just self-praise, 
 ever reached thine ear ? Or when couldst thou 
 view, with complacency and satisfaction, one 
 worthy deed of thy own performing ? Is there 
 any one who will trust thy word, or depend 
 upon thy promise ; or if sound in judgment, 
 be of thy society ? For, among thy followers, 
 which of them, in youth, are riot altogether ef- 
 feminate and infirm of body ? Which of them, 
 in age, not stupid and debilitated in every 
 
 faculty of the mind? While wasting their 
 prime in thoughtless indulgence, they prepare 
 for themselves all that pain and remorse so 
 sure to attend the close of such a life ! Ashamed 
 of the past, afflicted with the present, they 
 weary -themselves in bewailing that folly which 
 lavished on youth all the joys of life, and left 
 nothing to old age but pain and imbecility ! 
 
 " As for me, my dwelling is alone with the 
 gods and good men ; and, without me, nothing 
 great, nothing excellent, can be performed, 
 whether on earth or in the heavens ; so that 
 my praise, my esteem, is with all who know 
 me ! I make the labour of the artist pleasant, 
 and bring to the father of his family security 
 and joy ; while the slave, as his lord, is alike 
 my care. In peace I direct to the most useful 
 councils, in war approve myself a faithful ally ; 
 and I only can tie the bond of indissoluble 
 friendship. Nor do my votaries even fail to 
 find pleasure in their repasts, though small 
 cost is wanted to furnish out their table ; for 
 hunger, not art, prepares it for them ; while 
 their sleep, which follows the labour of the 
 day, is far more sweet than whatever expense 
 can procure for idleness : yet, sweet as it is, 
 they quit it unreluctant when called by their 
 duty, whether to the gods or men. The young 
 enjoy the applause of the aged, the aged are 
 reverenced and respected by the young. Equally 
 delighted with reflecting on the past, or con- 
 templating the present, their attachment to me 
 renders them favoured of the gods, dear to their 
 friends, and honoured by their country. And 
 when the fatal hour has arrived, they sink not, 
 like others, into an inglorious oblivion, but, 
 immortalized by fame, flourish for ever in the 
 grateful remembrance of admiring posterity ! 
 Thus, Hercules ! thou great descendant of 
 a glorious race of heroes ! thus mayest thou 
 attain that supreme felicity wherewith I have 
 been empowered to reward all those who will- 
 ingly yield themselves up to my direction.' " 
 
 See here, my Aristippus," continued So- 
 crates, " see here the advice which, Prodicus 
 tells us, Virtue gave the young hero. He 
 clothes it, as you may suppose, in more exalted 
 language than I have attempted ; but it will be 
 your wisdom if you endeavour to profit from 
 what he hath said, and consider at present what 
 may befall you hereafter." 1 
 
 One would have thought this single conversation 
 alone sufficient to have reclaimed Aristippus ; but the 
 
544 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 II. Socrates, seeing his eldest son Lampro- 
 cles enraged with his mother, spoke to him 
 in the following manner ; " Tell me, my son," 
 said he, did you ever hear of any who are 
 called ungrateful 1" 
 
 Many," replied Lamprocles. 
 
 " Did you consider what gained them this 
 appellation 1 ?" 
 
 " They were called ungrateful, because, hav- 
 ing received favours, they refused to make any 
 return." 
 
 Ingratitude, then, should seem one species 
 of injustice !" 
 
 " Most certainly." 
 
 Have you ever examined thoroughly what 
 this sort of injustice is 1 Or do you think, 
 Lamprocles, because we are only said to be 
 unjust when we treat our friends ill, not so when 
 we injure our enemies ; therefore we are in- 
 deed unjust when we are ungrateful to our 
 friends, but not so when only ungrateful to our 
 enemies'!" 
 
 " I have considered it thoroughly," replied 
 Lamprocles ; " and am convinced, that to be 
 ungrateful, is to be unjust ; whether the object 
 of our ingratitude be friend or foe." 
 
 " If then," continued Socrates, ingratitude 
 is injustice, it will follow, that the greater the 
 benefit of which we are unmindful, the more 
 we are unjust?" 
 
 " Most assuredly." 
 
 But where shall we find the person who 
 hath received from any one, benefits so great 
 or so many, as children from their parents 1 
 To them it is they owe their very existence ; 
 and, in consequence of this, the capacity of 
 beholding all the beauties of nature, together 
 with the privilege of partaking of those various 
 blesslhgs which the gods have so bountifully 
 dispensed to all mankind. Now these are ad- 
 vantages universally held so inestimable, that 
 to be deprived of them exciteth our very strong- 
 est abhorrence ; an abhorrence well under- 
 stood, when the wisdom of the legislator 
 made death to be the punishment of the most 
 
 badness of his disposition, like to that of Critias and 
 Alcibiades, prevailed over the precepts of Socrates, 
 illustrated as they were by the beautiful picture bor- 
 rowed from Prodicus. He became afterwards the 
 founder of a sect of philosophers, whose leading tenet 
 was, " that man was born for pleasure, and that virtue 
 is only so far laudable as it conduces thereto." One 
 of his disciples taught publicly, that there were no 
 gods : a short and easy transition from vice and sensu- 
 ality to atheism. 
 
 atrocious crimes : rightly judging, that the ter 
 ror wherewith every one beheld it, would servo 
 the most powerful to deter from the commis- 
 sion of such offences, as they saw must bring 
 upon them this greatest of all evils. Neither 
 shouldst thou suppose it sensuality alone which 
 induceth mankind to enter into marriage, since 
 not a street but would furnish with other means 
 for its gratification ; but our desire is to find 
 out one wherewith to unite ourselves, from 
 whom we may -reasonably expect a numerous 
 and a healthful progeny. The husband then 
 turneth his thoughts in what manner he may 
 best maintain the wife whom he hath thus 
 chosen, and make ample provision for his chil- 
 dren yet unborn ; while she, on her part, with 
 the utmost danger to herself, bears about with 
 her, for a long time, a most painful burden. 
 To this she imparts life and nourishment, and 
 brings it into the world with inexpressible an- 
 guish : nor doth her task end here ; she is still 
 to supply the food that must afterwards support 
 it. She watches over it with tender affection ; 
 attends it continually with unwearied care, al- 
 though she hath received no benefit from it ; 
 neither doth it yet know to whom it is thus in- 
 debted. She seeks, as it were, to divine its 
 wants : night or day her solicitude and labour 
 know no intermission ; unmindful of what here- 
 after may be the fruit of all her pain. After- 
 ward, when the children are arrived at an age 
 capable to receive instruction, how doth each 
 parent endeavour to instil into their minds the 
 knowledge which may best conduce to their fu- 
 ture well-doing ? And if they hear of any bet- 
 ter qualified than themselves for this important 
 task, to these they send them, without regard 
 to the- expense ; so much do they desire the 
 happiness of their children !" 
 
 Certain it is," replied Lamprocles, al- 
 though my mother had done this, and a thou- 
 sand times more, no man could bear with so 
 much ill humour." 
 
 " Do not you think it easier to bear the anger 
 of a mother, than that of a wild beast 1" 
 
 " No, not of such a mother." 
 
 " But what harm hath she done you 1 Hath 
 she kicked you, or bit you, as wild beasts do 
 when they are angry ?" 
 
 No, but she utters such things as no one 
 can bear from any body." 
 
 " And you, Lamprocles, what have you not 
 made this mother bear, with your continual 
 cries and untoward restlessness ! what fatigue 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 545 
 
 in the day ! what disturbance in the night ! and 
 what pangs when sickness at any time seized 
 you !" 
 
 " But, however, I never did or said any thing 
 to make her ashamed of me." 
 
 "It is well. But why, Lamprocles, should 
 you be more offended with your mother, than 
 people on the stage are with one another 1 
 There is nothing so injurious or reproachful 
 that these do not often say, yet no one becomes 
 outrageous against the man whom he hears 
 threaten and revile him, because he well knows 
 he intends him no real injury : but you, although 
 you as well know that no hurt is designed you, 
 but on the contrary, every kindness, you fly 
 out into rage against your mother ; or, perhaps, 
 you suppose she intended you some harm ?" 
 
 " Not at all," replied Lamprocles ; " I never 
 once suspected any such matter." 
 
 What ! a mother who thus loves you ! who, | 
 when you are sick, spareth no means, no pains j 
 for your recovery : whose care is to supply your i 
 every want ; and whose vows to the gods are 
 so frequent on your behalf! Is she harsh and 
 cruel 1 Surely the man who cannot bear with 
 such a mother, cannot bear with that which is 
 most for his advantage. But tell me," con- 
 tinued Socrates, " doth it seem to you at all 
 necessary to show respect or submission to any 
 one whatsoever 1 Or are you indeed conscious 
 of such a degree of self-sufficiency, as makes it 
 needless to pay any regard, whether to magis- 
 trate or general!" 
 
 " So far from it," said Lamprocles, " I en- 
 deavour all I can to recommend myself to my 
 superiors." 
 
 " Perhaps, too, you would cultivate the good- 
 will of your neighbour, that he may supply you 
 with fire from his hearth, when you want it ; or 
 yield you ready assistance, when any accident 
 befalls you ?" 
 
 I would, most surely." 
 
 And if you were to go a journey, or a 
 voyage with any one, it would not be indifferent 
 to you, whether they loved or hated you 1" 
 
 " No, certainly !" 
 
 Wretch ! to think it right to endeavour to 
 gain the good-will of these people ; and suppose 
 you are to do nothing for a mother, whose love 
 for you so far exceeds that of any other ! Surely 
 you have forgot, that while every other kind of 
 ingratitude is passed over unnoticed by the 
 magistrate, those who refuse to return good 
 offices, in any other case, being only punished 
 46* 
 
 with the contempt of their fellow-citzens ; the 
 man who is wanting in respect to his parents, 
 for this man public punishments are appointed :' 
 the laws yield him no longer their protection ; 
 neither is he permitted any share in the ad- 
 ministration, since they think no sacrifice of- 
 fered by a hand so impious, can be acceptable 
 to the gods, or beneficial to man : and conclude 
 the mind so altogether degenerate, equally in- 
 capable of undertaking any thing great, or exe- 
 cuting any thing justly. For such, too, as 
 neglect to perform the rites of sepulture for | 
 their parents, for these, the same punishments 
 have been allotted by the laws : and particular 
 regard is had to these points, when inquiry is 
 made into the lives and behaviour of those who 
 offer themselves candidates for any public em- 
 ployment. You, therefore, my son! will 
 not delay, if wise, to entreat pardon of the 
 gods; lest they, from whom your ingratitude 
 cannot be hid, should turn away their favour 
 from you : and be you likgwise careful to con- 
 ceal it from the eyes of men, that you find not 
 yourself forsaken by all who know you ; for no 
 one will expect a return to his kindness, how- 
 ever considerable, from him who can show 
 himself unmindful of what he oweth to his 
 parents." 
 
 III. Socrates having observed that Chaere- 
 phon and Charecrates, two brothers, with whom 
 he was acquainted, were at variance, he wished 
 very much to reconcile them to each other. To 
 which end, meeting one of them, he said to 
 him, " What, are you then, Chasrecrates, one 
 of those mercenary kind of people, who prefer 
 riches to a brother, and forget that these being 
 only inanimate things, require much vigilance 
 and care to protect them ; whereas a brother 
 endued with reason and reflection, is able to 
 give assistance and protection to you 1 And, be- 
 sides, brothers are somewhat less plentiful than 
 gold ! It is strange a man should think himself 
 injured because he cannot enjoy his brother's 
 fortune ! Why not equally complain of injury 
 done him by the rest of his fellow-citizens, be- 
 cause the wealth of the whole community doth 
 not centre in him alone 1 But in this case they 
 can argue right, and easily see that a moderate 
 fortune secured by the mutual aid of society, is 
 much better than the riches of a whole city 
 
 Neither was this confined to their immediate pa 
 rents, but equally understood of their grandfathers, 
 grandmothers, and other progenitors. Potter's Antig 
 3T 
 
546 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 attended with the dangers to which solitude 
 would expose them, yet admit not this reason- 
 ing in regard to a brother. If rich, they buy 
 slaves in abundance to serve them : they en- 
 deavour all they can to gain friends to support 
 them ; but make at the same time no account 
 of a brother, as if nearness in blood disqualified 
 for friendship ! But, surely to be born of the 
 same parents, and educated in the same house, 
 ought rather to be considered as so many 
 powerful cements, since even wild beasts them- 
 selves show some inclination to animals they 
 are brought up with. And besides, Cheere- 
 crates, he who hath a brother, is much more 
 regarded than he who hath none ; his enemies 
 too will be less forward to molest him." 
 
 I will not deny," replied Chserecrates, 
 that a brother, when such as he should be, 
 is, as you say, an inestimable treasure, and 
 therefore we ought to bear long with one an- 
 other, so far from quarrelling on every slight 
 occasion ; but when this brother fails in every 
 particular, and is indeed the very reverse of all 
 he ought to be, to keep on terms with such a 
 one, is next to an impossibility." 
 
 "Your brother then, my Chaerecrates, is 
 displeasing to every one 1 Or are there some 
 to whom he can make himself very agreeable 1" 
 
 " Therefore he the more deserves my ha- 
 tred," said Chserecrates, " because wherever 
 he comes he fails not to make himself pleasing 
 to others ; whereas, he seems to aim at nothing 
 but displeasing me." 
 
 " But may not this happen, Chaerecrates, 
 from your not knowing how to converse pro- 
 perly with a brother 1 As the horse, not un- 
 tractable to others, becomes altogether un- 
 manageable to the unskilful rider." 
 
 And why should I, who well know how 
 to return any kindness shown me either in 
 words or actions, be supposed ignorant in what 
 manner to behave properly to a brother 7 No : 
 but when I see a man catch at every oppor- 
 tunity to vex and disoblige me, shall I, after 
 this, show kindness to such a one ! I cannot, 
 Socrates ; nor will I even attempt it !" 
 
 " You surprise me, Chserecrates ! Suppose 
 you had a dog who watched and defended your 
 sheep diligently ; this dog fawns and caresses 
 your shepherds, but snarls at you whenever 
 you come near him. What do you on this 
 occasion 1 Fly out into rage 7 Or endeavour, 
 by kindness, to reconcile him to you 7 You 
 acknowledge a brother, when such as he ought 
 
 to be, an invaluable treasure : you say you are 
 not unacquainted with the arts of conciliating 
 favour and affection, but yet are resolved to 
 employ none of them to gain the love of Chse 
 rephon !" 
 
 " I do not believe, Socrates, I have arts suf- 
 ficient to succeed in such an attempt." 
 
 And yet I should imagine," said Socrates, 
 " no new one necessary : practise only those 
 you are already master of, and you will find 
 them sufficient to regain his affection." 
 
 ;< If you know what these are, of favour in- 
 form me," replied Chaerecrates ; <* for they are 
 unknown to me." 
 
 " Suppose, Chserecrates, you wished some 
 friend to invite you to his feast when he of- 
 fered sacrifice ; what means would you take to 
 induce him thereto." 
 
 " Invite him to one of mine." 
 
 " And if you wanted him, in your absence, 
 to manage your affairs, what then 1" 
 
 I would try what I could to engage his 
 gratitude, by first rendering him the service I 
 wished to receive." 
 
 But, suppose you desired to secure for 
 yourself an hospitable reception in some foreign 
 country, what would you do 7 
 
 When any of that place came to Athens, 
 I would invite them to my house," said Chse- 
 recrates ; and would spare no pains to assist 
 them in despatching the business they came 
 for, that they, when I went thither, might help 
 me in return to expedite mine." 
 
 " Is it so then !" replied Socrates ; " and 
 are you so well skilled in all the arts of con- 
 ciliating favour and affection, yet know no- 
 thing of the matter? But you are afraid, 
 Chserecrates, of making the first advances to 
 your brother, lest it should degrade you in the 
 opinion of those who hear it 7 Yet surely it 
 ought not to be less glorious for a man to anti- 
 cipate his friends in courtesy and kind offices, 
 then get the start of his enemies in injuries 
 and* annoyance ! Had I thought Chaerephon 
 as well disposed as you towards a reconcilia- 
 tion, I should have endeavoured to have pre- 
 vailed on him to make the first advances ; but 
 you seemed to me the better leader in this 
 affair ; and I fancied success the most likely to 
 ensue from it." 
 
 " Nay, now, Socrates," cried out Chserecrates 
 " you certainly speak not with your usual wis 
 dom. What ! would you have me, who am 
 the youngest, make overtures to my brother ; 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 547 
 
 when in all nations it is the undoubted privilege 
 of the first-born to lead the way ?" 
 
 How !" replied Socrates ; is it not the 
 custom every where for the younger to yield 
 precedency to the elder ? Must not he rise at 
 his approach and give to him the seat which is 
 most honourable ; and hold his peace till he 
 hath done speaking ? Delay not therefore, my 
 Chserecrates, to do what I advise : use your 
 endeavour to appease your brother ; nor doubt 
 his readiness to return your love. He is am- 
 bitious of honour ; he hath a nobleness of dis- 
 position : sordid souls, indeed, are only to be 
 moved by mercenary motives ; but the brave 
 and liberal are ever best subdued by courtesy 
 and kindness." 
 
 But suppose, my Socrates, when I have 
 acted as you advise, my brother should behave 
 no better than he has done 1" 
 
 " Should it prove so, Chserecrates, what 
 other harm can arise to you from it, than that 
 of having shown yourself a good man, and a 
 good brother to one whose badness of temper 
 makes him undeserving of your regard ? But I 
 have no apprehension of so unfavourable an 
 issue to this matter : rather, when your brother 
 shall see it your intention to conquer by cour- 
 tesy, he himself will strive to excel in so noble 
 a contest. As it is, nothing can be more de- 
 plorable than your present situation ; it being 
 no other than if these hands, ordained of God 
 for mutual assistance, should so far forget their 
 office, as mutually to impede each other : or 
 these feet, designed by providence for a re- 
 ciprocal help, should entangle each other to the 
 hinderance of both. But surely, it shows no 
 less our ignorance and folly, than works 
 our harm, when we thus turn those things into 
 evil which were r\at created but for our good. 
 And, truly/I regard a brother as one of the 
 best blessings that God hath bestowed on us ; 
 two brothers being more profitable to each 
 other than two eyes or two feet, or any other 
 of those members which have been given to us 
 in pairs, for partners and helps, as it were, to 
 each other by a bountiful Providence. For, 
 whether we consider the hands or feet, they 
 assist not each other unless placed at no great 
 distance : and even our eyes, whose power evi- 
 dently appears of the widest extent, are yet un- 
 able to take in, at one and the same view, the 
 front and the reverse of any one object whatso- 
 ever, though placed ever so near them : but no 
 situation can hinder brothers, who live in 
 
 amity, from rendering one another the most 
 essential services." 
 
 IV. I also remember a discourse that So- 
 crates once held concerning friendship ; which 
 I think could not but greatly benefit his 
 hearers ; since he not only taught us how 
 we might gain friends, but how to behave 
 towards them when gained. On this occa- 
 sion he observed, " that although the gener- 
 ality of mankind agreed in esteeming a firm 
 and virtuous friend an invaluable possession, 
 yet were there very few things about which 
 they gave themselves less trouble. They were 
 diligent, he said, to purchase houses and lands, 
 and slaves, and flocks, and household goods ; 
 and when purchased, would take no little pains 
 to preserve them ; but were no way solicitous 
 either to purchase or preserve a friend, however 
 they might talk of the advantages of having 
 one. Nay, he had seen people, who, if they 
 had a friend and a slave sick at the same time, 
 would send for the physician, and try every means 
 to recover the slave, while the friend was left 
 to take care of himself; and, if both died, it 
 was easy to see how each stood in their esti- 
 mation. Of all their possessions this alone 
 was neglected : they would even suffer it to be 
 lost for want of a little attention. 1 Their es- 
 tates here and there they could with readiness 
 point nut to you : but ask them of their friends, 
 how many and what they are, and you reduce 
 them to some difficulty. The number, though 
 acknowledged small, is more than they can well 
 make out to you ; so little do these people con- 
 cern themselves about the matter. And yet, 
 what possession shall be placed in competition 
 with a friend 1 What slave so affectionate to 
 our persons, or studious of our interest ? What 
 horse able to render us such service ? From 
 whence, or from whom, can we at all times and 
 
 One proof we have of this want of attention, even 
 in Pericles himself; and which possibly Socrates might 
 have in his eye, though out of respect to his memory, 
 he forbore to mention it ; for he suffered Anaxagoras, 
 to whom he stood indebted for so much useful know- 
 ledge both in philosophy and politics, to be reduced to 
 such distress, that, partly from want, and partly from 
 vexation, he determined to starve himself to death ; and 
 having muffled up hie head in his cloak, he threw him- 
 self on the ground to expect its coming. Indeed, Peri- 
 cles no sooner heard of this but he flew to his assistance ; 
 begging him to live, and bewailing his own loss, in case 
 he was deprived of so wise a counsellor. When, open- 
 ing his cloak, the philosopher, in a feeble and low voice, 
 said to him, " Ah, Pericles ! they who need a lamp, do 
 not neglect to supply it with oil !" A gentle reproof; but 
 therefore the more piercing to an ingenuous mind. 
 
548 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 on every occasion receive so many and such 
 essential benefits ? Are we at a loss in our own 
 private affairs, or in those the public have in- 
 trusted to our management? A friend will 
 supply every deficiency. Do we wish for the 
 pleasure of giving assistance to some other 1 A 
 friend will furnish us with the power. Are we 
 threatened with danger? He flies to our as- 
 sistance ; for he not only dedicates his fortune 
 to our service, but his life to our defence. 
 Do we purpose to persuade ? His eloquence 
 is ever ready to second all we say. Are we 
 compelled to contend? His arm is ever found 
 among the foremost to assist us. He doubles 
 the joy which prosperity brings, and makes the 
 load of affliction less heavy. Our hands, our 
 feet, our eyes, can yield us small service in 
 comparison to that we receive from a friend ; 
 for what we are not able to do for ourselves : 
 that which we neither see, nor hear, nor think 
 of, when our own interest is the question, a 
 friend will perceive, and perform for us. And 
 yet, this friend, whilst the plant that promiseth 
 us fruit shall be carefully cultivated, this friend 
 we neglect to nourish and improve; though 
 where else the tree from whence such fruit is 
 to be found !" 
 
 V. I remember likewise another discourse 
 of his, wherein he exhorteth his hearers to look 
 well into themselves, and see in what estima- 
 tion they might reasonably hope their friends 
 should hold them. For, having observed one 
 of his followers desert a friend when op- 
 pressed with penury, he thus questioned An- 
 tisthenes in the presence of the man, together 
 with many others : " Pray, say, Antisthenes, 
 is it allowable to value our friends as we do 
 our slaves : for one of these we perhaps rate at 
 five mina ;! while we think another dear at two ; 
 these again we will give ten for ; and for some, 
 it may be, twenty ; nay, it is said that Nicias, 
 the son of Nicerates, gave no less than a whole 
 talent 2 for one he intended to set over his 
 mines. May we estimate our friends in the 
 same manner?" 
 
 " I think we may," replied Antisthenes ; 
 for, while I know some whose affection I 
 would purchase at no mean price, there are 
 others whom I would scarcely thank for theirs, 
 if I might have it for nothing. And there are, 
 my Socrates, whose favour and friendship I 
 
 The Attic mina, worth three pounds sterling. 
 * The talent, worth sixty mina. 
 
 should be glad to secure, though at the expense 
 of the last farthing." 
 
 " If this be the case," replied Socrates, it 
 behoves us not a little to consider of how much 
 worth we really are to our friends ; at the same 
 time that we use our diligence to raise our 
 value with them as much as we can, that they 
 may not lay us aside like useless lumber. For 
 when I hear this man cry out, < My friend 
 hath deserted me ;' and another complain, 
 that one whom he thought most strongly at- 
 tached to him, had sold his friendship for some 
 trifling advantage,' I am inclined to ask, 
 Whether, as we are glad to get rid of a bad 
 slave at any rate, so we may not wish to do 
 the same by a worthless friend ? since, after all, 
 we seldom hear of the good friend being for- 
 saken, any more than of the good slave wanting 
 a master." 
 
 VI. And here, on the other hand, I will re- 
 late a conversation Socrates once had with 
 Critobulus ; from whence we may learn to try 
 our friends, and find out such 'as are worthy of 
 our affection. 
 
 " Suppose," said he, " Critobulus, we want- 
 ed to choose a worthy friend, what should be 
 our method of proceeding in this matter ? 
 Should we not beware of one much addicted 
 to high living ? to wine or women ? or of a lazy 
 disposition ? since, enslaved to such vices, no 
 man could be of use either to himself, or any 
 other." 
 
 Certaiivly." 
 
 " Suppose vre met with a man whose posses- 
 sions being small, he is yet most lavish in his 
 expenses: who stands daily in need of his 
 friend's purse, as a necessary supply for his own 
 profusion ; with whom, however, all that is lent 
 is lost ; yet, whom to refuse is most deadly to 
 offend : Would not such a one prove rather 
 troublesome, think you ?" 
 
 " No doubt, Socrates." 
 
 " And if there was a person, provident in- 
 deed enough, but withal so covetous, as nevei 
 to be content unless he hath the advantage of 
 you on every occasion ?" 
 
 " I think of him worse than of the other." 
 
 " But what do you say to the man, Critobu- 
 lus, who is so much bent on making a fortune, 
 as to mind nothing but what serves to that 
 end?" 
 
 I say, leave him to himself," returned Cri- 
 tobulus ; since it is sure he will never be of 
 use to any other." 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 549 
 
 " And suppose one of so turbulent a dispo- 
 sition, as to be daily engaging his friends in 
 some quarrel on his account 1" 
 
 " I would keep clear of such a one, most 
 certainly, my Socrates." 
 
 " But what if the man were free from these 
 defects, and had only such a sort of selfishness 
 belonging to him, as made him always ready to 
 receive favours, not at all solicitous about re- 
 turning any 1" 
 
 Why certainly," replied Critobulus, no 
 person would wish to have any thing to say to 
 such a one. But, my Socrates," continued he, 
 " since none of these people will serve our 
 purpose, show me, I desire you, what sort of 
 man he must be whom we should endeavour to 
 make a friend of?" 
 
 " I suppose," said Socrates, " he should be 
 the very reverse of all we have been saying : 
 moderate in his pleasures, a strict observer of 
 his word, fair and open in all his dealings ; and 
 who will not suffer even his friend to surpass 
 him in generosity ; so that all are gainers with 
 whom he hath to do." 
 
 " But how shall we find such a one," said 
 Critobulus ; " or make trial of these virtues 
 and vices, without running some hazard by the 
 experiment ?" 
 
 " When you are inquiring out the best statu- 
 ary, Critobulus, you trust not to the pretences 
 of any, but examine the performances of all ; 
 and conclude that he who hath hitherto excel- 
 led, gives the best grounded assurance of ex- 
 celling for the future." 
 
 " So you would have us infer, Socrates, that 
 he who hath already discharged the duties of a 
 good friend towards those with whom he hath 
 been formerly connected, will not fail to do the 
 same when connected with you?" 
 
 Undoubtedly, my Critobulus : just as I 
 should infer, that the groom who hath taken 
 proper care of your horses, will do the same by 
 mine, whenever I send him any." 
 
 But, my Socrates, when we have found 
 out a man whom we judge proper to make a 
 friend of, what means may we use to engage 
 his affection ?" 
 
 In the first place," returned Socrates, we 
 must consult the gods, whether it be agreeable 
 to their will that we engage in friendship with 
 him." 
 
 " But suppose the gods disapprove not of 
 our choice, what way shall we take to obtain 
 his favour ?" 
 
 " Not hunt him down, Critobulus, as we do 
 hares ; nor catch him by stratagem, as we do 
 birds ; neither are we to seize him by force, as 
 we are wont to serve our enemies ; for it would 
 prove an arduous task to make a man your 
 friend in spite of inclination. To shut him up 
 like a criminal might create aversion, but would 
 never conciliate favour and esteem." 
 
 " But what must we do then?" 
 
 " I have heard," said Socrates, " of certain 
 words that have aH the force in them of the 
 most powerful charms. There are likewise 
 other arts, wherewith such as know them sel- 
 dom fail to allure to themselves whomsoever 
 they please." 
 
 " And where can we learn these words ?" 
 said Critobulus 
 
 You know the song the Syrens used to 
 charm Ulysses ? It begins with, 
 
 " O stay, O pride of Greece, Ulysses stay !" 
 
 POPE'S Odyssey. 
 
 " I do know it, Socrates. But did they not 
 mean to detain others by these charms, as well 
 as Ulysses ?" 
 
 " Not at all, Critobulus ; words like these 
 are only designed to allure noble souls, and 
 lovers of virtue." 
 
 " I begin to understand you," said Critobu- 
 lus ; and perceive the charm which operates 
 so powerfully, is praise : but, in order to make 
 it effectual, we must bestow it with discretion, 
 lest ridicule should seem intended by us, rather 
 than applause. And, indeed, to commend a 
 man for his beauty, his strength, or his stature, 
 who knows himself to be weak, little, and de- 
 formed, would be to incur his resentment, not 
 conciliate his affection ; and make mankind not 
 seek but shun our society. But do you know 
 of no other charms ?" 
 
 No : I have heard, indeed, that Pericles 
 had many, wherewith he charmed the city, and 
 gained the love of all men." 
 
 " By what means did Themistocles procure 
 the affection of his fellow-citizens?" 
 
 " By no incantations, most certainly," re- 
 plied Socrates ; " if you except that of serving 
 the state." 
 
 " You would insinuate then, my Socrates, 
 that, in order to obtain a virtuous friend, we 
 must endeavour first of all to be ourselves vir- 
 tuous ?" 
 
 " Why, can you suppose, Critobulus, that a 
 bad man can gain the affection of a good one?" 
 
 " And yet," said Critobulus, I have seen 
 
550 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK n. 
 
 many a sorry rhetorician live in great harmony 
 with the best orator in Athens : and a general, 
 perfectly well skilled in the art of war, shall 
 admit others to his intimacy, who know no- 
 thing of the matter." 
 
 " But did you ever see a man, Critobulus, 
 who had no one good quality to recommend 
 him ; for that is the question ; did you ever 
 see such a one gain a friend of distinguished 
 abilities V 
 
 " I do not know I ever did. But if it is so 
 clear, Socrates, that those who have much merit, 
 and they who have none, can never unite to- 
 gether in friendship ; are the virtuous equally 
 sure of being beloved by all the virtuous 1" 
 
 " You are led into this inquiry, my Critobu- 
 lus, from observing that the great and the good, 
 although alike enemies to vice, and equally en- 
 gaged in the pursuit of glory, are so far from 
 expressing their mutual good-will, that enmity 
 and opposition sometimes prevail among them ; 
 and are with more difficulty reconciled to each 
 other, than even the most worthless and vile of 
 all mankind. This you see, and are concern- 
 ed at." 
 
 " I am so," replied Critobulus ;" and the 
 more, as I observe this not confined to parti- 
 culars, but communities : those, too, where 
 vice finds its greatest discouragement, and vir- 
 tue its best reward ; even these shall engage in 
 hostilities against each other ! Now when I 
 see this, my Socrates, I almost despair to find 
 a friend ; for where shall I seek one 1 Not 
 among the vicious ; for, how can one who is 
 ungrateful, profuse, avaricious, idle, intempe- 
 rate, faithless, be a friend 1 He may hate, but 
 cannot love. Neither yet is it more possible 
 for the virtuous and the vicious to unite in the 
 bonds of amity ; since, what concord can sub- 
 sist between those who commit crimes, and i 
 them who abhor them 1 And if, after this, we 
 are to add the virtuous ; if ambition can sow 
 enmity among the best of men ; if these, de- 
 sirous all of the highest places, can envy and 
 oppose each other, where can friendship be 
 found ] or where the asylum on earth for 
 fidelity and affection 1" 
 
 My Critobulus," answered Socrates, we 
 shall find it no easy matter to investigate this 
 point. Man is made up of contrarieties. In- 
 clined to friendship from the want he finds in 
 himself of friends, he compassionates the suf- 
 ferer ; he relieves the necessitous ; and finds 
 complacency and satisfaction, whether his turn 
 
 is to receive or confer an obligation. But as 
 one and the same thing may be an object of de- 
 sire to many ; strife, enmity, and ill-will, be- 
 come thereby unavoidable : benevolence is ex- 
 tinguished by avarice and ambition ; and envy 
 fills the heart, which till then was all affection . 
 But friendship can make its way, and surmount 
 every obstacle, to unite the just and good. For 
 virtue will teach these to be contented with 
 their own possessions, how moderate soever: 
 nay, infinitely prefer them to the empire of the 
 world, if not to be had without hatred and con- 
 tention. Assisted by this, they willingly en- 
 dure the extreme of thirst and hunger, rather 
 than injure, or bear hard on any ; nor can love 
 itself, even when the most violent, transport 
 them beyond the rules of decency and good 
 order. They are satisfied with whatever the 
 laws have allotted them : and so far from de- 
 siring to encroach on the rights of others, they 
 are easily inclined to resign many of their own. 
 If disputes arise, they are soon accommodated, 
 to the contentment of each party : anger never 
 rises so high, as to stand in need of repentance ; 
 nor can envy once find admission into the 
 minds of those who live in a mutual communi- 
 cation of their goods ; and plead a kind of right 
 in whatever a friend possesses. Hence, there- 
 fore, we may be very sure, that virtuous men 
 will not oppose, but assist each other in the 
 discharge of the public offices. Those, indeed, 
 who only aim at highest honours, and posts of 
 the greatest power, that they may accumulate 
 wealth, riot in luxury, and oppress the people, 
 are too profligate and unjust to live in concord 
 with any : but he who aspires to an honourable 
 employment, for no other end than to secure 
 himself from oppression, protect his friends, and 
 serve his country ; what should hinder his 
 uniting with those whose intentions are no 
 other ? Would it render him less able to ac- 
 complish these designs 1 Or would not his 
 power become so much the more extensive, 
 from having the wise and good associate in the 
 same cause with him 1 In the public games," 
 continued Socrates, we permit not the skilful 
 and the strong, to unite themselves together, 
 as knowing that in so doing they must bear 
 away the prize in every contention ; but here, 
 in the administration of the public affairs, we 
 have no law to forbid the honest from joining 
 with the honest ; who are generally, too, the 
 most able ; and on that account to be chosen 
 i rather for associates than opponents. Be- 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 551 
 
 sides, since contentions will arise, confederates 
 should be sought for; and the greater number 
 will be necessary, if those who oppose us have 
 courage and ability. For this purpose, and to 
 make those whom we engage the more zealous 
 in serving us, favours and good offices are to be 
 dispensed with a liberal hand : and even pru- 
 dence will direct us to prefer the virtuous, as 
 not being many : besides, evil men are always 
 found insatiable. But however this may be, 
 my Critobulus, take courage ; make yourself, 
 in the first place, a virtuous man, and then 
 ) boldly set yourself to gain the affection of the 
 \ virtuous : and this is a chase wherein I may be 
 ' able to assist you, being myself much inclined 
 to love. Now, whenever I conceive an affec- 
 tion for any, I rest not till it becomes recipro- 
 cal ; but, borne forward towards them by the 
 most ardent inclination, I strive to make my 
 company equally desirable. And much the 
 same management will you find necessary, my 
 Critobulus, whenever you would gain the 
 friendship of any : conceal not, therefore, from 
 me the person whose affection you most desire. 
 For, as I have made it my study to render my- 
 self pleasing to those who are pleasing to me, 
 I believe I am not ignorant of some of the arts 
 best calculated for such a purpose." 
 
 " And I," replied Critobulus, have long 
 been desirous of receiving some instructions 
 herein ; and more especially if they will help 
 me to gain the affection of those who are de- 
 sirable on account of the beauty of their persons 
 as well as the graces of their minds." 
 
 But all compulsion is entirely excluded my 
 scheme," continued Socrates ; and I verily 
 believe," says he, " that the reason why all men 
 fled the wretched Scylla, was, from her em- 
 ' ploying no other means : since we see them 
 easily detained by the Syren's song ; and, for- 
 getful of every thing, yield themselves up to 
 the enchanting harmony." 
 
 " Be assured, Socrates," said Critobulus, " I 
 shall never think of taking any man's affection 
 by storm : of favour, therefore, proceed, I be- 
 seech you, to your instructions." 
 
 " You must promise me, likewise, to keep 
 at a proper distance, and not give way to over- 
 much fondness." 
 
 " I shall make no great difficulty to promise 
 you this, Socrates, provided the people are not 
 very handsome." 
 
 " And those who are so will be in, less 
 
 danger, as far less likely to suffer you than 
 those who are more plain." 
 
 " Well, I will not transgress in this point," 
 said Critobulus ; " only let me know how I 
 may gain a friend." 
 
 " You must permit me then," said Socrates, 
 " to tell him how much you esteem him, and 
 how great your desire to become one of his 
 friends." 
 
 " Most readily, my Socrates ; since I never 
 knew any one displeased with another for think- 
 ing well of him." 
 
 " And that your observation of his virtue 
 hath raised in you great affection of his person ; 
 Would you think I did amiss, and might hurt 
 you in the man's opinion 1" 
 
 " The very reverse, I should imagine ; for I 
 find in myself a more than ordinary affection 
 towards those who express an affection for 
 me." 
 
 I may go then so far in speaking of you to 
 those you love : but will you allow me to pro- 
 ceed, Critobulus, and assure them, that the 
 sweetest pleasure you know is in the conversa- 
 tion of virtuous friends 1 That you are constant 
 in your care of them 1 That you behold their ho- 
 nourable achievements with no less satisfaction 
 and complacency than if you yourself had per- 
 formed them, and rejoice at their prosperity in 
 like manner as at your own 1 That, in the ser- 
 vice of a friend, you can feel no weariness, and 
 esteem it no less honourable to surpass him in 
 generosity than your enemy in arms 1 By this, 
 or something like this, I doubt not to facilitate 
 your way to the forming of many very excel- 
 lent friendships." 
 
 " But why do you ask my leave, Socrates, as 
 if you were not at liberty to say what you 
 please of me 1" 
 
 Not so," returned Socrates ; for I have 
 often heard Aspasia 1 declare, that matchmakers 
 succeed pretty well if they keep to the truth in 
 
 * A person well known on the account of her eloquence 
 and her illustrious pupils; for both Pericles and Socrates 
 attended her lectures. Her conversation was not more 
 brilliant than solid ; uniting the symmetry arising from 
 art, with the vehemence and warmth which flows from 
 nature. She is generally allowed to have composed the 
 famous Funeral Oration which Pericles pronounced 
 w-ith so much applause, in honour of those who feh in 
 the Samian war. She was likewise well versed in 
 many other parts of useful knowledge; particularly 
 politics and natural philosophy. PlutarcVa L& V 
 Pericles. 
 
552 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 ii. 
 
 what they say of each party ; whereas, if false- 
 hood is employed, nothing but vexation can en- 
 sue ; for they who have been deceived hate one 
 another, and those most of all who brought 
 them together. Now, I hold this observation 
 of Aspasia to be right, and not less to concern 
 the point in question : and, therefore, I think 
 I cannot urge any thing in your behalf, Cri- 
 tobulus, which strict truth will not make 
 good." 
 
 " Which is as much as to say," replied Cri- 
 tobulus," that if I have good qualities sufficient 
 to make myself beloved, I may then have your 
 helping hand : but, otherwise, you are not so 
 very much my friend as to be at the trouble to 
 feign any for me." 
 
 " And by which of these methods shall I 
 best serve you, Critobulus 1 Bestowing on you 
 some praise, which, after all, is not your due, 
 or exhorting you to act in such a manner as 
 may give you a just claim to it, and that from 
 all mankind 1 Let us examine the matter, if 
 you are still doubtful. Suppose I should re 
 commend you to the master of a ship, as a 
 skilful pilot, and on this you were admitted to 
 direct at the helm, must not destruction to 
 yourself, as well as the loss of the ship, be the 
 inevitable consequence ? Or suppose I spoke 
 of you everywhere as a great general, or able 
 statesman, and you, on the credit of this false 
 representation, were called to determine causes, 
 preside in the council, or command the army, 
 would not your own ruin be involved in that of 
 your country 1 Nay, were I only to commend 
 you as a good economist to my neighbour, and 
 thereby procure for you the management of his 
 affairs, and the care of his family, would not 
 you expose yourself to much ridicule, at the 
 same time that you were exposing him to ruin 
 But the surest, as the shortest way, to make 
 yourself beloved and honoured, my Critobulus 
 is to be indeed the very man you wish to ap- 
 pear. Set yourself, therefore, diligently to the 
 attaining of every virtue, and you will find, on 
 experience, that no one of them whatsoever 
 but will flourish and gain strength when pro- 
 perly exercised. This is the counsel I have 
 to give you, my Critobulus. But, if you are 
 of a contrary opinion, let me know it, I en 
 treat you." 
 
 " Far from it," replied Critobulus ; and '. 
 should only bring shame upon myself by con 
 tradicting you, since thereby I should contra 
 diet- the sure principles of truth and virtue." 
 
 VII. Socrates had the greatest tenderness 
 or his friends. Had ignorance or imprudence 
 rought them into difficulties, Socrates, by his 
 jood advice, would often set them at ease. 
 Dr, if sinking under poverty, he would pro- 
 cure to them relief, by pressing upon others 
 ,he duty of mutual assistance. 
 
 I will give some instances of his sentiments 
 on such occasions. 
 
 Perceiving on a time a deep melancholy on 
 ;he countenance of one of his friends, You 
 seem oppressed," said he, " Aristarchus ; but- 
 mpart the cause of it to your friends ; they may 
 36 able to relieve you." 
 
 I am indeed," said Aristarchus, " oppressed 
 with no small difficulty : for since our late 
 troubles,many of our men being fled for shelter to 
 the Pirzeus, the women belonging to them have 
 all poured down upon me ; so that I have at pre- 
 sent no less than fourteen sisters, and aunts, and 
 cousins, all to provide for ! Now, you know, 
 my Socrates, we can receive no profit from our 
 lands ; for these our enemies have got into their 
 possession : nor yet from our shops and houses 
 in the city : since Athens hath scarcely an in- 
 habitant left in it. Nobody to be found neither 
 to purchase our wares ; nobody to lend us mo- 
 ney, at what interest soever : so that a man may 
 as well hope to find it in the very streets as to 
 borrow it any where. Now, what am I to_do, my 
 Socrates, in this case 1 It would be cruel not 
 to relieve our relations in their distress ; and 
 yet, in a time of such general desolation, it 
 is impossible for me to provide for so great a 
 number." 
 
 Socrates having patiently heard out his com- 
 plaint, Whence comes it," said he, " that 
 we see Ceramo not only provide for a large 
 family, but even become the richer by their 
 very means ; while you, Aristarchus, are afraid 
 of being starved to death, because some addition 
 hath been lately made to yours V' 
 
 " The reason is plain," replied Aristarchus , 
 " Ceramo's people are all slaves ; whereas those 
 with me are every one of them free." 
 
 " And which, in your opinion, do you rate 
 the highest 1 Ceramo's slaves, or the free people 
 your house is filled with 1" 
 
 " There can be no comparison." 
 
 " But is it not then a shame," said Socrates, 
 " that your people, who so far exceed in worth, 
 should reduce you to beggary, whilst those with 
 Ceramo make him a rich man 1 ? " 
 
 Not at all," replied Aristarchus : the 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 553 
 
 slaves with him have heen brought up to trades ; 
 but those I speak of had a liberal education." 
 /" May we be said to be masters of some 
 ' trade when we understand how to make things 
 which are useful 1" 
 
 No doubt of it." 
 
 " Is flour or bread useful ?" 
 
 " Certainly." 
 
 " And clothes, whether for men or women, 
 are they useful 1" 
 
 " Who doubts it 1" said Aristarchus. 
 
 " But the people with you are altogether ig- 
 norant of these things 1" 
 
 So far from it," replied Aristarchus, that 
 I question not their being able to perform ahy 
 one of them." 
 
 " But of what are you afraid then, my Aris- 
 tarchus. Nausycides with one of these can 
 maintain himself and family ; and not only so, 
 but buy flocks and herds, and accommodate the 
 republic with a round sum on occasion ; Cy- 
 ribes also supports his household in ease and 
 affluence by making bread : Demeas, the Col- 
 lytensian, his, by making cassocks : Menon, 
 his, by making of cloaks : and the Megaren- 
 sians theirs, by making of short jackets." 
 
 "That is true," interrupted Aristarchus, 
 " for the way with these is to buy Barbarians, 
 whom they can compel to labour : But I can 
 do no such thing with the women who live 
 with me ; they are free, they are my relations, 
 Socrates." 
 
 " And so, because they are free, and related 
 to you, they are to do nothing but eat and 
 sleep ! Do you suppose, Aristarchus, that 
 such as live in this manner are more content 
 than others 1 or enjoy more happiness than 
 they, who by their labour earn bread for their 
 families 7 Suppose you that idleness and in- 
 attention can gain any useful knowledge, or 
 preserve in the memory what hath been already 
 gained 1 That they can keep the man in health, 
 add strength to his body, and gold to his stores, 
 or give security to what he hath already in his 
 possession ; and* shall labour and industry stand 
 him in no stead I To what purpose, I pray 
 you, did your relations learn any thing 7 Did 
 they resolve at the time to make no use of 
 their knowledge 1 Or, rather, did they not 
 intend from it some advantage to themselves, 
 or benefit to others 1 Surely we give small 
 proof of our wisdom when we thus decline all 
 employment. For, which is most reasonable 
 procuring to ourselves the things that are 
 47 
 
 useful, by exerting the powers which nature 
 hath bestowed ; or, with arms across, sit list 
 less and musing, considering only the means 
 by which others may provide for us 1 And 
 verily, if I may speak my mind to you freely, 
 I should suppose, Aristarchus, you cannot have 
 any great love for your guests, in your present 
 situation ; nor they for you. You think them 
 a burthen ; and they perceive you think them 
 so : and it will be well if discontent does not 
 increase daily, till all gratitude and affection 
 are compelled to give way. But show them 
 once in what manner they may become useful ; 
 and you will henceforth regard them with com- 
 placency and satisfaction ; while they, perceiv- 
 ing it, will hardly "be wanting in affection to 
 you. They will be able to look back with 
 pleasure, not pain, on all you have done for 
 them : and the sweet familiarity of friendship, 
 together with all the tender charities arising 
 from the sacred ties of consanguinity, will 
 again be restored to your happy society ! Were 
 the employments indeed of that nature as would 
 bring shame along with them, death itself were 
 to be chosen rather than a subsistence so ob- 
 tained : but such as they are skilled in, are, as 
 I suppose, decent and honorable; to be per- 
 formed with pleasure, since they can perform 
 them with so much ease. Delay not then, my 
 Aristarchus, to propose what may be of so 
 much advantage both to them and you ; and 
 doubt not their compliance with what they must 
 perceive to be so very reasonable." 
 
 " O heavens ! " cried Aristarchus ; " what 
 truths have I now heard ! But your advice, 
 my Socrate, shall be regarded as it ought; 
 hitherto I have been afraid to borrow money 
 of my neighbors, as not knowing, when spent, 
 by what means to repay it ; but my scruples 
 are now over : this moment I will buy such 
 materials as may be wanted." 
 
 Nor did he at all cool in his resolutions. 
 Wool, with whatever was necessary for the 
 working of it, were sent in by Aristarchus ; 
 and each one was employed from morning to 
 night. Melancholy gave way to continual 
 cheerfulness ; and mutual confidence took the 
 place of that mutual suspicion, which, till then, 
 had possessed the minds of Aristarchus and his 
 guests. They consider him now as their gen- 
 erous protector; and his love for them in- 
 creased in proportion to their usefulness. 
 
 Some time afterward, Aristarchus coming to 
 see Socrates, related with much pleasure in 
 
554 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK ii. 
 
 what manner they went on : But my guests," 
 said he, " begin now to reproach me, for being, 
 as they say, the only idle person in the whole 
 family." 
 
 Acquaint them," answered Socrates, with 
 the fable of the dog. You must know," con- 
 tinued he, " that in the days of yore, when 
 brutes could talk, several of the sheep coming 
 to their master, < Is it not strange, sir !' say 
 they to him, < that we, who provide you with 
 milk, and wool, and lambs, have nothing at all 
 given us but what we can get off the ground 
 ourselves ; while the dog there, who cannot so 
 much as help you to one of them, is pampered 
 and fed with the very bread you eat of 1 !' 
 Peace !' cries the dog, who overheard their 
 complaint ; < it is not without reason I am 
 taken most care of ; for I secure you from the 
 thief and the wolf ; nor would you, wretches ! 
 dare to eat at all, if I did not stand sentinel, to 
 watch and defend you.' The sheep, saith the 
 fable, on hearing this, withdrew, convinced that 
 the dog had reason on his side : and do you, 
 Aristarchus, convince your guests that it is by 
 your care they are protected from harm ; and 
 enjoy a life of security and pleasure." 
 
 VIII. At another time, Socrates meeting 
 his old friend Eutherus,. whom he had not seen 
 for many years, asked him,. Where he came 
 from 1" 
 
 " From no great distance at present," replied 
 Eutherus. Towards the end of our late de- 
 structive war, I returned, indeed, from a loug 
 journey ; for, being dispossessed of all the estate 
 I had on the frontiers of Attica, and my fa- 
 ther dying, and leaving me nothing here, I was 
 obliged to gain a subsistence by my labour 
 wherever I could : and thought it better to do 
 so, than beg of any one ; and borrow I could 
 not, as I had nothing to mortgage." 
 
 " And how long," said Socrates, do you 
 imagine your labour will supply you with ne- 
 cessaries'?' 
 
 Not long." 
 
 " And yet age increases the number of our 
 wants, at the same time that it lessens our pow- 
 er of providing for them 1" 
 
 It does so." 
 
 " Would it not then be more advisable, my 
 Eutherus, to seek out for some employment, 
 which might enable you to lay up some little 
 tor old age ? What if you were to go to some 
 wealthy citizen, who may want such a person, 
 to assist him in gathering in his fruits ; inspect- 
 
 ing his affairs ; and overlooking his labourers , 
 whereby you might become a mutual benefit 
 to each other 1'* 
 
 " But slavery, my Socrates, is a thing I can 
 ill submit to." 
 
 Yet magistrates, Eutherus, and those who 
 are employed in public affairs, are so far from 
 being considered as slaves on that account, 
 that, on the contrary, they are held in the high- 
 est estimation." 
 
 " It may be so, Socrates, but I never can bear 
 the being found fault with." 
 
 "And yet," saith Socrates, "you will be 
 hard set to do any one thing whose every cir- 
 cumstance is secure from blame. For it is dif- 
 ficult so to act, as to commit no error ; which 
 yet if we could, I know of no security against 
 the censure of ill judges : and truly I should 
 wonder, Eutherus, if what you are at present 
 employed about could be performed in such a 
 manner as to escape all blame. It seems there- 
 fore to me, that all you can do, is only to take 
 care, as far as may be, to keep clear of those 
 people who seem glad to find fault ; and seek 
 out such as are more candid. Which done, 
 pursue with steadiness and alacrity whatever 
 you undertake, but beware how you undertake 
 any thing beyond your power. Thus will your 
 indigence find relief, without the hazard of 
 much blame to you. Certainty shall take the 
 place of a precarious subsistence, and leave you 
 to the full enjoyment of all the peaceful plea- 
 sures of old age !" 
 
 IX. I remember one day Crito complaining 
 how difficult it was at Athens for a man who 
 loved quiet to enjoy his fortune in security : 
 "For," said he, "I have now several lawsuits 
 on my hands, for no other reason, that I can 
 guess at, but because they know I would rather 
 pay my money than involve myself in business 
 and perplexity." 
 
 Socrates asked, " If he kept never a dog, to 
 defend his sheep from the wolves?" 
 
 " I keep several," said Crito, " as you may 
 imagine ; and they are of no small use to me." 
 
 " Why then," said Socrajes, " do you not 
 engage some person in your service, whose vi- 
 gilance and care might prevent others from 
 molesting you ?" 
 
 " So I would, my Socrates, did I not fear 
 that this very man might, at last, turn agains 
 me." 
 
 " But wherefore should you fear this 1 Are 
 you not pretty certain, that it may be more for 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 555 
 
 the interest of people who keep on good terms 
 with you, than have you for an enemy. Be- 
 lieve me, my Crito, there is many a man 
 in Athens who would think himself very much 
 honoured by your friendship." Saying this, 
 Archidemus came immediately into their mind ; 
 a man able and eloquent, and, withal, well 
 versed in business ; but poor, as being one of 
 those few who are not for having whatever they 
 can lay hands on. He loved honest men ; 
 though he would often say, nothing was more 
 easy than to grow rich by calumny. To this 
 man, Crito, in consequence of what Socrates 
 had said to him, would send corn, or wool, or 
 wine or oil, or any other produce of his estate, 
 when they brought him those things from the 
 country : and when he sacrificed to the gods, 
 he sent for him to the feast, nor ever omitted 
 any opportunity of showing respect to him. 
 Archidemus seeing this, began to detach him- 
 self from all other dependencies, and consider 
 Crito's house as the place that would shelter 
 him from every want. He therefore gave 
 himself entirely to him : and discovering that 
 Crito's false accusers were guilty of many 
 crimes, and had made themselves many ene- 
 mies, he undertook to manage them. He 
 therefore summoned one of them to answer 
 *br an offence, which, if proved against him, 
 must subject him at least to a pecuniary mulct, 
 if not to corporal punishment. The man, 
 knowing how little he could defend his mal- 
 practices, endeavoured by every art to make 
 Archidemus withdraw his prosecution, but to 
 no purpose; for he would never lose sight of 
 him till he had compelled him not only to leave 
 Crito in peace, but purchase his own with no 
 inconsiderable sum of money. Archidemus 
 having conducted this affair, and many others 
 of the same nature, successfully, Crito was 
 thought not a little happy in having his as- 
 sistance : and as the shepherds ofttimes avail 
 themselves of their neighbour's dog, by send- 
 ing their sheep to pasture near him, Crito's 
 friends would entreat him to lend Archidemus 
 to them. He, on <his side, was glad of an op- 
 portunity to oblige his benefactor ; and it was 
 observed, that not only Crito himself, but all 
 his friends, lived free, for the future, from any 
 molestation. Likewise, when any reproached 
 him with having made his court to Crito for 
 
 his own interest : And which," said he, do 
 you think the most shameful 1 serving the good 
 who have already served you, and joining with 
 them in their opposition to the wicked ; or, 
 confederating with the bad, assist them the 
 more effectually to oppress the virtuous, and 
 thereby make every honest man your enemy 1" 
 
 From this time Archidemus lived in the 
 strictest intimacy with Crito ; nor did Crito's 
 friends less honour and esteem him. 
 
 X. I remember Socrates once saying to 
 Diodorus, Suppose, Diodorus, one of your 
 slaves ran away from you, would you be at any 
 pains to recover him 1" 
 
 Yes, certainly," said the other ; " and I 
 would even go so far as to publish a reward for 
 whoever would bring him to me." 
 
 " And if any of them were sick, you would 
 take care of them, I imagine, and send for a 
 physician to try to save them!" 
 
 Undoubtedly." 
 
 " But what if a friend, something of more 
 worth to you than a thousand slaves, were 
 reduced to want, would it not become you, 
 Diodorus, to relieve him 1 You know him for 
 a man incapable of ingratitude ; nay, one who 
 would even blush to lie under an obligation 
 without endeavouring to return it. You know 
 too, that the service of him who serves from 
 inclination who not only can execute what 
 you command, but of himself find out many 
 things that may be of use to you who can 
 deliberate, foresee, and assist you with good 
 counsel is infinitely of more value than many 
 slaves 1 Now good economists tell us, it is 
 right to purchase when things are most cheap ; 
 and we can scarcely recollect the time, at 
 Athens, when a good friend might be had for 
 such a pennyworth." 
 
 " You are in the right," said Diodorus ; there- 
 fore you may bid Herraogenes come to me." 
 
 Not so neither, 51 returned Socrates ; for, 
 since the benefit will be reciprocal, it seems 
 just as reasonable that you go to him, as he 
 come to you." 
 
 In consequence of this discourse, Diodorns 
 went himself to Hermogenes, and, for a small 
 consideration, secured a valuable friend, whose 
 principal care was to approve his gratitude, and 
 return the kindness shown him with many real 
 services. 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 [557] 
 
 47 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK III. 
 
 . Socrates converses with his friends respecting the duties of a general. Shows the ignorance of Dionysidorus, 
 a professed teacher of the military art. II. His idea of a good prince. III. His instructions to a young gen- 
 eral of the horse. IV. V. Conversation with Nichomachides about the proper ordering of an army With 
 Pericles respecting the Athenian character. VI. Shows Glauco his ignorance of ruling. VII. Stimulates 
 Charmidas, a man of abilities, to lay aside his timidity. VIII. Aristippus, having been silenced by Socrates, 
 endeavours to retaliate.-lX. Socrates discourses on the nature of courage and wisdom. X. Converses with 
 Parrhasius the painter, Clito the statuary, and Pistias the armourer, concerning their different arts. XI. His 
 conversation with Theodota the courtezan. XII. Reproves Epigenes for neglecting the exercises which 
 formed a large part of a liberal education. XIII. Corrects the faults of various persons. XIV. Regulates the 
 taking of supper among the Grecians when they assembled. 
 
 [ 558] 
 
XENOPIION'S 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 I. We will now relate in what manner Secrates 
 was useful to such of his friends as aimed at 
 any honourable employment, by stirring them 
 up to the attainment of that knowledge which 
 alone could qualify them for discharging it 
 properly. 
 
 Being told that one Dionysidorus was come 
 to Athens, and there made public profession 
 of teaching the military art, Socrates from 
 thence took occasion to address the following 
 discourse to a young man of his acquaintance, 
 whom he knew at that very time soliciting for 
 one of the principal posts in the army: "Is 
 it not," said he, a most scandalous thing, for 
 one who aims at commanding the forces of his 
 country, to neglect an opportunity of gaining 
 the instructions necessary for it 1 And does 
 he not deserve to be more severely treated, than 
 he who undertakes to form a statue without 
 having learnt the statuary's art 1 In time of 
 war, no less than the safety of the whole com- 
 munity is intrusted to the general : and it is in 
 his power either to procure to it many .and 
 great advantages, by a prudent discharge of the 
 duties of his station, or 'involve his country, 
 through misconduct, in the very deepest distress ; 
 and therefore that man must be worthy of no 
 small punishment, who whilst he is unwearied 
 in his endeavours to obtain this honour, takes 
 little or no thought about qualifying himself 
 properly for executing a trust of such vast im- 
 portance." 
 
 This reasoning wrought so powerfully upon 
 the mind of the young man, that he immediately 
 applied himself to the gaining of instruction. 
 
 And coming a little time after where Socrates 
 was standing with others of his friends, So- 
 crates, on his approach, said to them laughing, 
 " You remember, sirs, that Homer, speaking of 
 Agamemnon, styles him venerable. Do you 
 not think our young man here has acquired 
 new dignity, and looks far more respectable, 
 now he hath learnt the art of commanding 1 
 For, as he who is a master of music, will be a 
 master of music, though he touches no instru- 
 ment ; and he who hath the skill of a physician, 
 will be a physician, though not actually employ- 
 ed in the practice of his art ; so, no doubt of 
 it, this young man, now that he hath gained 
 the knowledge of a general, is incontestably a 
 general, though he never should be chosen to 
 command the army : whereas it would be to 
 very little purpose for an ignorant pretender to 
 get himself elected, since this could no more 
 make a general of him, than it would make a 
 man a physician, to call him one. But," con- 
 tinued Socrates, turning towards him, " since 
 it may fall out that some of us may command 
 a company, or a cohort under you, inform us, I 
 pray you, with what point your master began 
 his instructions, that we may not be altogether 
 ignorant of the matter 1 " 
 
 With the very same point with which he 
 ended," replied the other ; the right ordering 
 of an army, whether in marching, fighting, or 
 encamping." 
 
 " Surely," answered Socrates, this is but a 
 small part of the office of a general : for he 
 must likewise take care that none of the ne- 
 cessaries of war be wanting, and that his sol- 
 
 559 
 
560 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 diers are supplied with every thing needful, as 
 well for their health as daily subsistence. He 
 should be diligent, patient, fruitful in expedients, 
 quick of apprehension, unwearied in labour ; 
 mildness and severity must each have their place 
 in him : equally able to secure his own, and 
 take away that which belongeth to another. 
 Open, yet reserved ; rapacious, yet profuse ; 
 generous, yet avaricious ; cautious, yet bold ; 
 besides many other talents, both natural and 
 acquired, necessary for him who would dis- 
 charge properly the duties of a good general. 
 Yet I do not esteem the right disposition of an 
 army a slight thing : on the contrary," said he, 
 " nothing can be of so much importance ; since, 
 without order, no advantage can arise from num- 
 bers any more than from stones, and bricks, 
 and tiles, and timbers, thrown together at ran- 
 dom : but when these are disposed of in their 
 proper places ; when the stones and the tiles, 
 as least perishable, are made use of for the 
 foundation and covering ; the bricks and tim- 
 ber, each likewise in their order ; then we may 
 see a regular edifice arising, which afterward 
 becomes no inconsiderable part of our pos- 
 sessions." 
 
 " Your comparison," interrupted the other, 
 " makes me recollect another circumstance, 
 which we were told the general of an army 
 ought to have regard to ; and that is, to place 
 the best of his soldiers in the front and in the 
 rear; whilst those of a doubtful character being 
 placed in the middle, may be animated by the 
 one, and impelled by the other, to the perform- 
 ance of their duty." 
 
 Your master then," said Socrates, " taught 
 you how to know a good soldier from a bad 
 one ; otherwise this rule could be of no use : 
 for if he ordered you, in the counting of money, 
 to place the good at each end of the table, and 
 Jthat which was adulterated in the middle, with- 
 out first instructing you by what means to dis- 
 tinguish them, I see not to what purpose his 
 orders could be." 
 
 I cannot say," replied the other ; " but it is 
 very sure my master did no such thing : we must 
 therefore endeavour to find it out ourselves." 
 
 Shall we consider this point then a little 
 farther," said Socrates, " that so we may the 
 better avoid any mistake in this matter 1 Sup- 
 pose," continued he, " the business was to 
 seize some rich booty ; should we not do well 
 to place in the front, those whom we thought 
 the most avaricious ?" 
 
 " Certainly." 
 
 " But where the undertaking is attended 
 with peril, there, surely, we should be careful 
 to employ the most ambitious, the love of glory 
 being sufficient to make men of this stamp 
 despise all danger: neither shall we be at a loss 
 to find out these people ; since they are always 
 forward enough to make themselves known. 
 But this master of yours," continued Socrates, 
 " when he taught you the different ways of 
 ranging your forces, taught you at the same 
 time the different use you were to make of 
 them. " 
 
 " Not at all, I do assure you." 
 
 " And yet a different disposition of the army 
 should be made, according as different occasions 
 require." 
 
 " That may be," replied the other ; but he 
 said not a word to me of the matter." 
 
 " Then return to him," said Socrates, and 
 question him concerning it ; for if he is not 
 either very ignorant, or very impudent, he will 
 be ashamed of having taken your money, and 
 sent you away so little instructed." 
 
 II. Meeting with one who had been newly 
 elected general, Socrates asked him, " Why 
 hath Agamemnon the title of pastor of the 
 people given him by Homer ? Must it not be 
 for this reason^ think you, that like as a shep- 
 herd looks carefully to the health of his flock, 
 and provides them pasture ; so he, who hath 
 the command of the army, should provide his 
 soldiers with all things necessary ; and procure 
 those advantages to them for which they endure 
 the hardships of war, conquest over their ene- 
 mies, and to themselves more happiness "? 
 Why also doth the same poet praise Agamem- 
 non for being, 
 
 " Great in the war ; and great in arts of sway," 
 
 POPE. 
 
 but to show in him, that personal bravery, how- 
 ever remarkable, is not enough to constitute 
 the general, without he animates his whole 
 army with courage, and makes every single 
 soldier brave 1 Neither," continued he, " can 
 that prince be celebrated for the arts of sway, 
 however successful he may be in regulating his 
 domestic affairs, who doth not cause felicity and 
 abundance to be diffused throughout his whole 
 dominion. For kings are not elected that their 
 cares should afterwards centre in their own 
 private prosperity ; but to advance the happi- 
 ness of those who elect them, are they called 
 to the throne. As, therefore, the only motive 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 561 
 
 for submitting to war, is the hope of rendering 
 our future lives more secure and happy ; and 
 commanders are chosen for no other purpose, 
 than to lead the way to this desirable end ; it 
 is the duty of a general to use his utmost en- 
 deavours not to disappoint the people therein : 
 for, as to answer their expectations will bring 
 to him the highest glory ; so, to fail through 
 misconduct, must be attended with the greatest 
 shame." 
 
 We may here see, from what hath been just 
 said, that Socrates designed to give us his idea 
 of a good prince ; passing over every other 
 consideration ; confines it to him alone, who, 
 diligently promotes the happiness of his people. 
 
 III. Meeting at another time with a person 
 who had been chosen general of the horse, So- 
 crates said to him, " As I doubt not my young 
 man, your being able to give a good reason 
 why you desired the command of the cavalry, 
 I should be glad to hear it: for I cannot sup- 
 .pose you asked it only for an opportunity of ri- 
 ding before the rest of the army, as the archers 
 on horseback must go before you : neither could 
 it be, to make yourself the more taken notice 
 of; for madmen will still have the advantage 
 of you there. But your design, I conclude, 
 was to reform the cavalry, in hopes of making 
 them of more service to the republic." 
 
 " I did design this, most certainly." 
 
 " A noble intention !" replied Socrates, " if 
 you can but accomplish it. But your station 
 obliges you to have an eye to your horses, as 
 well as men." 
 
 Undoubtedly." 
 
 Pray tell us then," said Socrates, " what 
 method you will take to get good horses 1" 
 
 " O that," answered the general, " belongs 
 not to me : the rider himself must look to that 
 particular." 
 
 " Very well, ' said Socrates. " But suppose 
 you wanted to lead them on to charge the ene- 
 my : and you found some of them lame ; and 
 others so weak, from being half-starved, that 
 they could not come up with the rest of the 
 army : while others again were so restive and 
 unruly, as to make it impossible to keep them 
 in their ranks : of what use would such hor- 
 ses be to you 1 or you to the republic 1" 
 
 " You are in the right," said the other ; " and 
 I will certainly take care what sort of horses 
 are in my troop." 
 
 And what sort of men too, I hope," replied 
 Socrates. 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 " Your first endeavour, I suppose then, will 
 be, to make them mount their horses readily 1" 
 
 " It shall," said the other, " to the end they 
 may stand a better chance to escape, if they 
 are thrown off them." 
 
 " You will likewise take care," said Socrates, 
 " to exercise them often : sometimes in one 
 place, and sometimes in another ; particularly 
 there where it seems the most like to that in 
 which you expect to meet the enemy, that your 
 troops may be equally dexterous in all : for you 
 cannot, I suppose, when going to engage, or- 
 der your enemies to come and fight you on the 
 plain, because there alone you were accustomed 
 to exercise your army 1 You will likewise in- 
 struct them in throwing the dart : and if you 
 would indeed make good soldiers, animate 
 them with the love of glory, and resentment 
 against their enemies : but, above all, be care- 
 ful to establish your authority ; since neither 
 the strength of your horses, nor the dexterity 
 of the riders, can be of much use to you with- 
 out obedience 1" 
 
 " I know it, Socrates : but what must I do 
 to bring them to this obedience T' 
 
 " Have you not observed," said Socrates, 
 " that all men willingly submit to those whom 
 they believe the most skilful ; in sickness, to 
 the best physician ; in a storm, to the best pi- 
 lot ; and in agriculture, to him whom they con- 
 sider as the best husbandman 1" 
 
 " I have," replied the other. 
 
 " If so, may we not well conclude, that he 
 who is known to have the most skill in con- 
 ducting the cavalry, will always find himself 
 the most willingly obeyed 1" 
 
 " But need I do no more than convince them 
 of my superior abilities'?" 
 
 " Yes ; you must likewise convince them 
 that both their glory and safety depend on their 
 obedie'nce." 
 
 But how shall I be able to convince them 
 of this V 
 
 " With less trouble," replied Socrates, " than 
 you can prove to them it is better and more for 
 their advantage to be vicious than virtuous." 
 
 But, at this rate, it will be necessary for a 
 general to add the study of the art of speaking 
 to all his other cares." 
 
 And do you imagine," said Socrates, he 
 
 can discharge his office without speaking 1 It 
 
 is by the medium of speech the laws are made 
 
 known to us for the regulation of our conduct; 
 
 3V 
 
562 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 and whatsoever is useful in any science, we be- 
 come acquainted with it by the same means ; 
 the best method of instruction being in the way 
 of conversation : and he who is perfectly mas- 
 ter of his subject will always be heard with the 
 greatest applause. But have you never observ- 
 ed," continued Socrates, that throughout all 
 Greece, the Athenian youth bear away the prize 
 in every contention, from those sent by any oth- 
 er republic ? Even a chorus of music going 
 from hence to Delos, exceeds, beyond all com- 
 parison, whatever appears from any other places. 
 Now the Athenians have not, naturally, voices 
 more sweet, or bodies more strong, than those 
 of other nations, but they are more ambitious 
 of glory, which always impels to generous 
 deeds and noble undertakings. Why, there- 
 fore, may not our cavalry be brought in time to 
 excel any other ; whether in the beauty of their 
 horses and arms; whether in their discipline, 
 order, and courage ; were they but shown that 
 conquest and glory would almost prove the in- 
 fallible result of it 1" 
 
 " I see not why, indeed," answered the other, 
 " if we could but convince them this would be 
 the event." 
 
 " Lose no time, then," said Socrates ; " but 
 go, excite your soldiers to the performance of 
 their duty ; that while you make them of use 
 to you, they may likewise make you of some 
 use to your country." 
 
 I certainly shall make the attempt," replied 
 the general. 
 
 IV. Seeing, at another time, Nichomachides 
 return from the assembly of the people, where 
 they had been choosing the magistrates, So- 
 crates asked, whom they had fixed upon to 
 command the army "! " Could you have thought 
 it !" said the other, the Athenians, my So- 
 crates, paid no regard to me, who have spent 
 
 my whole life in the exercise of arms ! 
 through every degree, from that of common 
 sentinel to colonel of the horse, covered with 
 these scars (showing them on his bosom,) my 
 whole strength wasted with fighting in de- 
 fence of them ! while Antisthenes, one who 
 never served among the infantry, nor ever did 
 any thing remarkable among the horse, him 
 they have elected, though all his merit seems to 
 consist in being able to get money." 
 
 " No bad circumstance," replied Socrates ; 
 we may hope, at least, to have our troops well 
 paid." 
 
 But a merchant can get money as well as 
 
 Antisthenes ; doth it follow from thence that a 
 merchant is a fit man to command an army 1" 
 
 " You overlook, Nichomachides, that Antis- 
 thenes is likewise a lover of glory, and seeks 
 to excel in whatever he undertakes ; a quality 
 of some worth in the commander of an army. 
 You know, whenever he led the chorus, he al- 
 ways took care to carry off the prize." 
 
 "But, surely, there is some difference be- 
 tween commanding an army and ordering the 
 chorus 1" 
 
 " And yet," replied Socrates, " Antisthenes 
 has no great knowledge himself either in mu- 
 sic or the laws of the theatre 1 but as he had 
 penetration sufficient to find out those who ex- 
 celled in them, you see how, by their assis- 
 tance, he came off conqueror." 
 
 " He must have somebody then to fight, and 
 give out his orders, when at the head of his 
 army]" 
 
 " Be that as it may," returned Socrates, " it is 
 certain that he who follows the counsel of such 
 as are best skilled in any art, let it be war 01 
 music, or any thing else, is pretty sure of sur- 
 passing all who are engaged in the same pur- 
 suit with him. Neither is it probable that he 
 who so liberally expends his money, when the 
 affair is no more than to amuse the people, and 
 purchase a victory which only brings honour 
 to himself and to his own tribe, 1 will be more 
 sparing when the point is to gain a conquest 
 far more glorious over the enemies of his coun- 
 try, and in which the whole republic are equally 
 concerned." 
 
 " We are to conclude, then," returned the 
 other, that he who knows how to preside 
 properly at a public show, knows in like man- 
 ner how to command an army." 
 
 It is certain," said Socrates, " so much may 
 be concluded, that he who has judgment 
 enough to find out what things are best for him, 
 and ability to procure them, can hardly fail of 
 success, whether his design be to direct the 
 stage or govern the state, manage his own 
 house or command the army." 
 
 " Truly," replied Nichomachides, I scarce- 
 ly expected to hear from you, Socrates, that a 
 good economist and a good commander was the 
 same thing." 
 
 " Do you think so ?" answered Socrates : 
 " Let us inquire then if you please, into the 
 
 The citizens of Athens were all divided into tribes, 
 which had their peculiar customs and honour. 
 
f l 
 
 ( UNI 
 
 O r THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 MEMOIRS\iF-SOC 
 
 563 
 
 duty of each ; and see what agreement we can 
 find between them. Is it not the business of 
 them both to endeavor to make the people 
 who are placed under them tractable and sub- 
 missive 1" 
 
 It is." 
 
 " Must they not see that every person be 
 employed in the business he is most proper 
 for 1 Are they not, each of them, to punish 
 those who do wrong, and reward those wbo do 
 right? Must they not gain the love of the 
 people who are placed under their authority, 
 and procure to themselves as many friends as 
 may be, to strengthen and stand by them in 
 time of need 1 Should they not know how to 
 secure their own ? And, in short, should not 
 each of them be diligent and unwearied in the 
 performance of his duty?" 
 
 " So far," replied Nichomachides, it may 
 be as you say ; but surely the comparison can 
 scarcely hold, when the case is to engage an 
 enemy." 
 
 " Why so?" said Socrates, "have they not 
 each of them enemies to engage ?" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 And would it not be for the advantage of 
 both, to get the better of these enemies ?" 
 
 " No doubt of it, Socrates ! But I still see 
 not of what use economy can be to a general, 
 when the hour is come for his soldiers to fall on." 
 
 " The very time," said Socrates, " when it 
 will be the most ; for, as economy will show 
 him his greatest gain must arise from conquest, 
 his greatest loss from being overcome ; he will 
 for that reason be very careful not to take any 
 one step whatsoever which may hazard a de- 
 feat ; wisely declining an engagement while in 
 want of any thing ; but equally ready to seize 
 the hour, when, provided with all that is 
 necessary, victory seems to him no longer 
 doubtful. Thus you see of what use economy 
 may be to a general ; nor do you, Nichoma- 
 chides, despise those who practise it, since the 
 conduct of the state, and that of a private 
 family, differ no otherwise than as greater and 
 less ; in every thing else there is no small 
 similarity. The business is with men in either 
 case: neither do we know of one species of 
 these, whereby to manage the affairs of govern- 
 ment, and another for carrying on the common 
 concerns of life ; but the prince at the helm, 
 and the head of his family, must serve them- 
 selves from the same mass. And, to complete 
 trie parallel, be assured, Nichomachides, that 
 
 whoever hath the skill to use these instruments 
 properly, hath also the best secret for succeed- 
 ing in his design ; whether his aim be to direct 
 the state, or limit his care to the concerns of 
 his own household ; while he who is ignorant 
 of this point must commit many errors, and of 
 course meet with nothing but disappointments." 
 
 V. Being in company with Pericles, son to 
 the great Pericles, Socrates said to him, " I 
 hope, my young man, when you come to com- 
 mand the forces of the republic, the war may 
 be carried on with more glory and success than 
 we have lately known it." 
 
 I should be glad if it were so," replied the 
 other ; " but how it is to be done I cannot 
 easily see." 
 
 Shall we try," said Socrates, " to get some 
 light into this matter? You know the Boeo- 
 tians are not more numerous than we." 
 
 " I know they are not." 
 
 Neither are they stronger or more valiant." 
 
 " They are not." 
 
 " But the Boeotians, it may be, are more 
 united among themselves?" 
 
 " So far from it," said Pericles, " that the 
 Boeotians hate the Thebans on account of their 
 oppression ; whereas we can have nothing of 
 this sort in Athens." 
 
 " But then we must own," said Socrates, 
 " that the Boeotians are not only the most 
 courteous of all mankind, but the most am- 
 bitious ; and they who are so, the love of glory 
 and of their country, will impel to undertake 
 any thing." 
 
 But I knew not," replied Pericles, that 
 the Athenians are deficient in any of these 
 particulars." 
 
 " It must be acknowledged,'* said Socrates, 
 " if we look back to the actions of our fore- 
 fathers, and consider either the lustre or the 
 number of their glorious deeds, no nation can 
 exceed us : and having such examples, taken 
 out too from among ourselves, they cannot but 
 inflame our courage, and stir us up to a love of 
 valour and of virtue." 
 
 " And yet you see," answered Pericles, 
 " how much the glory of the Athenian name 
 is tarnished since the fatal defeat of Lubea, 
 wherein Tolmides lost more than a thousand 
 men ; and that other at Delium, where Hippo- 
 crates was slain: for whereas, till then, the 
 Boeotians feared to make head against us, 
 though in defence of their own country, with 
 out the assistance of the Lacedaemonians and 
 
564 
 
 MEMOIRS OP SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 the rest of Peloponnesus, they now threaten to 
 invade us, and' that with their own forces only ; 
 while the Athenians, instead of ravaging, as 
 formerly, Boeotia at pleasure, when not de- 
 fended by foreign troops, are made to tremble 
 in their turn, lest Attica itself should become 
 the scene of slaughter." 
 
 The case," said Socrates, " is, I fear, as 
 you have stated it; but for that reason it 
 seemeth to me, my Pericles, the very time 
 wherein to desire the command of our armies. 
 It is of the nature of security to make men 
 careless, effeminate, and ungovernable ; while 
 fear, on the contrary, awakens their cfiligence, 
 renders them obedient, and reduces them to 
 order. We may see this among our seamen. 
 So long as they are under no apprehension of 
 danger, they give themselves over to riot and 
 disorder ; but at the sight of a pirate, or the 
 appearance of a storm, become immediately 
 other men : not only diligent in performing 
 whatever is commanded, but even watching, in 
 silence, the master's eye, ready to execute, as 
 in a well ordered chorus, whatever part he 
 shall think proper to assign them." 
 
 " Supposing," replied Pericles, " the people 
 of Athens were at present in such a state -as 
 might dispose them to obedience, what way 
 shall we take to rouse them to an imitation of 
 our ancestors, that, with their virtues, we may 
 restore the happiness and the glory of the times 
 they lived in 1" 
 
 " Was" it our desire," answered Socrates, 
 " to stir up any one to regain an inheritance 
 now in the possession of another, what more 
 should we need than to tell them it was theirs 
 by long descent from their progenitors 1 If 
 therefore, my Pericles, you wish our Athe- 
 nians to hold the foremost rank among the 
 virtuous, tell them it is their right, delivered 
 down to them from the earliest ages ; and that, 
 so long as they are careful to maintain this 
 pre-eminence in virtue, pre-eminence in power 
 cannot fail to attend it. You would likewise 
 do well to remind them, how highly the most 
 ancient of their forefathers were esteemed and 
 honoured on account of their virtue." 
 
 " You mean when, in the time of Cecrops, 
 the people of Athens were chosen in prefe- 
 lence to all others, to arbitrate in the dispute 
 which had arisen among the gods 1" ' 
 
 Alluding to the fabled contest between Neptune and 
 Minerva for the patronage of Athens, which was deter- 
 mined by the Athenians in favor of Minerva. 
 
 " I do," said Socrates ; " and I would have 
 you go on, and relate to them the birth and the 
 education of Erictheus, the wars in his time 
 with all the neighbouring nations ; together 
 with that undertaken in favour of the Hera- 
 elides against those of Peloponnesus. That 
 also, in the days of Theseus, when our an- 
 cestors gained the reputation of surpassing all 
 their contemporaries both in conduct and cou- 
 rage, ought not to be passed over. After 
 which it may not be amiss to recall to their 
 minds what the descendants of these heroes 
 have performed in the ages just before us. 
 Show them the time when, by their own 
 strength alone, they made head against the 
 man who lorded it over all Asia, and whose 
 empire extended even into Europe itself, as 
 far as Macedonia ; inheriting from his fore- 
 fathers a formidable army, as well as wide 
 dominions, that had already made itself famous 
 for many noble undertakings. Tell them at 
 other times of the many victories, both by sea 
 and land, when in league with the Lacedaemo- 
 nians ; men no less famous than themselves on 
 the account of military courage : and, although 
 innumerable have been the revolutions through- 
 out the rest of Greece, whereby many have 
 been compelled to change their habitations, 
 show them the Athenians still in possession 
 of their ancient territories ; and not only so, 
 but oftentimes made arbiters of the rights of 
 other people, while the oppressed, on every 
 side, have had recourse to them for protec- 
 tion." 
 
 " When I think of these things, my Socrates, 
 I marvel by what means our republic hath sunk 
 so low." 
 
 "I suppose,". replied Socrates, the Athe- 
 nians acted in this respect like men, who, see- 
 ing themselves exalted above the fear of a 
 competitor, grow remiss, and neglect discipline, 
 and become thereby more despicable than the 
 people whom they once despised ; for, no 
 sooner had our virtue set us above the rest of 
 our contemporaries but we sunk into sloth, 
 which ended, as you see, in a total degeneracy." 
 
 " But how shall we recover the lustre of the 
 ancient virtue 1" 
 
 " Nothing more easy to point out," replied 
 Socrates ; let but our people call to mind 
 what were the virtues and discipline of their 
 forefathers, and diligently endeavour to follow 
 their example, and the glory of the Athenian 
 name may rise again as high as ever ? But, if 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 565 
 
 this is too much for them, let them copy at 
 least the people, whom, at present, they are 
 compelled to consider as far above them : let 
 them apply themselves with the same diligence 
 to perform the same things, and let them not 
 doubt of becoming again their equals : their 
 superiors, if so be they will but surpass them 
 in virtue." 
 
 You speak, my Socrates, as if you thought 
 our Athenians at no little distance from it. 
 And, indeed," continued Pericles, " when do 
 we see them, as at Sparta, reverencing old age ? 
 Or, rather, do we not see them showing their 
 contempt of it even in the person of a father 1 
 Can they be expected to imitate that republic 
 in the exercises which render the body health- 
 ful, who make sport of those who do 1 Will 
 people who even glory in despising their rulers, 
 submit readily to their commands'? Or will 
 concord and unanimity subsist among men, 
 who seek not to help, but injure one another, 
 and bear more envy to their fellow-citizens 
 than to any other of mankind 1 Our assem- 
 blies, both public and private, are full of quar- 
 rels and contentions, whilst we harass each 
 other with perpetual suits at law ; choosing by 
 that means some trifling advantage, though 
 with the ruin of our neighbour, rather than 
 content ourselves with an honest gain, where- 
 by each party might be equally profited. The 
 magistrate's aim is altogether his own interest, 
 as if the welfare of the community no way 
 concerned him. Hence that eager contention 
 for places and power, that ignorance and mu- 
 tual hatred among those in the administration, 
 that animosity and intrigue which prevail among 
 private parties. So that I fear, my Socrates, 
 lest the malady should rise to such a height, 
 that Athens itself must, ere long, sink under it." 
 
 " Be not afraid, my Pericles, that the dis- 
 temper is incurable. You see with what rea- 
 diness and skill our people conduct themselves 
 in all naval engagements : how regular in obey- 
 ing those who preside over their exercises, lead 
 the dance, or direct the chorus." 
 
 " I am sensible of this," said Pericles : " and 
 hence, my Socrates, is the wonder, that, being 
 so complying on all such occasions, our sol- 
 diers, who ought to be the choice and flower 
 of this very people, are so frequently disposed 
 to mutiny and disobedience." 
 
 " The senate of the Areopagus," said So- 
 crates, " is not this likewise composed of per- 
 sons of the greatest worth]" 
 48 
 
 " Most certainly." 
 
 " Where else do we see judges who act in 
 such conformity to the laws, and honour to 
 themselves 1 Who determine with so much 
 uprightness between man and man ; or dis- 
 charge, with such integrity, whatever business 
 is brought before them 1" 
 
 " I cannot reproach them," said Pericles, 
 " with having failed in any thing." 
 
 " Therefore, let us not give up our Athe- 
 nians, my Pericles, as a people altogether de- 
 generate." 
 
 " Yet in war," replied Pericles, " where de- 
 cency, order, and obedience, are more especially 
 required,, they seem to pay no regard to the 
 command of their superiors." 
 
 " Perhaps," returned Socrates, " some part 
 of the blame may belong to those who under- 
 take to command them 1 You hardly know of 
 any man, I believe, pretending to preside over 
 a chorus, directing the dance, or giving rules 
 to the athletics, whilst ignorant of the matter. 
 They who take upon them to do any of these 
 things, must tell you where, and by whom they 
 were instructed in the art they now pretend to 
 teach others ; whereas the greater part of our 
 generals learn the first rudiments of war at the 
 head of their armies. But I know, my Peri- 
 cles, you are not of that sort of men ; but have 
 made it your employment to study the military 
 art ; and have gone through all the exercises so 
 necessary for a soldier. In the memorials of 
 your father, that great man ! I doubt not your 
 having remarked, for your own advantage, many 
 of those refined stratagems he made use of; 
 and can show us many more of your own col- 
 lecting. These you study : and to the end 
 that nothing may be omitted by one who hopes 
 to command our armies, when you find your- 
 self either deficient or doubtful, you are not 
 unwilling to own your ignorance ; but seek out 
 for such as you imagine more knowing ; while 
 neither courtesy of behaviour, nor even gifts, 
 are wanting, whereby to engage them to give 
 you assistance." 
 
 " Ah, Socrates !" cried Pericles, interrupt- 
 ing him, " it is not that you think I have done 
 these things, but wish me to do them, that you 
 talk in this manner." 
 
 It may be so," replied Socrates. " But to 
 add a word or two more. You know," con- 
 tinued he, that Attica is separated from Boeo- 
 tia by a long chain of mountains, through which 
 the roads are narrow and craggy ; so that all 
 
566 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 access to our country from that side, is both 
 difficult and dangerous." 
 I know it," said Pericles. 
 It has been told you too, I imagine, how 
 the Mysians and Pisidians, having seized for 
 themselves several considerable places, and a 
 large tract of land, in the territories of the king 
 of Persia, are able, from the advantages of their 
 situation, not only to secure their own liberty, 
 but with their light armed horse greatly annoy 
 their enemies, by making perpetual inroads 
 upon them?" 
 
 Yes, I have heard this," replied the other. 
 Why then may it not be supposed," said 
 Socrates, " that if we secured those passes on 
 the mountains which divide us from Bceotia, 
 and sent there our youth properly armed for 
 making incursions, we might in our turn give 
 some annoyance to our enemies ; while these 
 mountains, as so many ramparts, secured us 
 from their hostilities 1" 
 
 " I agree with you, v said Pericles, " this 
 might turn to our advantage, and that all you 
 have said hath been much to the purpose." 
 
 If you think so," replied Socrates, " and 
 that my observations may be of service, you 
 have nothing more to do than to carry them 
 into execution. Should success be the con- 
 sequence, you, my friend, will have the honour, 
 and the republic much gain. If you fail through 
 want of power, no great mischief can ensue ; 
 Athens will not be endangered ; nor shall you, 
 my Pericles, incur either shame or reproach, 
 for having engaged in such an undertaking." 
 
 VI. Glauco, the son of Aristo, was so 
 strongly possessed with the desire of governing 
 the republic, that, although not yet twenty', he 
 was continually making orations to the people : 
 neither was it in the power of his relations, 
 however numerous, to prevent his exposing 
 himself to ridicule ; though sometimes they 
 would drag him, by very force, from the tri- 
 bunal. Socrates, who loved him on the ac- 
 count of Plato and Charmidas, had alone the 
 art to succeed with him. For meeting him, 
 he said, Your design then, my Glauco, is to 
 be at the very head of our republic 1" 
 " It is so," replied the other. 
 " Believe me," said Socrates, " a noble aim ! 
 For, this once accomplished, and you become, 
 as it were, absolute ; you may then serve your 
 friends, aggrandize your family, extend the 
 t limits of your country, and make yourself re- 
 nowned, not only in Athens, but throughout 
 
 all Greece : nay, it may be, your fame will 
 spread abroad among the most barbarous na- 
 tions, like another Themistocles : while ad- 
 miration and applause attend wherever you go !" 
 Socrates having thus fired the imagination of 
 the young man, and secured himself a favour- 
 able hearing, went on : " But if your design is 
 to receive honour from your country, you in- 
 tend to be of use to it ; for nothing but that 
 can secure its applause." 
 
 " Undoubtedly," replied Glauco. 
 " Tell me then, I entreat you, what may be 
 the first service you intend to render the re- 
 public?" 
 
 Glauco remaining silent, as not knowing 
 what to answer : " I suppose," said Socrates, 
 " you mean to enrich it ? for that is generally 
 the method we take, when we intend to aggran- 
 dize the family of some friend." 
 
 " This is indeed my design," returned the 
 other. 
 
 But the way to do this," said Socrates, 
 " is to increase its revenues." 
 "It is so." 
 
 " Tell me then, I pray you, whence the re- 
 venues of the republic arise, and what they 
 annually amount to ; since I doubt not of your 
 having diligently inquired into each particular, 
 so as to be able to supply every deficiency ; 
 and when one source fails, can easily have re- 
 course to some other." 
 
 " I protest to you,"" said Glauco, " this is a 
 point I never considered." 
 
 " Tell me then only its annual expenses ; 
 for I suppose you intend to retrench whatevei 
 appears superfluous 1" 
 
 " I cannot say," replied Glauco, " that I 
 have yet thought of this affair any more than 
 of the other." 
 
 ' We must postpone then our design of en- 
 riching the republic to another time," said So- 
 crates : " for I see not how a person can exert 
 his endeavours to any purpose so long as he 
 continues ignorant both of its income and ex- 
 penses." 
 
 Yet a state may be enriched by the spoils 
 of its enemies." 
 
 Assuredly," replied Socrates : But, in 
 order to this, its strength should be superior, 
 otherwise it may be in danger of losing what it 
 hath already. He, therefore, who advises war, 
 ought to be well acquainted not only with the 
 forces of his own country, but those of the 
 enemy ; to the end, that if he finds supe 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 56? 
 
 riority on his side, he may boldly persist in his 
 first opinion, or recede in time, and dissuade 
 the people from the hazardous undertaking." 
 
 " It is very* true," returned the other. 
 
 " I pray you, then, tell me what are our for- 
 ces by sea and land; and what the enemy's?" 
 
 " In truth, Socrates, I cannot pretend to tell 
 you, at once, either one or the other." 
 
 Possibly you may have a list of them in 
 wilting 1 If so, I should attend to your reading 
 it with pleasure." 
 
 " No, nor this," replied Glauco, " for I have 
 not yet begun to make any calculation of the 
 matter." 
 
 " I perceive then," said Socrates, " we shall 
 not make war in a short time ; since an affair 
 of such moment cannot be duly considered at 
 the beginning of your administration. But I 
 take it for granted," continued he, that you 
 have carefully attended to the guarding our 
 coasts ; and know where it is necessary to place 
 garrisons ; and what the number of soldiers to 
 be employed for each : that while you are dili- 
 gent to keep those complete which are of ser- 
 vice to us, you may order such to be withdrawn 
 as appear superfluous." 
 
 " It is my opinion," replied Glauco, " that 
 every one of them should be taken away, since 
 they only ravage the country they were ap- 
 pointed to defend." 
 
 But what are we to do then," said So- 
 crates, if our garrisons are taken away 1 How 
 shall we prevent the enemy from overrunning 
 Attica at pleasure 1 And who gave you this 
 intelligence, that our guards discharge their 
 duty in such a manner 1 Have you been among 
 them 1" 
 
 " No : but I much suspect it." 
 
 " As soon then," said Socrates, " as we can 
 be thoroughly informed of the matter, and have 
 not to proceed on conjecture only, we will 
 speak of it to the senate." 
 
 Perhaps," replied Glauco, this may be 
 the best way." 
 
 I can scarcely suppose," continued So- 
 crates, " that you have visited our silver mines 
 so frequently, as to assign the cause why they 
 have fallen off so much of late from their once 
 flourishing condition 1" 
 
 < I have not been at all there," answered 
 Glauco. 
 
 " They say, indeed," answered Socrates, 
 that the air of those places is very unhealth- 
 ful ; and this may serve for your excuse, if the 
 
 affair at any time should be brought under de- 
 liberation." 
 
 " You rally me, Socrates, now," said the 
 other. 
 
 u However," said Socrates, " I question not 
 but you can easily tell us how much corn our 
 country produces ; how long it will serve the 
 city ; and what more may be wanted to carry 
 us through the year, that so you may be able 
 to give out your orders in time ; that scarcity 
 and want may not come upon us unawares." 
 
 " The man," replied Glauco, will have no 
 little business on his hands, who pretends to 
 take care of such a variety of things." 
 
 " Yet so it must be, my Glauco," said So- 
 crates : " you see even here, in our own pri- 
 vate families, it is impossible for the master to 
 discharge the duties of his station properly, un- 
 less he not only inquires out what is necessary 
 for those who belong to him, but exerts his 
 utmost endeavors to supply whatever is 
 wanted. In the city there are more than ten 
 thousand of these families to provide for ; and 
 it is difficult to bestow on them, at one and 
 the same time, that attention and care which is 
 necessary for each of them. I therefore think 
 you had better have given the first proof of 
 your abilities in restoring the broken fortunes 
 of one in your own family, from whence, if 
 succeeding, you might afterwards have gone on 
 to better those of the whole community ; or 
 finding yourself unable to do the one, thought 
 no longer of the other ; for surely the absurdity 
 of the man is most apparent, who knowing 
 himself not able to raise fifty pound weight, 
 shall nevertheless attempt the carrying of five 
 thousand." 
 
 But I make no doubt," replied Glauco, 
 " of my having been able to have served my 
 uncle, and that very considerably, if he would 
 have followed my advice." 
 
 " Alas !" returned Socrates, " if you could 
 not to this hour prevail on so near a relation as 
 your uncle to follow your counsel, how can 
 you hope that all Athens, this very man too 
 among others, should submit to your direction 1 
 Beware then, my Glauco ; beware lest a too 
 eager desire of glory should terminate in shame. 
 Consider how much they hazard who under- 
 take things, and talk on subjects of wliich they 
 are ignorant. Call to mind those of your ac- 
 quaintance who have thus talked and thus done, 
 arid see whether the purchase they made for 
 themselves had not more of censure than ap- 
 
568 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 plause in it; of contempt than admiration. ' 
 Consider, on the other hand, with what credit 
 they appear, who have made themselves mas- 
 ters of the point in question : and when you 
 have done this, I doubt not your seeing that 
 approbation and glory are alone the attendants 
 of capacity and true merit; while contempt 
 and shame are the sure reward of ignorance 
 and temerity. If, therefore, you desire to be 
 admired and esteemed by your country beyond 
 all others, you must exceed all others in the 
 knowledge of" those things which you are am- 
 bitious of undertaking : and thus qualified, I 
 shallnot scruple to insure your success, when- 
 ever you may think proper to preside over the 
 commonwealth." 
 
 VII. On the other hand, having observed 
 that Charmidas, the son of Glauco, and uncle 
 to the young man of whom we have been 
 speaking, industriously declined any office in 
 the government, though otherwise a man of 
 sense, and far greater abilities than many who 
 at that time were employed in the administra- 
 tion; Socrates said to him, "I pray you, 
 Charmidas, what is your opinion of one, who 
 being able to win the prize at the Olympic 
 games, and thereby gain honour to himself and 
 glory to his country, shall nevertheless, decline 
 to make one among the combatants 1" 
 
 " I should certainly look upon him," said 
 Charmidas, as a very effeminate and mean- 
 spirited man." 
 
 " And suppose there may be one who hath 
 it in his power, by the wisdom of his counsels, 
 to augment the grandeur of the republic, and 
 raise at the same time his own name to no 
 common pitch of glory, yet timorously refusing 
 to engage in business ; should not this man be 
 deemed a coward 1" 
 
 " I believe he should," replied Charmidas : 
 but wherefore this question to me ?" 
 
 " Because," said Socrates, you seem to be 
 this very man ; since, able as you are, you avoid 
 all employment ; though, as citizen of Athens, 
 you are certainly a member of the common- 
 wealth, and consequently, ought to take some 
 share in serving it." 
 
 " But on what do you ground your opinion 
 of my ability 1" 
 
 " I never once doubted it," said Socrates, 
 " since I once saw you in conference with 
 tome of our leading men : for, when they im- 
 parted any of their designs to you, you not only 
 counselled what was best to be done, but ex- 
 
 postulated freely and judiciously, when you 
 thought they were mistaken." 
 
 But surely there is some difference," said 
 Charmidas, " between discoursing in private 
 and pleading your own cause before a full as- 
 sembly." 
 
 " And yet," said Socrates, a good arithme- 
 tician will not calculate with less exactness be- 
 fore a multitude than when alone : and he, 
 who is a master of music, not only excels 
 while in his own chamber, but leads the con- 
 cert with applause in presence of the full au- 
 dience." 
 
 ' But you know, Socrates, the bashfulness 
 and timidity nature hath implanted, operates 
 far more powerfully in us when before a large 
 assembly, than in a private conversation." 
 
 And is it possible," said Socrates, " that 
 you, who are under no sort of concern when 
 you speak to men who are in power, and men 
 who have understanding, should stand in awe 
 of such as are possessed of neither? For, af- 
 ter all, Charmidas, who are the people you are 
 most afraid of? Is it the masons, the shoe- 
 makers, the fullers, the labourers, the retailers 1 
 Yet these are the men who compose our as- 
 semblies. But to converse thus at your ease, 
 before people who hold the highest rank in the 
 administration, (some of them, perhaps, not 
 holding you in the highest estimation,) and yet 
 suffer yourself to be intimidated by those who 
 know nothing of the business of the state, nei- 
 ther can be supposed at all likely to despise 
 you, is, certainly, no other than if he, who was 
 perfectly well skilled in the art of fencing, 
 should be afraid of one who never handled a 
 file. But you fear their laughing at you ?" 
 
 "And do they not often laugh at our very 
 best speakers T' 
 
 "They do," replied Socrates; "and so do 
 the others ^those great men whom you con-' 
 verse with daily. I therefore the rather mar- 
 vel, Charmidas, that you who have spirit and 
 eloquence sufficient to reduce even these last to 
 reason, should stand in awe of such stingless 
 ridiculers ! But endeavour, my friend, to 
 know yourself better ; and be not of the num- 
 ber of those who turn all their thoughts to the 
 affairs of others, and are, the meanwhile, utter 
 strangers at home. Be acquainted with your 
 own talents, and lose no occasion of exerting 
 them in the service of your country ; and make 
 Athens, if it may be, more flourishing than it 
 is at present. The returns they bring will be 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 569 
 
 
 glorious ! Neither is it the commonwealth 
 alone that shall be advantaged by them ; your- 
 self, my Charmidas, and your best friends, shall 
 share the benefit." 
 
 VIII. Aristippus being desirous to retaliate 
 in kind for having been formerly put to si- 
 lence by Socrates, proposed a question in so 
 artful a manner, as he doubted not would pose 
 him. Socrajtes, however, was at no loss for an 
 answer ; though regardful rather of the im- 
 provement of his hearers than the ordering of 
 his speech. The question was, "If he knew 
 any thing that was good 1" Now, had it been 
 said of food, money, health, strength, courage, 
 or any thing else of the like nature, that they 
 were good, Aristippus could 'with ease have 
 demonstrated the contrary, and shown that 
 each, and all of them, were oftentimes evil : 
 but Socrates was better provided with a reply ; 
 for, knowing with what eagerness we wish to 
 be relieved from whatever molests us "What," 
 said he, " Aristippus, do you ask me if I know 
 any thing good for a fever V 
 
 " No, not so," returned the other. 
 
 " For an inflammation in the eye 1" 
 
 Nor that, Socrates." 
 
 " Do you mean any thing good against a 
 famine V 
 
 " No, nor against a famine." 
 
 " Nay then," replied Socrates, " if you ask 
 me concerning a good, which is good for noth- 
 ing, I know of none such ; nor yet desire it." 
 
 Aristippus still urging him : "But do you 
 know," said he, " any thing beautiful 1" 
 
 " A great many," returned Socrates. 
 
 Are these all like one another!" 
 
 " Far from it, Aristippus : there is a very 
 considerable difference between them." 
 
 " But how caji beauty differ from beauty ?" 
 
 " We want not many examples of it," replied 
 Socrates ; " for the same disposition of the 
 body which is beautiful in him who runs, is not 
 beautiful in the wrestler ; and while the beauty 
 of the shield is to cover him well who wears it, 
 that of the dart is to be swift and piercing." ' 
 
 But you return," said Aristippus, " the 
 same answer to this question as you did to the 
 former." 
 
 " And why not, Aristippus 1 for do you sup- 
 pose there can be any difference between beau- 
 tiful and good 1 Know you not, that whatever 
 is beautiful, is, for the same reason, good 1 And 
 we cannot say of any thing, of virtue, for ex- 
 ample, that on this occasion it is good, and 
 48 * 
 
 ! on the other, beautiful. Likewise, in describing 
 the virtuous character, say we not of it, " It is 
 fair and goodl" Even the bodies of men are 
 said to be fair and good, with respect to the 
 same purposes : and the same we declare of 
 whatever else we meet with, when suited to the 
 use for which it was intended." 
 
 " You would, perhaps, then call a dung-cart 
 beautiful ?" 
 
 " I would," said Socrates, " if made proper 
 for the purpose ; as I would call the shield 
 ugly, though made of gold, that answered not 
 the end for which it was designed." 
 
 " Possibly you will say too," returned Aris- 
 tippus, that the same thing is both handsome 
 and ugly." 
 
 " In truth I will," said Socrates ; " and I 
 will go still farther, and add, that the same 
 thing may be both good and evil : for I can 
 easily suppose, that which is good in the case 
 of hunger, may be evil in a fever ; since what 
 would prove a cure for the one, will certainly 
 increase the malignity of the other ; and in the 
 same manner will beauty, in the wrestler, 
 change to deformity in him who runneth. For 
 whatsoever," continued he, " is suited to the end 
 intended, with respect to that end jt is good and 
 fair ; and contrariwise, must be deemed evil 
 and deformed, when it defeats the purpose it 
 was designed to promote." 
 
 Thus, when Socrates said that " beautiful 
 houses were ever the most convenient," he 
 showed us plainly in what manner we ought 
 to build. To this end he would ask, " Doth 
 not the man who buildeth a house intend, prin- 
 cipally, the making it useful and pleasant " 
 
 This being granted, Socrates went on : " But, 
 to make a house pleasant, it should be cool in 
 summer and warm in winter." This also was 
 acknowledged. " Then," said he, the building 
 wkich looketh towards the south will best serve 
 this purpose : for the sun, which by that means 
 enters and warms the rooms in winter, will, in 
 summer, pass over its roof. For the same rea- 
 son, these houses ought to be carried up to a* 
 considerable height, the better to admit the 
 winter sun ; whilst those to the north should 
 be left much lower, that they may not be ex- 
 posed to the bleak winds which blow from that 
 quarter : for in short," continued Socrates, 
 " that house is to be regarded as beautiful, where 
 a man may pass pleasantly every season of tho 
 year, and lodge with security whatever belongs 
 to him." As for paintings, and other orna 
 3 W 
 
570 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 ments, lie thought they rather impair than im- 
 prove our happiness. 
 
 With regard to temples and altars, Socrates 
 thought the places best fitted for these were 
 such as lay at some distance from the city, 
 and were open to the view ; for, when withheld 
 from them, we should pray with more ardour, 
 while in sight of those sacred edifices ; and 
 being sequestered from the resort of men, holy 
 souls would approach them with more piety 
 and devotion. 
 
 IX. Socrates being once asked, " Whether 
 he took courage to be an acquisition of our 
 own, or the gift of Nature 1" " I think," said 
 he, " that, as in bodies some are more strong, 
 and better able to bear fatigue than others ; 
 even so among minds, may be discerned the 
 same difference ; some of these, being by Na- 
 ture endued with more fortitude, are able to 
 face dangers with greater resolution. For we 
 may observe," continued he, " that all who live 
 under the same laws, and follow the same cus- 
 toms, are not equally valiant. Nevertheless, 
 I doubt not but education and instruction may 
 give strength to that gift Nature hath bestowed. 
 on us : for, from hence it is we see the Thra- 
 eians and the Scythians fearing to meet the 
 Spartans with their long pikes and large buck- 
 lers ; while, on the contrary, the Spartans are 
 not less afraid of the Scythians with their 
 bows, or of the Thracians with their small 
 shields and short javelins. The same differ- 
 ence is likewise observable in every other in- 
 stance ; and so far as any man exceedeth an- 
 other in natural endowments, so may he, pro- 
 portionably, by exercise and meditation, make 
 a swifter progress towards perfection. From 
 whence it follows, that not only the man to 
 whom Nature hath been less kind, but likewise 
 he whom she hath endowed the most liberally, 
 ought constantly to apply himself, with c^re 
 and assiduity, to whatsoever it may be he 
 wishes to excel in." 1 
 
 Socrates made no distinction between wis- 
 dorn and a virtuous temperature ; for he judged, 
 that he who so discerned what things were 
 laudable and good, as to choose them, what evil 
 and base, as to avoid them, was both wise 
 and virtuously tempered. And being asked, 
 
 * Though I am sorry to lessen the merit of this ex- 
 cellent philosopher, yet I cannot but wish the reader 
 might see how much more usefully this subject hath 
 been treated by a Christian moralist, in Number 106 of 
 The Adventurer. 
 
 " Whether those persons who knew their duty 
 but acted contrary to it, were wise and virtu- 
 ously tempered 1" his answer was, "that they 
 ought rather to be ranked among the ignorant 
 and foolish ; for that all men whatever do those 
 particular things, which having first selected 
 out of the various things possible, they imagine 
 to be well for their interest. I am of opinion, 
 therefore," added Socrates, that those who do 
 not act right, are, for that very reason, neither 
 wise nor virtuously tempered." 
 
 Agreeable to this, Socrates would often say, 
 " That justice, together with every other vir- 
 tue, was wisdom ; for that all their actions 
 being fair and good, must be preferred as such 
 by all who were possessed of a right discern- 
 ment ; but ignorance and folly could perform 
 nothing fair and good ; because, if attempted, 
 it would miscarry in their hands. Whence it 
 follows, that as whatever is just and fair must 
 be the result of sound wisdom ; and as nothing 
 can be fair and just where virtue is wanting ; 
 therefore, justice, and every other virtue, is 
 wisdom." 
 
 And although Socrates asserted that mad- 
 ness was the very reverse of wisdom, yet did 
 he not account all ignorance madness. But 
 for a man to be ignorant of 'himself, and erect 
 those things into matters of opinion, belief, or 
 judgment, with which he was totally unac- 
 quainted, this he accounted a disorder of the 
 mind bordering on madness. He farther said, 
 that " the vulgar never deemed any one mad, 
 for not knowing what was not commonly 
 known ; but to be deceived in things wherein 
 no other is deceived, as when he thinks him- 
 self too tall to pass upright through the gates of 
 the city, or so strong as to carry the house on 
 his shoulders, in these, and such like cases, 
 they say at once, < the man is mad ;' but pass 
 over, unnoticed, mistakes that are less striking. 
 For, as they only give the name of love to that 
 which is the very excess of the passion, so they 
 confine their idea of madness to the very high- 
 est pitch of disorder that can possibly arise in 
 the human mind." 
 
 Considering the nature of envy, he said, 
 " It was a grief of mind which did not arise 
 from the prosperity of an enemy, or the misfor- 
 tunes of a friend ; but it was the happiness of 
 the last the envious man mourned at." And 
 when it seemed strange that any one should 
 grieve at the happiness of his friend, Socrates 
 showed them, It was no uncommon thing 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 571 
 
 for the mind of man to be so fantastically dis- 
 posed, as not to be able to bear either the pains 
 or the pleasures of another ; but that while it 
 spared for no labour to remove the first., it 
 would sicken and repine on seeing the other : 
 but this," he said, " was only the punishment 
 of minds ill-formed : the generous soul was 
 above such weaknesses." 
 
 As to idleness, Socrates said he had observed 
 very few who had not some employment ; for 
 the man who spends his time at the dice, or in 
 playing the buffoon to make others laugh, may 
 be said to do something : but, with Socrates, 
 these, and such as these, were in reality no 
 better than idlers, since they might employ 
 themselves so much more usefully. He add- 
 ed, that no one thought himself at leisure to 
 quit a good occupation for one that was other- 
 wise : if he did, he was so much less excusable, 
 as he could not plead the want of employment. 
 Socrates likewise observed, that a sceptre in 
 the hand could not make a king ; neither were 
 they rulers in whose favour the lot or the voice 
 of the people had decided, or who by force or 
 fraud had secured their election, unless they 
 understood the art of governing. And although 
 he would readily allow it not less the province 
 of the prince to command, than the subjects to 
 obey, yet he would afterwards demonstrate, 
 that the most skilful pilot would always steer 
 the ship ; the master, no less than the mariners, 
 submitting to his direction. " The owner of 
 the farm left the management of it," he said, 
 " to the servant whom he thought better ac- 
 quainted than himself with the affairs of agri- 
 culture. The sick man sought the advice of 
 the physician ; and he, who engaged in bodily 
 exercises, the instructions of those who had 
 most experience. And whatever there may 
 be," continued Socrates, requiring either 
 skill or industry to perform it, when the man is 
 able, he doth it himself; but if not, he hath 
 recourse, if prudent, to the assistance of others, 
 since in the management of the distaff a woman 
 may be his instructor : neither will he content 
 himself with what he can have at hand ; but 
 inquireth out with care for whoever can best 
 serve him." 
 
 It being said by some present, " that an ar- 
 bitrary prince was under no obligation to obey 
 good counsel." " And why so," replied So- 
 crates ; " must not he himself pay the penalty 
 of not doing it ? Whoever rejects good coun- 
 sel commits a crime ; and no crime can pass 
 
 unpunished." It being farther said, That aji 
 arbitrary prince was at liberty to rid himself 
 even of his ablest ministers." He may," 
 returned Socrates : " but do you suppose it no 
 punishment to lose his best supporters 1 or think 
 you it but a slight one 1 For, which would this 
 be ; to establish him in his power, or the most 
 sure way to hasten his destruction 1" 
 
 Socrates being asked, " What study was the 
 most eligible and best for man?" answered, 
 " To do well." And being asked by the same 
 person, " If good fortune was the effect of 
 study V So far from it," returned Socrates, 
 " that I look upon good fortune and study as 
 two things entirely opposite to each other : for 
 that is good fortune, to find what we want, 
 without any previous care or inquiry: while 
 the success which is the effect of study, must 
 always be preceded by long searching and much 
 labour, and is what I call doing well : and I 
 think," added Socrates, " that he who diligently 
 appliq^himself to this study, cannot fail of suc- 
 cess j 1 at the same time that he is securing to 
 himself the favour of the gods and the esteem 
 of men. They, likewise, most commonly ex- 
 cel all others in agriculture, medicine, the bu- 
 siness of the state, or whatever else they may 
 engage in ; whereas they who will take no 
 pains, neither can know any thing perfectly, or 
 do any thing well, they please not the gods, 
 and are of no use to man." 
 
 X. But all the conversations of Socrates 
 were improving. Even to the artists while 
 engaged in their several employments, he had 
 always somewhat to say which might prove in- 
 structive. Being on a time in the shop of 
 Parrhasius the painter, he asked him, " is not 
 painting, Parrhasius, a representation of what 
 we see 1 By the help of canvass and a few 
 colours, you can easily set before us hills and 
 caves, light and shade, straight and crooked, 
 rough and plain, and bestow youth and age 
 where and when it best pleaseth you : and 
 
 " Since but to wish more virtue, is to gain :" 
 He has virtually attained his end, at the very time that 
 he seems only, busied about the means. As the term 
 
 -ea.'*, which is here translated, to do well, is equi- 
 vocal, and implies in it rectitude of conduct, as well as 
 prosperity and success, as commonly understood by 
 these words : it seems to be chiefly, in respect to the 
 first of these, viz. rectitude of conduct, that Socrates 
 here promises success to those who diligently make it 
 their study and endeavour ; not omitting to point out 
 o us the favourable influence care and industry com- 
 monly have on whatever we engage in. 
 
572 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 when you would give us perfect beauty, (not 
 being able to find in any one person what an- 
 swers your idea,) you copy from many what is 
 beautiful in each, in order to produce this per- 
 fect form." 
 
 " We do so," replied Parrhasius. 
 
 " But can you show us, Parrhasius, what is 
 still more charming, a mind that is gentle, 
 amiable, affable, friendly 1 Or is this inimit- 
 able]" 
 
 And how should it be otherwise than ini- 
 mitable, my Socrates, when it hath neither co- 
 lour, proportion, nor any of the qualities of 
 those things you mentioned, whereby it might 
 be brought within the power of the pencil ? In 
 short, when it is by no means visible 1" 
 
 " Are men ever observed to regard each 
 other with looks of kindness or hostility 1" 
 
 "Nothing more frequently observed," re- 
 plied Parrhasius. 
 
 The eyes, then, discover to us something?" 
 
 " Most undoubtedly." 4} 
 
 " And, in the prosperity or adversity of 
 friends, is the countenance of him who is anx- 
 iously solicitous, the same with theirs who are 
 indifferent about the matter 1" 
 
 " Far otherwise, Socrates : for he who is so- 
 licitous, hath a countenance all cheerfulness 
 and joy, on the prosperity of a friend ; pensive 
 and dejected, when this friend is in affliction." 
 
 " And can this also be represented 1" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 " Likewise, where there is any thing nobfe 
 and liberal ; or illiberal and mean ; honest, pru- 
 dent, modest ; bold, insolent, or sordid ; are 
 any of these to be discovered in the countenance 
 and demeanour of a man, when he sits, stands, 
 or is in motion 1" 
 
 " It may." 
 
 " And imitated 1 ?" 
 
 " Imitated, no doubt of it." 
 
 And which yields the most pleasure, Par- 
 rhasius the portrait of him on whose counte- 
 nance the characters of whatever is good, vir- 
 tuous and amiable, are impressed ; or his, who 
 wears in his face all the marks of a base, evil, 
 and hateful disposition!" 
 
 " Truly," returned Parrhasius, " the differ- 
 ence is too great, my Socrates, to admit of any 
 comparison." ^ 
 
 Entering another time into the shop of Clito 
 the statuary, he said to him" : " I marvel not, 
 my Clito, at your being able to mark out to us 
 even the difference between the racer and the 
 
 wrestler, the pancratiast and gladiator ; but your 
 statues are very men ! Tell me, I pray, by what 
 means you effect this!" 
 
 Clito hesitating, as at a loss how to reply ; 
 Socrates went on : But, perhaps, you are par- 
 ticularly careful to imitate persons who are 
 living ; and that is the reason why your statues 
 are so much alive ?" 
 
 It is," returned Clito. 
 
 ; < Then you have certainly remarked, and 
 that with no little exactness, the natural dispo- 
 sition of all the parts, in all the different pos- 
 tures of the body : for, whilst some of these 
 are extended, others remain bent ; when that 
 is raised above its natural height, this < sinks be- 
 low it ; these are relaxed, and those again con- 
 tracted, to give the greater force to the medita- 
 ted blow ; and the more these sort of things 
 are attended to, the nearer you approach to 
 human life." 
 
 You are right, my Socrates." 
 
 " But it undoubtedly gives us the greatest 
 pleasure when we see the passions of men, as 
 well as their actions, represented 1" 
 
 Undoubtedly." 
 
 " Then the countenance of the combatant 
 going to engage the enemy, must be menacing 
 and full of fire ; that of the conqueror, all com- 
 placency and joy 1" 
 
 "They must." 
 
 "Therefore," concluded Socrates, "he will 
 ever be deemed the best sculptor, whose statues 
 best express the inward workings of the mind." 
 
 Socrates entering the shop of Pistias the 
 armourer, was shown some corslets that were 
 thought well made. 
 
 " I cannot but admire," said Socrates, " the 
 contrivance of those things which so well cover 
 that part of the body which most wants de- 
 fending, and yet leave the hands and arms at 
 liberty. But tell us, Pistias, why you sell 
 your armour so much dearer than any other, 
 when it is neither better tempered, stronger, 
 nor the materials of it more costly 1" 
 
 " I make it better proportioned," said Pis- 
 tias ; " and therefore I ought to have a better 
 price." 
 
 " But how are we to find out this proportion, 
 Pistias "? Not by weight or measure ; for as 
 you make for different people, the weight and 
 the size must likewise differ, or they will not 
 fit." 
 
 " We must make them to fit," said Pistias, 
 " otherwise the armour would be of little use." 
 
.MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 573 
 
 ' And are you aware that all bodies are not 
 justly proportioned 1" 
 
 I am." 
 
 How can you make a well-proportioned 
 suit of arms for an ill-proportioned body ?" 
 
 I make it fit ; and what fits is well-propor- 
 tioned." 
 
 Then you are of opinion, that when we 
 declare any" thing well-proportioned, it must be 
 in reference to the use for which it was intend- 
 ed : as when we say of this shield, or this 
 cloak, it is well-proportioned, for it fits the 
 person for whom it was made? But I think," 
 added Socrates, there is still another advan- 
 tage, and that no small one, in having arms 
 made to fit the wearer." 
 
 "Pray, what is that 1" 
 
 " Armour which fits," replied Socrates, 
 " doth not load the wearer so much as that 
 which is ill made, although the weight may be 
 the same : /or that which doth not fit hangs 
 altogether upon the shoulders, or bears hard 
 upon some other part of the body ; and be- 
 comes, thereby, almost insupportable ; whereas 
 the weight of that which is well made, falls 
 equally on all ; the shoulders, breast, back, 
 loins ; and is worn with ease, not carried as a 
 burthen." 
 
 It is for this very same reason," said Pis- 
 tias, that I set such a value on those I make : 
 nevertheless, my Socrates, there arc who pay 
 more regard to the gilding and carving of their 
 arms than to any other matter." 
 
 " And yet," answered Socrates, these peo- 
 ple will make but a bad bargain with all their 
 gilding and various colours, if they buy such 
 arms as do not sit easy. But,"- continued So- 
 crates," since the position of the body is not 
 always the same, being sometimes stooping and 
 sometimes erect, how can the arms, that are 
 made with such exactness, be at all times 
 easy?" 
 
 Neither can they," replied the other. 
 
 " You think then, Pistias, the arms which 
 are well made are not those which are exact, 
 or sit close to the body, but give the least trou- 
 ble to him who wears them ?" 
 
 You think so," said Pistias ; " and have 
 certainly taken the matter right." 
 /" XI. There was a courtezan at Athens, called 
 Theodota, of great fame on the account of 
 her many lovers. It being mentioned in com- 
 pany that her beauty surpassed all description, 
 that painters came from all parts to draw her 
 
 picture, and that one was now gone to her 
 lodgings for that very purpose, We should 
 do well," said Socrates, " to go ourselves and 
 see this wonder, for we may then speak with 
 more certainty when we speak from our own 
 knowledge, and do not depend on the report of 
 others." 
 
 The person who first mentioned this second- 
 ing the proposal, they went that instant to the 
 lodgings of Theodota, and found her, as was 
 said, sitting for her picture. The painter be- 
 ing gone, Socrates said to those who came 
 along with him : " What say you, sirs, which 
 of the two ought to think themselves the most 
 obliged : we to Theodota for the sight of so 
 much beauty ; or she to us, for coming to see 
 it ? Now, if the advantages of showing her- 
 self are found to be altogether on her side, 
 then certainly is she indebted to us for this 
 visit ; if otherwise, indeed, we must thank her." 
 
 The reasonableness of what was said being 
 assented to by the rest, Socrates proceeded 
 " The praises we bestow at present, ought not 
 even these to be had in some estimation by 
 Theodota ? But when we come to blaze 
 abroad the fame of her beauty, what manifold 
 advantages may not arise to her from it ! while 
 all our gain from the sight of so many charms 
 can terminate in nothing but fruitless longing ! 
 We take our leave with hearts full of love and 
 anxiety, and are henceforth no other than so 
 many slaves to Theodota, with whom she has 
 no more to do than to show them her plea- 
 sure !" 
 
 " If this is the case," replied Theodota, " I 
 am to thank you for coming to see me." 
 
 Socrates, during this conversation, had ob- 
 served how sumptuously she was adorned, and 
 that her mother was the same ; her attendants, 
 of whom there was no small number expen- 
 sively clothed, and all the furniture of her 
 apartment elegant and costly : he therefore 
 took occasion from thence to ask her concern- 
 ing her estate in the country ; adding, it must 
 of necessity be very considerable ? 
 
 Being answered, " she had not any." 
 
 You have houses then," said he, in the 
 city, and they yield you a good income ?" 
 
 No, nor houses, Socrates." 
 
 " You have certftnly many slaves, then, 
 Theodota, who by the labour of their hands 
 supply you with these riches ?" 
 
 "So far," replied Theodota, "from having 
 many, that I have not one." 
 
574 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 " But whence then," said Socrates, can all 
 this come ?" 
 
 From my friends," returned Theodota. 
 " A fair possession, truly !" replied So- 
 crates ; and a herd of friends we find to he 
 a far better thing than a flock of sheep or a 
 herd of cattle. But tell me, pray, do you trust 
 fortune to bring these friends home to you, as 
 flies fall by chance into the spider's web, or do 
 you employ some art to draw them in 1" 
 
 But where, Socrates, shall I be furnished 
 with this art ?" , 
 
 " You may procure it," said Socrates, with 
 far greater ease than the spider her web. You 
 see how this little animal, who lives only upon 
 her prey, hangs her nets in the 'air, in order to 
 entangle it!" 
 
 You advise me, then, to weave some arti- 
 ficial nets," said Theodota, in order to catch 
 friends 1" 
 
 " Not so neither," returned Socrates ; " it is 
 necessary to go a little less openly to work in a 
 pursuit of such importance. You see what 
 various arts are employed by men to hunt down 
 hares, which, after all, are of little value. As 
 these are known to feed chiefly in the night, 
 they provide dogs to find them out at that sea- 
 son : and as they lie concealed in the day, the 
 sharp-scented hound is employed to trace them 
 up to their very forms: being swift of foot, 
 the greyhound is let loose upon them, as more 
 swift of foot than they ; and, lest all this 
 should not be sufficient for the purpose, they 
 spread nets in the paths to catch and entangle 
 them." 
 
 Very well," replied Theodota ; but what 
 art shall I make use of to catch friends 1" 
 
 Instead of the hunter's dog," said Socrates, 
 " you must set somebody to find out those who 
 are rich and well-pleased with beauty, whom 
 afterwards they shall force into your toils." 
 
 " And what are my toils ?" replied Theo- 
 dota. 
 
 " You are certainly mistress of many," said 
 Socrates, " and those not a little entangling. 
 What think you of that form of yours, Theo- 
 dota, accompanied as it is with a wit so pierc- 
 ing, as shows you at once what will be most 
 for your advantage 1 It is this which directs 
 the glance, tunes the torjffoe, and supplies il 
 with all the shows of courtesy and kindness, 
 It is this which teaches you to receive with 
 transport him who assiduously courts your 
 favour, and scorn such as show you no regard 
 
 f your friend is sick, you spare for no pains in 
 your attendance upon him ; you rejoice in all 
 lis joy, and give every proof of having be- 
 towed your heart on him who seems to have 
 given his to you. In short, I make no doubt 
 f your being well versed in all the arts of 
 allurement, and dare venture to say, the friends 
 ou have, if true, were not gained by compli- 
 ments, but substantial proofs of kindness." 
 
 " But," said Theodota, I never practise 
 any of the arts you mention." 
 
 " And yet," answered Socrates, " some 
 manegement is necessary, since a friend is a 
 sort of prey that is neither to be catched nor 
 tept by force ; a creature no otherwise to be 
 taken and tamed, but by showing it kindness, 
 and communicating to it pleasure." 
 
 You say right, Socrates ; but why will you 
 not help me to gain friends ?" 
 
 < And so I will," said Socrates, " if you can 
 find out how to persuade me to it." 
 
 But what way must I take to persuade 
 you?" 
 
 "Do you ask that 7 " returned Socrates: 
 You will find out the way, Theodota, if you 
 want my assistance." 
 
 Then come tome often." 
 
 Socrates, still joking with her, said laugh- 
 ing : But it is not so easy for me to find 
 leisure : I have much business both in public 
 and private, and have my friends too, as well 
 as you, who will not suffer me to be absent 
 night or day, but employ against me the very 
 charms and incantations that I formerly taught 
 them." 
 
 " You are then acquainted with those 
 things'!" 
 
 Verily !" returned Socrates ; " for what 
 else can you suppose, Theodota, engaged 
 Apollodorus and Antisthenes to be always 
 with me ? Or Cebes and Simmias to leave 
 Thebes for my company, but the charms I 
 speak of?" 
 
 i Antisthenes lived at the port Pirseus, about five 
 miles from Athens, and came from thence every day 
 to see Socrates. Cebes and Simmias left their native 
 country for his sake ; and almost the whole of what 
 we know of Apollodorus is the violence of his affection 
 for Socrates. But the proof which Euclides gave of his 
 was the most extraordinary ; for, when the hatred of 
 the Megareans was so great, that it was forbidden on 
 pain of death for any one of them to set foot in Attica, 
 and the Athenians obliged their generals to take an 
 oath, when they elected them, to ravage the territories 
 of Megara twice every year, Euclides used to disguise 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 575 
 
 Communicate these charms to me," said 
 Theodota, " and the first proof of their power 
 shall be upon you." 
 
 " But I would not be attracted to you, Theo- 
 dota ; I would rather you should come to me." 
 
 " Give me but a favourable reception," said 
 Theodota, " and I will certainly come." 
 
 So I will," replied Socrates, provided I 
 have then no one with me whom I love better." 
 
 XII. Socrates having taken notice how very 
 awkward Epigenes, one of his followers, was 
 in all his actions, and that he was moreover 
 of a sickly constitution, both which he attri- 
 buted to a neglect of those exercises which 
 make so large a part of a liberal education, 2 he 
 reproved him for it, saying, How unbecom- 
 ing it was in him to go on in such a manner !" 
 Epigenes only answered, " He was under no 
 obligation to do otherwise." 
 
 " At least as much," replied Socrates, as 
 he who hath to prepare for Olympia. Or do 
 you suppose it, Epigenes, a thing of less con- 
 sequence to fight for your life against the ene- 
 mies of your country, whenever it shall please 
 our Athenians to command your service, than 
 to contend for a prize at the Olympic games ? 
 How many do we see, who, through feebleness 
 and want of strength, lose their lives in battle; 
 or, what is still worse, save themselves by 
 some dishonourable means ! How many fall 
 alive into the enemy's hand, endure slavery of 
 the most grievous kind for the remainder of 
 their 'days, unless redeemed from it by the ruin 
 of their families ! Whilst a third procures 
 himself an evil fame ; and the charge of cow- 
 ardice is given to imbecility. But, perhaps, 
 Epigenes, you despise all the ills which at- 
 tend on bad health, or account them as evils 
 that may easily be borne ?" 
 
 " Truly," replied the other, " I think them 
 rather to be chosen, than so much fatigue and 
 labour for the purchase of a little health." 
 
 " It may be, then," answered Socrates, you 
 
 himself in the habit of an old woman, and covering his 
 head with a veil, set out in the evening from Megara ; 
 and arriving in the night-time at the house of Socrates, 
 staid till the next evening with him, and then returned 
 in the same manner; so much stronger was his affec- 
 tion than the fear of death. And when, to friends like 
 these, we may still add many others, Plato, Chocrephon, 
 Crito. and to mention no more, our amiable Xenophon 
 almost all of them the wisest as well as the best men of 
 their age who can suspect the virtue of Socrates ; 
 who can doubt his bein; a happy man I 
 
 No slaves were allowed to anoint, or perform 
 exercises in the Palaestra. Pott. Jlntiq. 
 
 equally contemn all the advantages arising 
 from a contrary complexion ; yet, to me, they 
 seem to be many and great ; since he who is 
 possessed of a good constitution, is healthful, 
 strong, and hardy, and may acquit himself with 
 honour on every occasion. By the means of 
 this he ofttimes escapes all the dangers of war ; 
 he can assist his friends, do much service to 
 his country, and is sure of being well received 
 wherever he shall go. His name becomes il- 
 lustrious : he makes his way to the highest 
 offices ; passes the decline of life in tranquillity 
 and honour ; and leaves to his children the fair 
 inheritance of a good example. Neither ought 
 we to neglect the benefits arising from military 
 exercises, though we may not be called upon 
 to perform them in public, since we shall find 
 ourselves not the less fitted for whatever we 
 may engage in, from having a constitution 
 healthful and vigorous : and as the body must 
 bear its part, it imports us much to have it in 
 good order ; for who knoweth not," continued 
 Socrates, " that even there where it seems to 
 have least to do who knoweth not how much 
 the mind is retarded in its pursuits after know- 
 ledge, through indisposition of the body ; so 
 that forgetfulness, melancholy, fretfulness, and 
 even madness itself, shall sometimes be the 
 consequence, so far as to destroy even the very 
 traces of all we have ever learned. But he 
 whose constitution is rightly tempered, need 
 fear none of these evils; and, therefore, he 
 who hath a just discernment will choose with 
 pleasure whatever may best secure him from 
 them. Neither doth an inconsiderable shame 
 belong to the man who suffers himself to sink 
 into old age, without exerting to the utmost 
 those faculties nature hath bestowed on him ; 
 and trying how far they will carry him towards 
 that perfection, which laziness and despondence 
 can never attain to ; for dexterity and strength 
 are not produced spontaneously." 
 
 XIII. A certain man being angry with an- 
 other for not returning his salutation, Socrates 
 asked, " Why was he not enraged when he met 
 one who had less health than himself, since it 
 would not be more ridiculous, than to be angry 
 with one who was less civil?" 
 
 Another bemoaning himself because he 
 could not relish his food ; " There is an ex- 
 cellent remedy for this complaint," answered 
 Socrates; "fast often. By this means you 
 will not only eat more pleasantly, but likewise 
 better your health, and save your money." 
 
576 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK in. 
 
 Another complaining that the water which 
 ran by his house was too warm to drink ; " You 
 are lucky, however," said Socrates, in having 
 a bath thus ready prepared for you." 
 
 But it is too cold to bathe in," replied the 
 other. 
 
 " Do your domestics complain of it when 
 they drink or bathe?" 
 
 " So far from it," answered the man, that 
 it is often my wonder to see with what plea- 
 sure they use it for both these purposes." 
 
 " Which do you account," said Socrates, 
 " the warmest ; this water you speak of, or that 
 in the temple of Esculapius 1" 
 
 O ! that in the temple," replied the other. 
 
 " And how is it," said Socrates, " that you 
 do not perceive yourself more froward and 
 harder to please, not only than your own ser- 
 vants, but even people who are sickl" 
 
 Socrates seeing one beat his servant immo- 
 derately, asked him, " What offence the man 
 had committed ]" 
 
 I beat him," replied the other, " because 
 he is not only a drunkard and a glutton, but 
 avaricious and idle." 
 
 " You do well," said Socrates ; " but judge 
 for yourself which deserves the most stripes, 
 your servant or you." 
 
 Another dreading the length of the way to 
 Olympia ; Socrates asked him, " What he was 
 afraid of] For is it not your custom," said he, 
 to walk up and down in your own chamber, 
 almost the whole day 1 You need therefore 
 but fancy you are taking your usual exercise 
 between breakfast and dinner, and dinner and 
 supper, and you will find yourself, without much 
 fatigue, at the end of your journey ; for you 
 certainly -walk more in five or six days, than is 
 sufficient to carry you from Athens to Olym- 
 pia. And as it is pleasanter to have a day to 
 spare, than to want one, delay not, I advise 
 you ; but set out in time, and let your haste 
 appear, not at the end, but the beginning of 
 your journey." i 
 
 " A certain person complaining of being tired 
 with travelling, Socrates asked, " If he had 
 carried any thing !" 
 
 " Nothing but my cloak," replied the other. 
 
 Was you alone 1" said Socrates. 
 
 " No ; my servant went along with me." 
 
 Many of the circumstances here mentioned seem as 
 if they should not be so much considered as things 
 spoken by Socrates, as Socrates ; but by Socrates whom 
 Xenophon most tenderly loved. 
 
 " And did he carry any thing 1" 
 
 " Yes, certainly, he carried all I wanted." 
 
 " And how did he bear the journey 7" 
 
 " Much better than I.'' 
 
 " What, if you had carried the burthen 1 how 
 then 1" 
 
 '.< I could not have done it," replied the 
 other. 
 
 < What a shame," said Socrates, for a man 
 who hath gone through all his exercises not to 
 be able to bear as much fatigue as his servant !" 
 
 XIV. It being generally the custom, when 
 they met together, for every one to bring 
 his own supper; 2 Socrates observed, that 
 whilst some of them took such care of them- 
 selves, as to have more than was sufficient; 
 others were compelled to be content with less. 
 He, therefore, so ordered the matter, that the 
 small portion of him who brought little should 
 be offered about to all the company in such a 
 manner, that n^ one could, civilly, refuse to 
 partake of it ; nor exempt himself from doing the 
 like with what he brought : by which means a 
 greater equality was preserved among them. 
 There was also this farther advantage arising 
 from it ; the expenses of the table were con- 
 siderably abridged : for when they saw, that 
 whatever delicacy they brought thither, the 
 whole company would have their share of it, 
 few chose to be at the cost to procure it : and 
 thus luxury was in some degree put a stop to 
 in these entertainments. 
 
 Having observed at one of these meetings, 
 
 3 The feasts or entertainments of the Grecians, were 
 of different sorts. In the primitive ages, entertainments 
 were seldom made but on the festivals of their gods; 
 for it was not customary with them to indulge in the 
 free use of wine, or delicacies, unless they did it on a 
 religious account. Afterwards, when a more free way 
 of living was introduced, they had three distinct sorts of 
 entertainments, of which the marriage entertainment 
 was one. Of the other two, one was provided at the 
 sole expense of one person ; the other was made at the 
 common expense of all present. Hither also may be re- 
 ferred those entertainments wherein some of the guests 
 contributed more than their proportion ; and that other, 
 (which is, I believe, what Socrates had in this place 
 more particularly in his eye,) in which it was the cus- 
 tom for any man, after he had provided his supper 
 (the Grecian's best meal) to put it in a basket, and go 
 and eat it in another man's house. Pott. Jlntiq. 
 
 The Greek name for an entertainment defined by 
 Plutarch, " a mixture of seriousness and mirth, dis- 
 courses and actions." 
 
 They who forced themselves into other men's enter- 
 tainments were called flies ; a general name of reproach 
 for such as insinuated themselves into company where 
 they were not welcome. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 577 
 
 a young man who ate his meat without any 
 bread ; and the discourse turning at that time 
 on the cause why this or that person had pro- 
 cured to themselves some particular appellation. 
 Can you tell me, sirs," said Socrates, " why 
 they call a man a gormandizer, since not one 
 of us here but takes part of whatever is set be- 
 fore him; and therefore we cannot suppose 
 this to be the reason 1" 
 
 " I suppose it cannot," replied one of the 
 company. 
 
 But," continued Socrates, when we see 
 any one greedily swallowing down his meat 
 without mixing any bread with it, may we not 
 call this man a gormandizer ? For, if other- 
 wise, I know not where we shall meet with 
 one." And being asked by another who was 
 present, What he thought of him who ate a 
 little bread to a great deal of meat 1 The 
 same," answered Socrates, " as I did of the 
 other; and while the rest of mankind suppli- 
 cate the gods to find them plenty of corn, these 
 men must pray for an abundance of the well- 
 mixed ragout." 
 
 The young man whom this discourse glanced 
 at, suspecting it was meant for him, thought 
 proper to take a little bread, but, at the same 
 lime continued to cram down his meat as for- 
 merly ; which Socrates observing, called to one 
 who sat near him, to take notice " whether his 
 neighbour ate his meat for the sake of the 
 bread, or his bread for the sake of the meat." 
 
 At another time, seeing a person dip a piece 
 of bread into several different sauces, Socrates 
 asked " whether it was possible to make a 
 sauce so costly, and at the same time so little 
 good as this person had made for himself 1 ? 
 For, as it consisted of a greater variety, there 
 could be no doubt of its costing more ; and as 
 he had mixed such things together as no cook 
 
 ever once thought of, who could doubt his 
 having spoiled all 1 Besides," said Socrates, 
 what folly to be curious in searching after 
 cooks, if a man is to undo at once all they have 
 done for us !" Moreover, he who is accustom- 
 ed to indulge in variety, will feel dissatisfied 
 when not in his power to procure it ; but the 
 man who generally restrains himself to one 
 dish, will rise well satisfied from every table. 
 He used also to say, that the compound verb, 
 which in the Attic dialect signified to feast, or 
 fare well, 1 meant to eat ; and that the term 
 WELL was added to express the eating in such a 
 manner as neither to disorder the body nor op- 
 press the mind ; and with such plainness that 
 the food could not be difficult to come at : so 
 that this Attic verb was only applicable to such 
 persons as ate with decency and temperance, 
 and agreeably to the nature of social rational 
 beings. 
 
 i The verb here mentioned by Socrates is EuwxsJVfl*,, 
 to feast, or make one at a banquet, which comes from 
 u<o%, a feast or banquet. Of this last word we have 
 two etymologies; the first deduces it from >, ienc, and 
 ixd, cibus, because those who attend feasts are well fed, 
 the second deduces it from iu ?%', benesese hat ere, be- 
 cause those who attend feasts are well off; they find 
 their advantage in being there, from faring so sumptu- 
 ously and well. Whichever etymology we admit, the 
 ingenuity of Socrates remains the same ; who by trans- 
 ferring the term u in 0%ii>9, from its vulgar and 
 gross meaning into a moral and rational one, has the 
 address to transform a verb of luxury and excess into a 
 verb of temperance and decorum. This method of con- 
 veying knowledge, by discussing the meanings of words 
 and their etymologies was much practised by Socrates 
 Many instances occur in this work ; in particular see 
 lib. iv. cap. 2, where Si*Kiyt<rSi is etymologized. Pla- 
 to wrote an entire dialogue, called Cratylus, upon thia 
 subject. From these early philosophers the Stoics took 
 the practice, as may be seen in Cicero de JVatura De- 
 ar, and also Arrian, lib. i. cap. 17 ; where the learned 
 editor, Mr. Upton, has fully illustrated his author, and 
 given a multitude of similar passages. Mr. Harris. 
 
 49 
 
 3X 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 [579] 
 
CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. 
 
 I. Xenophon gives an account of the improving nature of Socrates' conversation. II. Socraies discourses with 
 Euthedemus respecting the method of obtaining wisdom, and what constitutes goodness. III Disquisition 
 concerning the goodness of the gods. IV. Socrates and Hippias discuss the nature of justice. V. "Argu- 
 ments which Socrates employed in order to make his hearers able to practise what was right. VI. In what 
 manner he improved his friends in this method of reasoning. VII. His anxiety to have his friends become 
 capable of performing their own business. VIII. His behaviour and conversation when in prison. 
 
 [580] 
 
XENOPHON'S 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 I. I* this manner would Socrates make him- 
 self useful to all sorts of men, of whatsoev- 
 er employment. Indeed no one can doubt the 
 advantages arising from his conversation, to 
 those who associated with him whilst living ; 
 since even the remembrance of him, when 
 dead, is still profitable to his friends. Whether 
 serious or gay, whatever he said carried along 
 with it something which was improving. He 
 would frequently assume the character and the 
 language of a lover ; but it was easy to per- 
 ceive it was the charms of the mind, not those 
 of the body, with which he was enamoured, as 
 the objects he sought after were always such as 
 he saw naturally inclining towards virtue. Now 
 he thought an aptness to learn, together with a 
 strength of memory to retain what was already 
 learned, accompanied with a busy inquisitive- 
 ness into such things as might be of use for 
 the right conduct of life, whether as head only 
 of a single family or governor of the whole 
 state, indicated a mind well fitted for inetruc- 
 tion, which, if duly -cultivated, would render 
 the youth in whom they were found not only 
 happy in themselves, and their own families, 
 but give them the power of making many oth- 
 ers the same ; since the benefits arising from 
 thence would be diffused throughout the whole 
 community. His method, however, was not the 
 same with all ; but whenever he found any who 
 thought so highly of themselves on the account 
 of their talents as to despise instruction, he 
 would endeavour to convince them, that of all 
 mankind they stood in the greatest want of it : 
 like to the high-bred horse, which having more 
 49* 
 
 strength and courage than others, might be made 
 for that very reason of so much the more use, 
 if properly managed ; but, neglected while 
 young, becomes thereby the more vicious and 
 unruly. Also those dogs which are of the no- 
 bler kind : these, being trained to it, are excel- 
 lent in the chase ; but, left to themselves, are 
 good for nothing. And it is the same, would he 
 say, with respect to men ; such of them to whom 
 nature hath dealt the most liberally, to whom 
 she hath given strength of "body and firmness 
 of mind, as they can execute with greater 
 readiness and facility whatever they engage in, 
 so they become more useful than others, and 
 rise to nobler heights of virtue, if care is taken 
 to give them a right turn : but, this not being 
 done, they excel only in vice ; and become, by 
 the means of these very talents, more hurtful 
 to society ; for, through ignorance of their duty, 
 they engage in a bad .cause, and make them- 
 selves parties in evil actions ; and, being haugh- 
 ty and impetuous, they are with difficulty re- 
 strained and brought back to their duty ; so 
 that many and great are the evils they occasion. 
 As to those men who relied upon their riches, 
 and imagined they stood in no need of instruc- 
 tion, as their wealth would be sufficient to sup- 
 ply all their wants, and procure them every 
 honour : these Socrates would endeavour to re- 
 duce to reason, by showing how foolish it was 
 to imagine they could of themselves distinguish 
 between things that were useful, and those 
 which were hurtful, without having first been 
 shown the difference. Or, wanting this power 
 of discriminating, still vainly supposed, that be- 
 
 581 
 
582 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 cause they could purchase the things they had 
 a mind to, they could therefore perform what- 
 ever would be to their advantage ; or, if not, 
 could yet live safe and easy, and have all things 
 go well with them. Neither was it," he said, 
 less absurd in them to suppose that wealth 
 could supply the want of knowledge, and make 
 vhe possessor of it pass for a man of abilities ; 
 or at least procure for him that esteem which is 
 only acquired by true merit." 
 
 II. But, on the other hand, when he met 
 with any who valued themselves on account of 
 their education, concluding they were qualified 
 for every undertaking ; we see the method So- 
 crates took to chastise their vanity, from the 
 manner in which he treated Euthedemus, sur- 
 named the Fair. This young man having col- 
 lected many of the writings of the most cele- 
 brated poets and sophists, was so much elated 
 by it, as to fancy himself superior to any other 
 of the age, both in knowledge and abilities ; 
 and doubted not to see himself the very first 
 man in Athens, whatever the business ; whether 
 to manage the affairs of the state, or harangue 
 the people. Being, however, as yet too young 
 to be admitted into the public assemblies, his 
 custom was to go into a bridle-cutter's shop, 
 which stood near to the forum, when he had 
 any business depending : which Socrates ob- 
 serving, he also went in thither, accompanied 
 by some of his friends ; and one of them ask- 
 ing, in the way of conversation, " Whether 
 Themistocles had been much advantaged by 
 conversing with philosophers ; or whether it 
 were not chiefly the strength of his own natu- 
 ral talents which had raised him so far above 
 the rest of his fellow-citizens, as made them 
 not fail to turn their eyes towards him when- 
 ever the state stood in need of a person of un- 
 common ability 1 ?" Socrates, willing to pique 
 Euthedemus, made answer : It was mon- 
 strous folly for any one to imagine, that whilst 
 the knowledge of the very lowest mechanic art 
 was not to be attained without a master ; the 
 science of governing the republic, which re- 
 quired for the right discharge of it all that hu- 
 man prudence could perform, was to be had by 
 intuition." 
 
 Socrates went no further at that time ; but 
 plainly perceiving that Euthedemus cautiously 
 avoided his company, that he might not be 
 tdken for one of his followers, he determined 
 to attack him something more openly. To 
 this purpose, when he was next along with 
 
 him, Socrates, turning to some who were pre- 
 sent, " May we not expect," said he, from 
 the manner in which this young man pursues 
 his studies, that he will not fail to speak his 
 opinion even the very first time he appears in 
 the assembly, should there be any business of 
 importance then in debate 1 I should suppose, 
 too, that the proem to his speech, if he begins 
 with letting them know that he hath never re- 
 ceived any instruction, must have something in 
 it not unpleasant. < Be it known to you,' will 
 he say, < O ye men of Athens ! I never learnt 
 any thing of any man : I never associated with 
 persons of parts or experience ; never sought 
 out for people who could instruct me: but, 
 on the contrary, have steadily persisted in avoid- 
 ing all such ; as not only holding in abhorrence 
 the being taught by others, but careful to keep 
 clear of every the least suspicion of it : but I 
 am ready, notwithstanding, to give you such 
 advice as chance shall suggest to me.' Not 
 unlike the man," continued Socrates, who 
 should tell the people, while soliciting their 
 voices ; < It is true, gentlemen, I never once 
 thought of making physic my study ; I never 
 once applied to any one for instruction ; and so 
 far was I from desiring to be well versed in this 
 science, I even wished not to have the reputa- 
 tion of it : but, gentlemen, be so kind as to 
 choose me your physician ; and I will gain 
 knowledge by making experiments upon you.' " 
 Every one present laughed at the absurdity 
 of such a preface; and Euthedemus, after this, 
 never avoided the company of Socrates : but 
 still he affected the most profound silence, hop- 
 ing, by that means, to gain the reputation of a 
 modest man. Socrates, desirous to cure him 
 of his mistake, took an opportunity of saying 
 to some of his friends, Euthedemus being pre- 
 sent, " Is it not strange, sirs, that while such 
 as wish to play well on the lute, or mount dex- 
 terously on horseback, are not content with 
 practising in private as often as may be, but 
 look out for masters, and submit willingly to 
 their commands, as the only way to become 
 proficients and gain fame ; the man whose aim 
 is to govern the republic, or speak before the 
 people, shall deem himself aptly qualified for 
 either without the trouble of any previous in- 
 struction 1 Yet surely the last must be owned the 
 most difficult ; since, out of the many who force 
 themselves into office, so few are seen to succeed 
 therein ; and therefore it should seem, that 
 diligence and study are here the most needful." 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 583 
 
 By these and the like discourses, Socrates 
 disposed the young man to enter into farther 
 conference, and give him a patient hearing. 
 Which having observed, he took an oppor- 
 tunity of going on a time alone into the bridle- 
 cutter's shop, where Euthedemus then was ; 
 and sitting down by him Is it true," said he, 
 " Euthedemus, that you have collected so many 
 of the writings of those men whom we call 
 wise?" 
 
 " Most undoubtedly it is true," replied the 
 other ; neither shall I give over collecting till 
 I have gained as many of them as I well can." 
 
 " Truly," said Socrates, < I admire you much 
 for thus endeavouring to accumulate wisdom 
 rather than wealth: for by this, Euthedemus, 
 you plainly discover it to be your opinion, 
 that gold and silver cannot add to our merit ; 
 whereas we furnish ourselves with an inex- 
 haustible fund of virtue, when we thus treasure 
 up the writings of these great men." 
 
 Euthedemus was not a little pleased with 
 hearing Socrates speak in such a manner ; con- 
 cluding his method of obtaining wisdom had 
 met with approbation ; which Socrates per- 
 ceiving, he continued the discourse. 
 
 But what employment do you intend to ex- 
 cel in, Euthedemus, that you, collect so many 
 books?" 
 
 Euthedemus returning no answer, as at a 
 loss what to say : 
 
 " You perhaps intend to study physic," said 
 Socrates ; and no small number of books 
 will be wanting for that purpose." 
 
 " Not I, upon my word." 
 
 " Architecture, perhaps, then 1 and for this 
 too you will find no little knowledge necessary." 
 
 " No, nor that," replied Euthedemus. 
 
 You wish to be an astrologer, or a skilful 
 geometrician, like Theo?" 
 
 Not at all." 
 
 " Then you possibly intend to become a 
 rhapsodist, and recite verses ; for I am told you 
 are in possession of all Homer's works ?" 
 
 " By no means," replied Euthedemus, " will 
 I do this ; for however ready these men may be 
 with their verses, it doth not prevent their 
 being thought troublesome, wherever they 
 come." 
 
 Perhaps you are desirous of that know- 
 ledge, my Euthedemus, which makes the able 
 statesman or good economist ? which qualifies 
 for command, and renders a man useful both to 
 himself and others ?" 
 
 " This, indeed, is what I sigh for, and am in 
 search of," replied Euthedemus, with no small 
 emotion. 
 
 Verily !" answered Socrates, a noble 
 pursuit : for this is what we call the royal sci- 
 ence, as it belongeth in a peculiar manner to 
 kings. But have you considered the matter, 
 Euthedemus, whether it will not be necessary 
 for the man to be just, who hopes to make any 
 proficiency therein?" 
 
 " Certainly, Socrates ; for I know very well, 
 he who is not just cannot make even a good 
 citizen." 
 
 Then you are a just man, Euthedemus?" 
 
 " I think I am, as much as any other." 
 
 Pray say, Euthedemus, may one know 
 when a just man is engaged in his proper work, 
 as we can when the artist is employed in his ?" 
 
 Undoubtedly." 
 
 " So that as the architect, for example, can 
 show us what he is doing ; so the just man 
 likewise ?" 
 
 Assuredly, Socrates ; nor should there be 
 any great difficulty in pointing out what is just 
 or unjust, in actions about which we are con- 
 versant daily." 
 
 Suppose, Euthedemus, we should make 
 two marks ; an A here, and a D there ; under 
 which to set down the things that belong to 
 justice and injustice ?" 
 
 " You may," replied Euthedemus, " if you 
 think there wants any such method." 
 
 Socrates having done this, went on. 
 
 "Is there any such thing as lying ?" 
 
 " Most certainly." 
 
 " And to which side shall we place it ?" 
 
 " To injustice, surely." 
 
 " Do mankind ever deceive each other?" 
 
 Frequently." 
 
 " And where shall we place this ?" 
 
 To injustice still." 
 
 And injury ?" 
 
 The same." 
 
 Selling those into slavery who were born 
 free ?" 
 
 Still the same, certainly." 
 
 But suppose," said Socrates, one whom 
 you have elected to command your armies 
 should take a city belonging to your enemies 
 and sell its inhabitants for slaves ? Shall we 
 say of this man he acts unjustly ?" 
 
 " By no means." 
 
 May we say he acteth justly ?" 
 
 We may." 
 
584 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 " And what if, while he is carrying on the 
 war, he deceiveth the enemy 1" 
 
 He will do right by so doing." 
 
 "May he not likewise, when he ravages 
 their country, carry off their corn and their cat- 
 tle without being guilty of injustice ?" 
 
 No doubt, Socrates ; and when I seemed 
 to say otherwise, I thought you confined what 
 was spoken to our friends only." 
 
 So then, whatever we have hitherto placed 
 under our letter D, may be carried over, and 
 ranged under A 1" f 
 
 It may." 
 
 But will it not be necessary to make a fur- 
 ther distinction, Euthedemus, and say, that to 
 behave in such a manner to our enemies is 
 just; but, to our friends, unjust: because to 
 these last the utmost simplicity and integrity 
 is due?" 
 
 STou are in the right, Socrates." 
 
 ' But how," said Socrates, " if this general, 
 on seeing the courage of his troops begin to 
 fail, should make them believe fresh succours 
 are at hand ; and by this means remove their 
 fears 1 To which side shall we assign this 
 falsehood?" 
 
 " I suppose to justice." 
 
 " Or if a child refuseth the physic he stands 
 in need of, and the father deceiveth him under 
 the appearance of food where shall we place 
 the deceit, Euthedemus?" 
 
 " With the same, I imagine." 
 
 " And suppose a man in the height of des- 
 pair should attempt to kill himself; and his 
 friend should fome and force away his sword ; 
 under what head are we to place this act of 
 violence ?" 
 
 " I should think, where we did the former." 
 
 " But take care, Euthedemus, since it seem- 
 eth from your answers that we ought not al- 
 ways to treat our friends with candour and in- 
 tegrity, which yet we had before agreed was to 
 be done." 
 
 It is plain we ought not," returned Euthe- 
 demus ; and I retract my former opinion, if 
 it is allowable for me to do so." 
 
 " Most assuredly," said Socrates ; for it is 
 far better to change our opinion, than to per- 
 sist in a wrong one. However," continued he, 
 " that we may pass over nothing without duly 
 examining it; which of the two, Euthedemus, 
 appears to you the most unjust ; he who de- 
 ceives his friend wittingly, or be who does it 
 Without having any such design ?" 
 
 " Truly," said Euthedemus, " I am not cer- 
 tain what I should answer, or what I should 
 think ; for you have given such a turn to all I 
 have hitherto advanced, as to make it appear 
 very different to what I before thought it: 
 however, I will venture so far as to declare that 
 man the most unjust who deceiveth his friend 
 designedly.' 
 
 " Is it your opinion, Euthedemus, that a 
 man must learn to be just and good, in like 
 manner as he learneth to write and read?" 
 
 " I believe so." 
 
 " And which," said Socrates, " do you think 
 the most ignorant, he who writes or reads ill 
 designedly, or he who doth it for want of know- 
 ing better ?" 
 
 The last, certainly," replied Euthedemus ; 
 "since the other can do right whenever he 
 pleases." 
 
 " It then follows that he who reads ill, from 
 design, knows how to read well ; but the other 
 does not?" 
 
 <*It is true." 
 
 " Pray tell me," continued Socrates, " which 
 of the two knoweth best what justice is, and 
 what he ought to do ; he who' offends against 
 the truth and deceives designedly, or he who 
 does it without having any such design?' 
 
 " He, no doubt, who deceives designedly," 
 replied Euthedemus. 
 
 " But you said, Euthedemus, that he who 
 understands how to read, is more learned than 
 one who does not?" 
 
 I did so, Socrates ; and it is certainly 
 true." 
 
 " Then he who knows wherein justice con- 
 sists, is more just than he who knows nothing 
 of the matter?" 
 
 " So it seems," said Euthedemus ; and I 
 know not how I came to say otherwise." 
 
 " But what would you think of the man, 
 Euthedemus, who, however willing he might 
 be to tell the truth, never tells you twice to- 
 gether the same thing: but if you ask him 
 about the road, will shew you to-day to the 
 east, and to-morrow to the west ; and make 
 the very same sum amount sometimes to fifty, 
 and sometimes to a hundred ; what would you 
 say to this man, Euthedemus?" 
 
 "That it was plain he knew nothing of 
 what he pretended to know." 
 
 Socrates still went on, and said, " Have 
 you never heard people called base and servile ?" 
 
 Frequently." 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 585 
 
 " And why were they so called 1 for their 
 ignorance, or knowledge 1" 
 
 " Not for their knowledge, certainly." 
 
 " What then 1 for their ignorance in the 
 business of a brazier 1 building a house 1 or 
 sweeping a chimney 1" 
 
 Nor this, nor that," replied Euthedemus ; 
 " for the men who are the most expert in em- 
 ployments of this nature, are generally the most 
 abject and servile in their minds." 
 
 It should seem then, Euthedemus, these 
 appellatives only belong to those who are igno- 
 rant of what is just and good 1" 
 
 So I imagine." 
 
 " Doth it not then follow, that we ought to 
 exert our powers to the utmost, to avoid this 
 ignorance, which debases men so low 1" 
 
 " O Socrates!" cried Euthedemus, with no 
 little emotion, " I will not deny to you that I 
 have hitherto believed I was no stranger to 
 philosophy, but had already gained that know- 
 ledge so necessary for the man who aspires 
 after virtue. What then must be say concern 
 to find, after all my labour, I am not able to 
 answer those questions which most importeth 
 me to know 1 And the more, as I see not 
 what method to pursue whereby I may render 
 myself more capable !" 
 
 " Have you ever been at Delphos 1" 
 
 " I have been there twice." 
 
 " Did you observe this inscription somewhere 
 on the front of the temple KNOW THYSELF T' 
 
 Yes, I read it." 
 
 But it seems scarcely sufficient to have 
 read it, Euthedemus : did you consider it? and, 
 in consequence of the admonition, set yourself 
 diligently to find out what you are 1" * 
 
 " I certainly did not," said Euthedemus ; 
 " for I imagined I must know this sufficiently 
 already : and, indeed, it will be difficult for us 
 to know any thing, if we can be supposed at a 
 loss here.*' 
 
 But for a man to know himself properly," 
 said Socrates, " it is scarcely enough that he 
 knows his own name. He who desires to pur- 
 chase a horse, doth not imagine he hath made 
 the proper trial of his merit, till by mounting 
 him he hath found out whether he is tractable 
 or unruly, strong or weak, fleet or heavy, with 
 every thing else, either good or bad, in him : 
 so likewise we should not say, he knows him- 
 
 "The subject-matter," said Epictetus, "of a car- 
 penter, is wood ; of a statuary, brass ; and so of the art 
 of living, the subject-matter is, each person's own life." 
 
 self as he ought, who is ignorant of his own 
 powers ; or those duties which, as man, it is 
 incumbent upon him to perform." 
 
 " It must be confessed," replied Euthedemus, 
 " that he who knoweth not his own powers 
 cannot be said to know himself." 
 
 " And yet, who seeth not," continued So- 
 crates, how great the advantage arising from 
 this knowledge ; and what misery must attend 
 our mistakes concerning it ! For he who is 
 possessed of it, not only knoweth himself, but 
 knoweth what is best for him. He perceiveth 
 what he can and what he cannot do ; he applieth 
 himself to the one, he gaineth what is neces- 
 sary, and is happy ; he attempts not the other, 
 and therefore incurs neither distress nor dis- 
 appointment. From knowing himself he is 
 able to form a right judgment of others, and 
 turn them to his advantage, either for the pro- 
 curing some good or preventing some evil. 
 On the contrary, he who is ignorant of himself, 
 and maketh a wrong estimate of his own powers, 
 will also mistake those of other men : he knows 
 neither what he wants or undertakes, nor yet 
 the means he maketh use of: so that he not 
 only fails of success, but ofttimes falls into 
 many misfortunes ; while the man who sees 
 his way before him, most commonly obtains 
 the end he aims at ; and not only so, but secures 
 to himself renown and honour. His equals 
 gladly attend to his counsel and follow his 
 advice ; and they who, by wrong management, 
 have plunged themselves into difficulties, im- 
 plore his help, and found all their hopes of 
 being restored to their former ease, on the pru- 
 dence of his administration ; while they who 
 blindly engage in business, as they choose ill, 
 so they succeed worse ; nor is the damage they 
 then sustain the only misfortune they incur ; 
 but they are disgraced for ever ; all men ridi- 
 culing, despising, or blaming them. Neither 
 doth it fare any thing better with common- 
 wealths themselves," continued Socrates, 
 " when mistaking their own strength, they en- 
 gage eagerly in war with their more powerful 
 neighbors, which ends either in the ruin of the 
 state, or the loss of their liberty ; compelled to re- 
 ceive their laws from the hand of the conqueror." 
 
 " Be assured," answered Euthedemus, that 
 
 I am now fully convinced of the excellence of 
 
 the precept which bids us KNOW OUHSEIVFA : 
 
 but from what point shall the man set out, my 
 
 ! Socrates, on so important a'h inquiry ? To in- 
 
 I form me of this, is now what I hope from vou " 
 
 3 Y 
 
586 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 You know what things are good, what evil, 
 Euthedemus 7" 
 
 Certainly," replied Euthedemus ; for 
 otherwise I should know less than the very low- 
 est of our slaves." 
 
 Show me then, I pray you, what you think 
 good ; what evil." 
 
 Most willingly," answered Euthedemus ; 
 and truly, I think, the task will not be diffi- 
 cult. First, then, I count sound health good ; 
 and sickness evil ; and whatever conduces to 
 the one, or the other, are to be estimated 
 accordingly; so that the food and exercise 
 which keeps us in health, we may call good ; 
 and that which brings on us sickness and dis- 
 ease, evil." 
 
 " But might it not be as well to say, Euthe- 
 demus, that health and sickness are both of 
 them good, when they are the cause of good ; 
 and evil, when they are the cause of evil 7" 
 
 " But when do we see," replied Euthedemus, 
 " that health is the cause of evil ; or sickness 
 of good 7" 
 
 ."It is certainly the case," answered So- 
 crates, " when levies are raising for some un- 
 successful expedition; or embarkations made, 
 which afterwards suffer shipwreck ; for the 
 healthy and the strong being selected on these 
 occasions, they are unhappily involved in uie 
 same common misfortune ; while the feeble and 
 the infirm remain in safety." 
 
 " That is true," replied Euthedemus : but 
 then, on the other hand, you must own, my So- 
 crates, that the healthful and strong have their 
 share, and that to their no small advantage, in 
 more fortunate undertakings ; while the sickly 
 and infirm are entirely excluded." 
 
 These things being so, as indeed they are, 
 sometimes profitable, and sometimes hurtful, 
 we should not do amiss to set them down," 
 said Socrates, " as being in themselves not 
 more good than evil." 
 
 So indeed it appears," said Euthedemus, 
 " from this way of reasoning ; but knowledge, 
 my Socrates, must ever remain an indubitable 
 good ; since he who hath knowledge, whatever 
 the business, may certainly execute it with far 
 greater advantage than he who wants it." 
 
 " Have you not heard then," said Socrates, 
 how it fared with the wretched Daedalus, on 
 the account of his excelling in so many different 
 arts? 1 This man falling into the hands of 
 
 He was the most ingenious artist in the world : 
 and hence the proverb Dadali opera, when we would 
 
 Minos, was detained by him in Crete : at once 
 torn .from his country, and deprived of his free- 
 dom : and when afterwards attempting to es- 
 cape with his son, he was the cause of the loss 
 of the miserable youth. Neither was he able 
 to secure himself; but being seized by the 
 Barbarians, was compelled to return, again to 
 endure all the evil of slavery." 
 
 " I have heard this," replied Euthedemus. 
 
 You know too," continued Socrates, " the 
 unhappy fate of Palamedes, whose praises all 
 men celebrated : 2 he fell a sacrifice to the envy 
 of Ulysses ; and miserably perished, through 
 the insidious artifices of his rival; and how 
 many are now languishing in perpetual bond- 
 age, whom the king of Persia caused to be carried 
 away, and still keeps near him, merely on the 
 account of their superior talents 7" 
 
 " But granting this to be as you say ; yet 
 certainly," replied Euthedemus, " we may es- 
 teem happiness an undoubted good 7" 
 
 " We may," answered Socrates, " provided 
 this happiness ariseth from such things as are 
 undoubtedly good." 
 
 " But how can those things which produce 
 happiness, be otherwise than good 7" 
 
 They cannot," said Socrates, " if you admit 
 not of the number, health, strength, beauty, 
 riches, fame, and such like." 
 
 " But we certainly do admit such things in- 
 to the number," replied Euthedemus ; for 
 how are we to be happy without them 7" 
 
 " Rather, how are we to be happy with 
 them," returned Socrates, " seeing they are the 
 source of so many evils 7 For how often hath 
 a beautiful form been the cause of defilement ! 
 How often, from a persuasion of their strength, 
 have men been induced to engage in hazardous 
 undertakings which overwhelm them in ruin ! 
 How many have sunk into luxury by means of 
 their riches, or fallen into the snares that were 
 insidiously laid for them, by the people whose 
 
 commend the curiousness of the workmanship. Ho 
 invented the saw, the axe, the plummet, the auger 
 glue, cement, sails, and sail-yards ; and made statues, 
 with a device to make the eyes move as if living* 
 
 * Palamedes invented four Greek letters, and added 
 them to the other sixteen already invented by Cadmus. 
 He was skilful in astrology, and the first who found out 
 the cause of an eclipse ; and brought the year to the 
 course of the sun, and the month to the course of the 
 moon: he was skilful in ordering an army, and intro- 
 duced the use of the watch-word ; both which he took 
 the hint of, as was said, from the conduct and the flying 
 of cranes. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 587 
 
 interest it was to procure their ruin! Even 
 that glory, my Euthedemus, which results from 
 our having well served our country, doth not 
 seldom prove fatal to the man on whom it is 
 bestowed." 
 
 " If I have then erred in speaking well of 
 happiness," replied Euthedemus, " I know not 
 what it is for which I can yet supplicate the 
 gods." 
 
 * It may be," answered Socrates, you have 
 not duly considered the matter, from think- 
 ing you were already sufficiently acquainted 
 with it. But, (changing the subject,) they 
 tell us, Euthedemus, you are preparing to take 
 upon you the administration of our affairs. 
 Now, since it is the people who bear sway in 
 Athens, I doubt not your having thoroughly 
 studied the nature of a popular government 7" 
 
 " You do right not to doubt it." 
 
 Pray tell us, may we understand what a 
 popular government is, without knowing who 
 are the people 1" 
 
 " I should suppose not." 
 
 " And who are the people 7" said Socrates. 
 
 " I include under that denomination," re- 
 plied Euthedemus, " all such citizens as are 
 poor." 
 
 You know those who are so 7" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 And who are rich 1" 
 
 No doubt of it." 
 
 Tell me then, I pray you, whom you think 
 rich ; whom poor 7" 
 
 I consider those as being poor, who have 
 not wherewithal to defray their necessary ex- 
 penses," said Euthedemus ; and I esteem 
 those rich who possess more than they want." 
 
 " But have you not observed, Euthedemus, 
 there are people, who, although they have very 
 little, have not only enough for their necessary 
 expenses, but manage in such a manner as to 
 lay up a part ; while others are in \vant, not- 
 withstanding their large possessions 7" 
 
 I own it," said Euthedemus ; " and re- 
 collect some princes, whose necessities have 
 compelled them to deal injuriously by their 
 subjects ; even so far as to deprive them of 
 their possessions." 
 
 It will follow then, Euthedemus, that we 
 should place these princes among the poor, 
 and the frugal managers of their little fortune 
 among the rich, since these may truly be said 
 to live in affluence." 
 
 They may," replied Euthedemus ; for I 
 
 am not able to support any thing against your 
 arguments : and, indeed, I believe silence for 
 the future will best become me, since, after all, 
 I begin to suspect that I know nothing." 
 
 On saying this he hastily withdrew, full of 
 confusion and contempt of himself, as begin- 
 ning to perceive his own insignificancy. But 
 it was not Euthedemus alone to whom So- 
 crates gave that sort of uneasiness : * many, 
 who were once his followers, had forsaken 
 him on that account, whom Socrates estimated 
 accordingly: but it was otherwise with Euthe- 
 demus ; his attachment to him after this in- 
 creased daily, and he thought there was no 
 other way to become a man of business than 
 by conversing with Socrates ; so that he never 
 left him unless compelled to it by affairs of 
 the greatest moment : carrying his admiration 
 of him so far as to imitate many of his actions : 
 which Socrates perceiving, he carefully avoided 
 saying whatever might appear harsh or dis- 
 gusting, but conversed with him freely, and in- 
 structed him, without reserve, concerning those 
 things which it most imported him to know 
 and practise. 
 
 III. Yet was not Socrates ever in haste to 
 make orators, artists, or able statesmen. The 
 first business, as he thought, was to implant in 
 the minds of his followers virtuous principles ; 
 since, these wanting, every other talent only 
 added to the capacity of doing greater harm, 
 and more especially to inspire them with piety 
 towards the gods. But seeing many others 
 have already related what they heard him speak 
 upon that subject, I shall content myself with 
 only mentioning in what manner he onde dis- 
 coursed, I being present with Euthedemus, 
 concerning a providence ; for, turning towards 
 him, he said : 
 
 " Have you never reflected, Euthedemus, 
 how wondrously gracious the gods have been 
 to men in providing all things useful for 
 them?" 
 
 I cannot say," replied Euthedemus, that 
 I ever did." 
 
 " The school of a philosopher," says Epictetus, " is 
 a surgery. You are not to go out of it with pleasure 
 but with pain ; for you come there not in health, but 
 one of you hath a dislocated shoulder, another an ab- 
 scess, a third a fistula, a fourth the headache: and am I 
 then to sit uttering pretty trifling exclamations, that 
 when you have praised me, you may go away with the 
 same dislocated shoulder, the same aching head, the 
 same fistula, and the same abscess, that you brought? " 
 Carter's Epict. 
 
588 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 And yet," continued Socrates, " you want 
 not to be informed how necessary this light is, 
 or that it is the gods who have bestowed it 
 upon us." 
 
 I do not," replied Euthedemus ; "nor yet 
 that our state would be no better than that of 
 the blind, were we deprived of it." 
 
 But because we stand in need of rest after 
 our labour, they have likewise given to us the 
 night, as the more proper time to repose in." 
 
 They have,'' replied Euthedemus ; " and 
 we ought to be most thankful." 
 
 But, as the sun by its light not only ren- 
 ders each object visible, but points out the 
 hours of the day to us ; for the stars have been 
 ordained, together with the moon, to mark out 
 the time throughout the darkness of 'the night 
 season ; whilst the last is still of farther use to 
 us in regulating the months, and distinguishing 
 the several parts of them." 
 
 " It is true," answered Euthedemus. 
 
 And seeing that nourishment is so neces- 
 sary for the support of man, observe you not, 
 Euthedemus, how the earth hath been made to 
 produce it for him 1 The convenient chang- 
 ings of the seasons, all serving to the same 
 purpose 1 While such the variety and abun- 
 dance bestowed upon us, -as not only secures 
 from the fear of want, but gives us wherewithal 
 to indulge even to luxury !" 
 
 Undoubtedly," cried Euthedemus, " this 
 goodness of the gods is a strong proof of their 
 care for man." 
 
 " And what think you," continued Socrates, 
 " of their having given to us water, so useful 
 and even necessary for all the affairs of life 1 
 By the means of it the earth produces its 
 fruits, whilst the dews from above carry them 
 on to perfection. It maketh of itself a part of 
 our nourishment, and is of use in the dressing 
 and preparing our food ; rendering it not only 
 more beneficial but pleasant. And, seeing our 
 wants of it are evidently so many, how bountiful 
 are the gods who have supplied us with it in 
 such profusion !" 
 
 < A farther proof," cried Euthedemus, of 
 their great regard for man." 
 
 " Likewise, what shall we say," continued 
 Socrates, " to their having provided us with 
 fire, which secures from the cold, dispels the 
 darkness, and is altogether so necessary for 
 carrying on the arts of life, that mankind can 
 produce nothing useful without it. The sun 
 too, Euthedemus ; observe you not how, win- 
 
 ter being over, it turneth towards us ; 
 ing those fruits whereof the season is now past, 
 at the same time that it matures others and 
 brings them to perfection 1 This service once 
 done, it retires again, that its heat may not an- 
 noy us ; but having reached that point, beyond 
 which it cannot pass without exposing us to the 
 danger of perishing from its absence, it mea- 
 sureth back its steps to that part of the heavens 
 in which its influence may be of the most ad- 
 vantage. And because we should be unable to 
 bear the extreme, whether of heat or cold, 
 when coming upon us suddenly, how can it 
 otherwise than excite our Admiration, when we 
 consider those almost imperceptible degrees, 
 whereby it advanceth to, and retireth from us ; 
 so that we can arrive at the highest point of 
 either, without being, in a manner, at all sensi- 
 ble to the change 1" 
 
 " Truly," said Euthedemus, " these things 
 put me in some doubt, whether the gods have 
 any other employment than taking care of man. 
 This, however, perplexes me ; I see these gifts 
 bestowed upon him only in common with other 
 animals !" 
 
 " Apd see you not," replied Socrates, " th.at 
 even all these themselves are produced and 
 nourished for the service of man? For what 
 animal, except himself, can turn to its use the 
 hog, the goat, the ox, and the horse, together 
 with the rest that everywhere surround him I 
 So that it seemeth to me, that man is not more 
 indebted to the earth itself, than to these, 
 his fellow-creatures, whether for the conveni- 
 ences or necessaries of life ; since few of us 
 live on the fruits of the earth, but on milk, 
 cheese, and the flesh of other animals ; while 
 we break them for our use, and tame them for 
 our service ; and receive assistance from them 
 in war, as well as on other occasions.' ' 
 
 I own it," answered Euthedemus ; for 
 although many of these are much stronger than 
 man, yet he is able to make them so far sub- 
 servient to him as to perform readily whatever 
 he commands." 
 
 " Marvellous, likewise, must we acknow- 
 ledge the goodness of the gods, and worthy 
 of our consideration ; inasmuch, as having 
 given to man an infinite number of things, all 
 good in themselves, yet still differing in their 
 nature, they have therefore bestowed upon him 
 a variety of senses, each peculiarly formed for 
 the enjoyment of its proper object. They have 
 likewise endued him with reason and under- 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 589 
 
 standing ; by the means of which he examin- 
 eth into those things the senses have discovered 
 to him : he retaineth them in his memory, 
 and findeth out their use; whereby they are 
 made to serve many admirable purposes, both 
 for his ease and security from danger. From 
 the gods likewise it is that we have received 
 the gift of speech, which enables us to give 
 and receive instruction and pleasure, unite into 
 societies, promulgate laws, and govern commu- 
 nities. And, forasmuch as we are not able to 
 foresee what may happen hereafter, or judge of 
 ourselves what may be the best for us to do, 
 they readily incline to such as seek to 'them for 
 assistance ; declaring by their oracles the things 
 that are to come, and instruct us so to act as 
 may be the most for our advantage." 
 
 " But," said Euthedemus, interrupting him, 
 " the gods, my Socrates, deal still more favour- 
 ably with you, for they stay not to be consult- 
 ed, but show of themselves what things you 
 ought or ought not to do." 
 
 " But that I spake not against the truth in 
 so saying, you yourself shall know, if you wait 
 not, Euthedemus, till the gods become visible; 
 but it sufficeth you to see and adore them in 
 their works, since it is by these alone they 
 choose to manifest themselves to men. Even 
 among all those deities who so liberally bestow 
 on us good things, not one of them maketh 
 himself an object of our sight. And He who 
 raised this whole universe, and still upholds 
 the mighty frame, who perfected every part of 
 it in beauty and in goodness, suffering none of 
 these parts to decay through age* but renewing 
 them daily with unfading vigour, whereby they 
 are able to execute whatever he ordains with 
 that readiness and precision which surpass 
 man's imagination ; even he, the supreme God, 
 who performeth all these wonders still holds 
 himself invisible, and it is only in his works 
 that we are capable of admiring him. For 
 consider, my Euthedemus, the sun, which 
 seemeth as it were set forth to the view of all 
 men, yet sufFereth not itself to be too curi- 
 ously examined ; punishing those with blind- 
 ness who too rashly venture so to do : and 
 those ministers of the gods, whom they employ 
 to execute their bidding, remain to us invisible : 
 for, though the thunderbolt is shot from on 
 high, and breaketh in pieces whatever it findeth 
 in its way, yet no one seeth it when it falls, 
 when it strikes, or when it retires ; neither are 
 the winds discoverable to our sight, though we 
 50 
 
 plainly behold the ravages they every wheite 
 make ; and with ease perceive what time they 
 are rising. And if there be any thing in man, 
 my Euthedemus, partaking of the divine na- 
 ture, it must surely be the soul which governs 
 and directs him ; yet no one considers this as 
 an object of his sight. Learn, therefore, not 
 to despise those things which you cannot see ; 
 judge of the greatness of the power by the ef- 
 fects which are produced, and REVEHESTCE THE 
 DEITY." 
 
 " It is very sure," replied Euthedemus, " I 
 shall never be wanting in my acknowledgments 
 to the gods, and it even troubleth me that we 
 cannot make a suitable return for the benefits 
 they have conferred on us." 
 
 " Let not this afflict you," replied Socrates. 
 " You know the answer which is given by the 
 oracle at Delphos to those who inquire what 
 they must do to make their sacrifices accepta- 
 ble 1 Follow, saith the god, the custom of 
 your country. Now this is the custom which 
 prevaileth every where, that each one should 
 offer according to his ability ; and therefore, 
 my Euthedemus, what better can we do to 
 honour the gods, and show our gratitude to- 
 wards them, than by acting in such a manner 
 as they themselves have commanded ] Let us 
 however beware lest we fall short of that ability 
 wherewith the gods have endued us ; since 
 this would not be to honour but express our 
 contempt : but, having done all in our power, 
 there is no longer any thing left us whereof to 
 be afraid ; nothing indeed which we may not 
 hope for. For, from whom can we reasonably 
 expect the most good, but from those beings 
 who are possessed of the greatest power ] 
 Either what better can we do, to secure it to 
 ourselves, than conciliate their favour but we 
 best conciliate their favour when we obey their 
 commands." 
 
 In this manner did Socrates instruct his fol- 
 lowers in their duty to the gods : and forasmuch 
 as all his precepts were ever accompanied with 
 the practice of the purest devotion he greatly 
 advanced the piety of his friends. 
 
 IV. With regard to justice, no one could 
 doubt what were the sentiments of Socrates 
 concerning it ; since all his actions, both pub- 
 lic and private, sufficiently declared them. He 
 was always willing to assist whoever wanted 
 his assistance; to observe the laws, and to 
 obey the legal commands of the magistrate ; so 
 that, whether in the city or the camp, S(- 
 
590 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 crates distinguished himself above all others, 
 for the readiness and exactness wherewith he 
 executed every order. When it came to his 
 turn to preside in the public assemblies, he 
 would suffer no decree to pass in them which 
 appeared to him contrary to the laws, but stood 
 up alone in defence of them ; opposing, on a 
 time, so violent a tumult of the people, as, I 
 think, none but himself could possibly have 
 withstood ; and when the Thirty imposed upon 
 him things which were unjust, he paid no re- 
 gard to their injunctions, but continued to dis- 
 course with the young men as usual, after the 
 time they had ordered him otherwise ; neither 
 would obey, when they commanded him and 
 three others to bring a certain person to execu- 
 tion, as knowing he had been condemned by 
 them contrary to all law. And whereas it was 
 common for others, when on their trial, to talk 
 much with their judges ; to flatter, and shame- 
 fully solicit their favour, which ofttimes they 
 procured, in direct opposition to the laws ; So- 
 crates would not avail himself of these arts, 
 however easy it was to have brought himself 
 off by any the smallest compliance with the 
 custom ; but chose rather, as he himself said 
 to those friends who counselled him otherwise, 
 to die, continuing steadfast to the laws, than 
 save his life by such indirect practices. 
 
 Now, though Socrates talked to several on 
 that subject, yet I particularly remember a con- 
 versation he once had with Hippias the Elean, 
 concerning justice. This man, after having 
 been a long time absent from Athens, happened, 
 on his return, to come accidentally to a place 
 where Socrates was talking with some friends, 
 and saying, " That if any one wanted to have 
 a person taught the trade of a carpenter, a 
 smith, or a shoemaker, he need not be at a loss 
 for somebody to instruct him : or, if his horse 
 was to be broke at the bit, or his ox to the yoke, 
 many would be ready enough to undertake 
 them : but if he wanted to learn how he him- 
 self might become a good man, or have a son, 
 or any other of his family made so, it was 
 not an easy matter to find out whom to apply 
 to." 
 
 Hjppias having heard this, said to him jeer- 
 ingly, What, Socrates ! still saying the same 
 things we heard you say before I left Athens ?'* 
 
 I am," replied Socrates'; " and, what is still 
 more wonderful, on the same subject; but you, 
 Hippias, being so very learned, may perhaps do 
 otherwise." 
 
 " You are in the right," said Hippias, for I 
 always endeavour to say something new." 
 
 " Is it possible !" said Socrates. " But pray," 
 continued he, " suppose you were asked how 
 many letters there were in my name, and what 
 they were called, would you sometimes say one 
 thing, and sometimes another ? And would you 
 not always answer, when asked, that five and 
 five made tenl" 
 
 " As to such things," said Hippias, I cer- 
 tainly should say the same as you ; but we are 
 now talking of justice, or the rule of right and 
 wrong ; and I think I have now something to 
 say concerning it, as can hardly be controverted 
 either by you or any other." 
 
 " By the gods," replied Socrates, " the dis- 
 covery will be most useful ! The standard of 
 right and wrong once fixed, all difference of 
 opinion among the judges, all sedition among 
 the people, all lawsuits between citizens, all 
 wars and contentions among communities, 
 must be at an end ! And truly it would grieve 
 me to leave you, Hippias, without knowing 
 what this inestimable secret may be that you 
 say you have discovered." 
 
 " But it is certain," said Hippias, yon will 
 not know it without first telling us your senti- 
 ments concerning justice, or this rule of ri<rht: 
 for you content yourself, Socrates, with asking 
 questions, and afterwards confuting the answers 
 that are made you, in order to -turn those who 
 make them into ridicule ; but never advance 
 any thing of your own, that you may not be 
 called upon to support your opinion." 
 
 " How !" said Socrates ; perceive you not 
 that I am continually demonstrating to the 
 world my sentiments concerning justice 1" 
 
 " And in what manner do you demonstrate 
 them 1" said Hippias. 
 
 " By my actions," replied Socrates ; at least 
 as much deserving of credit as words." 
 
 " By Jupiter !" said Hippias, " I should fancy 
 somewhat more ; for I have heard many de- 
 claim loudly in behalf of justice who were all 
 the time very far from being just: but he who 
 is upright in his actions, must necessarily be an 
 upright man." 
 
 But when have you known me," said So- 
 crates, " bearing false witness, or slandering 
 any man 1 Where was it that I sowed dissen- 
 sion between friends 1 stirred up sedition in the 
 republic 1 or practised any other kind of injus- 
 tice whatsoever ?" 
 
 " I cannot say," answered the other. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 591 
 
 And do you not think, that to refrain from 
 .njusticeis to be just 1" 
 
 Ay, now Socrates," said Hippias, " you 
 are endeavoring to get off, and care not to give 
 us your opinion freely ; for you only tell us 
 what a just man should not do, but not one 
 syllable of what he should." 
 
 I thought," replied Socrates, " that a vo- 
 luntary forbearance of all injustice was sufficient 
 to denominate a person just ; but, if it seemeth 
 not so to you, Hippias, let us see if this will 
 satisfy you better : I say, then, that justice is 
 no other than a due observance of the laws." " 
 
 " Do you mean, that to be just, and to live 
 agreeably to the laws, is the same thing 1" 
 
 I do." 
 
 I cannot comprehend you." 
 
 " Know you the laws of the city 1" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 And what are they ?" 
 
 Those things," said Hippias, which the 
 people ordain in a public assembly, after having 
 agreed what ought or ought not to be done." 
 
 Then he who lives in the republic accord- 
 ing to these ordinances, liv<js according to the 
 laws'? and he who doth otherwise, must be 
 deemed a transgressor!" 
 
 He must." 
 
 " And is not he who obeys these ordinances 
 just 7 he who doth not obey them, unjust 1" 
 
 Undoubtedly." 
 
 " But he who doth that which is just, is just ; 
 he who doth that which is unjust, unjust." 
 
 " It cannot be otherwise." 
 
 Therefore," said Socrates, they who ob- 
 serve the laws, are just ; they who do not ob- 
 serve them unjust." 
 
 But," said Hippias, " what good can there 
 be in obeying the laws ; or even in the very 
 laws themselves, when we see those who make 
 them not only continually altering them, but 
 even ofttimes abrogating them wholly ?" 
 
 Do not cities make war, and then again 
 peace, with one another?" 
 
 They do." 
 
 " But may you not as well laugh at your 
 enemies," said Socrates, " for putting them- 
 eelves in a posture of defence in time of war, 
 because a time of peace will come ; as blame 
 those who observe the laws, because they may 
 afterwards happen to be abrogated 1 Besides, 
 by so doing, you condemn all those who nobly 
 expose their lives in the service of their coun- 
 try. And, farther can you suppose," con- 
 
 tinued he, " that Lycurgus could have brought 
 the republic of Sparta to excel all others, if he 
 had not wrought into the very minds of his 
 citizens a strict observance of his laws 1 And 
 are not they who show themselves the most 
 diligent and active to secure this observance, 
 always considered as the best magistrates, see- 
 ing it is the certain way to render that city not 
 only the most happy in time of peace, but by 
 far the most formidable in time of war ? Nei- 
 ther can you want to be informed," said So- 
 crates, "of the benefits Srising to the state 
 from unanimity, since the people are daily ex- 
 horted thereto : and even throughout all 
 Greece, it is everywhere the custom to tender 
 an oath to each person, whereby he engages to 
 live in concord with his fellow citizens. Now 
 this is not done, as I suppose, for this purpose 
 only, that all should be of the same opinion 
 concerning the chorusses; admire the same 
 actor ; praise the same poet ; and delight in the 
 same pleasures ; but obey the same laws, as 
 being what alone can give security, strength, 
 and happiness to any nation : a concord," said 
 he, " of that necessity, that not only states but 
 private families cannot be well governed where 
 it is wanting. For, with regard to our con- 
 duct, considered as individuals, what better 
 means can we employ to avoid the incurring 
 public punishment 1 what better for the pro- 
 curing public honours and rewards, than a 
 careful and steady observance of all the laws 1 
 What so likely to gain a process in our favour, 
 when we have lawsuits depending before any 
 of our tribunals 1 To whom do we intrust 
 with equal confidence, our wealth, our sons, 
 and our daughters ] or even the whole city 
 deem so deserving of their credit 1 Who is he 
 that so faithfully dischargeth what he oweth to 
 his father, to his mother, to his relations, to 
 his domestics, to his friends, to his fellow-citi- 
 zens, to foreigners ] With whom would our 
 enemies rather leave their hostages during the 
 truce ; or more readily depend upon for the 
 punctual performance of the articles of peace ; 
 or more desire to join with in strict alliance ? 
 Or to whom do our confederates rather intrust 
 the command of their armies, or the govern- 
 ment of their fortresses, than to the man who is 
 careful not to infringe the laws 1 From whom 
 can they, who 2>estow favours, be so sure of re- 
 ceiving the proper acknowledgments ? And con- 
 sequently, to whom should we rather choose 
 to show courtesy and kindness, than to him 
 
592 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 who is ever ready to confess the obligation"? 
 In short, who is there we should more earnestly 
 desire for a friend, or less wish for an enemy, 
 than he whom few would willingly offend; 
 while many strive to obtain his favour 1 Now 
 these, Hippias, are the advantages that accrue 
 to us from a careful and diligent observance of 
 the laws : but, with me, to be an observer of 
 the laws, and to be just, imply the same thing. 
 If it appears otherwise to you, show us, I be- 
 seech you, what may be your opinion." 
 
 Truly," answered Hippias, I do not see 
 that what you have said of justice is at all differ- 
 ent to my own notions of it." 
 
 " Have you never heard," continued So- 
 crates, " of certain laws that are not written 1" 
 
 "You mean such as are in force every 
 where 1" 
 
 True : Did all mankind concur in making 
 them 1" 
 
 " Impossible ; since all mankind could not 
 assemble in one place ; neither would all have 
 spoken the same language." 
 
 Whence then do you suppose we had 
 them 1" 
 
 From the gods, I should imagine ; for the 
 first command every where is, to adore the 
 gods." 
 
 " And is it not, likewise, as universally com- 
 manded, that parents are to be honoured 1" 
 
 It is." 
 
 And, that they ought not to marry with 
 their children 1" 
 
 " But this last," said Hippias, doth not 
 seem to be from the gods." 
 
 And why not 1" 
 
 Because," replied Hippias, I see some 
 who transgress it." 
 
 " Neither, perhaps, do they observe the other 
 better; nevertheless," continued Socrates, "it 
 ought always to be remembered, that no one 
 ever violates the laws of the gods with impu- 
 nity ; the punishment being ever annexed to 
 the commission of the crime ; whereas means 
 are often found to elude by fraud, or escape by 
 force, the penalties incurred for the breach of 
 such laws as are only of human institution." 
 
 " But what is this punishment," said Hip- 
 pias, " which you say is not to be avoided by 
 those who marry with their own children 1" 
 
 " The greatest of any ; for what can be 
 worse than not to have good children 1" 
 
 And from whence do you infer that such 
 must necessarily have bad children ; since, if 
 
 parents are good themselves, what should hin- 
 der their having good children 7" 
 
 It is not enough," said Socrates, that 
 parents are virtuous ; they ought both of them 
 to be in the perfection of their age, if they 
 would have their children such as they wish 
 them. For do you suppose, Hippias, that 
 children produced by parents not yet arrived to 
 a state of maturity, or by such as are already 
 past it, can be compared with the offspring of 
 those who are in the prime of life and perfec- 
 tion of their nature 1" 
 
 * I suppose they cannot." 
 
 < And which do you take to be the best 7" 
 
 ( Those, no doubt," said Hippias, whose 
 parents are in the perfection of their nature." 
 
 '' Then children produced by such as are not 
 yet arrived to a state of maturity, or are 
 now far past it, are not good, or such as we 
 desire to have them 1" 
 
 " So it seemeth." 
 
 People, then, who are under either of these 
 circumstances, ought not to have children 1" 
 
 They ought not." 
 
 " Those, therefore," said Socrates, who in- 
 dulge themselves in this disorderly manner, 
 what can they else than produce a miserable 
 offspring 1" 
 
 They cannot, Socrates ; for even in this 
 point I am ready to agree with you." 
 
 " But what think you, Hippias ; is not this 
 also an universal law, that we should do good 
 to those who do good to us 1" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 " Yet it is transgressed by many," said So- 
 crates : howbeit they go not unpunished any 
 more than the other, since thereby they lose 
 their most valuable friends, and follow those 
 who most hate them : for are not they, Hippias, 
 our most valuable friends from whom we re- 
 ceive the most essential acts of kindness ? But 
 he who neglects to acknowledge the kindness 
 of his friends, or returns it with evil, must be 
 hated for his ingratitude ; yet because of the 
 advantages he still hopes to receive, he continues 
 to pursue those who shun him, and this with 
 the meanest, most servile assiduity." 
 
 " Assuredly," said Hippias, these things 
 are of- the gods ! For when I consider every 
 breach of these laws, as carrying along with it 
 the punishment of the transgressor, I cannot 
 but allow them to proceed from a more excel- 
 lent legislator than is to be found among the 
 sons of men." 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 593 
 
 But what think you, Hippias ; do the gods 
 make laws that are 'unjust 1" 
 
 So far from it," said Hippias, that I be- 
 lieve it almost impossible for any but the gods 
 to make such as are perfectly otherwise." 
 
 Then certainly," replied Socrates, "the 
 gods themselves show to us, that to obey the 
 laws, and to be just, 'is the same thing." 
 
 After this manner would Socrates reason 
 concerning justice ; and his actions being at all 
 times conformable to his words, he daily in- 
 creased the love of it in the minds of all his 
 followers. 
 
 V. I shall next relate the arguments which 
 Socrates employed in order to make his hearers 
 able to exercise what was right : and being of 
 opinion that temperance was absolutely neces- 
 sary for the well performance of any thing ex- 
 cellent ; and having, in the first place, shown 
 by his manner of living how far he surpassed 
 all others in the exercise of this virtue, he en- 
 deavoured by his discourses, as well as by his 
 example, to excite his friends to the practice 
 of it. And as all his thoughts were only bent 
 on the improvement of mankind, he never lost 
 an opportunity of introducing into his conver- 
 sation whatever he supposed might conduce to 
 that end ; and it was to this purpose that he 
 once talked, as I remember, to Euthedemus in 
 the following manner : 
 
 " Is it your opinion," said he to him, that 
 liberty is a fair and valuable possession 1 ?" 
 
 " So valuable," replied Euthedemus, " that I 
 know of nothing more valuable." 
 
 But he who is so far overcome by sensual 
 pleasure, that he is not able to practise what is 
 the best, and consequently the most eligible, do 
 you count this man free, Euthedemus 1 
 
 " Far from it," replied the other. 
 
 " You think then," said Socrates, " that 
 freedom consists in being able to do what is 
 right ; slavery, in not being able ; whatever 
 may be the cause that deprives us of the 
 power 7" 
 
 I do, most certainly." 
 
 The debauchee, then, you must suppose is 
 in this state of slavery 1" 
 
 " I do, and with good reason." 
 
 But doth intemperance, Euthedemus, only 
 withhold from acting right 1 Or doth it not 
 frequently urge us on to the practice of what 
 is evil 1" 
 
 " I believe it may do both," said Euthede- 
 mus. 
 
 50 
 
 And what should you say to a master, who 
 not only opposes your applying yourself to 
 any one thing commendable, but obliges you 
 to undertake many that must bring on you dis- 
 honour 1" 
 
 I should esteem him the worst in ihe 
 world," replied Euthedemus. 
 
 < And what the worst servitude ?" 
 
 To serve such a master." 
 
 Then it should follow," said Socratee, 
 " that he who is intemperate, is the very lowest 
 of all slaves I" 
 
 " I believe it," said Euthedemus. 
 
 " Doth not intemperance," continued So- 
 crates, " rob us of our reason, that chief ex- 
 cellence of man, and drive us on to commit 
 the very greatest disorders 1 Can he who is 
 immersed in pleasure, find time to turn his 
 thoughts on things that are useful 1 But, and 
 if he could, his judgment is so far overborne by 
 his appetites, that, seeing the right path, he 
 deliberately rejects it. Neither," continued 
 Socrates, " should we expect modesty in such 
 a character ; it being most certain, that nothing 
 can well stand at a greater distance from this 
 than the whole Ijfe of the voluptuary." 
 
 " That is certain," replied Euthedemus. 
 
 " But what can be so likely to obstruct either 
 the practice or the knowledge of our duty as in- 
 temperance 1 What can we suppose so fatally 
 pernicious to man, as that which depriveth him 
 of his understanding ; makes him prefer with 
 eagerness the things that are useless ; avoid, or 
 reject, whatever is profitable ; and act in every 
 respect so unlike a wise man !" 
 
 Nothing, that I know of," said Euthede- 
 mus. 
 
 "Must not temperance produce the very 
 contrary effects ?" 
 
 Most assuredly." 
 
 But whatever produceth the contrary effects 
 should be good 1" 
 
 No doubt of it." 
 
 " Then temperance must be deemed so 1" 
 
 I own it," said Euthedemus. 
 
 But have you thoroughly considered this 
 point, Euthedemus?" 
 
 What point do you mean 1" 
 
 " That, however intemperance may promise 
 pleasure, it can never bestow any; for this 
 must be the gift of temperance and sobriety." 
 
 " But why not!" answered Euthedemus. 
 
 " Because the intemperate will not endure 
 thirst and hunger; nor submit to any other 
 3 Z 
 
594 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 want of nature ; without which, however, no 
 pleasure can arise from any sensual gratification ; 
 neither is it possible for that sleep to be sweet, 
 which is not preceded by some degree of watch- 
 fulness : therefore, my Euthedemus, intem- 
 perance must ever be a stranger to the delight 
 which arises from those actions, which are not 
 only necessary, but of daily use ; while the 
 temperate man, ever willing to await the call 
 of nature, enjoys them to the full, and tastes 
 pleasures that satiety cannot know." 
 
 I believe it," replied Euthedemus. 
 
 Furthermore," continued Socrates ; " it is 
 this virtue" alone, Euthedemus, which places 
 both the body and the mind in their utmost 
 degree of perfection ; qualifying the man for 
 the study, the knowledge, and the practice of 
 his duty ; whereby he is enabled to govern his 
 house prudently ; serve his country and his 
 friends usefully ; conquer his enemies glorious- 
 ly. Neither are they the many benefits arising 
 from such a conduct, that alone recommend it ; 
 the consciousness of being thus employed, must 
 yield perpetual complacency and satisfaction: 
 but it is a complacency and satisfaction which 
 belongeth not to the voluptuous : indeed, whom 
 do we find at a greater distance from these, 
 than the man whose every faculty is so entirely 
 engaged in the pursuit of present pleasure, as 
 to leave him no liberty for the performance of 
 what is commendable." 
 
 " One would suppose," said Euthedemus, 
 from your manner of speaking, that no one 
 virtue can belong to those who suffer themselves 
 to be led away by sensual gratifications." 
 
 " And where is the difference," said So- 
 crates, "between him who, staying not to 
 examine what is the best, eagerly rushes to 
 seize what seems pleasant; and the wolf, or 
 the sheep, or any other animal void of reason 1 
 But it is the temperate alone, my Euthede- 
 mus, who are able to inquire into the nature of 
 things, and find out their difference ; and 
 carefully consulting both reason and experience, 
 can select what is good ; reject what is evil ; 
 and become by that means both wise and 
 happy." 
 
 Socrates likewise added, that by a constant 
 exercise of this discriminating power, men 
 were taught to reason well : and that the term 
 conference, given to their assemblies, implied, 
 that the very end of their meeting was in order 
 to examine into the nature of things, and class 
 them properly : and he advised his followers to 
 
 the frequent" holding of these conferences ; 
 saying, " It would be the best means to mature 
 their judgment; making them thereby truly 
 great, and capable of governing both themselves 
 and others." * 
 
 VI. I shall next endeavour to explain in 
 what manner Socrates improved his friends in 
 this method of reasoning. ' 
 
 Now, he always held, that whoever had 
 acquired clear ideas himself, might, with equal 
 clearness, explain those ideas : but it was no 
 marvel, he said, if such as were deficient in 
 that particular, should not only be led into 
 error themselves, but mislead others. He 
 therefore was never weary of conferring with 
 his friends, and .searching out wherein the 
 peculiar property of all things consisted : but, 
 as it would be difficult to relate the various 
 subjects he endeavoured to explain, I shall 
 mention no more than what I think may be 
 sufficient to make his method of reasoning 
 plainly appear : and, in the first place, he thus 
 inquired into the nature of piety : 
 
 " Can you tell us," said he, " Euthedemus, 
 what piety is 1" 
 
 A most excellent thing," replied the other. 
 
 " And what a pious man 1" 
 
 " One who serveth the gods," answered Eu- 
 thedemus. 
 
 "But, may every one serve them in what 
 manner he pleaseth 1" . 
 
 " Not so, assuredly," said Euthedemus, " since 
 there are certain laws ; and according to these 
 laws we ought to serve them." 
 
 " He then, who observeth these laws," said 
 Socrates, " shall know in what manner he 
 ought to serve the gods 1" 
 
 Socrates in this place lays the greatest stress on 
 dialectic, that is to say, that species of logic which is 
 exercised in society and conversation by reciprocal 
 questioning and answering ; where, through the joint 
 endeavours of the parties conversing, tru,th is distin- 
 guished from falsehood, and the former established, the 
 latter rejected. The whole of the work here translated 
 is an exemplification of this practice, as are also the 
 dialogues of Plato, who learnt it as well as Xenophon, 
 from their common great master, Socrates. 
 
 As for the etymology, it appears that Socrates derived 
 J\lyo-9i, the verb middle, signifying to discourse to- 
 gether upon a subject, from Sta*.iysiv, the verb active, 
 signifying to separate and distinguish, because in dis- 
 course things were distinguished according to the 
 several kinds or genera. For the truth of this assertion 
 we may refer (as we have already) to the whole of thin 
 work, and in particular to the chapter following,where, 
 by the help of this distinctive or dialectic process, we 
 may find the nature and essence of many beings traced 
 out and ascertained. Mr. Harris. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 595 
 
 " So I imagine." 
 
 " But he who knoweth the way of serving 
 hem, will he prefer any other to that he 
 Knoweth ?" 
 
 " I suppose not." 
 
 " Will he not rather be careful," said So- 
 crates, " not to serve them, contrary to what 
 he knoweth 1" 
 
 He will." 
 
 " The man then," Euthedemus, " who know- 
 eth the laws that are to regulate his conduct in 
 serving of the gods, will serve them according 
 to these laws?" 
 
 "No doubt." 
 
 " And he who serveth them according to 
 these laws, will serve them as he ought 1" 
 
 He will." 
 
 " But he who serveth them as he ought, is 
 pious 1 ?" 
 
 Assuredly." 
 
 " Then he who knoweth how he ought to 
 serve the gods, may rightly be defined a pious 
 man 1" 1 . 
 
 " So'it seemeth." 
 
 But tell me," added Socrates ; are we at 
 liberty to behave towards each other in what 
 manner we please 1" 
 
 " Not so," answered Euthedemus : there 
 are also certain laws to be observed by us with 
 regard to men." 
 
 " And do they who live together accord- 
 ing to these laws, live as they ought to do 1" 
 
 " One can suppose no other." 
 
 " And he who lives as he ought to live, 
 treats mankind properly 1" 
 
 He does." 
 
 " And they who treat mankind properly, 
 execute properly all human affairs 1" 
 
 " One should suppose so." 
 
 i How sophistical is this way of reasoning ; and how 
 pernicious the notion it is endeavouring to establish ! 
 But I can no way so effectually show the ill tendency 
 of it, as in borrowing, for the purpose, the words of one 
 who will ever be not only a credit to her sex, but an 
 honour to her country. " The most ignorant persons," 
 Bays Mrs. Carter, in one of her notes on Epictetus, " of- 
 ten practise what they know to be evil : and they who 
 voluntarily suffer, as many do, their inclinations to 
 blind their judgment, are not justified by following it. 
 The doctrine of Epictetus therefore, here, and else-; 
 where on this head, contradicts the voice of reason and 
 conscience. Nor is it less pernicious than ill grounded : 
 it destroys all guilt and merit ; all punishment and re- 
 ward ; all blame of ourselves or others ; all sense of 
 misbehaviour towards our fellow-creatures, or our Cre- 
 ator. "No wonder that such philosophers did not teach 
 repentance towards God." Page 62. 
 
 2 But do you believe, Euthedemus, there 
 are any who obey the laws, without knowing 
 what the laws enjoin 1" 
 
 " I do not believe there are any." 
 
 "But when a man knows what he ought to 
 do, will he think he ought to act otherwise 1" 
 
 " I do not imagine he will." 
 
 " Then such men as know the laws to be 
 observed by mankind in their dealings with 
 each other, will observe them 1" 
 
 They will." 
 
 "And they who observe to do what the 
 laws command, do that which is just ?" 
 
 They do," replied Euthedemus. 
 
 But those who act justly, are just 1" 
 
 "There are no other," said Euthedemus, 
 ""who can be so." 
 
 May we not be said, then,' to make a 
 right definition, when we call them just who 
 know the laws which mankind ought to ob- 
 serve, in their commerce with one another 1" 
 
 " It seems so to me," said Euthedemus. 
 
 " And what shall we say of wisdom, Euthe- 
 demus 1 Is it in regard to things they know, 
 or do not know, that men are wise 1" 
 
 " Certainly on the account of what they do 
 know," said Euthedemus ; " for how can any 
 one be wise, as to things which he understands 
 not 1" 
 
 " Then it is on account of their knowledge 
 that men are wise 1" 
 
 " Most certainly." 
 
 " But wisdom is nothing else but the being 
 wise 1" 
 
 It is not." 
 
 Consequently," said Socrates, knowledge 
 is wisdom 1" 
 
 " I grant it," said Euthedemus. 
 
 But do you think," continued Socrates, 
 " that any one man is capable of knowing all 
 things 1" 
 
 No ; nor the thousandth part," returned 
 Euthedemus. 
 
 Then it-is impossible for him to be wise 
 in all things 1" 
 
 It is." 
 
 " It must 'follow, then, that no one is wise 
 but in such things as he knoweth 1" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 " But can we, Euthedemus, discover the 
 nature of good, by this our present method of 
 trying and comparing things 1" 
 
 a As the Greek text, in this part, is somewhat con- 
 fused, the translation follows Mr. Charpentier. 
 
596 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 What do you mean 1" said Euthedemus. 
 
 Is one and the same thing useful fpr all 
 men, and to every purpose 1" 
 
 " No, certainly." 
 
 " It may then be useful to one man, and 
 hurtful to another 1" 
 
 " It may, assuredly." 
 
 Then, to constitute any thing good, it 
 must be found useful?" 
 
 It must." 
 
 " Consequently," replied Socrates, " that 
 which is useful, is good for him to whom it is 
 useful ?" 
 
 I own it." 
 
 " And beautiful, Euthedemus ; may we not 
 determine the same concerning this ? for we 
 cannot say of a body or vessel, of what kind 
 soever, that it is beautiful with regard to every 
 purpose 1" 
 
 We cannot." 
 
 " Perhaps you would say then," continued 
 Socrates, that it is beautiful with respect to 
 that particular thing for which it is proper 1" 
 
 " I would." 
 
 " But that which is beautiful on the account 
 of its being well suited to one thing, is it also 
 beautiful with respect to every other 1" 
 
 Not at all." 
 
 Then, whatever ia well suited, is beautiful 
 with .regard to that thing to which it is well 
 suited!" 
 
 " It is so," said Euthedemus. 
 
 " Also, courage, Euthedemus ; do you look 
 upon courage as any thing excellent 1" 
 
 Most excellent," answered Euthedemus. 
 
 " Is it of much use on occasions of little 
 moment ?" 
 
 The advantage of it," said Euthedemus, 
 " is chiefly in things of importance." 
 
 " It is of service to us," said Socrates, not 
 to see our danger!" 
 
 " I think not." 
 
 " But not to be frighted when we see no 
 danger, is scarcely being valiant 1" 
 
 " It is not," said Euthedemus ; for, other- 
 wise, there are madmen, and even cowards, 
 who might be called brave." 
 
 '" And what are they," continued Socrates, 
 " who fear, where there is nothing to be feared 1" 
 
 " These I should think at a greater. distance 
 from courage than the other." 
 
 " They, therefore, who show themselves 
 brave when sensible of their danger, are va- 
 liant ; those who act otherwise, cowardly 1" 
 
 " It is true." 
 
 " But do you think, Euthedemus, any one 
 can behave as he ought, if he knows not in 
 what manner he ought to behave ?" 
 
 I should imagine not." 
 
 And are not they who behave ill, and they 
 who know not how to behave, the same people 1'* 
 
 I believe they are." 
 
 " Doth not every man behave as he thinks 
 he ought to behave 1" 
 
 Certainly." 
 
 " Can we say, then, that he who behaves ill, 
 knows in what manner he ought to behave 1" 
 
 We cannot." 
 
 But he who knows how to behave as he 
 ought, doth behave as he ought 1" 
 
 He is the only man," said Euthedemus, 
 who can do it." 
 
 We will conclude then our discourse, my 
 Euthedemus, with saying, That he who 
 knows how to behave properly, in all cases of 
 difficulty and danger, is brave : he who knows 
 it not, a coward." 
 
 I agree with you entirely," replied Euthe- 
 demus. 
 
 Socrates used to say, " That a regal govern- 
 ment, and a tyranny, were each of them of 
 that species of dominion which is called mo- 
 narchical ; but differed in this particular, that 
 the submission of men undet a regal govern- 
 ment was altogether voluntary, and nothing 
 could be done in it which was not agreeable to 
 the laws ; whereas, under a tyranny, the peo- 
 ple were compelled to obey ; the will of the 
 prince being the sole standard of the laws." 
 As to the other forms of government, he 
 would say, " That when the chief offices of 
 the commonwealth were lodged, in the hands 
 of a small number of the most eminent citi- 
 zens, it was called an aristocracy ; when with 
 the richest, elected on account of their riches, 
 a plutocracy ; and when the whole people were 
 admitted indifferently into power, this," he 
 said, " was a democracy." 
 
 Now, when any one showed himself of a 
 different opinion to Socrates, without produ- 
 cing a sufficient reason for his dissenting , 
 as when, for example, on his commending any 
 one, the preference was given to some other, 
 as more valiant, or better skilled in the affairs 
 of the administration ;' bis custom was, to 
 carry back the argument to the very first pro- 
 position ; and, from thence, set out in the 
 search of truth ; saying to them, " You assert, 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 597 
 
 then, that the man whom you speak well of, 
 is a far better citizen than he whom I recom- 
 mend 1" And being answered, It was 
 true:" "We may not do amiss then," said 
 Socrates, to examine, first of all, what the 
 office of a good citizen is, and what the man 
 should be who gains to himself the esteem of 
 the republic." 
 
 It is right," answered the other. 
 
 " If the affair, then, relates to the manage- 
 ment of the treasury, I suppose it must be one 
 who, during his administration, is the most 
 careful of the public money 1 If to war, then 
 he who renders his country victorious over 
 its enemies will be held in the' highest estima- 
 tion?" 
 
 Undoubtedly." 
 
 "When treaties are forming, should not he 
 who, by his address, gains over to the interest 
 of the republic those who before were its ene- 
 mies, be the most sure of our approbation 1 !" 
 
 He should." 
 
 " And, with regard to the business carried on 
 in our public assemblies ; to calm sedition, 
 break cabals, and restore concord and unanimi- 
 ty, should best show the good citizen." 
 
 This likewise being granted, and application 
 made of these several particulars to the point 
 in question, the truth shone forth to the 
 acknowledgment of all ; even of the very man 
 who before had opposed him. And it was 
 ever his manner, when he intended to examine 
 any thing thoroughly, to begin with such pro- 
 positions as were self-evident, and universally 
 received ; and said, that herein consisted the 
 whole strength of reasoning. Nor have I ever 
 yet known any man who cbuld so readily bring 
 others to admit the truth of what he wished to 
 prove, as Socrates: and he thought Homer 
 only gave Ulysses the appellation of the irre- 
 sistible orator, because he would lead his argu- 
 ment, step by step, through such paths as lay 
 obvious to the eyes of all mankind. 
 
 Thus have I, as it seemeth to me, made 
 it sufficiently appear with what sincerity and 
 openness Socrates conversed with his follow- 
 ers, and showed them his sentiments on every 
 occasion. 
 
 VII. Neither must I omit to mention how 
 solicitous Socrates always showed himself to 
 have his friends become capable of performing 
 their own business, that they might not stand 
 in need of others to perform it for them. For ! 
 this reason, he made it his study, more than i 
 
 any man I ever knew, to find out wherein any 
 of his followers were likely to excel in things 
 not unbecoming a wise and good man ; and in 
 such points as he himself could give them any 
 instruction, he did it with the utmost readiness ; 
 and where he could not, was always forward to 
 carry them to some more skilful master. Yet 
 was he very careful to fix the bounds in every 
 science ; beyond which, he would say, no per- 
 son properly instructed ought to pass. And, 
 therefore, in geometry, for example, he 
 thought it sufficient if so much of it was known 
 as would secure a man from being imposed 
 upon in the buying and selling of land ; direct 
 him in the proper distributions of the several 
 portions of an inheritance, and in measuring 
 out the labourer's work : all which, he said, 
 was so easy to be done, that he who applied 
 himself to this science, though almost ever so 
 slightly, might soon find out in what manner 
 to measure the whole earth, and describe its 
 circumference. But to dive deep into such 
 things, and perplex the mind with various un- 
 couth figures, and hard to be understood, 
 although he himself had much knowledge 
 therein, he approved not of it, as seeing no use 
 in these nice inquiries ; which consume all his 
 time, and engross the whole man, taking off 
 his thoughts from more profitable studies. 
 He also advised his friends to gain such a 
 knowledge of astronomy, as to be able to tell 
 by the stars the hours of the night, the day of 
 the month, and the seasons of the year, that 
 they should not be at a loss when to relieve the 
 centinel, begin a journey or a voyage, or do any 
 other thing which depends on this science : all 
 which he said, was easily to be learnt by con- 
 versing with seafaring men, or those whose 
 custom it was to hunt in the night. But to 
 go further, in order to find out what planets 
 were in the same declension, explain their dif- 
 ferent motions, tell their distances from the 
 earth, their influences, together with the time 
 necessary for the performance of their respec- 
 tive revolutions ; these, and things like these 
 he strongly dissuaded his followers from at- 
 tempting : not as being ignorant of them him- 
 self; but he judged of this science as he did 
 of the former, that to examine deeply into tho 
 nature of such things, would rob us of all our 
 time, divert our thoughts from useful studies, 
 and, after all, produce nothing that could turn 
 to our advantage. In short, he would not that 
 men should too curiously search into that ma* 
 
598 
 
 MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 [BOOK iv. 
 
 vellous art, wherewith the Maker of the uni- 
 verse had disposed the several parts of it, see- 
 ing it was a subject incomprehensible to the 
 mind of man ; neither yet pleasing to the gods 
 to attempt to discover the things, which they 
 in their wisdom had thought fit to conceal. 
 
 He also said, that the understanding, unable 
 to bear these towering speculations, ofttimes 
 lost itself in the inquiry ; as was the case with 
 Anaxagoras, who gloried not a little in the ex- 
 tent of his knowledge : yet this very man as- 
 serted, ' that the sun was the same as fire ;' 
 forgetful that the eye can bear the light of the 
 fire, whereas the lustre of the sun is too daz- 
 zling for it to behold. Neither did he consider 
 that the rays of the sun change the skin black, 
 which the fire doth not : as also, that its 
 warmth produces and brings to perfection trees 
 and flowers, and fruits of the earth, while it is 
 the property of the fire to wither and consume 
 them. He said, moreover, ' that the sun was 
 no other than a stone thoroughly inflamed ;' not 
 perceiving," added Socrates, that the stone 
 shineth not in the fire ; neither can remain 
 there any long time without wasting ; whereas 
 the sun abideth still the same, an inexhausti- 
 ble source of light and warmth to us." 
 
 Socrates also recommended the study of 
 arithmetic to his friends; and assisted them, 
 as was his custom, in tracing out the several 
 parts of it, as far as might be useful : but here, 
 as elsewhere, fixed bounds to their inquiries ; 
 never suffering them to run out into vain and 
 trifling disquisitions, which could be of no ad- 
 vantage either to themselves or others. 
 
 He always earnestly exhorted his friends to 
 be careful of their health : and, to this end, 
 not only advised them to consult those who 
 were skilful therein, but of themselves to be 
 continually attentive to their diet and exercise ; 
 always preferring what would keep them in the 
 best health ; since they who did this would sel- 
 dom, he said, want a better physician. And 
 when he foufid any who could not satisfy them- 
 selves with the knowledge that lay within the 
 reach of human wisdom, Socrates advised that 
 they should diligently apply to the study of 
 divination : asserting, that whoever was ac- 
 quainted with those mediums which the gods 
 made use of when they communicated any 
 thing to man, should never be left destitute of 
 divine counsel. 
 
 VIII. And now, if any one should be in- 
 clined to conclude that Socrates asserted a 
 
 falsehood, when he declared himself under the 
 guidance of a good genius, seeing he acted in 
 such a manner as to incur the sentence of 
 death : let such a one, I say, consider that he 
 was now already so far advanced in age, that if 
 he died not then, he must die soon after, and 
 that he only relinquished that part of life which 
 is held the most painful, and when the facul- 
 ties of the mind are greatly impaired : whereas 
 he now manifested to all the world the strength 
 and vigor of his soul, and gained to himself 
 immortal honour by the manner in which he 
 spake while before his judges. And, indeed, 
 no man was ever known to plead his own 
 cause with that plainness, firmness, and steady 
 regard to truth ; at the same time that he re- 
 ceived his condemnation with that meekness 
 and magnanimity as altogether surpassed the 
 example of former ages ; it being on all hands 
 universally acknowledged, that no man ever 
 met death in like manner as Socrates. 
 
 After his sentence he was obliged to live 
 thirty days in prison, the laws forbidding any 
 one to be put to death until the return of the 
 sacred vessel : * during which time his friends 
 conversed with him daily, and saw no change 
 in his behaviour, for he still retained that tran- 
 quillity of mind, and pleasing turn of humour, 
 which had made him so justly admired by all 
 mankind. Now, who could give greater proofs 
 of fortitude 1 Either, what death could be at- 
 tended with more honour? But the death 
 which is the most honourable is likewise the 
 most happy ; and that which is the most happy 
 is best pleasing to the gods. 
 
 I shall farther relate what I heard from 
 Hermogenes, the son of Hipponius, concern- 
 ing Socrates. This man being along with 
 him, after the time that Melitus had accus- 
 ed him, and observing that he rather chose 
 to discourse on any other subject than the 
 business of the trial, asked, " Whether it 
 was not necessary to be preparing for his 
 justification?" "And what!" answered So- 
 crates, " suppose you, my Hermogenes ! that I 
 have not, throughout life, been preparing for 
 this very thing ?" Hermogenes then desiring 
 him to explain his meaning : " I have," said 
 he, " made it the business of my whole life 
 
 1 The ship which was sent every year from Athena 
 to Delos, in memory of the victory obtained by The- 
 seus over the Minotaur ; when it was forbidden by the 
 laws to put any man to death during the time of its 
 being absent. 
 
MEMOIRS OF SOCRATES. 
 
 599 
 
 to examine what things were just or unjust ; 
 and have as steadily persisted in practising the 
 one and refraining from the other ; and this I 
 take to be the best way of preparing for my 
 trial." " But know you not," replied Hermo- 
 genes, " that here in Athens, the judges oft- 
 times condemn those to death who have no way 
 deserved it, only because their manner of speak- 
 ing was displeasing ; while, on the other hand, 
 they not less frequently acquit the guilty ?" 
 
 " I do know it," answered Socrates ; and 
 be assured, my Hermogenes, that I did not 
 neglect to take the matter of my defence 
 under consideration, but the genius opposed 
 me." 
 
 Hermogenes replying, that he talked mar- 
 vellously ; But why," said he, " should it 
 he marvellous that God should think this the 
 very best time for me to die 1 Know you not 
 that hitherto I have granted to no man that 
 he hath lived either better, or even more pleas- 
 urably, than I ; if, as I think it is, to be alone 
 solicitous after the attainment of virtue be liv- 
 ing well ; and the consciousness of making 
 some proficiency therein pleasant : and that I 
 did make some proficiency therein I well per- 
 ceived, by comparing myself with others, and 
 from the testimony of my own conscience ; my 
 friends also saying the same concerning me. 
 Not for that they love me : since, if so, every 
 friend would think the same of him whom he 
 was a friend to ; but because, as it seemed to 
 them, they themselves became better men from 
 having much conversed with me. But if my 
 life should be still prolonged, it can hardly be 
 but the infirmities of old age will likewise 
 come upon me : my sight will fail, my hear- 
 ing grow heavy, and my understanding much 
 impaired ; so that I shall find it more difficult 
 to learn, as less easy to retain what I have 
 learnt already ; deprived too of the power of 
 performing many of those things which here- 
 tofore I have excelled in. And if, after all, I 
 should become insensible to these decays, still 
 life would not be life, but a wearisome bur- 
 then. And if otherwise, if I indeed find and 
 feel them, how unpleasant, how afflicting, must 
 a state like this prove ! If I die wrongfully, 
 the shame must be theirs who put me wrong- 
 
 fully to death : since, if injustice is shameful, 
 so likewise every act of it : but no "disgrace 
 will it bring on me, that others have not seen 
 that I was innocent. The examples drawn 
 from former ages sufficiently show us, that 
 those who commit wrong, and they who suffer 
 it, stand not alike in the remembrance of men : 
 and I am persuaded, that if I now die, I shall 
 be held in far higher estimation by those who 
 come after me than any of my judges : since 
 posterity will not fail to testify concerning 
 me, that I neither wronged, nor yet, by my dis- 
 courses, corrupted any man ; but contrariwise, 
 strove throughout life, to the utmost of my 
 power, to make all those who conversed with 
 me happy." 
 
 In this manner did Socrates continue to dis- 
 course with Hermogenes and others : nor are 
 there any among those who knew him, if lov- 
 ers of virtue, who do not daily regret the loss 
 of his conversation ; convinced how much they 
 might have been advantaged thereby. 
 
 As to myself, knowing him of a truth to be 
 such a man as I have described ; so pious to- 
 wards the gods, as never to undertake any 
 thing without having first consulted them : so 
 just towards men, as never to do an injury, 
 even the very slightest, to any one; whilst 
 many and great were the benefits he conferred 
 on all with whom he had any dealings ; so tem- 
 perate and chaste, as not to indulge any appe- 
 tite, or inclination, at the expense of whatever 
 was modest or becoming : so prudent as never 
 to err in judging of good and evil ; nor want- 
 ing the assistance of others to discriminate 
 rightly concerning them : so able to discourse 
 upon, and define with the greatest accuracy, 
 not only those points of which we have been 
 speaking, but likewise of every other ; and 
 looking as it were into the minds of men, dis- 
 cover the very moment for reprehending vice, 
 or stimulating to the love of virtue. Experi- 
 encing, as I have done, all these excellencies in 
 Sotfrates, I can never cease considering him as 
 the Most virtuous and the most happy of all 
 mankind. But if there is any one who is disposed 
 to think otherwise, let him go and compare So- 
 crates with any other, and afterwards let him 
 determine. 
 
THE. 
 
 BANdUET OF XENOPHON 
 
 TRANSLATED BY , 
 
 JAMES WELWOOD, M. D. 
 
 FELLOW OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS, LONDON. 
 
 [601] 
 
 81 I A 
 
THE 
 
 BANdUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 I. I AM of opinion, that as well the sayings as 
 the actions of great men deserve to be recorded, 
 whether they treat of serious subjects with the 
 greatest application of mind, or, giving them- 
 selves some respite, unbend their thoughts to 
 diversions worthy of them. You will know 
 by the relation I am going to make, what it 
 was inspired me with this thought, being my- 
 self present. 
 
 During the festival of Minerva, there was a 
 solemn tournament, whither Callias, * who ten- 
 derly loved Autolicus, carried him, which was 
 soon after the victory which that youth had 
 obtained at the Olympic games. When the 
 show was over, Callias taking Autolicus and 
 his father with him, went down from the city 
 to his house at the Piraeum, 2 with Nicerates 
 the son of Nicias. 
 
 But upon the way meeting Socrates, Her- 
 mogenes, Critobulus, Antisthenes, and Char- 
 mides, discoursing together, he gave orders to 
 one of his people to conduct Autolicus and 
 those of his company to his house ; and ad- 
 dressing himself to Socrates, and those who 
 were with him, I could not," said he, " have 
 met with you more opportunely ; I treat to- 
 day Autolicus and his father ; and, if I am 
 not deceived, persons who like you have their 
 souls purified 3 by refined contemplations, 
 would do much more honour to our assembly; 
 than your colonels of horse, captains of foot, 
 and other gentlemen of business, who are full 
 
 < Calling was of the noblest families in Athens, and 
 was surnamed the rich. 
 
 The sea-port town of Athens. 
 
 Socrates was called the purifying philosopher, be- 
 cause he purified the minds of those he conversed with 
 from vice and errors of education. 
 
 of nothing but their offices and employments." 
 You are always upon the banter," said 
 Socrates ; " for, since you gave so much money 
 to Protagoras, Gorgias, and Prodicas,* to be 
 instructed in wisdom, you make but little ac- 
 count of us, who have no other assistance but 
 from ourselves to acquire knowledge." " 'Tis 
 true," said Callias, hitherto I have concealed 
 from you a thousand fine things I learned in 
 the conversation of those gentlemen ; but if 
 you will sup with me this evening, I will 
 teach you all I know, and after that I do 
 not doubt you will say I am a man of conse- 
 quence." 
 
 Socrates and the rest thanked him with the 
 civility that was due to a person of so high a 
 rank, that had invited them in so obliging a 
 manner : and Callias, showing an unwillingness 
 to be refused, they at last accepted the invita- 
 tion, and went along with him. After they 
 had done bathing and anointing, as was the 
 custom before meals, they all went into the 
 eating-room, where Autolicus was seated by 
 his father's side ; and each of the rest took his 
 place according tp his age and quality. 
 
 The whole company became immediately 
 sensible of the power of beauty, and every one 
 at the same time silently confessed, that by 
 natural right the sovereignty belonged to it, 
 especially when attended with modesty and a 
 virtuous bashfulness. Now Autolicus was 
 one of that kind of beauties ; and the effect 
 which the sight of so lovely a person produced 
 was to attract the eyes of the whole company 
 to him, as one would do to flashes of lightning 
 
 * Three famous pedants that pretended to teach 
 wisdom, alias sophists. 
 
 603 
 
604 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 in a dark night. All hearts surrendered to his 
 power, and paid homage to the sweet and noble 
 mien and features of his countenance, and the 
 manly gracefulness of his shape. 
 
 It is very certain, that in those who are 
 divinely inspired by some good demon, there 
 appears something which makes them behold 
 with the strictest attention, and a pleasing 
 astonishment : whereas, those who are pos- 
 sessed by some evil genius or power, besides 
 the terror that appears in their looks, they talk 
 in a tone that strikes horror, and have a sort 
 of unbounded vehemence in all they say and 
 do, that comes but little short of madness. 
 Thence it is, as it was in this case, that those 
 who are touched with a just and well regulated 
 love, discover in their eyes a charming sweet- 
 ness, in the tone of the voice a musical soft- 
 ness, and in their whole deportment something 
 that expresses in dumb show the innate virtue 
 of their soul. 
 
 At length they sat down to supper, and a 
 profound silence was observed, as though it 
 had been enjoined: when a certain buffoon, 
 named Philip, knocked at the door, and bade 
 the servant that opened it tell the gentlemen 
 he was there, and that he came to sup with 
 them ; adding, there was no occasion to deli- 
 berate whether he should let him in, for that 
 he was perfectly well furnished with every 
 thing that could be necessary towards supping 
 well on free cost, his boy being weary with 
 carrying nothing in his belly, and himself ex- 
 tremely fatigued with running about to see 
 where he could fill his own." Callias under- 
 standing the arrival of his new guest, ordered 
 him to be let in, saying, We must not 
 refuse him his dish ;" and at the same time 
 turned his eyes towards A itolicus, to discover, 
 probably, the judgment Le made of what had 
 passed in the company with, relation to him ; 
 but Philip coming into the room, Gentle- 
 men," said he, " you all know I am a buffoon 
 by profession, and therefore am come of my 
 own accord. I choose rather to come unin- 
 vited, than put you to the trouble of a formal 
 invitation, having an aversion to ceremony." 
 Very well," said Callias, " take a place then, 
 Philip ; the gentlemen here are full of serious 
 thoughts, and I fancy they will have occasion 
 for somebody to make them laugh." 
 
 While supper lasted, Philip failed not to 
 serve them up, now and then, a dish of his 
 profession ; he said a thousand ridiculous 
 
 things ; but not having provoked one smile, 
 he discovered sufficient dissatisfaction. Some 
 time after he fell to it again, and the company 
 heard him again without being moved. There- 
 upon he got up, and throwing his cloak over 
 bis head, * laid himself down at his full length 
 on his couch, without eating one bit more. 
 " What is the matter," said Callias ; has any 
 sudden illness taken you 1" Alas 1" cried 
 he, fetching a deep sigh from his heart, " the 
 quickest and most sensible pain that ever I 
 felt in my whole life ; for, since there is no 
 more laughing in the world, it is plain my 
 business is at an end, and I have nothing now 
 to do but make a decent exit. Heretofore 
 I have been called to every jolly entertain- 
 ment, to divert the company with my buf- 
 fooneries ; but to what purpose should they 
 now invite me 1 I can as soon become a god 
 as say one serious word ; and to imagine any 
 one will give me a meal in hopes of a return 
 in kind, is a mere jest, for my spit was never 
 yet laid down for supper ; such a custom never 
 entered my doors." 
 
 While Philip talked in this manner, he held 
 his handkerchief to his eyes, and personated to 
 admiration a man grievously afflicted. Upon 
 which every one comforted him, and promised, 
 if he would eat, they would laugh as much as 
 he pleased. The pity which the company 
 showed Philip having made Critobulus 2 al- 
 most burst his sides, Philip uncovered his face 
 and fell to his supper again, saying, Rejoice, 
 my soul, and take courage, this will not be thy 
 last good meal ; I see thou wilt yet be good for 
 something." 
 
 II. They had now taken away, and made 
 effusion of wine in honor of the gods, when 
 a certain Syracusan entered, leading in a hand- 
 some girl, who played on the flute ; another, 
 that danced and showed ery nimble feats of 
 activity ; and a beautiful Uttle boy, who danced 
 and played perfectly well on the guitar. After 
 these had sufficiently diverted the company, 
 Socrates, addressing hfcnself to Callias, " In 
 truth," says he, " you have treated us very 
 handsomely, and have added to the delicacy of 
 eating, other things delightful to our seeing 
 and hearing." 
 
 * The Greeks under any disgrace, threw their man- 
 tle over their head. 
 
 a It is thought that by Critobulus the author meant 
 himself. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 605 
 
 " But we want perfumes * to make up the 
 treat," answered Qallias : " What say you to 
 that ?" Not at all," replied Socrates ; per- 
 fumes, like habits, are to be used according to 
 decency ; some become men, and others wo- 
 men ; but I would not that one man should 
 perfume himself for the sake of another : and 
 for the women, especially such as the wife of 
 Critobulus or Nicerates, they have no occasion 
 for perfumes, their natural sweetness supplying 
 the want of them. But it is otherwise if we 
 talk of the smell of that oil that is used in the 
 Olympic games, or other places of public exer 
 cise. 2 This, indeed, is sweeter to the men than 
 perfumes to the women ; and when they have 
 been for some time disused to it, they only 
 think on it with a greater desire. If you per- 
 fume a slave and a freeman, the difference of 
 their birth will produce none in the smell ; and 
 scent is perceived as soon in the one as the 
 other : but the odour of honourable toil, as it 
 is acquired with great pains and application, so 
 it is ever sweet, and worthy of a brave man." 
 " This is agreeable to young men," said Ly- 
 con ; " but as for you and me, who are past 
 the age of these public exercises, what per- 
 fumes ought we to have ?" That of virtue 
 and honour," said Socrates. 
 
 Lycon. " And where is" this sort of perfume 
 to be had 1" 
 
 Soc. " Not in the shops, I assure you." 
 
 Lycon. "Where then 1" 
 
 Soc. " Theognis sufficiently discovers where, 
 when he tells us in his poem : 
 
 " When virtuous thoughts warm the celestial mind 
 With generous heat, each sentiment's refin'd : 
 Th' immortal perfumes breathing from the heart, 
 With grateful odours sweeten every part. 
 
 " But when our vicious passions fire the soul, 
 The clearest fountains grow corrupt and foul ; 
 - The virgin springs, which should untainted flow, 
 Run thick, and blacken all the stream below." 
 
 " Do you understand this, my son ?" said 
 Lycon to Autolicus. " He not only under- 
 stands it, but will practise it too," said Socrates, 
 and I am satisfied, when he comes to contend 
 for that noble prize, he will choose a master to 
 instruct him, such as you shall approve of, who 
 
 t It was the custom of the Greeks at great entertain- 
 ments to perfume Jheir guests, at which they some- 
 times expended great sums. 
 
 a At the Olympic and other games of Greece they 
 rubbed their joints with hot oils, to make them more 
 eupple and active. 
 
 51* 
 
 will be capable of giving him rules to attain 
 it." 
 
 Then they began all to reassume what So- 
 crates had said. One affirmed there was no 
 master to be found that was qualified to in- 
 struct others in virtue ; another said it could 
 not be taught : and a third maintained that if 
 virtue could not be taught nothing else could. 
 "Very well," said Socrates; "but since we 
 cannot agree at present in our opinions about 
 this matter, let us defer the question to another 
 opportunity, and apply ourselves to what is be- 
 fore us ; I see the dancing girl entering at the 
 other end of the hall, and she has brought her 
 cymbals along with her." At the same time 
 the other girl took her flute ; the one played 
 and the other danced to admiration ; the danc- 
 ing girl throwing up and catching again her 
 cymbals, so as to answer exactly the cadency 
 of the music, and that with a surprising dex- 
 terity. Socrates, who observed her with pleas- 
 ure, thought it deserved some reflection : and 
 therefore said he, " This young girl has con- 
 firmed me in the opinion I have had of a long 
 time, that the female sex are nothing inferior to 
 ours, excepting only in strength of body, or 
 perhaps steadiness of judgment. Now you, 
 gentlemen, that have wives amongst us, may 
 take my word for it they are capable of learn- 
 ing any thing you are willing they should know 
 to make them more useful to you." " If so, 
 sir," said Antisthenes ; " if this be the real 
 sentiment of your heart, how comes it you do 
 not instruct Xantippe, who is, beyond dispute, 
 the most insupportable woman that is, has been, 
 or ever will be 1" " I do with her," said So- 
 crates, " like those who would learn horseman- 
 ship : they do not choose easy tame horses, or 
 such as are manageable at pleasure, but the 
 highest mettled and hardest mouthed; believ- 
 ing, if they can tame the natural heat and im- 
 petuosity of these, there can be none too hard 
 for them to manage. I propose to myself very 
 near the same thing ; for having designed to 
 converse with all sorts of people, I believed I 
 should find nothing to disturb me in their con- 
 versation or manners, being once accustomed 
 to bear the unhappy temper of Xantippe." 
 
 The company relished what Socrates said, 
 and the thought appeared very reasonable. 
 Then a hoop being brought in, with swords 
 fixed all around it, their points upwards, and 
 placed in the middle of the hall, the dancing 
 
606 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 girl immediately leaped head foremost into it, 
 through the midst of the points, and then out 
 again, with a wonderful agility. This sight 
 gave the company more surprise and fear than 
 pleasure, every one believing she would wound 
 herself; but she received no harm, and per- 
 formed her feats with all the courage and assu- 
 rance imaginable. 
 
 " The company may say what they please," 
 said Socrates : " but, if I am not mistaken, no- 
 body will deny but courage may be learned, and 
 that there are masters for this virtue in particu- 
 lar, though they will not allow it in the other 
 virtues we were just now speaking of; since a 
 girl, you see, has the courage to throw herself 
 through the midst of naked swords, which I 
 believe none of us dare venture upon." 
 " Truly," said Antisthenes, to whom Socrates 
 spoke, " the Syracusan may soon make his 
 fortune, if he would but show this girl in a full 
 theatre, and promise the Athenians that, for a 
 considerable sum of money he would instruct 
 them to be as little afraid of the Lacedaemonian 
 lances as this girl of her swords." " Ah !" 
 cries the buffoon, what pleasure should I take 
 to see Pisander, that grave counsellor of state, 
 taking lessons from this girl ; he that is like to 
 swoon away at the sight of a lance, and says it 
 is a barbarous cruel custom to go to war and 
 kill men." 
 
 After this the little boy danced, which gave 
 occasion to Socrates to say, " You see this 
 child, who appeared beautiful enough before, 
 is yet much more so now, by his gesture and 
 motion, than when he stood still." You 
 talk," said Carmides, " as if you were inclina- 
 ble to esteem the trade of a dancing-master." 
 Without doubt," said Socrates, " when I 
 observe the usefulness of that exercise, and 
 how the feet, the legs, the neck, and indeed 
 the whole body, are all in action, I believe who- 
 ever would have his body supple, easy and 
 healthful, should learn to dance. And, in 
 good earnest, I am resolved to take a lesson of 
 the Syracusan whenever he pleases." But it 
 was replied, When you have learned to do 
 all this little boy does, what advantage can it 
 be to you 1" I shall then dance," said So- 
 crates. At which all the company burst out a 
 laughing : but Socrates, with a composed and 
 serious countenance, " Methinks you are plea- 
 sant/' said he. " What is it tickles you 1 Is it 
 because dancmg is not a wholesome exercise 1 
 or that after it we do not eat and sleejp with 
 
 more pleasure 1 You know those who accus- 
 tom themselves to the long foot-race * have 
 generally thick legs and narrow shoulders ; and, 
 on the contrary, our gladiators and wrestlers 
 have broad shoulders and small legs. Now, 
 instead of producing such effects, the exercise 
 of dancing occasions in us so many various 
 motions, and agitating all the members of the 
 body with so equal a poise, renders the whole 
 -of a just proportion, both with regard to strength 
 and beauty. What reason then can you find 
 to laugh, when I tell you I design to dance 1 
 I hope you would not think it decent for a 
 man of my age to go into a public school and 
 unrobe myself before all the company to dance 1 
 I need not do that ; a parlour, like this we are 
 in, will serve my turn. You may see, by this 
 little boy, that one may sweat as well in a little 
 room as an academy, or a public place ; and 
 in winter you may dance in a warm apart- 
 ment; in summer, if the heat be excessive, 
 in the shade. When I have told you all this, 
 laugh on, if you please, at my saying I design 
 to dance. Besides, you know I have a belly 
 somewhat larger than I could wish ; and are 
 you surprised if I endeavour to bring it down 
 by exercise 1 Have you not heard that Car- 
 mides, the other morning, when he came to 
 visit me, found me cjancing?" Very true," 
 said Carmides; "and I was extremely sur- 
 prised, and afraid you had lost your senses: 
 but when you had given me the same reasons 
 you have now, I went back to my house ; and, 
 though I -cannot dance, I began to move my 
 hands and legs, and practise over some lessons, 
 which I remembered something of when I was 
 young." 
 
 Faith !" said Philip, to Socrates, I be- 
 lieve your thighs and shoulders are exactly of 
 the same weight; so that if you put one into 
 one scale, and the other into the other, as the 
 civil magistrate weighs bread in the market- 
 place, you will not be in danger of being for- 
 feited, for there is not an ounce, no not a grain 
 difference between them." " Well then," said 
 Callias, " when you have an inclination for a 
 lesson of dancing, Socrates, pray call upon me, 
 that we may learn together." " With all my 
 heart," answered Socrates. And I could 
 wish," said Philip, (hat some one would take 
 
 Running was a part of the Olympic and other pub- 
 lic games; and what is here called the Dolic, was the 
 place where they ran, about the length of two English 
 miles. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 607 
 
 he flute, and let Socrates and me dance before 
 this good company ; for methinks I have a 
 mighty mind that way." With that he jumped 
 up, and took two or three frisks round the hall, 
 in imitation of the dancing boy and girl. 
 Upon which every body took notice, that all 
 those gestures or motions, that were so beau- 
 tiful and easy in the little boy, appeared awk- 
 ward and ridiculous in Philip : and when the 
 little girl, bending backwards, touched her 
 heels with her head, and flung herself swiftly 
 round three or four times like a wheel, Philip 
 would needs do the same, but in a manner very 
 different ; for, bending himself forward, and 
 endeavouring to turn round, you may imagine 
 with what success he came off. Afterwards, 
 when every one praised the child for keeping 
 her whole body in the exactest and most regu- 
 lar motion in the dance, Philip bade the music 
 strike up a brisker tune, and began to move 
 his head, his arms, and his heels, all at once, 
 till he could hold out no longer : then throwing 
 himself on the couch, he cried out, I have 
 exercised nlyself so thoroughly, that I have 
 already one good effect of it, I am plaguy 
 thirsty : boy, bring the great glass that stands 
 on the sideboard, and fill it up to me, for I 
 must drink." Very well," said Callias ; 
 " the whole company shall drink, if you please, 
 master Philip, for we are thirsty too with 
 laughing at you." " It is my opinion too," said 
 Socrates, " that we drink ; wine moistens and 
 tempers the spirits, and lulls the cares of the 
 mind to rest, as opium does the body ; on the 
 other hand, it revives our joys, and is oil to the 
 dying flame of life. It is with our bodies as 
 with seeds sown in the earth ; when they are 
 over-watered they cannot shoot forth, and are 
 unable to penetrate the surface of the ground : 
 but when they have just so much moisture as 
 is requisite, we may behold them break through 
 the clod with vigour ; and pushing boldly up- 
 wards, produce their flowers, and then their 
 fruits. It is much the same thing with us ; if 
 we drink too much, the whole man is deluged, 
 his spirits are overwhelmed, and is so far from 
 being able to talk reasonably, or indeed to talk 
 at all, that it is with the utmost pain he draws 
 his breath ; but if we drink temperately, and 
 small draughts at a time, the wine distils upon 
 our lungs like sweetest morning dew (to use 
 the words of that noble orator Gorgias). It is 
 then the wine commits no rape upon our rea- 
 son, but pleasantly invites us to agreeable 
 
 mirth." Every one was of his opinion ; ana 
 Philip said he had something to offer, which 
 was this : " Your servants," said he, that 
 wait at the sideboard should imitate good 
 coachmen, who are never esteemed such till 
 they can turn dexterously and quick." The 
 advice was immediately put in practice, and the 
 servants went round and filled every man his 
 glass. 
 
 III. Then the little boy, tuning his guitar to 
 the flute, sung and played at the same time ; 
 which gave mighty satisfaction to all the com- 
 pany. Upon this Carmides spoke: "What 
 Socrates," said he, "just now offered about 
 the effects of wine, may, in my opinion, with 
 little difference, be applied to music and beauty, 
 especially when they are found together : for 
 I begin in good earnest to be sensible that this 
 fine mixture buries sorrow, and is at the same 
 time the parent of love." Whereupon So- 
 crates took occasion to say, " If these people 
 are thus capable of diverting us, I am well 
 assured we are now capable ourselves, and I 
 believe nobody here doubts it. In my judg- 
 ment, it would be shameful for us, now we 
 are met together, not to endeavour to benefit 
 one another by some agreeable or serious en- 
 tertainment. What say you, gentlemen 1" 
 They generally replied, " Begin then the dis- 
 course from which we are to hope so good an 
 effect." " I hope," said Socrates, to obtain 
 that favour of Callias, if he would but give us 
 a taste of those fine things he learnt of Prodi- 
 cus : you know he promised us this when we 
 came to sup with him." " With all my 
 heart," said Callias, I am willing, but on 
 condition that you will all please to contribute 
 to the conversation, and every one tell, in his 
 turn, what it is he values himself most upon." 
 " Be it so," said Socrates. < I will tell you 
 then," added Callias, what I esteem most, 
 and value myself chiefly upon : it is this, that 
 I have it in my power to make men better." 
 " How so," said Antisthenes ; " will you teach 
 them to become rich or honest?" "Justice 
 is honesty," replied Callias. "You are ill 
 the right," said Antisthenes, " I do not dis- 
 pute it ; for though there are some occasions 
 when even courage or wisdom may 'be hurt- 
 ful to one's friends or the government, yet 
 justice is ever the same, and can never mix 
 with dishonesty." "When, "therefore, every 
 one of us," says Callias, " has told wherein he 
 chiefly valued himself, and is most useful to 
 
608 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 others, I shall then likewise make no scruple 
 to tell you by what arts I am able to perform 
 what I told you : that is, to make men better." 
 
 Soc. "But, Nicerates, what is the thing 
 that you value yourself most upon 1" 
 
 1 Me. It is that my father, designing to 
 make a virtuous man of me, ordered me to get 
 by heart every verse of Homer ; and I believe 
 I can repeat you at this minute the whole Iliad 
 and Odyssey." " But you know very well," 
 said Antisthenes, "every public rehearser, 2 
 or ballad-singer, does the same at all the cor- 
 ners of the streets." "I acknowledge it," 
 said Nicerates ; nor does a day pass but I go 
 to hear them." 
 
 Jlnt. " I think them a pack of scandalous 
 wretches : What say you 1" 
 
 Nic. " I am of your opinion." 
 
 So c. " It is certain they do not know the 
 sense of one verse they recite : but you, 3 who 
 have given so much money to Hesimbrotus, 
 Anaximander, and other wise men, to instruct 
 you in wisdom, you cannot be ignorant of any 
 thing." 
 
 "Now it is your turn, Critobulus," contin- 
 ued Socrates : " tell us then, if you please, 
 what it is you value yourself most upon ?" 
 On beauty," replied he. " But will you say, 
 Socrates, that yours is such as will help to 
 make us better?" 
 
 Soc. "I understand you: but if I do not 
 make that out anon, then blame me. What 
 says Antisthenes] upon what does he value 
 himself?" 
 
 Jlnt . " I think I can value myself upon no- 
 thing in this world equal to that of being rich." 
 
 He had scarce done speaking, when Hermo- 
 genes took him up, and asked him how much 
 he was worth ? " Faith, not one half-penny," 
 said Antisthenes. 
 
 Her. " But you have a good estate in land ?" 
 
 Jlnt. " I may perhaps have just as much as 
 may afford dust for Autolicus, the next time 
 he has a mind to wrestle." 4 
 
 Soc. " Carmides, will you, in few words, 
 acquaint us with what it is you value yourself 
 most upon?" 
 
 1 Nicerates here represents a true pedant. 
 
 These were people who got their livelihood by 
 singing Homer's verses about the streets of Athens. 
 
 This is spoken in raillery. 
 
 The wrestlers at the public games, after they had 
 rubbed themselves with oils, had dust thrown upon 
 them to dry it up. 
 
 Car. "Poverty." 
 
 Soc. " Very well ; you have made an excel- 
 lent choice : it is indeed in itself of an admir- 
 able nature ; nobody will be your rival ; you 
 may preserve it without care, and even negli- 
 gence is its security. These are not small rea- 
 sons, you see." 
 
 Callias. " But, since you have asked the 
 whole company, may we not inquire of you, 
 Socrates, what it is you value yourself upon ?" 
 
 When Socrates, putting on a very grave and 
 solemn air, answered coldly, and without hesi- 
 tation, " I value myself upon procuring." 5 The 
 gravity of the speaker, and the manner of 
 speaking a word so little expected from Socrates, 
 set the whole company a laughing. " Very 
 well, gentlemen," said he, " I am glad you are 
 pleased ; but I am very certain this profession 
 of mine, if I apply myself closely to it, will 
 bring in money enough if I pleased." 
 
 When Lycon, pointing to Philip ; " Well, 
 what say you ?" " You, I suppose, value your- 
 self upon making men laugh?" "Yes, cer- 
 tainly," said Philip ; and have I not more 
 reason to be proud of myself for this, than that 
 fine spark, Callipides, who is so fond, you know, 
 of making his audience weep, when he recites 
 his verses in the theatre?" "But, Lycon," 
 said Antisthenes, " let us know what it is you 
 value yourself most upon? . What gives you 
 greatest content ?" " You know very well," an- 
 swered he, " what I esteem the most, and which 
 gives me the greatest pleasure, it is to be the 
 father of such a son as Autolicus." 
 
 " And for your son," said some of the com- 
 pany, " he, no question, values himself most 
 upon carrying the prize the other day at the 
 Olympic games?" "Not so, I assure you," 
 said Autolicus, blushing. And then the whole 
 company turning their eyes with pleasure to- 
 wards him, one of them asked him, " What is 
 it, then, Autolicus, you value yourself most 
 upon ?" " It is," replied he, " that I am the 
 son of such a father ;" and at the same time 
 turned himself lovingly towards him for a kiss. 
 Callias, who observed it, said to Lycon, 
 " Don't you know yourself to be the richest 
 man in the world ?" "I cannot tell that," re- 
 plied Lycon. " And yet it is true," said Cal- 
 lias, " for you would not change this son of 
 yours for the wealth of Persia." 
 
 I cannot find a softer word in English for the 
 Greek here. Socrates explains himself afterwards. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 609 
 
 Lycon. " Be it so ; I am then the richest 
 man in the world ; nor will I contradict your 
 opinion." 
 
 Then Nicerates addressing himself to Her 
 mogenes : What is it," said he, " that you 
 value yourself most upon ?" " On virtue,' 
 answered he, " and the power of my friends ; 
 and that, with these two advantages, I have 
 yet the good fortune to be beloved by these 
 friends." 
 
 Then every one looking upon him, began to 
 inquire " who were his friends 1" I will satis- 
 fy you," said he, as you shall see, when it 
 comes to my turn." 
 
 IV. Then Socrates resumed the discourse : 
 " Now you have all," said he, " declared your 
 opinions, as to what you value yourselves most 
 upon, it remains that you prove it. Let us now 
 then hear every man's reasons, if you please, 
 for his opinion." 
 
 " Hear me first then," said Callias : for 
 though you have all been inquiring what jus- 
 tice is, I alone have found the secret to make 
 men just and honest." 
 Soc. " How so ?" 
 Call. " By giving them money.'' 
 At these words, Antisthenes rising up asked 
 him hastily, " Is justice to be found in the heart 
 or the pocket 1" 
 
 Call. In the heart." 
 
 Ant. " And would you then make us believe, 
 that by filling a bag with money, you can make 
 the heart honest or just ?" 
 Call. " Most assuredly." 
 Ant. "How?" 
 
 Call. " Because when they have all things 
 necessary for life, they will not, for the world, 
 run any hazard by committing evil actions." 
 
 Ant. " But do they repay you again what 
 they receive of you?" 
 Call. " Not at all." 
 
 Ant. " Nothing but gratitude, I hope ; good 
 thanks for good money." 
 
 Call. " Not that neither : for I can tell you 
 something you will hardly believe ; I have 
 found some people of so evil a nature, that they 
 love me less for receiving benefits from me." 
 Then Antisthenes replied briskly, 
 
 Ant. " That is wonderful : you make men 
 just and honest to others, and they prove un- 
 just and dishonest only to you 1" 
 
 Cad. " Not so wonderful neither !" Have 
 we not architects and masons, who build houses 
 for other men, and live in hired lodgings them- 
 
 selves?" "Have patience, my master," said 
 he, (turning to Socrates) " and I will prove thi? 
 beyond dispute." " You need not," said So- 
 crates ; "for, beside what you allege for a proof, 
 there is another that occurs to me : Do you 
 not see there are certain diviners who pretend to 
 foretell every thing to other people, and are en 
 tirely ignorant of what is to happen to them 
 selves ?" Socrates said no more. 
 
 " It is now my turn to speak," said Nicer 
 ates : 1 " hear then to what I am going to say, 
 attend to a conversation which will necessarily 
 make you better, and more polite. You all 
 know, or I am much mistaken, there is nothing 
 that relates to human life but Homer has spo 
 ken of it. Whoever then would learn econo 
 my, eloquence, arms ; whoever would be mas 
 ter of every qualification that is to be found in 
 Achilles, Ajax, Ulysses, or Nestor ; let him but 
 apply himself to me, and he shall become per- 
 fect in them, for I am entirely master of aU 
 that." " Very well," said Antisthenes, " yoe 
 have learned likewise the art of being a king 
 for you may remember Homer praises Aga 
 memnon for that he was 
 
 "A noble warrior and a mighty prince." 
 
 JV7cer. " I learnt too, from Homer, how 3 
 coachman ought to turn at the end of his ca- 
 reer. He ought to incline his body to the left, 
 and give the word to the horse that is on the 
 right, and make use at the same time of a very 
 loose rein. I have learnt all of this from him, 
 and another secret too, which, if you please, we 
 will make trial of immediately : the same Ho- 
 mer says somewhere, that an onion relishes well 
 with a bottle. Now let some of your servants 
 bring an onion, and you will see with what 
 pleasure you will drink." " I know very well," 
 said Carmides, " what he means ; Nicerates, 
 gentlemen, thinks deeper than you imagine. 
 He would willingly go home with the scent of 
 an onion in his mouth, that his wife may not 
 be jealous, or suspect he has been kissing 
 abroad." " A very good thought," said So- 
 crates ; but perhaps I have one full as whim- 
 sical, and worthy of him : it is, that an onion 
 does not only relish wine, but victuals too, and 
 gives a higher seasoning: but if we should eat 
 them now after supper, they would say we had 
 ommitted a debauch at Callias's." No, no," 
 said Callias, you can never think so : but on- 
 
 Here Nicerates plays the pedant indeed, as if ID re 
 peat Homer was to de truly learned. 
 4B 
 
610 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 ions, they say, are very good to prepare people 
 for the day of battle, and inspire courage ; you 
 know they feed cocks so against they fight : 
 but our business, at present, I presume, is love, 
 not war ; and so much for onions." 
 
 Then Critobulus began. I am now," said 
 he, " to give my reasons why I value myself so 
 much upon my beauty. If I am not hand- 
 some (and I know very well what I think of 
 the matter,) you ought all of you to be ac- 
 counted impostors, for without being obliged to 
 it upon oath, when you were asked what was 
 your opinion of me, you all swore I was hand- 
 some, and I thought myself obliged to believe 
 you, being men of honour that scorned a He. 
 If, then, I am really handsome, and you feel the 
 same pleasure that I do when I behold another 
 beautiful person, I am ready to call all the gods 
 to witness, that were it in my choice either to 
 reign king of Persia, or be that beauty, I would 
 quit the empire to preserve my " form. In 
 truth, nothing in this world touches me so 
 agreeably as the sight of Amandra, and I could 
 willingly be blind to all other objects, if I 
 might but always enjoy the sight of her I so 
 tenderly love. 
 
 " I curse my slumbers, doubly curse the night, 
 That hides the lovely maid from my desiring sight ; 
 But, oh ! I bless the cheerful god's return, 
 And welcome with my praise the ruddy morn ; 
 Light with the morn returns, return my fair, 
 She is the light, the morn restores my dear." 
 " There is something more in the matter, be- 
 sides this, to be considered. A person-that is 
 vigorous and strong, cannot attain his designs 
 but by his strength and vigour.- a brave man 
 by his courage ; a scholar by his learning and 
 conversation : but the beautiful person does all 
 this, without any pains, by being only looked 
 at. I know very well how sweet the posses- 
 sion of wealth is, but I would sacrifice all to 
 Amandra : and I should with more pleasure 
 give all my estate to her, than to receive a thou- 
 sand times more from any other. I would lay 
 my liberty at her feet if she would accept me 
 for her slave : fatigue would be much more 
 agreeable to me than repose, and dangers than 
 ease, if endured in the service of Amandra. 
 If, then, you boast yourself so much, Callias, 
 that you can make men honester by your wealth, 
 I have much more reason to believe I am able 
 to produce in them all sorts of virtue by the 
 mere force of beauty ; for when beauty inspires, 
 it makes its votaries generous and industrious ; 
 they thereby acquire a noble thirst after glory, 
 
 and a contempt of dangers ; and all this attend- 
 ed with an humble and respectful modesty, 
 which makes them blush to ask what they wish 
 most to possess. I think the government is 
 stark mad, that they do not choose for generals 
 the most beautiful persons in the state ; for my 
 part, I would go through fire to follow such a 
 commander, and I believe you would all do the 
 same for me. Doubt not then, Socrates, but 
 beauty may do much good to mankind ; nor 
 does it avail to say beauty does soon fade ; for 
 there is one beauty of a child, another of a boy, 
 another of a man. There is likewise a beauty 
 of old age, as in those who carry the consecrated 
 branches * at the feast of Minerva ; for you 
 know for that ceremony they make choice al- 
 ways of the handsomest old men. Now, if it 
 is desirable to obtain without trouble what one 
 wishes, I am satisfied that, without speaking 
 one word, I should sooner persuade that little 
 girl to kiss me than any of you, with all the 
 arguments you can use ; no, not you yourself, 
 Socrates, with all the strength of your extolled 
 eloquence." " Why, Critobulus, do you give 
 yourself this air of vanity," said Socrates, as 
 if you were handsomer than mel" Doubt- 
 less," replied Critobulus, if I have not the ad- 
 vantage of you in beauty, I must be uglier than 
 the Sileni, 2 as they are painted by the poets." 
 Now Socrates had some resemblance to those 
 figures. 
 
 Soc. " Take notice, if you please, that this 
 article of beauty will soon be decided anon, 
 after every one has taken his turn to speak : 
 nor shall we call Paris to make a judgment for 
 us, as he did in the case of the three goddesses 
 about the apple : and this very young girl, who 
 you would make us believe had much rather 
 kiss you than any of us, she shall determine it." 
 
 Crlt. " And why may not Amandra be as 
 good as a judge of this matter]" 
 
 Soc. Amandra must needs have a large 
 possession of your heart, seeing by your good 
 will, you would never name any other name 
 but hers." 
 
 Crit. " True ; and yet when I do not speak 
 of her, do you think she lives not in my me- 
 mory 1 I assure you, if I were a painter or a 
 
 1 These were of the olive-tree, kept sacred in the 
 citadel of Athens ; and both old men and old women 
 carried them by turns. 
 
 * The Sileni were the fosterfathers of Bacchus, and 
 horridly deformed. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 511 
 
 statuary, I could draw her picture or statue bj 
 the idea of her in my mind, as well as if sh 
 were to sit to it." 
 
 Soc. " Since then you have her image in 
 your heart, and that image resembles her sc 
 strongly, why is it that you importune me con 
 tinually to carry you to places where you are 
 sure to meet her?" 
 
 Crit. " It is because the sight of Amandra 
 only gives me real joy. 
 
 " The idea does no solid pleasure give ; 
 She must within my sight, as well as fancy, live.' 
 
 Hermogenes interrupted the discourse ; anc 
 addressing himself to Socrates, said, " You ough 
 not to abandon Critobulus in the condition he is 
 in, for the violent transport and fury of his 
 passion makes me uneasy for him, and I know 
 not where it may end." 
 
 Soc. " What ! do you think he is become 
 thus only since he was acquainted with me 1 
 You are mightily deceived ; for I can assure 
 you this fire has been kindled ever since they 
 were children. Critobulus's father having ob- 
 served it, begged of rne that I would take care 
 of his son, and endeavour, if I could, by all 
 means to cure him of it. He is better now ; 
 things were worse formerly ; for I have seen 
 when Amandra appeared in company, Crito- 
 bulus, poor creature, would stand as one struck 
 dead, without motion, and his eyes so fixed 
 upon her, as if he had beheld Medusa's head ; 
 insomuch, that it was impossible almost for me 
 to bring him to himself. 
 
 " I remember one day, after certain amorous 
 glances, (this is between ourselves only,) he 
 ran up to her and kissed her; and, Heaven 
 knows, nothing gives more fuel to the fire of 
 love than kisses. For this pleasure is not like 
 others, which either lessen or vanish in the 
 enjoyment: on the contrary, it gathers strength 
 the more it is repeated; and flattering our 
 souls with sweet and favourable hopes, be- 
 witches our minds with a thousand beautiful 
 images. Thence it may be, that to love and 
 to kiss are frequently expressed by the same 
 word in the Greek ; and it is for that reason, I 
 think, he that would preserve the liberty of his 
 soul, should abstain from kissing handsome 
 people." " What, then," said Carmides, must 
 I be afraid of coming near a handsome woman ? 
 Nevertheless, I remember very well, and I be- 
 lieve you do so too, Socrates, that being one 
 day in company with Critobulus's beautiful 
 sister, who resembles him so much, as we were 
 
 searching together for a passage in some au- 
 thor, you held your head very close to that 
 beautiful virgin ; and I thought you seemed to 
 take pleasure in touching her naked shoulder 
 with yours." Good God !" replied Socrates, 
 " I will tell you truly how I was punished for 
 it for five days after : I thought I felt in my 
 shoulder a certain tickling pain, as if I had been 
 bit by gnats, or pricked with nettles : and I 
 must confess too, that during all that time I 
 felt a certain hitherto unknown pain at my 
 heart. But, Critobulus, take notice what I am 
 going to tell you before this good company : 
 it is, that I would not have you come too near 
 me, till you have as many hairs upon your chin 
 as your head, for fear you put me in mind of 
 your handsome sister." 
 
 Thus the conversation between these gentle- 
 men was sometimes serious, sometimes in rail- 
 lery. After this Callias took up the discourse. 
 " It is your turn now," said he, " Carmides, 
 to tell us what reasons you have for valuing 
 yourself so much upon poverty." "I will," 
 replied Carmides, and without delay. Is 
 any thing more certain, than that it is better to 
 be brave than a coward; a freeman, than a 
 slave ; to be credited, than distrusted ; to be 
 inquired after for your conversation, than to 
 court others for theirs 1 These things, I be- 
 lieve, may be granted me without much diffi- 
 culty. Now, when I was rich, I was in con- 
 tinual fear of having my house broken open by 
 thieves, and my money stolen, or my throat cut 
 upon the account of it. Besides all this, I was 
 forced to keep in fee with some of these petty- 
 fogging rascals that retain to the law, who 
 swarm all over the town like so many locusts. 
 This I was forced to do, because they were 
 always in a condition to hurt me; and I had no 
 way to retaliate upon them. Then I was ob- 
 liged to bear public offices at my own charges, 
 and to pay taxes : nor was it permitted me to 
 go abroad for travel, to avoid that expense. But 
 now that my estate, which I had without the 
 "rentiers of our republic, is all gone, and my 
 and in Attica brings me in no rent, and all my 
 lousehold goods are exposed to sale, I sleep 
 wonderfully sound, and stretched upon my bed 
 as one . altogether fearless of officers. The 
 government is now no more jealous of me, 
 nor I of it ; thieves fright me not, and I my- 
 self affright others. I travel abroad when I 
 please ; and when I please I stay at Athens. 
 What is to be free, if this is not ? Besides, 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 rich men pay respect to me ; they run from me, 
 to leave me the chair, or to give me the wall. 
 In a word, I am now perfectly a king ; I was 
 then perfectly a slave. I have yet another ad- 
 vantage from my poverty ; I then paid tribute 
 to the republic ; now the republic pays tribute 
 to me ; for it maintains me. Then every one 
 snarled at rne, because I was often with So- 
 crates. Now that I am poor, I may converse 
 with him, or any other I please, without any 
 body's being uneasy at it. I have yet another 
 satisfaction : in the days of my estate, either 
 the government or my ill fortune were contin- 
 ually clipping it : now that is all gone, it is 
 impossible to get any thing of me ; he that has 
 nothing, can lose nothing. And I have the 
 continual pleasure of hoping to be worth some- 
 thing again, one time or other." 
 
 " Don't you pray heartily against riches 1" 
 says Callias. " And if you should happen to 
 dream you were rich, would you not sacri- 
 fice to the gods to avert the ill omen 7" 
 No, no," replied Carmides i- but when any 
 flattering hope presents, I wait patiently for the 
 success." Then Socrates turning to Antis- 
 thenes ; And what reason have you," said 
 he, " who have very little or no money, to value 
 yourself upon wealth?" 
 
 Ant. Because I am of opinion, gentlemen, 
 that poverty and wealth are not in the coffers 
 of those we call rich or poor, but in the heart 
 only ; for I see numbers of very rich men, who 
 believe themselves poor ; nor is there any 
 peril or labour they would not expose them- 
 selves to, to acquire more wealth. I knew 
 two brothers, the other day, who shared equally 
 their father's estate. The first had enough, 
 and something to spare ; the other wanted every 
 thing. I have heard likewise of some princes 
 so greedy of wealth, that they were more noto- 
 riously criminal in the search of it than private 
 men : for though the latter may sometimes 
 steal, break houses, and sell free persons to 
 slavery, to support the necessities of life ; yet 
 those do much worse : they ravage whole 
 countries, put nations to the sword, enslavelfree 
 states : and all this for the sake of money, and 
 to fill the coffers of their treasury. The truth 
 isj I have a great deal of compassion for these 
 men, when I consider the distemper that afflicts 
 them. Is it not an unhappy condition to have 
 a great deal to eat, to eat a great deal, and yet 
 never be satisfied ] For my part, though I 
 confess I have no money at home, yet I want 
 
 none ; because I never eat but just as much as 
 will satisfy my hunger, nor drink but to quench 
 my thirst. I clothe myself in such manner 
 that I am as warm abroad as Callias, with all 
 his great abundance. And when I am at home, 
 the floor and the wall, without mats or tapestry, 
 make my chamber warm enough for me. And 
 as for my bed, such as it is, I find it more dif- 
 ficult to awake than to fall asleep in it. If at 
 any time a natural necessity requires me to con- 
 verse with women, I part with them as well 
 satisfied as another. For those to whom I 
 make my addresses, having not much practice 
 elsewhere, are as fond of me as if I were a 
 prince. But don't mistake me, gentlemen, for 
 governing my passion in this as in other things ; 
 I am so far from desiring to have more pleas- 
 ure in the enjoyment, that I wish it less; be- 
 cause, upon due consideration, I find those 
 pleasures that touch us in the most sensible 
 manner deserve not to be esteemed the most 
 worthy of us. But observe the chief advantage 
 I reap from my poverty ; it is, that in case the 
 little I have should be taken entirely from me, 
 there is no occupation so poor, no employment 
 in life so barren, but would maintain me with- 
 out the least uneasiness, and afford me a dinner 
 without any trouble. For if I have an inclina- 
 tion at any time to regale myself and indulge 
 my appetite, I can do it easily ; it is but going 
 to market, not to buy dainties (they are too 
 dear,) but my temperance gives that quality to 
 the most common food ; and, by that means, the 
 contentedness of my mind supplies me with de- 
 licacies, that are wanting in the meat itself. 
 Now, it is not the excessive price of what we 
 eat that gives it a relish, but it is necessity 
 and appetite. Of this I have experience just 
 now, while I am speaking ; for this generous 
 wine of Thasos, 1 that I am now drinking, 
 the exquisite flavour of it is the occasion that 
 I drink it -now without thirst, and consequently 
 without pleasure. Besides all this, I find it 
 is necessary to live thus, in order to live 
 honestly. For he that is content with 
 what he has, will never covet what is his 
 neighbour's. Further, it is certain the wealth 
 I am speaking of makes men liberal. For, 
 Socrates, from whom I have all mine, never 
 gave it me by number or weight ; but, when 
 ever I am willing to receive, he loads me 
 
 1 The noblest vines, that grew in one of the Grecian 
 islands. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 613 
 
 always with as much as I can carry. I do the 
 same by my friends; I never conceal my 
 plenty. On the contrary, I show them all I< 
 have, and at the same time I let them share 
 with me. It is from this, likewise, I am be- 
 come master of one of the most delightful 
 things in the world ; I mean, that soft and 
 charming leisure, that permits me to see every 
 thing that is worthy to be seen, and to hear 
 every thing that is worthy to be heard. It is, 
 in one word, that which affords me the happi- 
 ness of hearing Socrates from morning to 
 night ; for he having no great veneration for 
 those that can only count vast sums of gold 
 and silver, converses only with them who he 
 finds are agreeable to him, and deserve his 
 company." Truly," said Callias, I admire 
 you, and these your excellent riches, for two 
 reasons : first, that thereby you are no slave to 
 the government; and, secondly, that nobody 
 can take it ill you do not lend them money." 
 " Pray do not admire him for the last," said 
 Nicerates ; * < for I am about to borrow of him 
 what he most values, that is, to need nothing ; 
 for by reading Homer, and especially that pas- 
 sage where he says, 
 
 " Ten golden talents, seven three-legg'd stools, 
 Just twenty cisterns, and twelve charging steeds :" 
 
 I have so accustomed myself, from this passage, 
 to be always upon numbering and weighing, 
 that I begin to fear I shall be taken for a 
 miser." Upon this they all laughed heartily ; 
 for there was nobody there but believed Nice- 
 rates spoke what he really thought, and what 
 were his real inclinations. 
 
 After this, one spoke to Hermogenes : It 
 is yours now," said he, "to tell us who are 
 your friends ; and make it appear, that if they 
 have much power, they have equal will to serve 
 you with it, and, consequently, that you have 
 reason to value yourself upon them." 
 
 Hermog. " 2 There is one thing, gentlemen, 
 universally received among barbarians as well 
 as Greeks ; and that is, that the gods know 
 both the present and what is to come : and for 
 that reason they are consulted and applied to 
 by all mankind, with sacrifices, to know of 
 them what they ought to do. This supposes 
 
 Nicerates was both very rich and very covetous, 
 being the son of Nicias, whose life is written by Plu- 
 tarch. 
 
 This is one of the noblest periods in all antiquity. 
 52 
 
 that they have the power to do us good or evil ; 
 otherwise, why should we pray to them to be 
 delivered from evils that threaten us, or to grant 
 us the good we stand in need of!" Now these 
 very gods, who are both all-seeing and all- 
 powerful, they are so much my friends, and 
 have so peculiar a care of me, that be it night, 
 be it day, whether I go any where, or take any 
 thing in hand, they have me ever in their view 
 and under their protection, and never lose me 
 out of their sight. They foreknow all the 
 events and all the thoughts and actions of us 
 poor mortals : they forewarn us by some se- 
 cret prescience impressed on our minds, or by 
 some good angel or dream, what we ought to 
 avoid, and what we ought to do. For my 
 part, I have never had occasion yet to repent 
 these secret impulses given me by the gods, 
 but have been often punished for neglecting 
 them." " There is nothing in what you have 
 said," added Socrates, that should look in- 
 credible : but I would willingly hear by what 
 services you oblige the gods to be so much 
 your friends, and to love and take all this care 
 of you T' That is done very cheap, and at 
 little or no expense," replied Hermogenes, 
 " for the praises I give them cost me nothing. 
 If I sacrifice to them after I have, received a 
 blessing from them, that very sacrifice is at 
 their own charge. I return them thanks on all 
 occasions ; and if at any time I call them to 
 witness, it is never to a lie, or against my con- 
 science." Truly," said Socrates, " if such 
 men as you have the gods for their friends, and 
 I am sure they have, it is certain those gods 
 take pleasure in good actions and the practice 
 of virtue." 
 
 Here ended their serious entertainment. 
 What followed was of another kind ; for all 
 of them turning to Philip, asked him, " What 
 it was he found so very valuable in his profes- 
 sion 1" Have I not reason to be proud of 
 my trade," said he, all the world knowing me 
 to be a buffoon 1 If any good fortune happens 
 to them, they cheerfully invite me ; but when 
 any misfortune comes, they avoid me like the 
 plague, lest I should make them laugh in spite 
 of themselves." Nicerates, interrupting him, 
 " You have reason indeed," said he, to boast 
 of your profession, for it is quite otherwise 
 with me : when my friends have no occasion 
 for me, they avoid me like the plague ; but in 
 misfortunes they are ever about me, and, by a 
 forged genealogy, will needs claim kindred 
 
614 
 
 BANQUET OF'XENOPHON. 
 
 with me, and at the same time carry my family 
 up as high as the gods." Very well," said 
 Carmides, " now to the rest of the company." 
 
 Well, Mr. Syracusan, what is it which gives 
 you the greatest satisfaction, or that you value 
 yourself most upon 1 I suppose it is that 
 pretty little girl of yours 1" Quite con- 
 trary," says he ; "I have much more pain than 
 pleasure upon her account : I am in constant 
 apprehension and fear when I see certain peo- 
 ple so busy about her, and trying all insinuat- 
 ing ways to ruin * her." " Good God !" said 
 Socrates, " What wrong could they pretend to 
 have received from that poor young creature, 
 to do her a mischief] Would they kill her 1" 
 
 Syr. " I do not speak of killing her ; you 
 do not take me, they would willingly get to bed 
 to her." 
 
 Soc. " Suppose it were so, why must the 
 girl be ruined therefore 1" 
 
 Syr. Ay, doubtless." 
 
 Soc. " Do not you lie in bed with her your- 
 self]" 
 
 Syr. " Most certainly, all night long." 
 
 Soc. " By Juno, thou art a happy fellow to 
 be the only man in the world that do not ruin 
 those you lie with. Well, then, according to 
 your account, what you are proudest of must 
 be, that you are so wholesome and so harmless 
 a bedfellow 1" 
 
 . Syr. But you are mistaken ; it is not that 
 I value myself for neither." 
 
 Soc. What then!" 
 
 Syr. " That there are so many fools in the 
 world ; for it is these kind of gentlemen, who 
 come to see my children dance and sing, that 
 supply me with the necessaries of life, which 
 otherwise I might want." 
 
 " I suppose then," said Philip, " that was 
 the meaning of your prayer you made the other 
 day before the altar, when you asked the gods 
 that there might be plenty of every thing in 
 this world wherever you came, but of judgment 
 and good sense ]" 
 
 " Immortal beings, grant my humble prayer : 
 Give Athens all the blessings you can spare ; 
 Let them abound in plenty, peace, and pence, 
 But never let them want a dearth of sense." 
 
 " All is well hitherto," said Callias : " But, 
 Socrates, what reason have you to make us 
 believe you are fond of the profession you at- 
 
 1 The word in the original signifies to kill, to ruin, 
 or to corrupt. 
 
 tributed to yourself just now, for really I take it 
 for a scandalous one]" 
 
 Soc. " First, let us understand one an- 
 other ; and know in few words what this artist 
 is properly to do, whose very name has made 
 you so merry ; but, to be brief, let us, in short, 
 fix upon some one thing that we may all agree 
 in. Shall it be so ]" " Doubtless," answered 
 all the company ; and during the thread of his 
 discourse they made him no other answer but 
 " doubtless." Having begun so, Is it not 
 certainly true," 2 said Socrates, that the busi- 
 ness of an artist of that kind is to manage so 
 as that the person they introduce be perfectly 
 agreeable to one that employs him ]" " Doubt- 
 less," they replied. " Is it not certain, too, 
 that a good face and fine clothes do mightily 
 contribute towards the making such a person 
 agreeable ]" " Doubtless." Do you not ob- 
 serve that the eyes of .the same person look at 
 some times full of pleasure and kindness, and 
 at other times with an air of aversion and 
 scorn ]" " Doubtless." " What, does not the 
 same voice sometimes express itself with mo- 
 desty and sweetness, and sometimes with anger ' * 
 and fierceness ]" " Doubtless." Are there 
 not some discourses that naturally beget hatred 
 and aversion, and others that conciliate love 
 and affection ]" Doubtless." " If, then, this 
 artist be excellent in his profession, ought he 
 not to instruct those that are under his direc- 
 tion which way to make themselves agreeable 
 to others in all these things I have mention- 
 ed ]" " Doubtless." " But who is most to 
 be valued ; he who renders them agreeable to 
 one person only, or he that renders them agree- 
 able to many ] Are you pot for the last ]" 
 Some of them answered him as before, with 
 " doubtless ;" and the rest said it was very 
 plain that it was much better to please a great 
 many than a few. " That is very well," said 
 Socrates ; " we agree upon every head hither- 
 to ; but what if the person we are speaking of 
 can instruct his pupil to gain the hearts of a 
 whole state, will not you say he is excellent in 
 his art ]" This, they all agreed, was clear. 
 " And if he can raise his scholars to such 
 perfection, has he not reason to be proud of 
 his profession ] And deserves he not to re- 
 
 a It wnsa great advantage that Socrates had in con- 
 versation, that his arguments were generally by way 
 of interrogation, by which he argued from the conces- 
 sions that were made him, what he designed to prove. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 615 
 
 ceive a handsome reward!" Every one an- 
 swered, it was their opinion he did. " Now," 
 said Socrates, " if there is such a man to be 
 found in the world, it is Antisthenes, or I am 
 mistaken." 
 
 Ant. " How, Socrates ! Will you make me 
 one of your scurvy profession ?" 
 
 Soc. " Certainly, for I know you are per- 
 fectly skilled in what may properly be called an 
 appendix to it." 
 
 Ant. What is that 1" 
 
 Soc. " Bringing people together." 
 
 To this Antisthenes, with some concern, re- 
 plied, " Did you ever know me guilty of a thing 
 of this kind 1" 
 
 Soc. " Yes, but keep your temper. You 
 procured Callias for Prodicus, finding the one 
 was in love with philosophy, and the other in 
 want of money : you did the same before, in 
 procuring Callias for Hippias, who taught him 
 the art of memory ; and he is become such a 
 proficient, that he is more amorous now than 
 ever ; for every woman he sees, that is tolerably 
 handsome, he can never forget her, so perfectly 
 has he learnt of Hippias the art of memory. 
 You have none yet more than this, Antisthe- 
 nes ; for lately praising a friend of yours, of 
 Heraclea, to me, it gave me a great desire to 
 be acquainted with him : at the same time you 
 praised me to him, which occasioned his desire 
 to be acquainted with me ; for which I am 
 mightily obliged to you, for I find him a very 
 worthy man. Praising likewise in the same 
 manner Esquilius to me, and me to him, did 
 not your discourse inflame us both with such 
 mutual affection, that we searched every day for 
 one another with the utmost impatience till we 
 came acquainted 1 Now, having observed you 
 capable of bringing about such desirable things, 
 had not I reason to say you are an excellent 
 bringer of people together 1 I know very well, 
 that one who is capable of being useful to his 
 friend, in fomenting mutual friendship and love 
 between that friend and another he knows to 
 be worthy of him, is likewise capable of beget- 
 ting the same disposition between towns and 
 states : he is able to make state-marriages ; nor 
 has our republic or our allies a subject that 
 may be more useful to them : and yet you were 
 angry with me, as if I had affronted you, when 
 I said you were master of this art." 
 
 Ant. " That is true, Socrates ; but my anger 
 is now over ; and were I really what you say I 
 am. I wust have 9 soul incomparably rich." 
 
 Now you have heard in what manner every 
 one spoke, when Callias began again, and said 
 to Critobulus, Will you not then venture into 
 the lists with Socrates, and dispute beauty with 
 him? 
 
 Soc. " I believe not ; for he knows my art 
 gives me some interest with the judges." 
 
 Cvit. " Come, I will not refuse to enter the 
 lists for once with you ; pray then use all your 
 eloquence, and let us know how you prove 
 yourself to be handsomer # than I." 
 
 Soc. " That shall be done presently ; bring 
 but a light, and the thing is done." 
 
 Crit. But, in order to state the question 
 well, you will give me leave to ask a few ques- 
 tions ?" 
 
 Soc. I will." 
 
 Crit. " But, on second thoughts, I will give 
 you leave to ask what questions you please 
 first." 
 
 Soc. " Agreed. Do you believe beauty is no 
 where to be found but in man?" 
 
 Crit. " Yes certainly, in other creatures too, 
 whether animate, as a horse or bull, or inani- 
 mate things, as we say that is a handsome 
 sword, or a fine shield, &c." 
 
 Soc. " But how comes it then, that things 
 so very different as these should yet all of them 
 be handsome?" 
 
 Crit. " Because they are well made, either 
 by art or nature, for the purposes they are em- 
 ployed in." 
 
 Soc. " Do you know the use of eyes ?" 
 
 Crit. To see." 
 
 Soc. " Well ! it is for that very reason mine 
 are handsomer than yours." 
 
 Crit. " Your reason ?" 
 
 Soc. " Yours see only in a direct line ; but, 
 as for mine, I can look not only directly for- 
 ward, as you, but sideways too, they being 
 seated on a kind of ridge on my face, and 
 staring out." 
 
 Crit. " At that rate, a crab has the advan- 
 tage of all other animals in matter of eyes ? *' 
 
 Soc. < Certainly : for theirs are incompara- 
 bly more solid, and better situated than any 
 other creature's." 
 
 Crit. Be it so as to eyes ; but as to your 
 nose, would you make me believe that yours is 
 better shaped than mine ?" 
 
 Soc. " There is no room for doubt, if it be 
 granted that God made the nose for the sense 
 of smelling ; for your nostrils are turned down- 
 ward, but mine are wide and turned up to 
 
616 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 wards heaven, to receive smells that come from 
 every part, whether from above or below." 
 
 Crit. "What! is a short flat nose, then, 
 more beautiful than another 1 !" 
 
 Soc. "Certainly; because being such, it 
 never hinders the sight of both eyes at once ; 
 whereas a high nose parts the eyes so much by 
 its rising, that it hinders their seeing both of 
 them in a direct line." 
 
 Crit. As to your mouth, I grant it you ; 
 for if God has given us a mouth to eat with, it 
 is certain yours will receive and chew as much 
 at once as mine at thrice." 
 
 Soc. " Don't you believe too that my kisses 
 are more luscious and sweet than yours, having 
 my lips so thick and large 1" 
 
 Crit. " According to your reckoning, then, 
 an ass's lips are more beautiful than mine." 
 
 Soc. " And lastly, I must excel you in 
 beauty, for this reason : the Naiades, notwith- 
 standing they are sea-goddesses, are said to 
 have brought forth the Sileni ; and sure I am 
 much more like them than you can pretend to 
 be. What say you to that ?" 
 
 Crit. " I say it is impossible to hold a dis- 
 pute with you, Socrates ; and therefore let us 
 determine this point by balloting ; and so we 
 shall know presently who has the best of it, 
 you or I : but pray let it be done in the dark, 
 lest Antisthenes's riches and your eloquence 
 should corrupt the judges." 
 
 Whereupon the little dancing boy and girl 
 brought in the balloting box, and Socrates 
 called at the same time for a flambeau to be 
 held before Critobulus, that the judges might 
 not be surprised in their judgment. He de- 
 sired likewise that the conqueror, instead of 
 garters and ribands, as were usual in such vic- 
 tories, should receive a kiss from every one oT 
 the company. After this they went to ballot- 
 ing, and it was carried unanimously for Crito- 
 bulus. Whereupon Socrates said to him, " In- 
 deed, Critobulus, your money has not the same 
 effect with Callias's, to make men juster; for 
 yours, I see, is able to corrupt a judge upon 
 the bench." 
 
 VI. After this, some of the company told 
 Critobulus he ought to demand the kisses due 
 to his victory ; and the rest said, it was pro- 
 per to begin with him who made the proposi- 
 tion. In short, every one was pleasant in his 
 way except Hermogenes, who spoke not one 
 word all the time ; which obliged Socrates to 
 
 ask him, " If lie knew the meaning of the word 
 paroinia ?" 
 
 Her. If you ask me what it is precisely, 1 
 do not know ; but if you ask my opinion of it, 
 perhaps I can tell you what it may be." 
 
 Soc. " That is enough." 
 
 Her. " I believe, then, that paroinia signi- 
 fies the pain and uneasiness we undergo in the 
 company of people that we are not pleased 
 with." " Be assured then/' said Socrates, 
 this is what has occasioned that prudent si- 
 lence of yours all this time."' 
 
 Her. " How my silence ! when you were all 
 speaking?" 
 
 Soc. No, but your silence when we have 
 done speaking and make a full stop." 
 
 Her. Well said, indeed ! No sooner one 
 has done but another begins to speak ; and I 
 am so far from being able to get in a sentence, 
 that I cannot find room to edge in a syllable." 
 " Ah, then," said Socrates to Callias, " can- 
 not you assist a man that is thus out of hu- 
 mour ?" Yes," said Callias ; for I will be 
 bold to say, when the music begins again, 
 very body will be silent as well as Hermo- 
 genes." 
 
 Her. " You would have me do then as the 
 poet Nicostrates, who used to recite his grand 
 iambics to the sound of his flute : and it would 
 be certainly very pretty if I should talk to you 
 all the time the music played." For God's 
 sake do so," said Socrates ; " for as the har- 
 mony is the more agreeable that the voice and 
 the instrument go together, so your discourse 
 will be more entertaining for the music that 
 accompanies it ; and the more delightful still, 
 if you give life to your words by your gesture 
 and motion, as the little girl does with her 
 flute." But when Antisthenes," said Cal- 
 lias, " is pleased to be,angry in company, what 
 flute will be tunable enough to his voice ?" 
 
 JLnt. "I do not know what occasion there 
 will be for flutes tuned to my voice; but I 
 know, that when I am angry with any one in 
 dispute, I am loud enough, and I know my own 
 weak side." 
 
 As they were talking thus, the Syracusan 
 observing they took no great notice of any 
 thing he could show them, but that they enter- 
 tained one another on subjects out of his road, 
 was out of all temper with Socrates, who he 
 saw gave occasion at every turn for some new 
 discourse. " Are you," said he to him, thnt 
 
BANQUET OF XENOFHON. 
 
 617 
 
 Socrates who is sirnamed the Contempla- 
 tive ?" 
 
 Soc. " Yes," said Socrates : " and is it not 
 much more preferable to be called so, than by 
 another name, for some opposite quality 7" 
 
 Syr. " Let that pass. But they do not 
 only say in general that Socrates is contempla- 
 tive, but that he contemplates things that are 
 sublime." 
 
 1 Soc. "Know you any thing in the world so 
 sublime and elevated as the gods?" 
 
 Syr. " No. But I am told your contempla- 
 tions run not that way. They say they are but 
 trifling ; and that, in searching after things above 
 your reach, your inquiries are good for nothing." 
 
 Soc. " It is by this, if I deceive not myself, 
 that I attain to the knowledge of the gods : for 
 it is from above that the gods make us sensible 
 of their assistance ; it is from above they in- 
 spire us with knowledge. But if what I have 
 said appears dry and insipid, you are the cause, 
 for forcing me to answer you." 
 
 Syr. " Let us then talk of something else. 
 Tell me then the just measure of the skip of a 
 flea ; for I hear you are a subtle geometrician, 
 and understand the mathematics perfectly well." 
 
 But Antisthenes, who was displeased with 
 his discourse, addressing himself to Philip, 
 told him : " You are wonderfully happy, I 
 know, in making comparisons. 2 Pray who is 
 this Syracusan like, Philip 7 Does he not 
 resemble a man that is apt to give affronts, and 
 say shocking things in company 7" " Faith," 
 said Philip, he appears so to me, and I be- 
 lieve to- every body else." Have a care," said 
 Socrates ; " do not affront him, lest you fall 
 under the character yourself that you would 
 give him." 
 
 Phil. " Suppose I compare him to a well- 
 bred person : I hope no body will say I affront 
 him then 7" 
 
 Soc. " So much the more," said Socrates ; 
 such a comparison must needs affront him to 
 some purpose." 
 
 Phil. " Would you then that I compare 
 him to some one that is neither honest nor 
 good 7" 
 
 Soc. " By no means." 
 
 i Here Socrates banters the Syracusan ; and in the 
 Greek it is a play of words which cannot be imitated 
 in English. 
 
 a To make biting comparisons was a part of the buf- 
 foons of that age. 
 
 52* 
 
 Phil. Who must I compare him to then ? 
 To " nobody 7" 
 
 Soc. "Nobody." 
 
 Phil. But it is not proper we should be 
 silent at a feast." 
 
 Soc. " That is true ; but it is as true we ought 
 rather be silent than say any thing we ought 
 not to say." 
 
 Thus ended the dispute between Socrates 
 and Philip. 
 
 VII. However, some of the company were 
 for having Philip make his comparisons ; oth- 
 ers were against it, as not liking that sort of 
 diversion ; so that there was a great noise about 
 it in the room: which Socrates observing, 
 " Very well," said he, " since you are for speak- 
 ing all together, it were as well in my opinion, 
 that we should sing altogether ;" and with that 
 he began to sing himself. When he had done, 
 they brought the dancing girl one of those 
 wheels the potters use, with which she was to 
 divert the company in turning herself round it. 
 Upon which Socrates, turning to the Syracu- 
 san : " I believe I shall pass for a contemplative 
 person indeed," said he, " as you called me just 
 now, for I am now considering how it comes to 
 pass that those two little actors of yours give us 
 pleasure in seeing them perform their tricks, 
 without any pain to themselves, which is what I 
 know you design. I am sensible that for the 
 little girl to jump head foremost into the hoop 
 of swords, with their points upwards, as she has 
 done just now, must be a very dangerous leap ; 
 but I am not convinced that such a spectacle is 
 proper for a feast. I confess likewise, it is a 
 surprising sight to see a person writing and 
 reading at the same time that she is carried 
 round with the motion of the wheel, as the 
 girl has done ; but yet I must own it gives me 
 no great pleasure. For would it not be much 
 more agreeable to see her in a natural easy pos- 
 ture, than putting her handsome body into an 
 unnatural agitation, merely to imitate the mo- 
 tion of a wheel 7 Neither is it so rare to meet 
 with surprising and wonderful sights ; for here 
 is one before our eyes, if you please to take 
 notice of it. Why does that lamp, whose 
 flame is pure and bright, give all the light to the 
 room, when that looking-glass gives none at 
 all, and yet represents distinctly all objects in 
 its surface 7 Why does that oil, which is in its 
 own nature wet, augment the flame ; and that 
 water, which is wet likewise, extinguish it 7 
 40 
 
618 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOl?HON. 
 
 But these questions are not proper at this time. 
 And, indeed, if the two children were to dance 
 to the sound of the flute, dressed in the habits 
 of nymphs, the graces of the four seasons of 
 the year, as they are commonly painted, they 
 might undergo less pain, and we receive more 
 pleasure." You are in the right, sir," said 
 the Syracusan to Socrates ; and I am going 
 to represent something of that kind, that cer- 
 tainly must divert you ;" and at the same time 
 went out to make it ready, when Socrates be- 
 gan a new discourse. 
 
 VIII. " What then," said he, must we part 
 without saying a word of the attributes of that 
 great demon, or power, who is present here, 
 and equals in age the immortal gods, though, 
 to look at, he resembles but a child 1 That 
 demon, who by his mighty power is master of 
 all things, and yet is engrafted into the very 
 essence and constitution of the soul of man ; 
 I mean Love. We may indeed with reason 
 extol his empire, as having more experience of 
 it than the vulgar, who are. not initiated into 
 the mysteries of that great god as we are. 
 Truly, to speak for one, I never remember I 
 was without being in love : I know, too, that 
 Carmides has had a great many lovers, and 
 being much beloved, has loved again. As for 
 Critobulus, he is still of an age to love, and to 
 be boloved ; and Nicerates too, who loves so 
 passionately his wife, at least as report goes, is 
 equally beloved by her. And who of us does 
 not know that the object of that noble passion 
 and love of Hermogenes, is virtue and hon- 
 esty 1 Consider, pray, the severity of his brows, 
 his piercing and fixed eyes, his discourse so 
 composed and strong, the sweetness of his 
 voice, the gaiety of his manners. And what is 
 yet more wonderful in him, that, so beloved as 
 he is by his friends the gods, he does not dis- 
 dain us mortals. But for you, Antisthenes, are 
 you the only person in the company that does 
 not love 1" 
 
 Ant. " No ! for in faith I love you, Socrates, 
 with all my heart." 
 
 Then Socrates rallying him, and counterfeit- 
 ing an angry air, said, " Do not trouble me with 
 it now ; you see I have other business upon 
 my hands at present:" 
 
 Jlnt. " I confess you must be an expert mas- 
 ter of the trade you valued yourself so much 
 upon a while ago ; for sometimes you will not 
 be at the pains to speak to me, and at other 
 
 times you pretend your demon will not permit 
 you, or that you have other business." 
 
 Soc. " Spare me a little, Antisthenes ; I can 
 bear well enough any other troubles that you 
 give me, and I will always bear them as a 
 friend ; but I blush to speak of the passion you 
 have for me, since I fear you are not enam- 
 oured with the beauty of my soul, but with that 
 of my body." 
 
 "As for you, Callias, 1 you love, as well as 
 the rest of us : for who is it that is ignorant of 
 your love for Autolicus 1 It is the town-talk ; 
 and foreigners, as well as our citizens, are ac- 
 quainted with it. The reasons for your loving 
 him, I believe to be, that you are both of you 
 born of illustrious families ; and, at the same 
 time, are both possessed of personal qualities 
 that render you yet more illustrious. For me. 
 I always admired-the sweetness and evenness 
 of your temper ; but much more, when I con- 
 sider that your passion for Autolicus is placed 
 on a person who has nothing luxurious or af- 
 fected in him ; but in all things shows a vig- 
 our and temperance worthy of a virtuous soul ; 
 which is a proof, at the same time, that if he is 
 infinitely beloved, he deserves to be so. 
 
 " I confess, indeed, I am not firmly per- 
 suaded whether there be but one Venus or two, 
 the celestial and the vulgar : and it may be with 
 this goddess, as with Jupiter, who has many 
 different names, though there is still but one 
 Jupiter. But I know very well that both the 
 Venuses have altogether different altars, tem- 
 ples, and sacrifices. The vulgar Venus is wor- 
 shipped after a common, negligent manner ; 
 whereas the celestial one is adored in purity and 
 sanctity of life. The vulgar inspires mankind 
 with the love of the body only, but the celestial 
 fires the mind with the love of the soul, with 
 friendship, and a generous thirst after noble 
 actions. I hope that it is this last kind of love 
 that has touched the heart of Callias. This 
 I believe, because the person he loves is truly 
 virtuous ; and whenever he desires to converse 
 with him, it is in the presence of his father, 
 which is a proof his love is perfectly honoura- 
 ble." 
 
 Upon which Hermogenes began to speak . 
 " I have always admired you, Socrates, on 
 
 Here Socrates shows a wonderful address in turn 
 ing the passion of Callias from Autolicus, to something 
 more elevated, and beyond personal beauty. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 619 
 
 every occasion, but much more now than ever. 
 You are complaisant to Callias, and indulge 
 his passion. And this your complaisance is 
 agreeable to him ; so it is wholesome and in- 
 structive, teaching him in what manner he 
 ought to love." "That is true," said So- 
 crates ; and that my advice may please him 
 yet the more, I will endeavour to prove that 
 the love of the soul is incomparably preferable 
 to that of the body. I say then, and we all 
 feel the truth of it, that no company can be 
 truly agreeable to us without friendship ; and 
 we generally say, whoever entertains a great 
 value and esteem for the manners and beha- 
 viour of a man, he must necessarily love him. 
 We know, likewise, that among those who love 
 the body only, they many times disapprove the 
 humour of the person they so love, and hate 
 perhaps at the same time the mind and temper, 
 while they endeavour to possess the body. Yet 
 further, let us suppose a mutual passion between 
 two lovers of this kind ; it is very certain that 
 the power of beauty, which gives birth to that 
 love, does soon decay and vanish : and how is 
 it possible that love, built on such a weak 
 foundation, should subsist, when the cause that 
 produced it has ceased? But it is other- 
 wise with the soul ; for the more she ripens, 
 and the longer she endures, the more lovely 
 she becomes. Besides, as the constant use of 
 the finest delicacies is attended, in progress of 
 'time, with disgust : so the constant enjoyment 
 of the finest beauty palls the appetite at last. 
 But that love that terminates on the bright 
 qualities of the soul, becomes still more and 
 more ardent: and, because it is in its nature 
 altogether pure and chaste, it admits of no sa- 
 tiety. Neither let us think, with some people 
 that this passion, so pure and so chaste, is less 
 charming, or less strong than the other. On 
 the contrary, those who love in this manner are 
 possessed of all that we ask in that our com- 
 mon prayer to Venus : < Grant, O goddess ! 
 that we may say nothing but what is agreeable, 
 and do nothing but what does please.' Now, 
 I think it is needless to prove, that a person 
 of a noble mien, generous and polite, modest 
 and well-bred, and in a fair way to rise in the 
 state, ought first to be touched with a just 
 esteem for the good qualities of the person he 
 courts, for this will be granted by all. But I 
 am going to prove, in few words, that the per- 
 son thus addressed to must infallibly return 
 the love of a man that is thus endued with 
 
 such shining accomplishments. For, is it pos- 
 sible for a woman to hate a man, who she be- 
 lieves has infinite merit, and who makes hia 
 addresses to her upon the motive of doing jus- 
 tice to her honour and virtue, rather than from 
 a principle of pleasing his appetite 1 And how 
 great is the contentment we feel, when we are 
 persuaded that no light faults or errors shall 
 ever disturb the course of a friendship so hap- 
 pily begun, or that the diminution of beauty 
 shall never lessen one's affection 1 How 
 can it ever happen otherwise, but that per- 
 sons who love one another thus tenderly, 
 and with all the liberties of a pure and sacred 
 friendship, should take the utmost satisfaction 
 in one another's company, in discoursing to 
 gether with an entire confidence, in mingling 
 their mutual interests, and rejoicing in their 
 good fortune, and bearing a share in their bad 1 
 Such lovers must needs partake of one an- 
 other's joy or grief, be merry and rejoice with 
 one another in health, and pay the closest and 
 tenderest attendance on one another when 
 sick, and express rather a greater concern for 
 them when absent than present. Does not 
 Venus and the Graces shower down their 
 blessings on those who love thusl For my 
 part, I take such to be perfectly happy ; and a 
 friendship like this must necessarily persevere 
 to the end of their lives, uninterrupted and alto- 
 gether pure. But I confess I cannot see any 
 reason why one that loves only the exterior 
 beauty of the person he courts, should be 
 loved again. Is it because he endeavours to 
 obtain something from her, that gives him 
 pleasure, but her shame 1 Or is it, because 
 in the conduct of their passion they carefully 
 conceal the knowledge of it from their parents 
 orfiiends! Somebody, perhaps, may object, 
 that we ought to make a different judgment 
 of those who use violence, and of those who 
 endeavour to gain their point by the force of 
 persuasion ; but, I say, these last deserve more 
 hatred than the first. The first appear in their 
 proper colours, for wicked persons; and so 
 every one is on their guard against such open 
 villany ; whereas the last, by sly insinuations, 
 insensibly corrupt and defile the mind of the 
 person they pretend to love. Besides, why 
 should they, who barter their beauty for money, 
 be supposed to have a greater affection for the 
 purchasers, than the trader, who sells his goods 
 in the market-place, has for his chapman that 
 pays him down the price. Do not tie surprised. 
 
620 
 
 BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 then, if such lovers as these meet often with 
 the contempt they deserve. There is one 
 thing more in this case worthy of your consi- 
 deration ; we shall never find that the love 
 which terminates in the noble qualities of the 
 mind has ever produced any dismal effects. 
 But there are innumerable examples of tragi- 
 cal consequences, which have attended that 
 love which is fixed only on the beauty of the 
 body. Chiron and Phenix loved Achilles, but 
 after a virtuous manner, without any other 
 design than to render him a more accomplish- 
 ed person. Achilles likewise loved and ho- 
 noured them in return, and held them both in 
 the highest veneration. And indeed I should 
 wonder, if one that is perfectly accomplished 
 should not entertain the last contempt for 
 those who admire only their personal beauty. 
 Nor is it hard to prove, Callias, that gods and 
 heroes have always had more passion and es- 
 teem for the charms of the soul, than those of 
 the body : at least this seems to have been the 
 opinion of our ancient authors. For we may 
 observe in the fables of antiquity, that Jupiter, 
 who loved several mortals upon the account of 
 their personal beauty only, never conferred up- 
 on them immortality. Whereas it was other- 
 wise with Hercules, Castor, Pollux, and se- 
 veral others ; for having admired and applauded 
 the greatness of their courage, and the beauty 
 of their minds, he enrolled them in the num- 
 ber of the gods. And, whatever some affirm 
 to the contrary of Ganymede, I take it he was 
 carried up to heaven from mount Olympus, 
 not for the beauty of his body, but that of his 
 mind. At least his name seems to confirm 
 my opinion, which in the Greek seems to ex- 
 press as much as, 'to take pleasure in good 
 counsel, and in the practice of wisdom.' When 
 Homer represents Achilles so gloriously re- 
 venging the death of Patroclus, it was not pro- 
 perly the passion of love that produced that 
 noble resentment, but that pure friendship and 
 esteem he had for his partner in arms. Why 
 is it, that the memory of Pylades and Orestes, 
 Theseus and Perithous, and other demigods, 
 are to this day so highly celebrated ] Was it 
 for the love of the body, think you ] No ! by 
 no means : it was the particular esteem and 
 friendship they had for one another, and the 
 mutual assistance every one gave to his friend, 
 'n those renowned and immortal enterprises, 
 which are to this day the subject of our his- 
 tories and hymns. And, pray, who are they 
 
 that performed those glorious actions? Not 
 they that abandoned themselves to pleasure, 
 but they that thirsted after glory ; and who, to 
 acquire that glory, underwent the severest toils, 
 and almost insuperable difficulties. 
 
 You are then infinitely obliged to the gods, 
 Callias, who have inspired you with love and 
 friendship for Autolicus, as they have inspired 
 Critobulus with the same for Amandra ; for 
 real and pure friendship knows no difference in 
 sexes. It is certain Autolicus has the most 
 ardent passion for glory ; since, in order to 
 carry the prize at the Olympic games, and be 
 proclaimed victor by the heralds, with sound 
 of trumpet, as he lately was, he must needs 
 have undergone numberless hardships, and the 
 greatest fatigues : for no less was required to- 
 wards gaining the victory in so many different 
 exercises. 1 But if he proposes to himself, as 
 I am sure he does, to acquire further glory, to 
 become an ornament to his family, beneficent 
 to his friends, to extend the limits of his coun- 
 try by his valour, and by all honest endeavours 
 to gain the esteem of Barbarians as well as 
 Greeks : do not you believe he will always have 
 the greatest value for one who he believes may 
 be useful and assistant to him in so noble a de- 
 sign 1 If you would then prove acceptable, 
 Callias, to any one you love, you ought to con- 
 sider and imitate those methods by which The- 
 mistocles rose to the first dignities of the state, 
 and acquired the glorious title of The Deliver- 
 er of Greece; 'the methods by which Pericles 
 acquired that consummate wisdom, which 
 proved so beneficial, and brought immortal 
 honour to his native country. You ought to 
 ponder well how it was, that Solon became the 
 lawgiver to this republic of Athens, and by 
 what honourable means the Lacedaemonians 
 have arrived to such wonderful skill in the art 
 of war : and this last you may easily acquire, 
 by entertaining, as you do, at your house, some 
 of the most accomplished Spartans. When 
 you have sufficiently pondered all these things, 
 and imprinted those noble images upon your 
 mind, doubt not but your country will some 
 time or other court you to accept the reins of 
 government, you having already the advantage 
 of a noble birth, and that important office of 
 high priest, which gives you a greater lustre 
 
 1 There were five exercises, leaping, running, throw 
 ing the javelin, fighting with the whirlbat, and wrest 
 ling, and the victor was to conquer in them all. 
 
BANQUET OF XENOPHON. 
 
 621 
 
 already, than any of your renowned ancestors 
 could ever boast of: and let me add that air of 
 greatness, which shines in your person, and 
 that strength and vigour that is lodged in so 
 handsome a body, capable of the severest toils, 
 and the most difficult enterprises." 
 
 Socrates having said all this to Callias, ad- 
 dressed himself to the company, and said : 
 know very well this discourse is too serious for 
 a feast, but you will not be surprised, when you 
 consider that our commonwealth has been al- 
 ways fond of those who, to the goodness of 
 their natural temper, have added an indefatiga- 
 ble search after glory and virtue. And in this 
 fondness of mine for such men, I but imitate 
 the genius of my country." 
 
 After this the company began to entertain 
 one another, upon the subject of this last dis- 
 course of Socrates : when Callias, with a mo- 
 dest blush in his face, addressed himself to 
 him : " You must then lend me," said he, 
 " the assistance of your art, to which you gave 
 such a surprising name * a while ago, to ren- 
 der me acceptable to the commonwealth, and 
 that when it shall please my country to in- 
 trust me with the care of its affairs, I may so 
 behave myself as to preserve its good opinion, 
 and never do any thing, but what tends to the 
 public good." " You will certainly succeed ; 
 do not doubt it," said Socrates. " You must 
 apply yourself in good earnest to virtue, and 
 not content yourself, as some people do, with 
 the appearance of it only, as if that might suf- 
 fice. For know,. Callias, that false glory can 
 never subsist long. Flattery or dissimulation 
 may for a while varnish over such a rotten struc- 
 ture ; but it must tumble down at last. On 
 the contrary, solid glory will always maintain 
 its post ; unless God, for some secret reasons, 
 hid from us, think fit to oppose its progress : 
 otherwise, that sublime virtue, which every 
 man of honour should aim at, does naturally 
 reflect back upon him such rays of glory, as 
 grow brighter and brighter every day, in pro- 
 portion as his virtue rises higher and higher." 
 
 IX. The discourse being ended, Autolicus 
 rose to take a walk, and his father following 
 turned towards Socrates, and said, " Socrates, 
 I must declare my opinion, that you are a truly 
 honest man." 
 
 After this, there was an elbow chair brought 
 
 Procuring. 
 
 into the middle of the room, and the Syracus- 
 an appearing at the same time ; " Gentlemen," 
 said he, " Ariadne is just now entering; and 
 Bacchus, who has made a debauch to day with 
 the gods, is coming down to wait upon her : 
 and I can assure you, they will both divert the 
 company and one another." Immediately Ari- 
 adne entered the room, richly dressed, in the 
 habit of a bride, and placed herself in the el- 
 bow chair. A little after Bacchus appeared, 
 while at the same time the girl that played on 
 the flute struck up an air that used to be sung 
 at the festival of that god. It was then that 
 the Syracusan was admired for an excellent 
 master in his art: for Ariadne being perfectly 
 well instructed in her part, failed not to show, 
 by her pretty insinuating manner, that she was 
 touched with the air of the music ; and that 
 though she rose not from her chair to meet her 
 lover, she yet expressed sufficiently the great 
 desire she had to do it. Bacchus perceiving it, 
 came on dancing toward her, in the most pas- 
 sionate manner, then sat himself down on her 
 lap, and taking her in his arms, kissed her. 
 As for Ariadne, she personated to the life a 
 bride's modesty ; and for a while, looking down 
 to the ground, appeared in the greatest confu- 
 sion ; but at length recovering herself, she 
 threw her arms about her lover's neck, and re- 
 turned his kisses. All the company expressed 
 the great satisfaction the performance gave 
 them; and, indeed nothing could be better 
 acted, nor accompanied with more grace in the 
 acting. But when Bacchus rose, and took 
 Ariadne by the hand to lead her out, they were 
 still more pleased ; for the pretty couple ap- 
 peared to embrace and kiss one another after a 
 much more feeling manner than is generally 
 acted on the stage. Then Bacchus addressing 
 himself to Ariadne, said, Dost thou love me, 
 my dearest creature ?" " Yes, yes," answered 
 she, " let me die if I do not : and will love thee 
 to the last moment of my life." In fine, the 
 performance was so lively and natural that the 
 company came' to be fully convinced of what 
 they never dreamt of before ; that the little boy 
 and girl were really in love with, one another : 
 which occasioned both the married guests, and 
 some of those that were not, to take horse im- 
 mediately, and ride back full speed to Athens, 
 with the briskest resolutions imaginable. I 
 know not what happened afterwards ; but for 
 Socrates, and some who staid behind, they went 
 a walking with Lycon, Autolicus, and Callias. 
 
HIERO: 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CONDITION OF ROYALT1 
 
 TRANSLATED BY 
 
 THE REV. R. GRAVES. 
 
 [623] 
 
II I E K C . 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 A CONVERSATION BETWEEN HIERO AND SIMONIDES. 
 
 I. THE poet Siraonides being come to reside 
 at the court of Hiero king of Syracuse, one day 
 as they were conversing at their leisure, " Will 
 you, Hiero," said Simonides, inform me of 
 some particulars, which, it is reasonable to sup- 
 pose, you must know much better than I can 
 do!". 
 
 "What particulars then do you imagine," 
 said Hiero, I can possibly know better than 
 so learned and wise a man as you are generally 
 acknowledged to be ?" 
 
 Why," replied Simonides, I have known 
 you, when you were yet a private man, and 
 now see you advanced to royalty. It is pro- 
 bable, therefore, that you, who have experi- 
 enced both these states, should know better 
 than I can do, wherein the life of a king differs 
 from that of a private man, in regard to the 
 pleasures or inconveniences attendant on each 
 state." 
 
 Well then," said Hiero, " but as you are 
 now in a private station, ought not you first to 
 recall to my remembrance the pleasures and 
 inconveniences of a private life? By which 
 means, I shall be better enabled to show you 
 the difference of the two states in question." 
 
 To this Simonides thus replied : " I think 
 then, Hiero, I have observed, that men in pri- 
 vate life possess all the genuine feelings of na- 
 ture. They receive pleasure and pain from 
 the proper objects of their several senses ; from 
 visible objects by their eyes ; of sounds by their 
 53 
 
 ears ; of scents by their nostrils ; of food by the 
 palate ; and other sensual enjoyments, the souice 
 of which every one knows. 
 
 " It appears to me likewise," added he, "that 
 we receive agreeable or painful sensations 
 from heat and cold, from things hard and soft, 
 heavy and light, in the whole and in every 
 part of the body. But to perceive pleasure or 
 pain from what is good or evil (in a moral 
 sense), belongs, I think, to the mind alone : 
 yet in some sense, to the mind and body in 
 conjunction." 1 
 
 " I find by experience also, that we receive 
 pleasure from sleep; but, from what source, 
 and from what kind of sleep, and when this 
 pleasure arises, I own myself at a loss to ex- 
 plain. Neither is this at all surprising, as we 
 certainly have less distinct perceptions when 
 asleep, than when we are awake." 
 
 To this Hiero answered : " I confess, Simon- 
 ides, I know not any sensations of pleasure or 
 pain that a king can receive, besides those 
 which you have mentioned. And consequent- 
 ly I do not see, hitherto, in what the life of a 
 king mffers from that of a private person." 
 
 " Vet even in these particulars," answered 
 Simonides, " there is a very material differ- 
 ence. And, in each of these, kings experience 
 infinitely more pleasure and less pain than pri- 
 vate persons." 
 
 The meaning here is not very obvious. 
 
 4 D 625 
 
326 
 
 HIERO: ON THE 
 
 Ah !" cried Hiero, this is by no means 
 ihe case : but be assured, that in all these re- 
 spects, kings take much less pleasure, and feel 
 much more chagrin, than those individuals who 
 are placed in the middle ranks of life." 
 
 " What you say," replied Simonides, is 
 altogether incredible. For, if it were so, why 
 should such numbers, and those who are es- 
 teemed for their sense and wisdom, be f-o am 
 bilious of royalty 1 And why do all mankind 
 envy kings ?" 
 
 " Because," said Hiero, " they form their 
 opinions without having experienced both these 
 conditions of life. But I will endeavour to 
 convince you f tt e tn >th of r hat I assert, and 
 will proceed in the same order which you have 
 suggested, and begin with the pleasures of 
 sight: for it was thence, I think, that you 
 commenced this discourse. 
 
 II. In the first place, then, if we reason 
 from the objects of sight, I am convinced that 
 kings have the least share of pleasure in that 
 respect 
 
 Every country has its curiosities ; which 
 deserve to be visited and viewed by strangers. 
 Now men in private stations can come or go to 
 any part of the world without ceremony : and 
 into whatever cities they please, for the sake 
 of the public spectacles ; and into those general 
 assemblies l of all Greece, where are collected 
 together, whatever is thought worthy of the at- 
 tention and curiosity of mankind. 
 
 " As for kings, 2 they can rarely amuse them- 
 selves with spectacles of any kind. For 
 neither would it be safe for them to go, where 
 they would not be superior to any force which 
 could be exerted against them ; nor are their 
 affairs usually so firmly established at home, 
 that they could securely trust the administra- 
 tion of them to others, and go out of their king- 
 doms. They could not do it without the dan- 
 ger of being deprived of their sovereignty ; and 
 at the same time, of being unable to avenge 
 themselves on those who had injured them. 
 
 " Yet you will tell me, perhaps, that specta- 
 cles of this kind may be presented to kings 
 though they remain at home. But I assure 
 you, Simonides, this is the case only with re- 
 gard to a very few ; and even for those, such 
 as they are, kings must generally pay extremely 
 dear. As they who have obliged a king with 
 
 any trifling exhibition of this kind, expect to be 
 dismissed at once with a greater reward than 
 they could hope for from any other man after a 
 whole life's attendance." 3 
 
 III. Well then," said Simonides, grant- 
 ng that you are in a worse condition, with re- 
 gard to the objects of sight, yet you have greatly 
 
 he advantage from the sense of hearing ; as 
 y m ai e incessantly entertained with the most 
 delightful of all music, that of your own praises. 
 For all those who approach you, applaud every 
 hing you say and every thing you do. And, 
 on the contrary, you are never exposed to what 
 most painful, the hearing yourself censured 
 or reproached. For no one w.li ^ anture to re- 
 juke a king to his face." 
 
 < Alas !" answered Hiero, " what pleasure 
 do you imagine a king can receive from those 
 who do not speak ill of him, when he is con- 
 vinced that, although they are silent, they think 
 every thing that is bad of him 1 Or what de- 
 
 ight can they afford, who applaud him when 
 lie has so much reason to suspect their praises 
 of adulation 1" 
 
 < Why, really," replied Simonides, " I must 
 so far entirely agree with you, that those praises 
 must be most agreeable, which are bestowed 
 on us by men who are entirely free and inde- 
 pendent." 4 
 
 IV. " However," added Simonides, " with 
 regard to the sense of taste, you surely cannot 
 convince any one but that you enjoy the plea- 
 sures of the table more than the rest of man- 
 kind." 
 
 "I know," said Hiero, "that most men 
 imagine we must necessarily receive more plea- 
 sure in eating and drinking ; because they would 
 do the same, from the variety with which our 
 tables are served, than from what they usually 
 meet with at their own. For whatever is rare 
 and excels what we are accustomed to, affords 
 a greater pleasure. For which reason all men 
 expect with joy the approach of a feast, except 
 kings ; for their tables being constantly provi- 
 ded to the full, can have no sort of addition on 
 any festival occasions. In this respect tl.en, in 
 the first place, by being deprived of hope, kings 
 are less happy than private men. 
 
 The Olympic games. See the Appendix. 
 2 The word kings must here mean tyrants. 
 
 a It is probably a common remark, which I often 
 heard from a man of rank and large fortune, that he 
 could not afford to receive presents. 
 
 * Xenophon says of Agesilaus, " That he was much 
 pleased with the praises of those who would have 
 blamed him with equal freedom, if he had acted im- 
 properly." AGESIL. ch. ii. 5. 
 
CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 627 
 
 " I make no doubt, likewise, but you yourself 
 have experienced that the more superfluous 
 dishes are set before us, the sooner we are 
 cloyed with eating. So that, with regard 
 to the duration of this pleasure, he who is 
 served with such profusion is in a much worse 
 condition than one wh} lives in a more frugal 
 and less plentiful style." 
 
 " But after all," replied Simonides, " as long 
 as the appetite for food continues, those must 
 certainly find more pleasure who feed at a 
 sumptuous table, than those who are confined 
 to cheap and ordinary provisions." 
 
 " Do not you imagine then, Simonides," said 
 Hiero, " that in proportion to the delight which 
 any one takes in any thing, the more fondly he 
 is usually attached to if!" 
 
 < Undoubtedly," says Simonides. 
 " Have you then ever remarked, that kings 
 approach with greater delight to the food which 
 is prepared for them, than private persons do 
 to their frugal viands 1" 
 
 No, really," answered Simonides, the very 
 reverse seems to me to be the truth of the 
 case." 
 
 " For have you not observed," says Hiero, 
 " those many artificial preparations and variety 
 of sauces, of a sharp and poignant relish, to 
 stimulate the appetite, which are served up at 
 table of kings?" 
 
 " I certainly have," replied Simonides ; " and 
 am convinced these high sauces are quite un- 
 natural, and inimical to the health of man." 
 
 " Do you think then," said Hiero, that 
 these unnatural delicacies can afford pleasure 
 to any one, but to those whose palates are viti- 
 ated by luxury and indulgence 1 For my part, 
 I know by experience, and you cannot be ig- 
 norant, that those who have a good appetite 
 want no artificial preparations of this kind." 
 
 V. " Then as to those expensive perfumes 
 which you make use of," said Simonides, I 
 really believe that those who approach your 
 persons have more enjoyment of them than you 
 yourselves have. As in respect to those who 
 have eaten any thing of a disagreeable odour, 
 the person himself is not so much incommoded 
 by it, as those who come too near him." 
 
 " That is precisely the case," replied Hiero, 
 " with those who have constantly a variety of 
 food set before them. They eat nothing with 
 an appetite : whereas he who but rarely meets 
 with any delicacy, feeds upon it with a true 
 relish, whenever it makes its appearance." 
 
 VI. But, after all," says Simonides, "per- 
 haps the greatest incitement to your aspiring 
 after royalty are the pleasures of love. " For 
 in this respect it is in your power to enjoy 
 every object, the most beautiful in its kind." 
 
 " Alas !" cries Hiero, you have now produced 
 an instance, in which you must certainly know 
 we are far less happy than private persons. 
 For, in the first place, those marriages are 
 generally esteemed most honourable, and to 
 confer the greatest dignity, as well as pleasure, 
 which we contract with our superiors in rank 
 and fortune : and in the second place, are those of 
 equals with their equals : but to form an alliance 
 of that kind with an inferior, is disgraceful and 
 injurious to our character. Unless a king mar- 
 ries a stranger, therefore, he must necessarily 
 marry an inferior ; so that he can never enjoy 
 what is most agreeable in the married state. 
 
 "The attention and respect also which is 
 paid us by a woman of birth and spirit gives a 
 man great pleasure ; but, when paid us by a 
 slave, it affords us very little satisfaction. Yet 
 if they fail of that respect which is our due, we 
 are provoked and chagrined. 
 
 " In short, with regard to the mere sensual 
 pleasures of love, where marriage is out of the 
 question, kings have still less of that pleasure 
 to boast of: for we all know, that it is love 
 alone which renders fruition so exquisitely de- 
 lightful ; but love is more rarely excited in the 
 breast of kings than of any other men. For 
 we despise easy and obvious pleasures ; but the 
 passion is nourished by hope. And as a per- 
 son who is not thirsty never drinks with plea- 
 sure, so he who is not stimulated by love knows 
 not the true pleasure of enjoyment." 
 
 Hiero -having thus spoken, Simonides, with 
 a smile, replied : " What is this which you as- 
 sert, Hiero ! that love cannot be excited in 
 the breast of kings ? Whence comes it to pass 
 then, that you are so fond of Dailocha, the 
 most beautiful of her sex ?" 
 
 " Why truly, my Simonides," said he, " it is 
 not for what I could with so much ease obtain 
 of her, but for what it is least of all in the 
 power of kings to effect. 
 
 I own I love Dailocha for what we natu- 
 rally desire to obtain from a beautiful object. 
 Those favours, however, which I so earnestly 
 wish to receive voluntarily, and with mutual 
 affection, I could no more endure to extort by 
 force, than I could to do violence to my own 
 person. 
 
628 
 
 HIERO: ON THE 
 
 To plunder and take by force from an 
 enemy, we consider as a real cause of exulta- 
 tion : but no favours from a beloved object can 
 ,ive us any joy, except those which are volun- 
 tarily bestowed. From such an object, who 
 returns our passion, every thing is agreeable : 
 her slightest regards; her trifling questions; 
 her childish answers; and the most agreeable 
 of all, perhaps, and the most alluring, are her 
 struggles and counterfeited resentments. But, 
 to possess by force a woman whom we love, is, 
 in my opinion, to act more like a robber than a 
 lover. A robber indeed receives some gratifi- 
 cation from the idea of gain, and perhaps from 
 having done an injury to an adversary ; but to 
 take a pleasure in giving pain to a person whom 
 we love, and to treat one for whom we profess 
 a regard, as if we really hated them : and to 
 torment a woman, to whom our caresses are 
 odious and disgusting, is surely most detestable 
 and inhuman. 
 
 " In short, if a private person receives favours 
 from a woman whom he loves, it is an un- 
 equivocal pledge of her affection ; as he knows 
 she is under no necessity to comply with his 
 solicitations. 
 
 But a king has no right to imagine that he 
 is ever sincerely beloved. * For we know, 
 that those who submit to our pleasure through 
 fear, counterfeit as much as is in their power 
 the air and manner of those whose compliance 
 is the effect of a sincere affection. Yet never 
 are conspiracies against kings so frequently con- 
 ducted as by those who affect to love them with 
 the greatest sincerity." 
 
 VII. To all this Simonides replied : Well, 
 my good Hiero, in regard to what you have 
 hitherto alleged, I confess they are but trifles ; 
 for I see many men of respectable characters, 
 who voluntarily refrain from the pleasures of 
 the table, and are indifferent to what they eat 
 or drink, and also entirely abstain from all in- 
 tercourse with the fair sex. 
 
 " But in another respect there is certainly a 
 striking superiority of kings over private men ; 
 that you conceive and readily execute great 
 projects; that you have a great abundance of 
 whatever is excellent in its kind ; you possess 
 the finest and most spirited horses ; the most 
 beautiful arms ; the richest ornaments for your 
 
 i Un roy, qui peut s' assurer de cent rnille bras, ne 
 peut gueres s' assurer d'un cceur. Fontenelle Dialog, 
 des Marts. 
 
 women ; the most magnificent palaces, and 
 those adorned with the most sumptuous furni- 
 ture ; you are attended with a greater number 
 of domestics, and those of the most expert and 
 dexterous that can be found. Add to this, 
 that you have the most ample means of aveng- 
 ing yourself on your enemies, and of rewarding 
 your friends." 
 
 Alas ! my Simonides," said Hiero, " that 
 the multitude are dazzled with the splendour 
 of royalty I am not at all surprised; for the 
 vulgar in general seem tp me to judge of hap- 
 piness and misery merely by appearances. 
 Now, as royalty displays to the eyes of the 
 world those possessions which are commonly 
 esteemed the most valuable, so it conceals the 
 evils to which kings are exposed in the inmost 
 recesses of their soul, where alone real happi- 
 ness or misery resides. 
 
 " That these things, therefore, should escape 
 the notice of the multitude, I am not at all 
 surprised, as I, said ; but, that you should be 
 under the same mistake, who form your judg- 
 ment from reflection more than external appear- 
 ances, I own, excites my astonishment. For 
 my part, Simonides, I assure you, from my 
 own experience, that kings have the least share 
 of the greatest goods, and much the largest 
 portion of the greatest evils, incident to human 
 life. 
 
 For instance, if peace is esteemed in the 
 opinion of mankind the greatest good, it is cer- 
 tain, the smallest portion of that good is allotted 
 to kings : and likewise, if war is the greatest 
 evil, the greatest part of that evil is the portion 
 of kings. 
 
 " In the first place, then, unless the whole 
 country be engaged in a civil war, private 
 individuals may securely go where they please, 
 without danger to their persons. Whereas 
 kings 2 find it always necessary to march as 
 through an enemy's country ; armed themselves, 
 and attended by guards completely armed. 
 
 " Moreover, private persons, if they go to 
 make war in an enemy's country, as soon as 
 they return home find themselves again in per- 
 
 * The reader must here advert, that in the Attic wri- 
 ters, the word " tyrant" has three distinctsenses. Some- 
 times, 1st, a lawful king, appointed by the constitution 
 of any country : 2dly, one who usurps the sovereign 
 power in a free state, whether he exercise it with mo- 
 deration, or with cruelty and injustice : 3d)y, a despot, 
 or absolute monarch, who rules by force. In the sequel 
 of this discourse it is generally used in the last sense. 
 
CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 629 
 
 feet security.; but kings, (I mean arbitrary des- 
 pots) when they return to their own capitals, 
 find themselves in the midst of the greatest 
 number of enemies. And if a more powerful 
 enemy make war upon any city, those who are 
 attacked may be in danger so long as they are 
 without the walls ; but as soon as tjiey have 
 retreated within their intrenchments, they find 
 themselves in perfect security : whereas a ty- 
 rant, far from finding himself safe, even within 
 his own palace, has then the greatest cause to 
 be upon his guard. 
 
 "Again, when by negotiation peace is re- 
 stored, private persons find themselves freed 
 from the inconveniencies of war : but tyrants 
 never really are at peace with those whom they 
 hold in subjection ; nor dares a tyrant rely upon 
 the faith of any treaty which he makes with the 
 rest of mankind. 
 
 " In short, there are wars indeed which free 
 states are obliged to carry on with each other, 
 as there are those which kings are forced to 
 wage with those whom they have deprived of 
 their liberty : but whatever inconveniences 
 these states may experience from such wars, 
 the same occur in those which kings are obliged 
 to maintain. * 
 
 Both the one and the other are under a ne- 
 cessity of being always armed, and continually 
 upon their guard, and of exposing themselves 
 to great dangers : and if they chance to lose a 
 battle, or meet with any disaster, they are both 
 thrown into equal consternation. 
 
 "And thus far wars are nearly upon the 
 same footing, both with kings and free states. 
 But then the agreeable circumstances which 
 those experience from victory who serve under 
 a free state, to these tyrants are entirely stran- 
 gers. For when the individuals of a free city 
 gain the advantage over their adversaries in a 
 battle, it is not easy to express the pleasure 
 which they feel to see their enemies put to 
 flight; their alacrity in the pursuit, and their de- 
 light even in the havoc which they make of their 
 foes: how much they glory in such an exploit; 
 how splendid their triumph ; and how much 
 they exult in the idea of having augmented the 
 strength of the commonwealth ; J every indivi- 
 dual gives himself the credit of having had a 
 part in planning the expedition, and of contri- 
 buting to its success. Nay, you will hardly find a 
 
 Xenophon seems to speak with the feelings of a 
 soldier and a patriotic statesman. 
 53* 
 
 man who does not magnify his own prowess, and 
 pretend to have slain more with his own hand, 
 than perhaps were left dead on the field of battle. 
 So glorious to every individual does the victory 
 appear which was obtained by a free state." 2 
 
 " As for a king, or tyrant, when he suspects 
 and is actually convinced that his subjects are 
 forming dangerous designs against him, if he 
 puts some of them to death, he is certain that 
 he shall not by that means bring over the whole 
 city to his interest ; and is sensible at the same 
 time, that he is diminishing the number of his 
 subjects: of course he can neither rejoice 
 (much less can he pride himself) on such an 
 achievement. Nay, he extenuates, as far as is 
 in his power, and makes an apology for what he 
 has done, as having been void of any ill inten- 
 tion." 
 
 " And even after the death of those who were 
 the chief objects of his fear, he is so far from 
 being freed from his apprehensions, that he 
 finds it necessary to be still more upon his 
 guard than he was before. And thus does a 
 tyrant live in a continual state of war ; as, from 
 experience, I can testify." 
 
 VIII. " Observe, in the next place, what 
 kind of friendships kings are capable of enjoy- 
 ing ; but let us first consider how great a bless- 
 ing friendship is to mankind. For when a man 
 is sincerely beloved, his friends are always hap- 
 py in his presence, and delight in serving and 
 doing him good. When he is absent, they anx- 
 iously wish for his return ; and when he does 
 return, receive him with transports of joy : 
 they rejoice with him in his good fortune, and 
 are eager to assist him in his adversity. 
 
 " Neither has it escaped the attention of se- 
 veral states, that friendship is the greatest and 
 most valuable good that mortals can enjoy. 
 For, under many governments, the laws permit 
 adulterers alone to be slain with impunity. 
 And for this reason ; that they suppose them 
 to alienate that affection and friendship which 
 a woman ought to have for her husband. For 
 if a woman, by any extraordinary concurrence 
 of circumstances, should be guilty of an act of 
 infidelity, the husband may not perhaps esteem 
 her the less, if he is convinced that her friendship 
 for him continues inviolate and undiminished.3 
 
 * We might add here what Rousseau observes, " new- 
 many sovereigns have been made unhappy by the loss 
 of countries which they had never seen !" 
 
 * Comfortable doctrine. If a china dish happens to 
 slip out of a poor girl's hand, and is broken, who can 
 blame her ? 
 
HIERO: ON THE 
 
 " For my part, I esteem it so great a happi- 
 ness to be beloved by our friends, that we can 
 hardly have any thing further to wish for from 
 gods or men. But of this happiness, I am con- 
 vinced, no one enjoys less than tyrants or 
 kings. That what I assert is true, Simonides, 
 attend to the following particular. 
 
 The firmest friendships then seem to be 
 those which reciprocally subsist between parents 
 and their children ; between brothers and broth- 
 ers; between husbands and their wives; and 
 lastly, those which a daily intercourse produces 
 between companions and acquaintance. 
 
 Now, if you consider the affair attentively, 
 Simonides, you will find that private persons 
 enjoy the greatest share of this affection : but 
 amongst kings or tyrants, how many do you 
 find who have put to death their own children ; 
 or, on the contrary, have perished by their own 
 offspring ! How many brothers who have slain 
 each other to arrive at the sovereign power ! 
 How many tyrants, possessed of that power, 
 have been murdered by their wives, and by 
 their associates who have professed the great- 
 est friendship for them ] If, therefore, those 
 who were prompted by natural affection, or 
 f obliged by the laws, to show a regard to kings, 
 have nevertheless expressed their detestation of 
 them ; how is it probable, do you think, that 
 any others should entertain any friendship for 
 them? 
 
 IX. " Again ; as mutual confidence among 
 mankind is a very great blessing, is not he who 
 has the least share of this confidence deprived 
 of a very great blessing "? For, with what plea- 
 sure can men converse familiarly together with- 
 out mutual confidence 1 What happiness can 
 exist between the sexes in marriage, if this 
 confidence is banished 1 or, how can we bear 
 even a domestic in our family, if we have not 
 an opinion of his fidelity^ 
 
 " Of this happiness then, I mean, of relying 
 with confidence on those about us, no one par- 
 takes less than a tyrant : since he lives in a con- 
 tinual state of suspicion, even when the most 
 delicious food, or the most exquisite liquors, 
 are set before him. Insomuch that, before he 
 makes any offering or libation to the gods, he 
 obliges some domestic first to taste it, lest 
 even in those sacred viands something poison- 
 ous should be concealed. 
 
 X. " Moreover, to every other mortal, their 
 country is held dear, and the chief object of 
 their affection : and the citizens of the same 
 
 state protect each other, without stipend, 
 against their slaves, and against other base 
 assassins, that no one may be exposed to any 
 violent death. And this precaution has been 
 carried so far, that many laws have been en- 
 acted, declaring those polluted who should as- 
 sociate or converse with a homicide. Thus 
 every private citizen lives in security under the 
 protection procured him by his country ; but 
 even in this respect the very reverse is the case 
 with tyrants. For, so far from punishing those 
 who put a tyrant to death, they usually reward 
 them with distinguished honours. And, in- 
 stead of excluding them from the religious rites, 
 as they do those who have murdered a private 
 citizen, they generally erect statues to them in 
 the temples of the gods. 
 
 " But should you imagine, that a king is 
 more happy, from possessing more wealth, 
 than a private individual, in this, my Simoni- 
 des, you are extremely mistaken. For as an 
 athlete never prides himself on vanquishing 
 one who is ignorant of the gymnastic exercises, 
 but is sensibly mortified if he is overcome by 
 his antagonist ; thus a king takes no pleasure in 
 having larger possessions than a private subject ; 
 but he is greatly chagrihed to see other kings 
 more opulent than himself; for these only he 
 considers as his antagonists, or rivals, with re- 
 gard to riches. 
 
 XI. " Neither can a king, in general, gratify 
 his wishes more readily than a private man. 
 For the object of a private man's utmost am- 
 bition is, perhaps, no more than a house, a 
 field, or a slave ; but a king usually aims at the 
 acquisition of cities, of extensive provinces, 
 harbours, or fortified citadels ; which are ob- 
 tained with much more difficulty and danger 
 than those objects which excite the wishes of 
 private individuals. 
 
 " Nay, you will find but few that are really 
 poor among private persons, in comparison 
 with those who may be called so amongst so- 
 vereigns : for an abundance, or a sufficiency, 1 
 is not to be estimated by the number of our 
 possessions, but by the exigencies of our sta- 
 tion : and, according to this idea, whatever 
 exceeds a sufficiency, may be called too much, 
 and what falls short of it, too little. Now, 
 much more ample revenues may not be suffi- 
 cient for the necessary expenses of a king, 
 
 1 See this subject elegantly treated by our author, at 
 the beginning of his Economics, infra. 
 
CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 631 
 
 than what would suffice a private person. As j 
 for private persons they are at liberty to con- ' 
 tract their daily expenses, as they find it con- 
 venient ; but kings have not the same privilege : 
 for, as their greatest and most necessary ex- 
 penses are employed for the maintenance of 
 those who guard their persons, to retrench 
 these expenses, seems to threaten their immedi- 
 ate destruction. 
 
 " Then, how can we consider those as poor, 
 and the objects of compassion, who can obtain, 
 by lawful means, whatever they stand in need 
 of] But those who are under a necessity of 
 being guilty of unjust and dishonourable ac- 
 tions, how can we but esteem them really poor 
 and miserable beings 1 But tyrants are often 
 forced to pillage the temples of the gods, and 
 plunder men, through mere want of their 
 necessary supplies : for when engaged in war, 
 they must either keep on foot a sufficient force, 
 or inevitably perish by their adversaries." 
 
 XII. " But give me leave, my Simonides, to 
 mention another difficulty to which kings are 
 exposed. They are equally capable, with private 
 persons, of distinguishing the merit of accom- 
 plished, of wise, and of virtuous men. But, in- 
 stead of viewing them with pleasure and admi- 
 ration, they behold them with fear. They dread 
 men of courage, lest they should make some 
 bold attempt in favour of liberty. They dread 
 men of great parts, lest they should engage in 
 some dangerous plot; and virtuous men, lest the 
 multitude should wish to raise them to the sov- 
 ereign power. 
 
 Now when, from suspicion, they have se- 
 cretly freed themselves from men of this re- 
 spectable character, whom have they left to 
 employ in their service, but dishonest, or de- 
 bauched, or slavish wretches ? They trust 
 these dishonest miscreants, because, men of 
 that character must fear, as much as the tyrant 
 himself, that if a city become free, they will 
 meet with their deserts ; the debauched, be- 
 cause from their luxury and sloth they will be 
 attached to the present power ; slaves, because, 
 being accustomed to the yoke, they will not 
 wish to be free. This then, in my opinion, is 
 a most mortifying reflection, to behold with ap- 
 probation men of virtue, and to be under a ne- 
 cessity of employing men of a character entirely 
 the reverse. 
 
 XIII. " It is likewise necessary for a tyrant 
 to show a love and regard for the city under 
 hi* dominion: for he cannot be happy, nor 
 
 even safe, independently of the affection of the 
 citizens. And yet the necessity he is under 
 to support his authority, obliges him, in some 
 measure, to treat them with severity. For 
 tyrants do not wish to render their subjects 
 brave, or to see them well armed ; but they 
 love to raise the power of a foreign force over 
 their countrymen, and to use them as the 
 guards of their person. 
 
 " Neither do they rejoice with their fellow- 
 citizens, when a fruitful year of corn pro- 
 duces every thing in abundance. For the 
 more indigent the people are, the more hum- 
 ble and more submissive they expect to find 
 them. 
 
 XIV. " But I will now lay before you, my 
 Simonides," added Hiero, a true account of 
 those pleasures which I enjoyed, when I was 
 a private man, and which I find myself de- 
 prived of since I became a king. I then con- 
 versed familiarly with my equals ; delighted 
 with their company, as they were with mine : 
 and I conversed also with myself, whenever I 
 chose to indulge in the calm of solitude. 
 
 " I frequently spent my time in convivial 
 entertainments, and drinking with my friends, 
 so as to forget the chagrins to which human 
 life is obnoxious ; nay, often to a degree of 
 extravagance; to singing, dancing, and every 
 degree of festivity, unrestrained but by our 
 own inclinations. But I am now debarred 
 from the society of those who could afford me 
 any delight, as I have slaves alone for rny com- 
 panions, instead of friends : nor can I converse 
 agreeably with men in whom I cannot discover 
 the least benevolence or attachment to me ; 
 and I am forced to guard against intoxication 
 or sleep, as a most dangerous snare. 
 
 " But now, to be continually alarmed, either 
 in a crowd, or in solitude ; to be in fear when 
 without guards, and to be afraid of the guards 
 themselves ; to be unwilling to have them 
 about me without their arms, and to be under 
 apprehensions to see them armed ; what a 
 wretched state of existence is this ! 
 
 " Moreover, to place a greater confidence in 
 strangers than in one's own countrymen ; in 
 Barbarians, than in Greeks; to be under a 
 necessity of treating freemen like slaves, and 
 to give slaves their freedom ; are not all these 
 things evident symptoms of a mind disturbed 
 and quite deranged by fear 1 Now this passion 
 of fear not only creates uneasiness, and diffuses 
 a constant gloom over the mind, but. being 
 
632 
 
 HIERO: ON THE 
 
 mixed with all our pleasures, deprives us of all 
 Kind of enjoyment. 
 
 But, if you have had any experience of 
 military affairs, Simonides, and have ever been 
 posted near a body of the enemy, only recol- 
 lect how little you were disposed either to eat 
 or to sleep in that situation. Such as were 
 your uneasy sensations on that occasion, such, 
 or rather more dreadful, are those to which 
 tyrants are continually exposed ; for their ima- 
 gination not only represents their enemies as 
 encamped in their sight, but as surrounding 
 them on every side." 
 
 To this Simonides answered, " Your obser- 
 vation is extremely just. War is undoubtedly 
 subject to continual alarms. Nevertheless, 
 even during a campaign, when we have pre- 
 viously disposed our' sentinels, we eat and 
 sleep in the utmost security." 
 
 That is very true," said Hiero, for the 
 laws watch over the guards themselves ; so 
 that they are as much in fear on their own ac- 
 count as on yours. But kings have only mer- 
 cenaries for their guards, whom they pay as 
 they do their labourers in the harvest. And 
 though the principal duty of guards is to be 
 faithful to their trust, yet it is more difficult to 
 find one of that description faithful, than the 
 generality of workmen in any branch of busi- 
 ness ; especially when these guards enlist them- 
 selves for the sake of the stipend, and have 
 it in their power, in a short time, to gain a 
 much larger sum, by assassinating a tyrant, 
 than they would receive from the tyrant by 
 many years' faithful attendance. 
 
 XV. As for what you observed," con- 
 tinued Hiero, " that kings were to be envied 
 for the power which they enjoy, of serving 
 their friends, and of subduing their enemies ; 
 neither is this by any means true. As for our 
 friends, how can you suppose that we should 
 be very desirous to serve them, when we are 
 convinced, that he who is under the greatest 
 obligation to us, will be the first to withdraw 
 himself from our sight, and to avoid any fur- 
 ther intercourse with us ; for no one considers 
 what he has received from a tyrant as his pro- 
 perty, till he has escaped from his power. 
 
 " Then as for his enemies, how can you 
 ?ay that tyrants can so readily subdue them, 
 when they are sensible that every one is their 
 enemy who is subject to their power. They 
 cannot put them all to death, nor confine them 
 all in prison. For over whom could they, in 
 
 that case, exercise their dominion-? But al 
 though hejuiows them all to be his enemies, 
 he is under a necessity, at the same time, both 
 to guard himself against them, and yet to make 
 use of their service. 
 
 " Be assured of this then, my Simonides,' 
 that with regard to their fellow-citizens, whom 
 they thus fear, it is equally painful to tyrants 
 to see them alive, and to put them to death. 
 It is with them as with a spirited horse, which 
 we are afraid to mount, yet are unwilling to 
 put him to death on account of his good qua- 
 lities, though we dare not make use of him for 
 fear of some fatal accident. 
 
 " The same is applicable to other posses- 
 sions, which are useful, and yet attended with 
 some inconvenience ; though we possess them 
 with anxiety, we cannot lose them without 
 pain and vexation." 
 
 XVI. Simonides, having listened to Hiero, 
 replied : " Well then, Hiero ; but honour and 
 respect appear to me to be objects of so much 
 importance, that men submit to every kind of 
 toil and danger to obtain them. And you 
 yourself, it should seem, notwithstanding the 
 many inconveniences which you say attend on 
 royalty, yet are thus strongly attached to it, 
 that you may be honoured and respected ; that 
 all your orders may be implicitly obeyed ; that 
 all men may have their eyes upon you ; may 
 rise from their seats, or give you the way on 
 your approach : in short, that all who are about 
 you, may testify their respect by their words 
 and their actions ; for it is by these, and every 
 other instance of preference, that subjects con- 
 tinually show their respect to their kings. 
 
 " For my part, Hiero, I confess that I 
 think this desire of esteem and honour is the 
 distinguishing characteristic of man from other 
 animals ; for it appears probable, that the 
 pleasure arising from eating, drinking, sleep- 
 ing, and other natural functions, are common 
 to all animals. But the love of honour is not 
 discoverable in brutes, nor in all men : inso- 
 much, that those in whom the love of honour 
 or glory is most conspicuous, are usually the 
 furthest removed from mere brutes ; and are 
 commonly named men, 1 in its most noble sense,, 
 by way of eminence. So that it is not with- 
 out reason in my opinion, that you submit to 
 all these inconveniences which attend on royal- 
 
 The Greek bas two words to express this : *v$f i$ t 
 
CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 633 
 
 ty, when you are so much more honoured and 
 respected than other men. For, of all the 
 pleasures which mankind can enjoy, no one 
 seems to approach nearer to divine than that 
 which they receive from being honoured and 
 respected." 
 
 To this Hiero replied : " But, I assure you, 
 my Simonides, that the honours which are 
 paid to kings are extremely similar to the 
 pleasures which, I have already shown you, 
 they receive from love. 1 For neither are those 
 compliances which are shown us by them who 
 are void of a reciprocal affection, to be esteemed 
 as favours ; nor can those which are extorted 
 by force, give us any pleasure. In like man- 
 ner, we ought not to consider as marks of re- 
 spect, those honours which are paid us by such 
 as fear us. 2 For how can we suppose, that 
 they who rise from their seats to those who 
 have injured them, or that give the way to 
 those who tyrannise over them, can possibly 
 entertain any real honour or regard for them ? 
 We, every day, make presents to those whom 
 we hate : and this at the very time when we 
 are most apprehensive of suffering from their 
 power : but those things ought certainly to be 
 considered as acts of servility ; whereas real re- 
 spect must proceed from quite contrary causes. 
 For when we think a man is capable to do us 
 service, and we really enjoy the effects of his 
 good-will, we then celebrate his praises with 
 pleasure ; every one considers him as his bene- 
 factor : pays him the utmost deference : rises 
 from his seat on his approach, not from fear, 
 but love ; they present him with crowns 3 and 
 other donations, as a tribute to his virtue and 
 public spirit. In this case, in my opinion, 
 both those who, bestow these marks of respect 
 on such a man confer substantial honour, and 
 he who is thought worthy of them is truly and 
 effectually honoured ; and I cannot but pro- 
 nounce him a happy man who is thus honoured 
 and respected. For, instead of forming conspi- 
 racies against such a man, I observe, that every 
 one is solicitous to prevent his suffering any in- 
 jury : so that he spends his life happily, free from 
 fears, from envy, and from danger ; a tyrant, on 
 the contrary, assure yourself, Simonides, passes 
 
 i See chap. vi. See the Appendix. 
 
 * This is to he taken in its literal sense, as it waa a 
 custom among the Athenians to present a crown to any 
 citizen who had signalized himself on any particular 
 occasion. This gave rise to Demosthenes's well-known 
 Oration, "de Corona." 
 
 every day and night as if all mankind had al- 
 ready condemned him to death for his injus- 
 tice." 
 
 XVII. Having heard all these particulars, 
 Whence comes it to pass- then," cries Simo- 
 nides, " if the condition of royalty is so wretch- 
 ed, and you are convinced that it is so, that 
 you, Hiero, do not free yourself from so great 
 an evil ? Yet neither you, nor any one else, 
 who was in possession of royalty, ever volun- 
 tarily resigned it." 
 
 "It is for that very reason, my Simonides," 
 replied he, "that the condition of a king is the 
 most wretched state imaginable: for there is 
 really no possibility of resigning it with safely. 
 Indeed, how can a tyrant find sufficient re- 
 sources, either to restore that wealth which he 
 has extorted from his subjects ; or to recom- 
 pense those whom he has suffered to languish 
 in prison ? or how can he restore life to those 
 whom he has put to death 1 
 
 " In short, my Simonides, if ever any man 
 could be a gainer by hanging 4 himself, a tyrant 
 would be so, for he alone is in a situation to 
 which he can hardly submit, ner yet gain any 
 thing by quitting it." 
 
 XVIII. Simonides, resuming the discourse, 
 thus replied : " Now then, O Hiero ! I am 
 no longer surprised, that you speak so disad- 
 vantageously of the condition of royalty : since, 
 ambitious as you are to gain the friendship 
 of mankind, you find it an invincible obstacle 
 to your wishes. I think, however, I can con- 
 vince you, that sovereign power is so far 
 from preventing one who is possessed of it 
 from being beldved, that it gives him a great 
 advantage in that respect over a private indi- 
 vidual. 
 
 " In considering this subject, however, I will 
 not insist, that, because a king has more power, 
 he therefore can bestow greater favours upon his 
 friends : but, suppose a private person and a 
 king do the same thing, let us inquire which 
 confers the greatest obligation. To begin with 
 matters of the least importance. 
 
 " Suppose a king and a private person to 
 address any one whom they chance to see in an 
 obliging and affectionate manner ; to which of 
 the two will such a one listen with the greatest 
 satisfaction ? Or, let them proceed to praise 
 or compliment him; whose praises, do you 
 
 4 A*syx<r5*' : literally so. 
 4E 
 
634 
 
 HIERO: ON THE 
 
 imagine, would affect him the most sensibly 1 
 Or, let each of them invite him to an enter- 
 tainment after the sacrifice ; * to which of the 
 two do you think he would esteem himself the 
 most obliged for that honour? Let both of 
 them pay him the same attention when he is sick; 
 is it not evident likewise, that the kind offices 
 of those who have the most power, give him 
 the most sensible pleasure 1 Lastly, let each 
 of them make him equal presents; is it not 
 visible also, that favours of half the value from 
 a great man have more weight, and impress 
 him with a deeper sense of gratitude, than 
 those of double the value from a private person 1 
 
 Nay, there appears to me a certain dignity 
 and grace which the gods have attached to the 
 very person of a king ; which not only adds a 
 lustre to his appearance, but makes us really 
 behold the same man with more pleasure, when 
 vested with authority, than when in a private 
 station ; and, in general, we certainly take a 
 pride and are more delighted to converse with 
 our superiors than with our equals." 
 
 " As for the favours of the fair sex, which 
 supplied you with the principal complaint 
 against the condition of royalty, they are the 
 least disgusted with the old age of a prince, 
 and the reputation of those with whom he has 
 an amour does not suffer any diminution. For 
 the honour which he does them, adds a lustre 
 to their character : so that what is ignominious 
 in such a connexion seems to disappear, and 
 what is honourable appears with more splen- 
 dour. 
 
 " Then, as by equal services you confer 
 greater obligations, why ought not you to be 
 more beloved than private persons, since you 
 have it in your power to be much more useful 
 to mankind, and to bestow more liberal dona- 
 tions than any private individual can possi- 
 bly do 1" 
 
 "It is," replied Hiero, with some vivacity, 
 " because, my Simonides, we are under the 
 necessity of doing more invidious and unpopular 
 acts than private persons usually do. We must 
 raise money by imposing taxes, if we would 
 
 i Among the Greeks, they usually invited their 
 friends, after the sacrifice, to partake of what remained 
 of the victims; that is, the beet and greatest part, says 
 Mons. Coste. 
 
 a This sentiment will not be relished in this enlight- 
 ened age ; but, perhaps, the philosopher intended it as 
 a delicate compliment to Hiero, who had been a private 
 
 have sufficient for our ordinary expenses : we 
 must have persons to guard what is necessary 
 to be guarded : we must punish crimes, and 
 restrain the injurious and petulant ; and when 
 any occasion requires expedition, and an attack 
 is to be made, either by sea or land, we are 
 responsible for the success, and must take care 
 not to give the charge either to negligent or 
 cowardly commanders. 
 
 " Moreover, a king is obliged to have merce- 
 nary troops, and nothing is more odious or in- 
 supportable to a free city^ than the burthen of 
 such an expense : for they naturally suppose, 
 that these troops are kept in pay, not merely 
 for state, but to enable him to tyrannise over 
 his subjects." 
 
 XIX. To this Simonides again replied : 
 " I do not deny, Hiero ! that all these affairs 
 must be carefully managed. But, amidst this 
 variety of concerns, as there are some which 
 render those who have the charge of them ex- 
 tremely odious, there are others which have a 
 contrary effect. 
 
 " Thus, to instruct mankind in things the 
 most excellent, and to honour and applaud 
 those learned men who perform this service 
 with industry and care, is a duty, the perform- 
 ance of which must procure the love of all good 
 men. On the contrary, to be forced to rebuke 
 and treat with severity, to fine and chastise 
 those who do ill, these things must certainly 
 render a king odious and unpopular. 
 
 " I should think it advisable, therefore, for a 
 prince, when the occasion requires it, to employ 
 others to inflict punishments, and to reserve to 
 himself the distribution of rewards* And that 
 this conduct is attended with good effects, ex- 
 perience testifies. 
 
 " Thus, for instance, at our public solem- 
 nities, when the different choirs contend for 
 victory, he that presides over the contest, dis- 
 tributes the prizes, but leaves to the magistrate 
 the care of collecting the bands, and to others, 
 that of instructing them, and of correcting 
 those who are defective in the performance. 
 By this means the agreeable part is executed 
 by the president, and whatever is of a con- 
 trary kind is committed to others. What 
 forbids, therefore, to manage other political 
 affairs in the same manner 1 For all cities 
 are usually divided, some into tribes, others 
 into classes, and others into centuries and the 
 like ; and each of these divisions has its proper 
 chief, who presides over them. 
 
CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 635 
 
 " If, therefore, we were to propose rewards 
 to these different bodies, as we do in the 
 musical contests to the different choirs, to 
 those who were the best armed, or who kept 
 their ranks best, or showed most skill in horse- 
 manship, or most courage in an engagement, 
 or most justice in their civil transactions, it is 
 reasonable to suppose, that, through emulation, 
 all these several duties would be more strenu- 
 ously performed ; and, animated by the love of 
 glory, they would be more ready to march 
 whenever the service required, and would more 
 cheerfully contribute to the necessities of the 
 public. 
 
 Again : one of the most useful employ- 
 ments in any state, but which it never has been 
 usual to encourage by motives of emulation, is 
 agriculture. Now this would flourish much 
 more, if rewards were publicly established in 
 different parts of the country and the villages, 
 for those who showed the greatest skill in the 
 cultivation of their land ; and from thence great 
 advantages would accrue to those individuals 
 who diligently applied themselves to their oc- 
 cupation : the public revenues would be greatly 
 augmented ; temperance and sobriety would 
 attend this laborious occupation, as vice and 
 immorality seldom spring up amongst those 
 who are constantly employed. 
 
 If, likewise, trade or commerce is advan- 
 tageous to the commonwealth ; if he were to 
 bo the most honoured, who applied himself 
 with the greatest diligence to trade, the number 
 of merchants would be increased in proportion. 
 And if it were publicly made known, that he 
 who should discover any new method of increas- 
 ing the public revenue, without detriment to 
 individuals, should be well rewarded ; neither 
 would this kind of speculation be so much 
 neglected. 
 
 " In short, if, in every branch of science, it 
 were made manifest, that no one who discov- 
 ered or introduced any thing useful to the state 
 would be unrewarded, this consideration would 
 excite numbers to apply themselves strenuously 
 to make such discoveries. And when many 
 rival competitors for this honour were thus 
 constantly employed in the service of the pub- 
 lic, a greater number of useful discoveries must 
 necessarily be made. 
 
 " But if you are apprehensive that all these 
 prizes and rewards should be attended with too 
 great expense, consider, O Hiero ! that th*?re 
 are no commodities that cost less than those [ 
 
 which are purchased by this means. Do you 
 not see, every day, to what vast expense, to 
 what cares and toils, men submit, for a very 
 trifling reward, in the chariot-races, the gym- 
 nastic exercises, and in the musical contests be- 
 tween the several choirs 1" J 
 
 XX. " What you observe, my Simonides, ig 
 extremely reasonable," said Hiero ; " but in 
 regard to the troops which I have in pay, can 
 you give me any advice how to render myself 
 less odious to my subjects on that account 1 or, 
 would you say, perhaps, that if a prince could 
 make himself beloved, he would have no longer 
 need of guards 1" 
 
 " By no means," replied Simonides, " he cer- 
 tainly would still want guards. For, I am sen- 
 sible, it is with some men, as with some horses, 
 the more plenty they have, and the better they 
 are fed, the more fierce and unmanageable they 
 are. Now nothing can keep in awe these tur- 
 bulent spirits, but a strong military force, such 
 as you now employ. 
 
 " As for the virtuous and peaceable citizens, 
 you cannot, in my opinion, do them a greater 
 service, than by maintaining these troops in 
 your pay. You maintain these mercenaries, 
 'tis true, as guards of your own person : but it 
 frequently happens, that the masters have been 
 massacred by their slaves. You ought there- 
 fore, particularly to give it in charge to your 
 guards, to consider themselves as the protectors 
 of the citizens in general : and to give them 
 immediate assistance if ever they perceive them 
 forming any such dangerous designs against 
 them. For there are, as every one knows, in 
 all cities those desperate villains, over whom, 
 if your guards are ordered to keep a watchful 
 eye, the citizens, in this respect, would acknow- 
 ledge their utility. 
 
 " Further yet, your troops may probably give 
 protection and security to the labourers and 
 to the cattle in the country : not only to your 
 own private possessions, but to the proprietors 
 in general. And, likewise by guarding certain 
 advantageous posts, leave the citizens at leisure 
 to attend their private affairs in the utmost 
 tranquillity. 
 
 Add to this, that to discover and prevent 
 any secret and sudden irruption of enemies to 
 the state, who can be more alert or more ready 
 at hand, than such a standing force, always un 
 
 At the public festivals and solemnities. 
 
HIERO: ON THE 
 
 der arms and united in one body 1 And, in 
 time of war, what can be more useful to the 
 citizens, than these mercenary troops 1 For it 
 is natural to suppose, that they will be more 
 willing to undergo fatigue, and to expose them- 
 selves to danger, and more vigilant for the pub- 
 lic good. 
 
 In fine, the neighbouring states must ne- 
 cessarily be more desirous to live in peace with 
 those who have constantly an armed force on 
 foot ; for these regular troops have it most in 
 their power to protect their friends, and to 
 annoy their enemies. 
 
 Now, if your subjects are convinced that 
 these forces never injure those who do no in- 
 jury to others ; but, on the contrary, keep in 
 awe the turbulent, and assist those who are un- 
 justly oppressed ; watch over and expose them- 
 selves to danger for the public good : how can 
 they avoid contributing with pleasure to their 
 support! At least they often maintain guards 
 at their own private expense for things of in- 
 finitely less moment. 
 
 XXI. It is necessary likewise, Hiero ! 
 that you should contribute cheerfully part of 
 your own revenues for the service of the public. 
 For it appears to me, that what a king lays out 
 for the public, is more usefully bestowed than 
 what he spends on his own private account. 
 Let us consider the affair more minutely. 
 Which of the two do you imagine, would be 
 most to your credit ; a palace, built in an ele- 
 gant style, at an enormous expense for your 
 own use, or to adorn the whole city with pub- 
 lic edifices, walls, temples, porticoes, squares, 
 and harbours 1 Or which would make you 
 more formidable to your enemies ; to be 
 adorned yourself with the most splendid ar- 
 mour, or to have the whole city completely 
 armed 1 
 
 " Or, which do you think the most probable 
 method of augmenting your revenues ; by 
 managing to advantage your own private pro- 
 perty alone, or by contriving by what means 
 the industry of the whole city may turn to the 
 best account 1 
 
 " As the breeding horses for the chariot race 
 is esteemed one of the most noble and most 
 magnificent amusements for a prince, which do 
 you suppose is most honourable ; that you * 
 
 1 Hiero, it is well known from the Odes of Pindar, 
 was particularly attached to the Olympic games. See 
 West's and Banister's translations of Pindar. 
 
 alone should provide and send to the public 
 games more chariots than all the rest of Greece ; 
 or, that the greatest part of your subjects should 
 breed horses and contend for the prize at those 
 games ? Which do you deem the most noble : 
 the superiority which you gain over others 
 in the managing your chariot ; or that which 
 you acquire by making happy the city ovei 
 which you preside 1 
 
 " For my part, Hiero ! I think it by no 
 means consistent with propriety, or even de- 
 cent for a prince to enter the list with private 
 persons ; for, if you are victorious, you would 
 be so far from being applauded, that you would 
 incur the odium of the public, as having sup- 
 plied the expenses of your victory from the 
 substance of many wretched families. And 
 if you were vanquished, you would be exposed 
 to more ridicule than any private individual. 
 
 But, if you would listen to me, Hiero, 
 permit me to advise you to enter the lists 
 against the governors of other states : and if 
 you can render the city over which you preside, 
 more happy than those, you may be assured, 
 that you obtain the victory in the most noble 
 contest in which a mortal can engage. 
 
 And, in the first place, you will succeed 
 immediately in the grand object of your ambi- 
 tion, the gaining the love of your fellow-citi- 
 zens : and, in the next place, this victory of 
 yours will not merely be proclaimed by a single 
 herald as at the Olympic games, but all man- 
 kind will concur in celebrating -your virtue. 
 
 " And you will not only attract the respect 
 of a few individuals, but the love of whole 
 cities ; and not only be admired privately with- 
 in the walls of your own palace, but publicly, 
 and by the whole world. 
 
 " You may also, if you desire it, either go 
 abroad to see any thing rare or curious, or 
 satisfy your curiosity though you remain at 
 home. For there will always be a crowd of 
 those about you, who will be proud to exhibit 
 whatever they have discovered,^ ther ingeni- 
 ous, beautiful, or useful ; and of those who will 
 be ambitious to serve you. 
 
 Every one who is admitted to your pre- 
 sence will be devoted to your person ; and 
 those who live at a distance will passionately 
 desire to see you. So that you will not only 
 be respected, but sincerely and cordially beloved 
 by all men. You will be under no necessity 
 of soliciting the favours of the fair sex, but 
 must even suffer yourself to be solicited bj 
 
CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 637 
 
 hem. You will not be afraid of any one, but 
 every one will be anxious for your preserva- 
 tion. 
 
 " Your subjects will pay you a voluntary 
 obedience, and carefully watch for the safety of 
 your person. And should you be exposed to 
 any danger, you will find them alert, not only 
 to assist you, but to protect you, 1 and avert the 
 danger at the hazard of their own lives. You 
 will be loaded with presents : nor will you want 
 friends to whom you may have the pleasure of 
 imparting them. All men will rejoice in your 
 prosperity, and will contend for your rights as 
 earnestly as for their own. And you may con- 
 sider the wealth of your friends 2 as treasure 
 laid up for your use. 
 
 " Take courage then, Hiero, enrich your 
 
 * See Appendix. 
 
 friends with a liberal hand ; for by that means 
 you will enrich yourself. Augment the power 
 of the state, for thus will you render yourself 
 more powerful, and secure alliances in time of 
 war. 
 
 " In a word, regard your country as your own 
 family ; your fellow-citizens, as your friends ; 
 your friends, as your own children ; and your 
 children as your own life : but endeavour to 
 surpass them all in acts of kindness and bene- 
 ficence. For if you thus secure the attachment 
 of your friends by acts of beneficence, your 
 enemies will not be able to resist you. 
 
 " To conclude : if you regulate your conduct 
 according to these maxims, be assured, Hiero, 
 you will obtain the most honourable and most 
 valuable possession which mortals can possibly 
 enjoy ; you will be completely happy, yet un- 
 envied by any one." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 RESPUBIICA, res est populi, cum bene et juste 
 geritur ; sive ab lino rege, sive a paucis opti- 
 matibus, sive ab universe populo. Cum vero 
 injustus est rex, quern tyrannum voco ; aut in- 
 justi optimates, quorum consensus factio est ; 
 aut injustus est populus, cui nomen usitatum 
 nullum reperio ; nisi ut etiam ipsum tyrannum, 
 adpellem ; non jam vitiosa sed omnino nulla 
 respublica est: Quoniam non est res populi, 
 cum tyrannus earn factiove capessat ; nee ipse 
 populus jam populus est, si sit injustus ; quo- 
 niam non est multitudo juris consensu et utili- 
 tatis communione sociata. 
 
 FRAG. 1. 3. de Republica. 
 " A legitimate commonwealth is where the 
 commonweal or good of the whole is consulted ; 
 whether under a king, an aristocracy, or a de- 
 mocracy. But if either of these act unjustly, 
 or in defiance of the law, there is no longer a 
 commonwealth ; nor are the people properly a 
 people, but a mob ; because not united under 
 common laws, or a community of rights and 
 advantages." This is partly the sense, but it 
 cannot well be literally translated. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Tully, in his pleadings against Verres, not 
 only calls Syracuse, " maximam Graeciae urbem 
 pulcherrimamque," the largest and most beau- 
 tiful city of Greece, but is so minute in his 
 description of its harbours, temples, and thea- 
 tres, and of the statues and pictures of which 
 Verres plundered them, that it seems to have 
 exceeded almost any other city in the world ; 
 which is partly confirmed by the ruins yet re- 
 maining as described by Mr. Brydone, Wat- 
 kins, &c. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus calls him 
 flouts, covetous and cruel, &c. But Pindar, 
 who resided much at the court of Hiero, and 
 has celebrated his victories at the Olympic 
 games, speaks of him as a truly virtuous cha- 
 racter. And indeed a man that was notorious 
 for any crime or depraved morals, could not 
 be a candidate at those games. And the glory 
 acquired by a victory in the chariot-races, or in 
 the gymnastic exercises, or the more liberal 
 arts, history, poetry, &c. seemed to supersede 
 all other virtues. 
 
 The mere English reader, who has taken his 
 ideas of the Olympic and other games of ancient 
 Greece, from what he has seen or heard of our 
 Newmarket sports, or our boxing-matches, which 
 are usually an assembly of gamblers and pick- 
 pockets, attended with every species of profli- 
 gacy and blackguardism, will be astonished at 
 the veneration in which those games were held 
 by all ranks of people, and the almost divine 
 honours which were paid to them who gained 
 the prize on those occasions, who were almost 
 literally exalted to the rank of demigods as 
 Horace has observed 
 
 'Palmaque nobilis 
 ' Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos." 
 
 OD. i. b.i. 
 
 But these solemn games were originally in- 
 stituted by the command of the Delphic oracle, 
 to put a stop to a great pestilence, which, with 
 the continual wars between the petty states of 
 Greece, had almost depopulated the country : 
 so that they had partly a religious and partly a 
 political view : as, during these solemnities, 
 even states that were at war with each other 
 were obliged to suspend their hostilities, and 
 join the general assembly of all Greece. 
 
 The utility of the gymnastic exercises, to 
 
 639 
 
640 
 
 HIERO: ON THE 
 
 [APP. 
 
 render the body more hardy and active ; and 
 of the chariot races, to encourage the breeding 
 and management of horses, * was indeed in 
 time defeated, by their sacrificing the end to 
 the means, and making them mere prize-fight- 
 ers, instead of good soldiers, &c. - 
 
 Plutarch has recorded a few wise sayings 
 and anecdotes of Hiero, which seem to indi- 
 cate this mixed and motley character. 
 
 He said, That no man was impertinent, 
 who told him freely what ought not to be con- 
 cealed ; but that he who told what ought to be 
 concealed, did an injury to the person to whom 
 he told the secret : for we not only hate the 
 man who discovers, but him who has heard 
 what we wish to conceal." 
 
 It is a common anecdote of Hiero, that a 
 stranger having hinted to him that his breath 
 was offensive, he expostulated with his wife for 
 having never mentioned that circumstance to 
 him. " I thought," said she, (with great sim- 
 plicity) " all men's breaths smelled the same." 
 An amiable and artless proof of her fidelity to 
 a suspicious husband ! 
 
 I am sorry to add, "that Hiero fined the 
 celebrated comic-poet, Epicharmes, for having 
 uttered something indecent when his wife was 
 present." A frown from a king would have 
 been sufficient, and have shown a love of vir- 
 tue; a fine savoured rather of the love of 
 money. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 " Non enim poeta solum suavis, verum etiam cetero- 
 qui doctus sapiensque." 
 
 De Nat. Deorum, lib. i. 
 
 Simonides seems to have been a very ele- 
 gant writer, from the fragments which remain 
 of his poetry. 
 
 The coarseness of his satire on women 
 must be imputed to the simplicity of the age 
 in which he lived ; (about four hundred and 
 fifty years after the Trojan war) and to the 
 low rank of the ladies who were the subject of 
 his satire. 
 
 Mr. Addison has given the substance of this 
 satire in the third volume of the Spectator, 
 
 1 The Greeks were so ignorant, in the earlier ages, 
 of the management of horses, that the fable of the Cen- 
 taurs probably took its rise from seeing some Thessa- 
 lians on their backs at a distance. 
 , * See West on the Olympic Games, p. 184. 
 
 No. .209. But, in the character of a slut, 
 whom Simonides compares to a sow, Mr. A. 
 has, out of delicacy, lost the idea of the origi- 
 nal, Trittiverraj, " she grows fat amidst the filth of 
 her sty ;" which he translates, her family is 
 no better than a dunghill." He concludes his 
 satire with a description of a good woman, 
 whom he compares to a bee. Solomon con- 
 cludes his book of Proverbs in the like man- 
 ner ; but as that of Simonides is a mere sketch, 
 it cannot be compared with Solomon's beauti- 
 ful picture. 3 
 
 Horace has almost literally translated some 
 of his moral sentences, L. ii. Od. 13; and L 
 iii. Od. 2. 
 
 " Mors et fugacem persequitur virum." 
 
 @xvras <p>jxs xxi rbv <t\>ybftxx.cv. 
 
 Tully has recorded his answer to Hiero, who 
 asked him "what God was 1 ?" Simonides de- 
 sired a day to consider of it. Being asked the 
 same question the next day, he desired two 
 days for that purpose, and thus often doubled 
 the number. 
 
 Hiero, being greatly surprised at this, in- 
 quired the reason of his conduct. " Because," 
 said Simonides, "the longer I consider the 
 subject, the more obscure it seems to be." 
 De Natura Deor. lib. i. 
 
 The following reflections of human life, 
 though now trite, were not so, probably, three 
 thousand years ago. It appears to have been 
 the received opinion at that time, that Homer 
 was a native of Chios ; that, at least, was his 
 chief residence, where the present inhabitants 
 pretend to point out the very place in which 
 he established a school in the latter part of his 
 life. 
 
 ON THE BREVITY OF HUMAN LIFE. 
 
 FROM SIMONIDES. 
 
 How swiftly glide life's transient scenes away ! 
 "Like vernal leaves men flourish and decay." 
 Thus sung, in days of yore, the Chian bard ; 
 This maxim all have heard, but none regard. 
 None keep in mind this salutary truth, 
 Hope still survives, that flatters us in youth. 
 What fruitless schemes amuse our blooming years ! 
 The man in health, nor age nor sickness fears ; 
 Nay, youth's and life's contracted space forgot, 
 Scarce thinks that death will ever be his lot. 
 But thou thy mind's fair bias still obey, 
 Nor from the .paths of virtue ever stray. 
 
 Proverbs, chap. xxxi. 
 
AFP.] 
 
 CONDITION OF ROYALTY. 
 
 641 
 
 The driginal seems to inculcate the Epicu- 
 rean maxim of " indulge genio," as Buchanan 
 translates it ; which would incline one to be- 
 lieve that these lines were of an age subsequent 
 to Simonides. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 Nothing can give us a more lively idea of 
 the perpetual alarms and anxiety of a tyrant, 
 than Tully's sketch of the elder Dionysius ; 
 which, though familiar to every scholar, may 
 not be disagreeable to the English reader. 
 
 After describing him as possessed of many 
 natural advantages, and as a man of great abili- 
 ties, and (as an ingredient of happiness) very 
 temperate in his way of life, he proceeds : 
 
 Though Dionysius," says he, " had a num- 
 ber of friends and relations, with whom he 
 lived on the most intimate and familiar terms, 
 yet he placed no confidence in any of them ; 
 but committed to those slaves whom he had 
 selected from wealthy families, and given them 
 their freedom, and to some foreign mercenaries, 
 the guard of his person. Thus, from an un- 
 justifiable ambition of domineering over other 
 people, he delivered himself up to a kind of 
 voluntary imprisonment. 
 
 " Nay, he grew at length so astonishingly 
 suspicious, that he would not trust his throat 
 to a barber, but taught his own daughters to 
 shave : so that these young princesses, like 
 little female barbers, 1 performed the mean and 
 servile offices of shaving and cutting the hair of 
 their own father. And even from them, when 
 they grew up, he took away his razors and 
 every thing of steel, and instructed them to 
 burn off his beard with the inner rinds 2 and 
 shells of the walnut. 
 
 " Neither did he ever go to the apartments 
 of his two wives, 3 by night, till it had been 
 first searched and scrutinized with the utmost 
 care. And having his bed-chamber surrounded 
 with a broad ditch, the passage was secured by 
 a narrow wooden bridge, which, after fastening 
 his door, he himself drew up. In short, to 
 such an extreme did his apprehensions carry 
 
 1 Ut Tonstriculae. Putaminibus. 
 
 " It may be worth while to read the account of the 
 magnificence with which he brought home his two 
 wives, one drawn by four white horses, &c. Univer. 
 Hint, from Diod. Sic. 
 
 54* 
 
 him, that he never ventured to harangue the 
 people but from the top of a lofty tower. 
 
 " But this tyrant himself has sufficiently 
 shown us what degree of happiness he en- 
 joyed. For when Damocles, one of his flat- 
 terers, was enumerating the abundance of his 
 wealth, his grandeur, his power, and the mag- 
 nificence of his royal palaces ; and, in a strain 
 of adulation, insisted upon it, that there never 
 was a more happy man existed. < Will you 
 then, Damocles,' says the tyrant, < since you 
 are so delighted with my way of life, have 
 yourself a taste of it, and make the experi- 
 ment r As Damocles, of course, answered 
 in the affirmative, he ordered Him to be seated 
 on a golden sofa, covered with a fine mattress, 
 and sumptuous carpets, highly wrought in the 
 most elegant ftste ; the table set out with the 
 most exquisite dainties ; the room adorned 
 with cabinets, with gold and silver vases highly 
 embossed; perfumes, garlands of flowers, and 
 incense burning : to crown all, he was served 
 by the most beautiful slaves, who were ordered 
 carefully to watch his eye, and attend his nod. 
 In short, Damocles felt himself the happiest of 
 mortals. 
 
 " But, alas ! in the midst of these splendid 
 preparations, Dionysius had ordered a glitter- 
 ing naked sword to be suspended from the 
 ceiling, by a single horse hair, immediately over 
 the head of this happy man. 
 
 " Now, therefore, the whole visionary scene 
 instantly vanished : he no longer beheld the 
 beautiful attendants, nor the plate, so artifi- 
 cially carved ; nor could he touch any of the 
 delicacies on the table ; the garlands dropped 
 from his head. In short, he begged of the 
 tyrant to let him depart, for he did not wish to 
 be happy upon such terms." Does not Diony- 
 sius himself, then, sufficiently demonstrate, that 
 no one can possibly be happy in a state of 
 continual terror and anxiety, like that of the 
 tyrant ] Tusc. Quest, lib. v. c. xx. 
 
 " I cannot forbear mentioning a peculiar 
 source of misery to Dionysius ; he unfortu- 
 nately took it into his head, that he excelled all 
 others in poetry as well as in power ; and was 
 so offended with his friend Philoxenus for at- 
 tempting to undeceive him in that particular, 
 that he in his wrath sent him instantly to 
 that horrible dungeon, called the Latumise, 01 
 Stone-Quarries. He was set at liberty, how- 
 ever, the very next day, and restored to favour . 
 and the tyrant made a noble entertainment on 
 4F 
 
642 
 
 HIERO: &c. 
 
 [APP. 
 
 the occasion. But in the midst of their jollity, 
 the prince was determined to gain the applause 
 of Philoxenus, whose approbation he preferred 
 to that of a thousand flatterers. He desired 
 him, therefore, to divest himself of envy, (for 
 Philoxenus was a poet as well as a critic) and 
 declare his real sentiments. Philoxenus could 
 not dissemble ; and therefore, without making 
 any answer to Dionysius, turned to the guards, 
 who always attended, and with a humorous air, 
 desired them to carry him back to the stone- 
 quarries. 
 
 Dionysius (though pi obably piqued) said, the 
 wit of the poet had atoned for his freedom. 
 Pint. Moral. 
 
 N. B. It was Dionysius the you,nger, who, 
 after enduring the miseries of royalty, was con- 
 demned to be a schoolmaster. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 Montaigne, who has pillaged every ancient 
 classic author, quotes and enlarges upon some 
 of Hiero's sentiments ; but gives them the 
 vulgar turn, to prove that kings and beggars, if 
 stripped of their external appendages, are upon 
 a level, which few people now a-day will dis- 
 pute. The following, however, are put in a 
 striking light. 
 
 "The honour we receive from those that 
 fear us does not deserve the name ; that respect 
 is paid to my royalty, not to me. Do I not 
 see, that the wicked and the good king, he that 
 is hated, and he that is beloved, has the one as 
 
 much reverence paid him as the other ? My 
 predecessor was, and my successor will be, 
 served with the same ceremony and parade as 
 myself. If my subjects do not injure me, it is 
 no proof of their good-will towards me. It is 
 not in their power, if they were inclined to do 
 it. No one follows me from any friendship 
 which subsists between us : there can be no 
 friendship contracted, where there is so little 
 connection or correspondence. All that they 
 say or do is pretence and show : I see nothing 
 around me but disguise and dissimulation." 
 Lib. i. c. 42. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 I shall conclude these extracts with a short 
 one from Lord Bolingbroke's Letter on 
 Patriotism." Speaking of superior spirits, 
 whether invested with royalty, or placed in 
 other elevated situations, " They either ap- 
 pear," says he, " like ministers of divine ven- 
 geance, and their course through the world is 
 marked by desolation and oppression, by poverty 
 and servitude ; or, they are the guardian angels 
 of the country they inhabit ; busy to avert even 
 the most distant evil, and to maintain or to 
 procure peace, plenty, and the greatest of hu- 
 man blessings, LIBERTY." 
 
 P. S. I have availed myself of Peter Coste's 
 French translation, but have never adopted an 
 expression without having first examined the 
 original with the most scrupulous attention. 
 
THE SCIENCE 
 
 or 
 
 GOOD HUSBANDRY; 
 
 OR 
 
 I 
 
 THE ECONOMICS OF XENOPHON 
 
 TRANSLATED BY 
 
 R. BRADLEY, F .R.S. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF BOTANY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 C643J 
 
THE 
 
 SCIENCE OF GOOD HUSBANDRY; 
 
 THE ECONOMICS OF XENOPHON. 
 
 I. I remember once to have heard the learned 
 Socrates reasoning with Critobulus, concerning 
 the management of a house, in the following 
 manner : 
 
 Soc. " Tell me, Critobulus, whether the or- 
 dering of a house is a science, such as that of 
 physic, or the brasiers, and of the masons 1" 
 
 Crit. " My opinion is, that the good man- 
 agement of a house is as great a science as either 
 masonry, or physic, or any other ; from whence 
 we may infer there is a distinct business or duty 
 belonging to an economist or housekeeper, as 
 well as to any science whatever : a farmer or a 
 master of a family ought to be a good judge of 
 every particular which relates to the good order- 
 ing of his farm or house." 
 
 Soc. " But may we not find a trusty stew- 
 ard well skilled in this science, who may take 
 the management of the household upon him, 
 and save the master the trouble 1 for a master 
 mason employs a deputy under him, who will 
 do his work as well as himself; and for the 
 same reason we may expect that a steward well 
 skilled in the management of a house, may be 
 as serviceable to his master as the mason's de- 
 puty." 
 
 Crit. " I am of the same opinion, good So- 
 crates." 
 
 Soc. " Then the man who is well skilled in 
 this science, though he has no property of his 
 own, may gain a comfortable living by direct- 
 ing another man's house. For the man would 
 be worthy of the master's favour, and a good 
 
 steward, if in the discharging of his stewardship 
 he could improve his master's house. But what 
 do we mean by the word house, or the economy 
 of it 1 Is it only the good distribution of the 
 things that are in the house 1 or is it the good 
 management and improvement of every thing 
 belonging to a house, and the master of it." 
 
 Crit. " It is my opinion, that a man's estate, 
 whether it lie in or about the house, or remote 
 from it, yet every branch of that estate may be 
 said to belong to the house ; nay every thing 
 that a man has, except his enemies, which some 
 men have in great numbers, but these are not 
 to be reckoned among his goods or substance. 
 It would be ridiculous if we were to say that 
 the man who had been the occasion of making 
 us more enemies than we had before, should be 
 rewarded with favour or money ; but a man's 
 enemies, or any thing which he possesses to 
 his hurt or prejudice, must not I suppose, be 
 reckoned among his goods ; therefore I con- 
 clude, that those things only which contribute 
 to the welfare of a man may be reckoned 
 among his riches, or be properly called his 
 goods." 
 
 CSoc. " I am of the same mind, that whatever 
 isHnjurious to a man must not be esteemed a 
 part of his goods ; for if a man buy a horse, and 
 for want of skill to manage him, he falls from 
 him and hurts himself, can that horse be rec- 
 koned amongst his goods 1 No, certainly ; be- 
 cause those things should be called goods that 
 are beneficial to the master. Neither can those 
 
 645 
 
646 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 lands be called goods, which by a man's unskil- 
 ful management put him to more expense than 
 he receives profit by them ; nor may those 
 lands be called goods, which do not bring a good 
 farmer such a profit as may give him a good 
 living : so likewise if a man has a flock of 
 sheep, and they come to damage by his unskil- 
 ful management, he cannot reckon them among 
 his goods." 
 
 Crit. " So these may only bo called goods 
 which are profitable, and those which are hurt- 
 ful be deemed the contrary." 
 
 Soc. " You distinguish right, that nothing 
 ought to be esteemed goods to any man which 
 he does not receive advantage by ; and that 
 those things which bring him disprofit must be 
 esteemed the contrary. A flute, when it is in 
 the hands of a person who can play well upon 
 it, is an advantage, and may be reckoned among 
 his goods ; but the same instrument in the pos- 
 session of one who does not know the use of 
 it, is no better to him than a stone, unless he 
 sells it, and then the price of it may be ac- 
 counted among his goods ; but if he keeps it, 
 when he has no knowledge of its use, it can- 
 not be ranked among them." 
 
 Crit. " I agree with you in this point, that 
 those things only which are profitable may be 
 called goods : the flute, while we keep it unem- 
 ployed, is no part of our goods, for we have no 
 advantage from it ; but if we sell it, it is then 
 profitable to us " 
 
 Soc. " You say right, if a man has wit enough 
 to sell it well : but when it is sold, and the man 
 has not wisdom enough to use the value of it 
 to his advantage, yet whatever price he gets for 
 it cannot be esteemed to be good." 
 
 Crit. " By this you seem to intimate that 
 money itself is not good, if it is in the hands 
 of one who does not know how to use it." 
 
 Soc. Yes, certainly ; for we have already 
 agreed that nothing may be esteemed good but 
 what we can get profit by. If a man bestow 
 the money he gets upon harlots, and by con- 
 tinual conversing with them he impairs his 
 health, and abandons the care of his estate, 
 then his money is no profit to him; but, on 
 the contrary, is an errant poison, which will 
 shortly bring him to destruction : therefore, 
 friend Critobulus, money is good only to those 
 who know how to use it ; but to those who 
 know not rightly the value of it, it were better 
 for them to cast it away, to avoid the damage 
 it would do them." 
 
 Crit. But what say you a>f friends 1 If a 
 man knows how to use them, and make them 
 profitable to him, what shall we esteem them to 
 be?" 
 
 Soc. " These may truly be called goods ; 
 they ought to be preferred before our houses, 
 our land, our cattle, or our flocks ; the profit 
 which may arise by them may be superior to 
 all others." 
 
 Crit. " Then by the same rule our enemies 
 may be esteemed goods, if we know how to 
 profit ourselves by them." 
 
 Soc. Undoubtedly they are so ; therefore 
 it behoves a master of a house to use his ene- 
 mies with that discretion that he may make 
 them advantageous to him by any means : for 
 how many instances have we, good Critobu- 
 lus, of ordinary men, as well as of noblemen 
 and kings, who have increased and amplified 
 their fortunes by law, and warring with their 
 enemies." \ 
 
 Crit. " You reason well, good Socrates, of 
 these matters. But what think you of those 
 who have good learning, and many other good 
 properties, whereby they have every opportu- 
 nity of improving their estates, and yet never 
 put their minds to it ? We have many instan- 
 ces of men with these qualifications, who never 
 regard the advancement of their fortunes ; shall 
 we then reckon their learning, or their other 
 properties, among their goods, seeing they make 
 no advantage of them, or ought we to esteem 
 them the contrary 1" 
 
 Soc. " I imagine you mean bondmen, or such 
 other vile persons." 
 
 Crit. " No, good Socrates ; but the persons 
 I speak of are young gentlemen, who are ex- 
 pert in affairs of war, as well as peace ; and yet 
 they abandon their knowledge for trifles ; and 
 such as them I esteem in a worse condition than 
 bondmen ; for I suppose they do not employ 
 themselves in the sciences they have been bred 
 to, because they have not masters to direct 
 them or set them to work." 
 
 Soc. " How can that be, friend Critobulus, 
 that they are without directors 1 they have 
 many masters, which, when they would study 
 their felicity and their advantage, lead them 
 away from their virtuous inclinations." 
 
 Crit. " These masters then are invisible !" 
 
 Soc. " Not so invisible, good Critobulus, 
 but that we may easily discover them to be the 
 most mischievous of any that reign upon earth. 
 What think you of sloth, idleness, negligence 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 647 
 
 want of public spirit ? Where these govern, 
 what can we expect but mischief? But, be- 
 sides these, there are others which govern un- 
 der the name of pleasures ; as gaming, lewd 
 company, rioting, and such others, which in 
 process of time teach their adherents that plea- 
 sures are not without their inconveniences. 
 These rulers keep them so much in servitude, 
 that they do not allow them the least liberty to 
 do any thing for their advantage." 
 
 Crit. " But there are others, friend Socrates, 
 who have none of these directors to prevent 
 their welfare, but apply themselves assiduously 
 to business, and give their minds entirely to 
 the advancement of their fortunes, and yet 
 waste their estates, ruin their families, and de- 
 stroy themselves, without hope of redemption." 
 
 Soc. " These also are bondmen, and are ra- 
 ther worse slaves than the others, for these 
 have the most severe masters of the two : 
 some are under the tyranny of drunkenness, 
 others slaves to gluttony, and some to vanity 
 and vain-glory ; all which keep their subjects 
 in that severity of servitude, that as long as 
 they find them young, lusty, and able to work, 
 they make them bring all that they can get by 
 any means to bestow upon these lusts and plea- 
 sures ; but as soon as they perceive them to grow 
 so old, that they can labour no longer for them, 
 they are then turned off to lead the remainder 
 of their days in want and misery, while their 
 quondam masters are contriving to ensnare 
 others in their room. Wherefore, good Crito 
 bulus, we ought by all means to resist such in- 
 vaders of our liberties, even with as much 
 force and resolution as we would oppose an 
 enemy who with sword in hand attempts to 
 bring us into slavery. There are some ene- 
 mies who have wisdom and goodness enough 
 when they have brought men into their subjec- 
 tion, to learn them government and modera 
 tion, which before were proud and arrogant. 
 But as for the tyrants I have mentioned before, 
 they never cease harassing and tormenting both 
 the bodies and estates of those which fall into 
 their hands till they have utterly destroyed 
 them." 
 
 II. Crit. " You have sufficiently spoken to 
 thia point ; and, now I examine myself, 1 
 verily believe I have conduct and courage 
 enough to resist such deceitful invaders ; and 1 
 now desire your advice concerning the manage- 
 ment of my house, that both myself and for- 
 tune may be improved ; for I am persuaded 1 
 
 shall not be overcome by those enemies to rea 
 son which you have so largely exposed. And 
 therefore, /good Socrates, give me your deli 
 berate opinion how I shall act for the good of 
 myself and estate ; although perhaps you may 
 think that we are already rich enough." 
 
 Soc. " For my own part, if I am one of 
 those you speak of, I want nothing, I have 
 riches enough ; but for yourself, Critobulus, I 
 esteem you a very poor man ; and, by the faith 
 I owe to the gods, I often pity you." 
 
 Crit. " Your discourse makes me laugh ! If 
 you are so very rich as you esteem yourself, 
 pray inform me what may be the value of all 
 your estate if it were sold, and what do you 
 imagine is the worth of all my possessions ?" 
 
 Soc. " Perhaps, if I sell all my possessions 
 at a good market, I may gain five or six pounds 
 for them ; but I know very well, that were 
 your whole estate to be sold, the price would 
 be more than a thousand times as much ; and 
 yet though you know this, you are still desir- 
 ous to increase your estate, and upbraid me 
 with my poverty. What I possess is enough 
 to supply me with necessaries ; but to support 
 your grandeur, and draw the respect due to 
 your quality and the post you possess, I am of 
 opinion, that were you master of four times as 
 much as you have already, you would still be 
 in want." } 
 
 Crit. I do not conceive how that can be." 
 
 Soc. " In the first place, your rank requires 
 you to feast and make entertainments for the 
 people, to gain their good-will, and command 
 their respect. In the next place, you must 
 live hospitably, and receive and entertain all 
 strangers, and gain their esteem. And in the 
 third place, you must continually be doing good 
 offices to your fellow citizens, that upon an 
 emergency you may find friends. Besides, I 
 already observe that the city of Athens begins 
 to put you upon expensive works ; viz. to fur- 
 nish them with horses, to raise public build- 
 ings, to muster men, to erect theatres, and to 
 treat the citizens with plays. But if this na- 
 tion should be once involved in war, I am sure 
 their demand upon you in taxes, and other du- 
 ties, will be as much as your purse will be able 
 to bear. And when that happens, if you are 
 discovered to conceal any of your riches, or do 
 not answer their demands to your full power, 
 you must undergo the same punishment as if 
 you had robbed the common treasury. And 
 besides, I find you possessed with the opinion 
 
648 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 that you have riches enough, and therefore give 
 yourself up to vain and trifling pleasures, which 
 is the effect of your riches. It is for these 
 reasons, good Critobulus, that I grieve for you 
 lest you fall under misfortunes that may end 
 in the greatest poverty without remedy: and 
 for myself, if I should be necessitous, you know 
 very well that many would relieve me ; and if 
 I received but a' little of every one, I should 
 have more money than would satisfy my wants : 
 but, as for your friends, though they have more 
 riches in their stations, than you possess in 
 yours, they have yet expectations of preferment 
 from you." 
 
 Crit. " I confess I find nothing amiss in your 
 discourse. I so much approve of it, that my 
 greatest desire is, that you will instruct me 
 with such good precepts as may preserve me 
 from the misery you speak of, and that I may 
 never be an object of your compassion, unless 
 it be in a good cause." 
 
 Soc. " I suppose then, friend Critobulus, you 
 are not now in the same laughing mind you 
 was in, when I told you I had riches enough ; 
 do you now believe I know wherein consists 
 the value of riches 1 You ridiculed me when 
 you made me confess that I had not by a thou- 
 sandth part so much as you have, and now you 
 desire my most friendly instructions to keep 
 you from extreme poverty." 
 
 Crit. " I perceive, good Socrates, that you 
 have sufficient wisdom to instruct a man how 
 to gain true riches, even in the greatest plenty : 
 and I am persuaded, that the man who knows 
 how to make the most of a little, is no less 
 capable of managing the greatest fortune." 
 
 Soc. You may remember, that towards the 
 beginning of our discourse I told you that 
 horses ought not to be reckoned among the 
 goods of those who know not how to use them, 
 nor land, nor sheep, nor money, or any other 
 thing whatever ; and yet every one of these are 
 profitable, when they are used discreetly. As 
 for my own part, I have never had any of these ; 
 and how then should I be able to inform you of 
 the use of them] But though a man has 
 neither money nor goods, yet I am persuaded 
 there is such a science as the good ordering of 
 a house. Why then, good Critobulus, should 
 you not be master of this science ? For the 
 reason why every man cannot play well upon 
 the flute, is either because he has not a flute 
 of his own, or cannot borrow a flute of another 
 to practise upon. The same impediment have 
 
 I in the science of ordering a house ; for I was 
 never yet master of the implements belonging 
 to housekeeping, neither goods nor money ; 
 nor was there ever any who intrusted me with 
 the management of their house, or estate, al- 
 though you now desire my directions. But 
 you are sensible, that learners of music in the 
 beginning spoil their instruments : so that were 
 I now to begin my practice upon your estate, I 
 should destroy it." 
 
 Crit. Thus you endeavour to evade the 
 business I desire you to undertake, and would 
 shun taking share with me in the management 
 of my affairs." 
 
 Sov. " That is not the case. I am willing to 
 serve you in any thing within the bounds of 
 my capacity. But suppose you was in want 
 of fire, and came to me for it, and I had none, 
 but directed you to a place where you might 
 have it : would not that be of the same account 1 
 Or if you want water, and I have it not, but 
 direct you where to have it, will not that be as 
 agreeable to you "! And if you would be in- 
 structed in music, and I directed you to a bet- 
 ter judge in music than myself, would not that 
 answer your design 1 Therefore, since I have 
 no knowledge of myself in the affair you speak 
 of, the best pleasure I can do you, is to recom- 
 mend you to such persons who are most expert 
 in the business you require ; and that, I judge, 
 I am able to do ; for I have made it my busi- 
 ness to 'search out the most ingenious of all 
 sorts in'every quarter of the city, having ob- 
 served that among the practisers of the same 
 service, and the same trade, some of the practi- 
 tioners were hardly capable of subsisting, or 
 getting their bread, while others got estates. 
 This, I confess, made me admire ; till at length 
 I discovered that some men ran headlong upon 
 their business without any consideration, and 
 are so rash in their undertakings, that they 
 always come off losers ; while on the other 
 hand, I observed that all those who went about 
 their work deliberately, and advised well upon 
 their business before they set about it, these 
 men accomplished their affairs with more 
 facility, more despatch, and to more advantage. 
 Which observation may serve, as a lesson, to 
 instruct you how your fortune may be advanced 
 upon a sure foundation." 
 
 Crit. "Then I am resolved not to part 
 from you till you have acquainted me with 
 those wise men you speak of, who are capable 
 of informing me of the matters I want." 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 649 
 
 Soc. " Will it be amiss if I show you some 
 men who have been at vast expenses in build- 
 ing, and set about their work with so little 
 judgment or consideration, that after an im- 
 mense treasure has been spent by them, they 
 have only raised an unprofitable pile to their 
 discredit 1 And, on the contrary, there are other 
 men, who with much less charge have erected 
 useful and profitable buildings. Will not this 
 be one step towards the good ordering of a 
 house 1" 
 
 Crit. " You are surely right." 
 
 Soc. " Will it then be improper, if I show 
 you, in the next place, that some men have 
 plenty of rich and useful furniture for their 
 houses, and for all uses ; and when any part of 
 it should be used, it is out of the way, and to 
 seek, and it is not known whether it be lost, 
 or laid in safety ? This, wherever it happens, 
 discomposes the master of the house, and oc- 
 casions him to be angry with his servants. 
 But there are others, who have no more goods 
 or furniture, or, perhaps, have not half so much, 
 and yet have every thing ready at hand to an- 
 swer their occasions." 
 
 Crit. " The reason is plain, good Socrates ; 
 the first have no order in the distribution of 
 their goods, but let them lie in confusion ; the 
 others have a regard that every thing should be 
 laid up in its proper place." 
 
 Soc. " You are in the right, good Crito- 
 bulus ; but it is not only necessary that every- 
 thing should be set in its place, but also, that 
 there should be a proper and convenient place 
 to set it in." 
 
 Crit. " This also is necessary towards the 
 good ordering of a house." 
 
 Soc. " Suppose I likewise show you, that in 
 some places the slaves and servants are chained 
 and strictly watched, and yet often run away 
 from their masters ; while in other places, 
 where they are in freedom, and have their 
 liberty, they work heartily for their masters, 
 and are perpetually striving who shall act most 
 for their advantage. Is not this a point worthy 
 the regard of a housekeeper 1" 
 
 Crit. " Certainly, it is very worthy the re- 
 gard of a master." 
 
 Soc. " Nor will it be of less use, if I show 
 you that some husbandmen continually com- 
 plain of want, anL are in a starving condition ; 
 while others, who practise the same science of 
 husbandry, have every thing necessary about 
 them and live upon the fat of the land." 
 55 
 
 Crit. " This will surely be of good use 
 But perhaps the first you speak of bestow 
 their money and goods improperly ; or dispose 
 of what they get to the disadvantage of them- 
 selves and their families." 
 
 Soc. " There are surely some such husband- 
 men ; but I only speak of those who call them- 
 selves husbandmen, and yet can hardly find 
 themselves with a sufficiency of meat and 
 drink." 
 
 Crit. " What should be the cause of this 1" 
 
 Soc. " I will bring you among them, that 
 you may learn by their example." 
 
 Crit. " That is my desire, good Socrates." 
 
 Soc. " But first you must learn how to dis- 
 tinguish between the good and the bad, when 
 you see them. I have known you rise early in 
 the morning, and travel long journeys to see a 
 comedy, and you have pressed my company 
 with you ; but you never invited me to such 
 a sight as this we speak of." 
 
 Crit. < Dear Socrates, forbear your banter, 
 and proceed in your good instructions." 
 
 Soc. " Suppose I show you some men, who 
 by keeping great stables of horses are reduced 
 to extreme poverty ; while others, by the same 
 means have got great estates, and live splen- 
 didly 1" 
 
 Crit. " I have seen them, and know them 
 both ; but I cannot discern what advantage 
 that will be to me." 
 
 Soc. " The reason is, that you see them as 
 you do plays, not with a design of becoming a 
 poet, but purely for amusement and recreation ; 
 and perhaps you do not amiss in that, if your 
 genius does not lead you to be a poet ; but as 
 you are obliged to keep horses, is it not neces- 
 sary that you should understand what belongs 
 to them, that by your skill you may reap an 
 advantage by them 1" 
 
 Crit. " You mean that I should breed horses." 
 
 Soc,. "By no means; for you may have a 
 ood servant without the trouble of bringing 
 bim up from a child. There are ages both of 
 tiorses and men wherein they are immediately 
 profitable,- and will improve every day upon 
 your hands. Moreover, I can show you some 
 men, who have been so discreet in the manage- 
 ment of their wives, that their estates have 
 aeen greatly advantaged by them ; but there 
 are others, and not a few, who by means of 
 their wives have been utterly ruined." 
 
 Crit. " But who is to be blamed for this ; the 
 husband or the wife 1" 
 
 4G 
 
650 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 Soc. " If a sheep is out of order, we com- 
 monly blame the shepherd ; and if a horse have 
 not his goings as he should, but is skittish and 
 mischievous, we blame the breaker ; and as for 
 a wife, if her husband instruct her well in his 
 affairs, and she neglect them, she is not wise : 
 but if her husband does not his part, in giving 
 her proper instructions for her government, and 
 she behaves herself disorderly, and unbecoming 
 her sex, or herself as a mistress of a house, is 
 not then the man to blame ?" 
 
 Crit. " Yes, without doubt ; and it is a sub- 
 ject that I should be glad to discourse with you 
 about ; and, by the friendship we owe one an- 
 other, tell me sincerely and freely, is there 
 any one among all your friends whom you in- 
 trust with so great a share of your household 
 affairs as your wife V 1 
 
 Soc. " It is true, I do not : but tell me like- 
 wise, is there one you converse with seldom- 
 er upon that subject than you do with your 
 wife V 1 
 
 Crit. " You judge right ; for if there are any, 
 there are very few, who know less of my af- 
 fairs than my wife." 
 
 Soc. " You married her very young, before 
 she had seen or heard much of the world ; there- 
 fore it would be more to be admired if she 
 acted as she ought to do, than if she did 
 amiss." 
 
 Crit. " Then, good Socrates, do you imagine 
 that those, who bear the character of good 
 housewives, have been taught to be so 1" 
 
 Soc. " I will not dispute that with you at 
 present, but refer you to my wife Aspasia, 
 who will inform you better than I can myself. 
 But, to proceed ; I esteem a wife to be a good 
 and necessary companion for the master of a 
 house, and one who ought to bear the next share 
 of government under the master of the house ; 
 there is only a little more power in the husband 
 than in the wife r the substance of the estate 
 is generally increased by the industry and labour 
 of the man ; but the wife, for the most part, 
 has the care upon her to distribute and order 
 those things that are brought into the house ; 
 and if, therefore, the husband and wife agree 
 in their management, the houses and estates im- 
 prove; but where there is not this harmony, 
 they must necessarily decay. I could likewise 
 inform you in many other sciences, if the in- 
 struction were needful." 
 
 Crit " There is no occasion, good Socrates ; 
 for the richest man has not occasion to employ 
 
 men of all faculties, nor is there any man who 
 has occasion to practise them all. But such 
 sciences as are honourable and becoming my 
 province to understand, those I desire to learn, 
 as well from the persons you may judge most 
 capable of teaching me, as from yourself, whom 
 principally I shall depend upon to give the fin- 
 ishing stroke." 
 
 Soc. " You reason well, friend Critobulus ; 
 for there are many crafts which are not neces- 
 sary for you to know : those are called handi- 
 craft, and are the least regarded in our city and 
 commonwealth ; for they destroy the health of 
 those who practise them, by keeping their 
 bodies in the shade, and confining them to a 
 sedentary habit, or else by employing them all 
 day over the fire, which is yet as unhealthful ; 
 and when once the body is tender and feeble, 
 the stomach and spirits must certainly be weak. 
 And besides, men of such occupations can have 
 no time to bend their minds either to do their 
 friends any good, or can have leisure to assist 
 the commonwealth : therefore such people can- 
 not reaflily serve their friends, if they should 
 happen to be in distress ; nor are persons fit to 
 serve their country in time of adversity. For 
 which reason, in some cities and common- 
 wealths, especially such as are deeply engaged 
 in war, a citizen is not suffered to practise any 
 handicraft." 
 
 Crit. " "What faculties then, good Socrates, 
 would you advise me to use 1" 
 
 Soc. " The king of Persia, I think, may set 
 us a good example ; for we are told that the 
 sciences which are most esteemed by him are 
 war and husbandry ; these of all others, he 
 reckons the most honourable as well as the 
 most necessary, and accordingly gives them en- 
 couragement." 
 
 Crit. And can you imagine, good Socrates, 
 that the king of Persia has any regard for hus- 
 bandry ?" 
 
 Soc. " I shall endeavour to satisfy you whe- 
 ther he has or not. You will allow with all 
 the world that he delights in war, because of his 
 obligations on the princes under him to furnish 
 him with certain numbers of troops by way 
 of tribute ; either to keep his subjects in 
 awe and prevent rebellion, or to guard his 
 country against foreign enemies that may 
 come to invade it. Besides these, he keeps 
 large garrisons in several castles, and ap- 
 points a treasurer to pay their wages duly, 
 that they may be kept in good order. His 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 651 
 
 tributary troops are all mustered once in 
 twelve months, that they may be disciplined 
 and ready for an engagement, if any commo- 
 tion or invasion should happen ; but the garri- 
 soned forces and his own guards he reviews 
 himself, and intrusts the inspection of his re- 
 moter troops to such a lieutenant as he can 
 best confide in, upon whose report he either 
 rewards or punishes the leaders of the several 
 legions, according as they have acted for his 
 honour in their several stations. Those espe- 
 cially who have their troops in the best order 
 and discipline, he confers on them the greatest 
 honours, and rewards them with such pre- 
 sents as may put them above the world ever 
 after ; and for those who have neglected their 
 duty and abused the soldiers under them, he 
 dismisses them from their governments, and 
 loads them with shame. It cannot be doubted 
 but a prince that acts with this conduct must 
 understand war, and is well skilled in the mili- 
 tary science. 
 
 " On the other hand, he employs great part 
 of his time in riding about his neighbouring 
 part of the country, and observing the state of 
 husbandry, whether the lands are tilled as they 
 ought to be ; and for the remote parts, he 
 sends such deputies to examine them as are 
 esteemed to be the properest judges ; and 
 when he finds that his governors and deputies 
 have kept their several countries well inha- 
 bited, and the ground well cultivated, with 
 such produce as it will best bear, he raises 
 them in honours, loads them with presents, 
 and enlarges their governments ; but if he 
 finds the country thin of people, or the ground 
 uncultivated, or that extortions or cruelties 
 have been committed by his governors, he in- 
 flicts severe punishments on them, and dis- 
 charges them from their employments. From 
 these examples, do you believe that the king 
 of Persia has not as great a regard to the peo- 
 pling his country, and the science' of husbandry, 
 as he has to keeping an army in such an order 
 as may defend if? But it is to be observed 
 among his high officers, that no one of them 
 has the charge of two commissions at one time ; 
 for some are appointed to be overseers of his 
 lands and husbandmen, and to receive his tri- 
 butes that arise by them, while others are em- 
 ployed to overlook the soldiery and garrisons; 
 BO that if the governor of the garrison neglects 
 his duty in keeping good order or defending 
 his country, the lieutenant over the affairs of 
 
 husbandry accuses him, that his land is not 
 cultivated for want of a sufficient defence 
 against the encroaching parties, which are 
 common enough in those parts. But if the 
 governor of the garrison performs his duty, and 
 keeps the country under his jurisdiction in 
 peace ; and the director of affairs of husbandry 
 neglects his business, so th'at the country is in 
 want of people, and the lands are not ordered 
 as they ought to be, then he is accused by the 
 governor of the garrison ; for if the husbandry 
 is neglected, the soldiers must starve, and the 
 king himself must lose his tribute. But in 
 some part of Persia there is a great prince 
 called Satrapa, who takes upon him the office 
 both of soldiery and husbandry." 
 
 Crit. " If the king acts as you inform me, 
 he seems to take as much delight in husbandry 
 as he does in war." 
 
 Soc. " I have not yet done concerning him ; 
 for in every country where he resides, or passes 
 a little time, he takes care to have excellent 
 gardens, filled with every kind of flower or 
 plant that can by any means be collected, and 
 in these places are his chief delight." 
 
 Crit. " By your discourse it appears also, 
 that he has a great delight in gardening ; for, 
 as you intimate, his gardens are furnished with 
 every tree and plant that the ground is capable 
 of bringing forth." 
 
 Soc. " We are told likewise, that when the 
 king distributes any rewards, he first appoints 
 the principal officers of his soldiery, who have 
 the greatest right to his favour, to appear be- 
 fore him, and then bestows on them presents 
 according to their deserts : for the tilling of 
 ground would be of no effect, unless there 
 were forces well managed to defend it. And 
 after the soldiers he next distributes his ho- 
 nours and preferments among those who have 
 taken good care that his lands were well culti- 
 vated and the people kept from idleness ; ob- 
 serving at the same time that vigilant soldiers 
 could not subsist without the care of the in- 
 dustrious husbandmen. We are told likewise, 
 that Cyrus, a king famed for his wisdom and 
 warlike disposition, was of the same mind 
 with regard to husbandry ; and used to distri- 
 bute rewards to his most deserving soldiers 
 and husbandmen, telling them at the same 
 time, that he himself had deserved the presents 
 he gave away, because he had taken care of 
 the tillage of his country, and had also tasen 
 i care to defend it." 
 
652 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 Crit. " If this is true of Cyrus, it is evident 
 enough that he had as much love for husbandry 
 as he had for war." 
 
 X Soc. "If Cyrus had lived, he would have 
 proved a very wise prince, for we have many 
 extraordinery proofs of his wisdom and con- 
 duct : one passage in particular I may take 
 notice of, which is, when he met his brother 
 in battle to decide the dispute who should be 
 king, from Cyrus no man deserted, but many 
 thousands deserted from the king to Cyrus ; 
 which surely must be the effect of his virtue, 
 for there is no greater argument of a prince's 
 goodness, than the love of the people, and 
 especially when they pay him a voluntary obe- 
 dience, and stand by him in time of distress. 
 In this great contest, the friends of Cyrus 
 stood fighting about him while he was yet 
 alive, and even after his fall,, maintained their 
 post till they were all slain by his side, except 
 Ariseus, who was posted in the left wing of the 
 army. When Lysander brought presents to 
 Cyrus from the cities of Greece that were his 
 confederates, he received him with the greatest 
 humanity, and among other things showed him 
 his garden, which was called " the Paradise of 
 Sardis ;" which when Lysander beheld, he was 
 struck with admiration of the beauty of the 
 trees, the regularity of their planting, the even- 
 ness of their rows, and their making regular 
 angles one to another ; or, in a word, the 
 beauty of the quincunx order in which they 
 were planted, and the delightful odours which 
 issued from them. Lysander could no longer 
 refrain from extolling the beauty of their order, 
 but more particularly admired the excellent 
 skill of the hand that had so curiously disposed 
 them ; which Cyrus perceiving, answered him : 
 ' All the trees that you here behold are of my 
 own appointment ; . I it was that contrived, 
 measured, and laid out the ground for planting 
 these trees, and I can even show you some 
 of them that I planted with my own hands.' 
 When Lysander heard this, and saw the rich- 
 ness of his robes, and the splendour of his 
 dress, his chains of gold, and the number and 
 curiosity of the jewels about him, he cried out 
 with astonishment, ' Is it possible, great king, 
 that you could condescend to plant any of 
 these trees with your own hands]' 'Do you 
 wonder at that, Lysander 1' answered Cyrus, 
 < I assure you, that whenever I have leisure 
 from war, or am the most at ease, I never 
 dine till I have either done some exercise in 
 
 arms, or employed myself in some point of 
 husbandry, till I sweat.' To which Lysander 
 replied: ''You are truly fortunate, great king, 
 hy being a wise and good man.' 
 y V. This, good Critobulus, I thought pro- 
 per to acquaint you of, that you may know 
 how much the richest and most fortunate 
 among men delight themselves in husbandry : 
 for it is a business of that nature, that at the 
 same time it is delightful and profitable, both 
 to the body and estate, affording such exercise 
 as will increase a man's health and strength, and 
 such advantages as may greatly improve his for- 
 tune. By husbandry the ground gives us every 
 thing necessary for our food and nourishment, 
 and such things likewise as afford the greatest 
 pleasures. Moreover, it furnishes us with 
 beautiful flowers, and other excellent materials 
 for the ornament and decoration of the tem- 
 ples and altars, affording the richest gayety, 
 and most fragrant odours. So likewise it pro- 
 duces meats for the use of men ; some without 
 much trouble, others with more labour; for 
 the keeping of sheep is a branch of husbandry. 
 But though it gives us plenty of all kinds of 
 things, yet it does not allow us to reap them in 
 sloth and idleness, but excites us to health and 
 strength by the labour it appoints us. In the 
 winter, by reason of the cold ; and in summer, 
 by reason of heat ; and for them who labour 
 with their hands, it makes them robust and 
 mighty ; and those who only oversee their 
 works, are quickened and prompted to act 
 like men ; for they must rise early in the 
 morning, and must exercise themselves with 
 walking from one place to another. For, both 
 in the fields and in cities, whatever is un- 
 dertaken to the purpose, must be done in a 
 proper time and season. Again: if a man is 
 inclined to practise horsemanship, and grow ex- 
 pert in that science for the defence of his coun- 
 try, a horse can be nowhere better kept, than 
 in the country ; or if a man choose to exercise 
 himself on foot, or in running, husbandry gives 
 him strength of body, and he may exercise 
 himself in hunting : here is also meat for his 
 dogs, as well as entertainment for wild beasts, 
 and beasts of the game : and the horses and 
 dogs, thus assisted by husbandry, return as 
 good service to the ground ; for the horse may 
 carry his master early in the morning to over 
 see that the workmen and labourers do their 
 duty in the fields, and returns with the master 
 again at night at the latest hour, if his pro 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 653 
 
 sence should be required till that time; and 
 the dogs are a defence against wild beasts, 
 that they spoil not the fruits of the earth, nor 
 destroy the sheep, and even keep a man safe 
 in a wilderness. Again ; the practice of hus- 
 bandry makes men strong and bold, enabling 
 them to defend their country ; for in open 
 countries the husbandmen are not without rob- 
 bers, who would invade their lands, and carry 
 off their crops, if they had not strength and 
 courage enough to resist them. What faculty 
 will sooner encourage a man to leap, to run, or 
 draw a bow, than husbandry 1 and what science 
 is there that brings a man more advantage for 
 his labour ? What science is more agreeable to 
 a studious man ? for he finds in it every thing 
 he can have occasion for. Where shall a 
 stranger be better received and entertained! 
 or where shall a man live more commodiously 
 in winter, than in the place where he may be 
 accommodated with firing enough and hot 
 baths 1 Where can we abide with greater 
 pleasure in summer, than near rivers, springs, 
 woods, groves, and fields, where gentle breezes 
 fan the air 7 Where may a man treat his guests 
 more agreeably or make more triumphant ban- 
 quets ] j What place do servants delight in 
 more ? Or what other place is more agreeable 
 to the wife ? Where do children covet more 
 to be 1 Or where are friends better received, 
 or better satisfied] There is no science, in 
 my mind, more delightful than this, if a man 
 has a convenient substance to put him to work ; 
 nor any business more profitable to a man, if 
 he has skill and industry. Again : the ground 
 may teach men justice, if they have discretion 
 enough to observe it ; for it rewards those very 
 liberally, who take care of it and assist it. But 
 if it should happen that a country, by means 
 of wars, should be obliged to He uncultivated ; 
 yet those who have been bred up to husbandry 
 are hardy and fit for soldiers, and may by that 
 means get their living; and oftentimes it is 
 more certain seeking a livelihood with weapons 
 of war, in time of war, than with instruments 
 of husbandry. 
 
 The science of husbandry also brings men 
 to good discipline, and prepares them to go to 
 war when there is occasion. For the ground 
 cannot be tilled without men ; and a good hus- 
 bandman will always provide the tiro strongest, 
 lustiest workmen he can get for that purpose, 
 and such especially as will readily obey his 
 commands, and are tractable in their business ; 
 55* 
 
 and this is much the same with the business of 
 a general when he is ordering his army : in 
 either case those are rewarded that behave 
 themselves well, or those are punished who arc 
 obstinate and neglect their duty. A good 
 husbandman must as often call upon his work- 
 men and encourage them, as a general or leader 
 of an army ought to encourage his soldiers ; 
 for bondmen should be no less encouraged and 
 fed with hopes by their masters than freemen ; 
 nay, rather more, that their inclinations may 
 bind them to their masters, and keep them 
 from running away. He was surely a wise man 
 who said, that husbandry was the mother and 
 nurse of all other sciences ; for if husbandry 
 flourish, all other sciences and faculties fare 
 the better ; but whenever the ground lies un- 
 cultivated, and brings no crop, all other scien- 
 ces are at a loss both by sea and land." 
 
 Crit. " Good Socrates, you reason well of 
 this matter ; but you are sensible there are 
 many unforeseen accidents that happen in hus- 
 bandry, which sometimes will destroy all our 
 hopes of profit, though a husbandman has 
 acted with the greatest skill and diligence; 
 sometimes hail, droughts, mildews, or continual 
 rains, spoil our crops, or vermin will even eat 
 up the seed in the ground ; and also sheep, 
 though they never have so good pasture, are 
 sometimes infected with distempers, which 
 destroy them." 
 
 Soc. " I thought, good Critobulus, that you 
 allowed the gods to have the direction of hus- 
 bandry, as well as the battle. We all know 
 that before our generals lead forth their armies, 
 they make vows, prayers, and offer sacrifices to 
 the gods, to bribe them in favour of their en- 
 terprise, and consult the oracles what is best to 
 do. And think you that, in the business of 
 husbandry, we ought not to implore the favour 
 of the gods as much as we do in the affair of 
 war ? Be assured, friend Critobulus, that all 
 virtuous men attend the temples with sacrifices, 
 prayers, and oblations for the welfare of all 
 their fruits, their oxen, their sheep, their horses, 
 an4 of every thing else that they possess." 
 V VI. Crit. I agree with you, good Socrates, 
 that in all our undertakings we ought, before we 
 set about them, to consult and implore the plea- 
 sure of the gods, as their power is superior to 
 all others, as well in war as in peace : but our 
 purpose is to consult about the well-ordering 
 of a house : therefore I desire you will resume 
 your discourse, and proceed to the purport of 
 
654 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 our design : for I confess you have already made 
 such an impression on me with regard to the 
 ordering of a house, and how a man ought to 
 live, that I long for your farther instructions." 
 
 Soc. Will it not then be proper to have a 
 respect to our foregoing arguments, and make 
 a recapitulation of those things that we have 
 agreed in, that in the progress of our discourse 
 we may know what has been settled between 
 us?" 
 
 Crit. " It will be a great pleasure ; for when 
 two men have lent money to one another, there 
 is nothing more agreeable to them both, than 
 to agree in their reckoning : so now in our dis- 
 course it will be no les& agreeable to know 
 what particulars we have settled betwixt us." 
 
 Soc. " We first agreed, that the ordering of 
 a house is the name of a science ; and that 
 to act for the increase and welfare of a house, 
 is that science. 
 
 " Secondly, we agreed, that by the word 
 house, we mean all a man's possessions, and 
 such goods as are useful to a man's life ; and 
 we found that every thing was profitable to a 
 man that he knew how to use with judgment : 
 wherefore we concluded it was impossible for 
 a man to learn all manner of sciences : and as 
 for the handicrafts, we thought proper to ex- 
 clude them, as many cities and commonwealths 
 do, because they seem to destroy bodily health ; 
 and this particularly where there is danger of 
 enemies invading the country, or where there 
 are wars ; for were we on that occasion to set 
 the handicraftmen on one side, and the hus- 
 bandmen on the other, and ask them Whether 
 they would rather go out against their enemies, 
 or give up their fields and defend the cities ; 
 those who had been used to the labour of the 
 field would rather go out to fight and deliver 
 their country, and the artificers would choose 
 rather to sit still in the way they had been 
 brought up, than put themselves into the least 
 danger : we, moreover, recommended husband- 
 ry as a good exercise, and a calling of that 
 profit that will bring its master every thing that 
 is necessary : besides, it is a business soon 
 learned, and extremely pleasant to them who 
 practise it ; it also makes the body robust and 
 strong, gives a bloom to the face, and qualifies 
 a man with a generosity of spirit to assist his 
 friends and his country ; besides this, we have 
 also joined in opinion, that the practice of 
 husbandry makes men hardy and courageous, 
 and able to defend their country ; because, by 
 
 the fields lying open and exposed to invaders, 
 they have frequent skirmishes, and therefore 
 know the better how to fight. It is for these 
 reasons that husbandry is esteemed the mother 
 of sciences and the most honourable in all 
 governments : it is healthful, and breeds good 
 men, and occasions generosity of spirit and 
 good will towards one's friends and country." 
 
 Crit. " You have fully persuaded me that 
 husbandry is a most pleasant and profitable oc- 
 cupation ; but I remember in your discpurse you 
 told me of some husbandmen who get plentiful 
 fortunes by their practice, and that there were 
 others who through mismanagement became 
 beggars by it : I desire you would clear up 
 these two things to me, that when I come to 
 practise this science, I may follow that way 
 which will be the most advantageous, and avoid 
 the contrary." 
 
 Soc. " But suppose I should first tell you, 
 good Critobulus, of a discourse I once had 
 with a man who might truly be called good 
 and honest ; for it will assist in what you de- 
 sire." 
 
 Crit. " I shall be glad to hear that discourse, 
 which may inform me how to gain the worthy 
 name of a truly good and honest man." 
 
 Soc. " That which first led me to consider 
 the value of one man more than of another, was 
 by finding among the artificers, such as build- 
 ers, painters, and statuaries, those were always 
 esteemed the best and most worthy whose 
 works were the most perfect ; so that it was 
 their works that gained them the applause of 
 the people. I had likewise heard that there 
 were those among the people, who had so be- 
 haved themselves, that they were esteemed 
 good and honest men : these men, above all 
 others, I coveted to converse with, that I might 
 learn how they gained that character ; and be- 
 cause I observed that good and honest were 
 companions in their character, I saluted the 
 first man I met that had a goodly presence, ex- 
 pecting to find the character of good and hon- 
 est in the most comely personage, rather than 
 any other : but I soon found I was far from 
 my aim, and began to recollect myself that 
 there are many fair faces, and personages of 
 graceful appearance, that possess the most 
 sordid dispositions, and ungenerous souls ; so 
 that now I. was sensible the good and honest 
 man was not to be known by the external 
 appearance, but that the surest way to find 
 what I sought for, was to search for one of 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 655 
 
 those that bore the character. In the course 
 of my inquiries I was recommended to one 
 whose name is Ischomachus, a man esteem- 
 ed by both the sexes, citizens and stran- 
 gers, as truly worthy the character I sought 
 for ; and I soon made it my business to find 
 him out. 
 
 I/ VII. " When I first saw him I found him 
 sitting in a portico of one of the temples alone ; 
 and as I concluded he was then at leisure, I 
 placed myself by him, and addressed myself 
 to him in the following manner : 
 
 " Good Ischomachus, I much wonder to see 
 you thus unemployed, whose industry leads 
 you ever to be stirring for the good of some 
 one or other." "Nor should you now have 
 found me here, good Socrates," said Ischo- 
 machus, " if I had not appointed some strangers 
 to meet me at this place." " And if you had 
 not been here," said Socrates, where would 
 you have been 1 or, I pray you, how would 
 you have employed yourself? for I wish to 
 learn what it is that you do to gain the charac- 
 ter from all people of a good and honest man : 
 the good complexion of your features seems to 
 denote, that you do not always confine your- 
 self to home." At this, Ischomachus, smiling, 
 seemed to express a satisfaction in what I had 
 said, and replied ; " I know not that people 
 give me the character of a good and honest 
 man, for when I am obliged to pay money 
 either for taxes, subsidies, or on other occa- 
 sions, the people call me plainly Ischomachus : 
 and for what you say concerning my not being 
 much at home, you conjecture right, for my 
 wife is capable of ordering such things as be- 
 long to the house." But pray tell me," said 
 Socrates, " did you instruct your wife how to 
 manage your house, or was it her father and 
 mother that gave her sufficient instructions to 
 order a house before she came to you ?" 
 My wife," answered Ischomachus, " was but 
 fifteen years old when I married her; and till 
 then she had been so negligently brought up, 
 that she hardly knew any thing of worldly 
 affairs." " I suppose," said Socrates, she 
 could spin, and card, or set her servants to 
 work." " As for such things, good Socrates," 
 replied Ischomachus, " she had her share of 
 knowledge." " And did you teach her all the 
 rest," said Socrates, which relates to the 
 management of a house ?" " I did," replied 
 Ischomachus, " but not before I had implored 
 the assistance of the gods, to show me what 
 
 instructions were necessary for her; and that 
 she might have a heart to learn and practise 
 those instructions to the advantage and profit 
 of us both." "But, good Ischomachus, tell 
 me," said Socrates, " did your wife join with 
 you in your petition to the gods?" "Yes," 
 replied Ischomachus, " and I looked upon that 
 to be no bad omen of her disposition to receive 
 such instructions as I should give her." " I 
 pray you, good Ischomachus, tell me," said 
 Socrates, " what was the first thing you began 
 to show her 1 for to hear that, will be a greater 
 pleasure to me, than if you were to describe 
 the most triumphant feast that had ever been 
 celebrated." " To begin then, good Socrates, 
 when we were well enough acquainted, and 
 were so familiar that we began to converse 
 freely with one another, I asked her for what 
 reason she thought I had taken her to be my 
 wife, that it was not purely to make her 'a 
 partner of my bed, for that she knew I had 
 women enough already at my command ; but 
 the reason why her father and mother had con- 
 sented she should be mine, was because we 
 concluded her a proper person to be a part- 
 ner in my house and children : for this end 
 I informed her it was, that I chose her before 
 all other women ; and with the same regard 
 her father and mother chose me for a hus- 
 band : and if we should be so much favoured 
 by the gods that she should bring me children, 
 it would be our business jointly to consult 
 about their education, and how to bring them 
 up in the virtues becoming mankind ; for then 
 we may expect them to be profitable to us, to 
 defend us, and comfort us in our old age. 1 
 further added, that our house was now common 
 to us both, as well as our estates ; for all that 
 I had I delivered into her care, and the same 
 she did likewise on her part to me ; and like- 
 wise that all these goods were to be employed 
 to the advantage of us both, without upbraiding 
 one or the other, which of the two had brought 
 the greatest fortune ; but let our study be, who 
 shall contribute most to the improvement of 
 the fortunes we have brought together ; and 
 accordingly wear the honour they may gain by 
 their good management. 
 
 " To this, good Socrates, my wife replied, 
 ' How can I help you in this 1 or wherein can 
 the little power I have do you any good 1 for 
 my mother told me, both my fortune, as well 
 as yours, was wholly at your command, and 
 that it must be my chief care to live virtuously 
 
656 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 and soberly.' ' This is true, good wife,' an- 
 swered Ischomachus, ' but it is the part of a 
 sober husband and virtuous wife to join in their 
 care, not only to preserve the fortune they are 
 possessed of, but to contribute equally to im- 
 prove it.' ' And what do you see in me,' 
 said the wife of Ischomachus, ' that you be- 
 lieve me capable of assisting in the improve- 
 ment of your fortune V < Use your endeavour, 
 good wife,' said Ischomachus, < to do those 
 things which are acceptable to the gods, and 
 are appointed by the law for you to do.' 
 'And what things are those, dear husband?' 
 said the wife of Ischomachus. 'They are 
 things,' replied he, ' which are of no small 
 concern, unless you think that the bee which 
 remains always in the hive, is unemployed : it 
 is her part to oversee the bees that work in the 
 hive, while the others are abroad to gather wax 
 and honey ; and it is, in my opinion, a great- 
 favour of the gods to give us such lively ex- 
 amples, by such little creatures, of our duty to 
 assist one another in the good ordering of 
 things ; for, by the example of the bees, a 
 husband and wife may see the necessity of be- 
 ing concerned together towards the promoting 
 and advancing of their stock : and this union 
 between the man and woman is no less neces- 
 sary to prevent the decay and loss of mankind, 
 by producing children which may help to com- 
 fort and nourish their parents in their old age. 
 It is ordained also for some creatures to live in 
 houses, while it is as necessary for others to 
 be abroad in the fields : wherefore it is con- 
 venient for those who have houses and would 
 furnish them with necessary provisions, to pro- 
 vide men to work in their fields, either for 
 tilling the ground, sowing of grain, planting of 
 trees, or grazing of cattle ; nor is it less neces- 
 sary, when the harvest is brought in, to take 
 care in the laying our corn and fruits up pro- 
 perly, and disposing of them discreetly. Little 
 children must be brought up in the house, 
 bread must be made in the house, and all kinds 
 of meats must be dressed in the house ; like- 
 wise spinning, carding and weaving, are all 
 works to be done within doors ; so that both 
 the things abroad, and those within the house, 
 require the utmost care and diligence ; and it 
 appears plainly, by many natural instances, that 
 the woman was born to look after such things 
 as are to be done within the house : for a man 
 naturally is strong of body, and capable of en- 
 during the fatigue of heat and cold, of travel- 
 
 ling and undergoing the harsher exercise ; so 
 that it seems as if nature had appointed him to 
 look after the affairs without doors : the woman 
 being also to nurse and bring up children, she 
 is naturally of a more soft and tender nature 
 than the man ; and it seems likewise that na 
 ture has given the woman a greater share of 
 jealousy and fear than to the man, that she 
 may be more careful and watchful over those 
 things which are intrusted to her care ; and 
 it seems likely, that the man is naturally made 
 more hardy and bold than the woman, because 
 his business is abroad in all seasons, and that 
 he may defend himself against all assaults and 
 accidents. But because both the man and the 
 woman are to be together for both their advan- 
 tages, the man to gather his substance from 
 abroad, and the woman to manage and improve 
 it at home, they are indifferently endowed with 
 memory and diligence. It is natural also to 
 both to refrain from such things as may do 
 them harm, and likewise they are naturally 
 given to improve in every thing they study, by 
 practice and experience ; but as they are not 
 equally perfect in all things, they have the more 
 occasion of one another's assistance : for when 
 the man and woman are thus united, what the 
 one has occasion for is supplied by the other : 
 therefore, good wife, seeing this is what the 
 gods have ordained for us, let us endeavour, to 
 the utmost of our powers, to behave ourselves 
 in our several stations to the improvement of 
 our fortune : and the law, which brought us 
 together, exhorts us to the same purpose. (And 
 also, as it is natural, when we are thus settled,, 
 to expect children, the law exhorts us to live 
 together in unity, and. to be partakers of one 
 another's benefits : so nature, and the law 
 which is directed by it, ordains that each seve- 
 rally should regard the business that is ap- 
 pointed for them. From whence it appears, 
 that it is more convenient for a woman to be 
 at home and mind her domestic affairs, than to 
 gad abroad ; and it is as shameful for a man to 
 be at home idling, when his business requires 
 him to be abroad ; \if any man acts in a dif- 
 ferent capacity frolh that he is born to, he 
 breaks through the decrees of nature, and will 
 certainly meet his punishment, either because 
 he neglects the business which is appointed for 
 him, or because he invades the property of 
 another. ^ I think that the mistress bee is an 
 excellent example for the wife.' ' And what 
 is* the business of the mistress bee,' said tho 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 657 
 
 wife of Ischomachus, < that I may follow the 
 example of that which you so much recommend 
 to me, for it seems you have not yet fully ex- 
 plained it 1 v< The mistress bee,' replied Ischo- 
 machus, ' keeps always in the hive, taking care 
 that all the bees, which are in the hive with her, 
 are duly employed in their several occupations ; 
 and those whose business lies abroad, she sends 
 out to their several works. These bees, when 
 they bring home their burthen, she receives, 
 and appoints them to lay up their harvest, till 
 there is occasion to use it, and in a proper sea- 
 son dispenses it among those of her colony, ac- 
 cording to their several offices. The bees who 
 stay at home, she employs in disposing and or- 
 dering the combs, with a neatness and regular- 
 ity becoming the nicest observation and great- 
 est prudence. She takes care likewise of the 
 young bees, that they are well nourished, and 
 educated to the business that belongs to them ; 
 and when they are come to such perfection 
 that they are able to go abroad and work for 
 their living, she sends them forth under the 
 direction of a proper leader.' And is this my 
 business, dear Ischomachus ?' said his wife. 
 'This example, good wife,' replied Ischo- 
 machus, < is what I give you as a lesson worthy 
 your pidctice : your case requires your presence 
 at home, to send abroad the servants whose 
 business lies abroad, and to direct those whose 
 business is in the house. You must receive 
 the goods that are brought into the house, and 
 distribute such a part of them as you think ne- 
 cessary for the use of the family, and see that 
 the rest be laid up till there be occasion for it ; 
 and especially avoid the extravagance of using 
 that in a month which is appointed for twelve 
 months' service. When the wool is brought 
 home, observe that it be carded and spun for 
 weaving into cloth : and particularly take care 
 that the corn, which is brought in, be not laid 
 up in such a manner that it grow musty and un- 
 fit for use. But, above all, that which will 
 gain you the greatest love and affection from 
 your servants, is to help them when they are 
 visited with sickness, and that to the utmost of 
 .your povver.'^ Upon which his wife readily 
 answered, < That is surely an act of charity, 
 and becoming every mistress of good nature ; 
 for, I suppose, we cannot oblige people more 
 than to help them when they are sick: this 
 will surely engage the love of our servants to 
 as, and make them doubly diligent upon every 
 ccasion.'--This answer, Socrates," said Is- 
 
 ccasion. J 
 
 "' 
 
 comachus, " was to me an argument of a good 
 and honest wife ; and I replied to her, ' That 
 by reason of the good care and tenderness of 
 the mistress bee, all the rest of the hive are so 
 affectionate to her, that whenever she is dis- 
 posed to go abroad, the whole colony belonging 
 to her, accompany, and attend upon her.' To 
 this the wife replied : Dear Ischomachus, tell 
 me sincerely, is not the business of the mis- 
 tress bee, you tell me of, rather what you ought 
 to do, than myself; or have you not a share in 
 it ? For my keeping at home and directing 
 my servants, will be of little account, unless 
 you send home such provisions as are neces- 
 sary to employ us.' < And my providence,' 
 answered Ischomachus, would be of little use 
 unless there is one at home who is ready to re- 
 ceive and take care of those goods that I send 
 in. Have you not observed,' said Ischomachus, 
 ' what pity people show to those who are pu- 
 nished by pouring water into sieves till they are 
 full ? The occasion of pity is, because those 
 people labour in vain.' ' I esteem these peo- 
 ple,' said the wife of Ischomachus, to be truly 
 miserable, who have no benefit from their 
 labours,' ' Suppose, dear wife,' replied Ischo- 
 machus, < you take into your service one who 
 can neither card nor spin, and you teach her to 
 do those works, will it not be an honour to 
 you 1 Or if you take a servant which is neg- 
 ligent, or does not understand how to do her 
 business, or has been subject to pilfering, and 
 you make her diligent, and instruct her in the 
 manners of a good servant, and teach her 
 honesty, will not you rejoice in your success ? 
 and will you not be pleased with your action 1 
 So again, when you see your servants sober and 
 discreet, you should ejicourage them and show 
 them favour ; but as for those who are incor- 
 rigible and will not follow your directions, or 
 prove larcenaries, you must punish them. Con- 
 sider, how laudable it will be for you to excel 
 others in the well-ordering your house ; be 
 therefore diligent, virtuous, and modest, and 
 give your necessary attendance on me, your 
 children, and your house, and your name shall 
 be honourably esteemed, even after your death ; 
 for it is not the beauty of your face and shape, 
 but your virtue and goodness, which will bring 
 you honour and esteem, which will last for 
 ever.' After this manner, good Socrates," 
 cried Ischomachus, " I first discoursed with my 
 wife concerning her duty and care of my 
 house." 
 
 4H 
 
THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 V VIII. " And did you perceive," said So- 
 crates, " that she improved by what you taught 
 her?" Yes," replied Ischoraachus, " she was 
 as extremely diligent to learn and practise what 
 was under her care, as one of her tender years 
 could be, who knew nothing of her duty before. 
 Once I saw her under a great concern, because 
 she could not readily find a parcel which I had 
 brought home; but when I perceived her 
 grieved, I bid her take no further thought about 
 it, for it was time enough to grieve when we 
 wanted a thing which we could not purchase, 
 but this was not our case ; and even though 
 what I asked for was then out of the way, it 
 was not her fault, because I had not yet ap- 
 pointed proper places or repositories for the 
 several things that belonged to the house ; but 
 that I would take care to do it, that she might 
 put every thing in proper order, allotting to 
 every particular thing its place, where it might 
 be found when there was occasion for it. 
 < There is nothing, dear wife,' said Ischoma- 
 chus, which is more commendable or profita- 
 ble to mankind, than to preserve good order in 
 every thing. 
 
 " ' In comedies and other plays, where many 
 people are required to act their parts, if the 
 actors should rashly do or say whatever their 
 fancy led them to, there must of necessity be 
 such confusion as would disgust the audience : 
 but, when every person has his part perfect, 
 and the scenes are regularly performed, it is 
 that order which makes the play agreeable and 
 pleasing to the beholders. 
 
 " < So likewise, good wife, an army, when it 
 is once in disorder, is under the greatest con- 
 fusion and consternation, if the enemy is at 
 hand ; for the enemy hag little to do to over- 
 come them ; their own hurry and confusion 
 will contribute more to their overthrow than 
 the attacks of the adversary. Here you may 
 imagine waggons, footmen, horsemen, chariots, 
 elephants, and baggage, all intermixed and 
 crowded together : obstructing and hindering 
 one another. If one runs, he is stopped by 
 him that would stand the battle ; and he that 
 stands is jostled by every messenger that passes 
 him ; the chariots overrun the men of arms ; 
 and the elephants and horsemen, which in their 
 proper places would be useful, are intermixed 
 among the foot, trampling on them, and in a 
 great measure doing them as much mischief as 
 their enemies would do. And suppose, while 
 an army is in this confusion, they are attacked 
 
 by their enemy in good order, what can they 
 expect but destruction 1 But an army drawn 
 up in good order, how glorious a sight is it to 
 their friends, and how terrible to their enemies ! 
 How delightful it is to see the infantry drawn 
 up and exercising in good order, or marching 
 with so much exactness and regularity, that the 
 whole body moves like one man ! How agreea- 
 ble is this to their friends ! And to observe 
 an army drawn up in a line of battle, well-dis- 
 ciplined, and advancing in good order, have not 
 their enemies reason to fear them 1 Or what 
 makes a galley, well-furnished with men, so 
 terrible to the enemy, and so pleasant a sight 
 to their friends, but because of its swift passage 
 upon the waters 1 And what is the reason 
 that the men within it do not hinder one an- 
 other, but that they sit in order, make their 
 signs in order, lie down in order, rise up in 
 order, and handle their oars in order. 
 
 " As for confusion and disorder, I can com- 
 pare it to nothing better, than if a countryman 
 should put together in one heap, oats, wheat, 
 barley, and pease, and when he had occasion to 
 use any one of them, he must be obliged to 
 pick out that sort grain by grain. Wherefore, 
 good wife, by all means avoid confusion as 
 much as possible, and study good order in every 
 thing, for it will be both pleasant and profitable 
 to you. Every thing then, as you have occa- 
 sion for it, will be ready at hand to use as 
 you please, and what I may happen to ask for 
 will not be to seek ; let us therefore fix upon 
 some proper place where our stores may be laid 
 up, not only in security, but where they may be 
 so disposed, that we may presently know where 
 to look for every particular thing. And when 
 once we have done this in the best order we 
 can, then acquaint the steward of it, that when 
 any thing is wanted he may know where to find 
 it ; or when any thing is brought into the 
 house, he may at once judge of the proper 
 place to lay it in. By this means we shall 
 know what we gain and what we lose ; and, 
 in surveying our . storehouses, we shall be able 
 to judge what is necessary to be brought in, 
 and what may want repairing, or what will be 
 impaired by keeping. When we have visited 
 these a few times, we shall grow perfect in the 
 knowledge of all our goods, and readily find 
 what we seek for/ 
 
 "I remember, good Socrates," said Ischo- 
 machus, I once went aboard a Phoenician 
 ship, where I observed the best example of 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 659 
 
 good order that I ever met with : and, especi- 
 ally, it was surprising to observe the vast num- 
 ber of implements, which were necessary for 
 the management of such a small vessel. 
 
 " What numbers of oars, stretchers, ship- 
 hooks, and spikes, were there for bringing the 
 ship in and out of the harbour ! What num- 
 bers of shrowds, cables, halsers, ropes, and 
 other tackling, for the guiding of the ship ! 
 With how many engines of war was it armed 
 for its defence ! What variety and what num- 
 bers of arms, for the men to use in time of 
 battle ! What a vast quantity of provisions 
 were there for the sustenance and support of 
 the sailors ! x\nd, besides all these, the load- 
 ing of the ship was of great bulk, and so rich, 
 that the very freight of it would gain enough 
 to satisfy the captain and his people for their 
 voyage : and all these were stowed so neatly 
 together, that a far larger place would not have 
 contained them, if they had been removed. 
 Here, I took notice, the good order and dispo- 
 sition of every thing was so strictly observed, 
 that, notwithstanding the great variety of mate- 
 rials the ship contained, there was not any thing 
 on board which the sailors could not find in an 
 instant ; nor was the captain himself less ac- 
 quainted with these particulars than his sailors ; 
 he was as ready in them, as a man of learning 
 would be to know the letters that composed 
 the name Socrates, and how they stand in that 
 name. Nor did he only know the proper 
 places for every thing on board his ship ; but, 
 while he stood upon the deck, he was consider- 
 ing with himself what things might be wanting 
 in his voyage, what things wanted repair, and 
 what length of time his provisions and necessa- 
 ries would last : for, as he observed to me, it 
 is no proper time, when a storm comes upon 
 us, to have the necessary implements to seek, 
 or to be out of repair, or to want them on 
 board ; for the gods are never favourable to 
 those who are negligent or lazy ; and it is their 
 goodness that they do not destroy us when we 
 are diligent. When I had observed the good 
 order which was here practised, I informed my 
 wife of it ; at the same time admonishing her 
 to observe the great difficulty there must needs 
 be to keep up such a regular decorum on board 
 a ship, where there were such numerous varie- 
 ties of materials, and such little space to lay 
 them in : < But how much easier, good wife,' 
 said Ischomachus, < will it be for us, who have 
 large and convenient storehouses for every thing 
 w 
 
 to its degree, to keep a good decorum and 
 order, than for those people on board a ship, 
 who yet are bound to remember where, and 
 how every thing is distributed in the midst of 
 a storm at sea 1 But we have none of these 
 dangers to disturb and distract our thoughts 
 from the care of our business; therefore we 
 should deserve the- greatest shame, and be in- 
 excusable, if we were not diligent enough to 
 preserve as good order in our family as they do 
 on board their vessel. But we have already 
 said enough,' continued Ischomachus, 'con- 
 cerning the necessity and advantage of good 
 order; nor is it less agreeable to see every 
 thing belonging to the dress, or wearing apparel, 
 laid carefully up in the wardrobe ; the things 
 belonging to the kitchen, let them be there ; 
 and so those belonging to the dairy, likewise in 
 the dairy ; and, in a word, every thing which 
 regards any kind of office belonging to the 
 house, let it be neatly kept and laid up in its 
 proper office. And this is reputable both to 
 the master and mistress of the house ; and no 
 one will ridicule such good management, but 
 those who are laughed at for their own ill man- 
 agement. This, good wife,' said Ischomachus, 
 you may be sensible of at an easy rate, with 
 little trouble. Nor will it be difficult to find 
 out a steward, who will soon learn from you the 
 proper places or repositories for every thing 
 which belongs to the house; for in the city 
 there is a thousand times more variety of things 
 than ever we shall have occasion for ; and yet 
 if we want any thing, and send a servant to 
 buy it for us, he will readily go to the place 
 where it is to be had, from the good disposition 
 of things in the several shops which are prop- 
 er for them, and from the remembrance he 
 will have of observing them in such and such 
 places. There can be no other reason for this, 
 than the disposing every thing in the market or 
 city in its proper place, as all kinds of fowls at 
 the poulterers', all sorts of fish at the fish- 
 mongers', and the like of other things which 
 have places determined for them ; but if we go 
 about to seek a man who at the same time is 
 seeking us, how shall we find one another, 
 unless we have beforehand appointed a meet 
 ing place ? Then, as for setting our household 
 gk>ds in order, I spoke to her in the following 
 manner." 
 
 V IX. " But tell me, good Ischomachus," said 
 Socrates, " did your wife understand and prac- 
 tise what you taught her?" "She promised 
 
660 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 me," answered Ischomachus, both by words and 
 by her countenance, that she agreed to what I 
 said, and was delighted that method and good 
 order would take off so great a share of her 
 trouble ; she rejoiced to think she should be 
 delivered from the perplexed state she was in 
 before, and desired that I would not delay putting 
 my promise in practice as soon as possible, 
 that she might reap the fruits of it." " And 
 how did you proceed, good IschomachusT' 
 said Socrates. " I answered her," said Ischo- 
 machus, " in such a manner that she might 
 learn first what a house was properly designed 
 for ; that it was not ordained to be filled with 
 curious paintings or carvings, or such unneces- 
 sary decorations ; but that the house should be 
 built with due consideration, and for the con- 
 veniency of the inhabitants ; and as a proper 
 repository for those necessaries which properly 
 belong to a family, and, in some measure, di- 
 rects us to* the proper places wherein every 
 particular ought to be placed : the most private 
 and strongest room in the house seems to de- 
 mand the money, jewels, and those other things 
 that are rich and valuable ; the dry places ex- 
 pect the corn ; the cooler parts are the most 
 convenient for the wine ; and the more light- 
 some and airy part of the house for such things 
 as require such a situation. I showed her like- 
 wise," continued Ischomachus, " which were 
 the most convenient places for parlours and 
 dining-rooms, that they might be cool in sum- 
 mer and warm in winter ; and also, that as the 
 front of the house stood to the south, it had 
 the advantage of the winter's sun ; and in the 
 summer it rejoiced more in the shade, than it 
 could do in any other situation. Then," said 
 Ischomachus, " I appointed the bed-chambers, 
 and the nursery, and apartments for the women, 
 divided from the men's lodging, that no incon- 
 veniency might happen by their meeting with- 
 out our consent or approbation ; for those who 
 behave themselves well, and we allow to come 
 together to have children", they will love us the 
 better for it ; but those, who through subtilty 
 will endeavour to gain their ends with any of 
 the women without our consent, will be always 
 contriving and practising^ways to our disadvan- 
 tage, to compass or carry ofr their lewd designs. 
 When we were come thus far," proceeded Ischo- 
 machus, " we began to set our goods in order. 
 In the first place, we assorted all the materials 
 belonging to sacrifices : after that, my wife's 
 apparel was assigned to their proper places ; 
 
 her richest habits by themselves, and those 
 which were in more common use by them- 
 selves. Next to these, we appointed a ward- 
 robe for .the master's clothes : one part for his 
 armour and such accoutrements as he used in 
 war, and another for his wearing apparel, to be 
 used upon common occasions : after these, we 
 directed places for the instruments which be- 
 long to spinning, and for the bakehouse, the 
 kitchen, and the baths ; and took care, in the 
 appointment of all these things, to make a 
 division between those things which are most 
 commonly required to be in use, and such as 
 are only in use now and then : we likewise 
 separated those things which were for a month's 
 service from those which were to serve twelve 
 months ; for by this means we might know the 
 better how our stock is employed. When we 
 had done this, we instructed every servant re- 
 spectively where every thing belonging to his 
 office might be found, and directed them care- 
 fully to observe, that every implement under 
 their care should be put into the same place 
 where they took it from, when they had done 
 using it ; and as for such things as are but 
 seldom required to be used, either upon festi- 
 vals, or upon the reception of strangers ; those 
 we delivered into the care of a discreet woman, 
 whom we instructed in her province ; and when 
 we had made an account with her of the goods 
 delivered into her care, and taken it in writing, 
 we directed her to deliver them out to those 
 under her, as she saw proper occasions, and be 
 careful to remember who were the persons to 
 which she delivered every particular ; and that 
 upon receiving again the things which she had 
 delivered out, they should be every one laid up 
 in their proper place. In the next place, we 
 chose a discreet, sober, and judicious woman 
 to be our storekeeper, or housekeeper, one who 
 had a good memory, and was diligent enough, 
 to avoid faults, studying our pleasure and satis- 
 faction in all her business, and endeavouring to 
 gain our esteem, which we always signified by 
 presents, by which means we gained her love 
 and friendship for us ; so that, whenever we had 
 occasion to rejoice, we made her partaker of 
 our mirth ; or if any accident happened which 
 brought sorrow with it, we made her acquainted 
 with that likewise, and consulted her in it : 
 this made her bend her mind to the advance- 
 ment of our fortunes. We instructed her to 
 show more esteem for those servants in the 
 house whom she jfound were deserving of 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 661 
 
 favour, than the others who neglected their 
 duty ; for we took care to observe to her, that 
 those who did well were worthy reward in the 
 world ; while those who were deceitful and 
 evil-minded, were rejected of the people. And 
 then, good Socrates," said Ischomachus, I 
 let my wife know that all this would be of 
 little effect, unless she was careful to observe 
 that every thing was preserved in the good or- 
 der we had placed it : for in cities, and in other 
 governments that are well ordered, -it is not 
 enough to make good laws for their conduct, 
 unless there are proper officers appointed to see 
 them put in execution, either to reward those 
 who deserve well, or punish the malefactors. 
 This, dear wife, I chiefly recommend to you,' 
 continued Ischomachus, < that you may look 
 upon yourself as the principal overseer of the 
 laws within our house.' And I inf9rmed her 
 also, that it was within her jurisdiction to over- 
 look, at her own pleasure, every thing belong- 
 ing to the house, as a governor of a garrison 
 inspects into the condition of his soldiers, or 
 as the Senate of Athens review the men of 
 arms, and the condition of their horses ; that 
 she had as great power as a queen in her own 
 house, to distribute rewards to the virtuous and 
 diligent, and punish those servants who deserved 
 it. But I further desired her, not to be dis- 
 pleased, if I intrusted her with more things, 
 and more business, than I had done any of our 
 servants ; telling her at the same time, that 
 such as were covenant-servants have no more 
 goods under their care and trust, than are de- 
 livered to them for the use of the family ; and 
 none of those goods may be employed to their 
 own use, without the master's or mistress's 
 consent : for whoever is master or mistress of 
 the house, has the rule of all that is within it, 
 arid has the power of using any thing at their 
 pleasure ; so that those who have the most 
 profit by goods, have the most loss by them, if 
 they perish or are destroyed. So it is there- 
 fore the interest of them that have possessions, 
 to be diligent in the preservation of them." 
 Then," said Socrates, " tell me, good Ischo- 
 machus, how did your wife receive this lesson ?" 
 " My wife," replied Ischomachus, received 
 it like a woman ready to learn and practise 
 what might be for the honour and welfare of 
 us both, and seemed to rejoice at the instruc- 
 tions I gave her." 'It would have been a 
 great grief to me,' said she, ' if, instead of those j 
 good rules you instruct me in, for the welfare i 
 56 ! 
 
 of our house, you had directed me to have no 
 regard to the possessions I am endowed with; 
 for as it is natural for a good woman to be 
 careful and diligent about her own children, 
 rather than have a disregard for them ; so it is 
 no less agreeable and pleasant to a woman, 
 who has any share of sense, to look after the 
 affairs of her family, rather than neglect them.'* 
 yX. When I heard," continued Socrates, 
 " the answer which the wife of Ischomachus 
 gave him, I could not help admiring her wis- 
 dom." " But I shall tell you yet much more 
 of her good understanding," said Ischomachus : 
 " there was not one thing I recommended to her, 
 but she was as ready to practise it, as I was 
 willing she should go about it." " Go on, I 
 pray you, good Ischomachus," said Socrates, 
 for it is far more delightful to hear the vir- 
 tues of a good woman described, than if the 
 famous painter Zeuxis was to show me the 
 portrait of the fairest woman in tip world." 
 " Then," continued Ischomachus, I remem- 
 ber, on a particular day, she had painted her 
 face with a certain cosmetic, attempting to 
 make her skin look fairer than it was; and 
 with another mixture had endeavoured to in- 
 crease the natural bloom of her cheeks ; and 
 also had put on higher shoes than ordinary, to 
 make her look taller than she naturally was. 
 When I perceived this," said Ischomachus, I 
 saluted her in the following manner : < Tell 
 me, good wife, which would make me the 
 most acceptable in your eyes, to deal sincerely 
 by you, in delivering into your possession those 
 things which are really my own, without making 
 more of my estate than it is ; or for me to de- 
 ceive you, by producing a thousand falsities 
 which have nothing in them : giving you chains 
 of brass, instead of gold, false jewels, false 
 money, and false purple, instead of that which 
 is true and genuine 1' To which she presently 
 replied : May the gods forbid that you should 
 be such a man ! for, should you harbour such 
 deceit in your heart, I should never love you.' 
 I tell you then, dear wife,' replied Ischo- 
 machus, 'we are come together to love one 
 another, and to delight in each other's per- 
 fections : do you think I should be the more 
 agreeable to you in my person, or should you 
 love me the better, if I was to put a false lustre 
 upon myself, that I might appear better com- 
 plexioned, more fair in body, or more man- 
 ly than what nature has made me ; or that 1 
 should paint and anoint my face, when you 
 
662 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 receive me to your arms, and give you this 
 deceit instead of my natural person 1' ' Sure- 
 ly, dear Ischomachus,' replied hjs wife, your 
 own person, in its natural perfections, is 
 preferable to all the paints and ointments 
 you can use to set it off; nor can all the 
 art you might use be comparable to your na- 
 tural appearance.' < Believe then, good wife,' 
 said Ischomachus, < that I have the same ab- 
 horrence of false lustre that you have : can 
 there be any thing more complete in nature 
 than yourself? or would there be any thing less 
 engaging to me than that you should use any 
 means to hide or destroy those perfections in 
 you which I so much admire 1 The God of 
 nature has appointed beauties in all creatures, 
 as well in the field as among the human race ; 
 the magnificence of the male to be admired by 
 the female, and the tender and curious texture 
 of the female to be admired by the male. It 
 is natural %r the creatures in the field to dis- 
 tinguish one another by the purity of their 
 beauties ; there is no deceit, there is no cor- 
 ruption : so the men always admire that body 
 which is most pure, or the least deformed by 
 art. Such wiles and deceits may, perhaps, 
 deceive strangers, because they will not have 
 opportunities of discovering and laughing at 
 them ; but if such things should be practised 
 between those who are daily conversant with 
 one another, how soon will the imposition be 
 discovered ! how soon will they be ridiculed ! 
 For these deceits appear at the rising out of 
 bed, and from that time till the persons have 
 had opportunity of renewing them ; as well as 
 when they sweat, when they shed tears, when 
 they wash, and when they bathe themselves.' 
 
 "What answer, good Ischomachus," said 
 Socrates, did your wife give you to this lec- 
 ture ?" The best that could be," replied 
 Ischomachus, for she has never since at- 
 tempted any of these false glosses, but has 
 constantly appeared in her natural beauties, 
 and repeated her solicitations to me to instruct 
 her, if there was any natural means of assist- 
 ing them. I then directed her that she should 
 not sit too much, but exercise herself about 
 the house as a mistress, to examine how her 
 several works went forward ; sometimes to go 
 among the spinners or weavers, to see that 
 they did their duty, and to instruct those who 
 were ignorant, and encourage the most deserv- 
 ing ampng them; sometimes to look into the 
 bake-house, to see the neatness and order of 
 
 the woman that looks after it ; and sometimes 
 visit her housekeeper, to account with her for 
 the yarn, or other commodities, that are 
 brought into her charge : and now and then 
 to take a turn about her house, to see that 
 every thing is disposed in its proper place. 
 This method, I suppose," said Ischomachus, 
 " would be a means of giving her a healthful 
 exercise, and at the same time of leading her 
 to that business which would be for her ad- 
 vantage, in benefiting our fortune. I also 
 told her, the exercise of bolting, baking, and 
 looking after the furniture of^her house, to 
 brush it and keep it clean, when she wanted 
 something to do, would be commendable, and 
 help to employ her ; for I recommended ex- 
 ercise to her as a great benefit : < for exercise,' 
 said Ischomachus, < will create you an appetite 
 to your meat, and by that means you will be 
 more healthful, and add, if possible, to the 
 bloom of your beauty : and also the clean ap- 
 pearance of the mistress among the servants, 
 and her readiness to set her hand to work, will 
 encourage them to follow her example : for a 
 good example does more than all the compul- 
 sion that can be used. Those who study no- 
 thing but their dress, may indeed be esteemed 
 by those who understand nothing else ; but 
 the outside appearance is deceitful. And now, 
 gbod Socrates, I have a wife who lives up to 
 Vie rules given her." 
 
 $ XL " Then," said Socrates, good Ischoma- 
 chus, you have fully satisfied me concerning the 
 duty of a wife, as well as of your wife's good 
 behaviour, and your own management. I beg 
 now you will acquaint me, good Ischomachus," 
 continued Socrates, what method it is that 
 you have taken on your part towards the 
 management of your fortune, and especially 
 what it is that has gained you the character of 
 a good and honest man ; that when I have 
 heard what you have done, I may give my 
 thanks according to your deserts." " I shall 
 be glad," replied Ischomachus, " to satisfy you 
 in any thing within my power, provided you 
 will correct my errors, if I am guilty of any." 
 " But," answered Socrates, ".how can I cor- 
 rect you, when you are already possessed of 
 the character of a good and honest man f and 
 especially when I am the man who is taken 
 for the greatest trifler, and who employs him- 
 self in nothing but measuring the air ; or, 
 which is a far worse character, that I am a 
 poor man, which is a token of the greatest 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 663 
 
 folly 1 This, indeed, might have been a 
 trouble to me, if I had not met the other 
 day a horse belonging to Nicias, with a crowd 
 of people about him, admiring his good quali- 
 ties, and talking abundance in . praise of his 
 strength and spirit: this made me ask the 
 question of the master of the horse, Whether 
 his horse was very rich 1 but he stared upon 
 me, and laughed at me, as if I had been a mad- 
 man ; and only gave me this short answer ; 
 How should a horse have any money T When 
 I heard this, I went my way contented, that it 
 was lawful for a poor horse to be good, on the 
 account only of his free heart and generous 
 spirit ; and therefore, I conclude, it is likewise 
 possible for a poor man to be good : for which 
 reason, I beseech you, good Ischomachus, tell 
 me your manner of living, that I may endea- 
 vour to learn it, and model my life after your 
 example ; for that may well be called a good 
 day, when a man begins to grow good and 
 virtuous." Good Socrates, you seem to ban- 
 ter me," said Ischomachus : " however, I will 
 tell you, as well as I can, the whole method of 
 my living, which I design constantly to follow 
 till the day of my death. I perceived that 
 except a man knew well what was necessary to 
 be done, and diligently applied himself to put 
 his knowledge in practice, the gods would not 
 suffer him to prosper. And I also observed, 
 that those who act with wisdom and diligence, 
 the gods reward them with riches. There- 
 fore, first of all, I paid my adoration to the 
 gods, and implored their assistance in all that 
 I had tp do, that they would be pleased to give 
 me health, strength of body, honour in my 
 city, good will of my friends, safety in the day 
 of battle, and that I might return home with 
 an increase of riches and honour." When I 
 heard that," said Socrates, " I asked him, are 
 riches then so much worthy your esteem, good 
 Ischomachus ; seeing that the more riches you 
 have, the more care and trouble you have to 
 order and preserve them 1" Then Ischoma- 
 chus replied : " I have no small care to pro- 
 vide me with riches, for I have great pleasure 
 in serving the gods honourably with rich sacri- 
 fices ; and also to serve my friends, if they 
 happen to want ; and likewise to help the city 
 in time of danger or distress." " Truly, what 
 you say, good Isphomachus," said Socrates, is 
 honourable, and becoming a man of power and 
 substance." To which Ischomachus answered : 
 These are my reasons, good Socrates, why I 
 
 think riches worth my labour ; for there are 
 some degrees of men who cannot subsist with- 
 out the help of others ; and there are also 
 some who think themselves rich enough, if 
 they can get what is barely necessary for their 
 support. But those who order their houses 
 and estates with such discretion and good 
 judgment, that they advance their fortunes and 
 increase their riches; and by that means be- 
 come serviceable and honourable to the city, 
 and are capable of serving their friends ; why 
 should not such men be esteemed wise and 
 generous, and deserve power?" "You are in 
 the right," replied Socrates ; " there are many 
 of us that may well respect such men : but I 
 pray you, good Ischomachus, go on to relate 
 what method you take to support your health 
 and strength of body, and what means you use 
 to return home honourably from the war : and 
 as for the ordering and increasing of the estate, 
 we may hear that by and by." I think," said 
 Ischomachus, " these things are so chained to- 
 gether, that they cannot well be separated ; 
 for when a man has a sufficient store of meat 
 and drink, and uses a convenient share of ex- 
 ercise, his body must of necessity be healthful 
 and strong ; and such a body, when it is well 
 exercised in the affairs of war, is most likely 
 to return home from battle with honour. And 
 he who is diligent and industrious in his busi- 
 ness, must as surely improve his estate." 
 " Good Ischomachus," said Socrates, all that 
 you have yet said, I grant to be good, that he 
 who uses diligence and exercise will increase 
 his fortune. Put tell me, I beseech you, what 
 exercise do you take to maintain your good 
 complexion, and to get strength, and how do 
 you exercise yourself to be expert in war, and 
 what methods do you follow to increase your 
 estate, that enables you to help your friends, 
 and assist the city in honour and strength * 
 These things I desire to learn." " To tell 
 you freelyjjjood Socrates," said Ischomachus, 
 " I rise so early in the morning, that if I 
 n~aW*~any one to speak with in the city, I 
 am sure to find him at home ; or if I have 
 any other business to do in the city, I do it 
 in my morning's walk : but when I have no 
 matter of importance in the city, my page leads 
 my horse into the fields, and I walk thither, 
 for I esteem the walk into the free air of the 
 country to be more healthful 'than to Walk in 
 the galleries or piazzas of the city ; and when 
 I arrive at my ground where my workmen aro 
 
664 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 planting trees, tilling the ground, or sowing, 
 or carrying in of the fruits, I observe how 
 every thing is performed, and study whether 
 any of these works may be mended or im- 
 proved : and when I have diverted myself 
 enough at my villa, I mount my horse, and make 
 him perform the exercise of the academy, such 
 as is serviceable in war ; and then ride him 
 through all the difficult paths, waters, through 
 trenches, and over hedges, to make him ac- 
 quainted with those difficulties as much as 
 possible, without hurting him : and when 
 I have done this, my page takes my horse 
 and leads him trotting home, and takes along 
 with him to my house, such things out of 
 the country as are wanted, and walk home 
 myself: then I wash my hands, and go to 
 such a dinner as is prepared for me, eat- 
 ing moderately, and never to excess, or too 
 sparingly." j 
 
 " Good Ischomachus," said Socrates, " you 
 do your business very pleasantly ; and your 
 contrivance is excellent, in performing so many 
 good things at one time, as increase your 
 health, your strength, your exercise in war, 
 your study for the increase of your estate : 
 all these ^to be done under one exercise is a 
 great token of your wisdom ; and the good 
 effect of this exercise is apparent enough 
 to all that know that you are healthful and 
 strong, and every one allows you to be the 
 best horseman in this country, and one of the 
 richest men in the city." " Alas ! good So- 
 crates," answered Ischomachus ; " and yet, 
 though I believe this to be true, I cannot es- 
 cape detraction. You thought, perhaps, I was 
 going to say, that it was these things which 
 gave me the name of an honest and good man." 
 It was my thought," and Socrates ; but 
 I have a mind to ask you, how you guard 
 against detractors, and whether you speak in 
 your own cause, or in such causes as relate to 
 /our friends'?" "Do you believe," answered 
 ; schomachus, "that I do not sufficiently do 
 ny part against my detractors, if I defend myself 
 jy my good deeds, in doing no wrong, and act- 
 ing as much as I can for many men's good 1 or 
 do you not think I am in the right if I accuse 
 men who are mischievous, and do injustice in 
 private cases, and to the city V' " I pray you 
 explain yourself," said Socrates. I must tell 
 you," said Ischomachus, " I am always exer- 
 cising myself in rhetoric and eloquence, and 
 in the practice of justice ; for if I hear one of 
 
 my servants complain of another, or justify 
 lis own cause, I always endeavour to settle the 
 truth between them ; or if I discover any dis- 
 pute among my friends or acquaintance, I 
 endeavour to make it up, and recover their 
 friendship for one another, by showing them 
 he happiness and profit of friendship, and the 
 distraction and inquietude which attend those 
 who are at variance with one another. I praise 
 and defend those who are accused wrongfully, 
 or are oppressed without a cause ; and before 
 the lords of our government I accuse them 
 who are promoted unworthily ; I praise them 
 who set about their business with care and 
 deliberation, and bjame such who go rashly 
 about their work. But I am now brought to 
 this dilemma, whether I am to bear with 
 faults, or punish them." What is your 
 meaning in that," said Socrates, and who is 
 the person you mean ?" " It is my wife," 
 said Ischomachus. " In what manner .then 
 are your disputes 1" said Socrates. We have 
 very little occasion for that," replied Ischoma- 
 chus, as yet ; nor have we more words in our 
 disputes than, such a thing is not done so care- 
 fully as it might have been ; and that we may 
 learn by a false step how to guide ourselves 
 for the future : but if she should be unfortu- 
 nate enough to give her mind to lying and 
 deceit, there is no reforming her." To this 
 Socrates answered : V If she should at any 
 time tell you a lie, you\(ill hardly insist upon 
 tlfe truth of the matter. 
 
 \r XII. " But, perhaps, good Ischomachus, I 
 detain you from your business, and I would by 
 no means hinder a man of your capacity and 
 understanding from proceeding in your affairs." 
 " You are no hindrance to me," answered 
 Ischomachus, for J. am determined to stay 
 here till the court is up." "This gives me 
 another token of your justice," said Socra- 
 tes ; " it is an instance of your circumspec- 
 tion, and regard to maintain the noble cha- 
 racter the world has given you, of being a 
 good and honest man ; for, notwithstanding 
 the many employments you usually engage 
 yourself in, and the delightful method you take 
 in the exercise of them, yet because of your 
 promise to these strangers, to wait for them 
 in this place, you choose to neglect your 
 own business and pleasure, rather than prove 
 worse than your word." " As for the busi- 
 ness you speak of," said Ischomachus, "J^_ 
 have taken care that nothing shall be ne- 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 665 
 
 glected ; and my greatest pleasure is in being 
 punctual with those that I appoint; for in 
 my farm I fravejmy bailiff or steward of hus- 
 bandry, an/d deputies who take care of my 
 husiuss^-" Since we are fallen into this dis- 
 course, pray tell me, good Ischomachus," said 
 Socrates, " when you have occasion for a good 
 bailiff or steward for your country affairs, do 
 jou use the same method as if you wanted a 
 food builder, to inquire after one who is best 
 skilled in the science 1 or do you toach and in- 
 struct those you hire into your service, in the 
 business you want to employ them in ?" 
 " Good Socrates," answered Ischomachus, " I 
 endeavour to teach them myself; for he whom 
 I instruct in the management of my affairs, 
 when I am absent, will know the better how 
 to carry on my works agreeable to my liking ; 
 rather than if I was to employ one who already 
 had a pretence to knowledge of the business I 
 wanted him for : as I guess I have experience 
 enough to set men to work, and to direct them 
 how they shall go about their business, I there- 
 fore suppose I am able to teach a man what I 
 can do myself." " Then, surely, your bailiff 
 in husbandry," replied Socrates, "must be 
 always ready and willing to serve you ; for, 
 without he has a love for you, he will never 
 use the utmost of his diligence for the advance- 
 ment of your affairs, though he be never so ex- 
 pert in his business." "You say right," an- 
 swered Ischomachus: "but the first of my 
 endeavours is to gain his love and affection to 
 me and my family, by which means he has a 
 regard to my welfare." " And what method 
 do you take, good Ischomachus," said Socrates, 
 " to bring the man to love and respect you and 
 your family ? Is it by the benefit you do him, 
 by learning him a profitable business?" "I 
 do not suppose that," said Ischomachus; "but, 
 whenever the gods are favourable to me in the 
 advancement of my fortune, I always reward 
 my steward." " So I suppose," said Socrates, 
 " that you mean by this, that such people as 
 you assist with money or goods will bear you 
 the best service and respect." " Yes, certainly," 
 said Ischomachus, "for there are no instru- 
 ments in the world so engaging, or that will 
 prevail so much over mankind, as money or 
 profit." But is it sufficient for him to love 
 you?" replied Socrates; " for we have instan- 
 ces enough that men love themselves before all 
 others; and we have also some examples of 
 those who are lovers of themselves, and yet 
 56* 
 
 are so negligent of their own profit, that they 
 never reap those things they wish for." Ischo- 
 machus answered : " But, good Socrates, be- 
 fore I choose them among my servants that I 
 have brought to love me, to dignify with the 
 places of stewards or deputies, I teach them 
 the good consequence of diligence and industry." 
 " Is it possible you can do that?" said So- 
 crates ; " for, in my opinion, we can hardly 
 bring men to do another man's business as punc- 
 tually as he might do it himself." " That I 
 allow," said Ischomachus : " I mean, that we' 
 can never instruct a man to use the same dili- 
 gence for another that he would do for himself." 
 " But," replied Socrates, " who are those, 
 then, whom you think worthy of employment, 
 or of receiving your instructions ?" To this 
 Ischomachus answered : " Those, in the first 
 place, who cannot avoid drunkenness, are ex- 
 cluded from this care; for drunkenness drowns 
 the memory, and is the occasion of forgetful- 
 ness." " And is this the only vice," said So- 
 crates, which is the occasion of negligence?" 
 " No," replied Ischomachus, " for those who 
 indulge themselves in sleep, are incapable of 
 such employments." And are there any 
 more," said Socrates, " whose vices make them 
 unfit for your service?" "Yes," answered 
 Ischomachus ; " for I am persuaded those who 
 are addicted to the flesh, bend their minds so 
 much to that thought, that they neglect all 
 other business ; for their whole hope and study 
 is upon those they love : and if one was to 
 order them to business, it would be the great- 
 est punishment that could be inflicted on them ; 
 for there can be no greater pain laid upon 
 any creatures in nature, than to prevent them 
 from the object of their desires. For these 
 reasons, when I find people engaged in such 
 affairs, I set them aside, and never take the 
 pains to instruct them in the matters that 
 relate to my estate." " But what say you," 
 said Socrates, of those who have a provident 
 thought, and are saving on their own account ; 
 do you Relieve these would not be diligent in 
 the management of your estate?" "These," 
 replied Ischomachus, "I choose to employ 
 before all others ; for they are sooner brought 
 to be diligent than those who have contrary 
 sentiments ; and, besides, it is easy to show 
 them the profit of diligence ; and if such a man 
 happens to come in my way, I commend him 
 ! and reward him." " But how do you treat 
 those servants," said Socrates, " who are ready 
 41 
 
666 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 to obey you in all your commands, and are 
 diligent at your word, and have a moderate 
 share of good order in the management of 
 themselves 1" " These," said Ischomachus, 
 < I have a great regard for ; for I carefully re- 
 ward those who are diligent, and lay as many 
 hardships as I can upon those who are idle and 
 careless." But tell me, dear Ischomachus," 
 said Socrates, " is it possible to reform a man 
 who is naturally negligent 1" " No more," an- 
 swered Ischomachus, " than it would be for a 
 man who is ignorant in music, to teach and in- 
 struct another man in that science ; for it is 
 impossible to make a good scholar, if the mas- 
 ter does not know his business ; and, by the 
 same rule, no servant will be diligent when his 
 master sets him the example of neglect. I have 
 heard often enough, that bad masters made bad 
 servants; and I have often seen a small 
 reproof to a servant put him or her upon 
 their duty. However, the best way to make a 
 good servant, is for the master to set him a 
 good example of industry, and be t careful and 
 watchful to oversee and regard, that every one 
 about him is diligent in their respective office, 
 and reward those who are deserving, and pun- 
 ish the negligent. The king of Persia once 
 spoke much to the purpose in a case of this 
 nature. When he was riding upon a fine 
 horse, one of the company asked him what 
 made his horse so fat: his reply was, < The 
 eye of his master ;' and we have many beside, 
 good Socrates, who think that every thing 
 jwhatever is improved by the same regard of 
 ithe master." 
 
 'NJ XIII. "But, good Ischomachus," said So- 
 crates, " when you have trained up your stew- 
 ard to be diligent, and to observe your direc- 
 tions, do you esteem him thoroughly qualified to 
 be your steward or bailiff, or has he then any 
 thing else to be instructed in 1" Then," an- 
 swered Ischomachus, " there is yet more which 
 is necessary for him to understand ; for he 
 must learn the particulars of his business, to 
 know when and how he must dispose of every 
 thing; for, without the knowledge of these 
 particulars, a steward is an insignificant person ; 
 he is like a physician who has the care of a 
 patient, and is up early and late to attend him, 
 and at last knows nothing of his distemper." 
 But when he has learned all this, good Ischo- 
 machus," said Socrates, is he then perfectly 
 qualLled to be your steward, or director of your 
 farm?" There is still more required of 
 
 him," replied Ischomachus, for he must learn 
 to rule, as well as direct the workmen." And 
 is it possible," said Socrates, that you can 
 teach a man to govern, or know the great sci- 
 ence of command 1" I think," said Ischo- 
 machus, " there is ho difficulty in it; though, 
 perhaps, the reasons I may give for it are ridi- 
 culous." "An affair of this consequence," 
 said Socrates, " is no laughing matter ; for the 
 man who can instruct others how to govern, 
 must himself be a person of great wisdom, and 
 deserve the highest character ; for he, who can 
 teach men how to rule, may teach them how to 
 become masters : and he who can raise them 
 to that dignity, may teach them those princely 
 virtues, which will make them worthy the 
 command of kingdoms." Good Socrates," 
 answered Ischomachus, " let us look into 
 the fields among the beasts for an example of 
 the .facility of learning to govern. Those 
 creatures who are restiff and stubborn are beat- 
 en into obedience ; while, on the other hand, 
 those who obey our directions are treated hand- 
 somely, and rewarded. Colts, when they are 
 under the management of the breaker or jockey 
 are caressed when they take their lessons kind- 
 ly ; but when they are restiff or disobedient, 
 they receive the correction of the lash ; and by 
 these means they are brought to make good 
 horses. If we breed spaniels, we treat them 
 in the same manner, to learn them to hunt, to 
 take the water, to fetch and carry, and be 
 watchful ; but, as for men, we may persuade 
 them, and bring them to obedience, by setting 
 before them rewards and punishments, and 
 teaching them that it will be for their advantage 
 to obey ; but, as for bondmen, or those of the 
 lowest rank, they may be brought to obedience 
 another way ; provide well for their bellies and 
 they will do any thing ; while those, who have 
 noble spirits, are best encouraged by praise, for 
 praise is no less welcome to them, than meat 
 and drink is to those of the meaner sort. And 
 when I have instructed my steward to govern 
 by my example, I add this, as an instruction to 
 him, that in the bestowing of clothes or apparel 
 among my workmen, he should always give the 
 best to those among them who are most dili- 
 gent in their business ; for industrious men 
 ought always to have better dress, and have the 
 pre-eminence in all things, before the lazy and 
 negligent ; for I am of opinion there is nothing 
 more irksome to industrious servants, than to 
 see those who are negligent in their business 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 667 
 
 promoted or encouraged, while they themselves 
 are neglected and overlooked. It discourages 
 them from minding their business for the fu- 
 ture ; therefore I always take care to keep that 
 difference among my servants. And when I 
 observe that my bailiff shows the same regard 
 for those servants under his care, I praise him 
 for it ; but when I perceive he has preferred 
 any one unworthily, by means of flattery or 
 some such deceit, I never suffer his award to 
 pass, but blame him and reprimand him." 
 
 XIV. Then," said Socrates, tell me, good 
 Ischomachus, when you have thus taught your 
 steward to rule, and discipline the workmen 
 and servants under his care, is he then com- 
 pletely qualified for your service 1 or is there 
 any thing else that you are to instruct him in 1" 
 To this Ischomachus replied : " There is yet 
 a very material point, which concerns the busi- 
 ness and character of a good steward ; and that 
 is, ho < nesty ; for if after he has received all my 
 former instructions, he gives his mind to pilfer, 
 and clandestinely to make away with my goods, 
 his diligence in overseeing the management of 
 my lands will be but of little profit to me, or 
 it may be I may happen to be out of pocket 
 by his service, so that I had much better be 
 without the industry of such a man." " But, 
 good Ischomachus, I pray you tell me," said 
 Socrates, Are you capable of teaching men 
 justice and honesty 1" " Yes," replied Ischo- 
 machus ; " but I find that it is not every one I 
 teach or instruct in these, ways of truth and 
 equity, who follow my instructions : but, that 
 I may yet make my servants follow the rules 
 of justice which I teach them, I use those laws 
 of Draco and Solon, which say, that little pil- 
 ferers must be punished, but the great robbers 
 must be imprisoned and put to death. Whereby 
 it appears, that those who enrich themselves 
 by indirect methods, and amass to themselves 
 fortunes by thievish practices, those goods shall 
 not be profitable to them. And to these laws 
 I likewise add some of the Persian laws : for 
 those of Draco and Solon only inflict punish- 
 ments on those who do amiss ; but those of the 
 king of Persia do not only punish those who 
 do wrong, but reward those who do right. 
 There are some men, who out of covetousness 
 care not what they do, nor what indiscreet 
 means they take, so that they gather riches to- 
 gether ; seeing that others can amass great for- 
 tunes in an honest way ; believing that, so long 
 as riches may be got by honest men, every one 
 
 who is rich shall be accounted an honest man 
 but these have never any pleasure or good ad- 
 vantage in their ill-got goods ; or it is very 
 rarely that they preserve them : but those who 
 get their riches by industry and honesty, are 
 always prosperous, and have pleasure in what 
 they have got, especially because they have 
 wronged no man. If among my people I dis- 
 cover any such who have that covetous and de- 
 ceitful temper, and do not receive benefit by 
 my instructions, I discharge them out of my 
 service. And, on the other hand, those who 
 make honesty their rule and study, 'behave 
 themselves as true and faithful servants, with- 
 out having so much regard to profit, as honour 
 and pjajge^from me ; if they are bondmen, I 
 give them their liberty ; and do not only pro- 
 mote them and advance their fortunes, but 
 take every opportunity of recommending them 
 to the world as good and honest men ; for I 
 judge, that the man may be esteemed good and 
 honest, who upon the principle of virtue will 
 employ himself for his master's interest, and 
 will not scruple going through a little difficulty 
 for his master's service, when there is occasion, 
 without a design of making his advantage of 
 him by deceitful or indiscreet means. 
 yXV. Such a man, when I have once gained 
 his esteem and affection, by instructing him in 
 the science of making a good advantage of the 
 work he is employed in, and have sufficiently 
 instructed him to rule ; I am persuaded he 
 will transact every thing for his master's ad- 
 vantage, as well as if the master was continu- 
 ally to be present : and, with these qualifica- 
 tions, I think a man sufficiently capable of the 
 business of a steward, and worthy of being em- 
 ployed in that office." But, methinks," said 
 Socrates, the principal part of a steward's 
 business you have not yet explained." " What 
 is that, good Socrates?" said Ischomachus. 
 "I remember," said Socrates, "in your dis- 
 course, you said, that before all things a stew- 
 ard ought to know every particular of his 
 business, and how to order every thing for his 
 master's profit; for, without that, you observed 
 that diligence would be of little use." " Then, 
 I suppose, good Socrates," answered Ischo- 
 machus, " you would have me instruct you in 
 the science of husbandry ?" That is my 
 desire," said Socrates ; " for the science of 
 husbandry is extremely profitable to those who 
 understand it ; but it brings the greatest trouble 
 and misery upon those farmers who undertake 
 
668 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 it without knowledge."" I shall first of all, 
 good Socrates," said Ischomachus, "acquaint 
 you, that husbandry is an honourable science, 
 and the most pleasant and profitable of any 
 other : it is favoured by the gods, and beloved 
 by mankind, and may be learned with ease. 
 Husbandry, therefore, is becoming a gentle- 
 man ; for if we were to take a view of all 
 creatures upon earth, those only are esteemed, 
 and worthy our regard, which are docile enough 
 to become profitable to us; while the others, 
 which are wild and fierce in their nature, and 
 are not capable of becoming useful to us, are 
 rejected." " If I remember right," said Soc- 
 rates, " you have already instructed me, that a 
 steward or deputy should first love you, then 
 be diligent; in the next place, he should be 
 able to rule, and then be honest; but I am 
 impatient to hear how he must behave himself 
 in the practice of husbandry, with regard to 
 the works, when and how they are to be done ; 
 but hitherto you have not explained those 
 particulars, but passed them over as if you 
 imagined I knew as much of the affair as your- 
 self, or understood the business. For my part, 
 I am in the same state, with regard to hus- 
 bandry, that a man would be who does not un- 
 derstand letters, and you were to show him a 
 writing ; he will be never the better for seeing 
 that writing, unless he know the use of the 
 letters that composed it. So I imagine, that 
 it is not enough to be diligent in the science of 
 husbandry, but a man must understand every 
 particular of it. This I suppose you are a 
 master of, but you have not yet acquainted me 
 with the matter. Therefore, if I was now to 
 set about the business of husbandry, I should 
 be like a quack in physic, who went about 
 visiting of sick people, and neither knew their 
 distempers, nor what medicines were proper for 
 them. Therefore, good Ischomachus, I desire 
 you will lff?*me every particular point of 
 the husbandry you practise." Good Socra- 
 tes," replied Ischomachus, " the science of hus- 
 bandry is not like other sciences, which re 
 quire length of time to study them, or a grea 
 deal of labour to compass them before a man 
 can get his living by them ; for husbandry is 
 easily learned, by observing the workmen now 
 and then, and by consulting those who un- 
 derstand it. By these means you may in- 
 struct your friends in it. Again, we may 
 observe, that men of other sciences, which are 
 artificers, will always keep some secret of their 
 
 Business to themselves ; but the husbandmen 
 are open and free in their discoveries, that 
 every one may learn from them. The hus- 
 sandman, who has the greatest knowledge in 
 planting of trees, is proud of being observed, 
 or that any man takes notice of his excellence 
 n that art. And the sower is no less pleased 
 to have any one stop to look upon him. And 
 if you ask him about any thing which has been 
 well done in his way, he will be free enough 
 to inform you how it was done. And so, good 
 Socrates, we may see by this, that husbandry 
 teaches men good manners and good nature." 
 
 This," said Socrates, " is a good beginning : 
 and now you have come thus far, I cannot 
 leave you till you have given me every particu- 
 lar relating to husbandry ; and especially I insist 
 upon it, because you say it is a science so easy 
 to learn. You will therefore have the less 
 trouble to instruct me ; and it will be the 
 greater shame to me, if I do not learn it by 
 yopr instructions, particularly since it is so 
 profitable a science." 
 
 u XVI. " I am very willing to answer youi 
 desire," said Ischomachus, " and instruct you 
 in every point of husbandry. The principal 
 part, which men dispute about, is the soil. 
 On this account, all the philosophers, who 
 have busied themselves about it, have given us 
 more words than truth ; for they throw some 
 occult quality in the way, which leaves us as 
 we were before : and at the best tell us, that 
 he, who designs to be a husbandman, must 
 first know the nature of the soil." It is not 
 contrary to my opinion," said Socrates, that 
 one ought to know the quality of the soil ; for 
 those who do not know what the ground will 
 bring forth, how can they appoint either trees, 
 plants, or seeds for it, which are natural to its 
 intent, or are proper for it 1" " Dear Socrates," 
 said Ischomachus, this is easily discovered, 
 by observing the grounds of other people, where 
 you may see the diversities of plants growing 
 on them, and by a little observance that way, 
 you will learn what they will produce, and 
 what ar3 contrary to their nature ; and when a 
 man has once made his due observation of this, 
 he will see that it will be unprofitable to re- 
 sist nature or the will of Providence. Foi 
 when a man plants or sows those things 
 which he accounts necessary for his use, 
 and the soil does not delight in the nour- 
 ishment or production of them, or has not 
 
 a will to bring them forth, his expense and 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 669 
 
 trouble is to no purpose. But if he cannot 
 discover the nature of the grounds next about 
 him, which either through idleness, or any 
 other cause, have been mismanaged or neglect- 
 ed, let him consult other lands remoter from 
 him ; and if even they happen not to be culti- 
 vated, he may learn by the weeds that grow 
 upon them, what they will produce : for those 
 plants, which grow wild, show best the incli- 
 nation and disposition of the soil, so that 
 husbandmen may even learn their business by 
 observing what the ground will produce of it- 
 self." " Then," replied Socrates, I perceive 
 that a man need not abstain from husbandry 
 purely because he does not know how to de- 
 scribe the nature of a soil ; for, I remember, I 
 have seen fishermen who have employed them- 
 selves continually upon the sea, without inqui- 
 ring what the water is, or its principles, but pass 
 over it, and when they find any thing to their 
 advantage they take it, and leave the rest. The 
 same, I suppose, is the design of the husband- 
 men ; when they look upon soils, it is to ob- 
 serve what they bring forth, that is valuable, 
 and what they will not." " In what point of 
 husbandry would you have me begin," said 
 Ischomachus, dear Socrates, for you talk like 
 an adept in the science 1 Your reasoning is 
 good, and must proceed from understanding." 
 "All that I mean by my reasoning with 
 you," replied Socrates, " is to know how I shall 
 till the ground, so as to reap the most profita- 
 ble crops of corn, or other fruits, from it; for 
 it is becoming a philosopher to inquire into 
 those things which are pleasant and profitable." 
 "I suppose," said Ischomachus, " you already 
 understand that the stirring or breaking of the 
 ground, which one may call fallowing, is of 
 great advantage." " This," answered Socrates, 
 I believe." " And suppose we were to fal- 
 low or plough the ground in winter?" said 
 Ischomachus. " That I don't approve of," 
 said Socrates ; for the earth is then too wet, 
 in my opinion." And what do you think if 
 we were to turn it up in the summer?" said 
 Ischomachus. Then, I doubt," said Socrates, 
 " it would be too dry and hard for the plough." 
 " Then let us plough," said Ischomachus, 
 in the spring." " I think you are much in 
 the right," said Socrates, " for then the ground 
 is most free and ready to open itself to the 
 plough, and also is most ready to distribute its 
 virtue." " It is not only so," answered Ischo- 
 machus, " but then whatever weeds are upon 
 
 the ground, being turned into the earth, enrich 
 the soil as much as dung. And again, these' 
 plants are not grown to such a point of maturity 
 or perfection that their seeds are ripe, and there- 
 fore cannot fill the ground with weeds ; and 
 besides, I suppose you know that both the 
 fallowing and tilling of ground is always the 
 better as the ground has the fewer weeds in it ; 
 for, besides the hindrance the weeds may give 
 to corn, or other profitable herbs, they prevent 
 the ground from receiving the benefit of the 
 sun and free air." " This I agree to," said 
 Socrates. " Then," replied Ischomachus, do 
 not you think that often stirring the ground in 
 summer will be the best way for it to enrich 
 itself by the air and sun, as well as to destroy 
 the weeds ?" I am very sensible," said So- 
 crates, " that weeds will wither and dry quickly 
 in the summer ; and the ground can never re- 
 ceive more benefit from the sun, than if it is 
 stirred with the plough, or fallowed in the heat 
 of summer : and if a man dig his ground in 
 summer, he will have the same advantage in 
 destroying of weeds, which will then soon die ; 
 or else, by turning them in before they seed, 
 they will enrich the ground : and by the turning 
 up of the earth at that season, the sourness and 
 rawness of that, which is turned up, will be 
 corrected by the sun." 
 
 / XVII. So I find," said Ischomachus, that 
 we are both of one opinion concerning the 
 stirring and fallowing of the ground." " It 
 is true," said Socrates ; but, to proceed to 
 sowing, do you allow that the old opinion, 
 which is agreed to and followed by the present 
 operators in husbandry, concerning the season 
 of putting the seed into the ground, is agreea- 
 ble to reason, or are you of another opinion ?" 
 To this Ischomachus replied ; " When sum- 
 mer is once past, and September is upon us, all 
 men then wait the pleasure of the gods to send 
 rain to moisten the ground and prepare it for 
 the seed ; and, as soon as the rains fall, then 
 every one employs himself in sowing, as the 
 gods seem to direct." " Then," said Socrates, 
 it seems that all men in the world have deter- 
 mined, by one assent, that it is not convenient 
 to sow when the ground is dry ; and those who 
 act against this rule of nature are sufferers by 
 it, as if they had offended the gods, by practi- 
 sing against their laws. 
 
 " We agree likewise in this," said Ischoma- 
 chus." " Then," Socrates replied, " I perceive 
 that mankind consent to the order of nature, 
 
670 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 xvhich is the will of the gods ; as, for example, 
 every one thinks it convenient to wear furred 
 gowns and warm clothes in the winter, and 
 then also to make a good fire, if he can get 
 wood." u But there are many," said Ischoma- 
 chus, " who vary in their opinions concerning 
 the time of sowing; some will sow sooner, 
 others later." "There is good reason for 
 that," replied Socrates, "for the gods do not 
 always give us the same kind of weather one 
 year as another. Therefore it is sometimes 
 best to sow early, and at other times it is 
 better to sow late." I allow what you say," 
 said Ischomachus : " but whether is it best to 
 sow much seed, or little 1" I am of opinion," 
 answered Socrates, "that it is best to allow 
 seed enough, and distribute it truly and equally 
 upon the ground : but one may sow the seed 
 too thick, as well as employ too small a 
 quantity of it." " I agree with you," said 
 Ischomachus, in this point." " I imagine," 
 said Socrates, " there is a great art in sowing." 
 " It is surely so," replied Ischomachus ; " for 
 there are many sorts of grain, and all of 
 them must be cast upon the ground by a man's 
 hand." "I have seen that," said Socrates. 
 But some men," replied Ischomachus, " can 
 cast it even, and distribute it equally upon the 
 ground, and others cannot." Then I sup- 
 pose," said Socrates, that the skill in sowing 
 the seeds depends upon the frequent practice 
 and exercise of the hand ; as those who play 
 upon the harp, or other instruments of music, 
 must keep their hands continually in practice, 
 that their fingers may readily follow their 
 mind." "You reason well," said Ischoraa- 
 chus : " but suppose the ground is light and 
 open, or suppose it is stiff and heavy 1" 
 "What would you have me understand by 
 that?" said Socrates: "do you not take the 
 lighter ground to be the weakest, and the 
 heavy ground to be the strongest 1" " I am 
 of that opinion," said Ischomachus. "I would 
 then fain know of you," said Socrates, " whe- 
 ther you would allow the same quantity of 
 seed to one kind of ground as you would to 
 another, or whether you make any difference ?" 
 " You know, good Socrates," said Ischoma- 
 chus, that it is as natural to put the most 
 water to the strongest wines, and the stronger 
 a man is, the greater burden he may carry ; so 
 some men are nourished with a very spare 
 diet, while others require a greater share of 
 nourishment : the same ought to be considered 
 
 in our present case." Will not the ground," 
 said Socrates, grow more strong by the more 
 use, as horses and mules are thought to do 1" 
 " This I take as a jest," said Ischomachus : 
 < but what I think necessary to acquaint you 
 of, is, that you sow your grain when the 
 ground is moist, and has the best advantage of 
 the air ; and when the corn is come up, and is 
 high in the blade, if you then turn it into the 
 ground with a plough, it will greatly enrich the 
 land, and give it as much strength as a good 
 dunging would do ; and we must also remark, 
 that if we continue to sow for a long space 
 the same sort of grain upon any ground, but 
 upon that especially which is weak or over- 
 charged with seed, it will impoverish the 
 ground, and wear it out of heart. We may 
 compare this to a sow which suckles many pigs, 
 and sustains them till they grow large ; the 
 more pigs she suckles, the more will she be 
 weakened." " You intimate by this," said 
 Socrates, that one ought to sow the smaller 
 quantity .of grain upon the weakest soil." " It 
 is true," replied Ischomachus, and is what 
 we have partly agreed on before, that to over- 
 burden ground with seeds or corn, is the ready 
 way to weaken it."; "But for what reason, 
 good Ischomachus, do you make ditches or 
 thorows in the corn fields 1" You know 
 very well," replied Ischomachus, the winter 
 is subject to wet weather." < What mean you 
 by that 1 ?" said Socrates. "When the rains 
 fall in great quantity," replied Ischomachus, 
 " the wet is apt to do great damage to corn ; 
 for sometimes our corn fields are incommoded 
 with waters, and the corn, in some of its parts, 
 smothered with mud ; and besides, the roots of 
 the corn in other places will be washed bare ; 
 the waters also carry the seeds of weeds to the 
 lower parts of the ground, and by that means 
 fill the corn with weeds." I presume," said 
 Socrates, " what you say is agreeable to rea- 
 son." "And do you think," said Ischoma- 
 chus, " that corn which is subject to these 
 inconveniences ought not to be assisted 1" 
 " Undoubtedly," answered Socrates. " Then 
 what shall we do," said Ischomachus, " to pre- 
 vent the waters from covering the corn with 
 mud ?" " I find then," said Socrates, " it is 
 proper to ease the ground from wet to secure 
 the corn." But," said Ischomachus, " if the 
 roots of the corn should be laid bare, and the 
 earth about them worn away ?" " Then 1 
 suppose," continued he, the best way in 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 671 
 
 remedy that, is to find some means of cover- 
 ing the roots with earth, that they may be well 
 nourished." " But if the weeds, which may 
 come up by this management," replied Socra- 
 tes, should suck up, or destroy the nourish- 
 ment which the corn ought to receive, like the 
 drone-bees in a hive, who are of no value in 
 themselves, and yet live upon the industry of 
 the working bees, and destroy the provisions 
 which they have laid up to be manufactured 
 into wax and honey." " The weeds," replied 
 Socrates, " should then be plucked up, as the 
 drones in a hive are killed and discharged 
 from it." "Do you think then," said Ischo- 
 inachus, "that water-thorows, or trenches in 
 the ground to draw off the water, are not good 
 to save corn ?" " I see now the use of "simi- 
 les," said Socrates; for there is nothing can 
 instruct me so much as similes ; for by them 
 you^iave learned me to know the disadvantage 
 of ^eeds among corn, as well as instructed me 
 th4t drones are not always advantageous to 
 
 f 
 
 XVIII. " But now I desire of you, dear 
 Ischomachus, to tell me what is the business 
 of harvest ?" " This," replied Ischomachus, 
 " I shall be ready to do, if you are not already 
 as wise as myself. I suppose," continued he, 
 " you have heard that corn must be reaped ?" 
 " Certainly," said Socrates ; " but I am im- 
 patient till you proceed to inform me what are 
 your sentiments in the affair of reaping, or 
 getting in the harvest." Which do you 
 think, good Socrates, we ought to do ; to 
 stand to reap with the wind, or to reap against 
 it 1" " I suppose, " said Socrates, " it would 
 be improper to reap against the wind, for it 
 would increase the labour ; it would hurt the 
 eyes, and be likewise more difficult to the 
 hands ; for we sometimes meet with corn that 
 is laid or beat down by the wind." " And 
 then," replied Ischomachus, " how will you 
 cut itl will you cut the tops only 1 or cut it 
 close to the ground 1" If the straw is short," 
 replied Socrates, " I would cut it near the 
 ground, for the advantage of the straw ; but if 
 the straw is very long, then I would rather 
 cut it about the middle, for two reasons. In 
 the first place, because the corn will be sepa- 
 rated more easily from the straw: and in the 
 next place, the remaining straw, if it is burned, 
 will enrich the ground very much; or if it is 
 afterwards cut and mixed with dung, it will 
 increase it." " Good Socrates, your discourse," 
 
 said Ischomachus, shows me plainly, that you 
 understand reaping as well as I do." As 
 you agree with me," said Socrates, in what 
 I say concerning reaping, I suppose I am right 
 in my argument ; but let me now see if I un- 
 derstand how to separate the corn from the 
 straw." " You know, undoubtedly," said Is- 
 chomachus, " that horses do that work." I 
 am sensible," said Socrates, "that it is not 
 only horses that separate corn from the straw, 
 by treading upon it, but asses and oxen also 
 are used on the same occasion." " But how 
 do you think, good Socrates," said Ischoma- 
 chus, " that horses, or the other creatures you 
 speak of, can so equally tread the corn as to 
 get it all clear of the straw 1" * " The men 
 who have the care of this work," said Socrates, 
 " take care to stir the corn as they see occa- 
 sion, that it may be all equally separated from 
 the straw, flinging into the way of the cattle's 
 feet such corn as they observe to lie still in 
 the straw." I perceive," said Ischomachus, 
 " that you understand this part of husbandry 
 as well as myself." " In the next place," said 
 Socrates, " let us examine how we ought to 
 clean corn from the husk or chaff." I sup- 
 pose," said Ischomachus, " you know that if 
 you begin to winnow your corn on that side of 
 the winnowing place which is next the wind, 
 the chaff will be scattered all over the winnow- 
 ing floor 1" " It must certainly be so," said 
 Socrates. r And it must also fall upon the 
 corn," said Ischomachus. " This," said So- 
 crates, " is certain ; but it is the skill of a 
 good husbandman to winnow his corn in such 
 a manner that the chaff may fly from it, and be 
 carried to its proper place." " But when you 
 have cleaned the corn," said Ischomachus, " as 
 far as the middle of the winnowing place, will 
 you rather let it remain there, or carry the 
 clean corn to another place where you design 
 to lodge it ?" " When I have a sufficient quan- 
 tity of corn clean," said Socrates, I would set 
 that by ; lest in cleaning the rest, the corn I 
 have already cleaned, and lies scattered abroad 
 upon the floor, should partake of the chaff 
 from the com that is cleaning, and then I shall 
 be obliged to do my work twice over." '< I 
 find, good Socrates," said Ischomachus, " that 
 you are sufficiently skilled in the manage- 
 
 1 It was the method among the ancients, to have th 
 corn trodden out by cattle, for the flail is a modern in 
 vention. 
 
672 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 ment of corn, even to the cleaning of it, 
 for the markets; and I am of opinion, that 
 you are well able to instruct, rather than to 
 be instructed. In my discourse with you on 
 this branch of husbandry, I find that I have 
 yet some remembrance of the management of 
 corn. If there is no more in it than what we 
 have mentioned, I knew as much of it many 
 years ago. And now I recollect that once I 
 could play upon the harp, and the flute, could 
 paint, and carve, and knew many other scien- 
 ces, and yet I never had a master to teach me 
 any of these sciences, no more than I had one 
 to instruct me in this branch of husbandry: 
 but I have seen men work as well in the scien- 
 ces I speak of as in husbandry. You are 
 satisfied," said Ischomachus, " that husbandry 
 is a pleasant science, and that it is easy to 
 jearn." 
 
 \ I XIX. " I am persuaded," said Socrates, 
 * that I now understand, and have long since 
 known, the business of sowing and reaping of 
 corn. But I was not certain in my judgment, 
 till I had the opportunity of conversing with 
 you about it : but I desire you to tell me, 
 whether setting of trees is any part of husband- 
 ry 1" " Yes," replied Ischomachus. " Then," 
 said Socrates, though I know something rela- 
 ting to sowing and cleaning of corn, yet I doubt 
 I am ignorant in the business of planting of 
 trees." " I guess," said Ischomachus, you 
 have as much knowledge in the one as in the 
 other." " I must certainly be ignorant," said 
 Socrates, in the art of planting trees, because 
 I do not know what sort of earth a tree should 
 be planted in, nor what depth, nor of what size 
 the tree should be : nor yet, when it is planted, 
 what is the best means to make it grow." " I 
 am ready to instruct you," said Ischomachus, 
 
 . " in any thing you are ignorant of. Have you 
 observed, good Socrates, what holes or pits are 
 commonly made to plant trees in 1" I have 
 observed that very oftsn," said Socrates. " Have 
 you ever observed these deeper," said Ischo- 
 machus, "than three feet 7" "No," replied 
 Socrates, nor yet more than two feet and a 
 half." And the breadth of the trench which 
 is made for planting a tree, did you ever ob- 
 serve that 7" said Ischomachus ; for by such 
 inquiries you may guess at the size of the trees 
 which are fit to be transplanted." " I never," 
 said Socrates, saw any wider than two feet 
 and a half." " And have you ever seen an} 7 
 shallower than two feet?" jsaid Ischomachus. 
 
 " I have not observed," said Socrates, any of 
 those trenches which are dug for planting trees 
 less than two feet and a half deep ; for if the 
 trees were to be set shallow, the summer heats 
 would soon make them wither, and scorch the 
 roots." " Then I suppose," said Ischomachus, 
 " that your opinion is, that the trenches or 
 holes, which are to be dug for planting of trees, 
 ought to be no deeper than two feet and a 
 half, and just as much over 7" I guess," 
 said Socrates, " they should be so." " But do 
 you consider the nature of the ground," said 
 Ischomachus, " and make the proper differen- 
 ces which is dry, and which is wet 7" " The 
 ground," said Socrates, " which lies about Li- 
 cabetus, I call dry ground ; and the ground 
 about Phalericus I call wet ground, for that is 
 a marsh." " I then desire to know," said 
 Ischomachus, " whether you would plant trees 
 deeper, or shallower, in wet than in dry soil 7" 
 " My opinion is," said Socrates, that in the 
 dry ground we ought to dig the trenches the 
 deeper, for in wet ground we shall soon come 
 tp the water, and I do not think it convenient 
 to plant trees deep in such wet places." You 
 argue very rightly," said Ischomachus ; " but 
 do you know, good Socrates," continued he, 
 " when you have the choice of these grounds, 
 which are those trees which are most proper to 
 plant in them 7" " I think I do," said Socrates. 
 " And do you think," replied Ischomachus, 
 " that when you set a tree to the best advantage, 
 it will be best to plant it in such earth as has 
 been made very fine by working, or in such as 
 has not been made loose and open by culture 1 ?" 
 - " It is my opinion," said Socrates, that a 
 tree planted in well-loosened earth will prosper 
 much better than in that which has been un- 
 cultivated." Do you allow, then," said 
 Ischomachus, that the earth ought to be fine 
 and prepared on this occasion 7" " I guess it 
 should be so," said Socrates. " But concern- 
 ing the branch or cutting of a vine, when you 
 plant it," continued Ischomachus, " will it 
 grow better if you set it upright in the ground, 
 or lay it along in the earth 7"! " Certainly," 
 said Socrates, it will grow the stronger if we 
 plant it, or lay it lengthwise in the ground ; for 
 the more roots it gains, the greater strength it 
 
 -The laying the cuttings of vines lengthwise in the 
 ground, is the French way now practised ; for they 
 strike root at every joint; and the more joints they 
 have the more roots they get, and the stronger shoots 
 they make. 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY 
 
 673 
 
 will have in its shoots." We are both 
 of one opinion," said Ischomachus. But 
 when you plant one of these cuttings or 
 branches of vines, would you leave it with 
 the earth loose about it, or tread it hard over 
 the part of the cutting which you bury V I 
 am of the opinion," said Socrates, that it is 
 best to tread down the earth very close about 
 it, for else the ground would lie so hollow all 
 round, that the air and moisture would come 
 unequally to it, and rot and spoil the roots ; or 
 else the sun's heat would too soon reach it, and 
 prove of as bad consequence." " So far we 
 are of one opinion," said Ischomachus. " And 
 must I plant or raise a fig-tree," answered So- 
 crates, as I do the vines ?" " I suppose so," 
 said Ischomachus ; for he who is master of 
 the art of raising vines, may as well raise figs, 
 or most sorts of trees." But is there 
 not," replied Socrates, something particular 
 in the propagating of olive-trees 1" "You may 
 observe that," said Ischomachus, " on every 
 highway side, when we set a large truncheon 
 of an olive-tree, we dig deep holes, and plant 
 them very deep in the ground, covering the top 
 of the truncheon with clay, and yet we do not 
 find that any other trees or plants are covered 
 in this manner." I know this," replied So- 
 crates, " for I have often seen it." Surely 
 then," answered Ischomachus, " when you 
 have seeji an experiment, you must remember 
 it; and especially in this common case you 
 know that it is not sufficient to put clay over 
 the large top of the olive truncheon, but also to 
 cover the clay close with a shell." 1 
 
 All that you have said relating to this, I 
 likewise know perfectly," said Socrates ; " but 
 when we began to discourse whether I under- 
 stood the planting of trees, I was not satisfied 
 whether I was sure of the right method : and 
 when you came to the particulars, I gave you 
 my opinion freely ; and it happened to agree 
 with you, who of all men upon the face of the 
 earth are esteemed the most perfect husband- 
 man. I am happy, good Ischomachus," con- 
 tinued Socrates, in what you have taught me, 
 which by degrees I brought you to do : you 
 have taught me every particular of good hus- 
 
 1 In the modern practice we find it necessary to keep 
 out the air and rain from those large incisions, or 
 places which have suffered amputation, by soft wax, or 
 such vegetable mummies as I have taught Mr. Whit- 
 mill to make and sell. The shell over the clay is, I 
 suppose, put there to keep out the wet and ill weather. 
 57 
 
 bandry ; and have led me, by your instructions 
 in those things I did not understand, to those 
 that I find I have some knowledge in ; and, by 
 your easy way of reasoning, I shall be capable 
 of remembering every thing you have laid be- 
 fore me." "Do you believe," said Ischoma- 
 chus, " that if I were to discourse .with you 
 concerning the goodness and fineness of silver 
 and gold, that you could answer as pertinently 
 as you have done to the affair of husbandry 1 or 
 if I were to ask you concerning music and 
 painting, do you think that you could reason 
 about them so well as you have done in hus- 
 bandry 1" " I think so," said Socrates ; for 
 you have satisfied me that I am not ignorant in 
 husbandry, and yet I never had any master to 
 instruct me in it." " You may remember," 
 said Ischomachus, " that in this discourse I told 
 you that husbandry was easily learned by a 
 little observation and conversation ; for the 
 practice of it teaches us many particulars, which 
 no master can ever teach us, or would ever 
 have thought on. In the first place, the vine 
 will, of its own accord, run up trees, if there 
 are any near it. This natural disposition in 
 the vine shows us, that we ought to sustain the 
 vine with props. Again: we observe that it 
 spreads its leaves abroad the most at that time 
 of the year when its fruit is in its growth; 
 which shows us, that the fruit during its 
 growth, should be shaded from the too scorch- 
 ing rays of the sun. And again, we may ob- 
 serve, that about the time when grapes ripen, 
 the leaves shrink, and lay the fruit more open 
 to the sun, that they may ripen the better : so 
 it appears that shade is necessary to help 
 the growth of fruit, and a full sun is natural to 
 the good ripening of fruit. And also when we 
 see the vine full of clusters, we find some ripe, 
 and others green ; then let the ripe clusters be 
 gathered, for otherwise they would spoil and 
 rot, as it is in the fruit of the fig-tree ; gather 
 those which you perceive are completely ripe, 
 lesl'they drop and are lost." 
 yXX. " It is surprising to me," said Socrates, 
 that seeing husbandry is so easy to learn, we 
 find such a vast difference among the husband 
 men; some we may observe to be very rich, 
 while others have hardly bread to eat." To 
 this Ischomachus replied: "It is not the want 
 of knowledge which makes the poor husband- 
 man, for both the rich and the poor may 
 have the same knowledge in sowing or planting, 
 or in the virtue of the soil, and what is best 
 4K 
 
674 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 to plant upon it, and in the ordering of 
 vines, or that ground is improved by fallowing 
 and by manuring: but that which makes 
 some farmers poor and some rich, is because 
 the first are negligent and lazy, and the 
 latter are industrious and thrifty. The poor 
 farmers often lose the profit of a year by ne- 
 glecting to make proper provision either by 
 fallowing, manuring, or sowing ; nor has he any 
 wine through his neglect in planting of vines, or 
 taking care to prune and dress those vines he 
 has already : such a man has neither oil, nor 
 figs, for he neglects the care of his tree. It is 
 for these causes, good Socrates, that you find 
 one farmer richer than another ; for the know- 
 ledge of farming, or any thing else, is of no 
 service or advantage, if it is not industriously 
 practised. And so among generals of armies, 
 it is likely that they all understand their busi- 
 ness, but yet we perceive that some of them 
 gain more honour and more riches than others. 
 Their case is like that of the husbandmen ; 
 the industrious are always gainers, while the 
 negligent always come off losers. If a general 
 leads an army through an enemy's country^ and 
 be discreet and careful, he will march his for- 
 ces in good order, and be vigilant ; so that upon 
 any occasion he is prepared for battle ; and yet 
 there are some generals who know these things, 
 and do not act with that care, which ever 
 brings them either honour or profit. All 
 these are convinced that there is a necessity of 
 keeping watches, and sending out scouts to 
 reconnoitre the enemy, or observe their motion ; 
 but yet some neglect this business, and lose 
 themselves by it. So likewise we all know 
 that manuring the ground is necessary; but 
 yet some are negligent, and never employ 
 themselves about it, though it may as well be 
 done by turning of cattle into it, as by other 
 means. Some farmers use all their industry to 
 gather together all the sorts of manures they 
 can find ; and others, though they might as 
 well enrich their ground by the same means, 
 yet never set their minds about it. The rain 
 falls in hollow places, and remains there to the 
 injury of the ground ; and where this happens, 
 it shows the carelessness of the farmer ; the 
 weeds which rise on this occasion are witnesses 
 of his negligence ; for the diligent farmer always 
 takes care to lay his ground in good order, and 
 to clear it of weeds ; and the very weeds he 
 pulls up reward him for that work ; for if he 
 cast these weeds into a pit of water, and let 
 
 them rot there, they will produce as good 
 manure as dung itself. For there are no herbs 
 or plants which will rot by lying in water, that 
 will not make good manure for land ; nor is 
 there any sort of earth which will not make 
 very rich manure, by being laid a due time in 
 a standing water, till it is fully impregnated 
 with the virtue of the water. ! We may yet 
 remark further, that if the ground be too wet 
 to sow upon, or too surly or sour to plant in, 
 there is still a remedy for it ; if it be wet, we 
 may drain it by ditches or thorows ; and if the 
 ground be stiff and sour, mix it with such things 
 as are light and dry, or of a contrary nature to 
 the soil. We find some husbandmen have 
 regard to this, and some have no thought of it, 
 and throw away those things which might 
 prove to their profit. But suppose we were 
 to know nothing of ground, or what it would 
 bring forth, or can see neither tree nor plant 
 upon it ; nor have the opportunity of consult- 
 ing, or learning, from some experienced hus- 
 bandman, the worth of the ground ; may we 
 not satisfy ourselves at a very easy rate, by 
 trying what it will bear or bring forth, in making 
 a few experiments upon it ? Is not this more 
 easy than to experience what a horse or a man 
 is 1 for in all that we can discover by our ex- 
 periments upon soils, we are sure of the truth 
 of what we see ; there is no dissimulation : 
 therefore the ground is the best master or 
 director for the husbandman, in showing him 
 what things are proper for it, and what are the 
 contrary ; and it gives us satisfactory proofs 
 who among the farmers are diligent and dis- 
 cerning, and who are not. For the science of 
 husbandry is not like other sciences, or trades 
 or callings ; for in them the artificers may ex- 
 cuse themselves by saying they wanted skill in 
 what they wanted to undertake ; but husbandry, 
 we know, is within the compass of every man's 
 knowledge ; so that whenever we see that the 
 ground is tilled and sown, it will always pro- 
 duce something beneficial, and is the most 
 pleasant of all others : and therefore I suppose 
 it is that husbandry, above all other sciences, 
 encourages men to practise it : and besides, 
 
 1 This is a remark very well worthy our observation, 
 especially where manures are scarce. As for the com 
 mon notion, that weeds will breed weeds, it is an error 
 unless we suppose that weeds have their seeds ripe 
 when we use them on this occasion ; and as for earth 
 being laid in water for a manure, it is much more bene- 
 ficial to lands than the cleaning of ponds and ditches. 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 675 
 
 this is preferable to all others, because every j 
 man, who has the least regard to himself, 
 must surely know that no man can live 
 without necessaries : and what does not this 
 produce ? We may therefore know, that those 
 who will not learn such sciences as they might 
 get their living by, or do not fall into husban- 1 
 dry. are either downright fools, or else propose ! 
 to get their living by robbery or by begging. ! 
 But we will suppose that some of the husband- ; 
 men we speak of, are such as employ deputies 
 or bailiffs to look over their workmen ; and 
 the overseers of some do right, and the greater 
 part do wrong. Those who do right will take 
 care to see their work done in season ; but the 
 negligent steward will not keep his workmen 
 to their business ; he will let them leave their 
 business when they think convenient, without 
 regard to his master's profit. And to com- 
 pare the diligent and careless steward, there 
 will be the difference, that he who sets his 
 people to work regularly and keeps them em- 
 ployed, gains half as much more as the man 
 who is careless of his labourers : it is like two 
 men who are sent out to travel fifty miles, 
 who are both equally strong and in health ; the 
 man who is the most industrious shall perform 
 his day's journey to the utmost of his power, 
 and lose no time ; while the other stops at 
 every spring, at every shade, and at every 
 refreshment he can get, and loses so much in 
 his progress, that though they both run and 
 walk alike, the lazy and negligent man makes 
 two days of the same length that the industri- 
 ous man makes in one day : so, in all sorts of 
 works, there is a great deal of difference be- 
 tween the man who sets himself heartily about 
 his business, and him who is careless and does 
 not regard his work ; for when these last hap- 
 pen to weed or clean the vines at such an im- 
 proper season that the weeds spring again, 
 they rather spoil than mend their vineyards : 
 their absolute neglect would have been more 
 excusable. Such errors as these are the oc- 
 casion why many farmers are sufferers. A 
 man who has a large family, and is at great 
 expenses for the maintenance of his house, if 
 he cannot get enough by his rents and by his 
 husbandry to find him and his people with 
 necessaries, must certainly come to poverty. 
 But such as are diligent, and apply themselves 
 to husbandry, will as certainly increase their 
 substance, and may easily grow rich. I re- 
 membei mv father had an excellent rule, which 
 
 he advised me to follow ; that if ever I bought 
 any land, I should by no means purchase that 
 which had been already well improved, but 
 should choose such as had never been tilled ; 
 either through the neglect of the owner, or for 
 want of capacity to do it : for he observed, 
 that if I was to purchase improved grounds, I 
 must pay a high price for them, and then I 
 could not propose to advance their value, and 
 must also lose the pleasure of improving them 
 myself, or seeing them thrive better by my 
 endeavours. It was my father's opinion, that 
 both land and cattle, with good management 
 and industry, would doubly improve, and re- 
 ward the master, and be no less pleasant than 
 profitable to him. There is nothing which 
 brings us a better return for our care and 
 labour, than such ground as has lain a long 
 time without culture ; nor is there any thing 
 so agreeable and pleasant, as to observe the 
 good use such lands make of the industry and 
 labour we bestow on them. Nothing rewards 
 our labours so much as these ; and I assure 
 you," continued Ischomachus, that I have 
 often brought such land, as had never pro- 
 duced any thing of value, to bring such crops 
 as were twice as muck worth as the price I 
 gave for the ground. This, I suppose, you 
 will remember and teach to those who fall 
 into the way of your instructions. I may 
 observe to you also, good Socrates, that my 
 father neither learned this, nor any other 
 branch of husbandry, from any one ; his ge- 
 nius led him to study the reason of it, and 
 even to assist in the working part ; for he de- 
 lighted extremely to see the reward of his own 
 labour and industry, and well knew that he 
 could never expect so great a return from cul- 
 tivated and improved grounds, as from uncul- 
 tivated lands, which n*e took in hand. I be- 
 lieve, good Socrates', that you have heard of 
 my father's excellence in husbandry above all 
 the Athenians, and of his natural bent of 
 fancy towards it." Then Socrates replied. 
 " Tell me, good Ischomachus, did your father, 
 when he had improved such parcels of land, 
 keep them to himself, or sell them to good 
 advantage 1" " Now and then," replied Ischo- 
 machus, " he sold a parcel of land when he 
 could receive a sufficient advantage for his 
 improvements ; and immediately bought fresh 
 unimproved land in the room of it, that he 
 might enjoy the pleasure of bringing it to 
 his own mind." " By what I can under- 
 
C76 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF 
 
 stand," said Socrates, "your father was wise 
 and diligent in the science of husbandry, and 
 had no less desire towards it, than the corn 
 merchants have to find out where the best 
 wheat is to be had ; not even scrupling to pass 
 the roughest seas, or run any other hazard 
 to gain their intent; and when they have 
 bought up as much corn as they can pur- 
 chase, they then immediately despatch it to 
 their own houses ; and reserve it in their ware- 
 houses till they see a good opportunity of 
 selling it. I suppose then they do not sell it 
 without consideration, or carelessly dispose of 
 it at low markets ; but are first assured where 
 they may sell it at the dearest price." You 
 seem to banter," replied Ischomachus ; but 
 can we say the mason is in the wrong who 
 builds houses and sells them, and perhaps has 
 afterwards an advantage in repairing or improv- 
 ing them 1" 
 
 XXI. " I am very well persuaded," said 
 Socrates, " from what you sa>k that your opin- 
 ion is, every man ought to study that thing 
 chiefly which may redound the most to his ad- 
 vantage, with the greatest facility. For, in 
 the discourse we have had, you have insisted 
 that husbandry is the science most easily learnt 
 of any other, and particularly have given proofs 
 of its being the most profitable study a man 
 can pursue : and what you have observed in 
 your discourse relating to it, has convinced me 
 that husbandry is as pleasant and profitable as 
 you represent it." "It is certain, as I have 
 told you," replied Ischomachus, "that hus- 
 bandry is a most delightful and beneficial 
 study ; arid it is as sure that it may be greatly 
 advanced by the application, industry, and good 
 management of the professors of it : we may 
 compare it to a galley upon the sea, which is 
 obliged to make its way as. far in a day with 
 oars, as it should with sails. We find that 
 those masters or overseers of the rowers, who 
 keep them encouraged with good words and 
 proper rewards, gain so much upon the 
 good-will of the labourers under their com- 
 mand, that they even outdo themselves, and 
 perform almost as much work as double the 
 number would do of such who are under the 
 discipline of careless or surly masters: for, 
 where such evil masters happen to rule over 
 any sets of people, they never have their work 
 done with a good-will, nor to the purpose : bat 
 a generous spirit in a master creates a free, 
 nearly spirit in his servants, which makes them 
 
 work merrily and heartily, sweating and press- 
 ing upon one another who shall excel in his 
 business : so there are likewise some captains, 
 who are of that ill disposition towards their 
 soldiers, and use them with that vile barbarity, 
 that they can never gain their will to perform 
 any thing for their service either in peace or 
 war ; and in time of war especially, rather than 
 assist, will expose their captains to the utmost 
 danger. Nor can such leaders ever bring the 
 men under their commission to be ashamed of 
 any thing they do, even though they commit 
 the worst actions ; for the unmerciful or care- 
 less officer hardens the soldiers, that they have 
 neither a regard for right or wrong : but there 
 are other captains, who have discretion and 
 prudence enough to manage their soldiers with 
 so much good order, and gain so much upon 
 their affections, that if these were to have the 
 command of the same which we have been 
 speaking of, would bring them to duty, and to 
 act as one man in their officers' defence and 
 service, in time of necessity ; and instruct them 
 to be ashamed of every thing that is base 01 
 dishonourable ; exciting them to diligence, and 
 to work with good will in such things as are 
 becoming them to do, praising their labours, 
 and rewarding them on all occasions. Such 
 rule and management gains the captain victory 
 and honour ; for it is not only the business of 
 the soldier to learn to draw the bow, or throw 
 the javelin, but to know how and when to obey 
 the word of command : and nothing will bring 
 them sooner to this, than to gain their love 
 and affection ; for the general or captain who 
 has good sense enough to gain the good esteem 
 of the men under his command, may lead them 
 through the greatest dangers. It is, therefore, 
 such generals as have good generosity and dis- 
 cretion, who, in the management of their sol- 
 diers, commonly gain the characters of valiant 
 and expert officers : for, though the number of 
 the soldiers contribute to gain the battle, jyet 
 without the commanding officer gives them 
 good instructions, and gains their love and 
 affection to him, they never act to the Purpose ; 
 nor can their captain gain any reputation by 
 them ; so that the great name is rather gained 
 by wisdom and prudence, than by labjxur and 
 strength of body : and it is no less to be o f b- 
 served in the science of husbandry, or othei 
 sciences, that those stewards, who have discre 
 tion and generosity enough to gain the good 
 will of the men they employ, such will always 
 
GOOD HUSBANDRY. 
 
 677 
 
 find their work well done, and increase their 
 riches. But if a master, or his overseer, be 
 careless, and at the same time has the power 
 of rewarding and punishing those under his di- 
 rection, and, when he views his workmen, does 
 not make them sensible, either one way or 
 other, of his authority ; whenever he comes, 
 or goes, it is the same thing to them ; they 
 work or play at their discretion. Such a one 
 is very little worth the regard of any man : but 
 the man who ought to be admired and valued, 
 is he, who, when he comes among his servants, 
 creates in them a pleasant countenance, and 
 makes them rejoice, every one running or stri- 
 ving in their business to serve him, and using 
 all ways to get his praise and love. Such a man 
 as this is worthy the rank of a king. A master 
 57* 
 
 of any science, as well as husbandry, who has 
 good sense enough to bring his family to such 
 affection towards him, and good order, he does 
 not possess this by learning only, but he must 
 receive his good nature and wisdom from the 
 gods ; he must be born with a generous nature, 
 which must proceed from the gods ; for I have 
 never yet found the true gift of government, 
 but it was attended with generosity. Where 
 these excellent qualities appear, all under that 
 direction are willing to obey, and especially if 
 the power of rule be in the hands of those who 
 are endowed with virtue and temperance : but 
 where a master exercises himself in cruelty, or 
 acts in a tyrannical way, against the good-will 
 and reason of mankind, he can never hope for 
 the least ease or comfort." 
 
DISCOURSE 
 
 UPON 
 
 IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE 
 
 OF 
 
 ATHENS. 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 
 BY WALTER MOYLE, 
 
 [679] 
 
 
DISCOURSE 
 
 IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE 
 
 ATHENS. 
 
 I ALWAYS held it for a certain maxim, that go- 
 vernments resembled their governors, and that 
 the prosperity or declension, the vigour or de 
 cay of all states, was derived from the virtues 
 and vices, the abilities or weakness of their 
 rulers : but since it is generally alleged in vin- 
 dication of the Athenian ministry, that they un- 
 derstand the common principles of justice as well 
 as the rest of mankind, but that they are com- 
 pelled by the necessities * of the common people 
 to oppress their confederate 2 cities with unrea- 
 sonable tributes and taxes : I have attempted 
 to examine whether this apology is well ground- 
 ed, and whether they are not capable by native 
 riches, and revenue of the state of Athens, to 
 
 i A< Se TJJV TOU 5rx>j09s vtvlxv. The state of Athens 
 was at a great charge in maintaining the common 
 people. They were allowed three oboli a man for every 
 cause they judged; and this pension was called the 
 Tfjou6o\oi' J(xio-Txov: Lucian in bis accusato. And 
 some days many thousands received this pension. 
 
 The $iu( '**v was an allowance of two oboli a-piece, 
 to pay for the sight of public shows. Liban. in argu. 
 Olyn. primae. * ^i 
 
 The jxxxi)(ro-^wv was an obolus a-piece, paid them 
 every time they assembled, Jull. Poll. 1. 6. c. 9 ; and this 
 pension was afterwards increased to three oboli. Be- 
 sides, all maimed and disabled citizens had a pension 
 of two oboli a day. Harpocrat. in verbo JUV*TO(. 
 
 a Xenophon says only irtpi TK? jrixt*?, but the word 
 trvf4ftax,!Sx.( is plainly understood, as appears from the 
 sequel of this discourse, and Xenophon's treatise of the 
 government of Athena. This tax upon the confederates 
 was at first but 460 talents, but it was afterwards ad- 
 vanced to 1300. Plutarc. in vita Aristidis. This tribute 
 was so burdensome, that it provoked the confederates 
 to frequent revolts. 
 
 maintain the whole body of our people, which 
 is the justest and most honourable provision 
 can be thought of: for I imagine if such a de- 
 sign could be compassed, that the wants of 
 the people would be more effectually relieved, 
 and the jealousies and suspicions of our neigh- 
 bours would be quieted. 
 
 Upon a general view of the whole matter, it 
 appeared to me that the Athenian territory 
 is capable of affording a mighty income and 
 revenue, the truth of which assertion may be 
 easily evinced by a brief survey of the state and 
 nature of the country. 
 
 The fruits of the earth, and native products 
 of our soil, are a proof of the temperature of 
 our climate and the mildness of our seasons ; 
 for we have plants which bear in great abund- 
 ance in our country, which will never grow in 
 others ; and our sea, as well as land, abounds 
 in all things necessary for life, or luxury : add 
 to this, that all the blessings which the gods 
 have made peculiar to the different seasons of 
 the year, begin earlier, and end later with us, 
 than in any part of the world. 
 
 Besides the vast plenty we enjoy of perish- 
 able goods, our soil affords us some staple and 
 permanent commodities, such as our noble 
 quarries of marble, out of which are drawn the 
 best materials for the building and ornamenting 
 of temples, and for the altars and statues of the 
 gods, and which both the Greeks and barbar- 
 ous nations set a high value upon. 
 
 And where the soil is too barren to receive 
 the common improvements of husbandry, il 
 4L 681 
 
682 
 
 REVENUE OF THE 
 
 contains hidden treasures, which will feed a 
 much greater number of mouths than any arable 
 lands can do : for the Divine Bounty has be- 
 stowed upon us inexhaustible mines of silver, 
 an advantage which we enjoy above all our 
 neighbouring cities by sea and land, who never 
 yet could discover one vein of silver ore in all 
 their dominions. 
 
 We have reason likewise to believe that 
 Athens is seated in the centre of Greece, and 
 the habitable world ; for all nations are incom- 
 moded with more intense degrees of heat or 
 cold in proportion to their (northern or south- 
 ern) distance from us ; and that we lie in the 
 heart of Greece is evident, for all travellers, 
 that pass by sea or land, from one extremity 
 of Greece to the other, must take Athens in 
 their way. 
 
 And though Attica is no island, yet we 
 have the same benefit of trading with all winds, 
 for we are bounded on two sides by the sea, 
 and by being joined to the continent we have 
 the convenience of driving on an inland traf- 
 fic. 
 
 Other cities lie exposed to the fury of bar- 
 barous nations, but we are so far from having 
 so ill a neighbourhood, that the states which 
 border immediately upon us, lie at a remote 
 distance from them. 
 
 To all those advantages which conspire to 
 the felicity and greatness of our state, and which 
 we owe to the happy situation, and the native 
 wealth of our country, a mighty improvement 
 might be made by the institution of public laws, 
 in favour of strangers who establish themselves 
 among us ; for besides the general benefits de- 
 rived to all cities from numbers of people, our 
 strangers would be so far from living on the 
 public, and receiving pensions from the state as 
 our own citizens do, that they would maintain 
 themselves, and be the foundation of the noblest 
 branch of our revenue by the payment of the 
 aliens' duties. * 
 
 1 M8TO('x<ov, aliens' duties. This was an annual tribute 
 paid by the aliens, of twelve drachmas for every man, 
 and six for every woman. Harpocrat. in verbo ftsrotmov. 
 The number of the aliens amounted generally to 10,000. 
 Originally at Athens there was no distinction between 
 strangers and natives, for all foreigners were naturali- 
 zed promiscuously, Thucyd. 1. 1. c. 2. Thus all the 
 Plataeans were naturalized at once, Thucyd. 1. 3.c. 55; 
 and this custom was the foundation of their future 
 greatness. But as the city grew-more populous, they 
 grew more sparing of this favour. Scholi. Thucyd. 1. 
 1 c 2 ; and this privilege was given to such only as 
 
 An effectual inducement to the settlement 
 of foreigners among us might be established, by 
 taking off all those public marks of dishonour 
 from them which are of no service, nor advan- 
 tage to the state, and by excusing them from 
 serving among our heavy-armed troops ; for an 
 exemption from the dangers of war, and from 
 the necessity of being absent from their families, 
 and trades, 2 would be a very powerful encour- 
 agement. 
 
 It is likewise the interest of the common- 
 wealth, rather to fight our battles with our own 
 troops, than to keep up in our armies, a mixture 
 of Lydians, Phrygians, and Syrians, and all 
 kincjs of barbarous nations, out of whom the 
 greatest number of our aliens are composed. 
 
 Besides the advantage of avoiding the con- 
 fusion such a mixture of troops produces, it 
 would be more for our reputation abroad, to 
 trust the fortune of our state to the courage 
 and valour of our own citizens,than in the hands 
 of foreigners. 
 
 Besides all other proper encouragement to 
 strangers, the privilege of being enrolled 3 
 among our horse, would more warmly unite 
 them in our interests, and prove a solid foun- 
 dation of strength and greatness to the state. 
 
 It would be likewise a strong inducement to 
 greater numbers of considerable strangers to 
 plant among us, if we gave the waste ground 1 * 
 within our walls to be built on by such of them 
 as deserved and desired it of the public. 
 
 The institution of a new magistracy, 5 like 
 the public guardians 6 of our orphans, for pro- 
 tection and security of strangers, with rewards 
 of honours and dignities to those, who, by their 
 
 had deserved it by some extraordinary service to the 
 state. Demost. oratio contra Neeeram. 
 
 aTl^'ov, not Tlxvtov. The Basil edition reads it right ; 
 for most part of the mechanic and handicraft trades 
 were carried on by the aliens at Athens. Xenoph. de 
 Polit. Athen. 
 
 3 TOO iVjrjxoD. Xenophon explains th^s passage in his 
 Hipparchicus,where he advises thdfetete to enrol aliens 
 among their horse. Besides the tr^uty of the horse- 
 service, there was a considerable pay in peace and war 
 allowed them. Ulpianus in Timocratem. Xenoph. in 
 Hippar. 
 
 See Thucydides' history of the Peloponnesian war, 
 book 2. chap. 17. 
 
 MjToxa$xxe5. Every alien by the laws of Athens, 
 was obliged to choose a private patron among the citi- 
 zens. Harpocration in verbo c5^oTTTis. But here 
 Xenophon proposes public patrons for the whole body 
 of the aliens. 
 
 6Og(|!vo(pu\axsf. Vide Demosthen. contra Macar 
 tatum. 
 
STATE OF ATHENS. 
 
 683 
 
 care and industry, procured the most numerous 
 settlements of foreigners among us, would gain 
 the affections of the aliens, and have a very 
 happy effect, in drawing a vast concourse of 
 exiles 1 and strangers to live under the protection 
 of our government, and augment our public 
 revenue. 
 
 III. That of all cities, Athens lies the fairest 
 for inviting an extended commerce, is evident 
 from the convenience of our stations and har- 
 bours, where ships can ride secure in all 
 weather. And whereas in other trading cities 
 merchants are forced to barter one commodity 
 for another, in regard their coin is not current 
 abroad, we abound not only in manufactures, 
 and products of our own growth, sufficient to 
 .answer the demands of all foreign traders, but 
 in case they refused to export our goods, in re- 
 turn for their own, they may trade with us to 
 advantage, by receiving silver in exchange for 
 them, which transported to any other market, 
 would pass for more than they took it for at 
 Athens. 2 
 
 It would be a great encouragement to com- 
 merce, if prizes and rewards were allotted to 
 such judges of the court-merchant, 3 as made 
 the quickest and justest determination of all 
 causes relating to trade, that the merchant 
 might not lose the benefit of his market by an 
 attendance upon the courts of justice. 
 
 It would be likewise for the honour and ad- 
 vantage of the public, to give the first rank 4 
 
 i 'Az-oM Sif. Men whose cities have been destroyed. 
 
 a n^TM%OV TT^llOV TOO Kf%OU X,U/3a VOUIT I V. TfaC 
 
 meaning of Xenophon is that the Athenian money was 
 more valuable abroad than the coin of any other nation, 
 because it was of finer silver. For it is impossible that 
 an ounce of Athenian silver should be worth more in 
 specie than an ounce of other silver of the same fine- 
 ness. ' Sensus moresque repugnant atque ipsa utilitas.' 
 
 A table of the Attic coins reduced to the value of 
 English money. 
 
 a. d. 
 
 The obolua was equ^L to 1 
 
 The triobolus was tWre oboli, and made 3J 
 
 The drachma was six oboli, and made 7} 
 
 The mina was an hundred drachmas, and made 326 
 The common Attic talent consisted of 60 
 mi run, which amounts in our money to 
 
 These are the common Attic coins, which are most 
 frequently mentioned by their writers, and which I 
 have reduced to our English money, to make way for 
 the easier understanding of this discourse. 
 
 a To5 l/twoftou ag%){. This court of judicature was 
 probably the same with the veeuTo^Jx*!, mentioned by 
 Suidas and Hesychius, in verbo VUTO Sixat. 
 
 n f o e *.j T.^uXo-j*!. This was a right of prece- 
 
 187 10 
 
 and precedence in all public places to foreign 
 seamen, and merchants, and to invite to the 
 public feasts of the city, such of them as by 
 their ships or commodities do service to the 
 state ; for this distinction of honour, as well as 
 the consideration of their own profit, would 
 invite them to make quiek returns from their 
 voyages to so friendly a government. 
 
 And it is manifest beyond all contradiction, 
 that our trade and commerce would be extend- 
 ed, our exportations and importations increased, 
 and the standing income and revenue of the 
 state improved, in proportion to the number of 
 foreign seamen, and merchants of all kinds 
 that establish themselves among us. 
 
 To the improvement of these articles of our 
 revenue, nothing more is required than a gen- 
 erous lenity and indulgence in our public laws, 
 and a universal encouragement and protection 
 to strangers. But the improvements that may 
 be added by other methods to advance our 
 standing income, will of necessity require a 
 settlement of some public fund. 5 
 
 And I have good grounds to believe that 
 the people will make large contributions in 
 favour of such a public undertaking, when I 
 consider what sums they advanced when we sent 
 succours to the Arcadians under the command 
 of Lysistratus, and likewise of Hegesilaus. 6 
 
 How often have we set out squadrons of gal- 
 leys by extraordinary subsidies, without any cer- 
 tain prospect of advantage to the state 1 but this 
 we were all sure of, that no particular contri- 
 butor would ever be repaid the whole, or any 
 part of his money. 
 
 But in the present case no man can possess 
 a more honourable or advantageous revenue, 
 than what he will receive in recompense for 
 his contribution to this public fund : for a 
 contributor of ten minae, will receive a trio- 
 bolon 7 a day from the state, which in a year's 
 
 dence in the theatres, senate, assemblies of the people 
 and in all public places whatsoever. Schol. Aristoph. 
 in equ. This custom was practised by the Spartans, 
 who gave this privilege to the Deceleans. Herodotus, 
 lib. 9. c. 72. 
 A<?o e .u^, a fund. Harpoc. Hesychius in verbo 
 
 s Hegesilaus commanded the Athenian troops sent 
 to the assistance of the Mantineans at the battle of 
 Mantinea; which is a proof that this discourse was 
 written after that battle. Diog. Laer. in Xenoph. Di- 
 odorus Siculus by mistake calls him Hegelochus. 
 
 * T$ieo/SoA.ov. Salmasius de modo usurorum thinks 
 that this was the r ? .w,So*.ov X*S-T<XOV which the people 
 
684 
 
 REVENUE OF THE 
 
 time, amounts to near 20 per cent. This is a run- 
 ning income as high as the produce of Nautic 1 
 interest : and a contributor of five minse, will 
 at the year's end receive more than a third 2 part 
 of the capital sum he advanced ; as for the 
 body of the people, if they pay in one mina 
 a piece, they will in a year's time very near 
 double 3 their principal money, and be paid in 
 the city, without any hazard, or contingency, 
 upon the public faith,which is the most certain, 
 and most lasting profit. 
 
 received for judging causes. But Xenophon's computa- 
 tion plainly confutes this opinion : he says that a con- 
 tributor of 10 minse, or 1000 drachmas, at the rate of a 
 triobolus or half a drachma a day, will in a year's time 
 receive almost the fifth part of the principal money he 
 advanced, which is very true, for reckoning (as Xeno- 
 phon always does in this discourse)360 days to the year, 
 the payment of a triobolus a day will amount to 180 
 drachms, which is near the fifth part of 1000 drachmae. 
 But the payment of theTg<j6o\oi/ ixiorr<xov could nev- 
 er amount to this sum, because the holydays, by the 
 confession of Salmasius.took up two months in the year, 
 and on these days the people never heard causes, so that 
 30 drachmas must be deducted from 180, which reduces 
 the sum to 150, which is little more than the seventh 
 part of 1000, so that Salmasius is mistaken, orXenophon 
 was a very loose calculator. The true meaning of the 
 passage I take to be thus : Xenophon in the following 
 part of this discourse, in order to make provision for 
 the citizens, makes a proposal to the state, to buy as 
 many slaves as would treble the number of their own 
 citizens, which slaves were to be let out at the rate of 
 an obolus a day to the adventurers in the mines, which 
 brought in a revenue of three oboli a day to every 
 citizen, because the slaves were thrice as many as the 
 citizens among whom this revenue was to be divided. 
 And this I take to be the triobolus mentioned by Xen- 
 ophon, which every citizen was to receive in recompense 
 for his contribution. 
 
 i It was the highest interest, and is here opposed to 
 lend interest, which was considerably less; for in the 
 former the creditor run a greater hazard; for if the 
 merchant who borrowed the money, employed it in 
 trade, lost his ship, the creditor lost his money, and 
 had no right to demand it of the merchant; a trade 
 somewhat like our bottomry. This interest generally 
 amounted to 20 per cent, or the fifth part of the princi- 
 pal per annum. It is true it often varied, and was higher 
 or lower according to the plenty and scarcity of money, 
 or the danger and distance of the voyage ; but the 
 general medium may be safely established at 20 per 
 cent. There are several contracts of money lent upon 
 Nautic interest, extant in the orations of Demosth. 
 contra Lacrit. pro Pliormi. contra Pant, contra Phormi. 
 
 ru.Tcv )) s-irfiTcv. More than a third part of the 
 principal money: for a tribolus a day in a year 
 makes 180 drachma?, which is above the third part of 
 five mince or 500 drachm. TherCxoj IO-!T( 11-05 was the 
 highest Nautic interest, and came to above 33 percent. 
 There is an instance which comes very near this com- 
 putation.in the Oration of Demosthenes contra Phormi. 
 
 180 drachms is almost double one mina, or 100 
 drachmas 
 
 I am of opinion likewise, that private stran- 
 gers, and foreign cities, kings, 4 and governors, 
 if they had the honour of being registered to 
 posterity in our public monuments and records, 
 as benefactors to the state, would mutually vie 
 in emulation who should contribute most largely 
 to the carrying on so generous a design. 
 
 The necessary funds being advanced, it 
 would be for the honour and interest of the 
 state, 'to build a greater number of public inns, 
 and houses of entertainment in our ports, for 
 the use of seamen, in the trading parts of the 
 city for merchants, and in general for the 
 reception of all strangers whatsoever. 
 /"And if we build shops, warehouses, and ex- 
 changes for common retailers, the rents of the 
 houses would be a great addition to our public 
 revenues, and the magnificence of the buildings 
 would be an ornament to the city. 
 
 As the public builds galleys for war, so it 
 might likewise be for the advantage of the state 
 to make a new experiment, and build merchant 
 ships for trade, which might be farmed out, 
 like the other branches of our revenue, upon 
 good security ; for if this design was found 
 practicable, it would prove a considerable article 
 in the increase of our public income. 
 
 IV. Our silver mines alone,if rightly managed, 
 besides all the other branches of our revenue, 
 would be an inestimable treasure to the public. 
 But for the benefit of those who are unskilled 
 in inquiries of this nature, I design to premise 
 some general considerations upon the true state 
 and value of our silver-mines, that the public, 
 upon a right information, may proceed to the 
 taking such measures and counsels, as may im- 
 prove to the best advantage. 
 
 No one ever pretended from tradition, or the 
 earliest accounts of time, to determine when 
 these mines first began to be wrought, which 
 is a proof of their antiquity ; and, yet as ancient 
 as they are, the heaps of rubbish which have 
 been dug out of them, and lie above ground, 
 bear no proportion with (TO vast quantities 
 which still remain below, nor does there appear 
 any sensible decay, or diminution in our mines ; 
 but as we dig on, we still discover fresh veins 
 of silver-ore in all parts, and when we had most 
 
 Foreign cities, &c. Foreign states often contributed 
 to the public buildings of the Greeks. The Rhodians 
 when their Colossus was overturned by an earthquake, 
 received contributions from all the neighbouring states 
 in order to restore it. Polybius, lib. 5. And there are 
 many inscriptions of such public benefactors extant in. 
 Gruter, and elsewhere. 
 
STATE OF ATHENS. 
 
 685 
 
 labourers at work in the mines, we found that 
 we had still business for more hands than were 
 employed. 
 
 Nor do I find that the adventurers in the 
 mines retrench the number of their workmen, 
 but purchase as many new slaves as they can 
 get ; for their gains are greater, or less, in pro- 
 portion to the number of hands they employ. 
 And this is the only profession I know of 
 where the undertakers are never envied, be 
 their stock or profits ever so extraordinary, 
 because their gains never interfere with those 
 of their fellow traders. 
 
 Every husbandman knows how many yoke 
 of oxen and servants are necessary to cultivate 
 his farm, and if he employs more than he has 
 occasion for, reckons himself so much a loser ; 
 but no dealer in the silver mines ever thought 
 he had hands enow to set to work. 
 
 For there is this difference between this, 
 and all other professions; that whereas in 
 other callings, for instance, braziers and black- 
 smiths when their trades are overstocked, are 
 undone, because the price of their commodities 
 is lowered of course, by the multitude of sellers ; 
 and likewise a good year of corn, and a plenti- 
 ful vintage, for the same reason does hurt to 
 the farmers, and forces them to quit their em- 
 ployment, and set up public houses, or turn 
 merchants and bankers. 
 
 But here the case is quite otherwise, for the 
 more ore is found, and the more silver is 
 wrought, and made, the more adventurers come 
 in, and the more hands are employed in our 
 mines. 
 
 A master of a family indeed, when he is 
 well provided with furniture, and household- 
 goods, buys no more, but no man was ever so 
 overstocked with silver, as not to desire a 
 farther increase ; if there are any who have 
 more than their occasions require, they hoard 
 up the rest with as much pleasure as if they 
 actually made use of it. 
 
 And when a Cation is in a flourishing condi- 
 tion, no one is at a loss how to employ his 
 money : the men lay it out in fine armour, in 
 horses, and in magnificent houses and buildings; 
 women lay it out in great equipage, costly 
 habits, and rich clothes. 
 
 And in accidents of war, when our lands lie 
 
 fallow and uncultivated, or in a public dearth 
 
 and scarcity, what reserve have we left to 
 
 apply to but silver, to purchase necessaries for 
 
 58 
 
 our subsistence, or hire auxiliaries for our de- 
 fence ? 
 
 If it be objected that gold is as useful as 
 silver, I will not dispute it ; but this I am sure 
 of, that plenty of gold always lowered its value, 
 and advanced the price of silver. 
 
 I have insisted the longer upon these general 
 reflections, to encourage adventurers of all 
 kinds, to employ as many hands as possible in 
 so advantageous a trade, from these plain con- 
 siderations, that the mines can never be ex- 
 hausted,* nor can silver ever lose its value. 
 
 That the public has known this long before, 
 is evident from our laws, which allow foreigners 
 to work our mines upon the same terms 2 and 
 conditions our own citizens enjoy. 
 
 But to draw this discourse more immediately 
 to the subject of my present consideration, 
 which is the maintenance of our citizens, I will 
 begin to propose those ways and means, by 
 which the silver mines may be improved to the 
 highest benefit and advantage to the publip. 
 Nor do I set up for the vanity of being admired 
 for an author of new discoveries : for that part 
 of my following discourse, which relates to 
 the examples of the present age, lies obvious 
 to all the world ; as for what is past it is matter 
 of fact, and every man might inform himself 
 that would be at the pains of inquiring. 
 
 It is very strange, that after so many pre- 
 cedents of private citizens of Athens, who have 
 made their fortunes by the mines, the public 
 should never think of following their example : 
 for we who have heard, that Nicias, the son of 
 Niceralus, had a thousand slaves employed in 
 the mines, whom he let out to Sosias the 
 Thracian, upon condition to receive an obolus 
 a day, clear of all charges, for every head, and 
 
 i ' That the mines can never be exhausted.' It is plain 
 from Pausanias that these mines were not worked in 
 his time. Paus. Attic ; but this does not destroy the as- 
 sertion of Xenophon, for the plundering the temple of 
 Delphi brought out two millions of our money, which 
 lay dead before ; and the conquest of Persia by the Ma- 
 cedonians brought such a vast quantity of silver into 
 Greece, and consequently made labour so dear, that the 
 silver found in the mines would in all probability scarce 
 countervail the expenses of the working them ; or it 
 might proceed from the subjection of Athens to a for- 
 eign power, or from other accidents, and not from any 
 decay of the mines. 
 
 a'Ejrj iVoTX/a. ' Upon the same terms, 1 &c. The 
 state was the proprietor of the silver-mines, and stran- 
 gers or Athenians that worked in them, were obliged to 
 pay the same tribute of the 24th part of the silver found, 
 to the public. Suidas in iye*?o uttiKKsv J.'M. 
 
REVENUE OF THE 
 
 that the same complement of workmen should 
 be always kept on foot. 
 
 In like manner Hipponicus had 600 slaves 
 let out at the same rate, which yielded him a 
 revenue of a mina a day, and Philemonides 
 300, which brought him in half a mina a day, 
 and many others made the same advantage, in 
 proportion to the number of slaves they pos- 
 sessed. But what need we to appeal to pre- 
 cedents of an elder date, when at this day we 
 have so many instances of the same nature 
 before our eyes 1 
 
 In the proposals which I offer, there is only 
 one thing new, namely, that as private men 
 have a constant revenue coming in from the 
 slaves whom they let out to work in the mines ; 
 so the public, in imitation of their example, 
 should purchase as many slaves to be employed 
 in the same manner, as will treble the number 
 of their own citizens. 
 
 Let any reasonable man take this whole pro- 
 posal to pieces, and examine every distinct head 
 apart, and then judge whether the design is 
 feasible or not. It is plain the state can bear 
 the charge of the price of the slaves better than 
 private men ; and nothing can be easier than 
 for the senate to make proclamation for all 
 that have slaves to sell, to bring them in, and 
 then buy them up for the public use. 
 
 And when they are bought, what should 
 hinder any one from hiring them of the state 
 upon the same terms they hire them from pri- 
 vate men ; for we see that our revenues are 
 farmed by particular men, and the repair, and 
 the building of our public structures and tem- 
 ples 1 are let out to private undertakers. 
 
 And that the public may be no loser by the 
 desertion of slaves, or other accidents, the ad- 
 venturers in the mines, like the farmers of our 
 revenue, should be obliged to give good security 
 to save the state harmless : though at the same 
 time the commonwealth may be much more 
 easily cheated by the farmers of their revenue, 
 than by the hirers of their slaves. 
 
 For how is it possible to discover the frauds 
 that are committed in the management of the 
 
 1 'The repair of our temples,' &c. MITS-OOI/TMJ hf*. 
 It was the custom of the Greeks to let out the building 
 and repair of their temples to private undertakers, 
 Athenaeus 1. 6. Herod. I. 5. c. 62. where he makes use 
 of the same word, v^v uta-SnvvTa,* ; that is, 'they hired 
 the building of the temple upon such terms.' And the 
 Latins used the word conducunt in the same sense. 
 Conducunt foricas, i. e. repurgandas. Juvenal. Sat. 3. 
 
 public money 1 there being no visible distinc- 
 tion between public and private money; the 
 same materials and stamp being common to 
 both. But when our slaves are burned with the 
 public mark of the state, with severe penalties 
 to be inflicted upon all that buy, or sell them ; 
 what danger is there of their being stolen 1 
 Thus much of my proposal as relates to the 
 buying and preserving our slaves, appears prac- 
 ticable beyond all contradiction. 
 
 If any one questions whether, after we have 
 purchased a great number of workmen, there 
 will be adventurers enow to hire them of the 
 public, let him consider, that the undertakers 
 who have a good stock of slaves will hire more 
 of the state ; for the mines are so great, that 
 they will require a vast number of hands to 
 work them ; and many of the workmen that 
 are grown old and unserviceable, and many 
 others, Athenians, and strangers whose bodies 
 are not vigorous enough for labour, would yet 
 be willing to get their living by easier callings, 
 would turn adventurers in the mines, and hire 
 our slaves ; so that there is little danger of 
 wanting employment for our workmen. 
 
 Twelve hundred slaves, when bought, will 
 probably in five or six years' time, produce a 
 revenue sufficient to purchase as many more as 
 will make the number 6000. This number, at 
 the rate of an obolus a day a head, clear of all 
 charges, will afford a yearly revenue of sixty 
 talents. 2 
 
 And if but twenty of these talents are laid 
 out in the purchase of more slaves, the city 
 may employ the overplus as they think con- 
 venient ; and when the number of slaves is 
 increased to 10,000, it will produce a standing 
 revenue to the public, of a hundred talents 
 a year. 
 
 To demonstrate that the mines would take 
 up a greater proportion of slaves to work them, 
 I appeal to the authority of all these living 
 witnesses who remember, what numbers of 
 workmen were employed in*them before the 
 taking of Decelea^ by the Lacedemonians. And 
 
 ' Revenue of 60 talents.' This computation proves 
 that Xenophon reckoned but 360 days to the year : for 
 6000 oboli, multiplied by 360, make 2,160,000 oboli ; 
 which sum, divided by 600 (for 600 oboli make a mina) 
 makes 3,600 minae, which divided by 60 (for 60 mipffi 
 make a talent,) reduces the whole sum to 60 talents. 
 And the following computation of 100 talents a year, 
 produced by 10,000 oboli a day, answers exactly to the 
 former. 
 
 ' The taking of Dccelea,' &c. Decelea was taken 
 
STATE OF ATHENS. 
 
 687 
 
 our silver mines that have been wrought for so 
 many ages, with such numbers of hands, and 
 continue still so far from being drained, or ex- 
 hausted, that we can discover no visible differ- 
 ence in their present state from the accounts 
 our ancestors have delivered down to us, are 
 undeniable proofs of my assertion. 
 
 And their present condition is a good argu- 
 ment that there never can be more hands at 
 work in the mines than there is employment 
 for: for we dig on still without finding any 
 bottom or end of our mines, or decay of the 
 silver-ore. 
 
 And at this day we may open new mines as 
 well as in former ages, and no one can deter- 
 mine whether the new mines may not prove 
 more rich than the old ones. 
 
 If any one demands why our miners are not 
 so forward in pursuit of new discoveries, as 
 formerly ; I answer, it is not long since that 
 the mines have begun to be wrought afresh, 
 and the present adventurers are not rich enough 
 to run the risk of such an undertaking. 
 
 For if they discover a rich mine, their for- 
 tunes are made ; but if they fail, they lose all 
 the charges they have been at ; and this con- 
 sideration chiefly has discouraged the adven- 
 turers from trying so dangerous an experiment. 
 
 But in order to remedy this difficulty, I have 
 some proposals 1 to offer to the public. There 
 are ten tribes at Athens, and to each of these 
 I would have the government assign an equal 
 proportion of their public slaves, to be employ- 
 ed in seach of new mines, and the gains to be 
 equally divided in common among all the 
 sharers in the ten tribes : for if the mines 
 were once settled upon this establishment, and 
 the whole undertaking carried on by a national 
 stock, the adventurers would run little hazard ; 
 and if but one of the ten tribes succeeded in 
 the attempt, the whole community would be 
 gainers ; and if two, three, four, or half the 
 tribes had the same good fortune, the profits 
 would be propdrtionably greater; for it is a 
 wild supposition, and against the experience of 
 
 and fortified by the Lacedemonians in the 19th year of 
 the Peloponnesian war, and lying in the heart of Attica, 
 it gave opportunity to 20,000 Athenian slaves to desert 
 to the enemy. Thucyd. 1. 7. c. 27. 
 
 Xenophon in his former proposal would have 10,000 
 slaves let out at a certain rate to the adventurers in the 
 mines, but in this second proposal he advises the state 
 itself to adventure in search of discoveries of new 
 mines, which work was to be carried on by another 
 eet of slaves, and not by the former 10,000. 
 
 all ages, to imagine that not one in ten should 
 succeed in such an undertaking. 
 
 Companies of private adventurers may carry 
 on the same trade in a joint-stock, nor is there 
 any danger that they and the national company 
 will interfere one with another; but as con- 
 federates are strengthened by their mutual 
 assistance to each other, so the more adven- 
 turers of all kinds are employed in the mines, 
 so much larger will the gains and advantages 
 be to all. 
 
 Thus have I briefly proposed some considera- 
 tions to the public, for establishing the manage- 
 ment of the national revenue upon such an in- 
 stitution, as shall make effectual provision for 
 the whole body of our people. 
 
 Nor let any man be discouraged from the 
 considerations of the vast expense, which will 
 be necessary for the perfecting so great a work ; 
 for there is no necessity that either the whole 
 design must be 'finished at once, or the public 
 will receive no advantage from it ; quite the 
 contrary, every step we advance in our way, 
 the state will gain ground ; and by the gradual 
 progress we make in our public buildings, in 
 the rigging out our trading- vessels, or in the 
 purchase of our slaves, the commonwealth 
 will be an immediate gainer. 
 
 And it is certainly more for the advantage 
 of the public to parcel out the design, and 
 finish it by degrees, for when many houses 
 are building at once, they cost more, and are 
 worse built : in like manner, if we purchase 
 our complement of slaves all at once, we must 
 pay more for them, and buy worse into the 
 bargain. 
 
 But if we proceed gradually, according to our 
 abilities, we shall still have the same advantage 
 of continuing any right methods we pitched 
 upon in the beginning, and shall be at liberty 
 to correct the oversights and mistakes we made 
 at our first setting out. And if we perfect 
 some parts of our undertaking, and delay the 
 execution of the rest, the revenue arising from 
 part of our design, which is finished, will be 
 sufficient to answer the whole expense of the 
 remainder ; but if we resolve to execute the 
 whole project at once, the whole charge of the 
 enterprise must be raised at once likewise. 
 
 And then the great difficulty which will be 
 objected to this whole scheme is, that in case 
 the public purchase so great a number of slaves, 
 the mines may happen to be overstocked; but 
 there can be no grounds for such an apprehen- 
 
688 
 
 REVENUE OF THE 
 
 sion, if we take care every year to employ no 
 more than there is actually occasion for. 
 
 Thus I think the easiest methods of finishing 
 this design are the best and most effectual. It 
 may be objected that the immense charges of 
 this war have exhausted our treasure in such a 
 manner, that it will be impossible for the pub- 
 lic to raise any new subsidies, much less to ad- 
 vance the necessary funds of such an undertak- 
 ing. But this difficulty may be easily removed, 
 for let the state employ no more money in the 
 administration of the government the next year 
 after we have a peace, than the arinual income 
 of the public produced during the war, and 
 whatever additional improvements of our 
 revenue are made by the peace, from the en- 
 couragement of strangers and merchants, from 
 the increase of our exportations and importa- 
 tions, occasioned by the resort of more people, 
 and from a greater vent of commodities in our 
 ports and markets, let all that be appropriated 
 to this particular service in order to advance 
 the national revenue. 
 
 If any one imagines that a war will ruin our 
 whole undertaking, let him but consider that 
 the execution of this design will enable us to 
 meet a foreign invasion, with so many advan- 
 tages on our side, that a war in such a juncture 
 will be less formidable to us, than to our ene- 
 mies themselves. 
 
 For what advantage can better enable us 
 to carry on a vigorous and successful war, than 
 numbers of men ? and by such an addition to 
 the stock of our people, as might be made by 
 due care and encouragement ; what levies 
 might be raised, what mighty fleets and ar- 
 mies set out to disappoint all the designs of our 
 enemies ? 
 
 And I have reason to believe that it is possi- 
 ble to work our mines in the conjuncture of a 
 foreign war, for they are covered on the south- 
 sea, by a strong citadel in Anaphlystus, and on 
 the north-sea, by another in Thoricus, and 
 these two fortresses lie at the distance of but 
 60 furlongs from one another. 
 
 But if a third fort was built upon the top of 
 a mountain, in the middle of the two former, 
 the three works would meet together, and other 
 silver mines would be inclosed in a circle, and 
 guarded on all sides, and the workmen at the 
 first notice of an invasion might retire to a place 
 of security 
 
 But if we are invaded with more numerous 
 armies, our enemies may make themselves 
 
 masters of our corn, wine, and cattle that lie 
 without the works ; but if they possess them- 
 selves of our silver mines, what can they find 
 to carry off more than a heap of stones and 
 rubbish 1 
 
 But how is it possible for our enemies to 
 make an inroad upon our mines 1 for the city 
 Megara, which lies nearest, is above 500 fur- 
 longs from them ; and Thebes, which is nearer 
 than any but Megara, is more than 600 furlongs 
 distant from them. 
 
 If they advance to our mines in a small body 
 from this side, they must leave Athens behind 
 them, and run the hazard of being cut off by 
 our horse and flying parties ; and it is a wild 
 notion to imagine that they will invade us with 
 their whole force, and unguard their own 
 country, and leave it exposed to our inroads ; 
 for in such a case, Athens would be nearer to 
 their cities than their own army. 
 
 But suppose they marched up to our mines 
 with a numerous army, how could they subsist 
 for want of provisions 7 if they foraged in small 
 parties, they would be in danger of having their 
 convoys intercepted ; if they foraged with their 
 whole armies, they must act upon the defensive, 
 and we should be the aggressors. 
 
 The revenue arising from our slaves would 
 not only make a considerable article in the 
 charge of maintaining our citizens, but by the 
 vast concourse of people from all parts, the 
 customs of the fairs and markets at the mines, 
 and the rent of our public buildings, and melt- 
 ing-houses, and many other heads, would pro- 
 duce a mighty income to the state. 
 
 The state, upon such an establishment, would 
 be peopled with a prodigious number of inhab- 
 itants, and the value of lands at the mines 
 would be as high as those that lie near Athens. 
 
 A pursuit of such measures and counsels 
 would not only enrich the city, but introduce 
 a habit of obedience in the people: reform 
 their discipline, and revive the courage of the 
 nation. r 
 
 For if, upon this improvement of our revenue, 
 a larger allowance was established for the 
 maintenance of our youth, they would be trained 
 up to the art of war in our public academies 1 
 with more exactness, and perform their military 
 
 1 There were at Athens, and in other parts of Greece, 
 military academies or gymnasia, where the young men 
 exercised. Theophrastus de Blanditia. Aristoph. et 
 ftjhol. in Equi. Xenoph. in 1. 2. 3. et Glib, de rebus Grsec. 
 
STATE OF ATHENS. 
 
 689 
 
 exercises with a more regular discipline, than 
 the racers in the torch-course 1 are taught to 
 observe. And our troops in garrison and the 
 standing guards of our coasts, would do their 
 duty in their several posts with more cheerful- 
 ness, if any effectual provision was settled for 
 their subsistence. 
 
 V. If it be made to appear that the revenue 
 of Athens can never be improved, or advanced 
 to the full height without a peace, it may de- 
 serve the public inquiry, whether the establish- 
 ment of a council of peace 2 would not be for 
 the benefit and advantage of the state. 
 
 For the institution of such a magistracy 
 would invite more numerous settlements of 
 foreigners to make Athens the place of their 
 abode. 
 
 For it is an absurd supposition to imagine, 
 that peace will weaken our strength, and ruin 
 our authority and reputation abroad ; for of all 
 governments, those are happiest who have con- 
 tinue"d longest without war, and of all common- 
 wealths, Athens lies fairest for flourishing and 
 increasing by the arts of peace. 
 
 For Athens in time of peace is the great 
 theatre to which all mankind have occasion to 
 resort : to begin with merchants and command- 
 ers of ships, where can the traders in wine, oil, 
 corn, or cattle have a quicker vent, or a better 
 market for their commodities than at Athens 1 
 Where can monied men make a better improve- 
 ment of their wealth ; and where is there 
 greater encouragement for those who live by 
 arts of invention and ingenuity ? 
 
 Where is there better employment for arti- 
 ficers and mechanic trades 1 Where can the 
 sophists, philosophers, poets, and the lovers of 
 the liberal arts, resort to a more renowned 
 school of learning and humanity ? Where is 
 there a nobler scene to gratify the curiosity of 
 all strangers that are delighted with divine 
 rites and institutions, and the celebrations of 
 religious games and festivals ? And where 
 
 1 'EV r~e Katf*7rx<rt. Torch-'course. There was a 
 festival at Athens, on which a certain number of men 
 ran with lighted torches in their hands. Paus. Attic. 
 To this ceremony Lucretius makes that fine allusion in 
 his second book, 
 
 Et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt. 
 
 Eifi)v9^u\*iCff. "Council of peace." Thisnewmag- 
 Istraey which Xenophon proposes to be instituted for 
 the preservation of the public peace, was to be, in all 
 probability, like the f I^vo^ix*! or fobciales of the Ro- 
 mans, who were instituted by Numa for the same con- 
 siderations. Dion. Halicarn. lib. 2. 
 58* 
 
 can merchants of .all kinds whatsoever find a 
 better market to make quick returns of their 
 money, than Athens 1 
 
 If my opposers acknowledge all this to be 
 true, but still imagine that we can never re- 
 cover the dominion of Greece but by a war, I 
 desire them to look back to the Persian inva- 
 sion, and examine whether it was by force of 
 arms, or our good offices to the Greeks, that 
 we were placed at the head of the naval 
 confederacy, 3 and the common treasury of 
 Greece 1 
 
 And when by a tyrannical exercise of our 
 power we lost our jurisdiction, by an alteration 
 of our measures, and a milder administration, 
 we were restored 4 to our ancient authority by 
 the joint consent of all the islands. 
 
 Did not the Thebans, in acknowledgment of 
 our generous assistance to their state, place us 
 at the head of the common alliance ?> and our 
 rivals the Lacedemonians, for the same con- 
 sideration, quitted their old pretensions, and 
 suffered us to give laws to the last treaty .6 and 
 dispose of the supreme command of Greece at 
 our own discretion. 
 
 And at this juncture, in the general confu- 
 sion of Greece, we have the most favourable 
 opportunity of recovering our ancient dominion 
 without difficulty, hazard, or expense, that ever 
 any nation had : for if we set up to be the 
 common mediators of Greece, and interposed 
 our authority to unite all the divided interests 
 abroad, and reconcile all the factions at home ; 
 and if by solemn embassies to all the neighbour- 
 ing states we declared for the liberty of Delphi, 7 
 
 a 'E\K>iv'OTc/u/c;. After the Persian invasion the Athe- 
 nians had the command of the confederate fleet, and 
 were made treasurers of the money contributed by the 
 Greeks to the carrying on the war against Persia. 
 Thucydides, lib. i. 
 
 * The Athenians recovered the command of the Greek 
 islands, (which they lost in the Peloponnesian war,) in 
 the fourth year of the 100th Olymp. Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 
 
 * This alliance between the Thebans and Athenians 
 was made in ttie second year of the 9Gth Olympiad. 
 Diod. Siculus, lib. 14. Xenophon, lib. 3. de rebus Grtcc. 
 
 This league between the Spartans and Athenians 
 was made in the fourth year of the 102d Olympiad, not 
 long after the battle of Leuctra. Diod. Sic. 1. 15. Xen. 
 1. 7. de rebus Graec. 
 
 * The Greeks made it a part of their religion, to pre- 
 serve the liberty of Delphi. Thus the Lacedemonians 
 entered into a war to restore the oracle to the Delphi- 
 ans, Thucyd. lib. I.e. 112. And the first article of their 
 leajues often be?an with a mutual engagement on both 
 parts, to protect the liberty of Delphi. Thucyd. 1. 4. c. 
 118. 1. c. 5. 18. Besides their religion, they had reasons 
 
 4 M 
 
690 
 
 REVENUE OF THE 
 
 all Greece would support us at the head of so 
 glorious a cause, and unite in a general confe- 
 deracy against common enemies, who endea- 
 voured to make themselves masters of Del- 
 phi, 1 when the Phocians were reduced to 
 extremity. 
 
 And if we afterwards warmly interested 
 ourselves to establish a general peace by sea 
 and land ; all Greece, next to the security of 
 
 their own governments, would desire the pre- 
 servation of Athens. 
 
 If any man can have so wild a notion, as to 
 imagine that war will contribute more to the 
 increase of the riches of the state than peace, 
 I know no better way to decide the controver- 
 sy, than by appealing to the experience of for- 
 mer ages, and producing precedents to the 
 contrary out of our own story. 
 
 of slate for this proceeding: for if Delphi were subject 
 to a foreign power, the priestess might be forced to utter 
 whatever oracles the conqueror pleased to impose : nor 
 could the resolutions and sentences of the Amphictyons, 
 who often sat at Delphi, be free and unbiassed so long 
 as Delphi was under a foreign dominion. 
 
 * If we knew who the enemies were that designed to 
 seize upon Delphi, it would be no difficult matter to de- 
 termine exactly the lime when it was written. Jason, 
 the tyrant of Thessaly, had formed a design upon Delphi, 
 but his death prevented the execution of it. Diod. Sic. 
 Xenop. Hist. Grsec. ^Elian. Frag. Butthis passage can- 
 not be understood to mean this attempt, for Jason was 
 assassinated in the third year of the 102d Olympiad, 
 some years before the battle of Mantinsea, and this dis- 
 course as I have proved in a former note, was written 
 after lhat battle. I think that this passage (taking the 
 word EXXSITTOVTOJV in a neutral sense as I have rendered 
 it, and for which there are a thousand authorities,) 
 ought to be understood of a design the Thebans had 
 formed upon Delphi. The story in short is this: the The- 
 bans being engaged in a war with the Phocians, qpon 
 some dispute about a frontier, formed a design upon the 
 temple of Delphi. Demost. de falsa Legatione, Ulpia- 
 nus. And the Phocians at the same time being con- 
 demned by the Amphictyons to pay a great fine for 
 ploughing up some consecrated land, the Greeks pre- 
 pared to execute the sentence by force of arms. The 
 Phocians being unable to resist such an approaching 
 storm , were reduced to great extremities, and compelled , 
 for their own preservation to seize upon ihe treasures of 
 Delphi : this gave beginning to the Holy War, and all 
 Greece engaged in the quarrel. The Athenians assist- 
 ed Ihe Phocians, bul Xenophon advises them lo break 
 off that alliance, and declare for the liberty of Delphi, 
 and under that plausible pretence to unite all Greece 
 against the Thebans, who were equally criminal with 
 the Phocians, (as Demosthenes observes,) for having 
 formed the first design upon the temple. This counsel 
 he recommends to the Athenians as the best method 
 to recover the dominion of Greece. I know it will be 
 objected that Diog. Laerlius places the death of Xeno- 
 phon in the first year of the 105th Olympiad, and the 
 Phocian war breaking out some years after, it will be 
 impossible to explain this passage in my sense. 
 
 To this I answer, that this account of Laerlius is cer- 
 tainly false : for Xenophon, in his Greek history, men- 
 tions the death of Alexander the tyrant of Pliers ; 
 which happened, as Diodorus observes, in the fourth 
 year of the 105t.h Olymp. so that Xenophon must be a 
 prophet, or be alive at that time, three years after his 
 supposed death. Xenophon likewise in the conclusion 
 of his Greek history affirms, that after the battle of Man- 
 lintea, Greece was in a greater disorder and confusion 
 than ever. But we read of no considerable commotion 
 
 in Greece till the breaking out of the Holy War, in the 
 first year of the 106th Olympiad, which engaged all 
 Greece in an inlesline division. 
 
 To confirm ihis accounl of Laertius, it may be urged 
 that Xenophon lived ninety years, according to Lucian 
 in Macrob. And being present at the battle of Delium, 
 which was fought in the first year of the 89th Olympiad, 
 about sixty-seven years before the Holy War, it is high- 
 ly improbable that he was living at the time of the Holy 
 War. It is true, Laertius says, that Socrates saved 
 Xenopbon's life at that battle ; but Alhenceus, 1. 5. says, 
 lhat Socrates was not at the battle ; and it is probable 
 that the other part of the story of Xenophon's being 
 there, maybe equally fabulous, especially if what Athe 
 naeus (according to Casaubon's correction) says be true, 
 lhal Xenophon was but a boy at the banquet of Callias, 
 which was three years afterwards. Besides he is called 
 a young man in his expedition into Asia ; but at this 
 rate he must have been fifty years old at lhat time, an 
 age at which a man cannot properly be called young. 
 
 But granting that he was present at the batlle of 
 Delium, if we allow him lo be eighleen years old, Ihe 
 age, if I mistake not, that the Athenians usually made 
 their firsl campaign, he would be bul eighly-one years 
 old on the first year of the 105th Olympiad, and conse- 
 quenlly might write of the Holy War, which broke out 
 four years afterwards. Nor does Lucian precisely limit 
 his age to ninety years only, but says he lived above 
 ninety years. 
 
 Xenophon in Ihis discourse says, lhal Ihe Alheniang 
 had been engaged in a war by sea and land ; lhat the 
 war by sea was at an end, but the war by land still con- 
 tinued. This exactly agrees with the Bellum Sociale, 
 or the war of the Athenians against their revolted 
 islands, which was carried on by sea, and begun in the 
 third year of the 105lh Olympiad, and ended in Ihe se- 
 cond year of Ihe 106lh Olympiad, iwo years after ihe 
 breaking out of Ihe Holy War, which Ihe Athenians 
 were then engaged in. 
 
 By this account Xenophon wrote this discourse about 
 the third year of the 106th Olympiad, a year after the 
 conclusion of the peace with Ihe Islands. 
 
 If the account of Xenophon's death in Laertius be 
 true, I cannot believe this work to be genuine ; for I 
 think il almosl impossible lo explain Ihis passage in any 
 oiher sense. But the authority of all the writers who 
 ascribe this discourse to Xenophon, and the conformity 
 of the style with the rest of his works, and lhat charac- 
 ter of piety which runs Ihrough Ihe whole piece, which 
 is so peculiar lo Ihe writings of Xenophon, and lhal par- 
 licular maxim at the conclusion of this trealise, "ofun 
 derlaking every Ihing under Ihe favour and proteclioi 
 of Hie gods," which he inculcates in all his works, ant 
 particularly at the end of his 'i^i^y-os, are undenia 
 ble proofs that this discourse is genuine. 
 
STATE OF ATHENS. 
 
 691 
 
 For upon inquiry he may find that the vast 
 treasure we had amassed in peace, was all con- 
 sumed in our former wars ; and to quote in- 
 stances of a fresher date, in the present war all 
 the branches of our income have been deficient, 
 and what money came in upon the public funds, 
 has been all applied to the pressing occasions 
 of the state ; but since the seas have been 
 open, and our trade free, every article of our 
 income is advanced, and the government is 
 at liberty to employ it as they think conve- 
 nient. 
 
 Not that I would advise the commonwealth 
 to sit down tamely by their injuries in case of 
 a foreign invasion ; but this I am sure of, that 
 we should be better enabled to revenge the 
 affront, if we are not the aggressors, for our 
 enemies will never be able to form a confede- 
 racy to support them in an unjust war. 
 
 VI. Upon the whole matter, if nothing in this 
 proposal appears impossible, or difficult, and if 
 a pursuit of these counsels and resolutions will 
 gain the affections of Greece, and establish our 
 security at home, and increase our reputation 
 abroad ; if the common people will abound in 
 all things necessary for life, and the rich be 
 eased of their taxes to the wars : if in this 
 universal plenty our temples will be rebuilt, 
 and our religious festivals and solemnities cele- 
 
 brated with more magnificence ; if our walls, 
 docks, and arsenals will be repaired, and our 
 priests, senate, magistrates, and cavalry, re- 
 stored to their ancient rights and privileges, is 
 it not fit that all engines should be set at 
 work to promote so glorious an undertaking, 
 that in our days we may see our country esta- 
 blished upon a solid foundation of security and 
 happiness "? 
 
 And if the public, upon due consideration, 
 thinks fit to execute these orders and institu- 
 tions, I would advise them to send ambassadors 
 to Delphi and Dodona to consult the gods, 
 whether such a reformation of our government 
 would not turn to the advantage of the present 
 age, and the benefit of all posterity. 
 
 And if these resolutions are ratified by the 
 divine approbation, to consult the oracle once 
 more, to the protection of what gods we should 
 recommend the success of this enterprise, and 
 then to propitiate those gods we are directed 
 to apply to, in order to engage their assistance ; 
 and after this solemn invocation to enter boldly 
 upon the execution of this design : for it is 
 but reason tha+. all undertakings should be 
 attended with more favourable success, that 
 are begun, and carried on, under the imme- 
 diate care and protection of the Divine Provi- 
 dence. 
 
ON THE 
 
 ATHENIAN REPUBLIC 
 
 [693] 
 
ON THE 
 
 ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 I. THE Athenians, 1 in my opinion, are en- 
 titled to little commendation for having origi- 
 nally adopted their present political institutions, 
 because they are calculated to give an undue 
 ascendancy to the poor and the bad over the 
 rich and the good : I cannot therefore commend 
 them. These institutions, however, as they 
 have been adopted, can be demonstrated by 
 abundant proofs to be admirably adapted to 
 support the spirit of their constitution, and to 
 enable them to transact public business, though 
 among the rest of the Greeks a contrary opin- 1 
 ion is prevalent. 
 
 First then, at Athens, the poor and the ple- 
 beians are wisely rendered more influential j 
 than the nobles and the rich ; because the lower 
 orders man the ships, and extend the power of 
 the republic : for pilots, 2 and'pursers, and com- ' 
 
 i a-t^i Sl. This treatise, from its abrupt introduction, 
 is generally supposed to have been a fragment of a 
 larger work, in which a comparison was instituted be- 
 tween the different forms of government in ancient 
 Greece. 
 
 axu/Ssfvij-raj, &c. KvSigvviTtis- was the master or pilot, 
 who had the care of the ship, and the government of the 
 seamen in it,and who sat at the stern to steer. All things 
 were conducted according to his direction ; and it was 
 therefore necessary that lie should possess an exact 
 knowledge of the art of navigation, called XV^I^V^TIK^ 
 Tt%v>i,andwhich chiefly consisted in the proper manage- 
 ment of the rudder, sails, and of the several instruments 
 used in navigation; in the observance of the winds, and 
 of the motions of the celestial bodies ; in the knowledge 
 of commodious harbours, of rocks, and quicksands. 
 Ksxsuo-TJu, the purser, whom some interpret the boat- 
 swain, signified the word of command to the rowers, and 
 distributed to all the crew their daily portion of food. 
 IJe<agfs or jr^wf ar>is, the boatswain, was next under the 
 pilot, and, as the appellation imports, had his station 
 
 Upon the prOW, o TOO xvitig V>;TOU ^ixoi/o?, as Trg tog ivs rijf 
 
 VIM; KxKetTxi. To his care were committed the tackle 
 of the ship and the rowers, whose places were assigned 
 by him. He assisted the master at consultation respect- 
 ing the seasons, and other matters. 
 
 manders of fifties, and boatswains, and ship- 
 builders, acquire much more real influence to 
 a republic than the nobility and richer citizens. 
 This being the state of their affairs, it seems 
 a matter of justice that all the citizens should 
 participate in the offices of state, whether they 
 be filled by lot 3 or by open suffrage, and that 
 every citizen who chooses should be allowed to 
 speak publicly at their deliberations. 
 
 The people never require a participation in 
 those offices, whether superior or inferior, in 
 which are centred the safety or danger of 
 the whole nation : nor do they expect to be 
 eligible to the offices of generals or masters of 
 horse, as the people know that it is much more 
 advantageous for them not to engage in such 
 offices, but allow them to be possessed by the 
 rich ; but the people lay claim to all those 
 offices to which salaries are attached, and 
 which better the circumstances of their fa- 
 milies. 4 
 
 The Athenians invariably give greater ad- 
 vantages to the bad, the poor, and the plebei- 
 ans, than to the good ; and this circumstance, 
 though it has excited the wonder of many, 
 still proves incontestably their desire to pre- 
 serve the spirit of a democratical government. 
 For the poor, the plebeians, and the lower 
 orders, when held in consideration, and when 
 their numbers increase, extend the democracy : 
 but when the rich and good are prosperous, 
 
 s xx^a... Those who were chosen by lot were O-T^T. 
 
 Hyoi, Iw-afxci, x*<rT*i,/3ouXluT, iiritTTx-rxt rav TTCV- 
 
 TXVIMV, Tx.p.ix.1, ygxf*ft*Tti;, xoy<rr<, and several oth- 
 ers. These were called xx^w X*%OI/T,-, xM e w5!KTic, 
 xMipooTo^xua/zjoToi'. Those, on the contrary, vvhoweie 
 chosen by the suffrages of the people, were called *<>= 
 
 4<ii<r$5ce<'*;' Judges, senators, and the citizens who 
 frequented the public assemblies, received a Certain 
 allowance in money. 
 
 095 
 
696 
 
 ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 then the plebeians are exerting themselves to 
 strengthen a party opposed to them in interest. 
 
 In every country the better portion of the 
 people is hostile to a democratical government 
 for among that class the least petulance and 
 injustice exist, and the most ardent desire 
 of reputation and probity ; but among the ple- 
 beians the greatest ignorance, insubordination, 
 and wickedness are to be found: for their 
 poverty leads them to crimes, and unskilful- 
 ness and ignorance, through want of money to 
 some men 1 
 
 It might be remarked that they should not 
 have allowed every person without distinction 
 to speak publicly and attend the senate, but 
 should have restricted this right to men of the 
 greatest genius and virtue : yet in this respect 
 they have consulted excellently, by permit- 
 ting even the bad to speak. For if the higher 
 orders alone had harangued and deliberated, it 
 might be of advantage to men like themselves, 
 but not so to the plebeians : and at present 
 when every one may speak, a bad man is en- 
 abled to rise and propose what may be advan- 
 tageous to himself and his equals. 
 
 The question may be asked, What proposal 
 can such a man make, likely to be profitable 
 either to himself or the people 1 But they 
 know well that his ignorance and wickedness, 
 coupled with good will towards them, are more 
 likely to be beneficial to them than the virtue 
 and wisdom of the good man conjoined with 
 malice. 
 
 Such institutions will not produce the best 
 system of government, but they are admirably 
 calculated to preserve the democracy. The 
 people by no means desire a well constituted 
 republic which would inevitably subject them 
 to slavery ; they prefer to be free and to govern. 
 A bad constitution gives them little uneasi- 
 ness; for what you consider a bad political 
 condition, enlarges their power and preserves 
 their freedom. 
 
 If you desire a well constituted republic, you 
 must first procure men of the greatest talents 
 to make the laws ; then the good will punish 
 the bad ; and consult on what is most beneficial 
 to the commonwealth, and not allow persons 
 
 Commentators have proposed many alterations of 
 this sentence, so as to produce a meaning somewhat 
 corresponding with the context; but they require to 
 supply many words. We have, therefore, thought it 
 preferable to give a translat on of the words as they 
 stand, without attending to the proposed emendations. 
 
 like madmen to consult, harangue, and address 
 public assemblies. These advantages would 
 speedily reduce the plebeians to a state of 
 slavery. 
 
 The licentiousness of slaves and of aliens at 
 Athens is excessive ; none are allowed to strike 
 them ; nor will the slave yield to the freeman. 
 I will explain the cause of this practice being 
 indigenous. If it were customary for the slave, 
 or alien, or freedman to be struck by the free- 
 man, the citizen of Athens would frequently 
 be beaten under the supposition of his being a 
 slave ; for neither in dress nor personal appear- 
 ance are the people superior to slaves or aliens. 
 
 It may be reckoned a subject of wonder that 
 slaves are there allowed to live luxuriously, 
 some of them even magnificently ; yet even in 
 this they appear to have acted with judgment. 
 For where a naval power exists, it is neces- 
 sary, for pecuniary considerations, to humour 
 the slaves, and allow them a more liberal mode 
 of living, that their masters may receive from 
 them their hire for labour performed in the 
 fleet ; for where the slaves are rich, it is no 
 longer expedient that my slave should dread 
 you ; but in LacedaBmon my slave dreads you ; 
 and where my slave is afraid of you, there is 
 danger lest he should surrender his property to 
 get rid of personal fear. 
 
 This consideration urges us to grant an equa- 
 lity of rights to slaves and freemen ; and also 
 to aliens and citizens, because the republic 
 requires the aid of aliens on account of the 
 multiplicity of her arts and the exigencies of 
 the naval service. This is the reason that we 
 have justly admitted the aliens to an equality 
 of rights. 
 
 The people have here abrogated the gym- 
 nastic exercises and profession of music at 
 private expense, as being unsuited to their 
 means, and being deprived of leisure to attend 
 to them. In the public academies 2 and gym- 
 
 xspiy'^'r, &c. Xvi>-' were at the expense of 
 players, singers, dancers, and musicians, as oft as there 
 was occasion for them at the celebration of public festi- 
 vals and solemnities. Tv^vxa-mg %o < were at the charge 
 of the oil and other necessaries for the wrestlers and 
 combatants. T^^a^oi were obliged to provide ncces- 
 ries for the subsistence of the crew belonging to the 
 fleet; for, in general, the republic only furnished the 
 rigging and sailors. They were also to build ships. To 
 this office no certain number of men was appointed : 
 but their number was increased or diminished ns the 
 value of their estates, and the exigences of thecommon- 
 wealth, seemed to require. Commonly, however, there 
 were two to each galley, who served six months each 
 
ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 697 
 
 nastic exercises, and in serving on ship-board 
 they know that when the rich act as choregi, the 
 people are instructed and supported ; when the 
 rich command at sea and in military academies, 
 the people labour and are paid. The people, 
 therefore, think it proper to receive money for 
 singing, running, dancing, and serving on ship- 
 board, that they may enjoy themselves, and the 
 rich become poorer. 
 
 In deciding cases in courts of justice, equity 
 is less an object with them than advantage. 
 
 Those who are deputed from Athens by sea 
 to visit the allies, are reported to abuse and 
 detest the good among them, knowing that the 
 governor must be haled by the governed ; and 
 that if the rich and the nobles are powerful 
 in these cities, the power of the populace at 
 Athens will be of very short duration. For 
 these considerations, then, they dishonour the 
 good, despoil them of their property, banish, 
 and kill them : but they increase the influence 
 of the bad. On the contrary, the good among 
 the Athenians preserve the good in the allied 
 republics, knowing it to be advantageous for 
 themselves always to preserve the best citizens 
 in these states. 
 
 It might be observed that the strength of 
 the Athenians lies in their allies being able to 
 contribute money. But to the plebeians it 
 seems to be a greater advantage that each indi- 
 vidual Athenian should possess the property 
 of their allies, and that the allies should have 
 only so much as to enable them to supply 
 themselves with food and to till the fields with- 
 out being able to conspire against their masters. 
 
 The Athenian people, at first sight, appear 
 to have enacted a bad law, in obliging their 
 allies to resort to Athens for the decision of 
 their lawsuits. 1 The Athenian people, on the 
 other hand, only consider what advantage is 
 likely to accrue to themselves from this prac- 
 tice. First of all, they receive the court dues 2 
 
 1 7r\tTv i-ci SIKO,; 'A5>iva{. The great inconvenience 
 which attended the administration of justice to the in- 
 Bular allies of Athens, seems to have been frequently 
 brought forward as a heavy accusation. Isocrates al- 
 ludes to it in Panath., * TJ re SUxg xott -rag xg*<rrs 
 raj tvJaJs ytyvOftivxs roFf (rvftpx%,Qig ^(etOjeX.Ouo-i. 
 
 a TV si- f vrxviiuv. Commentators differ as to the a- 
 mount and appropriation of this money. Aristotle in 
 
 his Polit. says, rot Jxa(rTie <* ,u*<rSo$6* xxTia-rtta-t Utqi. 
 
 xx?. The Scholia on the Clouds of Aristophanes, 1134, 
 translate 5r ? vT*vtov thus: u s yv^ov T, lim* xT T .9. 
 
 trxv of Stxx^oftivoi otfi<OTS si, x o Qtvyav xse a $to>*a>v, 
 PollUX VIII. 38. adds, o $' STT^S.S uviSi&ou TO true ap. 
 
 $OTf!UV $Q$iv' f).X.uxv3V $1 AUTO of StXXTTxl. Ka< 0* 
 fll CtTJ-0 (XXTSV SQXKfiSlV %g %(Xl'xV JlXK^O^Uei/OJ TfSf 
 
 59 
 
 throughout the year ; besides, remaining at ease 
 at home, without sailing to foreign lands, they 
 administer the government of the allied states ; 
 preserve their lower orders, and ruin their 
 enemies in the courts of justice : but if each of 
 the allies had the administration of justice at 
 home, as they bear a deadly hatred to the 
 Athenians, they would ruin those among them- 
 selves who were most friendly to the Athenian 
 people. 
 
 In addition to these, the Athenian people 
 gain these advantages from justice being ad- 
 ministered to the allies at Athens ; for first, 
 the city receives the hundredth part of what is 
 landed at the Piraeus, and the keepers of 
 lodging-houses gain profit, and those who pos- 
 sess cattle and slaves for hire : heralds, too, 
 are benefitted by the arrival of the allies. 
 
 Besides, if the allies did not come for de- 
 cision in law-suits to Athens, they would only 
 pay their respects to those of the Athenians who 
 were delegated to visit them, such as generals 
 and trierarchs and ambassadors ; but at present 
 each individual of the allies is obliged to flatter 
 the Athenian plebeians, knowing that when he 
 comes to Athens, the decision of his lawsuit 
 depends solely and entirely on the people, who 
 are the law at Athens. He is obliged, in 
 courts of justice, to supplicate the people, and 
 even when one enters the court to seize him 
 by. the hand. By these means the allies are 
 rendered much more the slaves of the Athenian 
 people. 
 
 Moreover, on account of their transmarine 3 
 possessions, and to avoid giving umbrage to 
 the magistrates of these places, they and their 
 followers are obliged to learn secretly to handle 
 the oar; for the man who sails frequently 
 must handle the oar, both himself and domes- 
 tics, and become acquainted with nautical 
 phrases. 
 
 Thus they become good pilots by their ex- 
 perience and exercise at sea. Some are trained 
 in piloting small vessels ; some, vessels of bur- 
 den ; and some are advanced from them to the 
 galleys : many of them are even able to take 
 the charge of ships as soon as they go on 
 
 X*TfTI?IVTO' 0' Si JTO %t\KaV ftl^g! flU 
 
 . He also subjoins the opinion of others, 
 
 Ammonius and Thomas Magister have adopted the 
 atter opinion. 
 
 * aa-i^of of . These possessions were in the islanrii, 
 ihe Chersonesus, Thrace, and elsewhere. 
 
 4N 
 
698 
 
 ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 board, from having been exercised at sea all 
 their lives. 
 
 II. The land army, 1 which is by no means 
 in good condition at Athens, is thus consti- 
 tuted : They reckon themselves inferior by 
 land to such of their enemies as are there 
 reckoned the most powerful ; but to the allies 
 who pay tribute they deem themselves supe- 
 rior, and they suppose that they will maintain 
 the sovereignty as long as they are superior to 
 their allies. 
 
 I will now enumerate a few of the advan- 
 tages of their condition as decided by fortune. 
 Those who are governed by land can collect 
 men together from small towns, and fight in 
 great numbers ; but those who are governed 
 by a naval power, such as islanders, cannot 
 collect into one place the inhabitants of other 
 towns for mutual aid ; for the sea intervenes, 
 and their governors are masters of the sea : 
 and if it were possible secretly to collect the 
 islanders together into one island, they could 
 be reduced by famine. 
 
 The cities on the continent, 2 which are go- 
 verned by the Athenians are retained in sub- 
 jection, the larger ones through fear, the 
 
 t TO Si gsDUTixov. go much is lost here that it is diffi- 
 cult to judge of the author's meaning. His intention 
 seems to have been to draw a comparison between the 
 land and naval forces, and to point out by what means 
 the Athenians aimed to obtain and preserve the 
 sovereignty of Greece. To OJTXJTXOV, therefore, which 
 elsewhere signifies the heavy-armed troops in a land 
 army, seems to designate the land army as contradis- 
 tinguished from the naval power ; and we are informed 
 that the latter was in greatest repute. Thucydides, 1. 
 143, and Isocrates Orat. de Pace, state that their ships 
 were formerly manned with slaves and aliens, and that 
 the citizens engaged in the land service. This practice 
 was so much changed in the time of Isocrates, that the 
 land army was composed of foreigners, and the fleet of 
 citizens. The power of the Athenians extended to the 
 islands and often to cities on the continent, and for this 
 reason, our author informs us, the Athenians attached 
 little importance to the land forces, but exerted them- 
 selves to increase and support their power at sea. 
 Wherever our author speaks indefinitely of enemies, he 
 refers to the Lacedemonians. Plutarch, in his life of 
 Themistocles, informs us how that general gradually 
 induced the Athenians to turn their attention to gain- 
 ing an ascendancy at sea : &s r* TTI^ ftsv ov$l roifo^igetg 
 
 E">M*%u? ovra;, T>) $' X.TTO r3>v vttov X.x>) xi rovg &*- 
 f'ctfOvi; uftvvxtrSxi x* TJJS 'EXXaJoj %v Svvstftivovf 
 
 * iv T>J y^tig^. Hsrsifo; here seems to mean the 
 shore of Asia Minor. Both Isocrates and Xenophon 
 frequently use the word in this sense. In Greece 
 Proper, no cities or states were subject at this period to 
 the authority of the Athenians. 
 
 smaller through penury. For there is no city 
 which does not require either to import or ex- 
 port. This they cannot do unless they be sub- 
 ject to the masters of the sea. Those who 
 have the ascendancy at sea can do what can- 
 not be done by those who have it on land : 
 they can make a descent on the country of a 
 more powerful nation, and lay it waste with 
 fire and sword ; they can land at those places 
 where either there is no enemy at all, or not 
 so many as to dare to encounter them. In 
 doing this by sea the difficulty is less than 
 when attempted with a land army. 
 
 Besides, it is possible for those who rule the 
 sea to sail away from their own country on 
 whatever voyage they please ; but those who 
 rule on land cannot depart a distance of many 
 days' journey from their own country ; for their 
 marches are slow, and they cannot carry pro- 
 vision for a long journey in an overland expe- 
 dition. He who marches by land, too, must 
 go through a friendly country, or force his 
 way by the sword ; but he who goes by sea, 
 wherever he is superior, may make a descent ; 
 and where inferior, can sail past that country 
 until he reaches a friendly country or a nation 
 inferior in power. 
 
 And then the blight of the crops, which 
 proceeds from heaven, is borne with difficulty 
 by those who rule on land, but with ease by 
 the rulers of the sea. For the crop is never 
 everywhere at the same time deficient ; so 
 that from the prosperous and fertile land pro- 
 visions reach the lords of the sea. 
 
 And if we may enumerate small advantages, 
 by the command of the sea, they associate with 
 other nations, and discover their different kinds 
 of good cheer: and whatever is pleasant in 
 Sicily, or in Italy, or in Cyprus, or in Egypt, 
 or in Lydia, or in Pontus, or in Peloponnesus, 
 or any where else, all these may be collected 
 into one spot by having the ascendancy at sea. 
 And, besides, becoming acquainted with the 
 words of many languages, they choose from 
 them the most elegant and useful. The rest 
 of the Greeks have adopted one peculiar lan- 
 guage, mode of living, and dress ; but the 
 Athenians have adopted a compound from 
 Greeks and Barbarians. 
 
 The people, knowing that every poor man 
 cannot sacrifice to the gods, enjoy the festivals, 
 possess temples and groves, and inhabit a 
 beautiful and extensive city, devised means for 
 obtaining these. The state, then, publicly 
 
ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 G99 
 
 sacrifices all the victims, and the people enjoy 
 the banquets and divide the victims by lot. 
 Some of the rich possess, privately, places for 
 exercising, and baths, and places for undress- 
 ing before the baths ; but the people, for their 
 own private use, build many palaestra, un- 
 dressing places, and baths, and the mob enjoys 
 a greater number of these than the few and the 
 rich. 
 
 The Athenians are the only nation of the 
 Greeks or Barbarians who can possess wealth ; 
 for if any state is rich in timber for ship-build- 
 ing, where can they dispose of it, unless they 
 conciliate the favour of the lords of the sea 1 
 and if any state is rich in steel, brass, or flax, 
 where can they dispose of it, unless they con- 
 ciliate the favour of the lords of the sea 1 and 
 from these very materials our ships are made. 
 From one nation timber is procured ; from an- 
 other, steel ; from another, brass ; from another, 
 flax ; from another, wax. 
 
 In addition to these, we will not allow them 
 to be imported by our enemies, who are ex- 
 cluded from the use of the sea. And, without 
 labour, we enjoy all these benefits from the 
 land by means of the sea ; no other city has 
 them : nor does the same state abound in tim- 
 ber and flax ; for where there is flax, there the 
 country is level and woodless : nor are brass 
 and steel procured from* the same state, nor 
 are two or three of the others produced by one 
 state : one state abounds in one ; another pro- 
 duces another. 
 
 And, in addition to these advantages, near 
 every continent there is either a projecting 
 shore or an island situated before the coast, or 
 a part of the shore, to which there is only a 
 narrow approach from the continent; so that 
 those who rule the sea may there make a de- 
 scent, and do much injury to those who live on 
 the mainland. 
 
 They are destitute of one favourable circum- 
 stance ; for if the Athenians, while lords of the 
 sea, inhabited an island, they would have had 
 it in their power, when they pleased, to injure 
 others, and suffer no injury in return, as long 
 as they commanded the sea ; and their land 
 should not be devastated or invaded by the 
 enemy. At present, the cultivators of the 
 fields, and the rich men of Athens, are much 
 afraid of the enemy ; but the people, being 
 well aware that the enemy can commit to 
 the flames or devastate none of their property, 
 live in safety and free from terror. In addition 
 
 to this, they would be freed from another fear 
 if they inhabited an island, that the city would 
 never be betrayed by a few, nor would their 
 gates be opened, nor would the enemy break 
 in upon them. How could these things hap- 
 pen to the inhabitants of an island? Nor 
 would there be seditions among the people if 
 they inhabited an island. At present, if a 
 sedition took place, it would be with the hope 
 that the enemy could be introduced by land : 
 if they inhabited an island, they would not re- 
 quire to dread such an event. But as it was 
 not their fortune to inhabit an island from the 
 beginning, they now act thus, they deposite 
 their property in islands, trusting in their 
 ascendancy at sea ; and they overlook the de- 
 vastation committed on the territory of Attica, 
 knowing that their commiseration may deprive 
 them of other greater advantages. 
 
 It is necessary, in cities governed by an oligar- 
 chy, that alliances and leagues should be rigidly 
 observed. If engagements are not strictly per- 
 formed, from whom can the injury be supposed 
 to have proceeded, except those few by whom 
 they were made. Whatever the people may 
 decide, any one may lay the blame on the pro- 
 poser of the measure, and those who confirmed 
 it, asserting that he was not present when the 
 decree was passed, and that the proposals by no 
 means pleased him. And if, upon making in- 
 quiry, they ascertain that these things were 
 decided in a full meeting of the people, they 
 devise a thousand pretexts not to do what 
 they do not wish to do. And when any harm 
 happens from what the people decree, they 
 complain that a few persons opposed to them 
 have corrupted the whole matter, and if any 
 good, they appropriate the credit to themselves. 
 
 They do not allow the people to be traduced 
 or evil spoken of on the stage, as they do not 
 wish to be evil spoken of themselves. But 
 they grant liberty to any one to satirise an- 
 other individual if he choose, being well aware, 
 that one of the people or the rabble is sel- 
 dom pitched upon for that purpose, but gene- 
 rally either one of the rich, of the nobility, 
 or the powerful. Very few of the poor or the 
 plebeians are traduced on the stage ; and not 
 even these, except on account of their ofncious- 
 ness, and of attempting to be more influential 
 than the rest of the people. They do not, 
 therefore, take it amiss that such persons should 
 be satirised. 
 
 I assert, then, that the people at Athens 
 
700 
 
 ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 know who are good among the citizens, and 
 who are bad : and as they know this, they love 
 those who are necessary and advantageous to 
 themselves, however bad they may be, and 
 entertain a great hatred at the good ; for they 
 do not think that virtue is naturally beneficial 
 to them, but rather injurious. Some, however, 
 on the contrary, who, by birth, really belong to 
 the people, are by no means plebeians. 
 
 I can easily excuse the people for choosing 
 a democracy, as every one must be excused for 
 wishing to benefit himself. But whoever is 
 not one of the people, and prefers living under 
 a state subject to democratic rule, rather than 
 one subject to oligarchical, is devising means 
 to do injury ; and knows that a scoundrel has 
 much greater facility in escaping notice in a 
 popular republic, than when the government is 
 in the hands of a few. 
 
 III. I do not commend the plan of the 
 Athenian republic : but since they have thought 
 proper to subject themselves to a democracy, 
 they seem to me to be preserving the demo- 
 cracy, by adopting the plans which I have 
 enumerated. 
 
 I observe that some blame the Athenians, 
 because the allies sometimes cannot get a re- 
 sponse from the senate or the people, after 
 having remained a whole year. This happens 
 at Athens from no other reason than that the 
 multitude of their business prevents them from 
 settling the affairs of the allies, and dismissing 
 them. 
 
 For how could they, who must celebrate 
 more festivals than any of the Grecian cities 1 
 and while these last, business of the state is 
 at a stand : they must also settle private con- 
 troversies and public accusations, and actions 
 against public 1 men, so numerous, that all 
 their judges cannot settle them. The senate 
 have also many deliberations about war, and 
 many about procuring money, and many about 
 enacting laws, and many about the usual con- 
 tingencies in a state, many also about the allies 
 and receiving tribute, and they must pay great 
 attention to naval and sacred affairs. Is it 
 wonderful, then, that, since they have so much 
 business to transact, they cannot give sentence 
 in every lawsuit 1 
 
 i tlfluvi), an action against magistrates, ambassadors, 
 and other officers, who had misemployed the public 
 money, or committed any other offence in the discharge 
 of their trusts. The action against ambassadors was 
 sometimes peculiarly called 7r$7Ts<r&ux. 
 
 Some say that money is very influential 
 with the senate and the people, in procuring a 
 decision in a court of justice. I agree with 
 them that much can be done with money at 
 Athens, and that much more business would 
 be settled if a 'greater number used bribes. 
 This, however, I know well, that the state 
 could not transact all their necessary business, 
 even although much more gold and silver were 
 given. It is necessary, also, to give sentence 
 in the event of one refusing to furnish a ship, 
 and when a building is erecting at the public 
 expense. In addition to these, they must de- 
 cide who ought to undertake the duty of chor- 
 agus, for the Dionysian, 2 Thargelian, 3 Pana- 
 thensean, 4 Promethean, 5 and Hephaestian 6 
 
 aAjovuo-isc were solemnities in honour of Ai&vuo-of, 
 Bacchus, and were sometimes called by the general 
 name of 'Ofynt, which, though sometimes applied to 
 the mysteries of other gods, more particularly belongs 
 to those of Bacchus. They were also sometimes deno- 
 minated BI*X%S. They were observed at Athens with 
 greater splendour, and with more ceremonious super- 
 stition, than in any other part of Greece ; for the years 
 were numbered by them, the chief archon had a share 
 in the management of them, and the priests who offi- 
 ciated, were honoured with the first seats at public 
 shows. At first, however, they were celebrated with- 
 out splendour, being days set apart for public mirth, and 
 observed only with the following ceremonies ; a vessel 
 of wine, adorned with a vine branch, was brought forth; 
 next followed a goat ; theit was carried a basket of figs; 
 and, after all, the phalli. 
 
 a of yij\j was an Athenian festival in honour of the 
 sun and his attendants, the hours ; or, as some think, of 
 Delian Apollo, and Diana. It was celebrated on the 
 sixth and seventh of Q*^yKioiv } and received its name 
 from &aqy(\Kix, which was a general word for all the 
 fruits of the earth ; because one of the principal cere- 
 monies was the carrying of first fruits in pots called 
 3gynxo. The chief solemnity was on the latter day, 
 the former being employed in preparing for it. 
 
 4llv6^viw was an Athenian festival in honour of 
 Minerva, the protectress of Athens. It was first insti- 
 tuted by Erichthonius, who called it'AS^via, and after- 
 wards revived by Theseus, when he had united into one 
 city all the Athenian people, and denominated nvS^ 
 VKI*. At first, it continued only one day; but was 
 afterwards prolonged several days, and celebrated with 
 great magnificence. There were two solemnities of 
 this name, one of which was called Msy*x ni/st6>ivae 
 the Great Panathensea, and was celebrated once in five 
 years, beginning on the twenty-second of Hecatombseon: 
 the other was denominated M*xj n*v*9iiv*jc, the Less 
 Panathenoea, and was observed every third year, or, as 
 some think, every year, beginning on the twentieth or 
 twenty -first of Thargelion. 
 
 m^oftytSsiee was an Athenian solemnity celebrated in 
 honour of Prometheus with torches in memory of his 
 teaching men the use of fire. 
 
 H$aj<rri was an Athenian festival in honour of 
 'H^tirros, Vulcan. At this time there was a race with 
 torches, called ayiov xs/ujra Jou^oj in the academy. The 
 contenders were three young men, one of whom being 
 
ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 701 
 
 games. Four hundred trirarchs are appointed 
 each year ; and such of these as wish, must 
 every year exercise themselves in deciding in 
 courts of justice. Besides these, the magistrates 
 must be approved of and decided on, pupils are 
 to be elected, and keepers of prisoners 1 to be 
 appointed. These must be done every year. 
 
 At intervals, also, they must decide on 
 persons refusing to enter the army, 2 and 
 if any unexpected instance of injustice should 
 happen, and if any unusual insolence should 
 be offered or impiety shown. I pass over 
 many things ; what is of most consequence 
 has been mentioned, except the settlement of 
 the tribute : this happens generally every fifth 
 year. Do you not think that they must pass 
 judgment on all these cases 1 
 
 Some one may say that it is not necessary it 
 should be done in their present courts of justice. 
 But if he confesses that all these must be set- 
 tled, it is necessary that it should be done in the 
 course of the year. So that not even at pre- 
 sent are they able, in the course of the year, to 
 pass judgment, to be a check on evil doers, on 
 account of the great number of cases which 
 come before them. But it may be said, that 
 no doubt it is necessary to judge, but that 
 fewer judges should sit together. If they ap- 
 point a greater number of courts of justice, 
 there will be fewer in each of them ; and it 
 will be much easier to corrupt a few judges, 
 and bribe them, and cause them to decide with 
 less show of justice. It must also be taken 
 into consideration, that the Athenians must 
 attend to festivals, on which days no decisions 
 in courts of justice can be made. They have 
 double the number of holidays that any other 
 
 appointed by lot to begin the race, took a lighted torch 
 in his hand, and commenced his course : if the torch 
 was extinguished before he arrived at the goal, he gave 
 it to the second ; and the second, in like manner to the 
 third. He .who carried the torch lighted to the end of 
 the race, was the victor, and was called Kft7r*Snq'afos 
 
 Or yrvftrtiqiot oj. 
 
 t $vK*; Sia-feurStv. These were also called of IvJtx*, 
 the eleven, from their number, and were elected from 
 the ten tribes, one from each. To them was added 
 a yfttftftartvs, or registrar, to complete the number. 
 Sometimes they were called vafto$\>Kxxts, keepers of the 
 laws; and they superintended public prisoners, and 
 conducted criminals to execution. They had power to 
 seize on persons suspected of theft and robbery, and, if 
 they confessed that they were guilty, to put them to 
 death ; but, if not, they were obliged to prosecute them 
 in a judicial manner. 
 
 9-T86Tas, refusing to serve in war was punished 
 with unfit* infamy. 
 
 59* 
 
 state has ; but we go on the supposition that 
 they are equal to them who have least. Since 
 this is the state of their affairs, I insist that 
 it is impossible that business at Athens can 
 be otherwise conducted than at present, ex- 
 cept that a little alteration may be made on 
 their present institutions by addition or sub- 
 traction. A great change cannot be made, 
 for fear of detracting from the democratical 
 influence. 
 
 It is possible to devise many plans to better 
 their political state : but it is not easy to pro- 
 pose a plan which will procure a better system 
 of government without endangering the demo- 
 cracy, except as I have already stated, by a 
 little addition or subtraction. 
 
 The Athenians seem also not to have con- 
 sulted well, in always supporting the worst 
 party in revolted cities. Yet, in this respect, 
 they act with judgment ; for if they chose the 
 best, they would support a party entertaining 
 notions on political points different from them- 
 selves : for in no state are the better class of 
 citizens friendly to the plebeians, though the 
 worst class are friendly to the plebeians; for 
 equals entertain friendly notions of their equals. 
 These reasons induce the Athenians to prefer 
 what is advantageous to themselves. 
 
 As often as they have supported the party 
 of the better class, it has been injurious to 
 them ; and within a short period the plebeians 
 were inslaved. This happened once in the 
 case of interference with the Boeotians. 3 Again, 
 when they supported the nobility of the Mile- 
 sians, who, in a short period after, rose up and 
 massacred the plebeians. Again, when they 
 took the part of the Lacedemonians against 
 the Messenians, a very short time intervened 
 until the Lacedemonians overpowered the 
 Messenians, and made war on the Athenians 
 themselves. 
 
 s B<ua>To~s. The author is here supposed to allude to 
 the unsuccessful expedition of Tolmidas against the 
 Boeotian exiles, mentioned by Thucydides, i. 113.; Dio- 
 dorus, xii. 6.; Plutarch, in life of Pericles, 24. 
 Mi^a-Kav, reference is probably here made to the war 
 which the Athenians undertook against the Samians 
 when accused by the Milesians, Thucyd. i. 115., Plu- 
 tarch, Pericles, 24, Diodorus, 12., and Scholia ad Aris- 
 toph. Vesp. 283, though we are not aware that the 
 issue of either of these wars corresponded with the allu 
 sions in the text. Munnivuuv, the instance here given is 
 referred to the third Messenian war. in which the Athe- 
 nians, being invited by the Lacedemonians to besiege 
 Ithome, were immediately after dismissed by them, 
 Thucyd. i. 108. 
 
702 
 
 ATHENIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 It might be suspected that none are un- 
 justly branded as infamous at Athens: there 
 are however some, though these are few. 
 The popular authority at Athens, however, 
 cannot be shaken by the influence of a few. 
 Besides, we ought to consider that the mind 
 of man is so constituted, that those who have 
 been deservedly deprived of their privileges, 
 pay little attention to their disgrace; those, 
 however, who are unjustly condemned, are 
 easily impelled to revenge, under the consider- 
 
 ation of the injury they have received. How 
 can it be supposed that the many can be dis- 
 honoured at Athens, where the plebeians have 
 authority over the laws 1 
 
 At Athens the infamous consist of those 
 who rule unjustly, and who do not speak or act 
 uprightly. He who takes these things into con 
 sideration, can never suppose that any danger 
 can spring from those who are branded as in 
 famous at Athens. 
 
ON THE 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC 
 
 [703] 
 

ON THE 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 1 
 
 I. As I was once reflecting how Sparta, which 
 was not a populous city, had rendered 
 herself the most powerful 2 and celebrated in 
 Greece, I wondered how this had happened : 
 when, however, I took into consideration the 
 Spartan mode of living, my wonder ceased. 
 
 Lycurgus, the enactor of the laws, which ren- 
 dered them happy, is a man whom I admire, and 
 whom I consider the wisest of mankind ; for he 
 made his country excel in happiness, not by im- 
 itating other states, but by adopting institutions 
 quite contrary to that of the majority. 
 
 In the procreation of children to begin at 
 the beginning other nations nourished their 
 young women who were pregnant and well- 
 educated, with as moderate a quantity as pos- 
 sible of bread and sauces ; they caused them 
 to refrain from wine, or to use it in a dilu- 
 ted state. And as the greater number of those 
 engaged in arts are sedentary, so the rest of 
 the Greeks required their young women to 
 sit solitary and spin wool. How can it be 
 
 1 This treatise is deservedly held in great estimation, 
 as being the work of a man who was trained by a phi'.o- 
 
 BOpher who Sn\tyno (rxflsraiv, .... TI sr6xf , TI 
 a-oXiTixij- TI %>! ivS^wartov, TI f%ixo; v$e<oTtoV xc* 
 TTi^t Tdiv aX\cuv, a, TOO? p'tv siJoTot? Jiyeiro xaXou; xiyse- 
 flouj tv*i, TOU; $i yvoouvTO$ etvS^7roSioSsig &v Sixatiaf 
 
 xsxMo-Sai, Mem. 1. 1.16. To this may be added Xeno- 
 phon's great experience in civil and military affairs, his 
 acquaintance with many of the highest in rank of the 
 Lacedemonians, such as Agesilaus, Cheirisophus, and 
 others of that nation with whom he lived on friendly 
 terms when in exile. 
 
 a Svvxranartt. Their superiority first began to appear 
 in the Peloponnesian war, but chiefly about the ninety- 
 third Olympiad, when they conquered the Athenians at 
 ^Egospotamos : from which period they held the sove- 
 reignty in Greece till the hundred and second Olympiad, 
 that is, till the battle of Leuctra, in which they were 
 so completely defeated by theThebans that they never 
 afterwards recovered the shock. 
 
 expected that persons thus trained should pro- 
 duce a beautiful and manly offspring 1 
 
 Lycurgus supposed that female slaves were 
 perfectly competent to supply clothes : and as 
 he reckoned the procreation of children a mat- 
 ter of the greatest consequence to free women, 
 he, first of all, enjoined that the female, as well 
 as the male part of the community, should en- 
 gage in bodily exercise ; and as he had insti- 
 tuted trials of running and strength with each 
 other among the men, he did the same with the 
 women, imagining that when both parties were 
 robust, more robust children would be pro- 
 duced. 
 
 In the connection between man and wife, 
 he adopted a plan different from others : as he 
 observed that men generally at first associated 
 immoderately with their wives, he made a law 
 that it should be deemed disgraceful to be seen 
 going in or coming out from them. When 
 they associated in this manner, their love to 
 each other was necessarily stronger, and their 
 offspring, if they had any, much more robust 
 than if the parents had been cloyed with each 
 other. 
 
 He prevented them, besides, from marrying 
 whenever they wished, and enjoined that mar- 
 riage should be consummated when the body 
 was in full strength, as he considered this con- 
 ducive to the procreation of a robust and manly 
 offspring. 
 
 And as he observed that when an old man 
 had a young spouse, he watched his wife with 
 jealous care, he devised a law differing from 
 other nations, for he decreed that the old man 
 should bring to his wife whatever man was 
 most deserving of admiration, either for quali- 
 fications of body or mind, and should support 
 the children produced by them. 
 
 4 705 
 
706 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC 
 
 If any person, again, should have an aversion 
 to living with a wife, and should be desirous 
 of a fair and robust family, he enacted a law 
 that if he saw a woman of a good disposition, 
 and well fitted for procreating such a progenv, 
 and could persuade her husband to allow it, 
 he should beget children by her. He made 
 many similar concessions. For the women wish 
 to have the charge of two families, and the 
 men to obtain brothers to their children, who 
 have a common origin and power but are ex- 
 cluded from participating in their property. 
 
 In thus differing from other legislators in 
 his enactments regarding the procreation of 
 children, I leave others to judge whether he 
 was instrumental in producing men to Sparta 
 eminently distinguished for size and strength. 
 
 II. Having thus treated of the procreation, 
 I will now explain the mode adopted in the 
 education of both sexes. Among the other 
 Greeks, those who take credit to themselves 
 for having their sons best educated, put a ser- 
 vant over them as soon as their children under- 
 stand what is said to them, and immediately 
 send them to schools to be instructed in litera- 
 ture, music, and wrestling. Moreover, they 
 render their children's feet delicate by sandals, 
 and debilitate their bodies by the variety and 
 change of their clothes : their appetite, too, is 
 the measure of their food* 
 
 But Lycurgus, instead of giving each of the 
 children into the charge of slaves, set over 
 them one of those men, from whom the chief 
 officers of state are chosen, and he was called 
 Paedonomus. To him he delegated the autho- 
 rity of collecting the boys, and punishing them 
 severely when they neglected their duty. He 
 also gave him, as assistants, some of the grown 
 lads, furnished with whips, that he might pun- 
 ish whenever it was necessary, and thus infuse 
 into them a great dread of disgrace, and a de- 
 sire of obedience. 
 
 Instead of making their feet delicate with 
 sandals, he enjoined that they should be ren- 
 dered hardy by going barefooted ; as he be- 
 lieved that if they exercised themselves in this 
 state, they would be able to ascend steep 
 places with greater ease, and descend decli- 
 vities with much more safety : they would 
 skip, leap, and run quicker unshod, if their 
 feet were trained to it, than shod. 
 
 And instead of being made effeminate by 
 clothes, he decreed that they should accustom 
 themselves to one dress throughout the year, 
 
 supposing that they would be thus better en- 
 abled to endure the extremes of cold and heat. 
 
 He likewise enjoined that the young men 
 should exert themselves never to take so much 
 food as to be burdened with satiety ; and that 
 they should have some experience in enduring 
 hunger, supposing that persons thus trained 
 would be more able to endure fatigue when 
 necessary, without food ; persevere in exertion 
 a much longer time on the same food, when they 
 are commanded ; stand less in need of sauces ; 
 be much more easily satisfied with any kind of 
 food ; and spend their lives much more healthily. 
 He also considered that the fare, which ren- 
 dered the body slender, was more conducive to 
 good health, and increasing the stature of the 
 body, than that which expanded it. 
 
 But that they might not be too much op- 
 pressed by hunger, though he did not permit 
 them to receive what they stood in need of 
 without difficulty, he allowed them to steal 
 what was necessary to satisfy their hunger ; 
 and he made it honourable to steal as many 
 cheeses as possible. 1 
 
 I suppose every person is aware that he did 
 not prescribe the laying of schemes for their 
 livelihood, because he had nothing to give 
 them, but because it is evident that he who " 
 intends to steal must watch during the night, 
 and cheat during the day, and lay snares, and, 
 if he expects to receive any thing, he must 
 even employ spies. It is plain, then, that the 
 children were thus instructed, because he 
 wished to make them most dextrous in pro- 
 curing provisions, and well trained for warfare. 
 
 It may be said, Why, then, since he reckon- 
 ed it honourable to steal, did he inflict many 
 strokes on the person apprehended in the fact 1 
 because, I assert, that in all other branches in 
 which men receive instructions, they are pun- 
 ished unless they act properly up to them. 
 They are punished, therefore, when detected, 
 because they have stolen in a bungling manner. 
 
 These persons are given in charge to others, 
 to be flogged at the altar of Orthian 2 Diana. 
 
 1 This sentence, in almost all editions, is to be found 
 farther on in a place where it injures the sense mate- 
 rially. We have followed the recommendation of 
 Schneider in introducing it here. 
 
 OfSiis. This festival was called Diamastigosis, 
 because boys were whipped before the altar of the god- 
 dess. These boys, called Bomonics, were originally 
 free-born Spartans; but, in the more delicate ages, they 
 were of mean bjrth, and generally of a slavish origin. 
 The parents of the children attended the solemnity, and 
 
LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 707 
 
 By this he wished to prove that, after a 
 short endurance of pain, a person may enjoy 
 pleasure a long period. He also demonstrates 
 by this, that, when speed is required, the indo- 
 lent man is of least advantage, and occasions 
 most trouble. 
 
 And that the children should not be in want 
 of a leader when their paedonomus was absent, 
 he, decreed that whatever citizen was present 
 should be master, and enjoin whatever he 
 thought advantageous for the children, and 
 punish them when in the wrong. By this 
 means he rendered the boys much more mo- 
 dest; for neither boys nor men respect any 
 person more than their rulers. And that the 
 boys should not be deprived of a leader when 
 even no man was present, he decreed that the 
 most courageous of the monitors of each class 
 should assume the command : so that the boys 
 of Lacedaemon are never without a leader. 1 
 
 II. As soon as the boys have become 
 youths, then the rest of the Greeks cease to 
 be attended by slaves who have them in charge 
 cease from attending teachers no one has 
 then rule over them, but they are left to the 
 freedom of their own will. Lycurgus enacted 
 a different law. 
 
 Having observed that nature had infused 
 into persons of their age the greatest exuberance 
 of daring, the greatest excess of insolence, 
 and the most vehement desire of pleasures, he 
 therefore imposed ypon them the heaviest toils, 
 and contrived as much occupation for them as 
 
 He also added, that whoever should attempt 
 to evade these, should be deprived of all the 
 privileges of the state ; and thus brought it 
 about, that not only public characters, but also 
 those who had the charge of individuals, ex- 
 erted themselves that they might not, through 
 laziness or aversion to labour, become com- 
 pletely contemptible in the state. 
 
 Besides, as he was extremely anxious to 
 
 exhorted them not to commit any thing, either by fear 
 or groans, that might be unworthy of Laconian educa- 
 tion. These flagellations were so severe, that the blood 
 gushed in profuse torrents, and many expired under the 
 lash of the whip without uttering a groan, or betraying 
 any marks of fear. Such a death was reckoned very 
 honourable, and the corpse was buried with much so- 
 lemnity, with a garland of flowers on its head. The 
 origin of this festival is unknown. The general sup- 
 position is. that Lycurgus first instituted it to inure the 
 youths of Lacedssmon to bear labour and fatigue, and 
 render them insensible to pain and wourias. 
 i The rest of this section is vif T$V **> JixSv l^-cav. 
 
 instil into them the principles of modesty, he 
 directed that, on the road, they should always 
 keep their hands within their ropes, walk in 
 silence, look around nowhere, and should only 
 attend to those things which were before their 
 feet. By this, he proved that the male sex 
 can conduct themselves with greater modesty 
 than the female. You would certainly no more 
 hear their voices than if they had been stones, 
 you would have more difficulty in turning their 
 eyes than if they were made of brass, and you 
 would reckon them much more modest than 
 virgins in the bridal-chamber; and whenever 
 they came to the philition, 2 you would hear 
 nothing from them but what they were asked. 
 
 We have now explained the education, both 
 of the Lacedaemonian and the other Grecian 
 states, and by which of them men can be ren- 
 
 (fiJ.'n* or $ I;U'T, an association of friends. In this 
 assembly, kings, magistrates, and private citizens, met 
 to eat together in certain halls, in which a number of 
 tables were spread, most frequently with fifteen covers 
 each, which were called xiJJo ; and hence, when any 
 one was ejected from the rest, he was said xtx* SSila-Btu. 
 The guests at one table never interfered with those at 
 another, and formed a society of friends, in which no 
 person could be received but by the consent pf all those 
 who composed it. They reclined on hard couches of 
 oak, leaning with their elbows on a stone or a block of 
 .wood. Black broth was served up to them, and after- 
 wards boiled pork, which was distributed to each guest 
 in equal portions, sometimes so small that they scarcely 
 weighed a quarter of a mina each. They had wine, 
 cakes, and barley-bread in plenty ; and at other times 
 fish and different kinds of game were added by way of 
 supplement to their ordinary portion. They, who of- 
 fered sacrifices, or went out to hunt, might, on their 
 return, eat at home ; but it was necessary to send 
 their companions at the same table a part of the game 
 or the victim. Near each cover a small piece of bread 
 was laid to wipe their fingers. 'The guests were en- 
 joined that their decorum should be accompanied with 
 gaiety, and, with that view, a statue of the god of laugh- 
 ter, was placed in the hall. But the pleasantries that 
 excited mirth were to contain nothing offensive ; and 
 the too severe sally, if it escaped any one present, was 
 never to be repeated in any other place ; the oldest of 
 the company showing the door to those who entered, 
 reminded them that nothing they might hear was to go 
 out there. The different classes of youth were present 
 at these repasts without partaking of them : the young 
 est carried off adroitly from the table some portion 
 which they shared with their comrades ; and the other* 
 received lessons of wisdom and pleasantry. These re- 
 pasts, during peace, produced union, temperance, and 
 equality ; and during war, they held forth to the citizens 
 to flee to the succour of another, with whom he had 
 participated in sacrifices and libations. The expense 
 was defrayed by individuals, who were obliged to fur- 
 nish every month, a certain quantity of barley-meal, 
 wine, cheese, figs, and even money ; am , by this con- 
 tribution, the poorest class were in danger of being ex- 
 i eluded from the meal in common. 
 
708 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 dered more obedient, more modest, and more 
 temperate, we leave others to decide. 
 
 IV. His greatest solicitude was shown to- 
 wards the young men, as he considered that if 
 they were what they should be, they would 
 have great influence in promoting the happi- 
 ness and virtue of their fellow-citizens, and 
 the welfare of their country. And observing 
 that, among those who were possessed of an 
 innate desire of emulation, their singing was 
 most deserving of being heard, and their gym- 
 nastic contests most deserving of being seen, 
 he thought that if he could excite in young 
 men a contest of virtue, that they would thus 
 become possessed of the greatest manliness of 
 spirit. How he attained this I will explain. 
 
 The Ephori choose three men come to the 
 years of maturity, and these are called hippa- 
 gretse. Each of these chooses one hundred men, 
 explaining why he prefers some and rejects 
 others. They, then, who have not obtained 
 this honourable preference, fight with those 
 who have rejected them, and those who are 
 chosen in their stead, and they strictly watch 
 each other lest they should do any thing slily, 
 which was not considered honourable. 
 
 And this contest is most agreeable to the 
 gods, and most advantageous to the state, in 
 which it is shown what a brave man ought to 
 do : and they each exercise themselves apart, 
 that they may always be most powerful, and, 
 if it should be necessary, that they may defend 
 the city with all their strength. It is necessary 
 for them also to attend to good health, for they 
 must box whenever they encounter in this con- 
 test. Every man of authority who is present 
 may stop the contest. And if any one should 
 disobey the person who interrupts the contest, 
 the paedonomus leads him to the ephori, and 
 they fine him heavily, wishing to hinder anger 
 from prevailing so far as to check the due exe- 
 cution of the law. 
 
 And with regard to those who exceed the 
 years of puberty, from whom all the higher 
 officers of the state are chosen, the other Greeks, 
 though they deprive them of any anxiety to hus- 
 band their strength, still require them to serve 
 in the army with others ; but Lycurgus enacted 
 a law that it should be reckoned honourable for 
 such persons to engage in hunting, unless 
 public business prevented it, that they might 
 be as able as the young men to endure the 
 hardships incident to a soldier's life. 
 
 V. We have now nearly explained what 
 
 mode of life Lycurgus had enjoined by law for 
 each period of life. What mode of living he 
 adopted, I will now attempt to explain. 
 
 Lycurgus having found the Spartans, like the 
 other Greeks, taking their meals at home, and 
 knowing that the majority indulge in knavery 
 at them, he caused their meals to be taken pub- 
 licly, supposing that they would be thus less 
 apt to transgress their orders. 
 
 He also ordered food to be given to them that 
 they should neither be exposed to repletion nor 
 want. Many things, also, beyond their appor- 
 tioned quantity, are procured from the hunters; 
 and the rich sometimes give bread in exchange 
 for this, so that the table is never either ex- 
 pensive or destitute of eatables, as long as they 
 enjoy this common meal. 
 
 Moreover, having checked the use of un- 
 necessary drinks, which cause both body and 
 mind to totter, he allowed every man to drink 
 when thirsty ; for in this manner he supposed 
 that the drink would be less injurious and much 
 more pleasant. When they lived thus togeth- 
 er, how was it possible for any one to ruin 
 himself or family by gluttony or drunkenness 1 
 
 For in other cities, equals generally associate 
 together, among these there exists the least 
 modesty ; but Lycurgus, in Sparta, mixed 
 those of different ages together, to enable the 
 younger to be instructed by the experience of 
 the elder. 
 
 According to the custom, of the country, 
 at these public banquets, each one relates what 
 gallant feat he has performed to the state ; so 
 that no insolence, no drunken frolic, no foul 
 deed or indecent language, can ever be there 
 introduced. 
 
 Public banquets are useful for this, that the 
 citizens are obliged to walk home, and to take 
 care that they do not stagger through wine, 
 knowing that they do not remain where they 
 supped, and they must .walk during the night 
 as well as day ; for no one not yet freed from 
 military duty is allowed to proceed with a 
 torch. 
 
 Lycurgus also having observed that, after 
 meals, those who contended with others in 
 labours, were well coloured, plump and robust, 
 and those who did not exercise themselves were 
 puffed up, ill coloured, and feeble, turned much 
 of his attention to this subject ; but consider- 
 ing that when each individual exerts himself, in 
 his own opinion he appears to have a body fit 
 by exercise for business, he commanded that 
 
LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 709 
 
 the oldest should always take care on each 
 clay of exercising, that they should never in- 
 dulge so much in meat as to weaken their body 
 for exercise. 
 
 And, in this respect, he seems to me not 
 to have been mistaken. You will rarely find 
 men surpassing the Spartans in health or 
 strength of body ; for they are equally exer- 
 cised in their legs, in their hands, and their 
 neck. 
 
 In this respect also he adopted a plan differ- 
 ing from others. For in other cities each indi- 
 vidual has authority over his own children, ser- 
 vants, and property. But Lycurgus, wishing 
 to enable the citizens to enjoy some common 
 good, without injuring each other, enacted a 
 law, that each individual should have equal 
 authority over his own children and those of 
 others. 
 
 When any one considers that his fellow-citi- 
 zens are fathers of the children over whom he 
 exercises authority, he must do it in such a man- 
 ner as he would wish it done to his own ; and if 
 any boy, at any time, should receive blows from 
 another, and inform his father of it, it is dis- 
 graceful not to inflict additional blows on his 
 son. Thus they have confidence in each other 
 that nothing disgraceful will be imposed on 
 their children. 
 
 He enacted also, that if any one stood in 
 need of servants, he should use his neighbour's. 
 He also introduced the common use of hunt- 
 ing-dogs, so that those who require them invite 
 their proprietor to hunt, and if he has no lei- 
 sure, he cheerfully surrenders them. They in 
 like manner use their neighbour's horses ; for 
 when one is sick and in want of a chariot, or 
 desirous of reaching some place quickly, when 
 he sees a horse anywhere he takes it, and hav- 
 ing made a proper use of it, restores it. 
 
 He did not however wish that done among 
 his people, which is customary with others. 
 For at times persons belated by hunting stand 
 in need of provisions, unless they have been 
 previously prepared. He also enacted this law, 
 that those who had fed should leave the food 
 dressed, and those who needed it should open 
 the seals and take whatever they stood in need 
 of, and leave it sealed. When they thus divide 
 with each other, even those who have little 
 property share in all the products of the coun- 
 try, when they require any thing. 
 
 VII. With regard to these things, Lycurgus 
 proposed a law in Sparta different from that of 
 60 
 
 the other Greeks. For in other cities all the 
 citizens are as intent on gain as possible ; 
 one engages in farming, another in commerce, 
 another in trade, and another is supported by 
 the arts. 
 
 But in Sparta, Lycurgus forbade freemen to 
 have any connection with matters of gain ; 
 whatever procures freedom to cities he enjoin- 
 ed them to consider as their only occupation. 
 
 Where he caused every man to contribute 
 equally to the necessaries of life, and where all 
 eat together, how ' could wealth be eagerly 
 sought after for the sake of voluptuousness 1 
 But money was not even necessary for clothes, 
 for they are adorned not by costliness of dress 
 but by robust constitution of bodies. 
 
 Nor was it necessary to collect money to be 
 at expense in assisting their companions, for 
 he had made it more honourable to assist their 
 acquaintances with bodily labour than money, 
 having demonstrated that the one depended on 
 the mind, the other on wealth. 
 
 He also absolutely forbade the procuring of 
 money by unjust means. For first of all, he 
 instituted such a kind of money, that if only 
 10 minae were introduced into a house it could 
 neither escape the notice of masters nor ser 
 vants, for it would occupy much space and 
 would require a carriage to convey it. 
 
 Silver and gold were carefully searched after, 
 and if found anywhere the possessor is punish- 
 ed. What anxious desire could there then be 
 for money, when the possession occasioned 
 more pain than the enjoyment pleasure ? 
 
 VIII. We all know how very obedient the 
 Spartans were to their rulers and the laws. I 
 however suppose that Lycurgus would not have 
 attempted to settle this sound political consti- 
 tution, before he had converted to his opinions 
 the most powerful men in the state. 
 
 I prove it thus, that in other states the most 
 powerful men do not wish to seem to fear ma- 
 gistrates, but deem this unworthy of a free- 
 man ; but in Sparta the most powerful pay 
 great respect to the magistrates, and reckon it 
 honourable to demean themselves ; and when 
 addressed, not to walk but run to obey. For 
 they suppose that if they lead the way in obe- 
 dience, the rest will follow their example, which 
 was the case. 
 
 And it is probable that these same persons 
 assisted Lycurgus in instituting the power of 
 the ephori, because they knew that obedience 
 was the greatest good in a state, in an army, 
 
710 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 in a family. In proportion to the extent of the 
 power of the magistracy, they supposed that 
 they would inspire terror in the citizens, and 
 enforce obedience. 
 
 The ephori then are enabled to amerce whom 
 they choose, and are empowered to demand the 
 fine instantly ; they are empowered to abrogate 
 the authority of the magistrates at times, to in- 
 carcerate, and even to institute a trial for life. 
 And having so much authority, they do not, like 
 other states, allow those chosen always to com- 
 mand during the year as they choose, but like 
 kings and presidents in the gymnastic contests, 
 if they perceive any one acting contrary to law, 
 they immediately punish him. 
 
 Though there were many other excellent 
 devices which Lycurgus used to inspire in the 
 people a wish to obey the laws, this one seems 
 to me to have been the best, that he did not 
 deliver his laws to the people until he came 
 with some of the nobles to Delphi, and ques- 
 tioned the god whether it would be more desir- 
 able and advantageous for Sparta to obey the 
 laws which he had made. When the answer 
 was received that it would on every account be 
 preferable, he then delivered them, decreeing 
 that it was not only against the laws of man 
 but against those of heaven, to disobey the laws 
 sanctioned by the oracle of Apollo. 
 
 IX. This also is deserving of admiration in 
 Lycurgus, that he effected this in the state, that 
 an honourable death should be reckoned prefer- 
 able to a disgraceful life ; and if any one exam- 
 ines, he will find fewer of them dying than of 
 those who attempt to escape danger by flight. 
 
 So that it may be truly said, that a man is 
 preserved a much longer period by bravery 
 than by cowardice ; for it is much easier, plea- 
 santer, more capable of assisting us in difficulty, 
 and stronger ; and it is plain that glory is the 
 attendant of bravery, for all men wish to assist 
 the brave. 
 
 By what contrivances he attained this object 
 should not be overlooked. His laws wisely 
 entailed happiness on the brave, misery on 
 cowards. 
 
 For in other states when any one acts cow- 
 ardly, he is merely branded with the name of 
 coward ; he goes to the same market with the 
 brave man, and sits or exercises himself if he 
 chooses : but at Lacedsemon every one would 
 be ashamed to admit the coward into the same 
 tent, or exercise himself with him in wrestling. 
 
 Frequently also such a person, when the two 
 parties who play at ball are divided, has no 
 place assigned for him, and at dances he is ex- 
 pelled into the most dishonourable places ; on 
 the road too he must give place to others, and 
 at public meetings he must even rise to his 
 juniors. He must also support his female re- 
 lations at home, apart from the public games, 
 and they must remain without husbands, in the 
 city : the coward was not allowed to take a wife, 
 and yet a fine was imposed for not having one. 
 He is not allowed to walk about anointed, nor 
 to imitate those whose character is irreproach- 
 able, unless he wishes to receive blows from his 
 betters. 
 
 When such disgrace was inflicted upon cow- 
 ards, it cannot be reckoned wonderful that 
 death should be preferred by them, to a life so 
 dishonourable and infamous. 
 
 X. Lycurgus also seems to me to have wisely 
 devised a plan for encouraging the practice of 
 virtue throughout life till old age. For to his 
 other institutions he added the making the se- 
 nate consist entirely of old men distinguished 
 for virtue, and brought it about that honour and 
 virtue were not neglected even in old age. 
 
 It is also deserving of admiration, that he gave 
 great authority to the old age of the brave ; for 
 having appointed the old men umpires in the 
 contest for superiority of intellect, he rendered 
 their old age more honourable than the strength 
 of those in full bloom. 
 
 This contest is deservedly celebrated with 
 highest exertion by men. Gymnastic contests 
 are honourable, but they refer to the body, 
 but the contest regarding the dignity of an 
 old man, exhibits the deciding on brave souls. 
 In proportion as the soul is better than the 
 body, so the contest of superiority of mind de- 
 serves to be more zealously aimed at than that 
 of the body. 
 
 Does not this, moreover, deserve distinguish- 
 ed admiration in Lycurgus 1 When he per- 
 ceived that those who did not wish to attend 
 to virtue were not able to enlarge their country, 
 he obliged all men publicly in Sparta to prac- 
 tice all the virtues. For as private men excel 
 each other in virtue, those who practice it from 
 those who neglect it, so also Sparta is naturally 
 superior to all states in virtue, as being the only 
 one which enjoins honour and virtue. 
 
 Is not this then also deserving of commen- 
 dation, that when other states punish one who 
 
LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 711 
 
 had committed an injury upon another, they 
 inflicted not less punishment on him who 
 showed himself regardless of excelling in 
 virtue. 
 
 He considered, it appears, that those who 
 made others slaves, or took any plunder, or stole 
 any thing, only injured the individual sufferers, 
 but that by cowards and effeminate men, whole 
 republics had been overturned. So that in 
 my opinion he deservedly imposed heaviest 
 punishments on them. 
 
 And he rendered the necessity most inviol- 
 able of practising every political virtue. For 
 to all those who performed what was enjoined 
 by law, he gave an equal participation in the 
 benefits of the state, and he took no account 
 either of the weakness of their bodies, or 
 slenderness of their means. If any one through 
 indolence should neglect to toil through what 
 was enjoined by law, he pointed him out as one 
 no longer deserving to be reckoned among the 
 equal-honoured. 
 
 But it is very plain that these laws are very 
 ancient; for Lycurgus is said to have lived in 
 the times of the Heraclidse, and though they 
 are so old they are still reckoned the most re- 
 cent with other nations, for what is most won- 
 derful, all men praise such institutions, though 
 no state wishes to imitate them. 
 
 XI. The advantages of his institutions al- 
 ready enumerated were common both to peace 
 and war, but we may also explain the pecu- 
 liar advantages of his plans in military affairs. 
 
 He first caused the ephori to announce be- 
 forehand to the cavalry, the heavy-armed, and 
 then to the artizans, the years in which they 
 must join the army, that the Lacedaemonians 
 may have in the army abundance of all those 
 things which are necessary in a city ; and the 
 instruments which the army require for com- 
 mon use, whatever be the purpose for which 
 they are intended, are commanded to be sup- 
 plied partly on waggons, partly on beasts of 
 burden ; and thus their deficiencies are less 
 likely to escape notice. 
 
 In war he enacted that they should wear a 
 purple robe and carry a brazen shield, as he 
 supposed this to have least in common with 
 the female robe, and fittest for war, for it is 
 soonest made splendid and is with difficulty 
 soiled. He also allowed those above the age 
 of youths to wear their hair long, as he sup- 
 posed them thus to appear taller, genteeler, and 
 sterner 
 
 When they were thus arrayed, he divided 
 them into six regiments of cavalry and heavy- 
 armed. Each of these political regiments 1 has 
 one general officer, four colonels, eight captains, 
 and sixteen subalterns. These regiments are 
 put in battle array by word of command, some- 
 times each enomotia making only one file, 
 sometimes three files, sometimes six. 
 
 In supposing the Lacedaemonian arrangement 
 in arms to be most intricate, the majority of 
 mankind have conceived what is most opposite 
 to fact. For in the Lacedaemonian arrange- 
 ment in arms there are commanders in the 
 front ranks, and each line has within itself every 
 thing necessary for war. 
 
 It is so easy to understand this arrangement, 
 that no one acquainted with military move- 
 ments can mistake it ; for some are enjoined to 
 lead, others to follow. The marching with one 
 of the wings in front is pointed out by the 
 orders of the subaltern, as if by a herald, by 
 which the phalanxes become both narrower and 
 closer; there cannot be the slightest difficulty 
 in understanding this circumstance. 
 
 But that the body thus arranged should be 
 able to fight with the enemy when thrown into 
 confusion, is not so easily understood ; except 
 by those educated under the laws of Lycurgus. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians make these things very 
 easy which seem very difficult to men in arms. 
 For when they march by the wing, the enomo- 
 tia follows in the rear ; and if, in such a posi- 
 tion, the enemy's phalanx should appear in 
 front, orders are given to the enomotarch to 
 arrange his men with front to the left ; and 
 in like manner throughout the whole, until the 
 phalanx stands opposite. But if, when in this 
 position, the enemy appear in the rear, each 
 
 srox.T.xcDv fta e sv. Thucydides, v. 68, mentions the 
 same division of the Lacedaemonian army. What 
 number of soldiers was contained in each mora is un- 
 certain ; some make them five, some seven, and others 
 nine hundred ; but at the first formation of the common- 
 wealth, they seem not to have exceeded four hundred, 
 who were all foot-men. v,^or. was the half of 
 JTIVTUXOO-TUS, contained originally twenty-five men, and 
 derived its name from the soldiers in it, being bound 
 by a solemn oath upon a sacrifice to be faithful and 
 loyal to their country. In the course of time the num- 
 bers of the jvx^ori'a* were changed and increased, 
 though the ancient name still remained, so that the 
 ivaiftoTtu consisted of upwards of fifty, and ;rivT>jxo<rT;/ 
 of upwards of one hundred men. From a calculation 
 made on a passage of Thucydides, the iva^on'* is proved 
 to consist of thirty-two men, which makes up for th 
 whole regiment the numoer of 512. 
 
712 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 rank countermarches 1 until the bravest are op- \ 
 posed to the enemy. 
 
 But when the commander is on the left, even i 
 then they are not reckoned to be in a worse j 
 condition, and they are even sometimes in a | 
 better. For if any person should attempt to 
 
 was a countermarch, by which every soldier, one march- 
 ing after another, changed the front for the rear, or one 
 flank for another ; whence there were two sorts of coun- 
 termarches, XT x6%u, and X*T vy, one by files, 
 the other by ranks. 
 
 1 'E$*x<y/u6s MxxiXuv XT Xo^ouj, was as follows: 
 first, the leaders of the files having turned to the right 
 or left, the next rank passed through by them on the 
 eame hand, and, occupying the distant spaces, placed 
 themselves behind the leaders of their files, and turned 
 their faces the same way. In like manner the third and 
 fourth ranks, and all the rest, till the bringers-up were 
 last, and had turned about their faces, and again oc- 
 cupied the rear. By this motion the army was removed 
 into the ground before the front, and the faces of the 
 soldiers were turned backward. It appeared so like a 
 retreat, that Philip of Macedon, instead of it, used the 
 following motion. 2 'E^sX-iy^or Aixwv XXTX A.OXO*'?, 
 was contrary to the last: this motion occupied the 
 ground behind the phalanx, and the soldiers 1 faces 
 turned the contrary way ; it was made from front to 
 rear. This evolution was performed in two ways: one 
 was, when those in the rear first turned about their 
 faces, the next rank also turned theirs and began the 
 countermarch, every man placing himself directly be- 
 fore his bringer-up; the third did the same, and the 
 rest, till the rank of file-leaders was first. The other 
 method was, when the leaders of the files began the 
 countermarch, every one in their files followed them in 
 order : by this means they were brought nearer to the 
 enemy, and represented a charge. 3 'E^sXiy^uos Ueg. 
 0-Jxoj, or Kf/jTixoj, XKT x6%ooj, sometimes termed 
 %o7oj, because managed like the Grecian chori, which 
 being ordered into files and ranks, like soldiers in battle- 
 array, and moving forward toward the brink of the 
 stage, when they could pass no 'farther, retired, one 
 through the ranks of another ; the whole chorus keep- 
 ing all the time the same ground of which they were 
 before possessed. 
 
 'Egsxy/ios xctrse <fuy, countermarch by rank, was 
 contrary to the countermarch by file ; in the counter- 
 march by file, the motion was in the depth of the bat- 
 talia, the front moving towards the rear, or the rear 
 towards the front, and succeeding into each other's 
 place. In this, the motion was in length of the battalia 
 flankwise, the wing either marching into the midst, or 
 quite through to the opposite wing. In doing this, the 
 soldiers who were last in the flank of the wing, moved 
 first to the contrary wing, the rest following in their 
 order. It was also performed three ways. 
 
 1 The Macedonian countermarch began its motion at 
 the corner of the wing nearest the enemy, and removing 
 to the ground on the side of the contrary wing, resem- 
 bled a flight. 2 The Lacedaemonian countermarch, be- 
 ginning its motion in the wing farthest distant from the 
 enemy, seized the ground nearest to them, by which an 
 attack was represented. 3 The Chorean countermarch 
 maintained its own ground, only removing one wing into 
 tae place of tne other. 
 
 surround them, he would fall in, not with un- 
 armed, but heavy-armed men. But if at any 
 time it may seem advantageous for some pur- - 
 pose, that the leader should stand on the right 
 wing, turning the troop upon the wing, they 
 deploy the phalanx until the general is on the 
 right and the rear is on the left. 
 
 But if again from the right a body of the 
 enemy should appear marching, each cohort 
 makes a central movement of half-turning like 
 a galley, whose prow is wished to be presented 
 to the enemy, and then the rear company comes 
 to the right. And if again the enemy should 
 attempt the left, they do not allow this, but 
 drive them off, or turn the opposing companies 
 to the enemy, and thus again the Tear company 
 is placed on the left. 
 
 XII. I will also explain how Lycurgus enact- 
 ed that their camps should be pitched. Because 
 the angles of a quadrangle were useless, the 
 camp was pitched in a circle, unless they were 
 protected by a mountain, or had a wall or river 
 on their rear. 
 
 He instituted daily watches which looked 
 inwards to the camp : these are placed, not for 
 the sake of the enemy, but their friends ; and 
 cavalry watch the enemy from places where they 
 can see farthest in advance. 
 
 But if any one should advance during the 
 night beyond the phalanx, he decreed that he 
 should be watched by the Scyrites : but now 
 this is done by strangers, provided some of 
 them be present. 
 
 It ought to be well understood, that they 
 always go about with their spears, and for this 
 same reason, they prevent their slaves from 
 joining the army. And it is not to be won- 
 dered at, that those going out for necessary pur- 
 poses, do not retire so far from each other, or 
 the army, as to excite uneasiness in each other ; 
 this is done for self-preservation. 
 
 They frequently change their camp, that 
 they may injure their enemy, and assist their 
 friends. And it is enjoined by law, that all 
 Lacedaemonians should exercise themselves 
 wherever they are engaged in war ; which adds 
 greatly to their magnanimity and ingenuous- 
 ness. Their exercises in walking and running 
 take place in front of their own regiment, and 
 no one can proceed fceyond it. 
 
 And after the exercises the first polemarch 
 issues orders for them to sit down ; this serves 
 all the purposes of a review: after this they 
 breakfast, and immediately the advanced cen 
 
LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 713 
 
 tinel is relieved : after that again, conversation 
 and recreation before the evening exercises. 
 
 Immediately afterwards, orders are given to 
 sup, and when they have sung to the gods, to 
 whom they have previously sacrificed, they re- 
 tire to rest in their armour. 
 
 No person need wonder that I write so much 
 on this subject, as nothing which requires dili- 
 gence seems to have been overlooked by the 
 Lacedaemonians in warlike matters. 
 
 XIII. I will also explain the power and hon- 
 our which Lycurgus decreed should be given to 
 the king when with the army. -First, then, the 
 state supports a king and attendants in the camp ; 
 the polemarchs live in the same tent with him, 
 that being always present they may be better 
 enabled to hold a common council when neces- 
 sary. Other three men, also, of the alike-hon- 
 oured, live in the same tent with him. These 
 attend to all the necessaries of life, that their 
 minds may not be distracted by minor consi- 
 derations, from attending to warlike affairs. 
 
 I will now explain how the king moves for- 
 ward to battle with the army. He sacrifices 
 first at home to Jupiter the leader, and the 
 other gods ; and when he has thus sacrificed, 
 the fire-bearing attendant taking fire from the 
 altar, leads the way to the borders of the toun- 
 try : the king then again sacrifices to Jupiter 
 and Minerva. 
 
 When they have sacrificed to both these 
 gods, then he passes the boundaries of the 
 country. Fire from these sacrifices leads the 
 way, never to be extinguished; all kinds of 
 victims are then sacrificed. Whenever he sa- 
 crifices he begins this work at daybreak, wish- 
 ing to anticipate the good-will of the god. 
 
 There are present at the sacrifice, the pole- 
 march, lochagi, pentecosteres, commanders of 
 mercenary troops, the commanders of baggage 
 troops, and any one of the generals from the 
 city who chooses. , 
 
 Two of the ephori are also present, who do 
 not interfere in the conducting of business, 
 unless they are summoned by the king ; but 
 looking on what each did, they naturally ren- 
 der them more modest. When the sacred rites 
 are finished, the king, having called them all 
 forward, prescribes what is to be done ; so that 
 contemplating these things, you would suppose 
 that other nations enter into military affairs 
 with precipitation, but that the Lacedaemonians 
 alone in reality were the artists of war. 
 
 But when the king leads, if no enemy ap- 
 60* 
 
 pears, no one proceeds before him except the 
 Sciritae and the cavalry, who march in advance 
 to reconnoitre, and if at any time they suppose 
 a battle likely to ensue, the king takes the troop 
 of the first regiment and leads it, turning aside 
 to the right, until he is in the middle between 
 the two morse and the two polemarchias. 
 
 Whatever instructions in addition to these 
 must be given, are arranged by the eldest of 
 those connected with the public table; and 
 these are the men who live in the same tent 
 with the alike-honoured, the prophets, phy- 
 sicians, musicians, officers of the army, and the 
 volunteers present. So that of the things 
 necessary to be done none 'is neglected ; for every 
 thing is previously considered. 
 
 Lycurgus, in my opinion contrived what was 
 very advantageous with respect to the contest 
 on arms. For when in sight of the enemy the 
 goat is sacrificed, the law is, that all the musi- 
 cians present should play, and that none of the 
 Lacedaemonians should be uncovered with gar- 
 lands ; and they are enjoined before-hand to 
 clean their arms. The youth are allowed to 
 march to battle combed, and to be sprightly 
 and graceful. . . . And that it may be 
 well done, the polemarch must take care. 
 
 The king decides on the proper season and 
 place for pitching the camp. He possesses also 
 the right of dismissing ambassadors whether 
 friendly or hostile. He also commences what- 
 ever they wish done. 
 
 When any person comes desiring justice, the 
 king refers him to the Hellanodicse, and if 
 money, to the quaestor, and if bringing in booty, 
 to the dealer in booty. When they do thus no 
 other business is left in battle for the king, 
 than to be priest in what regards the gods and 
 general in what regards men. 
 
 XIV. Should the question be asked, do the 
 laws of Lycurgus at present seem to remain 
 unchanged 1 to this I certainly would not an- 
 swer in the affirmative. 
 
 For I know that the Lacedaemonians former- 
 ly preferred to associate together, in possession 
 of moderate means, than to govern cities and 
 be corrupted by adulation. 
 
 And formerly, I know that they were afraid 
 to appear possessed of gold ; but I know some 
 who are at present vain and ostentatious of 
 their possessions. 
 
 I know, too, that formerly on this account 
 strangers were expelled, and the citizens were 
 not allowed to reside abroad, lest their morala 
 4P 
 
714 
 
 LACEDEMONIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 should be corrupted by strangers. But now I 
 know that they prove the first to exert them- 
 selves, that they may never cease to govern a 
 foreign city. 
 
 There was a time, too, when they were sedu- 
 lous to make themselves worthy of governing ; 
 but now they study more to obtain rule than 
 deserve it. 
 
 The Greeks, formerly, resorted to Laceda- 
 mon, and requested of them to take the lead 
 against those who did an injury but now, 
 many of the Greeks exhort each other to hinder 
 them from again taking the lead in their affairs. 
 
 It is by no means wonderful, that such blame 
 should be attached to them, as they show them- 
 selves neither obedient to the deity, nor to the 
 laws of Lycurgus. 
 
 XV. I wish also to explain what agree- 
 ments Lycurgus made between the king and 
 the city ; for he is the only magistrate, whose 
 office remains such as it was originally insti- 
 tuted : the other political situations have been 
 changed, and are even now changing. 
 
 For he enacted that the king should offer 
 without the city, all the public sacrifices, as he 
 was descended from the deity, and be com- 
 mander wherever the state should send the 
 army. 
 
 He granted also, that he should receive a 
 share of the sacrifices, and be possessed of so 
 much good land in many of th* neighbouring 
 cities, as never to be in want of moderate 
 means, and never be possessed of excessive 
 wealth. 
 
 He assigned a public tent for the kings, that 
 even they should live in tents, and allowed 
 them a double share at supper, riot that they 
 might consume that portion ; but that they 
 might have it in their power to honour any one 
 they pleased. 
 
 He granted also, that each of them should 
 choose two companions, who were called Pythii. 
 He granted him also, to receive a pig from every 
 litter, that he might never be in want of 
 victims, when it was necessary to consult the 
 gods on any matter. And near his house a 
 pool of water presents abundance : that this is 
 useful for many purposes, those who do not 
 possess one know best. All rise up from their 
 seats to the king, but the ephori do not rise 
 from their chairs of office. 
 
 They bind each other by oaths every month, 
 the ephori for the city, and the king for him- 
 self. The king's oath is, that he will govern 
 according to the existing laws of the city : the 
 city's oath, that if he does not violate his 
 oath, they will preserve his kingdom unshaken 
 and firm. 
 
 And these are the honours which are paid to 
 the king in his native land when living : they 
 do not far exceed those paid to a private indi- 
 vidual ; for he did not wish to infuse a tyran- 
 nical spirit in the kings, nor to excite among 
 the citizens an envy of their power. 
 
 But honours are paid to the king when dead : 
 by this, the laws of Lycurgus wish to show, 
 that they have honoured the kings of the Lace- 
 daemonians, not as men, but as heroes. 
 
ON 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 [715] 
 
HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 As it has fallen to our lot, from long practice, 
 to have become experienced in horsemanship, 
 we wish to point out to our younger friends how 
 we think they can use their horses most pro- 
 perly. Simon has indeed written a treatise on 
 horsemanship ; he also erected a brazen horse 
 at the temple of Ceres at Athens, and carved 
 on the pedestal his own deeds. We will not 
 expunge from our own writings whatever we 
 find in accordance with his views, but we will 
 give them with much more pleasure, to our 
 friends, reckoning them more deserving of cre- 
 dit, inasmuch as he, who was a horseman, cor- 
 responded in opinion with us. Whatever he 
 has omitted, we will attempt to explain. 
 
 We wilt first describe how a man may be 
 least deceived in purchasing a horse. It is evi- 
 dent that we ought to prove the body of the 
 untamed foal, for the horse not yet mounted 
 cannot exhibit very distinct proofs of his spirit. 
 
 And of his body, we assert that the feet 
 should first be examined. For as a house 
 would be useless which had the upper parts 
 beautiful, without having the necessary foun- 
 dation laid ; so also a war-steed would be use- 
 less, though every other part of the body were 
 good, if the feet were badly shaped, for none 
 of his advantages could be brought into action. 
 
 When we wish to prove the feet, the hoofs 
 must first be examined. Soundness of feet is 
 much influenced by the thickness or thinness 
 of the hoofs. This also must not be lost sight 
 of, whether the hoofs are high before and be- 
 hind, or low ; for the high ones have the hol- 
 low of the sole removed from the ground ; but 
 the low walk equally on the strongest and soft- 
 est part of the foot, like in-kneed men. Simon 
 excellently remarks, that good feet are known 
 by the sound ; the hollow hoof struck on the 
 ground sounds like a cymbal. 
 
 Having begun with the feet we will ascend 
 gradually to the rest of the body. It is neces- 
 sary then that the upper part of the hoofs and 
 the lower bones of the fetlock should not be 
 too erect, like a goat's ; for being very elastic, 
 it fatigues the rider, and such legs are more 
 easily inflamed : nor ought the bones to be too 
 low, for the fetlocks would become hairless 
 and ulcerated, whether the horse rode over 
 clods or stones. 
 
 The bones of the leg ought to be thick, for 
 these are the supports of the body ; they should 
 not however be covered with fat flesh or 
 large veins. For when driven through rough 
 roads, these must necessarily be filled with 
 blood, hard tumours arise, the legs become fat, 
 and the skin separates. And when the skin 
 becomes loose, the smaller bone of the leg fre- 
 quently separates, and renders the horse lame. 
 
 Moreover, if the foal, when walking, bends 
 his knees pliantly, you may reckon it probable 
 that when ridden he will have pliant legs. For 
 they all in the course of time bend their knees 
 much more pliantly. Flexible knees are justly 
 held in repute ; inasmuch as they render the 
 horse less liable to stumble and shake the rider, 
 than stiff legs. 
 
 When the arms are fat, horses appear strong- 
 er and more elegant, as is the case in the 
 human form. And when the chest is wide, it 
 contributes both to his beauty, to his strength, 
 and bears the legs more gracefully ; not close one 
 to the other, but considerably separated. More- 
 over, from the chest his neck should not fall 
 forward like a boar's, but, like a cock's, should 
 rise erect to the head, and be slender at the 
 arch. The head should be bony, and have a 
 small jaw-bone ; thus his neck will be before 
 the rider, and his eye see what is before his feet. 
 
 A horse thus shaped would be less able to 
 
 717 
 
718 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 use violence, even though very spirited; for 
 horses attempt to do injury not by arching 
 the neck, but by extending the head forward. 
 
 It is also necessary to consider, whether the 
 inside of both their jaws be tender or hard, 
 or if only one ; for those which have dissimi- 
 lar jaws are generally unmanageable. When 
 the eyes are prominent, the horse seems more 
 vigilant, and can see much farther than when 
 they are sunk in the socket. 
 
 Wide nostrils are also much more convenient 
 for breathing; and render the appearance of 
 the horse more terrible ; for when one horse 
 is enraged at another, or is excited in riding, 
 he distends his nostrils exceedingly. 
 
 When the head is large at the top, and the 
 ears small, the horse appears much more ele- 
 gant. When the point of the shoulder is high, 
 the rider has a safer seat, and adheres more 
 closely to the shoulders. The loins, when 
 double, are much more easily sitten upon, than 
 when single, and much more pleasant to the 
 eye. 
 
 When the sides are deep, and somewhat pro- 
 tuberant at the belly, the horse is generally 
 more easily ridden; and stronger, and more 
 capable of enjoying food. In proportion as the 
 loins are broader and shorter, so much easier 
 is it for the horse to raise the fore-part of the 
 body and bring forward the hinder ; and the 
 belly thus appears smaller, which when large 
 deforms the horse, weakens it, and renders it 
 less capable of carrying burdens. 
 
 It is necessary also that the haunches should 
 DQ broad and fleshy, to correspond with the 
 sides and breasjt ; when all these parts are solid, 
 it renders the horse lighter for the race, and 
 much fleeter. 
 
 Moreover, if the hocks be separated by a 
 broad line, then the hind legs in walking will 
 be separated by a proper space, and be brought 
 up so as not to touch each other : when this is 
 the case a great addition is made to the bold- 
 ness and strength of his look, both in walking 
 and riding. This may be proved from men, 
 for when they wish to raise anything from the 
 earth, they attempt to do so by standing astride 
 rather than with legs close. 
 
 A horse, besides, should not have large tes- 
 ticles; this cannot be observed in the foal. 
 With regard to the pastern, the shank bones, 
 the fetlocks, and hoofs of the hind legs, the 
 r.ame may be said as of the fore. 
 
 I now explain how a man may run the least 
 
 risk of being deceived, when conjecturing the 
 future height of a horse. The young horse 
 which, when foaled, has the shank bones long- 
 est, invariably turns out the largest. For as 
 time advances, the shank-bones of all quad- 
 rupeds increase but little ; but that the rest 
 of the body may be symmetrical, it increases 
 in proportion with them. 
 
 Persons who thus prove the form of a 
 foal, seem, in my opinion, most likely to ob- 
 tain a good-footed, strong, well-fleshed, grace- 
 ful, and large-sized horse. Though some, 
 when growing, change much, still, in our choice 
 of them, we may confidently follow the above 
 rule; for there are far more deformed foals 
 which turn out beautiful horses, than beautiful 
 foals which prove deformed horses. 
 
 II. It seems now necessary to explain how 
 young horses should be trained. Those men 
 in cities are enjoined to ride, who are best 
 enabled from their wealth, and who partake in 
 the honours of the state. It is much better 
 that a young man should be studious of firm 
 habits of body than of horsemanship ; or if al- 
 ready skilled in riding, of exercising himself, 
 than be a breaker of horses ; and that an old 
 man should be engaged with his family, his 
 friends, political and military affairs, than be 
 engaged in training horses. 
 
 Whoever is acquainted with the method of 
 rearing horses, as I am, will give them out to 
 be trained. It is necessary, however, before 
 giving them out, to have a written agreement 
 regarding the manner in which you wish them 
 trained, as is done when a boy is engaged to 
 learn any art ; for that will show the breaker 
 what he ought to attend to, in order to receive 
 his reward. 
 
 Care must be taken, that when the breaker 
 receives the foal, he be gentle, tractable, and 
 fond of men. For he is generally rendered so 
 at home by the groom, if the foal is made to 
 understand that hunger, thirst, and irritation, 
 are procured by solitude ; and that meat, drink, 
 and freedom from irritation, are procured by 
 men. When these things take place, foals not 
 only love, but long for men. 
 
 It is necessary also to touch those parts 
 which, when touched, give greatest pleasure 
 to the horse ; and these are the hairiest, and 
 those parts in which, when he feels any pain 
 he cannot relieve himself. 
 
 The groom should be enjoined to lead him 
 through a crowd, and cause him to approach 
 
HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 719 
 
 all kinds of sights and sounds. Whichever of 
 these the foal may dread, it is necessary to 
 teach him not by harshness, but gentleness, 
 that they are not dangerous. Regarding the 
 training of horses, it seems to me sufficient, to 
 tell the unskilled to follow the above instruc- 
 tions. 
 
 III. We will now suggest a few things 
 which ought to be attended to, by the pur- 
 chaser of a riding horse, if he wishes to avoid 
 being cheated in the bargain. First, then, let it 
 not escape his notice what his age is ; for if he 
 has not the foal-teeth, he can neither give us 
 pleasure with anticipated exertion, nor can he 
 be easily disposed of again. 
 
 When his youth is manifest, it is necessary 
 again to observe narrowly how he receives the 
 bit in his mouth, and the bridle about his ears ; 
 there is least qhance of this escaping notice, if 
 the bridle be put on and off before the pur- 
 chaser. 
 
 Then we must also observe, how he receives 
 the rider on his back. For many horses are 
 with difficulty approached, as they know, if 
 they allow it, they will be obliged to la- 
 bour. 
 
 This must also be considered, if when 
 mounted he desires to withdraw from other 
 horses, or if when they chance to be near, he 
 advances to them without the will of his rider. 
 There are some, who on account of bad train- 
 ing, fly homewards from the race ground. * 
 
 Fetlock riding, as it is called, shows the in- 
 tractable horse, and much more the sudden 
 change of the riding. For many do not attempt 
 to run against the will of their rider, unless the 
 hard jaw which does not feel the force of the bit, 
 and the horse's speed directed homewards, 
 coincide. It is necessary also to know, if 
 when forced to full speed he is drawn up quick- 
 ly, and if he wishes to be turned. 
 
 It is good also not to be inexperienced, if 
 the horse, when roused with blows, is equally 
 willing to obey as formerly. For a disobe- 
 dient servant and army, are equally useless : 
 but a disobedient horse is not only useless, but 
 frequently acts traitorously. 
 
 When we wish to purchase a war-steed, we 
 must try him in all those things of which ex- 
 perience is required in war; these are, to leap 
 across ditches, scale walls, spring up ascents, 
 
 Riding in a circle when tied by a rope to the 1 centre. 
 
 and dash down descents, and to be experienced 
 in charging on slopes, declivities, and transverse 
 ways. For all these things prove the strength 
 of his spirit, and health of his body. The 
 horse, however, which does not excel in these 
 things, is not to be rejected. For many fail, 
 not for want of ability, but want of experience 
 in these things : but if instructed, accustomed, 
 and trained, they would excel in them, if other- 
 wise healthy and nbt vicious. 
 
 We must also guard against naturally timid 
 horses. For the excessively timorous, do not 
 allow the enemy to be injured, and they fre- 
 quently deceive their rider, and bring him into 
 the greatest difficulties. 
 
 It is necessary also to learn if the horse is 
 fierce, either towards other horses, or towards 
 men, and if sullen and peevish ; for all these 
 things become difficulties to the purchaser. 
 
 The refusing to be reined and mounted, and 
 other tricks, may be much more easily learned, 
 if when the horse has already been toiled, he 
 should attempt again to do the same things as 
 before he began to ride. Such as have toiled, 
 and are willing again to undergo labour, show 
 sufficient proofs of a strong spirit. 
 
 In short, that horse which has good feet, is 
 gentle, fleet enough, is willing and able to en- 
 dure labour, and is very obedient, is most likely 
 to occasion least uneasiness, and be the author 
 of most safety to his rider in warfare. But 
 those which require much driving on account 
 of laziness, or much coaxing and care, on ac- 
 count of being high mettled, occasion much 
 employment to the rider, and despondence in 
 dangers. 
 
 IV. When a man has purchased a horse which 
 he admires, and brings him home, it is proper 
 that the stall should be in a part of the house 
 where the master could oftenest see the horse : 
 and it is good, that the stable should be so situa- 
 ted, that it would be as difficult to steal provis- 
 ions out of the manger, as out of the master's 
 cellar. He who is negligent of this, seems to 
 me to be heedless of his own interest ; for it is 
 evident, that in dangers the master entrusts his 
 body to his horse. 
 
 A secure stable is not only good for pre- 
 venting the stealing of the horse's provender, 
 but also, because it shows when he disdains 
 his food, and throws it out of the stall. When 
 this is perceived, it is known that the body 
 through abundance of blood, requires curing, 
 or having toiled hard needs repose, or brokea 
 
720 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 windedness, or some other malady is creeping 
 upon him. It is with a horse as with a man, 
 diseases are all much more easily cured at the be- 
 ginning, than when they have become invete- 
 rate, and errors have been committed in at- 
 tempting their cure. 
 
 And as attention must be paid to a horse's 
 provisions and exercises, that ' the body may 
 be strong, so also his feet must be exer- 
 cised. Moist and smooth stalls injure hoofs 
 which are naturally good. It is also necessary, 
 that they be not moist, be sloping, and have 
 sewers : and not to be smooth, to have large 
 stones against each other, almost equal in size 
 to their hoofs ; for such stalls at the same time 
 consolidate the hoofs of those standing on 
 them. 
 
 After that, the horse must be led by the 
 groom where he may be rubbed : he must be 
 untied after breakfast from the manger, that he 
 may go with greater pleasure to the evening 
 meal. The outside of the stall should be as 
 good as possible, and would strengthen the 
 feet, if there were strewed here and there four 
 or five cart loads of tapering stones, measuring 
 a hand breadth, and about a mina in weight, 
 encompassed with iron braces, that they may 
 not be scattered. When he stands on these, 
 he always g'oes some part of the day, as if on a 
 stony road. 
 
 It is necessary also, when taken out to be 
 rubbed or driven by the spur, that he should 
 use his hoofs as when he walks. Stones thus 
 strewn, strengthen the hollow of the horse's 
 hoof. It is necessary to be careful about the 
 strength of* their hpofs, and the softness of their 
 mouths. For the same things soften a man's 
 flesh and a horse's mouth. 
 
 V. It seems to me to be the duty of a horse- 
 man, to have his groom instructed in what 
 is necessary to be done about a horse. And 
 first, he ought to know never to make the knot 
 of the manger headstall where the reins round 
 the head are put : for the horse frequently 
 moves his head in the manger, and if the head- 
 stall hurts his ears, it frequently occasions ul- 
 cers ; and when these are ulcered, it is a neces- 
 sary consequence, that the horse is more difficult 
 to rein and to rub. 
 
 It is good also to enjoin the groom to carry 
 out to one place, every day, the dung and straw 
 from under the horse. When he does this, he 
 will remove it with greatest ease, and at the 
 same time do a benefit to the horse. 
 
 The groom should also be accustomed to 
 put the breaking bridle upon the horse, when 
 he leads him out for rubbing or for weltering. 
 It is necessary that he should be always caves- 
 soned when led out unbridled. For the caves- 
 son does not prevent his breathing, and does 
 ^ot allow him to bite ; and when thrown around 
 the horse, prevents him from laying snares for 
 other horses. 
 
 The horse should be bound by suspending 
 the reins from the upper part of the head. For 
 whatever troublesome object affects his face, he 
 instinctively attempts to remove it by throwing 
 up his head. When thus bound, it rather 
 loosens the halter than draws it tight. 
 
 He who uses the currycomb should com- 
 mence with the head and mane ; for it would 
 be vain to clean the lower parts, when the upper 
 are not yet cleaned. And then the hair of the 
 rest of the body should be raised with all the 
 instruments of cleaning, to brush off the dust, 
 not according to the grain of the hair. The 
 hairs on the spine of the back should not be 
 touched by any instrument, but be merely rub- 
 bed by the hands, and softly touched in the 
 manner in which they lie naturally, and the seat 
 on the horse's back would thus be least injured. 
 
 The head ought to be washed by water, for 
 being bony, if it were cleaned with iron or 
 wood, it would pain the horse. The forelock 
 also should be moistened ; for when these 
 hairs are long, they do not hinder the horse 
 from seeing, and they dash away from his eyes 
 whatever gives pain. It is natural enough to 
 suppose that the gods gave these locks to the 
 horse instead of large ears, which they have 
 given to asses and mules to protect their eyes 
 from injury. 
 
 It is proper also to wash the tail and mane, 
 as the hair should be caused to grow, that on 
 the tail, that the horse extending it at its full 
 length, may switch off whatever pains him, 
 and that on the mane, that the mounter may 
 have the most abundant quantity to take in his 
 grasp. The mane, forelock, and tail, are given 
 by the gods as an ornament. In proof of this, 
 those horses kept for breeding, do not allow 
 asses to mount them as long as they have long 
 hair : wherefore, all those who take the charge 
 of connecting mares with asses, cut off their 
 hair that they may copulate. 
 
 Moreover, we exempt the legs from wash- 
 ing; for it is of no advantage, and a daily 
 washing injures the hoofs. It is necessary 
 
HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 721 
 
 also to be moderate in washing the parts under 
 the belly ; for it pains the horse excessively, 
 and the cleaner these parts are, they are the 
 more apt to collect what occasions pain under 
 the belly. 
 
 And even though great pains be spent upon 
 them, the horse is no sooner led out, than he is 
 immediately as dirty as ever. These parts must 
 therefore be let alone, as rubbing the legs with 
 the hands is sufficient. 
 
 VI. We' will show also this, how a person 
 with least injury to himself, and most advantage 
 to the horse, can rub him down : for if he cleans 
 him looking the same way as the horse, there 
 is danger that he should be struck in the face 
 with the knee or hoof. But if he looks the 
 contrary way to the horse, and to the outer part 
 of the leg when he cleans, and comes gradually 
 down from the shoulder blade to the hoofs, thus 
 he can suffer no injury, and will be enabled to 
 cure the hollow of the horse's hoof, by opening 
 up the hoof. The hind legs must be cleaned in 
 a similar manner. 
 
 The person engaged about the horse should 
 know, that these and all other things which 
 must be done, ought to be done by approaching 
 the horse neither in front nor rear ; for if the 
 horse attempts to injure by either of these 
 ways, he is superior to the man. But who- 
 ever approaches laterally, does so with least in- 
 jury to himself, and he can injure the horse 
 materially. 
 
 When it is necessary to lead a horse, I do 
 not commend, that the leader should go before 
 the horse ; because the leader cannot be upon 
 his guard, and the horse has thus the power of 
 doing what he pleases. 
 
 We reprehend also the allowing the horse to 
 precede the groom with a long halter, because 
 the horse can work mischief on whichever side 
 he chooses ; he may also turn back and rush 
 against his leader. 
 
 How could horses when in crowds be kept 
 separate when thus led 1 But the horse accus- 
 tomed to be led by the side, can do least injury 
 either to horses or men, and would be most ex- 
 cellently prepared for his rider, if it should at 
 any time be necessary to mount with speed. 
 
 And that the groom should put on the reins 
 correctly, he should approach the horse on the 
 left side, and then throwing the reins upon his 
 head, let him place them upon the point of the 
 shoulder, seize the headstall in his right hand, 
 ami bring forward the bit in his left. 
 61 
 
 And if he does not receive it, then the throat 
 band of the bridle must be put on ; and if he 
 does not open his mouth, the bridle must be 
 held near the teeth, and the middle finger of 
 the left hand inserted within the horse's jaw. 
 Many horses when this is done open their 
 mouth. And if he does not receive it then, let 
 the lip be pressed to the eye-tooth : there are 
 very few which do not receive it when they 
 suffer this. 
 
 The groom must also be instructed in the 
 following points. First, never to lead the 
 horse by the reins, for this renders one side of 
 the mouth harder than the other. He must 
 also keep the reins as much as possible apart 
 from the jaws. For when it is brought too 
 close, it renders the mouth callous and conse- 
 quently insensible ; when, however, the bit 
 hangs too far out of the mouth, it enables the 
 horse to hold the bit in his teeth and refuse 
 obedience to his rider. 
 
 The groom must also pay the closest atten- 
 tion to this, if his exertions are anywhere ne- 
 cessary ; for it is a matter of so much conse- 
 quence that the horse should be willing to take 
 the bridle, that the one which does not receive 
 it is altogether useless. 
 
 But if the horse is bridled not only when 
 about to labour, but also when led to be fed, 
 and when led from riding into the house, it 
 would not be wonderful if he should seize the 
 bridle of his own accord when stretched out to 
 him. 
 
 It is proper also that the groom should un- 
 derstand the Persian mode of assisting in 
 mounting,! t na j fa e master himself, if he should 
 be at any time sick, or become advanced in 
 years, should have at hand a person who can 
 so assist him, and enable him to gratify another 
 who wishes that assistance. 
 
 This precept and practice is best on treating 
 a horse, never to ill use him through anger. 
 For anger frequently excites to such rash and 
 inconsiderate deeds, that they must be followed 
 by repentance. 
 
 When a horse sees any thing suspicious, 
 and does not wish to approach it, he should be 
 made to see that there is nothing fearful in it, 
 more especially a high mettled horse : but if 
 that cannot be done, the horseman himself must 
 touch the object exciting terror, and lead the 
 horse gently to- it. 
 
 See note, p. 243. 
 
 4Q 
 
722 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 Those who drive horses forward with 
 blows, inspire them with greater terror. For 
 they suppose that, when they suffer any injury 
 in such a situation, the suspected object is the 
 cause of it. 
 
 When the groom presents the horse to the 
 rider, we would recommend that he should be 
 acquainted with the manner of causing the 
 horse to bend down, to enable the rider to 
 mount easily. We are of opinion, however, 
 that the rider should exercise himself in mount- 
 ing, even when the horse does not assist him. 
 For sometimes a different horse falls in our 
 way, and sometimes the same horse acts in a 
 manner different from that to which he is ac- 
 customed. 
 
 VII. When a horse has been received for 
 the purpose of being mounted, we will explain 
 what the horseman should do, to be most ad- 
 vantageous to himself and the horse in riding. 
 He should first hold the reins easily turning 
 in his left hand, and fitted to the under part 
 of the bridle or the curb, and so loose as not 
 to draw back the horse, whether he mounts by 
 seizing hold of the mane near the ears, or 
 jumps on horseback with the assistance of his 
 spear. And with his right hand let him seize 
 the reins near the point of the shoulder along 
 with the mane, so that he may not in any man- 
 ner, when mounting, draw the horse's mouth 
 with the bridle. 
 
 When he has prepared himself for the as- 
 cent, let him support his body with his left 
 hand, and stretching forth his right hand, let 
 him leap on horseback, and when he mounts 
 thus, he will not present an uncomely spectacle 
 from behind. This should be done with the leg 
 bent, and without touching the horse's back- 
 bone with the knee, but by throwing the leg 
 over to the horse's right side. And when he 
 has thrown his leg across, he should then take 
 his seat on the horse's back. 
 
 But if the horseman should happen to lead 
 the horse with his left hand, and have his spear 
 in the right, it seems to us proper, that he 
 should exercise himself in mounting on the 
 right side. This can be learned in no other 
 manner, than merely doing with the left side 
 what he otherwise did with the right, and with 
 the right what he did with the left. 
 
 For this reason we commend the latter mode 
 of mounting, because as soon as the rider is on 
 horseback, he is prepared for every event, if it 
 
 should be necessary suddenly to encounter the 
 enemy. 
 
 As soon as he is mounted, whether on the 
 horse's bare back or on a saddle, we do not 
 approve of the same bearing a man has in a 
 carriage, but that an upright posture be ob- 
 served with the legs apart. His thighs will 
 thus have a firmer hold of the horse, and being 
 erect, he will be enabled, when necessary, to 
 hurl the javelin or strike a blow from horseback 
 much more vigorously. 
 
 The shank bone and foot should be pliant 
 and loose at the joint under the knee ; for when 
 the leg is rigid, it is apt to be broken when 
 struck against any thing. When the leg is 
 moist at the joint, if any thing should befall it, 
 it would yield, and not dislocate the thigh. 
 
 The horseman should by exercise accustom 
 himself to keep the parts of his body above the 
 thigh bone as agile as possible. He will thus 
 be better fitted for labour, and if any person 
 should drag or push him, he would be less like- 
 ly to tumble. 
 
 When he has mounted, he should first train 
 the horse to stand still till he has put his 
 mantle in order, when necessary, and adjusted 
 the reins, and taken the most convenient grasp 
 of his spear. Let him then hold his left arm 
 by his side, which attitude is most graceful 
 in the rider, and gives greatest power to the 
 hand. 
 
 We commend those reins which are equal 
 in length, not weak, nor slippery, nor thick, 
 that the spear may be held in the same hand 
 when necessary. 
 
 When the horse receives the signal to ad- 
 vance, he should be made to commence slowly, 
 as this causes least alarm. If the horse 
 stoops somewhat, let the reins be managed 
 higher up in the hands, but if he walk with 
 his head erect, they must be held lower down. 
 The carriage of the horse will be thus more 
 graceful. 
 
 Besides, when he drives in his natural course 
 and pace, he relaxes the body with greatest 
 ease, and advances with greatest pleasure when 
 the rod is held over the head to point out the 
 way. As it is the most approved practice to 
 begin with the left feet, this would be best done, 
 if, when the horse is running on the right after 
 being mounted, a signal should be given with 
 the rod. 
 
 For when he is about to lift the left side, he 
 
HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 723 
 
 will commence the gallop with it ; and when 
 he turns to the left, he could then commence 
 the inclination. For a horse is accustomed 
 when turned to the right, to commence with 
 the right, and when turned to the left, with the 
 left. 
 
 We commend that riding which is directed 
 straight forwards, for it accustoms the horse 
 to be turned by both jaws. It is good also to 
 change the course of the horse, that both jaws 
 may be made equal by both modes of riding. 
 
 We commend the oblong riding in prefer- 
 ence to the circular : as the horse will thus 
 turn with greater ease, being satisfied with the 
 straight line, and he will thus be exercised both 
 in running in a straight line, and in turning 
 suddenly. 
 
 In these turns, the reins must be held in. 
 For it is not easy or safe for the horse to turn 
 speedily in a small compass, more especially if 
 the ground be rugged or slippery. 
 
 When the reins are held in, the horse must 
 not by any means be turned sideways by the 
 reins, and the rider himself must not sit oblique- 
 ly ; for he ought to be well aware, that the slight- 
 est impulse in that situation, will be sufficient 
 to overthrow both himself and the horse. 
 
 When the horse after having turned, has a 
 straight forward course, then he must be spur- 
 red to full speed ; for it is plain, that in 
 warfare there must be sudden turns either for 
 pursuit or retreat : it is proper, therefore, to 
 train the horse to exert his utmost speed after 
 having turned. 
 
 When the horse seems to have been suffi- 
 ciently exercised, it will be proper to spur him 
 suddenly after he has rested, to full gallop, both 
 away from other horses, and directly against 
 them ; and after full speed to halt as near them 
 as possible, and after having stood, he should 
 be turned, and driven forward again. For it is 
 evident that occasions will occur in which both 
 these modes will be necessary. 
 
 When it is time to dismount, this ought not 
 t be done among other horses, nor near an as- 
 sembly of men, nor beyond the race ground, but 
 in whatever place the horse is obliged to labour, 
 there he ought to enjoy ease. 
 
 VIII. As occasions will occur in which it 
 will be necessary for the horse to run over de- 
 clivous, mountainous, and transverse roads, and 
 also to leap across, jump out, and rush down ; 
 he ought to instruct and train both himself and 
 his horse completely in these matters, and they 
 
 will thus prove most salutary and advantageous 
 to each other. 
 
 It may be supposed that we are now repeat- 
 ing what we have already explained this is 
 not the case. When a man purchased a horse, 
 we exhorted him to prove if the horse could do 
 these things ; but now we insist upon the ne- 
 cessity of instructing the horse in these matters, 
 and explain how it may be done. 
 
 He who has got a horse completely unac- 
 quainted with leaping ditches, should slacken 
 the halter, and leap over first, and then draw 
 the reins tight to urge him to leap. 
 
 And if he is unwilling, let some person take 
 a whip or rod and apply it lustily ; he will then 
 not only leap over the proper space, but much 
 more than necessary. There will be no occa- 
 sion afterwards to strike him ; for if he only ob- 
 serves any one approaching behind him, he will 
 take the leap. 
 
 When he has been thus accustomed to leap, 
 let him be gradually induced to leap when 
 mounted, first over small ditches, and then 
 gradually over broader. When he is about to 
 leap, let hirn^be urged forward with the spur. 
 He should be treated in the same manner 
 when to leap up and down ; for when the 
 horse's whole body assists in the leap, both 
 horse and rider are much safer than when the 
 hinder parts fag, either in leaping across a 
 ditch, springing up, or dashing down a de- 
 clivity. 
 
 In training a horse to mount declivities, he 
 must first be tried on soft ground : and finally, 
 when accustomed to this, he will run with 
 greater pleasure on acclivities, than declivities. 
 Those who are afraid lest the horse's shoulder 
 should be dislocated by driving up steep places, 
 should take courage when they consider, that 
 the Persians and Odrysians, who are accustom- 
 ed to fight on declivities, have their horses as 
 sound as the Greeks. 
 
 We will not omit to explain how the rider 
 ought to accommodate himself to all these situ- 
 ations. When the horse commences a gallop 
 suddenly, he should stoop forward, for the 
 horse will thus be less depressed with his 
 weight, and less able to throw back the rider 
 by rearing, and immediately when he pulls in 
 the reins, let fiim bend back and he will be thus 
 less jolted. 
 
 In crossing a ditch and ascending an acclivi- 
 ty, it is proper to seize the mane, lest the horse 
 should be oppressed both by the difficulty of the 
 
724 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 ground and the bridle. In descending a de- 
 clivity, the rider's head must be kept up, and 
 the horse checked by the bridle, lest horse and 
 rider be borne precipitately down the declivity. 
 
 It is proper frequently to change the place 
 and extent of the race ground : for this is more 
 agreeable to the horse, than being always 
 trained in the same places and in the same 
 manner. 
 
 Since it is necessary, that he who drives his 
 horse rapidly through all sorts of places, should 
 be able to sit firmly on his back, and use his 
 arms dexterously ; we much commend the ex- 
 ercise of horsemanship in hunting, where the 
 situation is convenient, and wild beasts to be 
 found. When that is not the case, it is a 
 useful exercise for two horsemen to agree be- 
 tween themselves, that the orje shall retire 
 on horseback through all sorts of places, and 
 retreat, often turning about with his spear pre- 
 sented : and the other shall pursue, having 
 javelins blunted with balls, and a spear of the 
 same description, and whenever he comes with- 
 in a javelin throw, that he hurl the blunted 
 weapons at the person retreating, and when- 
 ever he comes within the stroke of a spear, that 
 he strike him with it. 
 
 It is good also when they encounter, that he 
 drag his enemy to himself, and suddenly repel 
 him : for this is apt to unhorse him. It is 
 also advisable that the person dragged should 
 spur on his steed ; for when he does this, he is 
 more likely to overthrow his antagonist than be 
 overthrown. 
 
 And if at any time, when one camp is pitch- 
 ed opposite another, a charge should take 
 place, and they should pursue the enemy to 
 the hostile ranks, and then retreat to their own 
 lines, it is good even here to know, that as long 
 as he is near his friends, he will act bravely 
 and safely, by advancing among the first, and 
 pressing closely and vigorously on the enemy. 
 When he comes near the enemy, he should 
 tighten the reins and check the horse, that he 
 may be able to retreat suddenly : when he acts 
 thus, it is natural to suppose that he will in- 
 jure the enemy, and receive no injury in re- 
 turn. 
 
 The gods have granted the ability to men, to 
 inform others by speech what they wish done. 
 A horse, however, cannot be instructed by 
 peech : but if when he does what you wish, 
 you grant a favour in return, and when he is 
 
 disobedient, punish him, he will be thus trained 
 to obey when necessary. 
 
 This rule has been given in few words, but 
 it is advantageous in every branch of horse- 
 manship. For he will endure the bridle more 
 willingly, if when he does so, something good 
 happens to him, and he will leap across ditches, 
 spring forward, and obey in all other occasions, 
 if he expects some indulgence after having per- 
 formed what he is ordered. 
 
 IX. We have now explained how a person 
 may be least deceived in purchasing a foal or 
 horse, and how he may be least injured in 
 using them, more especially if it be necessary 
 to exhibit a horse, as possessed of all the quali- 
 ties a horseman requires in war. It is per- 
 haps time to explain how we should use cor- 
 rectly a horse, which is either too spirited or 
 too lazy. 
 
 First, then, he ought to know that spirit is 
 to a horse, what anger is to a man. And as 
 there is little likelihood of a man being put in 
 a passion, who has nothing unpleasant either 
 said or done to him, so also a high-mettled 
 steed cannot be exasperated, when he suffers 
 nothing disagreeable. 
 
 In mounting a horse we must be careful not 
 to occasion any pain. When we have mount- 
 ed, we ought to remain quiet a longer time 
 than usual, and then move him forward by the 
 gentlest signs ; we should commence very 
 slowly, and gradually induce him to quicken 
 his step, that even he may not observe when he 
 is forced to full speed. 
 
 A spirited horse, like a man, when he 
 sees, or hears, or feels any thing suddenly, is 
 thrown into confusion : this circumstance 
 ought always to be kept in view when manag- 
 ing him. 
 
 If we require to rein in a spirited horse 
 when running quicker than required, we should 
 not draw in the reins suddenly, but pull back 
 the bridle gently, and thus coax not force him 
 to stand still. 
 
 Long continued rides are more apt to tame 
 horses than frequent short turns ; and long 
 gentle rides soften, and tame, and do not exas- 
 perate the high-mettled horse. 
 
 If any person imagines, that by fatiguing the 
 horse with a swift and long race he will tame 
 him, he is greatly deceived. For in such cir- 
 cumstances, the spirited horse attempts to use 
 violence, and when enraged, like a 'passionate 
 
HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 725 
 
 man, frequently does irreparable injury both to 
 himself and rider. 
 
 It is proper also to check the high-mettled 
 horses from galloping at full speed, and restrain 
 them altogether from contending with other 
 horses ; for if permitted, they generally become 
 most fond of contention and refractory. 
 
 A smooth bridle is much more suitable than 
 a rough one. But, if a rough one be put on, 
 it must be rendered similar to a smooth one by 
 being held slackly. It is good also to accustom 
 one's self to sit quiet, especially on a spirited 
 horse, and to touch no other part than what is 
 necessary to preserve a firm seat. 
 
 A horseman should also know, that it is a 
 received precept to soothe him by whistling, 
 and rouse him by a sharp sound made between 
 the tongue and the palate. But, if the rider 
 commence by accustoming the horse to the lat- 
 ter sound when receiving soothing treatment, 
 and to whistling when roughly used, he will 
 soon learn to be roused by whistling, and paci- 
 fied by the sharp sound made between the 
 tongue and the palate. 
 
 So also when a shout is raised, or at the 
 sound of a trumpet, the rider should not ap- 
 proach the horse as if he were dismayed, nor 
 exhibit any thing to the horse exciting conster- 
 nation, but in such circumstances soothe him 
 as much as possible, and present to him his 
 dinner or supper, if it can be conveniently 
 done. 
 
 . Never to procure a very high-spirited horse 
 for war, is a most excellent advice. I consider 
 it sufficient to recommend, that the lazy horse 
 should be treated in a manner directly contrary 
 to that in which we advised the high-mettled to 
 be used. 
 
 X. If a horseman desires to possess a horse 
 useful for war, and very magnificent and con- 
 spicuous to ride upon, he ought to refrain from 
 drawing his mouth with the bridle, and from 
 spurring and flogging him, which when the ma- 
 jority of people do, they suppose that they cause 
 him to act splendidly. Such persons produce 
 an effect contrary to what they intend. 
 
 For when they draw up the horse's head, 
 instead of allowing him to look forward, they 
 blind him, and when they spur and strike him, 
 they agitate him so much as to terrify him, 
 and cause him to expose himself to dangers. 
 Horses which act thus, are those which have 
 taken a%islike to riding, and conduct them- 
 selves shamefully. 
 
 61* 
 
 But, if the horse should be trained to ride 
 with a slack rein, and to rear his head, and arch 
 his neck, he will thus be impelled to do what 
 he rejoices and exults in. 
 
 As a proof that they delight in such gestures, 
 when they come among other horses, but more 
 especially mares, spirited fiery horses rear their 
 heads, arch their necks, elevate their limbs pli- 
 antly, and erect their tails. 
 
 When the horse is excited to assume that 
 artificial air which he adopts when he is proud, 
 he then delights in riding, becomes magnifi- 
 cent, terrific, and attracts attention. How that 
 gait can be obtained, we shall now attempt to 
 explain. 
 
 First, then, it is necessary to have no fewer 
 than two reins. Let one of these be smooth, 
 having large olive bits, and the other have 
 heavy and small olive^bits, with sharp small 
 globes: that, as soon as they seize it and feel 
 its roughness intolerable, they may let it go : 
 and when they have exchanged it for the 
 smooth one with which they are pleased, they, 
 will perform the same actions when urged by 
 the smooth, which they were trained to do with 
 the rough. 
 
 But, if again they despise its smoothness, 
 and frequently press against it, we must then 
 add a few larger rollers to the smooth rein, 
 that being obliged to open his mouth by them, 
 they may admit the bit. It is possible also, to 
 diversify the rough bridle by coiling it up and 
 extending it. 
 
 Whatever number of bridles there be, they 
 should all be flexible and soft. When they are 
 not pliant, the horse wherever he seizes it, 
 holds it all close to the jaws. He raises the 
 whole like a spit whenever he seizes it. 
 
 The other description of bridle is like a chain ; 
 for wherever it is held, that alone remains un- 
 moved, the rest hangs loose : as he is always 
 catching at it while it is escaping out of his 
 mouth, he drops the bit out of his jaws. For 
 this reason little rings are suspended at the 
 middle from the axles called pJayers, that while 
 he aims at these with his tongue and his teeth, 
 he may neglect to seize the bridle at the jaws. 
 
 ' If it should not be known what we mean by 
 a flexible and soft bridle, and what by a hard 
 one, we will explain it. It is called flexible 
 when the axles have broad and smooth junc- 
 tures, so as to be easily bent : and every thing 
 which encircles the axles, if it be large and not 
 compact is flexible. 
 
726 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 But, if each of these parts of the bridle run 
 with difficulty on their axles, then we call it a 
 hard bridle. Whatever kind of bridle it be, all 
 the following directions must be attended to, by 
 him who wishes to render the horse's form such 
 as we have explained above. 
 
 The horse's mouth must not be too severely 
 drawn back, lest he should refuse obedience by 
 declining his head ; nor too gently, lest he 
 should not feel it. When he raises his neck 
 by throwing his head upwards, the rein must 
 be immediately given him, and even in other 
 respects, as we are always recommending, when 
 he has performed his duty properly, we must 
 humour him. 
 
 When the rLder perceives that the horse is 
 well pleased by holding his neck high, and by 
 the laxity of his reins, then nothing disagree- 
 able must be offered, as forcing him to labour, 
 but he must be coaxed, as if it were desired 
 that he should cease from toil. By these 
 means he will advance more cheerfully to his 
 quickest speed. 
 
 It is a sufficient proof, that horses delight in 
 running, that when set free, none of them pro- 
 ceeds slowly, but at a gallop. Of this they are 
 naturally fond, unless they are forced to run to 
 an immoderate distance. Nothing immoderate 
 is agreeable either to horse or man. 
 
 When we wish our horses trained to ride 
 with pomp and magnificence, they must pre- 
 viously have been accustomed in riding, to pro- 
 ceed at full speed after being turned. And 
 should the rider, having previously trained his 
 horse to this, at the same time rein him in, and 
 give him the signal to advance rapidly, the 
 horse is stimulated by being checked with the 
 bridle, and incited to proceed rapidly, and he 
 throws forward his chest, and raises his legs 
 furiously though not pliantly : for when horses 
 are hurt or offended, their legs are no longer 
 pliant. 
 
 If the reins be given to a horse thus rendered 
 fiery by being checked, then for joy that he sup- 
 poses himself set free, on account of the slack- 
 ness of the bit, he is borne along prancingly, 
 with a triumphant gait and pliant limbs, and in 
 every respect imitating the graceful motion as- 
 sumed by horses approaching each other. 
 
 Persons beholding such a horse pronounce 
 him generous, free in his motions, fit for mili- 
 tary exercise, high-mettled, haughty, and both 
 pleasant and terrible to look on. To those 
 who desire a horse trained to the above atti- 
 
 tudes, we consider the precepts now given to 
 be satisfactory. 
 
 XL If any one should desire to be possess- 
 ed of a horse fit for show, erectly walking, and 
 splendid, he cannot indeed expect these quali- 
 ties in every horse, but only in those which 
 nature has endowed with a high spirit and a 
 robust body. 
 
 It is generally supposed that those horses 
 which have soft pliant legs, ha've the greatest 
 facility in lifting them : this is not the case ; 
 this quality is to be found in those which have 
 soft, short, and robust loins. We do not at 
 present allude to the loins near the tail, but at 
 the belly between the sides and the hips. 
 Horses thus shaped will be able to throw their 
 hinder legs considerably in advance of their 
 fore legs when running. 
 
 When the horse is in this position, if the 
 rider should pull back the reins, he falls back 
 on the pasterns of his hind legs, raises the fore 
 part of his body, and exhibits to those in 
 front his belly and 'privy parts. When in this 
 position, therefore, the reins should be given 
 to him, that he may of his own accord assume 
 the most graceful attitude, and seem to the 
 spectators to do so. 
 
 Some train their horses to these things, one 
 party by striking them under the pasterns with 
 a rod, and another by causing a man to run by 
 their side and strike them on the thigh. 
 
 But we consider it the best method of train- 
 ing, as we have always said, if upon every 
 occasion that he performs readily and grace- 
 fully what his rider requires, he should enjoy 
 ease. 
 
 For whatever a horse does when forced to 
 it, as Simon also remarks, he does not under- 
 stand, nor is it more comely, than if we were 
 to flog and spur on a dancer to his duty. For 
 either a horse or man when thus treated would 
 act much more ungracefully than otherwise. A 
 horse should be excited by signs, of his own 
 accord to assume all the most graceful and 
 splendid attitudes. 
 
 But if after riding and a copious sweat, and 
 when he has reared gracefully, he should be im- 
 mediately relieved of his rider and reins, there 
 is little doubt but that he will of his own accord 
 advance to rear when necessary. 
 
 In this attitude gods and heroes are painted 
 as seated on horseback ; and men who manage 
 I their horses gracefully appear magnifircnt. 
 i A steed which rears gracefully is an object 
 
HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 727 
 
 of so much comeliness, wonder, and astonish- 
 ment, that he attracts the attention of all spec- 
 tators whether young or old. No person 
 leaves him or grows tired of seeing him, until 
 he has exhibited all his splendour. 
 
 If a person possessed of such a steed 
 should happen to lead and command a troop of 
 cavalry, it is not proper that he should indi- 
 vidually be ostentatiously splendid, but ra- 
 ther that the whole of the line which fol- 
 lows him should be gratifying to the sight. 
 
 And if one of these horses, so much com- 
 mended, should take the lead, which rears very 
 high and frequently, and advances with quick 
 short steps, it is evident that the other horses 
 must follow him with a slow and gentle pace. 
 In what consists the splendour of such a spec- 
 tacle 1 
 
 But if he excites his steed and leads the van 
 neither with too great speed, nor too great slow- 
 ness, he will cause the horses which follow 
 to exhibit themselves as very high-spirited, 
 fiery, and graceful : there .will then be an unin- 
 terrupted noise, and a universal snorting and 
 panting throughout the troop, so that not only 
 the leader but the whole line will exhibit a gra- 
 tifying spectacle. 
 
 If a person be fortunate in the purchase of a 
 horse, and feed him so as to enable him to en- 
 dure labour, and train him properly for martial 
 exercises, and ostentatious exhibitions of horse- 
 manship, and contests in the field of battle, 
 what can be an obstacle to his rendering horses 
 more valuable than when he received them, 
 and to his possessing approved horses, and ob- 
 taining renown as a horseman, unless some 
 heavenly power prevent it 1 
 
 XII. We will also explain how he should 
 be armed who intends to encounter danger on 
 horseback. First, then, we assert that the 
 breastplate should be made to fit the body : 
 when it fits well, the body supports it ; when it 
 is too loose, the shoulders alone sustain the 
 weight ; when it is too strait, it becomes a pri- 
 son, not armour. 
 
 And as the neck is one of the vital parts, we 
 recommend that a covering be made similar 
 to the neck out of the breastplate ; for this is at 
 the same time ornamental, and if properly 
 made, will receive within it, when necessary, the 
 rider's face as high as his nose. 
 
 Moreover, we consider the helmet of Bseo- 
 tian manufacture as by far the best : because it 
 completely protects all above the breastplate, 
 
 and does not prevent our seeing. Let the 
 breastplate be so made that it may not hinder 
 either our sitting down or stooping. 
 
 About the lower extremity of the belly, the 
 genitals, and the parts around, let extremi- 
 ties of the mail of such a description and size 
 be so placed as to defend the limbs. 
 
 When the left hand suffers any injury it 
 proves destructive to the rider, we therefore 
 recommend the defensive armour invented for 
 it, called gauntlets. For it both protects the 
 shoulder, and the arm above and below the 
 elbow, and the contiguous parts of the reins, 
 and may be extended and contracted at plea- 
 sure ; and, besides, it covers up the vacant space 
 of the breastplate under the armpit. 
 
 The right hand must also be raised, whether 
 the rider wishes to hurl the javelin or strike a 
 blow. Whatever part of the breastplate hin- 
 ders this must be removed, and instead of it, 
 let there be artificial extremities on the joints, 
 that when the hand is raised, they may be 
 unfolded, and when it is drawn back, they 
 may be closed. 
 
 It seems to us much preferable to have a 
 covering of the arms similar to greaves for the 
 legs, than to have it connected with the rest of 
 the armour. That part which is bared by 
 raising the right hand, must be protected near 
 the breastplate by a piece of leather or brass, 
 otherwise a most vital part is left unguarded. 
 
 And since, when an accident befals a horse, 
 the rider is also brought into the greatest dan- 
 ger, the horse must be armed with a plate 
 of brass on the forehead, another on the breast, 
 and another on the side : for these also prove 
 coverings for the rider's thighs. Above every 
 thing, the horse's belly must be protected ; foi 
 it is the most fatal and infirm part of his body, 
 and it may be defended by the saddle. 
 
 The saddle should be formed of such mate- 
 rials as to enable the rider to sit with great- 
 est safety, and not injure the seat on the horse's 
 back. On the other parts of the body let 
 horse and horseman be thus armed. 
 
 The rider's legs and feet will naturally hang 
 down below the covering of the horse's thighs ; 
 these would be armed, if covered with boots 
 made of the same leather as the military shoes ; 
 and they would thus serve as defensive armour 
 to the legs, and shoes to the feet. 
 
 The above is the equestrian armour, by 
 which, with the assistance of the gods, injury 
 may be warded off. But in injuring the enemy, 
 
728 
 
 HORSEMANSHIP. 
 
 we give a decided preference to the poniard 
 over the sword : for as the horseman is elevat- 
 ed, the stroke of a falchion is more effectual 
 than that of a sword. 
 
 Instead of a spear made of a pole, as it is 
 fragile and incommodious to carry, we give a 
 preference to two spears made of the cornel 
 tree. For the one can be hurled by the person 
 skilled in thowing it, and the remaining one 
 can be used in front, laterally, and in rear : 
 they are besides stronger and lighter than a 
 spear. 
 
 We commend that hurling of javelins which 
 takes place at the greatest distance ; for by 
 this means more time is granted to turn aside 
 
 and to change the missile weapon. We will now 
 briefly explain the best mode of hurling the 
 javelin. If we throw forward the left hand, 
 draw back the right, rise from our thighs, 
 and hurl the javelin slightly pointed upwards, 
 it will be thus carried most impetuously to 
 the greatest distance, and with unerring aim, 
 provided the point of the lance when thrown 
 is directed towards the mark. 
 
 The above are our admonitions, instructions 
 and exercises, which we recommend to the un- 
 skilled rider ; what the general of the horse 
 should understand and practise is explained in 
 another treatise. 
 
THE 
 
 EPISTLES OF XENOPHON 
 
 TRANSLATED BY 
 
 THOMAS STANLEY, ESQ. 
 [729] 
 
 4K 
 
EPISTLES OF XENOPHON 
 
 EPISTLE I. 
 
 TO JESCHIITES. 
 
 MEETING with Hermogenes, amongst other 
 things I asked him what philosophy you fol- 
 lowed, he answered, the same as Socrates. 
 For this inclination I admired you, when you 
 lived at Athens, and now continue the same 
 admiration for your constancy above other 
 students of wisdom ; the greatest argument to 
 me of your virtue, is your, being taken with 
 that man, if we may call the life of Socrates 
 mortal. That there are divine beings over us, 
 all know : we worship them as exceeding us in 
 power ; what they are is neither easy to find, 
 nor lawful to inquire. It concerns not ser- 
 vants to examine the nature and actions of 
 their masters, their duty is only to obey them, 
 and which is most considerable, the more 
 admiration they deserve who busy themselves 
 in those things which belong to man ; the more 
 trouble this brings them, who affect glory in 
 vain unseasonable objects. For when, ^Eschi- 
 nes, did any man hear Socrates discourse of 
 the heavens, or advise his scholars to mathe- 
 matical demonstrations] we know he under- 
 stood music no farther than the ear ; but was 
 always discoursing to his friends of something 
 excellent ; what is fortitude and justice and 
 other virtues. These he called the proper 
 good of mankind ; other things he said men 
 could not arrive at ; or they were of kin to 
 fables, such ridiculous things as are taught by 
 the supercilious professors of wisdom. Nor 
 did he only teach this, his practice was answer- 
 able ; of which I have written at large else- 
 where, what I hope will not be unpleasing to 
 you, though you know it already, to peruse. 
 
 Let those who are not satisfied with what So- 
 crates delivered, give over upon this conviction, 
 or confine themselves to what is probable. 
 Living, he was attested wise by the deity ; 
 dead, his murderers could find no expiation by 
 repentance. But these extraordinary persons 
 affect Egypt, and the prodigious learning of 
 Pythagoras, which unnecessary study argueth 
 them of inconstancy towards Socrates, as doth 
 also their love of tyrants, and preferring the 
 luxury of a Sicilian table before a frugal life. 
 
 EPISTLE II. 
 
 TO CRITO. 
 
 Socrates often told us, that they who pro- 
 vide much wealth for their children, but ne- 
 glected to improve them by virtue, do like those 
 that feed their horses high, and never train 
 them to the manage ; by this means their horses 
 are the better in case, but the worse for ser- 
 vice, whereas the commendations of a horse 
 consists not in his being fat, but serviceable in 
 war. In the same kind err they who purchase 
 lands for their children, but neglect their per- 
 sons ; their possessions will be of great value, 
 themselves of none, whereas the owner ought 
 to be more honourable than his estate. Who- 
 soever therefore breeds his son well, though he 
 leave him little, gives him much : it is the mind 
 which makes him great or small : whatsoever 
 they have, to the good seems sufficient, to the 
 rude too little. You leave your children no 
 more than necessity requires, which they, being 
 well educated, will esteem plentiful. The ig- 
 norant, though free from present trouble, have 
 nothing the less fear for the future. 
 
 731 
 
732 
 
 XENOPHON'S EPISTLES. 
 
 EPISTLE III. 
 
 TO SOTIRA. 
 
 Death in my opinion is neither good nor ill, 
 but the end of the life, not alike to all, for as 
 stronger or weaker from their birth, their years 
 are unequal ; sometimes death is hastened by 
 good or evil causes : and again, neither is it 
 fitting to grieve so much for death, knowing 
 that birth is the beginning of man's pilgrimage, 
 death the end. He died as all men, though 
 never so unwilling, must do : but to die well, 
 is the part of a willing and well educated per- 
 son. Happy was Gryllus, and whosoever else 
 chooseth not the longest life, but the most 
 virtuous : though his, it pleased God, was short. 
 
 EPISTLE IV. 
 
 TO LAMPHOCLES. 
 
 You must first approve the excellent asser- 
 tion of Socrates, that riches are to be measured 
 by their use. He called not large possessions 
 riches, but so much only as is necessary, in the 
 judgment whereof he advised us not to be de- 
 ceived, these he called truly rich, the rest poor, 
 labouring under an incurable poverty of mind, 
 not estate. 
 
 EPISTLE V. 
 
 They who write in praise of my son Gryllus, 
 did as they ought, and you likewise do well in 
 writing to us the actions of Socrates ; we ought 
 not only to endeavour to be good ourselves, 
 but to praise him who lived chastely, piously, 
 and justly, and to blame fortune, and those 
 who plotted against him, who ere long will 
 receive the punishment thereof. The Lace- 
 daemonians are much incensed at it, for the ill 
 news is come hither already, and reproach our 
 people, saying, they are mad again, in that they 
 could be wrought upon to put him to death, 
 whom Pythia declared the wisest of men. If 
 any of Socrates's friends want those things 
 which I sent, give me notice, and I will help 
 them, for it is just and honest ; you do well in 
 keeping ^Eschines with you, as you send me 
 word. I have a design to collect the sayings 
 and actions of Socrates, which will be his best 
 
 apology, both now and for the future, not in 
 the court where the Athenians are judges, but 
 to all who consider the virtue of the man. If 
 we should not write this freely, it were a sin 
 against friendship, and the truth. Even now 
 there fell into my hands a piece of Plato's to 
 that effect, wherein is the name of Socrates, 
 and some discourses of his not unpleasant. 
 But we must profess that we heard not, nor^ 
 can commit to writing any in that kind, for we 
 are not poets as he is, though he renounce 
 poetry ; for amidst his entertainments with 
 beautiful persons, he affirmed that there was 
 not any poem of his extant, but one of Socra- 
 tes, young and handsome. Farewell, both, 
 dearest to me. 
 
 EPISTLE VI. 
 
 Intending to celebrate the feast of Diana, 
 to whom we have erected a temple, we sent to 
 invite you hither ; if all of you would come, it 
 were much the best, otherwise, if you send 
 such as you can conveniently spare to assist at 
 our sacrifice, you will do us a favour. Aris- 
 tinpus was here, and before him, Phaedo, who 
 were much pleased with the situation and 
 structure, but above all, with the plantation 
 which I have made with my own hands. The 
 place is stored with beasts convenient for hunt- 
 ing, which the goddess affects ; let us rejoice 
 and give thanks to her who preserved me from 
 the king of the Barbarians, and afterwards in 
 Pontus and Thrace from greater evils, even 
 when we thought we were out of the enemies' 
 reach. Though you come not, yet am I ob- 
 liged to write to you. I have composed some 
 memorials of Socrates, when they are perfect 
 you shall have them. Aristippus and Phaedo 
 did not disapprove of them ; salute in my name 
 Simon the leather dresser, and commend him 
 that he continueth Socratic discourses, not di- 
 verted by want, or his trade, from philosophy, 
 as some others who decline to know and 
 admire such discourses and their effects. 
 
 EPISTLE VII. 
 
 Come to us, dear friend, for we have now 
 finished the temple of Diana, a magnificent 
 structure, the place set with trees, and conse- 
 crated, what remains will be sufficient to main- 
 
XENOPHON'S EPISTLES. 
 
 733 
 
 tain us ; for, as Socrates said, if they are not 
 fit for us, we will fit ourselves to them ; I write 
 to Gryllus my son and your friend, to supply 
 your occasions ; I write to Gryllus, because, of 
 a little one you have professed a kindness for 
 him. 
 
 EPISTLE VIII. 
 
 TO XAKTIPPE. 
 
 To Euphron of Megara, I delivered six 
 measures of meal, eight drachms, and a new 
 raiment for your use this winter ; accept them, 
 and know, that Euclid and Terpsion are ex- 
 ceeding good, honest persons, very affectionate 
 to you and Socrates ; if your sons have a desire 
 to come to me, hinder them not, for the journey 
 to Megara is neither long nor incommodious ; 
 pray forbear to weep any more, it may do hurt, 
 but cannot help. Remember what Socrates 
 said, follow his practice and precepts ; in griev- 
 ing you will but wrong yourself and children ; 
 they are the young ones of Socrates, whom we 
 are obliged not only to maintain, but to pre- 
 serve ourselves for their sakes ; lest, if you or 
 I, or any other, who, after the death of So- 
 crates, ought to look to his children, should 
 fail, they might want a guardian to maintain 
 and protect them. I study to live for them, 
 which you will not do unless you cherish your- 
 self. Grief is one of those things which are 
 opposite to life, for by it the living are pre- 
 judiced. Apollodorus surnamed the Soft, and 
 Dion, praise you, that you will accept nothing 
 62 
 
 from any, professing you are rich ; it is well 
 done, for as long as I and other friends are able 
 to maintain you, you shall need none else. 
 Be of 'good courage, Xantippe, lose nothing of 
 Socrates, knowing how great that man was, 
 think upon his life, not upon his death ; yet, 
 that to those who consider, it will appear noble 
 and excellent. Farewell. 
 
 EPISTLE IX. 
 
 TO CEBES ATTD SIMMIAS. 
 
 It is commonly said, nothing is richer than 
 a poor man. This I find true in myself, who 
 have not so much, but whilst you my friends 
 take care of me, seem to possess much ; and it 
 is well done of you to supply me as often as I 
 write : as concerning my commentaries, there 
 is none of them but I fear should be seen by 
 any in my absence, as I professed in your hear- 
 ing, at the house where Euclid lay. I know, 
 dear friends, a writing once communicated to 
 many is irrecoverable. Plato, though absent, 
 is much admired throughout Italy and Sicily 
 for his treatises ; but we cannot be persuaded 
 they deserve any study ; I am not only careful 
 of losing the honour due to learning, but ten- 
 der also of Socrates, lest his virtue should 
 incur any prejudice by my ill relation of it. I 
 conceive it the same thing to calumniate, or not 
 praise to the full those of whom we write ; 
 this is my fear, Cebes and Simmias, at present, 
 until my judgment shall be otherwise informed. 
 Fare ye well. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abradatas, king of the Susians, and husband of Pan - 
 thea, 73 ambassadors from the Assyrians to the 
 Bactrians while Panthea was taken captive, ib. his 
 disposition to revolt from the Assyrian, 99 sent for 
 by Panthea to become Cyrus's friend, ib. his dis- 
 course with his wife and Cyrus, ib. offers himself 
 to Cyrus as his friend and ally with 2000 horse, ib. 
 --prepares 100 armed chariots for Cyrus, ib. de- 
 scription of his own chariot, ib. takes the front 
 station of Cyrus's army against the enemy, 106 
 Cyrus struck with admiration of him, ib. the fine 
 armour and habit presented to him by Panthea, ib.-r- 
 the most beautiful and graceful person in the whole 
 army, ib. scene between him and his wife on taking 
 leave, ib. his admiration and fondness of her. and 
 prayer, 107 bravery against the ^Egyptian phalanx, 
 113 terrible slaughter made by his chariots, 114 
 killed by a fall from his chariot, ib. bitter lamenta- 
 tions of Panthea and Cyrus over his body, 118 
 praise, ornaments, sacrifices, stately monument, ib. 
 Panthea unable to survive him, ib. 
 
 Abro comas, enemy to Cyrus, 176 400 Greeks desert 
 from him to Cyrus, ib. goes to the king upon the 
 approach of Cyrus, 177 burns all the boats on the 
 Euphrates, 179 arrives not till the day after the 
 battle, 187. 
 
 Abydos and Sestos persist in their allegiance to Lace- 
 d;enion, 431. 
 
 Acanthus and Apollonia, ambassadors from, arrive at 
 Lacedaemon, ih. 
 
 Acarnanians send ambassadors to Lacedremon, 429 
 make a peace with the Achceans, ib. and an alli- 
 ance with the Lacedaemonians, ib. 
 
 Achceans betray the colony of Heraclea, 700 of whom 
 are slain, 361 blockaded in the possession of Caly- 
 don by the Acarnanians, 428 send an imperious 
 message to Lacedaemon, ib procure aid thence, 
 ib. discontented with the proceedings of Agesilaus, 
 429. 
 
 Achaians, see Arcadians. 
 
 Acheruseas, a peninsula, 310. 
 
 Adeas appointed to command the mercenaries in Si- 
 cyon, 491. 
 
 Adimantus, an Athenian commander of land-forces, 
 264. 
 
 Adoration among the Persians, 184, n. 
 
 Adusius, a Persian, his character, 118 sent by Cyrus 
 with an army to compose their differences, ib. his 
 stratagem and success, 119 made satrap of Caria, 
 146. 
 
 JEgos-potamos, battle of, 377. 
 
 ./Egyptians, allies to the Assyrian, ICO their number 
 and arms, ib. their arrangement, 105 both armed 
 
 and formed ill, 107 their bravery and manner of 
 fighting, 113 slaughter of them by Abradatas. &c. 
 114 various success between them and the Persians, 
 ib. their heroic magnanimity, ib. submit to Cy- 
 rus's terms, but with honour, 115 forgive Crcesua 
 alone of all the enemy, ib. cities bestowed upon 
 them by Cyrus, ib. 
 
 JEneas, how killed, 250. 
 
 JEneas made general in chief of the Arcadians, 494 
 marches into the citadel, ib. 
 
 JEnians serve under Menon, 171 their dance, 305. 
 
 JEolians obliged to attend Croesus in the war, 100. 
 
 JEschines pursues 'the enemy, 241 is the first that 
 gains the top of the mountain against the Colchians, 
 252 and Aristotle sent on an embassy to Lysander, 
 380. 
 
 Agasias of Stymphalus detects Apollonides, 219 con- 
 tends with* Callimachus who shall go upon a dan- 
 gerous expedition, 237, 249 mounts the rampart 
 without arms, 279 his answer to Xenophon, 309 
 is sent to demand money of the Heracleans, 310 
 assembles the army, 314 rescues a man from Dex- 
 ippus, 318 accused by Dexippus, ib. his speech to 
 the army, 319 retorts the accusation upon Dcxippus 
 before Cleander, ib. wounded, see Callimachus. 
 
 Agasias an Helean priest, 348. 
 
 Agathinus commands the Corinthian fleet, 432. 
 
 Agesilaus, brother to Agis, disputes the right of suc- 
 cession with Leotychides, 403 chosen king, ib. 
 undertakes an expedition into Asia, 405 interrupt- 
 ed while sacrificing at Aulis, ib. enters into a truce 
 with Tissapbernes, ib. thrown into the back ground 
 at Ephesus by Lysander, ib. converses with him on 
 this topic, ib. marches into Phrygia, 406 comes 
 into contact with the horse of Pharnabazua, ib. 
 defeats them m a skirmish, ib. gathers his rein- 
 forcements to Ephesus. ib. successful effects of his 
 stimuli among the soldiery, ib. 407 achieves a vic- 
 tory over the enemy's infantry, ib. takes a vast 
 quantity of booty, ib. refuses to withdraw his arms 
 without instructions from Sparta, 408 marches 
 against Pharnabazus, and receives money from The- 
 raustes. ib. appointed by the Spartan magistrates 
 to take charge of the fleet, ib. commands the erec- 
 tion of more vessels, ib. makes Pisander admiral, 
 ib. reaches the Phrygia of Pharnabazus, 415 pos- 
 sesses the cities by siege and voluntary surrender, 
 ib. accompanies Spithridates to Puphlagonia, ib. 
 receives Cotys into confederacy, ib. procures the 
 daughter of Spithridates for Cotys, ib. ^16 winters 
 at Dascylium, ib: a foraging party of his engaged by 
 Pharnabazus, 416 has an amicable interview with 
 Pharnabazus, 417, 418 makes terms of peace, and 
 
 735 
 
736 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 leaves the country, ib. recalled to Lacedaemon, ib. 
 his arrangements before leaving Asia, ib. on his 
 inarch from Asia, 420 meets Dercyllidas, who in- 
 forms him of the Lacedemonians' victory, ib. de- 
 spatches Dercyllidas with the information to Asia, 
 ib. molested by five confederate states, ib. defeats 
 the Thessalians, 421 receives intelligence of the 
 overthrow at Cnidus.ib. victor in another skirmish, 
 ib. forces in the field against him, ib. his own 
 army and auxiliaries, ib. draws up on the plains of 
 Coronea, ib. account of the battle, ib. 422 sails to 
 Sparta, ib. leads an expedition against the Argives, 
 425 disbands the confederates, ib. resumes his ex- 
 ploits in behalf of Corinth, 425 encamps before it, 
 ib. gains reputation by a piece of management, ib. 
 426 the foe no longer thinks of resisting, ib. his 
 excitement on learning the fate of the brigade at 
 Lecheum, ib. leaves there a fresh body, 428 pro- 
 ceeds against the Acarnanians, ib. sends a threat- 
 ening message to their capital, ib. begins his devas- 
 tations, ib. his successful skirmish, 429 lays waste 
 the country with fire and sword, ib. marches out of 
 it, ib. returns to Sparta, ib. declares another ex- 
 pedition against Acarnania, ib. disputes with the 
 Theban ambassadors, 442 takes prompt measures 
 against that people, ib. brings them over to his own 
 terms, ib. menaces the Corinthians and Argives, 
 ib. liberates Corinth from Argos, 443 the peace 
 takes its name from him, ib. begs exemption from 
 commanding against. Mantinea, ib. marches against 
 Phlius, 449 visited by repeated embassies from the 
 enemy, ib. lays siege to the city, ib. incorporates 
 with his army many Phliasian fugitives, ib. 450 
 sincerely regrets the death of Agesipolis, ib. their 
 former intercourse, ib. the terms of surrender for 
 Phlius left to his determination, ib. leaves a garrison 
 and returns to Sparta, ib. bis pretext for exemption 
 from serving against Thebes, 452 undertakes to 
 command against Thebes, 454 enters the enemy's 
 dominions, 455 movements and counter-move- 
 ments, ib. carries devastation to the walls, ib. 
 retreats to and fortifies Thespioe, ib. leads back the 
 troops to Sparta, ib. resumes the command against 
 the Thebans, 456 his proceedings on the march, ib. 
 a skirmish, ib. quells a sedition in Thespiae, ib. 
 his return to Sparta, 457 severely unwell, ib. sent 
 ambassador to the Mantineans, 475 deputed to com- 
 mand against the Mantineans, 476 marches into 
 Arcadia, ib. takes possession of Eutaea, ib. his 
 equitable conduct there, ib. proceeds into the do- 
 minions of Mantinea, ib. ravages the country, ib. 
 returns, 477 his circumstances in the invasion of 
 Sparta, 478, n. his demeanour on seeing Epaminon- 
 das, 479, n weeps for joy, in common with the 
 people, at the victory "of Archidamus, 489 Plu- 
 tarch's remarks on this, ib. n. proceeds to the as- 
 sistance of the Arcadians, 502 returns to the aid of 
 Sparta, ib. 
 
 gesipolis commands an expedition against Argos, 
 430 refuses to recognize the existence of a truce, ib. 
 -elndeavours to outdo the exploits of Agesilaus, ib. 
 leads off and disbands the army, ib leads the expe- 
 dition against the Mantineans, 443 lays waste the 
 country, ib. blockades the city, ib. saps their walls 
 and houses, ib. reduces them to terms, ib. deputed 
 to command against Olynthus, 449 shows himself 
 In battle array before Olynthus, 450 lays waste the 
 territory unmolested, ib. proceeds against the ene- 
 
 my's confederates, ib. storms Torone, ib. attacked 
 by a fever, ib?-conveyed to Aphyte, dies there, ib. 
 his body taken to Sparta and pompously interred, 
 ib. lamented by Agesilaus, ib. their former inter- 
 course, ib. 
 
 Agias, an Arcadian, one of the generals, goes to Tis- 
 saphernes, is apprehended, 21] put to death, ib. 
 his character, 214. 
 
 Agis, making a forage from Decelea, marches up to 
 the walls of Athens, 359 retires on the appearance 
 of opposition, ib. takes the field with Lysander, 378 
 his reply to the Athenian ambassadors, ib. com- 
 mands an army sent against Elis, 401 while extend- 
 ing his devastations, deterred by an earthquake ib 
 retreats and disbands his army, ib. resumes the 
 expedition at the head of the Laceda&monian con- 
 federates, 402 joined in his progress by various 
 bodies of people, ib. his ravages and captures, ib. 
 does not choose to take the city, ib. repairs to 
 Delphi, and offers up the tenth of his spoil, ib. dies 
 and is pompously buried, ib. 
 
 Aglaitadas, a churlish colonel, humorously exposed, 28. 
 
 Alcetas in garrison at Oreus, 457 makes a seizure of 
 triremes, corn, and 300 Thebans, ib. his negligence 
 observed by the prisoners, they take the citadel, ib 
 the town revolts, ib. 
 
 Alcibiai.es in great favour with Tissaphernes, 171, n. 
 visits Tissaphernes with presents of friendship, 
 357 arrested by him and sent prisoner to Sardis, ib. 
 escapes on horseback by night, ib. flies to Clazo- 
 mene, ib. joins the Athenians at Cardia with five 
 ships and a row-boat, ib. goes by land to Sestos, 
 and orders ships thither, ib. joined by Theramenes 
 from Macedonia, and Thrasybulus from Thasus, ib. 
 sails to Parium, 358 the whole fleet assembles 
 there, ib. sails to Proconnesus. ib. expatiates on 
 the necessity of engaging the enemy, ih. his pre- 
 cautions to keep the enemy ignorant of his number, 
 ib. sails for Cyzicus, ib. has a view of the ships of 
 Mindarus, ib. the Peloponnesians flee to the shore, 
 ib. he stretches to a distance and lands, ib. puts 
 the enemy to flight, ib. exacts a large sum of 
 money from the Cyzicenes, and sails back to Pro- 
 connesus, ib. after various arrangements, returns 
 to the Hellespont, ib. throws up a work of circum- 
 vallation round Chalcedon, 361 takes Selymbria 
 and proceeds against Byzantium, ib. in exile, cho- 
 sen general by the Athenians, 363 sets sail with an 
 armed force for the Piraeus, ib. his grateful recep- 
 tion by the people, ib. their estimate of his charac- 
 ter and sufferings, ib. justifies himself in the senate 
 and assembly of the people, ib. declared general- 
 plenipotentiary, 364 places himself at the head of 
 the military strength of Athens, ib. sails on an ex 
 pedition against Andros, ib. repulses the Andrians 
 ib. erects a trophy, and stretches away to Samos, 
 ib. severely censured for Antiochus' defeat, 365 
 sails with a single vessel to a fortress of his own, ib 
 from his fortress views the disadvantageous situ- 
 ation of the Athenians, 377 suggests a better, but 
 his counsel is spurned by Tydeus and Menander, 
 &c. ib. put to death by Pharnabazus, ib. n. his 
 conversation, while young, with his tutor, 526, 527. 
 
 Alcibiades, an Athenian, cousin to Alcibiades, stoned 
 to death by Thrasylus, 360. 
 
 Alexander attains the supremacy in Thessaly, 474 
 his character, ib. put to death by his wife's con- 
 trivance, ib. history and cause of the plot, ib. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 737 
 
 Qlexius, archon at Athens, 376. 
 
 Alike-honoured, Persian gentlemen, 24 rule the rest 
 of the Persians, 23 how superior to the comincm 
 soldiers, 25 their strict discipline, 31 arms, 24 
 manner of fight, il>. number of those who attend 
 Cyrus, 12 his commendation of them, 24 speech of 
 one of them to Cyrus, ib. consent that the Persian 
 soldiers have the same arms, ib. distinguished for 
 obedience. 52 cultivated by Cyrus in Jus new gov- 
 ernment, 125 his speech to them, ib. 
 
 Amphicrates slain, 238. 
 
 Anaxagoras and Pericles, anecdote of, 547, n. 
 
 Anaxibius, the admiral, friend to Cheirisophus, 283 
 celebrates the praises of the Greeks, 307 sends for 
 the generals to Byzantium, 327 promises the army 
 -pay, ib. refuses to pay them, in. orders them out 
 of the town, ib. orders them to the Thracian vil- 
 lages for provisions, 328 flies to the citadel, ib. in 
 the interest of Pharnabazus, 3^0 is informed that 
 Polus was appointed to succeed him, ib. orders the 
 Greek soldiers to be sold, ib. neglected by Pharna- 
 bazus, ib. sends Xenophon back to the army, ib. 
 sent to be commandant of Abydos, 434 undertakes 
 to carry on the war against Athens, ib. marches 
 against Antandros, 435 gains it by composition, ib. 
 attacked by an ambuscade, ib. resigned to death, 
 discharges his followers, ib. twelve commandants 
 and a favourite boy die with him, ib. 
 
 Anaxicrates, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 
 
 Anaxilaus, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362 
 his successful sophistry when tried for his life, ib. 
 
 Andromachus, an Elean commander, defeated, 498 
 kills himself, ib. 
 
 Animals, gins and snares for them described, 19. 
 
 Anippus, prisoner of Iphicrates, kills himself, 467. 
 
 Antalcidas sent on an embassfcge to Teribazus, 432 
 appointed admiral in chief, 439 commissioned to 
 become confederate with the Lacedaemonians, 441 
 resumes the command of the fleet, ib. reinforced by 
 twenty vessels, ib. 442 stops the navigation from 
 Pontus to Athens, ib. 
 
 Antandrus, a town of Troas, 347. 
 
 Antigines, archon, 361. 
 
 Antileon of Thuria, his speech about the army's re- 
 turn, 283. 
 
 Antiochus left by Alcibiades in command of the fleet, 
 364 his imprudent breach of trust, ib. defeated in 
 an engagement with Lysander, 365 sent by the Ar- 
 cadians to the Persian court, 489 his representation 
 of the king's power, 490. 
 
 Antisthenes' 1 animated picture of his contented pover- 
 ty, 612, 613. 
 
 Anytus, Socrates' remarks on seeing him, SlS-^duca- 
 tion and character of his son, ib. his memory de- 
 tested, ib. 
 
 Apollonides opposes Xenophon, 219 is detected and 
 punished, ib. 
 
 Aoollophanes brings Pharnabazus and Agesilaus to an 
 interview* 417. 
 
 Arabia, the army marches through, 180. 
 
 Arabs subject to the Assyrian, 12 allies with him 
 against the Medes, 23 number of their force, ib. 
 their king killed, 60 subjected to Cyrus, 120. 
 
 Sracus appointed admiral-in-chief by the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, 375 and Navates inspect the state of affairs 
 in Asia, 399 enjoined by the ephori to commend the 
 soldiers of Dercyllidas, ib. Xenophon replies to 
 them, i* ' 
 
 62 
 
 Araspes, a Mede, companion of Cyrus from E hoy, 7:* 
 beloved by him over all the Mcdes. H presented 
 with his Median robe, ib. entrusted by him witli 
 Panthea, 73 his conversation with him re^irdiiii,' 
 her, and love and beauty, ib. 74 t'.iinks himself 
 proof against the impressions of either, 73 by what 
 means captivated, 74 solicits Panthea in vain, 97 
 threatens to ravish her, ib. his shame and fear on 
 account of Cyrus, ib. praises of Cyrus' candour a,nd 
 humanity, 98 his two souls, ib. sent a spy to Lydia 
 to redeem his character, ib. meets Cyrus advancing 
 to the enemy, 104 honourably received and compli- 
 mented by him, ib. caressed hereupon, ib. gives 
 him an account of the number, &c. of the enemy, ib. 
 engages with him against the enemy, 105. 
 
 Araxes, a river of Syria, 180. 
 
 Arbaces commands under the king, 186 governor of 
 Media, 349. 
 
 Arcadians, first to gain the top of the mountain against 
 the Colchians, 252 their dance, 25 with the Acha- 
 ians separate themselves from the rest of the army, 
 310 their number and departure by sea, 3)1 land 
 at the port of Calpe, and attack the Thracians, ib. 
 some of their parties defeated, ib. reduced to creat 
 straits, 312 relieved by Xenophon, 313 resolve 
 never to separate again, 314 one of them accuses 
 Xenophon, 340 receive aid from Thebes against 
 Lacedtemon, 477 persuade them to join in an inva- 
 sion of Laconia, ib. 478 flattered by Lycomedes, 
 487 submit to him the nomination of magistrates, 
 488 entertain exalted notions of themselves, ib. 
 causes of this, ib. Thebans and Eleans incensed 
 against them, ib. and Argives endeavour to inter- 
 cept the march of Archidamus, -488 routed and 
 slaughtered, 489 harassed by Lacedemonians and 
 Achaeans, 490 and Argives repair to the support of 
 Euphron, 491 take the field against the Eleans, 497 
 rush upon them from the summit of a hill, ib. 
 victorious, 498 take several cities, ib. march into 
 Elis, ib. driven out, ib. bargain with the faction 
 of Charopus, and seize the citadel, ib. expelled, ib. 
 possess themselves of Pylus, ib. march again into 
 the enemy's territory, ib. lay waste the country, 
 and retreat, ib. seize Olorus, ib. it is recovered 
 from them by the Pellenians, ib. resume hostilities 
 with the Eleans, ib. defeat them, ib. besiege Crom- 
 nus, ib. encounter the Lacedaemonians, 499 grant 
 them a truce, ib. celebrate the Olympic games, ib. 
 interrupted by the Eleans, ib. 500 and Arrives 
 defeated, ib. commanders appropriate the sacred 
 treasures, ib. dispute with the Mantineans regard- 
 ing this, ib. embezzlers send for help to Thebes, ib. 
 the order countermanded, ib. accommodate af- 
 fairs with the Eleans, ib. rejoicings for a peace, 501 
 embezzlers seize those who differ from them in 
 opinion, ib. send to Athens and Lacedceraon for aid 
 against the Thebans", ib. 
 
 Archagoras left by Xenophon to guard a pass, 238 
 dislodged, and brings Xenophon the news, ib. 
 
 Archedemus, a demagogue, accuses Herasinides, 368. 
 
 Archidamus intercedes for the life of Sphodrias, 454 
 entrusted with command after the defeat at Leuctra, 
 
 472, 473 dismisses the confederates and leads home 
 
 the domestic troops, jb. commands the aid of Diony- 
 sius and Spartan troops, 488 takes Caryse by storm, 
 ib. lays waste Parrhasia, ib. intercepted in his 
 conduct of Cassidas, ib. draws up in battle array, 
 ib his exhortation to the soldiery, ib. bis soldiers 
 4S 
 
738 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 invigorated by auspicious symptoms, 489 achieves 
 an immediate triumph, ib. despatches the news of 
 victory to Sparta, ib. leads the Spartan force to aid 
 the Eleans, 498 seizes Cromnus, ib. leaves three 
 battalions and returns to Sparta, ib. resumes the 
 command, ib. endeavours to force the enemy to 
 raise the siege of Cromnus, ib. wounded \n an at- 
 tack on the Arcadians, 499 a truce, ib. marches 
 away, ib. achieves a noble victory over the The- 
 bans at Sparta, 502. 
 
 Archidamus an Elean ambassador, 489. 
 
 Archidemus and Crito, their intimacy induced by So- 
 crates, 554, 555. 
 
 Archytas presides among the ephori, 376. 
 
 Arexion of Arcadia, a priest, 314 sees an eagle on the 
 favourable side, 315 offers sacrifice, ib. 
 
 Arginusa, disposition of the rival fleets at fight of, 367, 
 368 the engagement, 368. 
 
 Argives heartily wish for peace, 442. 
 
 Argo, the ship, 309. 
 
 Argonautic expedition, dissertation upon the, 322. 
 
 Argyrius, chosen successor of Thrasybulus,434. 
 
 Ariaus, lieutenant-general to Cyrus, has the command 
 of the left wing. 187 flies upon the death of Cyrus, 
 192 message to the Greeks concerning their return, 
 201 has the Persian throne offered him, 199 de- 
 clines it, 201 his reply to Clearchus, 202 pays less 
 regard to the Greeks, 206 encamps with Tissapher- 
 nes and Orontas, ib. sends a false message to the 
 Greeks, 207 speaks to the Greeks about the death of 
 their generals, 211 answers Cleanor, ib. intimate 
 with Menon, 213. 
 
 Aristarckus succeeds Cleander in the government of 
 Byzantium, 287 sells the soldiers, ib. secured by 
 Pharnabazus, 288 forbids the Greeks to pass over 
 into Asia, ib. his reply to Xenophon, ib. sends for 
 the generals who refuse to go, 331. 
 
 .Aristeas of Chios offers himself upon a dangerous par- 
 ty. 237 frequently of great service to the army, ib. 
 offers himself to secure a dangerous post, 247. 
 
 Aristippus of Thessaly petitions Cyrus for an army, 
 170 sent for by Cyrus, ib. gives the command of 
 the mercenaries to Menon, 213. 
 
 Arista, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 
 
 Aristocrates, an Athenian commander of land-forces, 
 
 364. 
 
 ' Aristodemus appointed to command the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, 419. 
 
 Ariston, an Athenian, sent to Sinope, 295. 
 
 Aristonymus of Methydria offers himself a volunteer 
 to seize a pass, 237 enters the stronghold of the 
 Taochians, 249. 
 
 Aristus, an Arcadian, a great eater, 334. 
 
 Armenia, the Greeks enter it, 242 the western, fb. 
 reason of its coldness. 243 country of, 246. 
 
 Armenians, neighbours of the Medes, 24 conquered 
 by them, 39 terms of subjection, 40 neglect to send 
 forces and tribute to Cyaxares, 34 revolt to the 
 enemy, ib. their motives, 45 number of their force, 
 24 their habitations and retreat, ib. Cyrus's expe- 
 dition against them, 39 his message, 36 their king's 
 repentance, cowardice, and flight, 39 subdued and 
 taken, ib. his cause tried by Cyrus, 40 brought to 
 confession of his crime, ib. lamentations of his wife 
 ami children, ib. Tigranes becomes his advocate, 
 ib. is forgiven, and taken into favour by Cyrus, 42 
 account of his force and riches, ib. his gift to 
 Cyrus, 43 his apology, to him for putting his son's 
 
 friend to death, ib. perpetual plunders on them by 
 the Chaldeans, 44 always run away from them, ib. 
 their sorry behaviour under Cyrus against them, 
 ib. the king's grateful speech to Cyrus on his defeat 
 of the Chaldeans, 45 peace established between 
 them and the Chaldeans, ib. good effects of it, 46 
 are entertained by Cyrus, ib. all overjoyed and do 
 him honour, ib. send a great force to him under 
 Tigranes, ib. Armenian guides to Cyrus's messen- 
 ger to the Indian, ib. 
 
 Artabatas, satrap of Cappadocia, 146. 
 
 Arts, the spring of riches and all things valuable, 116. 
 
 Artabazus, a Mede, 11 most excellent person, ib. 
 long struck with the beauty of Cyrus, ib. his fond- 
 ness to him at parting, ib. pretends to be his rela- 
 tion, ib. and 95 his contrivances to kiss him, 57 
 delivers, a message to the Medes from Cyaxares, ib. 
 his zealous commendation of Cyrus, ib. stirs them 
 up to follow him, ib. his handsome and affectionate 
 speech to the same end, 75 his droll speech for car- 
 rying on the war, 95 aggravates the message of 
 Cyrus to Araspes, 98 his handsome and humorous 
 speech on Cyrus becoming king, 123 one of Cyrus's 
 chief friends, 140 makes one at his entertainment 
 after the races, ib. drolls on Hystaspes, 141 his 
 questions and drollery with Cyrus, 142. 
 
 Artacamas, governor of Phrygia, 349. , 
 
 Artaezus sends a false message to the Greeks, 207 
 comes to them on the death of their generals, 211. 
 
 Artagerses, a commander of horse under Artaxerxes, 
 186 slain by Cyrus, 190. 
 
 Artapates, one of Cyrus's chief confidants, 185 throws 
 himself upon his dying master, and is there slain, 
 190. 
 
 Artaxerxes, eldest son of Darius, 167 kills Cyrus, 190 
 moves towards th'c Greeks, 193 passes by them, 
 194 attacked and flies, ib. orders them to deliver 
 their arms, 200 runs away at the approach of the 
 Greeks, 203 desires a truce, 204. 
 
 Artimas, governor of Lydia. 349. 
 
 Asia, men of quality attend always at the king's door, 
 129 other establishments of Cyrus imitated, 130. 
 
 Asiatics are all attended in war by what they value 
 most, women, &c. 57 remark upon it, 61 their 
 war-chariots abolished by Cyrus, 97 their general 
 declension after C'jfus's death, 150. 
 
 Asidates, where encamped, 348 attacked, ib. reliev- 
 ed by Itabelius, ib. taken, 349. 
 
 Aspasia, the same with Milto, n. 192. 
 
 Aspasia, her intellectual attainments, 551, n. 
 
 Asses of Arabia, wild, 180. 
 
 Assyria, king of, nations subject to him, 12 his great 
 ambition, ib. jealous of the Medes and Persians, ib. 
 unites a powerful confederacy against them, ib. 
 number ajid strength of his army and allies, 23 
 exhorts his army, 50 defeated by Cyrus, 52 killed, 
 ib. and 55 friend to Gobryas, 68 pronounced by 
 him an excellent man, ib. friend of Abfa^atas, 96,, 
 unfortunate in his son, 83 despondency and revolt 
 occasioned by his death, 55, 57, 68, 78. 
 
 Assyria, king of, son of the former, his execrable cha- 
 racter, 86 his expedition into Media, and defeat, 10, 
 11 his envy and cruelty to the son of Gobryas, and 
 behaviour upon it, 68 his vile treatment of Gadatas, 
 84, 86 injurious to the Hyrcanians, Sacians, and 
 Cadusians, 78 attempts to part Abradatas and Pan- 
 thea, 99 the desporfdency and flight of the Assyrian 
 army, and defeat after his father's death, 55, 59 
 
INDEX. 
 
 739 
 
 revolt of Hyrcanians from him, 57, 59 of Gobryas, 
 68 pursued into his own country, 80 his pride and 
 insolence, 78 his cowardice, 79 refuses a challenge 
 from Cyrus, ib. just resentment and invective of 
 Gadatas against him, 80, 84, 86 the revolt of Gada- 
 tas from him to Cyrus, 80, 134 hindered from taking 
 his revenge, and put to flight, 83 the enmity of the 
 Sacians and Cadusians to him, 78 they join them- 
 selves to Cyrus, 80 flies with his army to Babylon, 
 84 pursued by Cyrus, 85 defeats a party of Cadu- 
 sians, 84 consents to Cyrus's proposal of peace to 
 all labourers, 85 Assyrian forts taken, 87 demol- 
 ished, 96 flies to Lydia with treasures, 97 revolt 
 of Abradatas from him, 99 Croesus appointed gene- 
 ral, 100 number and strength of the allies, ib. As- 
 syrian army defeated and put to flight, 113 Egypt- 
 ians cannot forgive him, 115 Assyrian army fly to 
 Sardes, ib. the allies retire home, ib. Sardes taken 
 by Cyrus, ib. Babylon taken, and the king killed, 
 121 joy of Gadatas arrd Gobryas upon it, 122 mo- 
 tives of his war against Cyrus, 78. 
 
 Assyrians, their arms and manner of fight, 23 their 
 encampment, 48 their consternation and flight, 52, 
 59 foreign slaves in their army made free by Cyrus, 
 68 general defection of their allies, 115 principal 
 nation of all, 56 Babylon their principal city, 23, 
 78 they and their allies become subject to Cyrus, 1. 
 
 Astyages, king of the Medes, and father of Mandane, 
 mother of Cyrus, 2 his government absolute, 7 his 
 painting and other ornaments of his person, 4 his 
 feasting and drunkenness, 6 overcomes the Arme- 
 nians,40 sends for Cyrus, 6 surprised at hissagacity 
 in the expedition against the prince of Assyria, 10 
 loads him with presents at-parting, 11 his death, 12. 
 
 Astyochus supports an accusation against Tissapher- 
 nes, 359. 
 
 Athenadas of Sicyon, a commander under Dercyllidas, 
 397. 
 
 Athenian Ambassadors, proceedings regarding, 362. 
 
 Athenian Generals, ten nominated, 365. 
 
 Athenians attack Mindarus near Abydos, 357 battle 
 continues, with fluctuating success, from morning till 
 night, ib. joined by Alcibiades with a reinforcement, 
 ib. put the Peloponnesians to flight, ib. fight con- 
 tinued on the beach, ib. carry away 30 empty ships 
 of the enemy, ib. at Sesjos apprised that Mindarus 
 is coming against them, 357 flee to Candia, ib. join- 
 ed by Alcibiades, ib. defeat the Peloponnesians at 
 Cyzicus,358 make an expedition against Ahydos,36 1 
 opposed by Pharnabazus whom they defeat, ib. 
 proceed against Chalcedon and Byzantium, 361 be 
 siege Byzantium, 362 decree an aid to Conon, 367 
 draw out in line of battle upwards of 150 sail at 
 Arginusae, ib. their disposition there, ib. depose all 
 their commanders except Conon, after Arginusee, 368 
 commit them to trial, ib. bring to trial eight com 
 manders in the battle of Arginusse, 369 371 con- 
 demn. them to death, 371 their sentence carried into 
 effect on six 'of them, ib. their repentance and im- 
 peachment of those who thus beguiled them, ib. 
 make preparations to resume hostilities, 376 sail up 
 to Chios and Ephesus,ib. associate in the command 
 Menander, Tydeus and Cephisodotus, ib. Asia en 
 tirely against them, ib. closely chase Lysander, ib 
 sail into ^Ejios-potamus, ib. pronounced by Alcibi- 
 ?des to have chosen an improper station, 377 their 
 commanders contemn his opinion and suggestion, 
 ^.overthrown and taken prisoners at ^Egos-pota- 
 
 mos, 377 bitter charges preferred against them by 
 the victors, ib. permitted to return to Athens, ib. 
 effects of the intelligence of the defeat at Athens. 378 
 prepare their city for a siege, ib. besieged by land 
 and sea, 378 their miserable circumstances during 
 the leaguer of Athens, ib. they restore to their pri- 
 vileges those under sentence of infamy, ib. make 
 proposals for an accommodation, ib. send ambassa- 
 dors to the Lacedaemonians, 379 conditions of a 
 peace, ib. destroy their walls.ib. an oligarchy erec- 
 ted, ib. names of the thirty persons chosen to remo- 
 del their laws, ib. disarmed by their oligarchy, 381 
 all but the 3000 exiled from Athens, 386 their estates 
 seized by the thirty and their friends, ib. occupy Me- 
 gara and Thebes, ib. appoint new magistrates, 391 
 willing to act a chief part in war against the Lace- 
 daemonians, 408 accede to the proposal of the The- 
 bans regarding the war, 410 make preparations for 
 their succour, ib. block up JEglna, 429 blockaded 
 in turn by Gorgopas, ib. man a number of vessels 
 and fetch off their people, ib. fit out a fleet against 
 Gorgopas, ib. desirous of a peace with Laced&mon, 
 442 intimidated by the strength of the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, 453 despatch Stericles to aid Corcyra, 464 
 man sixty vessels for the same purpose, ib. give the 
 command toTimotheus and subsequently to Iphicra- 
 tes, ib. make a peace with Lacedremon, 464 accu- 
 sed of committing injustice, and war declared against 
 them, ib. send ambassadors to Lacedaemon, 467 
 invite the Thebans to co-operate in a negotiation for 
 peace,ib. names of the cornmissioners,ib. Callistra- 
 tus accompanies them, ib. Callias first addresses the 
 council of state, ib. 468 his egotism, ib. is succeeded 
 by Autocles, ib. followed up by Callistratus, ib. 469 
 swear to a peace for themselves and confederates, 
 ib. 470 mortified at the Lacedaemonians' defeat, 473 
 their cool reception of the Theban herald, ib. ad- 
 minister an oath prescribed by the king of Persia, 
 475 Lacedsemonian ambassadors sent to, 479 de- 
 bate in the assembly, 480 addressed by Cliteles, ib. 
 succeeded by Patrocles.ib. send their whole strength 
 to the aid of the Spartans, 481 Lacedaemonian am- 
 bassadors sent to, 485 hold a convention to settle 
 the conditions of a league, ib. assembly addressed 
 by Patrocles, ib. 486 and Cephisodotns, ib. terms 
 agreed on, ib. make a league with the Arcadians, 
 496 send succours to the Arcadians, 502 their 
 horsemen perform a generous exploit in favour of 
 Mantinea, 503 and Lacedemonians, naval engage- 
 ment between, 357 plans adopted by them to pre- 
 serve a democratical government, 695 conditions of 
 slaves and aliens among them, 696 proofs of their 
 depravity, 697 their reasons for harassing good men 
 in the allied states, ib. advantages gained by caus- 
 ing their allies to repair to Athens for decision in 
 their lawsuits, ib. advantages from having the as- 
 cendancy at sea, 698. 
 Atramyttium, a sea-port, 348. 
 Auguries, definition of, 519, n, 
 Autocles, see Athenians. 
 Autolicus, character and effect of his beauty, 603, 6(M. 
 
 B 
 
 Babylon, greatest city of the world, 143 richest of all 
 Asia, 116 capital of Assyria, 86 walls round it im- 
 pregnable, 120 divided by a deep river, ib. provided 
 with necessaries for above 20 years, 121 citizen* 
 
740 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 laugh at Cyrus's attempt to take it, ib. how seized, 
 ib. description of the porches and doors, ib. revel- 
 ling, ib. consternation and slaughter, 122 the king 
 killed, ib. proclamation by Cyrus for all the inhab- 
 itants to remain within, ib. another for them to bring 
 out their arms, ib. castles surrendered to Cyrus, ib. 
 Babylonians tributaries and labourers to the Per- 
 sians, ib. hold Cyrus in the utmost abhorrence, 124 
 his methods to secure himself and gain their affec- 
 tions, ib. he inhabits it in winter, 147 its distance 
 mistaken, 202 country of, 185, 202. See Cotyora. 
 
 Baetrians subject to the Assyrian, 12 afterwards to 
 Cyrus, 1. 
 
 Bailiff of a village surprised in his house, 245 goes 
 with Xenophon to Cheirisophus, 246 his discourse 
 with Cheirisophus, ib. conducts the army, 247 ill- 
 treated by Cheirisophus, and runs away, ib. 
 
 Barbarians, what number served under Cyrus, 186 
 their disposition, 188 advance in silence, ib. run 
 away before the attack, 189 are afraid the Greeks 
 should stay in their country, 207 their horse shoot, 
 as they fly, 225. See Persians, CarducMans, Tao- 
 chians, 8fc. 
 
 Barsias, an Arcadian, his head pierced through with 
 an arrow, 236. 
 
 Beauty of person commands respect, 132 conversation 
 between Cyrus and Araspes upon it, 73, 74 compa- 
 red to fire, ib. safest way to fly from it, 74, 98 to 
 forbear speaking of the beautiful goddess before 
 youth, 19 most beautiful women of all Asia, 69. 
 
 Bee-hives in great quantities, 253. 
 
 Belesis, governor of Syria, his palace, 178. 
 
 Bisanthe, a town of Thrace, 339. 
 
 Bithynians use all. the Greeks ill, 313 defeat a party 
 of them, 315 attack their advanced guard, ib. de- 
 feated, 316. 
 
 Bitkynian-Thracians compelled by Alcibiades to de- 
 liver up the property of the Chalcedonians, 361. 
 
 Biton arrives with money for the army, and contracts 
 friendship with Xenophon, 347 restores him his 
 horse, ib. 
 
 Boiscus, the Thessalian pugilist, his insolence, 302. 
 
 Bulimy, a disease, 244. 
 
 Burial preferable to inshrinement in gold, 149 Cyrus 
 orders a rejoicing about his tomb, 150. 
 
 Bustards, 180. 
 
 Byzantium besieged by the Athenians, 362 betrayed 
 by five Byzantines, ib. See Greeks, Aristarchus. 
 
 Cadusians great enemies to the Assyrian, 78 join 
 Cyrus with a great force, 81 make a private excur- 
 sion from Cyrus's army, killed and routed by the As- 
 syrian, 84 good-nature of Cyrus to them, ib. have 
 the choice of their commander, 85 for carrying on 
 the war against the Assyrian, 95. 
 
 Casna, a large and rich city. 
 
 Caratadas, a Boeotian commander, confederate of Cle- 
 archus, 362. 
 
 Callias, archon, 365 invites Socrates and his friends 
 to an entertainment, 603. See Athenians. 
 
 Callibius, deputed by Lysander to command the guard 
 of the thirty, 380 his commendation of their meas- 
 ures eagerly sought by the oligarchy, ib. retreats 
 towards Mantinea,475 receives assistance from the 
 Mantineans, ib. treachery, ib. 276 massacre, ib. 
 
 , and Proxenus oppose the measures of Stasippus, 475 
 
 the parties come into hostile collision, ib. Proxe 
 mis killed, ib. 
 
 Callicratidas, commissioned to succeed Lysander in the 
 command of the Lacedaemonians, 365 his conversa- 
 tion with his predecessor, ib. his measures opposed 
 by the friends of Lysander, ib. summons together 
 and addresses the Lacedaemonians, 366 journeys to 
 Cyrus for the seamen's pay, ib. anecdote respecting 
 his first visit to Cyrus, ib. n. departs to Miletus, and 
 harangues the Milesians, ib. storms Methymne, ib. 
 his noble determination to preserve the freedom of 
 every Grecian, ib. gives chase to Conon, 367 en- 
 gages and defeats him, ib. receives money from Cy- 
 rus, ib. prepares for the reception of the fleet sent 
 to the aid of Conon, 367 draws up his ships at Argi- 
 nusje, 368 his reply to the advice of his steersman, 
 ib. thrown into the sea at Arginusae, and lost, 368. 
 
 Callimachus of Parrhasie has a contest with Agasias, 
 237 his stratagem, 249 stops Agasias, ib. sent to 
 demand money of Heraclea, 310 one of the heads 
 of a party, ib. 
 
 Callimachus the Arcadian, sent to Sinope, 295. 
 
 Callistratus killed by the army in the Piraeus, 389. 
 
 Callistratus the orator. See Athenians. 
 
 Callixenus consents to accuse the commanders of Ar- 
 ginusae before the senate, 369 starves himself to 
 death, 371. 
 
 Calpe, port of, situated in the middle of Thrace, 311 
 described, 313. 
 
 Cambyses, king of Persia, and father of Cyrus, 2 de- 
 scended from Perseus, ib. government limited, ib. 
 has the direction of sacred affairs, 65, 145 attends 
 Cyrus to the borders of Media, 15 his admirable in- 
 structions to him concerning religion, policy, and art 
 of war, ib.20 noble sentiments of the gods, piety, &c. 
 14, 20 binds Cyrus and the Persians by mutual ob- 
 ligations, 145 his speech to them both,ib. consents 
 to the marriage of Cyrus, ib. his death, 148. 
 
 Cambyses, eldest son of Cyrus, to whom he bequeaths 
 his kingdom, 148 the dying instructions of his fath- 
 er to him, ib. dissensions between him and his 
 brother, 150. 
 
 Camels, horses fearful of,115 no brave man will mount 
 them in war, ib. of no use but for baggage train, ib. 
 
 Canals between the Euphrates and Tigris, 204, 207. 
 
 Cappadocia, the army marches through it, 172. 
 
 Cappadocians, subject to the Assyrian, 12 Aribagus, 
 king of, his force against Cyrus, 23 killed by the 
 Hyrcanians, 60 allies to the Assyrian in the second 
 engagement, 100 overcome by Cyrus, 1, 120. 
 
 Carbatines, a sort of shoes, 245. 
 
 CarducMans, now Curdes, 232, and n. noj; subject to 
 the king, ib. the Greeks resolve to pass through their 
 country, ib. enter it, 236 they leave their houses, 
 ib. attack the rear guard of the Greeks, ib press 
 hard upon the Greeks, ib. roll down great stones, 
 237 fall upon ani rout them, 238 treat with Xen- 
 ophon, ib. expert archers, 239 advance to attack 
 the Greeks in their passage of the river, 241 attack 
 and are routed, ib. a free nation, 349. 
 
 Carians subject to the Assyrian, 12 invited by him, 
 
 but do not attend, 23 divided into parties ; both call 
 in Cyrus, 118 reconciled by Adusius, good effects of 
 it, 119 beg Cyrus to appoint Adusius their govern- 
 or, ib. garrisons left in tbeir castles for Cyrus, ib. 
 
 Carmande, a city upon the Euphrates, 181. 
 
 Carmides draws a humorous comparison between his 
 former riches and present poverty, 611, 612. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 741 
 
 Carpean dance, 305, 306. 
 Castolus, the plain of, 167, 191. 
 Caystrus, the plain of, 171. 
 Celcena, a city of Phrygia, 171. 
 Cenotaph erected by the Greeks, 314. 
 Centrites, the river, divides the Carduchians from Ar- 
 menia, 239 the Greeks attempt to pass it, 241. 
 Cephisodorus, an Athenian captain, left by Xenophon 
 
 to guard a pass, 238 slain, ib. 
 
 Cephisodotus' speech to the Athenians on the league 
 with Lacedaemon, 486. 
 
 Cerazunt, a Greek city, 287. 
 
 Cerasua, a river, 172. 
 
 Chabrias sails to the aid of Evagoras, 440 sits down 
 in ambuscade in /Egina, ib. sallies out on Gorgopas, 
 ib. overcomes him and his party, ib. 
 
 Chalcedonians, on an attack of the Athenians, transfer 
 their effects to the Bithynian-Thracians, 361. 
 
 Chaldeans, a warlike people, 40 poor, 44 country 
 mountainous, ib. border on the Armenians, 42 at 
 perpetual war with them, 44 their arms, ib. ever 
 put the Armenians to flight, ib. their heights attack- 
 ed and gained by Cyrus, ib. peace between them and 
 the Armenians, 45 good effects of it, ib. applaud 
 and thank Cyrus, ib. send a force to Cyrus, 46 
 Chaldean guides to Cyrus's messenger to the Indian, 
 ib. with the Persians mount the fortifications of 
 Sardes, 115 plunder the city, ib. terrified at his dis- 
 pleasure, and punished, ib. their character, 240 1 a 
 free nation, 349. 
 
 Chains, a river of Syria, 178. 
 
 Chalybians serve under Teribazus, 344 their country, 
 245 oppose the Greeks, 247 defeated, 248 their 
 courage and character, 250 manufacturers of iron, 
 392 a free nation, ib. 
 
 Chares. See Phliasians. 
 
 Chariots used in war, 97 Trojan and Asiatic abolished 
 by Cyrus, ib. another kind invented, ib. scythe 
 chariots of Abradatas, 99 execution done by them, 
 114 description of Abradatas'* chariot, 99 chariot- 
 races and prizes, 138 chariot at the procession of 
 Cyrus, 137 armed with scythes, 186 dlscribed, 188 
 inefficient, 189. 
 
 Char-minus the Lacedaemonian sent from Thimbron to 
 the Greek army, 339 vindicates Xenophon, 342 his 
 speech to Medosades, 344 incurs the censure of the 
 army, 346. 
 
 Cheiris op hus the Lacedaemonian joins Cyrus, 176 sent 
 to Ariaeus, 199 his return, 202 commends Xeno- 
 phon, 220 his speech to the soldiers, 221 seconds 
 Xenophon's proposals, 224 nominated by Xenophon 
 to command the van, ib. answers Mithridates, 225 
 blames Xenophon for pursuing, ib. orders him to the 
 van, 230 proposes to burn the country, 231 with 
 the vanguard penetrates into the country of the Car- 
 duchians, 236 leaves Xenophon, ib. assigns the 
 reason for it, ib. prevails upon the Barbarians to de- 
 liver up their dead, 239 his conduct in relieving 
 Xenophon, 341 passes the Centrites, 242 sends re- 
 inforcement to Xenophon, ib. comes to a village and 
 encamps, 2-15 sends to inquire after the rear, ib. 
 makes merry with his friends, 246 discourses with 
 the bailiff, ib. strikes the bailiff, and causes a diffe- 
 rence between himself and Xenophon, 247 holds a 
 consultation about attacking the enemy, ib his an- 
 swer to Xenophon about stealing, 248 replies to his 
 proposal, ib. marches against the enemy, but comes 
 too late, ib. attacks a stronghold of the Taochians, 
 
 without success, ib.-his discourse with Xenophon 
 on this,249-acco mpan ies him, ib.-marches against 
 Ihe Colchians, 252 proposes to fetch 8 hip 8 and de- 
 ^Prts, 283 comes back with some galleys, 307 cho- 
 sen general, 309 refuses to force the Heracleans, 310 
 deprived of the generalship, 311 conceives a ha- 
 tred against the army, ib. marches by himself, ib. 
 arrives at Calpe,312 his death, 314. 
 
 Chersonesus, 328. 
 
 Chestnuts used instead of bread, 191 children fatted 
 with them, ib. 
 
 Children, institution of them in Persia, 2, 4 care of 
 their education makes the most excellent men, 5 
 should not be taught the art of war alone, 19 the 
 beautiful goddess should not he spoken of before them, 
 ib. Cyrus careful of good examples for them, 126 
 less bashful than youths, 7 discourses and manners 
 of a fine child represented, 58. 
 
 Chrysantes, one of the alike honoured, 30 of no ad- 
 vantageous person, ib. of excellent understanding, 
 ib. his modest description of himself, ib. in favour 
 and esteem with Cyrus, HI his advice and speech 
 for proportionable rewards, 28 transported with the 
 orders of Cyrus, 35 made a commander for his gal- 
 lantry and obedience, 55 his speech in behalf of 
 horsemanship, 62 his abilities, 141 his speech 
 changing the panic of an army into grief, 101 his 
 speech to the army to instil obedience, 129 his speech 
 to Cyrus on his becoming king, 123 extremely useful 
 to Cyrus, 141 his counsel generally approved and 
 followed, 30, 62, 104, 129, 123 Cyrus's praise of him, 
 141, Cyrus's raillery on his person, with his repar- 
 tee, 142 Cyrus kisses him, ib. appointed satrap of 
 Lydia and Ionia, 145. 
 
 Chrysopolis of Chakedonia fortified by Alcibiades, 358 
 appointed to be the station for collecting tenths, ib. 
 
 Cilicia, the army prepares to penetrate into it, 173 
 enters it without opposition, ib. 
 
 Cilicians subject to the Assyrian, 12 invited, but do 
 not attend him in war, 23 join the Assyrian army 
 afterwards under Croesus, 100 Cyrus never appoints 
 a governor over them, 118. 
 
 Cinadon discovered to be the director of a conspiracy 
 403 apprehended, and fully confesses, 404 he and 
 his accomplices punished, ib. 
 
 Cleanutus slain. 285. 
 
 Cleagoras, the painter, 346, 347. 
 
 Cleander, governor of Byzantium, 311 arrives at the 
 camp, 318 frightened and runs away, ib. demands 
 Agasias, ib. his answer to the generals, 319 Xeno- 
 phon offers him the command, 320 his reply, ib. 
 contracts an intimacy with Xenophon, ib. prevails 
 upon him not to leave Byzantium, ib. procures per- 
 mission for his departure, 329 compassionates the 
 soldier's, 330. 
 
 Cleanor the Arcadian, his resolution, 200 presumed 
 to be the same with 
 
 Cleanor the Orchomenian, answers Ariseus, 211 cho- 
 sen general in the room of Agias, 220 his speech to 
 the army, ib. gains the top of the Colcliian moun- 
 tains, 253. 
 
 Clearatus slain, 297. 
 
 Clearchus, a Lacedemonian, raises an army for Cyrus, 
 
 jgg | ias 10,000 darics for that purpose, ib. wars 
 
 with the Thracians, ib. ordered to attend Cyrus, 170 
 joins the army at Celaenae, 17] -escapes being stoned 
 to death, 174 his speech to the men, ib. they are re- 
 conciled, ib. numbers desert from others to him, ib. 
 
742 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 again addresses the men, 175 refuses to lead them 
 back, ib. sent to Cyrus from the enemy, 176 envied 
 by other commanders, 177 strikes one of Menon's 
 men, 182 hardly escapes being stoned, ib. march to 
 attack Menon, ib. appeased by Cyrus, 383 called to 
 the trial of Orontas, ib. delivers his opinion, 184 
 has the right wing assigned to him, 185 asks Cyrus 
 a question, 186 on the right of the river, 187 his 
 brave reply to Cyrus's message, 188 consults regard- 
 ing their return, 193 sends Lycius to reconnoitre the 
 enemy, 194 offers Arizeus the throne, 199 his speech 
 upon the king's message, 200 replies toPhalinus, ib. 
 again, 201 his answer to the message of Ariaeus, 
 ib. harangues the commanders, 202 takes the com- 
 mand upon him, iu asks Ariaeus's opinion concern- 
 ing their return, ib. quiets an alarm in the camp, 203 
 orders the Greeks to stand to their arms, ib. treats 
 with the king about a truce, 204 leads the army to 
 provisions, ib. equal to the command, ib. answers 
 Tissaphernes in name of the army, 205 quiets the 
 minds of the Greeks, 206 alarmed with a false mes- 
 sage, 207 shows the army to advantage, 208 ad- 
 dresses Tissaphernes, 209 accepts his invitation, 210 
 prevails upon the generals to go to him, ib. appre- 
 hended, 211 beheaded, ib. his character, ib. 
 
 Clearchus, son of Ramphias, public host of the Byzan- 
 tines, 359 Lacedaemonian commandant at Byzan- 
 tium, 362 his arrangements for the preservation of 
 Byzantium neutralized by treachery, ib. 
 
 Cleocritus, herald of the Mystae, addresses the thirty 
 in a truce, 388. 
 
 Cleombrotus commands the expedition against Thebes, 
 452 his targeteers slay the embodied Theban pri- 
 soners, ib. withdraws from the enemy's territory, 
 453 assailed by a violent storm, ib. disbands the 
 army, ib. leads an army against the Thebans, 457 
 repulsed, ib. disbands the army, ib. sent to the aid 
 of Phocis, 461 at the peace with Athens receives in- 
 structions from Lacedsemon, 470 marches his army 
 into Bcbotia,ib. takes the fortress of Crusis, ib. en- 
 camps at Leuctra, ib. stimulated*>y his friends to 
 come to an engagement, ib. insinuations of his ene- 
 mies, ib. holds the last council about a battle, 471 
 disadvantageous comparison between his and the 
 enemy's fortune and forces, ib. 472 nature of the 
 Lacedaemoxian and Theban phalanx, ib. his cavalry 
 instantly defeated, ib. has at first the better of the 
 fight, ib. killed, ib. 
 
 Cleonymus, the handsomest and most accomplished 
 youth in Sparta, 453 intercedes for his father's life 
 with Archidamus,454 expression of his gratitude to 
 his friend, ib. subsequently dies fighting at Leuctra 
 ib.-472. 
 
 Cligenes, an Acanthian ambassador, 444 his speech in 
 an assembly at Lacedaemon, ib. 445 resolutions re- 
 specting his required aid against Olyntlms, ib. 446. 
 
 Cliteles addresses an Athenian assembly, 480. 
 
 Guides, sea-fight of, 421. 
 
 Coetans, a free nation, 349. 
 
 Colchians, mountains of, 251 oppose the Greeks, 252 
 routed, ib. encamp round the Greeks, 285 a free 
 nation, 349. 
 
 Colophonians join Thrasylus, 360. 
 
 Colocea, a city of Phrygia, 171 commander, his office 
 regarding the army, the enemy, and the gods, 16, 20 
 to pay the greatest veneration to the gods, 23 never 
 to engage contrary to sacrifice and auguries, 20 to 
 consult the gods by divination, 18. 
 
 Commonwealth, a defined, 639. 
 
 Conon, an Athenian general, 363 receives the com- 
 mand of the Athenian fleet at Samos, 365 plunders 
 the country of the enemy, ib. defeated by Callicra- 
 tidas, and taken prisoner, 367 his bold escape with 
 two ships, ib. retaken with one of his vessels, ib. 
 relieved from the siege at Mitylene, rejoins the Athe- 
 nians, 368 associated with Pharnabazus, 430 ap- 
 pointed to command at sea, ib. sent to watch Abydos 
 and Sestos, 431 invested with charge of the fleet and 
 receives supplies, ib. sails to Athens, ib. rebuilds 
 the walls, imprisoned by Teribazus, 432. 
 
 Corinthians, numbers massacred, 422, 423 order the 
 Athenians to evacuate their garrisons, 496 dismiss 
 them from Corinth, ib. interrogate the Thebans re- 
 specting a peace, 497 receive the sanction of the 
 Lacedaemonians, ib. successfully negotiate with the 
 Thebans, ib. 
 
 Corsote, a desolate city, 181. 
 
 Corylas governor of Paphlagonia, 293 sends ambas- 
 sadors to the Greeks, ib. 
 
 Cotyora, a Greek city, 292 refuses the Greeks a mar- 
 ket, ib. sends them presents, 293. 
 
 Cotys joins Agesilaus, 415 leaves with him 3000 sol- 
 diers, ib. marries the daughter of Spithridates, ib. 
 416. 
 
 Courage to be instilled by good laws, examples, and 
 habit, 51 inspired by piety and devotion, 52 instan- 
 ces of it, 11, 52, 107. 
 
 Court, example and orders o? Cyrus to his, 130 virtues 
 which reigned in it, 131. 
 
 Cramians, market of, a city of Mysia, 171. 
 
 Cratesippidas appointed to the command of the Lace- 
 daemonian fleet, 359. 
 
 Cretans, their bows carry not so far as the Persians, 
 225 make use of the Persian arrows, 228 of great 
 service, 239 sixty of them run the long course, 253. 
 
 Critias, one of the thirty, impetuous for putting num- 
 bers to death, 380 begins to clash with Theramenes, 
 ib. contends for the propriety of despatching all op- 
 posers, 381 alarmed at the resistance of Theramenes, 
 ib. severe censure passed upon him by Socrates, ib. 
 n. delivers a philippic against Theramenes in the 
 senate, 382, 383 attacked in turn by the accused, ib. 
 385 accomplishes his murder, ib. 
 
 Critias and Hippomachus slain at the battle of the 
 Piraeus, 388. 
 
 Critobulus, effects of his love for Amandra, 610, 611. 
 
 Crcesus, king of Lydia, 12 his mean ancestors, 117 
 sends to consult the Delphian oracle concerning his 
 having sons, 116 answer and disappointment, ib. 
 to inquire after happiness ; reply, and his false no- 
 tjons of it, ib. his happiness in peace, ib. persuaded 
 by the Assyrian king to make war upon the Medes 
 and Cyrus, ib. number of his force, 23 dejected on 
 the defeat of the Assyrian army, 55 flees by night, 
 59 chosen commander-in-chief of the Assyrian and 
 confederate army, 100 temptations to accept of this 
 command, ib. acknowledgment of his ignorance in 
 it, 117 number of his confederates, 100 prepares for 
 an engagement, 105 defeated, 113 he and his army 
 fly to Sardes, 115 deserted by his allies, ib. Sardes 
 taken, and a guard set over him, ib. brought to 
 Cyrus, 116 calls him sovereign, ib. advises him not 
 to plunder, ib. gives him account of his consulting 
 the oracle, ib. modest accusation of himself, 117 
 his high opinion of Cyrus, ib. comes to know him- 
 self by his punishment, ib. inquires after happi- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 743 
 
 ness of Cyrus, ib. pitied by Cyrus, ib. Cyrus re- 
 stores him his wife, daughters, friends, &c., ib. 
 obliged to him for cutting them off from war, ib. his 
 love and praises of his wife, ib. his good humour ad- 
 mired by Cyrus, ib. carried about by Cyrus every- 
 where, ib. gives him a writing of the treasures he 
 delivered to him, 119 attends him to Babylon, 120 
 his advice to him to hoard up, 135 convinced by him 
 that friends are the richest treasure, ib. 
 
 Ctesias, the king?s physician, 190. 
 
 Cunning and stratagem towards an enemy lawful, 18 
 lessons for that purpose, ib. story of the Persian 
 who professed to teach it, ib. 
 
 Curdes. See Carduchians. 
 
 Cyaxares, son of Astyages, king of the Medes, 8 ap- 
 pears jealous of Cyrus from his childhood, ib. his 
 expedition under his father against the king of Assy- 
 ria's son, 10 succeeds to the kingdom, 12 sends to 
 the Persian council for assistance against the Assy- 
 rian, ib. relates to Cyrus the number of the enemy, 
 and their manner of fighting, 23, 24 approves of 
 Cyrus's advice as to the arms of the Persian soldiery, 
 ib. sends him a robe to appear 'before the Indian 
 ambassadors, 33 gives audience to the Indians, ib. 
 converses with Cyrus, ib. 34 persuaded by him to 
 make war on the Armenians, ib. allows him a force, 
 ib. goes himself to strengthen his garrisons, ib. 
 Armenian treasure sent to him, 47 approves of Cy- 
 rus's proposal for invading the enemy's country, 49 
 gives him positive orders to do it, 51 accompanies 
 him, 49 his army under Cyrus defeats the enemy, 
 52 congratulated by Cyrus on the victory, 55 his 
 speech against pursuing the enemy, ib. hardly pre- 
 vailed upon to let the Medes attend Cyrusvoluntarily, 
 57 stays behind with a few Medes, 64 his mistake 
 through intoxication, ib. sends an angry message 
 to Cyrus, ib. and orders to the Medes to return, 65 
 
 Cyrus's expostulatory letter to him, 66 contemp- 
 tible to his own soldiers for his effeminacy, 68 wo- 
 men chosen for him, ib. his messenger caressed by 
 Cyrus, ib. Cyrus's message to consult with him, 87 
 tent provided for him, ib. does not care to admit 
 Cyrus's army into his territory, ib. met by Cyrus, 
 88 envious at Cyrus's attendance and success, ib. 
 refuses to kiss him, and weeps on that account, ib. 
 private interview between them,ib. 90 cause of his 
 envy, 88, 90 reconciled and kisses him, 90 Cyrus 
 proposes a debate upon the separation of the army, 
 91 pleased with the respect of Cyrus and the Medes, 
 ib. the allies attend at his doors, 95 adorns his per- 
 eon, ib. sits before them on a Median throne, ib. 
 proposes to them the question of war, or separation 
 of the army, ib. agrees to build a fort and engine, ib. 
 war goes on under Cyrus, 97, 122 with a third part 
 of the Medes takes care of affairs at home, 103 Cy- 
 rus completes a conquest and settles his government, 
 122, 144 palaces, &c., set apart for him, ib. Cyrus 
 makes a visit, ib. mutual presents, ib. offers his 
 daughter to Cyrus in marriage, ib. and all Media as 
 her dowry, ib. his daughter's beauty, ib. 
 
 Cydnus, a river of Cilicia, 173. 
 
 Cydon, one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 
 
 Cyprians, allies to the Assyrian army under Croesus, 
 100 defeated by Oyrus, and become subject to him, 
 2, 115, 147 readily engage with Cyrus against the 
 Carians, 118 suffered to choose their own kings, 
 &c., ib. 
 
 Cyratados, a Theban, his character, 329 is accepted 
 
 by the Greeks for their general, ib. and resigns the 
 command, 330. 
 
 Cyrus, survey of his dominions, 1 excels all other 
 kings, ib. admirable for inspiring men with love and 
 fear, 2 all desire to become his subjects, ib. de- 
 scended from Perseus, 2 from the gods, 57, 117 his 
 parents, 2 character of his mind, ib. his person 
 while a child, ib. his early education, 4 great pro- 
 ficiency under it, 5 appointed judge over others, 6- 
 story of his wrong decision of a cause and punish- 
 ment, 7 his mother carries him into Media to Astya- 
 ges, 4 his childish discourses and manners with his 
 grandsire, 5 8 his sprightliness, simplicity, gene- 
 rosity, &c., 7 discourse with his mother upon jus- 
 tice, ib. agreeable and officious towards all, ib. his 
 over-talkativeness accounted for, ib. manners and 
 discourses of his youth, 8 12 his bashfulness, 8, 9 
 exercises with his equals, 8 his enthusiasm in hunt- 
 ing, ib. 9-description of it, 8-of himself, ib. -concern 
 ed for his grandfather's displeasure, 9 his freedom 
 from envy, and praise of his companions, ib. serve? 
 and pleases all, ib. puts on arms for the first time, 10 
 bears a part against the prince of Assyria, 10, 11 
 his sagacity, 10 his boldness, ib. esteemed by his 
 grandfather author of the victory, 11 generally ad- 
 mired, ib. ordered home, ib his obedience to his 
 father, and regard to his country, ib. his grand- 
 father's presents, ib. his presents to his compan- 
 ions, ib. Araspes the youth he loves most, ib. 73 
 presents him with his Median robe, 11 Astyages 
 and the people set him going, ib. mutual grief at 
 parting, ib. story of the Mede pretending to be his 
 relation, ib. returns to Persia, 12 his temperance 
 and good behaviour, ib. passes a year among the 
 boys, ib. enters himself in the order of youth, ib. 
 becomes a full grown man, ib. commands an army 
 sent to Cyaxares, ib. his prayers and sacrifices, ib. 
 speech to the alike honoured, ib. appeals to them 
 for his piety, 14 attended by his father to the bor- 
 ders of Media, ib. paternal instructions in piety, &c., 
 ib. 20 arrives with his arm'y at Media, 23 his piety, 
 ib. proposes that the Persians have the close arms 
 of the alike-honoured, 24 exercises his soldiers with 
 their new weapons, 25 distributes each regiment in 
 a tent, 26 wishes the institution of rewards. 28 ap- 
 pointed judge of merit, 31 praised by Pheraulas, 31 
 is for weeding the vicious out of his army, 29 in- 
 vites those to supper who exercise well, 26, 32 good 
 effect of it, 32 his manner of entertaining them, 27, 
 30 his merriment and praise of the stories of the 
 greedy person and the letter, 28 apology for such ns 
 laughed, ib. mixes matter of instruction, 27,28 his 
 obedience to Cyaxares, 33 disposes his army for the 
 view of the Indian ambassadors, ib. regardless of his 
 habit, ib. conversation with Cyaxares, ib. .34 in- 
 duces him to make war on the Armenian, ib. a 
 force allowed him by Cyaxares, ib. prepares for 
 this expedition, ib. bis sacrifices, adoration, happy 
 omens, ib. arrives on the Armenian borders, 34 
 disguises his design by a hunt, ib. his message to 
 the Armenian, 35 march and orders to his soldiers, 
 ib. declares war against the fugitives only, 39 
 takes the Armenian's wives, children, and riches 
 jb.A se nds a herald to the king, who submits, ib. 
 tries his cause before his army and the Armeni- 
 ans, 40 brings him to confession of his crime, ib. 
 hears Tigranes, ib. 42 pleased with his proposal, 
 ib. takes the Armenian into favour, ib. returns hia 
 
744 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 wives and children, 43 his compassion and candour, 
 ib. praises of his person, wisdom, and noble virtues, 
 ib. receives a gift from the Armenian, ib. joined 
 by an Armenian force, 44 defeats the Chaldeans, ib. 
 gains their heights, ib. builds a fortress there, ib. 
 makes peace between Armenians and Chaldeans, 
 45 keeps the summits as guarantee, ib. takes many 
 Chaldeans into his service, 46 sends to the Indian 
 for money, ib. his policy in having Chaldean and 
 Armenian guides to his messenger, ib. leaves a go- 
 vernor of the fortress, ib. honoured and extolled by 
 Armenians and Chaldeans, ib. refuses treasure from 
 the Armenian's wife, 47 sends army and treasure to 
 Cyaxares, ib. returns into Media, ib. treatment of 
 his army, ib. wishes to come to action, ib. arms 
 and forms his army completely, ib. inspires them 
 with ardour, 48 arrives with Cyaxares and the army 
 in the enemy's country, ib. their march, sacrifices, 
 prayers, ib. 49. his council, 50 opinion of a gene- 
 ral's exhortation to his army, ib. marches in obedi- 
 ence to Cyaxares, 51 raises their courage, 52 by de- 
 votion, ib. by exhortation, ib. engagement, ib.-- ene- 
 my put to flight, ib. his courage and conduct, ib. 
 their ready obedience to him, ib. his gratitude to the 
 gods, 55 to his army, ib. signalizes and rewards 
 Chrysantas, ib. Congratulates Cyaxares, ib. his 
 great fame, 57 desires to pursue the enemy, 56 ob- 
 tains leave of Cyaxares to be attended with as many 
 Medes as would go voluntarily, 57 most of them at- 
 tend him, 58 discourses with Artabazus, 57 Hyr- 
 canians revolt and send messengers to Cyrus, ib. 
 his policy, ib. he marches, 58 his prayer and grati- 
 tude, ib. Hyrcanians in a body leave the enemy and 
 join Cyrus, 59 encouragement and orders to his ar- 
 my, ib. engagement with the enemy, CO victory, 
 ib. flight of great part of the enemy, ib. orders an 
 entertainment for his army, ib. His Persian absti- 
 nence as to treasures and provisions, ib. 64 advises 
 the Persians to do the same, ib. his policy herein, 
 and in cultivating the allies, ib. vexed at the advan- 
 tagesofthe Medes and Hyrcanians, by means of their 
 horse, 61 his candid praise of them, ib. proposes 
 the establishment of horsemanship among the Per- 
 sians, ib. gains the friendship of the prisoners, 64 
 his vigilance during the feasting of the allies, ib. 
 message to him from Cyaxares, 65 his politic beha- 
 viour to the messenger, ib. sends an expostulatory 
 letter to him, 66 and a message to the Persians for 
 an increase of his army, ib. orders the enemy's arms 
 to be burned, ib. gives the distribution of the ene- 
 my's effects to tlie allies, 67 his directions to them in 
 favour of the gods, magi, Cyaxares, and themselves, 
 ib. disregards himself and the Persians, 68 allies 
 give him the enemy 's horse, ib. forms a body of Per- 
 sian horsemen, 73, 68 his polite raillery on them, ib. 
 proclamation to liberate all foreign slaves in the 
 Assyrian army, ib. orders to attend the horse, ib. 
 orders the alike-honoured to choose a foot-comman- 
 der in his stead, ib. scene between him and Gobryas, 
 ib. receives him as his ally, 69 distribution of the 
 enemy's effects, ib. the fine women allotted to him, 
 ib. his self denial and politeness, ib. 73 gives one of 
 them to a Mede, ib. afraid to see his beautiful cap- 
 tive Panthea, ib. gives charge of her to Aras*s, ib. 
 -advice to him, 75 his motive for pursuing the war, 
 74 his grateful prayer, 75 marches to Gobryas, ib. 
 tlobryas's rich presents to him, 76 presents him with 
 his daughter, ib. liis self-denial, ib. commendation 
 
 of his friends, ib. invites Gobrias to supper, 77 at- 
 tended by him with his horse, ib. seeks in formation 
 of the enemy, ib. arrives in the enemy's country, 
 79 takes considerable booty, ib. distribution of it, 
 ib. marches towards Babylon, ib. sends a challenge 
 to the Assyrian king, ib. makes a friend of Gadatas, 
 ib. seizes a fortress, 80 Cadusians and Sacians be- 
 come his allies, 81 his care of Gadatas' territory, ib. 
 his vast memory, 82 sentiments on calling people 
 by their names, ib. appoints a party for intelligence, 
 83 enters the territory of Gadatas, ib. Gadatas' 
 gratitude to him, 84 his self denial, ib. his humani- 
 ty towards the Cadusian body, ib. use he makes of 
 their private excursion and defeat, ib. care of the 
 dead and revenge on the enemy, 85 stipulates peace 
 for the laboring people, ib. compassionates Gadatas, 
 86 accepts his present of horse, ib. takes ttiree forts 
 of the enemy, 88 sends to Cyaxares for his advice, 
 ib. orders his tent to be furnished in the best man- 
 ner, 87 Persians send him a reinforcement, ib. 
 meets Cyaxares with great attendance, ib. interview 
 between them, 88 90 makes the Medes pay him re- 
 spect, 90 raillery between and Hystapes, 95 en- 
 campment of his army, 97 prepares to follow the 
 army to Lydia, ib. invents a kind of war chariots, 
 ib. provides camels, ib. sends Araspes spy to Ly- 
 dia, 98 his reception of Abradatas, 99 excites 
 emulation in his army, 100 care of their diet, &c., 
 102, 103 orders a sacrifice, ib. manner of their 
 march, ib. his stratagem to surprise a party of the 
 enemy, 104 his reception of Araspes, ib. his orders 
 to the army, 106 struck with admiration of Abra- 
 datas, ib. his sacrifices and address, 107 his obser- 
 vations on the enemy and consequent orders, 111 
 gives a devout signal and exhortation, 112 he and 
 the army sing a hymn, 113 engages, ib. relieves the 
 Persians, dismounted, ib. gains the victory, ib. ad- 
 mires the firmness of the Egyptians, ib. offers them 
 terms and gives them cities, ib. 115 pursues Croesus 
 to Sardes, and takes the city, ib. angry with the 
 Chaldeans for plundering, ib. meets Croesus, 116 
 his generosity to him, 117 his grief for Abradatas, 
 118 laments over Panthea, ib. erects monuments 
 to both, ib. sends Adusius to the Carians with an 
 army, ib. joined by Cilicians and Cyprians, ib. 
 sends an army against Phrygia, 119 garrisons left 
 there for him, ib. Greeks pay him tribute, ib. leaves 
 a garrison at Sardes, ib. treats as slaves those whom 
 he disarmed, ib. overthrows the people of greater 
 Phrygia, 120-the Cappadocians, ib. the Arabians, ib. 
 arrives with a vast army at Babylon, ib. his dis- 
 position of them round the walls, ib. consults about 
 a capture, ib. contrives a ditch for draining the 
 river, and turrets to amuse the enemy, ib. takes 
 it during a scene of revelry, 121 castles surrendered 
 to him, ib. proclamation for all to bring their arms, 
 ib. makes them labourers and tributaries, ib. as- 
 sumes the slate of royalty, ib. addresses the people, 
 joo W eary of the court paid to him, ib. the want 
 of his company regretted by his friends, 123 his sa- 
 crifices, ib. applies himself to the affairs of govern- 
 ment, 124 his observations upon eunuchs, ib. ap- 
 points them guards of his person, ib. establishes a 
 garrison in Babylon, 125 distresses the Babylonians, 
 ib. cultivates the alike-honoured, ib. vindicates 
 the war and right of conquest, ib. admonishes 
 them to a life of virtue, 151 commendation of 
 his disinterestedness, 129 constitutes his several 
 
INDEX. 
 
 745 
 
 officers, 130 his careful choice of his colleagues in 
 power, ib. his economy, ib. hisexamprb in the vir- 
 tues, 131 and opinion of them, ib. his regard to the 
 magi, ib. his rewards on whom principally be- 
 stowed, ib. 132 effects of his orders and example, 
 132 practices them in hunting, ib. his thoughts on 
 dominion, ib. his methods to appear venerable, ib. 
 called father, ib. his measures for the security of 
 his government, ib. his good-nature, and love to 
 mankind, 133 courts his friends, ib. his presents, 
 134 his saying of kings, ib. his conversation with 
 Croesus, 135 convinces him that friends are the rich- 
 est treasure, ib. provides for the health of his sub- 
 jects, ib. visits the sick, 136 appoints judges, ib. 
 gains the entire affection of his friends, 137 his pro- 
 cession, 136 adored, 137 dismisses Diaphernes for 
 absurdity, 138 sacrifices at the sacred inclosures, ib. 
 appoints horse and chariot races to the several na- 
 tions, ib. wins the prize at each, ib. presents his 
 prize to Pheraulus, 139 invites his friends to an en- 
 tertainment, 141 order of precedence at his table, 
 140 prefers acts of love to war, 141 prefers Chry- 
 eantas to Hystaspes, ib. proposes to be a match- 
 maker, 142 rallies Chrysantas, ib. kisses him, ib. 
 dismisses the chief of his allies, ib. gives presents to 
 all, ib. distributes according to merit, ib. his gene- 
 rosity applauded, ib. his empire settled, 143 pre- 
 pares for a journey to Persia, ib. order of hisencamp- 
 ment, ib. his opinions of the tactics, 144 pays a 
 visit to Cyaxares, ib. arrives at Persia, ib. his pre- 
 sents to all, ib. Cambyses's speech to him, ib. re- 
 turns to Media, and marries the daughter of Cyaxa- 
 res, ib. carries her to Babylon, ib. appoints satraps 
 over the conquered nations, ib.abridges their power, 
 ib. directs them to imitate him, 146 orders an an- 
 nual progress to the province, 147 appoints stage- 
 horses in his kingdom for intelligence, ib. assembles 
 his army, ib. Conquers from Syria to the Red Sea, 
 ib. subdues Egypt, ib. bounds of his empire, ib. 
 enjoys perpetual spring, ib. his last journey to Per- 
 eia, ib. sacrifices and leads the Persian chorus, ib. 
 his prayer, 148 his indisposition, ib. summons his 
 sons, friends, &c. ib. bequeathes the kingdom to his 
 eldest son, ib. recommends brotherly affection, pie- 
 ty, and virtue, 149 his opinion of the soul, ib. of the 
 divinity, ib. his veneration for the earth, and love of 
 mankind, ib. would have his body buried, 150 de- 
 sires rejoicing about his tomb, ib. his last advice, ib. 
 his death, ib. 
 
 Cyrus, younger son to Darius, appointed to command 
 in Lacedaemon, 362 makes vigorous preparations for 
 prosecuting war, 364 puts to dehth two nephews of 
 Darius, for the omission of a compliment, 375 sum- 
 moned to court by Darius, 376 demands from the 
 Lacedaemonians the same services he had granted 
 them, 395 the Ephori acknowledge the justice of his 
 demand, ib. and send Samius with a fleet, ib. made 
 satrap by his father, ib. tomes to court, ib. accused 
 of treason by Tissapher-nes, 168 apprehended ib. 
 released at the intercession of his mother, ib. lays 
 the design to dethrone his brother, ib. his politic be- 
 haviour, ib. secretly raises an army of Greeks, ib. 
 makes war upon Tissaphernes, ib. besieges Miletus, 
 170 acquainted with Clearchus, 169 grants Aristip- 
 pus an army, ib. pretends war upon the Pisidians, 
 170 assembles his army.ib. begins his march, ib. 
 musters his forces, 171 pays them, 172 has an 
 amour with Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, ib. reviews 
 63 
 
 his army, ib. enters Cilicia, 173 sends for the king, 
 174 makes him presents, ib. in great perplexity, ib. 
 his answer to the mutinous soldiers, 176 raises 
 their pay, ib. marches through part of Syria, 177 
 his generous speech concerning the desertion of two 
 commanders, ib. declares his intention of marching 
 against the king, 179 promises to gratify the soldiers, 
 ib. commends Menon's men, ib. the Euphrates sub 
 raits to him, 180 hastens their march, 181 the rea- 
 son, ib. appeases a quarrel in the army, 183 greatly 
 beloved, ib. his trial of Orontas, 184 disposes hia 
 army in order of battle, 185 his speech to the general 
 officers, ib. makes*great promises, 186 his speech 
 to the Lacedaemonians, 185 his reply to Clearchus, 
 186 musters his army, ib. marches in order of bat- 
 tle, ib. gives an extravagant reward to a soothsayer, 
 187 marches more negligently, ib. receives news 
 of the king's approach, ib. orders to arms, ib. oc- 
 cupies the centre uncovered, ib. sends a message to 
 Clearchus, 188 takes a survey of both the armies, ib. 
 gives orders to Xenophon, 189 worshipped as vic- 
 torious, ib. attacks 6000 men, and Ms the comman- 
 der, ib. attacks the king, and wounds him, ib. 
 wounded in the face, ib. and slain, ib. his charac- 
 ter, ib. his head and right hand cut off, 192. 
 Cyzicus, a sea-port town, 330. 
 
 D 
 
 Dadali opera, origin of the proverb, 586, n. 
 
 Damaratus, a Lacedaemonian, 199. 
 
 Dana, a rich and large city, 172. 
 
 Daphnagoras, sent to conduct Xenophon, 348. 
 
 Daradax, a river of Syria, 178. 
 
 Darius, king of Persia, 167 his death, ib. 
 
 Dates, 202, n. beauty and size of Babylonia, ib. 
 
 Day, the division of, 188, n. 
 
 Delphio and his party gain the ascendant in Thlius, 450 
 solicits a truce, ib. he and a servant make their es- 
 cape, ib. 
 
 Delta, part of Thrace, 287 Seuthes leads the Greeks 
 thither, 338. 
 
 Demarchus, a Syracusan general, 359. 
 
 Democrates of Temenus, his fidelity, 243. 
 
 Demotion makes a. proposition to the Athenians regard- 
 ing the Corinthians, 4%. 
 
 Dercyllodas succeeds Thimbro in command of the 
 Ionian cities. 396 negotiates privately with Tissa 
 phernes, ib. marches into the country of Pharnaba 
 zus, ib. several cities surrender to him, 397 assaults 
 Cebren and enforces submission, ib. his proceedings 
 with Midias, ib. 398 their conversation regarding 
 the property of Mania, ib. appropriates it by right 
 of conquest, ib. reduces the murderer to his original 
 rank, ib. gives Pharnabazus his choice of war or 
 peace, 398 answered with a declaration for a truce 
 jb._ winters in Bithynian Thrace, ib. reinforced by 
 Seuthes, 399 renews the truce with Pharnabazus, 
 400 passes into Europe with his army, ib. fortifies 
 Chersonesus, and returns to Asia, ib. reduces Atar- 
 na, ib. discovers the united army drawn up against 
 him, ib. 401 prepares for battle, ib. a conference 
 and truce, ib. sent by Agesilaus to Asia, 420 se 
 cures Abydos for the Lacedemonians, 430 his ad- 
 dress tothe Abydenians, ib. 431 encourages the peo- 
 ple of Sestos to hold out, ib. 
 
 Derdas, king of Elymia, joins Teleutias, 
 4 T 
 
746 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 mented for his alacrity in this, ib. 448 distinguishes I 
 himself in the fight at Olynthus, ib. inarches into 
 Apollonia, 448 salliesout against the Olynthians.ib. 
 pursues and slaughters them, ib. 
 
 Demis, governor of Phoenicia and Arabia 349. 
 
 Dexippus, a Lacedaemonian, has the command of a 
 galley, and runs away with it, 285 how punished, 
 ib. accuses Xenophon to the admiral, 309 desired 
 to secure some plunder, 318 stoned, ib. his enmity 
 to Xenophon, ib.-his character displayed by Agasias, 
 319. 
 
 Diagoras, father of Dorieus, 357. 
 
 Diana, her altar, 184 an offering to her, ib. n. her 
 temple at Ephesus, 287. 
 
 Diaphernes dismissed from office by Cyrus, 138. 
 
 Dinon killed at Leuctra, 472. 
 
 Diomedon sails to the aid of Conon at Mitylene, 367 
 Callicratidas seizes ten of his ships, and he retreats, 
 ib. 
 
 Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, defeated by the Cartha- 
 ginians, 379 the Leontines revolt from him, 380 
 sends a succoijr to the Lacedaemonians, 466 his ten 
 vessels captured, ib. sends auxiliaries to the Lace- 
 dsemonians, 487 his fifty horsemen distinguish them- 
 selves, ib. his aid defeat, the Sicyonians, ib. storm 
 the fort of Dera, ib. sail to Syracuse, ib. sends his 
 second aid to the Lacedaemonians, 488 lately dead, 
 his son sends the third aid to the Lacedaemonians, 497 
 act in conjunction at the reduction of Sellasia, ib. 
 return to Syracuse, ib. 
 
 Dionysius the Elder, Tully's sketch of, 641 anecdote 
 respecting him and Philoxenus, ib. 642. 
 
 Diphridas sent .to secure the Asiatic cities, 433 takes 
 prisoner Tigranes and his wife, ib. his character as 
 a general, ib. 
 
 Dolnpians serve under Menon, 171. 
 
 Dolphins, pickled. 291 their fat used instead of oil, 
 ib. 
 
 Dorieus leads fourteen ships against the Athenians, 357 
 put to flight by twenty ships, ib. runs his vessels 
 on shore at the cape of Rhaeteum, ib. closely beset 
 by the enemy, whom he compels to stand away, ib. 
 seized and set at liberty, 365. 
 
 Draco invested with charge of Atarna, 400. 
 
 Dracontius the Spartan, sent to Cleander, 319. 
 
 Drawers, Persian, 181. 
 
 Drilians, the Greeks march against them, 285 set fire 
 to every thing accessible, ib. their metropolis attack- 
 ed without success, ib. is taken and plundered, 286 
 their houses burnt, ib. 
 
 E 
 
 Eagle, Oolden, the king's ensign, 194. 
 
 Ebozelemius, Seuthes's interpreter, sent to Xenophon, 
 342. 
 
 Ecdicus commands the ships sent to Rhodes, 433 his 
 return home, ib. 
 
 Eleans incur the displeasure of Lacedaemon, 401 be- 
 come confederates of Lacedaemon, 402 seize upon 
 Lasian, 497 Arcadians take the field against them, 
 ib. broken and put to flight, 498 begin to despond 
 at the enemy's success. ib.-Elis distracted by factions, 
 498 that of Charopus bargains with the Arcadians, 
 ib. enemies expelled from the citadel, ib. many ex- 
 iled, ib. exiles possess themselves of Pylus, ib. Ar- 
 cadians repeat their expedition against, ib. defeated 
 
 ib. beg the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, ib. 
 fall upon Hie Pylians, 499 put many to the sword, 
 and capture others, ib. reduce their town and re- 
 cover the Marganians, ib. resolve upon a peace with 
 the Arcadians, 504 and Achaeans inarch against the 
 Arcadians, ib. repulse them, ib. remark on their 
 unwonted gallantry, ib. 
 
 Elisarne, a town of Mysia, 348. 
 
 Enodias, a captain, wounded, 338. 
 
 Epaminondas encamps his army at Leuctra, 470 his 
 request to his judges, 482, n. invades Achaia, 490 
 receives security of alliance, ib. his declaration re- 
 specting a Theban officer, 501 light in which it is 
 viewed by the Arcadians, ib. takes the field against 
 the Arcadians, 502 expeditiously advances towards 
 Peloponnesus, ib. remarks on his campaign, ib. 
 leads his army against Sparta, ib, repulsed by 100 
 Spartan soldiers, ib. returns toTegea, ib. defeated 
 at Mantinea by Athenian cavalry, 503 his reflections 
 and resolutions, ib. obedient alacrity of his troops, 
 ib. his dispositions for a battle, 503, 504 his victory 
 and death, ib. his army disputes with'the enemy 
 the honour of conquerors, ib. 505. 
 
 Epicletus, bounds of his studies and inquiries of men, 
 521, n. sentiment of his on the omnipresence and 
 omniscience of God, 522, n. his remarks on a cynic 
 philosopher, 535, n. his description of tke school of 
 a philosopher, 587, n. 
 
 Episthenes of Amphipolis, his great conduct, 194 
 takes an affection to the bailiff's son, 247 a lover of 
 boys, 337. 
 
 Epyaxa, queen of Cilicia, comes to Cyrus, 171 makes 
 him a present, 172 desires a view of the army, ib. 
 admires it, ib. goes back to Cilicia, ib. prevails with 
 her husband to come to Cyrus, 174. 
 
 Eteonicus bolts the gates of Byzantium against the 
 Greeks, 328 flies to the citadel, ib. entrusted with 
 the command of the vessels at Mitylene, 367 a fly- 
 boat carries him news of the defeat at Arginusae,368 
 the stratagem he used on this occasion to further 
 his escape, ib. sails to Chios, 368 his soldiers form 
 a conspiracy to seize it, 375 his promptitude in this 
 emergency, ib. subjects the towns of Thrace to La- 
 cedaemon, 378 empowers the ^Eginetae to plunder 
 Attica, 439. 
 
 Euarchippides presides in the Spartan college of Epho- 
 ri, 360. 
 
 Eucles, a Syracusan commrfider, 360. 
 
 Euclidqs the Phliasian, 347 his advice to Xenophon, 
 ib. arrives with money, ib. his love for Socrates 
 stronger than the fear of death, 574, n. 
 
 Euctemon, archon at Athens, 360. 
 
 Eudamidas leads a force against the Olynthians, 446 
 Potidsea surrenders to him, ib. 
 
 Eudius presides among the ephori, 379. 
 
 Eunomus elected to command against Gorgopas, 439 
 defeated by Gorgopas, 440. 
 
 Euphrates, river, 179-submits to Cyrus, 180-its source, 
 235-*-the Greeks pass it, 2*4. 
 
 Euphkon proposes the establishment of a democracy in 
 Sicyon, 491-supported by Arcadians and Argives, ib. 
 submits to a convention of the people a form of ad- 
 ministration, ib. chosen one of the commanders, ib. 
 attaches many to his interest, ib. becomes absolute 
 master of Sicyon, ib. flees for refuge from ^Eneas, 
 494 delivers up the harbour of Sicyon to the Lace- 
 daemonians, ib. goes over to their alliance, ib. lays 
 claim to intrigue in their cause, ib. again becomes 
 
INDEX. 
 
 747 
 
 master of Sicyon, ib endeavours to bribe the The- 
 bans, 495 assassinated, ib. his body cafried home 
 by his factionaries, 496 honoured as guardian of 
 Sicyon, ib. occasional reflection, ib. 
 
 Eurylochus of Lusia comes to the relief of Xenophon, 
 239 enters the strong hold of the Taochians, 249 
 sent to Anaxibius, 329 his speech concerning their 
 pay, 342. 
 
 Eurymaehus, sent by Timasion to Sinope and Hera- 
 clea, 295. 
 
 Euryptolemus, cousin to Alcibiades, 363 his defence of 
 the commanders of Arginusae, 370, 371. 
 
 Euxenus, left by Agesilaus to command in Asia, 418. 
 
 G 
 
 Ganus, a town of Thrace, 339. 
 
 Qadates, a prince subject to the Assyrian, 86 hig hap 
 pin-ess under the Assyrian's father, ib. made a eu- 
 nuch by the Assyrian, 78, n. his invective against 
 him, 86 delivers up a fortress of the enemy to Cy- 
 rus, 80 adores Cyrus, ib. his territory attacked by 
 the Assyrian, 81 betrayed by one under his com 
 mand, 83 wounded by him, 84 saved by Cyrus, ib. 
 his gratitude, prayer, and presents, 86 bemoans his 
 fate, ib. attends Cyrus with his mother, ib. of great 
 use to him, ib. his conversation admired by him, 140 
 made commander of his eunuchs, ib. and steward 
 of his household, ib. the recipient of great presents, 
 ib. his revenge on the Assyrian, 122. 
 Gaulites, a Samian, his speech to Cyrus, 186. 
 Genius of Socrates, translator's opinion regarding the, 
 
 511, n. Xenophon's definition of, 520. 
 Glus sent to command Menon's men, 181 ordered to 
 
 assist the carriages, ib. 
 
 Glus, son of Tamos, comes to the Greeks to acquaint 
 them of Cyrus's death, 199 observes the Greeks pass 
 the Tigris, 208. 
 Gnesippus. an Athenian, his speech about making 
 
 Seuthes a present, 335. 
 
 Gobryas, an Assyrian prince, 68 friend and tributary 
 to the Assyrian's father, ib. revolts to Cyrus, ib. 
 brings him horsemen and arms, ib. relates to him 
 the fate of his son, ib. begs Cyrus to be his avenger, 
 ib. offers him his alliance, tribute, and daughter, 69 
 receives him and his army in his territory, 76 at- 
 tends Cyrus with his horse, 77 carries a challenge 
 from Cyrus to the Assyrian, 79 his reply to the As- 
 syrian, ib. employed by Cyrus to gain Gadates,ib. 
 applauds the faith of Cyrus, 96 leads him to Baby- 
 lon, 121 one of Cyrus's chief friends, 140 admired 
 and praised by him, 141 wants a son-in-law, 142 
 accepts of Hystaspes, ib. describes the possessions 
 of the earth, 77 commands under the king, 186. 
 Gods, their nature, 20, 149 their greatness and beauty 
 inexplicable, 149 act by settled law, 14 reject flat- 
 tery, ib.-defended from pa^iality , 20-- Jove the great- 
 est of all, 107 human wisdom, power, &c. nothing 
 without them, 20 their government of the seasons, 
 102 particularly divinities, 14, 23, 49, 52, 113, 116, 
 124 consequence of distrusting God, 116 of tempting 
 him by impertinent curiosity, ib. to be consulted only 
 in real wants, ib. necessity of consulting them, 20 
 human means to be used, 14 to be mindful of them 
 in prosperity, ib. 131 advantage of piety to one's self 
 and others, 131, 149 effects of divine fear, 52, 113 
 a hymn sung to them in war, 53, 113. 
 
 Gongylus, husband to Hellas, 348. 
 
 Gongylus, the son, 348 comes to the assistance 01" 
 
 Xenophon, ib. 
 
 Gorgion, son of Gongylus and Hellas, 348. 
 Gorgopas, commands at ^Egina, 439 blocks up the 
 Athenians in their own circumvallations, ib. give* 
 chase to Eunomus, 440 engages him by moonlight, 
 ib. defeats him and seizes four vessels, ib. attacked 
 by Chabrias, 440 killed, ib. 
 Grecian feasts, description of, 576, n. 
 Greeks, the army of, see Cyrus, Clearchus, Xenophon, 
 of what number and kind of soldiers they consisted, 
 171, declare they will go no further, 174 send mes- 
 sengers to Cyrus, 176 suspect the expedition was 
 designed against the king, ib. follow Cyrus with 
 greater pleasure on account of his virtue, 178 an- 
 gry with their generals, 179 prevailed upon to pro- 
 ceed to Babylon, ib. excited by the promises of Cy- 
 rus, 186 sing the paean and advance against the 
 enemy, 189 victorious, ib. have but one wounded, 
 ib. prepare to receive the king's attack, 194 alter 
 their line, ib. attack the king, and pursue him, ib. 
 "halt and rest themselves, ib. return to their camp, 
 195 have no victuals, ib. wonder what is become 
 of Cyrus, 199 have news of his death, ib. in great 
 want of provisions, ib. ordered by the king to deliver 
 up their arms, 200 propose to serve the king, 201 
 join AriiEus, ib. accidentally march towards the 
 king, 203 take a sudden alarm, ib.-uneasy at waiting 
 for Tissaphernes,205 and at the behaviour of Ariae- 
 us, 206 encamp at a distance from Ariaeus, ib. 
 exhibited advantageously, 208 assembled, 217 in 
 distress, 221 burn their carriages, tents, &c. 225 
 mangle the bodies of the slain, 226 inarch under 
 great difficulties, 229 set fire to the villages, 231 
 forbear to plunder the Carduchians in hopes of 
 gaining their friendship, 236 marcn fighting, ib. 
 attack the Carduchians, ib. rest themselves, 239 
 in a bad situation, 240 defeat the Carduchians and 
 pass the Centrites, 242 treat with Teribazus, 243 
 seize his equipage, 244 pass the night without 
 victuals and fire, 245 several sick through excessive 
 cold, ib. go into quarters, ib. enter the territory of 
 the Taochians, 248 of the Chalybians, ib. of the 
 Scythians, 230 in view of the sea, 251 arrive 
 among the Macronians, ib. attack and rout the Col- 
 chians, 253 at Trebisond, ib. attack the Drilians, 
 285 mustered, 287 make a league with one part of 
 the Mosynoscians against the other, 289~part of them 
 defeated, 296 seize and plunder the Metropolis of the 
 Mosyncbcinns, 291 -stay at Cotyora, 292 treat with 
 the Paphlagonians, 306 embark and arrive at Sinope, 
 ib. offered pay by the Lacedaemonians, 307 consult 
 about the choice of a general, ib. and about the rest 
 of their journey, 310-divide into parties, ib. number 
 of each division, 311 reunite, 314 inter their dead, 
 ib. resolve never to divide again, ib. in great want 
 of provisions, ib. under consternation, 315 march 
 out and bury their dead, ib. defeat the Bithynians 
 317 and procure plenty of every thing, 318 artive 
 at Cbrysopolis, 329 pass over to Byzantium, 327 
 depart out of the town, ib. seize upon it by force, 
 328 propose to plunder it, ib. restrained by Xeno- 
 phon, ib. accept Cyratades for their general, 329 
 join Seuthes, 334 suffer by the cold, 336 displeased 
 with Xenophon, 337 engage to serve the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, 339 dissatisfied with them, 346 join Thim- 
 bron, 349. 
 
748 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Oylis commands in absence of Agesilaus, 422 killed 
 
 by the Locrians, ib. 
 Gymnias, a large and rich city, 250. 
 
 H 
 
 Halys, a river, 294 its mouth, 309. 
 Harpasus, a river, 250. 
 
 Hecatonymus of Sinope, his speech, 292 irritates his 
 companions by it, 293 his advice to the Greeks, 294 
 suspected, ib. 
 
 Hegesander and his party defeated, 311. 
 Hegesandridas, commander of the Lacedaemonians, 
 
 357. 
 Helixus, a Megarean commander, confederate of Clear- 
 
 chus,.362. 
 
 Hellas, wife to Gongylus, entertains Xenophon, 348. 
 Heraclea, a Greek city, 309 the inhabitants send pre- 
 sents to the Greeks, 310 put themselves in a pos- 
 ture of defence, 311 see 295297. 
 Heraclides of Maronea procures for Seuthes, 334 sells 
 the booty, 336 under uneasiness for Xenophon's re- 
 proof, 338 becomes his enemy, 339 has recourse to 
 calumny, ib. attempts to corrupt the other generals, 
 reprimanded by Seuthes, ib. his advice to Seuthes 
 about sending away the army, 340 advises the La- 
 4 cedffiinonians to disregard Xenophon, ib. affrighted 
 and retires, 331 his avarice, 297 cursed by Seuthes, 
 346. 
 
 Heraclides, a Syracusan commander, 360. 
 Hercules, the Greeks sacrifice to, 253 the place of his 
 descent, 310 event of Xenophon's sacrifice to him 
 311 the word of command, 317. 
 Herippidas receives a strong force from Agesilaua, and 
 fallsupon Pharnabazus' camp, 416 seizes it, and car- 
 ries off much spoil, ib. wrongs the Paphlagonians 
 and Spithrldates, ib. 
 Hermo crates, pne of the Syracusan generals condemned 
 by his countrymen to exile, 358 his address to the 
 army in name of the rest, 359 his character as a com 
 mander,ib. prefers an accusation against Tissapher- 
 nes, ib. receives a subsidy from him,ib. 
 Hermog'enes suggests to Socrates the propriety of pre- 
 paring his defence, 511 his happiness under the pro- 
 vidence of the gods, 613. 
 Herod, a Syracusan, carries intelligence to Lacedaemon 
 
 of preparations for war by Tissaphernes, 404. 
 Hierax commissioned to succeed Teleutias, 439. 
 Hiero, king of Syracuse, 625 exhibits the interdict laid 
 on the happiness of royalty in seeing, 626 hearing 
 ib. tasting, ih. 627 smelling, ib. in love, ib. 628 
 in great possessions, ib. in war and peace, ib. 629 
 in friendship,!!). 630 in confidence, ib. in protection 
 procured by country, ib. by envy of other kings, ib 
 in the gratification of desires, ih. 631 in the esti 
 mate of wisdom and virtue, ib. by the compelled 
 employment of miscreants, ib. by the necessity of 
 treating subjects with severity, ib. contrasts his pre 
 sent circumstances with those of his former private 
 life, ib. 632 shows the unhappiness of royalty in 
 serving friends, ib. in subduing enemies, ib. in the 
 honours paid to it, 633 in the impossibility of safe 
 resignation, ib. in invidious and unpopular acts, 634 
 a line of conduct suggested to, by Simonides, ib 
 637 character and anecdotes of. 639, 640 severa 
 of his sentiments by Montaigne, 642. 
 Hieronymus of Elis, a captain, his speech to the officers 
 
 220 assembles the army, 314 sent to Anaxibius 
 287 wounded in the dark, 338. 
 
 Hippocrates, lieutenant to Mindarus, laconic and em- 
 phatic letter of his intercepted, 358. 
 
 Hippocrates, the Lacedaemonian commandant, engages 
 Thrasylus in defence of Chalcedon, 361 slain, and 
 his troops retreat, ib. 
 
 Honey, of a noxious quality, 253. 
 
 Horsemanship, 717. 
 
 Hunting, 
 
 Hypermenes succeeds Mnasippus in command, 465 
 his arrangements after the defeat at Corcyra, ib. 
 
 Hyrcanians described, and their manner of serving the 
 Assyrians in war, 57 revolt to Cyrus, ib. 78 on tho 
 same footing with Modes and Persians, 59 their ad- 
 vantage over the Persians by their horse, 60 culti 
 vated by Cyrus, 59, 60, 64 attend him in the war 
 with zeal, 80. 
 
 Hystaspes, one of the alike-honoured, 61 his story of 
 the greedy soldier, 27 his speech in behalf of tem- 
 perance, 61 puts Gadatas into a panic, 95 his free- 
 dom with Cyrus, ib. reduces Phrygia, 119 de- 
 spatched by Cyrus to raise money, 135 receives in 
 marriage the daughter of Gobryas, 142. 
 
 I& J 
 
 Jason. See dissertation upon the Argonautic expedi- 
 tion, 322. 
 
 Jason, Polydamas's account of, 461 463 appointed 
 supreme governor of Thessaly, ib. strength of hia 
 army, ib. accedes to a pressing proposal to join the 
 Thebans, 473 expeditiousness of his march, ib. dis- 
 suades the Thebans from prosecuting further hostili 
 ties, 473 advises the Lacedcemonians to procure a 
 peace, ib. probable motive for this interposition, ib. 
 obtains terms for the Lacedaemonians at their request, 
 ib. on his return takes the suburbs of Hyampolis 
 ib. demolishes the fortifications of Heraclea, 474 
 cause of this, ib. greatness of his government, for 
 ces, and personal character, ib. detail of his prepa 
 rations for the Pythian games, ib. among his splen 
 did schemes becomes the victim of seven assassins, ib 
 two of his murderers slain, the rest received with 
 honour in Greece, ib. 
 
 Jasonian shore, 309. 
 
 Iconium, a city of Phrygia, 173. 
 
 Ida, mount, 347. 
 
 Indian, the, subject to the Assyrian, 12 sends an em 
 bassy to Cyrus, 33 Cyrus's message to him for mo- 
 ney, 46. 
 
 lonians obliged to attend Croesus, 100. 
 
 Ionia, cities of, revolt from Tissaphernes to Cyrus, 
 JC8. 
 
 Iphicrates invests and plunders the country of Phlius, 
 424 invades Arcadia, 425 successful in Ins warlike 
 undertakings, 428 senj to counteract the proceedings 
 of Anaxibius, 434 carries on a piratical war with 
 him, ib. marches into the territory of Abydos, 435 
 sallies out on Anaxibius, pursues his army with 
 slaughter, ib. returns to the Chersonesus, ib. cho- 
 sen to command an Athenian fleet, 464 his voyage 
 and prudent arrangements, 465, 466 captures a La- 
 cedaemonian auxiliary, ib. employs his mariners in 
 tillage for the Corcywans, 467 makes war ort the 
 Thurians, ib. prepares to devastate the territory of 
 Lacedffimon, ib. commendation of him, ib. recalled 
 
INDEX. 
 
 749 
 
 and obliged .to restore captures, 470 commands the 
 
 Athenian succour to Laconia, 481 strictures on hi: 
 
 conduct, ib. 
 Iris, a river, 294. 
 
 Jscholaus guards the pass of the Skiritis, 478 slain, ib 
 Ischomachus, his character, 655- visited by Socrates, ib 
 
 delineates the picture of an amiable wife, and the 
 
 utility of method, ib. 662 detail of his whole econo 
 
 my, 083667. 
 Itmenias, a factionary in Thebes, 447 taken into cus 
 
 tody, ib. brought to trial, 447 suffers death, ib. 
 Issi, a town of Cilicia, 174, 
 Issus, the last town in Cilicia, 176. 
 Itabelius comes to the relief of Asidates, 348. 
 
 K 
 
 Kings compared to fathers, 129 benefits arising from 
 their good example, 131 public virtue depends main- 
 ly upon it, 129 ought to be the superior man, 132 
 called a seeing law, 131-herdsmen, 1, 134 gain reve- 
 rence from majesty and pomp, 132, 136 faithful 
 friends their best security, 149 wearisome court paid 
 to them, 122 humorously represented, ib. Cyrus 
 the most excellent of all, 1. See Hiero. 
 
 Lebotas, the Lacedemonian commandant, slain, 361. 
 
 Lacedtemonians, masters of all Greece, 318 resolve on 
 war with Tissaphernes, 339 their dexterity at steal- 
 ing, 248 send Thimbro with a strong force to com- 
 mand in the cities of Ionia, 395 exasperated against 
 the Eleans, 401 provocations to this, ib. the ephori 
 proclaim an expedition against them, ib. proclaim 
 war against the Thebans, 409 take the field against 
 Grecian states, 418, 419 appoint Aristodemusto the 
 command, ib.- their number and that of their confede- 
 rates, ib. amount of the combined opposition force, 
 ib. description of their first engagement, 420 pro- 
 claim an expedition against Argos, 429 make an 
 unsuccessful effort at peace, 432 send assistance to 
 the Rhodians, 433 tired of war, 442 their peace 
 with Athens and confederates, 443 recover the al- 
 liance of Corinth, ib. liberate Bobotia from Thebes, 
 ib. determine to punish untractable confederates, 
 ib. proclaim an expedition against the Mantineans, 
 ib. their proceedings regarding Olynthus, 445 fit 
 out an expedition against it, ib. 446 establishment 
 of their empire over Greece, 451 chastised for breach 
 of faith, ib. put to death their commandant at 
 Thebes, 452 proclaim an expedition against the 
 Thebans, ib. swear to a peace with the Athenians, 
 469, 470 sustain a severe defeat of Leuctra, 472 
 bring off the dead by truce, ib. effects of the intelli- 
 gence at Lacedaemon, ib. order out the two remain- 
 ing brigades, ib. embody every possible aid, ib. 473 
 giv Archidamus the command, ib. enter into 
 terms with the Thebans, 473 immediately begin 
 their march in secrecy, ib. return to Lacodsmon, 
 ib. resolve to take the field in the cause of the 
 Tegeatae, 476 make war on the Mantineans, ib. 
 their country invaded. See Thebans and Arcadians 
 repulse the enemy's infantry, 479 send ambas- 
 sadors to Athens, ib. commission ambassadors to 
 form a league with Athenians, 485 their agree- 
 63* 
 
 ment, 486 and Athenians resolve to guard Oneura, 
 486-and Pellenians attacked at unawares by Die The- 
 bans, ib. 487 their commander gives an advantage to 
 the enemy, ib. receive a body of mercenaries from 
 Philiscus, 488-and the second aid from Dionysius, ib. 
 grant permission to the Corinthians to come to 
 terms with Thebes, 497 send succour to the Eleana, 
 498 march by night to Cromnus, 499 liberate some 
 of their besieged countrymen, ib. their enemies di- 
 vide the rest, ib. account of the Lacedemonian re- 
 public, 705. 
 
 Laconia invaded. See Thebans and Orcadians. 
 Lampsacus, a sea-port town, 346. 
 Larissa, a-large uninhabited city, 227. 
 Lecheum, a Lacedaemonian brigade at, severely defeat- 
 ed, 427, 428. 
 Leo, an Athenian ambassador atthecourtof Persia, 459 
 
 accuses Timagoras, 490. 
 
 Leontiades, a factionary in Thebes, 446 cajoles Phcb- 
 bidas, ib. proposes to betray the city, ib. his man- 
 ner of accomplishing this, ib. addresses the senate, 
 ib. sets out for Lacedaemon, ib. speaks in a council 
 of state, 447 his faction masters of Thebes, ib.-killed 
 by Phyllidas, 451, 452. 
 Leo ty chides, his claim to be king of Sparta overruled, 
 
 403. 
 
 Libys, brother to Lysander, commands the Lacedaemo- 
 nian fleet in the Pireeus, 389 cuts off provisions from 
 the enemy, ib. t 
 
 Lupercalian sacrifices, 171. 
 Lycaonia, the army marches through and plunders it, 
 
 172. 
 Lycaonians, mastersof the strong places that command 
 
 the country, 223. 
 Lycius the Syracusan sent to reconnoitre the enemy, 
 
 194. 
 
 Lycius the Athenian made commander of the horse, 226 
 pursues the enemy, 241 takes part ^f their bag- 
 gage, ib. accompanies Xenophon to see the cause 
 of a shouting in the army, 251. 
 
 Lycomedes of Mantinea, his birth, wealth and ambition, 
 487 fills the Arcadians with notions of their impor- 
 tance, ib. quits Thebes. 490 accomplishes an alli- 
 ance between the Athenians and Arcadians, 496 
 manner of his death, ib. 
 
 Lycon the Achaean opposes Xenophon, 296 his propo- 
 sal, 310 sent to demand money of Heraclea.ib. one 
 of the heads of the division, ib. 
 
 Lycophron schemes to be king of all Thessaly, 379 de- 
 feats the Larisseans, ib. 
 
 ycurffus,one of the betrayers of Byzantium, 362. 
 yens, a river, 310. 
 ydia, the sea of, 347. 
 jijdia, the army marches through it, 170. 
 ydians subject to the Assyrian, 12 their number and 
 strength under Crttsus, 23 their consternation on 
 the capture of Sardes, 115 become subject to Cyrus, 
 1 their ears bored, 219. 
 
 ysander commands the Lajcedasmonian fleet, 364- -at- 
 tacks and defeats Antiochus and assistants, 365- his 
 self-complacency at the expiry of his command.ib. 
 his friends clamour at his dismissal from office, ib 
 again received into command by the Lacedemonians, 
 
 375 assaults a confederate city of the Athenians, 376 
 
 takes Lampsaeus by storm, ib. collects all the ships 
 of Lacedffimon into one fleet, 376 procures from Oy- 
 rus a supply of money, 376 his proceedings before 
 the battle of ^Bgos-potamos, 376, 377 totally defeats 
 
750 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 the Athenians there, ib. desires the advice of his 
 confederates regarding his prisoners, 377 puts Philo- 
 cies to death, ib. permits his Athenian captives to 
 return home, ib. marches a numerous army to 
 Athens, 378 encamps in the Academy, ib. replaces 
 the jEginetee and Melians in their respective cities, ib. 
 lays waste Salamis, and stations himself in the Pi- 
 raeus, ib. sends a guard to the thirty, 380 invests 
 the SamSans, ib. compels them to capitulate, ib. 
 sails to Lacedaemon with the spoils and honours of 
 the late war, ib. procures a loan for the reduction 
 of the enemy in the Piraeus, 389 he and his brother 
 ordered to take the command by land and sea, ib. 
 accompanies Agesilaus in his expedition to Asia, 
 404, 405 crowds of people pay court to him, ib. 
 sent by Agesilaus to the Hellespont, ib. induces 
 Spithridates to revolt from Pharnabazus, 406 as- 
 saults Haliartus, 418 the Thebans hasten to its re- 
 lief, and engage him under the walls, ib. defeated 
 and slain, ib. 
 
 Lysimachus butchers some persons of ^Exone, 389. 
 
 Lysippus left by Agis in command of a garrison, 402 
 ravages the territory of the Eleans, ib. 
 
 M 
 
 Macrom'ans oppose the Greeks, 251 enter into treaty 
 with them, ib. assist and conduct the Greeks, ib. 
 a free nation, 349. 
 
 Meander, the river, 171 the head of it, ib. 
 
 Mtesades, father to Seuthes, 332 and 338. 
 
 Magade, a musical instrument, 335. 
 
 Magi, the regard paid to them in waflfcy Cyrus, 67 in 
 peace, 131 have the first choice of spoil for the gods, 
 67 and ground for sacred use, 122 appointed to sing 
 a morning hymn to the gods, 131 direct the public 
 sacrifices, ib. and sacred affairs, 136, 138. 
 
 Magnesians, their dance, 305. 
 
 Mandane, mother of Cyrus. 2. 
 
 Mania, widow of Lenis, 396 governor of jEolia,396 
 visits Pharnabazus, ib. entrusted by him with the 
 sub-government of ^Eolia, ib. her policy, liberality, 
 and bravery, ib. takes the field with Pharnabazus 
 in his invasions, 397 loaded by him with honours. 
 ib. strangled by her son-in law in a fitof envy, ib. 
 her son meets the same fate, ib. 
 
 Mantineans, their dance, 306 blockaded in their city, 
 443 compelled to capitulate, ib. settled in four 
 villages, 444 ruled by an aristocracy, ib. resolve 
 to re-settle in the city of Mar.tinea, 475 refuse the 
 terms of Agesilaus, ib. Arcadians and Eleans assist 
 them in the fortification, ib. take the field against 
 the Orchomenians, 476 a skirmish, ib. resist en- 
 croachments on the sacred treasure, 500 send notice 
 to the other Arcadians to stand in defence, 501 de- 
 mand from Tegea their detained citizens, ib. 
 
 Mantitheus, having been taken prisoner in Caria, and 
 sent to Sardis, escapes along with Alcibiades, 357. 
 
 Market, full, a time of day, 200. 
 
 Marsyes, a river, origin of its name, 171. 
 
 Masca, a river in Arabia, 181. 
 
 Medes, their luxury and effeminacy, 5, 151 use paint 
 for their eyes and complexion, an* 1 , r alse hair, 5 their 
 king a tyrant, 7 designs of the Asfyrian king against 
 them, 12 their number and force under Cyrus, 24 
 indulge themselves after the enemy's defeat, 56 as 
 many as will have liberty to attend Cyrus, 57 their 
 
 different motives, 58 their advantage over the Per- 
 sians by their horse, 61 Cyrus's methods to captivate 
 their affection, 64 have the distribution of the spoil, 
 69 the Median messenger sent by Cyaxares to Cy- 
 rus, 64 the Mede who requested and obtained one 
 of Cyrus's fine women, 69 stay with Cyrus in hia 
 new government, 142 voluntarily submit to it, 1 
 all Media given to Cyrus in dowry, 144 satrapy of 
 the Medes bequeathed to Taxoaxares, 149. 
 
 Media, the wall of, 187, 206 the desert part of, 208. 
 
 Medocus, king of the Odrysians, 332, 334. 
 
 Medosades sent from Seuthes to Xenophon, 327, 331 
 confirms Xenophon's account, ib. villages given him 
 by Seuthes, 343 his speech to Xenophon, ib. de- 
 sires him to call the Lacedaemonians, ib. his sub- 
 missive behaviour to them, 344 wishes that Xeno- 
 phon may be sent to Seuthes, ib. 
 
 Megabysus, sacristan to Diana, 287. 
 
 Megaphernes put to death for treason, 172. 
 
 Melandeptans, 332. 
 
 Melenophagi, Thracians so called, 339. 
 
 Mello, a Theban refugee, 451 meets Phyllidas at 
 Athens, ib. they conspire against the Theban go- 
 vernment, ib. he and accomplices assassinate the 
 generals of the state, ib. 
 
 Menon the Thessalian joins Cyrus, 171 escorts the Ci- 
 lician queen, 172 part of his army destroyed, 174 
 persuades his men to pass the Euphrates before the 
 rest, 179 supposed to receive large 'presents, ib. has 
 the left wing assigned him, 185 nexttoClearchusin 
 battle, 187 sent to Ariseus, 199 and remains with 
 him, 201 his intimacy with Ariseus, 207 suspected 
 to be the author of the jealousies, 21] apprehended, 
 ib. his character, 213 and death, ib. 
 
 Mespila, a large uninhabited city, 227. 
 
 Midas, king of Phrygia, his fountain, 172. 
 
 Midias kills his mother-in-law, 397 seizes two cities 
 where part of her treasure was reposited, ib. sends 
 presents to Pharnabazus, and solicits the government 
 of ^Eolia, ib. severe reply to his message, ib. 
 
 Miletus, a city of Ionia, 168 besieged by Cyrus, ib. 
 
 Millet, 173. 
 
 Mill-stones, where dug, 181. 
 
 Milto, Cyrus's mistress, 193, n. 
 
 Miltocythes, the Thracian, deserts with a strong party, 
 202. 
 
 Mindarus, hastening on an emergency to the assistance 
 of Dorieus, engaged by the Athenians, 357 leads a 
 fleet of 60 Peloponnesian vessels against the Athe- 
 nians, 357 at Cyzicus in company with Pharnabazus 
 and the land force, 358 killed, and his army routed, 
 ib. 
 
 Minerva, temple of in Phocea set on fire by lightning, 
 361. 
 
 Mithridates co*mes to the Greeks, 211 makes deceitful 
 proposals to them, 225 suspected, ib. comes again 
 as a friend, but successfully attacks them, ib. pro- 
 poses to do great things, 226 routed, ib. governor 
 of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, 349. 
 
 Mnasippus made admiral of a Lacedaemonian fleet, 464 
 sails for Corcyra, ib. master of the country, ib. 
 ruins the fine estates, ib. fastidiousness of his sol- 
 diers, ib. closely blocks up the city, ib. his proceed- 
 ings at the siege, 465 negligence of his guards taken 
 advantage of by the enemy, ib. draws up his male 
 content soldiers, ib. overpowered and routed, ib 
 killed, ib. 
 
 Mosynacians, their answer to the Greeks, 287--are a 
 
INDEX. 
 
 751 
 
 divided people, ib. their answer to Xenophon, ib. 
 their habits and military discipline, ib. cause of their 
 divisions, 290 attacked, ib. and routed, ib. the re- 
 markable situation of their towns, 291 their charac- 
 ter, ib. a free nation, 349. 
 
 Jlfyriandrus, a city of Syria, 177. 
 
 Jlfyscon, a Syracusan general, 359. 
 
 Mysian, his false ambuscade, 287 wounded, ib. 
 
 Mysians, Cyrus makes war upon them, 191 inhabit 
 many cities of the king against his will, 223. 
 
 Mysus, his dance, 306 with a woman, ib. 
 
 N 
 
 JVeon the Asinian receives the share of Cheirisophus, 
 287 accuses Xenophon, 297 persuades Xenophon to 
 march by himself, 311 succeeds Cheirisophus,314 
 desirous to please the soldiery, 315 leads out a party, 
 and is defeated, ib. left to guard the camp, ib. for- 
 bids Cyratades to sacrifice, 330 leads the army to the 
 Thracian villages, ib. proposes to go to the Cherso- 
 nesus, ib. draws off his forces, and encamps at a dis- 
 tance. 331 stays when the rest join Seuthes, 332 
 attempts to persuade the rest to stay, ib. 
 
 Neon-Teichus, a town of Thrace, 341. 
 
 Jficander, the Lacedemonian, slays Dexippus, 285. 
 
 JVicarchus, an Arcadian, wounded, and brings the 
 Greeks news of the death of their generals, 211 de- 
 serts with a party, 225. 
 
 Nicolochus commands under Antalcidas, 439 sails to 
 the assistance of Abydos, ib. makes a descent upon 
 Tenedos, ib. sent with a fleet to check Timotheus, 
 458 defeated, ib. 
 
 Nicomachus of Oete offers himself to secure a danger 
 ous post, 248. 
 
 Obolus, 181. 
 
 Odrysians join Seuthes in great numbers, 338,339 Te 
 
 res the king of, ib. one of them comes with Medo^- 
 
 sades to Xenophon, 343 rebukes Medosades, ib. 
 Officers, the several kinds which Cyrus appointed in his 
 
 empire, 130. 
 Olympia, 338. 
 
 Olympic games, their nature and institution, 639. 
 Olynthians, send an embassy to Lacedcemon, 451 be 
 
 come confederates of the Lacedaemonians, ib. 
 Omens, Greek and Roman, 308, n. defined, 519, n. 
 Ophrynion, a town of Dardania, 347. 
 Opis, a large and populous city, 208. 
 Orontas, a Persian, his treachery, 183 discovered, ib 
 
 and condemned, 184 uncertain what became of 
 
 him, ib. 
 Orontas comes to the Greeks, 206 governor of Arme 
 
 nia, 232 his forces, 240. 
 Ostriches, 180. 
 
 Palm-tree, bridges made of, 204. See Vinegar wine. 
 Pamphilu-s, sent against the ^Eginetae, 439. 
 Pancratium, one of the Greek games, 253. 
 Panic, a sort of grain, 173. 
 
 Pantacles presides among the ephori, 361. 
 Panthea, the most beautiful woman of Asia, 69 taken 
 captive by Cyrus's army, 73 chosen by the Medea 
 for Cyrus, ib. example of conjugal affection and 
 heroic virtue, 98 Araspes's description of her per- 
 son and manner, 73 Cyrus afraid to see her, gives 
 her in charge to Araspes, 74 he becomes her captive 
 in love, ib. rejects his solicitations, 97 her goodness 
 in keeping it private from Cyrus, ib. threatened 
 with violation, 98 sends account of it to Cyrus, ib. 
 her gratitude to him, 99 obtains liberty to send for 
 her husband, ib. excites him to gratitude, ib. pre- 
 sents him with a suit of armour and puts it on, 106 
 moving scene between them on that occasion, ib. 
 her love, bravery, and heroic virtue, ib. encourages 
 him to bravery, ib. draws the admiration of the 
 whole army, 107 her affliction over the dead body of 
 her husband, 118 her lamentation, self-upbraidings, 
 &c. 117, 118 pitied and honoured by Cyrus, ib. re- 
 mains inconsolable, ib. kills herself, ib. Cyrus's la- 
 mentation over her, ib. her funeral rites and monu- 
 ment, ib. 
 
 Paphlagonians, subject to the Assyrian, 12 refuse to 
 join the expedition against the Medes and Persians, 
 23 join Croesus, 100-subject to Cyrus, 14-1000 horse 
 in the army of Cyrus, 187 their strength, 294 lose 
 no opportunity of annoying the Greeks, 305. 
 Parasanga, 170. 
 
 Parthenius, a river, 294 its mouth, 310. 
 Pary satis, queen of Persia, 169 loves her youngest son 
 best, 168 villages for her table, 178 her villages upon 
 the Tigris plundered, 208. 
 
 Pasimelus and Alcimenes determine to liberate Co- 
 rinth, 423 confer with Praxitas, ib. Pasimelus re- 
 ceives the harbour of Sicyon for the Lacedaemonians 
 494. 
 
 Pasion the Megarean joins Cyrus, 170 some of his sol- 
 diers go over to Clearchus, 174 deserts, 177. 
 Pasippidas declared an exile from Sparta, 359. 
 Patagyas, a Persian, brings news of the king's ap- 
 proach, 187. 
 Patrocles' 1 speech in an Athenian assembly, 480,481 
 
 harangue in another assembly, 485, 486. 
 
 Paulus JEmilius and his daughter, anecdote of, 519, n. 
 
 Pausanias proclaims a foreign expedition, 389-encamps 
 
 an army near the Pirseus, ib. has a skirmish with 
 
 Thrasybulus, ib. 390 sends emissaries among the 
 
 enemy with instructions, ib. accomplishes an end to 
 
 hostilities, 390 deputed to command the army 
 
 against Thebes, 409 marches against the Thebans, 
 
 411 he and his constituents quail before the enemy, 
 
 ib. demands a truce for removing the dead from 
 
 Haliartus, ib. receives it on condition that he leaves 
 
 the country, ib. dejectedly retires, insulted by the 
 
 enemy, ib. upon his return to Sparta, summoned to 
 
 His trial, ib. his accusation, ib. condemned to die, 
 
 ib. flees to Tegea, and dies there, ib. 
 
 Peisias proceeds against Oneum, 490. 
 
 Pelopidas, sent ambassador to Persia, 489 pleads for 
 
 the Thebans, ib. 
 
 Peloponnesian war finished, 380 names of the ephori 
 of Sparta during its continuance, ib. led by Mindarus 
 to the assistance of Dorieus in a sea-engagement, 
 
 357 their flight towards Abydos, ib. reinforced by 
 
 the land-army of Pharnabazus, ib. they rally and 
 resume the figLt on the beach, ib. defeated at Cyzi- 
 cus, 358. 
 Pergamus, a city of Mysia,,349. 
 
752 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pericles, tutor to Alcibiades, 526. 
 
 Perinthians receive into their city the forces of Alci- 
 biades, 358. 
 
 Perinthus, a city of Thrace, 330. 
 
 Persians, an instance of their ready obedience, 182 
 empire, in what respect weak, ib. their custom of 
 fighting with their heads bare, 187 bucklers, 188 
 how destroyed by the Athenians, 222 their women 
 fair and stately, 223 their bows carry a great way, 
 225 their slingers throw stones too large, 226 their 
 longbows, 228 their armies subject to several incon- 
 veniences in the night, 229 their dance, 306 their 
 number, 4 tribes, 2 country mountainous, 5 bad 
 horsemen, ib. habits coarse, diet plain, 4 form of 
 government limited, 7 their laws and institutions de- 
 scribed, 2 prescribed before all others, 2 careful of 
 the education of their children, ib. their place of dis- 
 cipline, ib. disingenuous people and manners banish- 
 ed from it, ib. division of it into parts according to 
 the respective orders, ib. boys go to public schools to 
 learn justice of the rulers, 2 punished by them for in- 
 justice, particularly ingratitude, ib. taught temper- 
 ance, obedience, &c. 4 eat not with mothers, but 
 teachers, ib. at sixteen enter the order of youth, ib. 
 exercise, arms, military virtues, and public service 
 described, ib. arms and service of the full-grown, ib. 
 the age qualifying for the order of elders, ib. elders 
 choose magistrates, ib. distribute public and private 
 justice, ib. their sentence renders infamous for life, 
 ib. compound of the most excellent men, ib. num- 
 ber of the alike-honoured, 13 their king governed by 
 the law, 7 appears to have been the high priest, 65 
 their piety, faith, and justice, J50 their temperance 
 and exercises, 4, 151 their arms, 24, 25, 151 their 
 manner of fighting, 24 bravery and skill in war, 151 
 disadvantage in war for want of horsemen, 61 end 
 and use of their severe discipline, ib. custom of kiss- 
 ing, when and whom, 11 Persian conversation in Cy- 
 rus's tent, full of humour, 27 30 another, 141,142 
 designs against them, 12 their assistance requested 
 by Cyaxares, ib. elders in council choose Cyrus com- 
 mander of their army, ib. number and components 
 of their army, ib. alike-honoured commissioned to 
 increase their, number, ib. Persian soldiers who at- 
 tend Cyrus, armed same as the alike-honoured, 25 
 exercised and cultivated by Cyrus, ib. 33 their bra- 
 very, obedience, and order, 52 victory over the As- 
 syrian army, ib. 59 call forth Cyrus's praise and gra- 
 titude, 55 abstain from eating while the allies feast 
 themselves, 61, 64 their surpassing vigilance, ib. 
 their self denial with respect to the enemy's treasure, 
 68 body of horse formed for them, 61 , 67 horseman- 
 Bhip established among them, 63 Cyrus's drollery 
 on them, 68 he inures them to greater labour than 
 the rest of the army, 75 their decorum in eating and 
 drinking, 77 nearly worsted by the Egyptians, 114 
 relieved by Cyrus, ib. come off victorious, ib. Per- 
 eian cavalry won m*st reputation of all Cyrus's army, 
 115 Persian garrisons left in Caria, 119 in Phrygia, 
 on the Hellespont, ib. in Sardes,ib. in Babylon, 122 
 Persian lancemen formed by Cyrus, ib. the Per- 
 sians part in settling Cyrus's new government, ib. 132 
 their first use of the Median robe, 136 pay Cyrus 
 adoration, 137 he and they mutually bound by oath, 
 145 extent of the Persian empire under Cyrus, 1, 150 
 bequeathed to Cambyses, 148 degeneracy and ruin 
 of the Persian state, and institutions after Cyrus's 
 death, 150. 
 
 Phalanx, the Macedonian, its conveniences and incon 
 veniences, 225. 
 
 Phalinus, a Greek, in favour with Tissaphernes,200 
 pretender to tactics, ib. his answer to the generals, 
 ib. his reply to Xenophon, 201 asks Clearchus his, 
 opinion, ib. his answer to Clearchus, ib. proposes 
 odd terms to the Greeks, ib. and departs, ib. 
 
 Phanosthenes appointed to succeed Conon at Andros, 
 365 in his passage thither captures two vessels of 
 Thurium, ib. 
 
 Pharnabazus marches a land army to the relief of tha 
 Peloponnesians, 357 animates the Peloponnesians 
 and Syracusans, 358 his preparations for renewing 
 the war, ib. hastily departs tothe relief of Chalcedon, 
 
 , ib. comes to the aid of Abydos, 361 defeated by Al- 
 cibiades, ib. agrees with the Athenians regarding 
 Chalcedon, ih. visited by Mania, 396 appoints her 
 governanteof ^Eolia, ib. his noble reply to a message 
 from her murderer, 397 unites with Tissaphernes, 
 and marches to Ionia , 400 with a detachment attacks 
 a foraging party of Agesilaus, 416 his terms of peace 
 with Agesilaus, 417, 418 incident regarding his son 
 ib. drives from the maritime cities the Lacedaemo- 
 nian commandants, 430 commits the charge of four 
 ships to Conon, ib. sails towards Lacedsemon, 431 
 makes descents on and ravages the coast, ib.- appalled 
 by difficulties, and returns, ib. frightens the Cytheri- 
 ans into a capitulation, ib. threatens Abydos and 
 Sestos with war, 431 ravages the territory of the 
 former, ib. 
 
 Pharus, a river of Cilicia, 176. 
 
 Phasians oppose the Greeks, 247. 
 
 Phasis, a river, 247. 
 
 Pheraulas,a Persian common soldier, much in Cyrus's 
 favour, 30, 136-his speech for proportionable rewards, 
 31 greatly enriched by Cyrus, 136 honoured by him 
 with the care of his procession, 136 his behaviour on 
 being hit with a clod, 138 presented by the Sacian 
 with his horse, ib. by Cyrus with his prize of cups, 
 139 invites the Sacian to a handsome entertainment 
 ib. confers upon him the cups, ib. converses with 
 him on poverty and riches, ib. despises the latter, 
 and bestows all on the Sacian, ib.-Iays himself wholly 
 to enrich the Sacian and cultivate his friends, 140 
 his character of man, ib. 
 
 Philesius, has charge of the ships, 287 against Xeno- 
 phon, 296 condemned to pay a fine, 300 sent to 
 Anaxibius, 329. 
 
 Philiscus arrives from Ariobarzanes, 488 summons 
 the Thebans and Lacedaemonians to treat about a 
 peace, ib. furnishes the latter with a body of merce- 
 naries, ib. 
 
 Philocrat.es sails to assist Evagoras, 433 loses all his 
 vessels, ib. 
 
 Phliasians deliver up their city to the Lacedaemonians, 
 424 persist in faithful attachment to the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, 491 their bravery at the siege of Phlius. 492 
 again invaded by the Argives and Arcadians, 492 
 causes of the enemy's malignance,ib. force them to 
 retire, ib. an army marched against them by the 
 Sicyonian commandant, ib. prevent their descent in- 
 to the plain, 493 a skirmish, ib. a closeengagement, 
 ib. achieve a splendid victory, ib. relieve a Pelle- 
 nian prisoner without ransom, while wanting the 
 necessaries of life, ib. tribute to their generosity and 
 gallantry, ib. reduced to total distress, ib.-dangerous 
 expedient to procure food, ib. encounter the enemy 
 and come off victors, ib. induce Chares to attack the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 753 
 
 Slcyonians, ib. 494 march along with him, ib. the 
 enemy flee at their approach, ib. receive the aid of 
 the Corinthians in carrying off the spoil, ib. ratify 
 an accommodation with Thebes, 497. 
 
 Phlius, the exiles from, complain to the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans, 444 restored to their privileges, ib. citizens of, 
 refuse to do justice to the exiles, 449 the aggrieved 
 lodge their complaint at Lacedaemon, ib. blockaded 
 by Agesilaus, ib. 
 
 Phcebidas, associated in command with udamidas,446 
 marches to Thebes, ib. the city betrayed to him, 
 ib. censured by his countrymen for his presumption, 
 ib. commandant in Thespia. 455 plunders the The- 
 bans, ib. defeated and slain, ib. 
 
 Phoenicians join Croesus against Cyrus, 100 become 
 part of Cyrus's empire, 1. 
 
 Phrasias commands in the rear, 316. 
 
 Phrygia, the country of, 171. 
 
 Phrygians of the greater Phrygia, their force under the 
 Assyrian, 23 join Croesus against him, 100 over- 
 thrown by Cyrus, 120 Artacamus made satrap over 
 them, 146. 
 
 Phrygians of Phrygia on the Hellespont, their force un- 
 der the Assyrian, 23 their flight, 60 allies to Croe- 
 sus, 100 Hystaspes sent against them, 119 their king 
 forced to submit by the revolt of his commanders, ib. 
 garrisons left there for Cyrus, ib. Pharnuchas ap- 
 pointed satrap over them, 146. 
 
 Phryniscus of Achaia leads the army into the Thracian 
 Tillages, 330 proposes to carry it to Seuthes, ib. goes 
 with Xenophon to Seuthes, 332 receives a yoke of 
 oxen from Seuthes, 338 his honest resolution, 339. 
 
 Philesius, an Achaian, chosen general in the room of 
 Menon,221. 
 
 Philip, a buffoon, at Callias'a entertainment, 604, et 
 infra. 
 
 Philoxenus of Pelena mounts the rampart without 
 arms, 286. 
 
 Pholoe, a mountain, 288. 
 
 Phyllidas, an official in Thebes, 451 meets Mello at 
 Athens, ib. agrees with him about a plot against the 
 Theban government, ib. practises a cheat on the 
 libertine generals, ib. takes three assassins to the 
 house of Leontiades, ib. kills him, 452 murders the 
 public jailor, and gives the prisoners their liberty, ib. 
 
 Physcus, a river, 208. 
 
 Physicians, See Surgeons. 
 
 Pigres, interpreter to Cyrus, 172 ordered to assist the 
 carriages, 181 sent from Cyrus to Clearchus, 188. 
 
 Pisander appointed admiral of the fleet, 408 slain at 
 Cnidus, 421. 
 
 Pisidians, 169, 170~Cyrus's first expedition was against 
 them, 191 hold several of the king's cities, 223. 
 
 Pitys presides among the ephori, 365. 
 
 Polemarchus killed, 432. 
 
 Polus appointed admiral in the room of Anaxibius, 330. 
 
 Pollis appointed admiral of a Lacedaemonian fleet, 457 
 biocks up the Athenians at sea, ib. defeated by 
 Chabrias, ib. 
 
 Polyoiades succeeds Agesipolis in command against 
 Olynthus, 450 compels the famishing enemy to send 
 an embassy to Lacedaemon, 451. 
 
 Polycrates, his expedition, 245 has the command of a 
 galley, 285 goes with Xenophon to Seuthes, 331, 
 sent t j fetch in the rest, 332 his speech in favour of 
 Xenophon, 342. 
 
 Polyd anas comes to Lacedcemon, 461 account of him, 
 ib. gives the detail of an interview with Jason, and 
 
 7 describes him, ib. 463 commends the ingenuity of the 
 state, and returns to Pharsalus, ib. negotiates with 
 Jason, ib. 
 
 Polydamas, the Pharsalian, slain by Polyphron, 474. 
 
 Polydorus and Polyphron, succeed Jason in Thessaly, 
 474 sudden death of the former attributed to the vio- 
 lence of the latter, ib. Polyphron holds tyrannical 
 supremacy for a year, ib. killed by Alexander, ib. 
 
 Polynicus sent from Thimbron for the army, 339 in- 
 curs the censure of the army, 346. 
 
 Polytropus slain in fight, 476. 
 
 Pontus, a tenth levied on all vessels from, 358. 
 
 Potamis, a Syracusan general, 359. 
 
 Praxitas overcomes the Argives, 423, 424 seizes Sidus 
 and Crommyon, ib. 
 
 Proanus commands the Corinthian fleet, 432. 
 
 Procles brings news of Cyrus's death to the Greeks, 199 
 comes to them with a message from Ariseus, 291 
 arrives to the assistance of Xenophon, 348. 
 
 Proxenus the Boeotian, a friend to Cyrus, 169 joint 
 Cyrus, 170 interposes between Clearchus and Me- 
 non, 182 his place in the battle, 187 Clearchus con- 
 sults with him about the defence of their camp, 193 
 his answer to Phalinus, 200 alarmed with a false 
 message, 207 apprehended, 211 and beheaded, ib. 
 
 . his character, 212 a great friend to Xenophon, 218 
 not let into Cyrus's secrets, ib. his name inscribed 
 upon Xenophon's offering, 287. 
 
 Pylas, 181. 
 
 Pyramid, the dimensions of, 227. 
 
 Pyramus, a river of Cilicia, 176. 
 
 Pyrias, an Arcadian, commands in the rear, 316. 
 
 Pyrrhic dance, 306. 
 
 Pythagoras, the Lacedemonian admiral, 176. 
 
 Pythodorus, archon, 379. 
 
 Rafts, how made, 182, 208. 
 
 Rathines sent from Pharnabazus to oppose the Greeks, 
 315. 
 
 Rathines and Bancceus, commanders under Pharnaba- 
 zus, defeated, 406. 
 
 Resen, the same with Larissa,226, n. 
 
 Rhodians, expert slingers, 226 do great execution, 228 
 their slings carry farther than the Persian, ib. an 
 ingenious proposal of one, 231. 
 
 Roe-deer, 180, n. 
 
 Romans, their discipline compared with the Macedo- 
 nian, 255. 
 
 Roparas, governor of Babylon, 349. 
 
 s 
 
 Saeian Cup-bearer mimicked and ridiculed by Cyrus, 
 5 Sacian, a private man, carries a prize at the races, 
 138 his conversation with Pheraulus, 139 enriched 
 by him, ib. Sacians receive great injuries from the 
 Assyrian, 78 enemies to him, ib. 81 their zeal in 
 becoming allies to Cyrus, ib. extent of their army, ib. 
 
 Salmydessus, a Thracian town upon the Euxine, 339. 
 
 Saroofa*, an Achaian, ambassador to Sinope, 295 com- 
 mands in the rear, 316. 
 
 Samos, after the battle of JEgos-potamos, the sole ex- 
 ception to a revolt from the Athenians by Greece, 
 378. 
 
 4U 
 
756 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Olynthian horse, ib. enraged at the enemy's success, 
 makes an injudicious movement, ib. killed, ib. his 
 army give way, are pursued and scattered, 449. 
 
 Teres, an ancestor of Seuthes, 331, 338. 
 
 Teribazus, governor of Armenia, in the favour of the 
 king, 242 makes a treaty with the Greeks, 243 fol- 
 lows them at a distance, ib. his treachery, 244 flies 
 and leaves his baggage, ib. governor of the Phasians 
 and Hesperitans, 349 his interview with Antalcidas, 
 432 gives him a supply of money, ib. apprehends 
 Conon, ib. returns from the royal court with Antal- 
 cidas, 441 assembles the states desiring peace, 442 
 reads the mandate of Artaxerxes, ib. 
 
 Teuthrania, a city of Mysia, 199. 
 
 Thapsacus, a city of Syria, 179. 
 
 Tharypas, Menon's favourite, 213 
 
 Thasus, a sedition breaks out in, 359. 
 
 Theagenes the Locrian wounded, 338. 
 
 Thebans, causes for Lacedaemon's declaration of war 
 against, 408, 409 their embassage to the Athenians, 
 ib. 410 pursues the routed army of Lysander, ib. 
 the fugitives rally and repulse them with slaughter, 
 ib. their dejection at the appearance of Pausanias, 
 411 encouraged by his timorous conduct, ib. refuse 
 a truce for removal of the dead, unless the country 
 be evacuated, ib. their insolence while the invaders 
 retire, ib. defeated atCoronea by Agesilaus,422 try 
 to excite a rupture between Athens and Lacedaemon, 
 453 exclude themselves from the peace between 
 Atheisms and Lacedaemon, 470 achieve a notable vic- 
 tory * Leuctra, 472 invite the Athenians to revenge 
 on the Lacedaemonians, 472 reception of their he- 
 rald, ib. send a pressing and successful message to 
 Jason to join them, 473 in con junction with the Ar- 
 cadians invade Laconia, 478 state of the army under 
 Epammondas, ib. n. put Sellasia to fire and sword, 
 478 continue their ravages in Sparta, ib. return 
 from the invasion of Laconia, 481 an attempt on the 
 lives of the commanders, 482, n. attack the Lacedee- 
 monians while in disorder, 486, 487 join their con- 
 federates and march against Epidaurus, 487 repelled 
 in an attempt to enter Corinth, ib. galled by the 
 horsemen of Dionysius, 487 they and confederates 
 disperse to their homes, ib. aim at the sovereignty 
 of Greece, 489 send Pelopidas to the king of Persia, 
 ib. proceedings there, ib. 490 summon deputations 
 from their confederates, ib. the king's letter read, ib. 
 the states refuse to take their oath, ib. their scheme 
 of empire disconcerted, ib. set up a democracy in 
 Achaia, 490 bring to trial the assassins of Euphron, 
 495 accusation of the magistrates, ib. defence of the 
 leading conspirator, ib. 496 pronounce Euphron just- 
 ly slain, 496 ratify a peace with Corinth, 497 and 
 with the Phliasians, ib. 
 
 Thebes, plain of, 347. 
 
 Thebes, generals of the state assassinated, 451 public 
 prison evacuated, 452the citizens take arms, ib. the 
 citadel surrendered by the Lacedjemonian command- 
 ant, ib. See Phyllidas and Mello. 
 
 Theches, the holy mountain, 249. 
 
 Themistogenes the Syracusan, reference to a history 
 of his, 395. 
 
 Theramenes joins the Athenians with 20 ships from 
 Macedonia, 357 and Bubulus left in charge of Chry- 
 sopolia, 358 their official instructions, ib. distin- 
 guishes himself in bringing to trial his coadjutors in 
 command, 369 sent ambassador-plenipotentiary to 
 negotiate for a peace, 379 chosen one of the thirty, 
 
 ib. rigorously resists a measure of the oligarchy, 380, 
 381 refuses his consent to the murder of the sojourn- 
 ers, 382 attacked in the senate by Critias, ib. 383 ' 
 makes his defence, ib. 385 seized by eleven armed 
 men, at the command of Critias, ib. circumstances 
 and manner of his death, ib. 
 
 Therimachus commands in Methymne, 434 slain, and 
 his forces routed by Thrasybulus, ib. 
 
 Thermodon, a river, 294 its mouth, 310. 
 
 Thersander a soldier and musician,"slain, 433. 
 
 Thimbro commands in the Ionian cities, 395 makes 
 many conquests and receives various acquisition s,ib. 
 396 superseded by Dercyllidas, ib. accused, fined, 
 and sent into exile, ib. sent to make war on Struthes, 
 432 his devastating progress, ib. attacked and 
 killed, 433. 
 
 Thimbron sent from Greece against Tissaphernes, 339 
 arrives and takes the army under his command, 349 
 makes war upon Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, 
 ib. 
 
 Thirty, names of the, composing the Athenian oli- 
 garchy, 379 put into commission after the demoli- 
 tion of the walls and Piraeus, 380 appointed to re- 
 model the code of laws, ib. fill the senate by their 
 own nominations, ib. subject to capital punishment 
 those who subsisted as informers, ib. cabal to form 
 themselves into an arbitrary council, ib. procure a 
 guard from Lysander, ib. put many unjustly to 
 death, 381 alarmed for their safety, ib. draw up a 
 list of 3000 persons to be associated with them, ib. 
 summon the city to a review, ib. disarm the whole 
 except the elected, ib. capriciously put many to 
 death, ib. their iniquitous plan to raise money op- 
 posed by Theramenes, 382 they combine against 
 him, ib. successively harangued by Critias and The- 
 ramenes, ib. 385 defeated in their attempt to re- 
 cover the fort of Phyle, 386 feel their influence be- 
 ginning to totter, ib. to prepare for the worst, think 
 of securing Eleusis, ib. their successful stratagem 
 for securing Eleusis, 387 defeated at the Piraeus, 388 
 during a truce appealed to on the injustice of theit 
 conduct, ib. deprived of office by a party of the 3000, 
 388 ten chosen in their stead, one from each tribe, 
 ib. retire to Eleusis, ib. implore succour from Lace- 
 daemon, 389. 
 
 Thorax, his false information concerning Xenophon's 
 design, 296 sent by Timasion to Sinope and Hera- 
 clea, ib. his proposals to give the army pay, ib. 
 disappointed, 297. 
 
 Thorax, a Lacedaemonian, commands the Abydenians, 
 376. 
 
 Thoricus fortified by the Athenians, 360. 
 
 Thrace, Asiatic, described, 313. 
 
 Thracians, mercenaries to the Assyrian, 100 upon the 
 Hellespont, 169 their dance, 305 have the advan- 
 tage over the Arcadians, 312 reduce them to great 
 straits, ib. frightened away by Xenophon, ib. cus- 
 tom of drinking out of horns, 331 andof buying their 
 wives, 332 wear fox-skins, 336 treat about a peace, 
 337 have a design to surprise Xenophon, and are 
 routed, 338 those above Byzantium, ib. See Meli- 
 nophagi. 
 
 Thrasybulus assists the Athenians with 20 vessels from 
 Thasus, 357 a commander in the Athenian fleet, 363 
 sets out from Thebes, and invests Phyle, 386 pro- 
 ceeded against by the thirty, ib. repulses them, ib. 
 makes a rapid descent on their army, and puts them 
 to flight, ib. marches into the Pireeus, 387 harangue? 
 
INDEX. 
 
 757 
 
 his army, ib. 388 conquers that of the thirty, ib. 
 blockaded by the Lacedaemonians in the Piraeus, 389 
 his supplies cut off, ib. driven back in a skirmish 
 with Pausanias, ib. addresses the party in Athens, 
 after the reconciliation, 390, 391 sails to join the 
 Athenian fleet, 441 his vessels captured by Antalci- 
 das, 442 despatched to annoy the Lacedemonians, 
 433 reconciles Amadocus and Seuthes, 434 makes 
 them confederates of Athens, ib. obliges the Byzan- 
 tines to change their government, ib. proceeds 
 against Methymne, ib. overthrows the army of 
 Therimachus, ib. killed in his tent by the Aspendi- 
 ans, ib. 
 
 Thrasydams, head of the popular party in Elis, 402 
 proposes terms of agreement with Lacedtemon.ib. 
 procures a peace and enters the confederacy, ib. 
 
 Thrasylus sails to Athens to ratify the success of a na- 
 val fight, 357 puts himself at the head of the Athe- 
 nians, to defend their city from Agis, 359 rewarded 
 for his bravery by the grant of the reinforcements he 
 came for, ib. equipped for war, assaults Pygela, and 
 lays the adjacent country waste, 360 after various 
 successful attacks, sails to Epbesus, ib. met by the 
 whole force of Ephesus and numerous confederates, 
 ib. totally repulsed, ib. gives chase to 25 sail of Sy- 
 racusans, and takes 4, ib. joins the rest of the fleet 
 at Sestos, ib. a commander in the Athenian fleet, 
 363. 
 
 Thymbrium, a city, 172. 
 
 Thymochares, leader of the Athenians, defeated by He- 
 gesandridas, 357. 
 
 Thynians, dangerous enemies in the night, 331. See 
 Thracians. 
 
 Tibarenians, the Greeks not suffered to attack them, 
 292 a free nation, 349. 
 
 Tigranes hunts with Cyrus, 39 arrives at the trial of 
 his father, ib. pleads his father's cause, 40 his sen- 
 timents of modesty, punishment, fear, ib. his po- 
 litical admonitions to Cyrus, 42 prevails with him in 
 favour of his father, ib. his love for his wife, 43 
 joins Cyrus with an Armenian force, 44 attends him 
 in his wars, 43, 142 his modesty and obedience, 75 
 gains the prize at a horse-race, 138 invited to Cy- 
 rus's entertainment, 140 has a present made him for 
 his wife, 142. 
 
 Tigris, the river, 202 the Greeks pass it, 208 the head 
 of it, 235 the Greeks advance above the head of it, 
 242. 
 
 Timagoras sent ambassador to Persia, 489 his infide- 
 lity to his trust, ib. honoured by the king, ib. ac- 
 cused by Leo, and put to death by the Athenians, 
 490. 
 
 Timasion, a Dardanian, chosen general in the room of 
 Clearchus, 220 his false information against Xeno- 
 phon, 295 engages for a sum of money to carry the 
 army out of the Euxine, 296 promises the army 
 pay, disappointed of the money, 297 and is sorry for 
 what is passed, ib. sent before with the horse, 312 
 pursues the enemy, 317 forbids Cyratades to sa- 
 crifice, 330 leads the army to the Thracian villages, 
 ib. desirous to return home, ib. his present to 
 Seuthes, 335 leads on with Seutbes, 336 receives a 
 yoke of oxen from Seuthes, 338 his honest resolu- 
 tion, 339. 
 
 Timesitheus of Trebisond sent to the Mosynoecians, 
 289. 
 
 Timocrates moves for the imprisonment of the com- 
 manders at Arginusas, 368 deputed by Tithraustes 
 64 
 
 to distribute money in Greece, 408 deals it out to 
 leading men at Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, ib. 
 
 Timolaus of Corinth harangues bis confederates on the 
 war with Lacedaemon, 419. 
 
 Timotheus, an Athenian commander, 457 reduces Cor- 
 cyra, 458 defeats Nicolochus, ib. 
 
 Tisiphonus, an agent in the murder of Alexander, 475 
 succeeds to the supremacy in Thessaly, ib. 
 
 Tissaphernes accompanies Cyrus to court, 167 accuses 
 him of treason, 168 informs the king of Cyrus's pre- 
 parations, 170 commands a body of horse under the 
 king, 186 penetrates through the Greeks, 193 sends 
 heralds to the Greeks, 200 his speech to the gene- 
 rals, 205 replies to Clearchus, ib. makes fair pro- 
 mises, ib. comes to and conducts the Greeks, 206 
 insults the memory of Cyrus, 207 quiets the sus- 
 picions of Clearchus, 210 invites the generals to his 
 tent.ib. most impious and deceitful, 211 approach- 
 es the Greeks, and forced to retire with loss, 226 
 harasses them at a distance, 327 attacks them and is 
 repulsed, 228 disappointed by the diligence of Xeno- 
 phon, 230 sets fire to the villages, 231 comes to the 
 Hellespont and arrests Alcibiades, 357 sends him 
 prisoner to Sardes, ib. accused by Hermocrates, 359 
 raises the Ephesians against Thrasylus, 360 insists 
 that the cities of Ionia acknowledge him for their 
 master, 395 they refuse to receive him within their 
 walls, ib. joins his army to that of Phainabazus, 400 
 they proceed against Ionia, ib. a verse to meet the 
 army of Dercyllidas in fight, 401-desires a conference, 
 ib. he and Pharnabazus make a truce with the ene- 
 my, ib. breaks faith with Agesilaus, 405 declares 
 war against Agesilaus, 406 despatches his infantry 
 to intercept Agesilaus, 407 they suffer a severe de- 
 feat, 407 accused by the Persians as their betrayer, 
 ib. beheaded by order of the king, 408. 
 
 Tithraustes commissioned by the king of Persia to be- 
 head Tissaphernes, 407 excites a spirit of rebellion 
 in Greece against the Lacedaemonians, 408 requires 
 Agesilaus to return to Greece, 408 receiving a refu- 
 sal, supplies him with money to leave his present sta- 
 tion, ib. 
 
 Tolmides, the crier, 203,220. 
 
 Trains, 178. 
 
 Trebisond, a Greek city, 253 the inhabitants of, receive 
 the Greeks kindly, ib. supply them with galleys, 285 
 conduct them, ib. 
 
 Trojans, their form of war-chariots altered by Cyrus, 
 97. 
 
 Turbans, different sorts of, 210, n. 
 
 u&v 
 
 Ulysses arrives asleep in his own country, 283. 
 Vesta, supplications to her, 14. 
 Vinegar made from the fruit of the palm-tree, 204. 
 Virtue and Vice, description of them, 29. 
 Vulcan, god of fire, 121. 
 
 w 
 
 War described and justified by Cambyses, 13, 20 quali- 
 fications and part of a general, ib. of subordinate 
 officers, 25 of soldiers, ib. 52 use of horse and of 
 horsemen, 62 war-chariots, 97, 99 camels unfit for, 
 115, tent-officers, 60 arms for a close engagement. 
 
758 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 04 servants of an army, 26 slingerswhen and when 
 not useful, 119 rewards to an army, 17, 25, 28, 116 
 effects of devotion, 51, 113 inspiration of love, obe- 
 dience, and all military virtues, 17, 25, 33, 82, 129, 131 
 utility of disposing each regiment in a tent, 26 
 ruies to take advantage of the enemy, 18 rules and 
 order of a march, 20, 35, 81, 87, 99 rules for encamp- 
 ment, 16, 49, 97, 103 order of one, 143 Barbarian 
 entrenchments described, 49 policy and tricks to- 
 wards an enemy, 18, 34, 49, &c, approach to the 
 enemy, 49 spies and intelligence, 20, 83, 97, 100 
 viewing stations, 103 how an army is to be disposed 
 and drawn off in a siege, 120 preparations for an en- 
 gagement, 19, 20, 25, 81, &c. engagement described, 
 52, 112 execution done by a phalanx of friends, 113 
 distribution of spoil, 66, 69, 122 behaviour towards 
 the subdued, 63, 68 right of conquest asserted over 
 persons and fortunes, 125 religion supremely neces- 
 sary to it, 103. 106 et infra. 
 
 Wife, delineation of an amiable, 655, et infra. 
 
 Wine made from the fruit of the palm-tree, 204. 
 
 Xanticles, an Achaian, chosen general in the room of 
 Socrates, 220 condemned in a fine, 300. 
 
 Xenias the Arcadian, or Parrhasian, commander of the 
 Greeks who accompanied Cyrus, 167 ordered to 
 bring the garrisons, 170 joins Cyrus, ib. solemnizes 
 the Lupercalian sacrifices, 171 several of his men de- 
 sert to Clearchus, 174 leaves Cyrus's service, 177. 
 
 Xenias and accomplices makes an unsuccessful attempt 
 to secure Elisforthe Lacedaemonians, 402 flee from 
 the city to the invaders, ib. 
 
 Xenophon speaks to Cyrus, 189 answers to Phalinus, 
 200 desirous to know what became of Proxenus, 
 211 reply to Ariceus, ib. cause of his embarking in 
 this undertaking. 217 his uneasiness, dream, and 
 soliloquy, 2i8 assembles the captains and speaks to 
 them.ib. answers A pollonides, 219 his speech to 
 the officers, 220 addresses the army, 221 his propo- 
 sals to the army concerning their march, 224 pur- 
 sues the enemy without success, 225 owns himself 
 in the wrong for so doing, ib. prevents the enemy, 
 229 instance of his condescension to a rude soldier, 
 230 his speech concerning the enemy's burning their 
 own country, 231 brings up the rear, 235, 236 
 blames Cheirisophus, ib. makes a point to deceive 
 the enemy, 237 treats with the Carduchians about 
 the slain, 238 in danger, 239 prevails upon the 
 barbarians to deliver up their dead, ib. he and 
 
 Cheirisophus assist each other, ib. his dream, 240 
 
 easy of access, ib. makes a libation, ib. frightens 
 the enemy by a stratagem, ib. prevents the Cardu- 
 chians, 241 passes the Centrites, 242 instance of his 
 hardiness, ib. his care of the sick, 244 tries all 
 means to make the soldiers to march, 245 passes 
 
 the night with his men without fire or victuals, ib. 
 
 uses the bailiff of a village kindly, 246 visits Chei- 
 risophus, ib. comes back to his quarters, ib. has 
 some difference with Cheirisophus, 247 his speech 
 
 about attacking the enemy, ib. his readiness for the 
 undertaking, 249 gives advice on forcing the Tao- 
 chians, ib. accompanies Cheirisophus upon the un- 
 dertaking, ib. his surprise at the shouts of the men, 
 251 orders a targeteer to discourse with the Ma- 
 cronians, ib. persuades the generals to alter their 
 disposition, ib. his opinion on the army's stay at 
 Trebisond, 283 marches against the Drilians, 285 
 gives directions for the attack, ib. orders the houses 
 to be set on fire, 287 his offering to Apollo and 
 Diana, ib. harangues the Mosyncfccians, 289 en- 
 courages the soldiers, 290 answers Hecatony mus, 292 
 his proposals to the Sinopeans, 293 has thoughts 
 of building a city, 295 accused to the army, ib. 
 vindicates himself, 296 refuses to come into the 
 measures of Timasion and Thorax, 297 addresses 
 the army on returning to the Phasis, ib. proposes to 
 purify the army, 300 tried for beating a man, ib. 
 his defence, ib. acquitted, 302 declines the post of 
 general, 309 hia soeech on that occasion, ib. reason 
 of his refusal, ib. averse to go to Heraclea, 310 
 persuaded to march by himself, 311 first sails and 
 then marches through the middle of the country, ib. 
 speaks to his men concerning the relief of the Arca- 
 dians, 312 offers sacrifice concerning their going out 
 of the camp, 314 proposes to march, ib. rcfifses to 
 lead the army, 315 goes to the aid of a party, ib. 
 marches against the enemy, ib. his proposal for the 
 attack, 316 answers Sophaenetus, ib. encourages 
 the men, 317 orders the attack, ib. appeases a tu- 
 mult, 318 his speech concerning the affair of Dex- 
 ipp.us, ib. offers Cleander the command of the army, 
 320 contracts friendship with him, ib. proposes to 
 leave the army, 327 replies to the message of 
 Seuthes, ib. advised by Cleander, not to go away, 
 ib. takes leave of them, 330 arrives again at the 
 army, ib. answers Seuthes, 331 danger of being 
 apprehended, ib. goes to Seuthes, ib. who makes 
 him large promises, 332 proposes to the army the 
 joining of Seuthes, ib. in some perplexity about a 
 present, 334 his present to Seuthes, 335 proposes 
 the Greek manner of marching, ib. orders the young 
 men to advance, 336 possesses himself of the emi- 
 nences, ib. quarters in a village near the enemy, 
 337 in great danger, 338 marches up the mountain, 
 ib. reprimands fcleraclides, ib. accused by an Arca- 
 dian, 340 vindicates himself, ib. offers sacrifice to 
 Jupiter, 342 answers Medosades, 343 advises the 
 Lacedaemonians, ib. his proposal to Medosades, 344 
 his speech to Seuthes, ib. his prudent management, 
 346 offers sacrifice to Meilichian Jupiter, 347 sells 
 his horse, ib. goes out upon an expedition without 
 success, 348 goes out again and succeeds, ib. in 
 good circumstances, 349. 
 
 Xerxes builds a palace and citadel at Celjenae, 170 in- 
 vades Greece and is vanquished, 222. 
 
 Zabates, a river, 208 the Greeks pass it, 225. 
 Zelarchus, a commissary, attacked, 299 escape* by 
 sea, ib. 
 
 THE END.